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a. Why does the King appoint three Ducal Ministers and nine Ministers? Heaven, however divine, must depend on the light of sun and moon; Earth, however potent, must have the erosive influence of mountains and rivers; a Sage, though possessing the spiritual power of ten thousand men, needs the aid of able and worthy men, [namely] the three Ducal Ministers, the nine Ministers, the twenty-seven great officers, and the eighty-one common officers 1, with whom, in conformity with Heaven, [he can] make his Way complete.
b. The ssŭ-ma2 supervises the army, the ssŭ-t'u3 supervises the people, the ssŭ-k'ung4 supervises the earth. When a King has received the mandate [of Heaven] he has the task of [regulating the affairs which pertain to] Heaven, Earth, and Man. Therefore he divides his task by appointing three Ducal Ministers, each supervising one [part of it], so as to make his work efficient.
c. One Ducal Minister appoints three Ministers, so that there are nine Ministers. The Way of Heaven everywhere perfects itself in [the number of] three. Heaven has the Three Luminary Bodies 5: the sun, the moon, and the stars; Earth has the Three Configurations 6: high, low, and level; man has the Three Elevated Positions 7: Lord, father, and teacher. Therefore one Ducal Minister has three Ministers to assist him; one Minister has three great officers to assist him; one great officer has three common officers to assist him. [In the same way as] Heaven only with the help of the Three Luminary Bodies can everywhere shed its illumination, [so] the model of three applies to each [of them]. Things reach their completion after three [stages]: they have a beginning, a middle, and an end, meaning that [therewith] the Way of Heaven has reached its termination.
d. The three Ducal Ministers, the nine Ministers, the twenty-seven great officers, and the eighty-one common officers form together one hundred and twenty offices, corresponding, below, with the Twelve Earthly Stems 8.
e. The Pieh ming chi9 says: "The ssŭ-t'u has control over the people, the ssŭ-k'ung supervises Earth, the ssŭ-ma conforms himself to Heaven".
f. Heaven is the dispenser of life, why is it that the ssŭ-ma has the command over the army? The army is [for cases] where plans are made to clear away disturbances, so that the life [of the people] may be preserved and their living may be safeguarded. Therefore the army is said [to reside under] Heaven; it has as its task the abolishment of disturbances, [of which] bandits, rebels, as well as ferocious beasts [,may be regarded as examples]. The Lun yü says: "When in all under Heaven the Way prevails, then rites, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the Son of Heaven" 10
g. Though the ssŭ-ma is the head of the army the word ping11 'arms' is not used [in the term], but the word ma 'horse', because the horse is a creature belonging to the yang, that by which the male principle 12 is motivated. Though, indeed, arms are used, [words bearing the connotation of] hurting and wounding are not used in the term, and ma is therefore employed.
h. The ssŭ-t'u supervises the people. That the word jên13 'people' is not used [in the term], but t'u 徒 14, is because t'u means chung15 'multitude', and importance is attached to the multitudes of people.
i. Though the ssŭ-k'ung has supervision over the 'earth' t'u16 the word t'u is not used [in the term], but k'ung, because k'ung 'the empty' still [being considered as] supervising, how much more [would it be the case] with the full [earth; it is a case of] bringing out the importance [of the whole] by means of a minute detail 17.
a. Since the appointment by the King of three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, and twenty-seven great officers is sufficient to teach the Way and to illumine the dark and hidden, why is it then still necessary to enfeoff Lords? It is [a sign of] the utmost regard for the people.
b. When good and evil are compared it is easy to know [the difference]. Thus [the King] selects the worthy and gives them fiefs, that in governing the people they may display their spiritual power and use their abilities to the utmost. Above they pay homage to the Son of Heaven and see to the safeguarding of the frontiers. Below they nourish the Hundred Clans as their children, practising right principles and opening the road for the worthy. They observe humility and shun self-righteous deeds. Therefore [the King] divides the land to enfeoff his worthy, and, by so doing, he sets them up as models [to be imitated]; to set the worthy up as models [to be imitated means] paying attention to the people.
