Notes
1.
號
, as distinct from 天 子t'ien-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven', which is a rank 爵. See Ho Hsiu's
Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b).
2.
號 者 功 之 表 也
. The same is said in ch.諡 法 解
Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu
(6.22b), and in the Shuo t'i tzŭ, an Apocryphal work on
the Ch'un ch'iu (I wên lei chü,
40.9a; Yü han, 56.44b).
3.
所 以 表 功 明 德 號 令 臣 下
. The Wu ching
t'ung i (T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12a) says:
"An appellation now is to express the achievement of merit and [the possession
of] spiritual power [wherewith] to command all under Heaven" 號 者 亦 所 以 表 功 德 號 令 天 下 也.
4. This is in conformity with what is
said in the 帝 王 世 紀
Ti wang shih chi by 皇 甫 謐 Huang-fu Mi (215-282;
quoted in the Tpyl, 76.4b; I wên
lei chü, 11.2b). The Tpyl, 76.4a, quoting the
Po hu t'ung, drops 地, so that the passage would read:
"When his spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven, he is called
ti". This omission of 地 also occurs in other texts, as in
Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan (l.c.), and in
the 七 經 義 綱 Ch'i ching i kang by 樊 深 Fan Shên (10th cent. A.D.;
Yü han, 53.18b). Hsü Yen in his Sub-comm. on the
Kung yang chuan comments on Ho Hsiu as follows: "Heaven
is the designation after the division and dispersion of the two first modes (二 儀);
therefore he whose spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven is
called ti". Thus the reading without 地 in the
Tpyl, which usually quotes inexactly, is in this case
not necessarily an error. Cf. also ch. 謐, III. 18a. of the Po
hu t'ung: "In later ages those whose spiritual power is like to [that of]
Heaven are also called ti". On the other hand we must
suppose a mistake when we read in the Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇,
48.9b) 聖 人 與 天 地 合 其 德 者 也 "A Sage is [a being] whose spiritual power [harmoniously] combines [that
of] Heaven and Earth", but at another place (ibid., 37.1a) 聖 人 與 天 合 德. "A Sage [pos-
sesses] spiritual power which is in harmony with [that of] Heaven". For the
rendering of ti by 'Emperor' see n. 188.
5. The same is said by the
I chou shu (l.c.), by Ho Hsiu's Comm. (Kung yang chu shu, l.c.), by Huang-fu Mi (o.c.), and by Fan
Shên (o.c.). The words 仁 jên and 義
i are not easy to
translate adequately. According to Waley jén人originally
means freemen, men of the tribe; jên means 'good' in the
most general sense of the word, that is to say 'possessing the qualities of
one's tribe'. Confucius' use of the term (in the Lun yü)
stands in close relation to the primitive meaning; with him it means 'good' in
an extremely wide and general sense (The Analects,
27-28). I 義 denotes the correct relation between persons
of different status, as is most evident in the expression 君 臣 之 義 (e.g. in ch. 微 子 of the
Lun yü (chu shu, 18.68); L. 336);
in this sense cf. also 尊 卑 長 幼 之 義 in. par. 112 of the Po hu t'ung.
In Han time the terms jén and i
have, however, decidedly obtained an ethical value, more or less independent
from the naturalistic view of life. In the Ch'ien tso tu
(上. 8b) we still have a kind of naturalism where we read: "When Heaven in its
activity exercises [its influence] we speak of jên; when
Earth in its passivity regulates [the 10,000 things] we speak of
i; jên maturing goes upward, i
maturing goes downward" 天 動 而 施 曰 仁 地 靜 而 理 曰 義 仁 成 而 上 義 成 而 下
. In ch. 表 記 of the Li chi (chu shu,
54.5a-b; C. II. 486) the ethical colour is sometimes more visible; e.g. when we
read: "Jên [represents] the right, Tao [represents] the left; jên means
jên 'man', Tao means
i; abundance of jên with a
scarcity of i [causes one to be] loved but not revered;
abundance of i with a scarcity of 'jên [causes one to be] revered but not loved". Tung
Chung-shu seems, however, to take jên and
i as purely ethical conceptions. In ch. 仁 義 發 of his
Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (8.11b) he defines jên as the feeling towards others, while i applies to oneself 仁 之 為 言 人 也 義 之 為 言 我 也 ; "the method of jên lies in loving others. . . the method of
i lies in correcting oneself" 仁 之 法 在 愛 人 … 義 之 法 在
正 我. . . . (in ch. 五 行 相 勝, 仁 者 愛 人 義 者 尊 老) , 13.8b,
however, he says: "Jên means to love others,
i means to revere the old" ). It is curious that even in
the Huai nan tzŭ, in which we should expect a
naturalistic and mystical exposition, we find this ethical explanation, so in
ch. 泰 族 訓 (20.26b): "What is called jên is the love of others"
所 謂 仁 者 愛 仁 也; in ch. 繆 稱 訓 (10.1b): "Jên is the visible proof of
accumulated benevolence' 仁 者 績 恩 之 見 證 也, "i [is an attitude which]
observes consideration towards the feelings of others, adapting it to all
[things one's mind] is set on" 義 者 比 於 人 心 而 合 於 眾 適 者 也. Cf. Lun yü, IV. 10 (L.