a. What does chou-po18 mean? Po means chang19 'chief'. [The King] selects [from among] the worthy and capable [Lords] one to act as Chief over one 'province' chou; he is then called po. The Wang chih says: "[For the government of the territory] outside the thousand li [comprising the domain of the Son of Heaven two] 'Regional Chiefs' fang-po are appointed. Five principalities form a shu, governed by a chang; ten principalities form a lien, governed by a shuai; thirty principalities form a tsu, governed by a chêng; two hundred and ten principalities form together a 'province' chou governed by a po" 20.
b. Why [was this Chief] under [Yao of] T'ang and [Shun of] Yü called mu21 'Shepherd'? [Yao and Shun] honoured [the Principle of] Substance; they sent their great officers to go and 'shepherd' the Feudal Lords. Therefore they were called Shepherds. For [each of the four] quarters three men were appointed [as Shepherds], so that there were in all twelve. The Shang shu says: "[Shun] consulted with the Twelve Shepherds" 22.
c. How do we know that in the time of Yao [the country was divided into] twelve provinces? Because the Yü kung speaks of the Nine Provinces 23.
d. The King appoints two [Regional] Chiefs because, in delegating the government to them, he wishes to attain the greatest efficiency by dividing their task. The Wang chih says: "The eight [Provincial] Chiefs, with those under them, were all under the two Ancients of the Son of Heaven, who divided all under Heaven between them, [one having charge of the regions] on the left, and [the other of those] on the right, and were called the two Regional Chiefs" 24. The Shih says: "Young and tender is this sweet pear-tree; do not lop it or knock it, for [the Chief of the West,] the Lord of Shao took shelter under it" 25. The Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "For the regions east of Shên the Duke of Chou was the Chief, for those west of Shên the Lord of Shao was the Chief" 26.
e. Why [was the country] not divided into north and south? The eastern regions had only recently undergone the influence of the Sages, while the western regions had already long been subjected to that influence. So a divison was made into east and west, and the sage [Duke of Chou] appointed to supervise the difficult [regions], while the worthy [Duke of Shao] was appointed to supervise the easy [regions]. In this way both brought peace [to their territories]. Besides, it was desired that [the two regions] should have the same share in the rhythm of the yin and the yang, and of cold and heat, and together partake in [the same] laws and measures 27. The partition-line in Shên divided the country into two halves. Speaking of its surface [each half contained] eight hundred and forty principalities 28.
The reason for the Feudal Lords having three Ministers is the division of three [governmental] tasks; [the reason for their having only] five great officers is [the desire] to keep below [the number of those of] the Son of Heaven. The Wang chih says: "A large [Feudal] State has three Ministers, all appointed by the Son of Heaven; there are [further] five great officers of the second rank and twenty-seven common officers of the first rank. The next largest [Feudal] State has three Ministers, of whom two are appointed by the son of Heaven and one by his [own] ruler. A small principality has two Ministers, both appointed by their [own] ruler. As to the great officers [and the common officers, their number is] the same" 29. The Li wang tu ch30 says: "Viscounts and Barons have three Ministers, of whom one is appointed by the Son of Heaven".
a. The fief of a Feudal Lord does not exceed [a territory of] one hundred li [square], to symbolize the hundred li within which the sound of thunder can be heard 31. Thunder is the yang within the yin 32 and the Feudal Lord takes his image from it. The Feudal Lord, in comparison with the King, is the yin. [But, as he is himself a ruler who] faces south and bestows rewards and punishments, he is [also] the yang. So he models himself on the thunder.
b. The [fiefs of] seventy li and [of] fifty li [square] indicate the difference in spiritual power and merit [of the holders]. There- fore the Wang chih says: "Of the nine provinces within the four seas [each] province is one thousand li square, and there are established in it thirty states of one hundred li, sixty of seventy li, one hundred and twenty of fifty li. The famous hills and great swamps are not included in the investitures; the rest [of the land] forms sub-fiefs and unoccupied country" 33 The Son of Heaven occupies [a territory of] one thousand li square. [The whole country consists of] three thousand [li square] of level country, and together with the numerous cities, habitations, mountains, and rivers [the area] comprises five thousand li [square]. 34 The famous hills and great swamps are not given as fiefs because they are shared with the Hundred Clans [as common property], and no state is allowed to have exclusive rights to them. Of the abundance of the mountain-trees and the advantages of the water-sources one thousand li is for public use, so as to level out [the inequalities between] those who have and those who have not, and to assist those who have not enough.
c. Why is the ground parcelled out in three grades 35? In imitation of the soil having [the three divisions in] first, second, and third class [qualities] 36.
a. The first thing the King does after his accession to the throne is to give fiefs to the worthy because he is anxious about the pressing needs of the people. Therefore the divison of the land into principalities is not for the sake of the Feudal Lords, neither is the in- stitution of administrative offices and bureaux for the sake of the Ministers and great officers. It is all for the benefit of the people. The I says: "[There will be advantage in] appointing Feudal Lords" 37. This means that they are appointed [with the purpose of] following what gives advantage [to the people]. The Yüeh chi says: "After King Wu had overcome the Yin he returned to [the capital of] Shang, and, descending his chariot, he gave to the descendants of the Hsia Dynasty the fief of Ch'i 38, while he moved the descendants of the Yin Dynasty to Sung. He erected a tumulus on the grave of the [Yin] King's son Pi-kan比 干, and released the Viscount of Chi 箕from his imprisonment" 39. [When the King,] after general peace has been established in all under Heaven, gives fiefs to his relatives, it is a sign of his unselfishness.
b. Since he is unselfish, why does he enfeoff them? 40 "Under the wide heaven there is no land which is not the King's; of all the guests on the earth there is none who is not the King's subject" 41. After the multitudes within the seas have completely come under his command he cannot bear to leave his relatives without a foothold 42. To enfeoff them at the same time 43 [as the worthy] is [the expression of] the principle of loving one's relatives. According to the Shang shu K'ang-shu was enfeoffed after [he had helped to restore] peace [in the empire] 44.
c. After the King has begun his reign he gives fiefs to his paternal uncles and his brothers, which means that, as it is his duty to share his wealth with them, he ought also to share the land with them 45.
d. Another opinion is: the paternal uncles are not enfeoffed. [A man is] enfeoffed as a Hereditary Lord of a state 46 to reward him for his merits, and that his worthiness may be held up as an example [to his descendants] for the benefit of the people 47. The sons and grandsons of [such] a worthy are mostly classed as worthies [themselves]. Likewise a Minister has no hereditary position because he is not [required] to love the Hundred Clans as his children. In each case he is rewarded for his merits 48, that he may enjoy happiness during his life 49.
e. The reason why [the King,] after receiving his mandate, does not enfeoff his son is because father and son are like hands and feet, which cannot be separated, so that there should be no division of property. Brothers [,however,] represent a branching off from the main body, therefore [they may be] enfeoffed. So Shun gave to his younger brother Hsiang the territory of Yu-pi as a fief 50.
Why does the enfeoffing of the Feudal Lords take place in summer? The yang-fluid has [then] reached its fullness of nour- ishing power; therefore the enfeoffment of the Feudal Lord [means] the promotion of the worthy to its fullness. By enfeoffing and establishing Lords of men the fullness of the yang-spiritual power [of the King] is reached. The Yüeh ling says: "In the first month of summer [the Son of Heaven] distributes rewards and gives fiefs to the Feudal Lords. Congratulations and presents are dealt out, and there is none who is not pleased and happy" 51.
a. Why is it said that Feudal Lords are appointed in a hereditary position? Because they are appointed in order that [their descendants] may imitate their worthiness.
b. Why do not the great officers have a hereditary position? Because they are servants [forming] the legs and arms [of their master], and are [only] employed in service. To give them autonomous power and independent authority [by making their positions hereditary] would upset the state's household.
c. It is also said: [they have] the duty of yielding [their positions to the more capable] 52; it is a precautionary measure 53 [against the event that] those who are unfit to assist in the task of the government should block the [way for the really] worthy. Therefore the position [of a great officer] is not hereditary. So the Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "[The Ch'un ch'iu] condemns a Minister having a hereditary position because it is against the rites" 54.
d. According to what rule do the Feudal Lords hold hereditary positions, whereas the great officers do not? It is because the Feudal Lord is a ruler, facing south; he practises the yang, which he embodies; the Way of the yang is unbroken. The great officer is a servant of man, facing north; he practises the yin, which he embodies; the Way of the yin is broken. When a son is born he is turned [towards the] inside [of the house] because it is his duty to remain in the family; when a daughter is born she is turned [towards the] outside because it is her duty to follow her husband. This is in imitation of the yang being unbroken and the yin being broken.
a. The reason why the Heir is appointed during the [life of the ruler of a] state is to prevent usurpation and murder, and to debar Ministers and sons from insurrection. The Ch'un ch'iu considers the murder of the Heir a similar crime to the murder of the ruler. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[Li K'o, an officer of Chin,] murdered Hsi-ch'i, the son of the ruler" 55, meaning [that the murder is regarded as] similar to the murder of the ruler.
b. When a ruler dies, and his Principal Spouse has no sons but is pregnant 56, why must the appointment [of the Heir] wait until she is delivered of child? To honour 57 the principal wife and to emphasize the correct [succession].
c. The Tsêng tzŭ wên says: "Why is the appointment of an Heir from [among the sons of] the principal wife determined by seniority in age, and not by worthiness? It means that whether a man will prove to be worthy or unworthy cannot be known" 58. The Shang shu says: "Even for Emperor [Yao] it was difficult [to know men]" 59. The appointment of an Heir [from among the other sons] is determined by rank and not by seniority, in order to prevent [strife arising from] love and jealousy. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The appointment of an Heir from [among the sons of] the principal wife is determined by seniority and not by worthiness, that from among the other sons by rank and not by seniority" 60.
a. Why is it that when a Feudal Lord who has been enfeoffed for the first time dies without sons it is not allowed to pass [the fief] over to his brothers? Because of old [the idea of enfeoffment is that the son may] imitate the worthy [father], and a brother does not directly descend from the worthy. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[The duty of] treating the good with goodness is extended to the sons and grandsons" 61. It is not said that it is extended to the brothers because brothers have the same honourable [status], and are not in duty bound to support and maintain each other.
b. Brothers do not succeed one another. But when a Feudal Lord who has succeeded to the fief has no sons, [the succession] may be extended to his [other] relatives because they are all regarded as the descendants of [the same] worthy [ancestor]. It is to honour the merits of the first ancestor, therefore [the succession] may be extended to them. When such a Feudal Lord has no sons and no younger brothers but only paternal uncles and elder brothers born of a secondary wife, to whom should [the succession] be given? To an elder brother born of a secondary wife, being the next of kin. So Duke Hsi had the right to succeed Duke Min [of Lu].
a. The Li fu chuan says: "Since [the succession of] a Major Lineage may not be discontinued, why is it allowed to take a person from the same lineage [as the Major] to be adopted as the continuer [of this Major Lineage]? It means that a Minor Lineage may be discontinued but not a Major Lineage. Therefore the continuation of one's own [lineage] is discarded to continue the Major Lineage, so as to honour the first ancestor and to emphasize [the importance of the principle of] not discontinuing the Major Lineage" 62.
b. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "One who is adopted as the continuer [of a Major Lineage] is made son" 63.
a. When a King, having received his mandate, assumes [his kingship], why does he revive the states that have been extinguished, and restore Houses whose line of succession has been broken? Because [all this had been caused by] the former Dynasty, which did not observe the right Way and wilfully slew the innocent. As to the Heir, who was young and weak, he had been a prey to powerful Ministers, and his sons and grandsons as a consequence of it 64 had all been innocently cut off [from the succession]. To honour the merit of their first ancestor they are therefore reinstated. The Lun yü says: "[The rulers of the Chou Dynasty] revived the states that had been extinguished, and restored the families whose line of succession had been broken" 65.
b. The reason why the son of an executed Lord is not installed [as his Heir] is because of the principle that [in such a case his line] should not be continued: Feudal Lords have a hereditary position that they may imitate a worthy [father]. Now that his father has been executed [the succession is] cut off. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The son of an executed Lord is not appointed [as his successor]" 66.
c. Why is it that when a ruler has been murdered his son may be appointed [as his successor]? To honour the ruler, and prevent usurpation and murder. The Ch'un ch'iu ching says: "Wu-chih of Ch'i slew his Lord [Chu-êrh]" 67; [whereupon] the son of the [ruler's] favourite concubine, Kung-tzŭ Chiu, had to be set up [as his successor].
When a great officer who has achieved merits dies 68 before his enfeoffing[-ceremony] his son is entitled to receive the fief because [the duty of] treating the good with goodness is extended to the sons and grandsons. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The sons and grand-sons of a worthy [officer] should be enfeoffed with land [if the latter dies without having enjoyed it]" 69.
Why did the Duke of Chou not go to Lu [,his fief]? Because he had to continue the work [left by the death] of King Wu. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Why did the Duke of Chou not go to Lu? He wanted to unify all under Heaven in Chou" 70. The Shih says: "[Then] King Ch'êng said [to the Duke of Chou]: My Uncle, I will set up thy eldest son, and make him Lord of Lu" 71. When the Duke of Chou died Heaven showed extraordinary signs 72; [therefore] King Ch'êng buried him with the rites pertaining to the Son of Heaven, and ordered that a sacrifice be offered to him in the suburb of Lu, to show that this [expression of] utmost filial piety had been instigated by Heaven 73.
1. Cf. Li chi chu shu, Wang chih, 11.20a; C. I. 271.
2. 司 馬 . The Han shu (19.3b) says: "the ssŭ-ma supervises [the affairs per- taining to] Heaven". The army is thus considered as one of these affairs. Cf. infra, under f.
3. 司 徒 .
4. 司 空 .
5. 三 光 . san-kuang.
6. 三 形 san-hsing.
7. 三 尊 san-tsun.
8. The same statement is given by Ho Hsiu's comm. (Kung yang chu shu, Huan 8, 5.6a). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. quotes the comm. on the Yüan ming pao (which also contains the passage): "The Son of Heaven in instituting his one hundred and twenty offices not only arranges them in conformity with the number of the stars above, but also brings them into correspondence with the Twelve Earthly Stems below".
9. An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. Pieh is probably an error for pien (see Vol I, p. 187, note).
10. Ch. XVI. 2 (Lun yü chu shu, 16.5a; L. 310).
11. 兵 .
12. 乾 ch'ien.
13. 人 .
14. .
15. 眾 .
16. 土 .
17. The meaning probably is that since 'empty' already conveys such an important meaning, how much more would it be the case with 'earth' (which is 'full', compact).
18. 州 伯 .
19. 長 .
20. Li chi chu shu, 11.18a; C. I. 270. Fang-po 方 伯, shu 屬, chang 長, lien 連, shuai 率, tsu 卒, chêng 正. The whole country was divided into nine provinces, one of which constituted the domain of the Son of Heaven. The remaining eight were governed by eight chou-po 'Provincial Chiefs', and the whole supervised by two fang-po 'Regional Chiefs' (Chêng Hsüan's comm. l c.). See also n. 28, infra, and Vol. I, p. 320, n. 271.
21. 牧 . For Yao of T'ang and Shun of Yü see Vol I, p. 317, n. 257, and p. 319, n. 266.
22. Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.22a; L. 42. The term po, however, was also used under Shun (Li chi chu shu, 11.19a, comm. and sub. comm.).
23. This strange argument should probably be explained as follows: When Yü was damming the floods the reign of Yao was not yet ended. It was after the accomplishment of Yü's work that Shun, who governed the empire after Yao's resignation, divided it into twelve provinces by subdividing two of the nine provinces, described in the Yü kung, one into two and the other into three (cf. Shun tien, L. 38; M.H. I. 65, n. 2). Thus it was in Yao's time, when he was still alive but not actually reigning, that the division into twelve provinces was made.
24. Li chi chu shu, 11.18b; C. I. 270.
25. Ode 16: Mao shih chu shu, 2.16a; L. 26; Wa. 135; K. 16.176. Chêng Hsüan's comm. relates that the Duke of Shao, Chief of the West, took up his abode in the grass under the pear-tree to hear and decide upon the grievances of the men and women, sparing no amount of pains; the people applauded his virtue, spoke of his reforming influence, bore him affectionate thoughts, and reverenced the tree (l.c.). The Shuo yüan (5.1a) quotes the Ode, and the Chuan 'Commentary' (of the Lu school, acc. to Ch'ên Li, Kung yang i shu, 7.7b), which says that the Duke of Shao, not wishing to disturb the people's work when they were gathering the cocoons from the mulberry-trees, did not enter the villages but encamped under a sweet pear-tree.
26. Kung yang chu shu, Yin 5, 3.5a. Shên 陜 formed in Chou times the King's domain; it is in present Shên-hsien, province of Honan. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 320, n. 271.
27. Under the Yin Dynasty the later King Wên was Chief of the Western Regions, so that at the advent of the Chou Dynasty the west (acc. to Lun yü VIII. 20 even amounting to two thirds of the empire) had already long been enjoying his beneficent influence. The Duke of Chou, being more able than the Duke of Shao, was made Chief of the East to make up for its deficiency of 'virtue', so that east and west got the Chief they needed most.
28. One chou 'province' consisted of 210 principalities (see supra, par. 55a) the eight provinces together comprised 1,680 principalities, governed by the eight 'Provincial Chiefs', and supervised by the two 'Regional Chiefs', who each had the responsibility for four provinces consisting of 840 principalities.
29. Li chi chu shu, 11.20a-b; C. I. 272. By the 'small principality' is probably not meant a small Feudal State (that of Viscounts and Barons, referred to in the Wang tu chi, see next note), but a principality within the King's domain (Chêng Hsüan's comm., o.c. 20b).
30. An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites.
31. See Vol. I, p. 269, n. 31.
32. Cf. the Yüan ming pao: "Thunder arises out of the combination of the yin and the yang" (Yü han shan fang chi i shu, 57.26a).
33. Li chi chu shu, 11.9b; C. I. 268. I.e., each province was 894,000 square li or approximately 1,000 li square, and the whole country 8,046,000 square li or approximately 3,000 li square. Cf. Vol. I, p. 275, n. 52.
34. The text wrongly has 五 十 .
35. I.e., in territories of 100, 70, and 50 li square.
36. Acc. to the Chou li this was land that could be cultivated every year, land that was cultivated every second year, and land that could only be cultivated every third year (Chou li chu shu, 10.18a-b; B. I. 206-207); or land that could support a family of seven, of six, and of five persons (ibid., 11.4b; B. I. 223). Cf. also Nancy Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, p. 118.
37. Chou i chu shu, Chun kua, 2.10a; L. 62.
38. 杞 .
39. Li chi chu shu, 39.13a; C. II. 98. For Pi-kan and the Viscount of Chi see M.H. I. 203, n. 3; 199, n. 1.
40. In the Table of Contents in Vol. I, p. 199, under 58b, this sentence was wrongly translated.
41. Ode 205: Mao shih chu shu, 20.23b; L. 360; K. 16.244.
42. The text has tuan-tsu 短 足, which should be t'o-tsu 託丨 (Lu) or shu-tsu 侸 丨(Hung I-hsüan, o.c. 16.15b).
43. 人 is superfluous (Ch'ên, 4.9b; Liu, 72.5a).
44. Shang shu chu shu, K'ang kao, 12. passim; L. 381ff. K'ang-shu was a younger brother of King Wu and the Duke of Chou. K'ang 康 was his first fief (but cf. Legge's transl. of the Book of History, p. 381), later he was made Lord of Wei 衞(M.H. I. 245-246; Legge, o.c. 382).
45. 可 與 (inst. of 以; Liu, 73.1a) 共 土 也. Sinica Leidensia, VI
46. 世 國 inst. of 二 十 國(Sun I-jang, Tsa i, 10.2b).
47. Cf. ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (C. I. 605; L. I. 438), and infra, under 60a.
48. 各 如 (inst. of 加; Liu, 73.1a) 功.
49. The meaning is that the paternal uncles should only be regarded as worthy Ministers.
50. Yu-pi (in present Honan) is written 有 比, 丨鼻, 丨畀, or 丨庳. For Hsiang 象, the wicked brother, who "made it his daily business to slay Shun", and yet received a fief when the latter became Sovereign, see Legge's translation of the Mêng tzŭ (p. 347-350), and M.H. I. 73-75, 91.
51. Li chi chu shu, 15.22a; C. I. 355. Chêng Hsüan's comm., quoting the Chi t'ung, says that the enfeoffment should take place in autumn; in summer only rewards are distributed (o.c. 22b).
52. 遜 道 inst. of 孫 首(Liu, 73.1a).
53. 慮 inst. of庸 (ibid.).
54. Kung yang chu shu, Yin 3, 2.10b.
55. Hsi 9. Hsi-ch'i, in fact, had already succeeded as ruler of Chin when he was murdered; the year of his father's death, however, had not yet expired. For a murder in such cases the Ch'un ch'iu has this special expression (Kung yang chu shu, 11.6a).
56. 育 is superfluous (Lu).
57. 尊 inst. of 專(Lu).
58. Not to be found in the present ch. Tsêng tzŭ wên of the Li chi.
59. Shang shu chu shu, Kao yao mo, 3.20a; L. 70.
60. Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1, 9b-10a. For the order of the ranks, see Vol. I, p. 351, n. 474. For a different rule of succession see the Tso chuan, Chao 26 (Legge's transl. p. 718).
61. Kung yang chu shu, Chao 20, 23.16b.
62. Ch. Sang fu of the I li (chu shu, 11.13b-14a; C. 388) contains a somewhat similar passage. For 'Major Lineage' ta-tsung and 'Minor Lineage' hsiao-tsung see ch. XXXII, and Vol. I, p. 130.
63. Kung yang chu shu, Ch'êng 15, 18.4b. It refers to the case of Chung Ying-ch'i, originally Kung-sun Ying-ch'i, the younger brother of Kuei-fu, and son of Duke Chuang's son Chung Sui of Lu. He was adopted as his brother's successor and son, and took the designation of his father (now his grandfather) Chung as his surname. Cf. Legge's objection to Kung-yang's view in his Tso chuan translation, p. 388.
64. 因 inst. of 囚(Liu, 73.1b).
65. Ch. XX. I; Lun yü chu shu, 20.1b; L. 351.
66. Kung yang chu shu, Chao 11, 22.23a.
67. Chuang 8.
68. 而 死 , supplied by Ch'ên, 4.17b.
69. Kung yang chu shu, Chao 31, 24.22b.
70. Kung yang chu shu, Wên 13, 14.8b.
71. Ode 300: Mao shih chu shu, 29.25a; L. 623; K. 17.96. His son, Po-ch'in, was made the first Duke of Lu, but the Duke of Chou was considered the first ancestor of the House of Lu. Being indispensable to the House of Chou, however, he remained in the royal capital.
72. Cf. M.H. IV. 99. In the Book of History, Chin t'êng (L. 359) the event (storm, wind, lightning, etc.) took place before the death of the Duke of Chou, during his exile in the east.
73. Cf. Sun Hsing-yen in his Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, Chin t'êng, 13.29-30. See also Ch. XLII, par. 289.
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