168). In this respect jên and i
in the passage of the Po hu t'ung had perhaps better be
rendered by 'love and duty' than by 'consideration for others and sense of the
right principles'.
6.
禮 記 諡 法
, one of the untransmitted books of
the treatises on rites.
7.
德 象 天 地 稱 帝 仁 義 所 生 稱 王
. Ch. Shih fa
chieh of the I chou shu (6.22b-23a) contains the
same statement, but writes 在 instead of 生; thus "he in whom jên and i are located is called
wong". In the Comm. on the Wên
hsüan (1.1b) the Chi yao chia, an Apocryphal
Book of Music, is quoted, in which the passage occurs in
the reading of the Po hu t'ung, i.e. with 生(see also
Yü han, 54.50a). Liu (72.2b) takes 在 as the correct
reading. The Han kuan i (下.1a) also contains the
statement 帝 者 德 象 天 地 "A ti is he whose spiritual power resembles
[that of] Heaven and Earth". The qualities of the ti are
thus conceived as either a combination of those of Heaven and Earth, or a
harmony with those of Heaven, or a resemblance with those of Heaven and Earth.
This resemblance is, however, not to be taken as a similarity between two
unconnected entities, but more as a kind of mystical identity.
8.
帝 者 天 號 王 者 五 行 之 稱 也
. In ch. 諡, III. 18d we also read: 帝 者 天 號 也.
The Hsing tê fang, an Apocryphal Book
of History, says: "Ti is an appellation [connected
with] Heaven, wang is a designation [applying] to man"
帝 者 天 號 也 王 者 人 稱 也 (I wên lei chü, 11.1a; Yü han,
53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a quotes it as from the
Shang shu wei). The Tpyl, 76.1a,
further quotes the I wei, which says: "Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven; he whose
spiritual power is equal to [that of] Heaven and Earth, he who does not turn
his public position to his personal profit, is called ti" 帝 者 天 號 也 德 配 天 地 不 私 公 位 稱 之 曰 帝. But, though the difference between
ti and wang is formally maintained,
their qualities often overlap. So the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu
says: "Wang is [an appellation] conferred by Heaven" 王 者 天 之 所 予 也
(7.21b), and "[The appellation of] wang 王 is bestowed by
Heaven only" 王 者 唯 天 之 施 (11.8a). Further we have the well-known, but unwarranted,
definition of the character for wang : three horizontal
strokes connected by one vertical line, i.e. the King connects the 'ways' of
Heaven, Earth, and Man (ibid., 11.7b; cf. Shuo wên, 1
上 .35). In Tung Chung-shu's system the distinction between wang and ti (and huang) is only a matter of shifting up in time:
wang applies to the Sovereign of the reigning Dynasty,
and to those of the two previous ones; ti applies to the
Sovereigns of the five Dynasties preceding the wang;
huang applies to the Sovereigns of the nine Dynasties preceding the
ti; the Sovereigns preceding the huang are called min 民; after a new
Dynasty has been established the first of the three wang
becomes ti, the first of the five ti becomes huang, the first of the
nine huang becomes min (cf. Woo
Kang, 114 ff.; acc. to the San huang k'ao, ch. 7, the
nine huang 九 皇 refers to one person). Instead of 王 者 五 行 之 稱 Ch'ên
suggests reading 王 者 美 行 之 稱 "wang is the designation for a
beautiful conduct", which statement occurs in the Ch'ien tso
tu (上.9b). K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Li chi
also quotes the Expositions on the I by Mêng Hsi and
Ching Fang 孟 [ 喜 ] 京 [房] 說 易, which says: "Ti is a designation [connected
with] Heaven . . . wang is a beautiful designation" 帝 天 號 … 王 美 稱
(Li chi chu shu, 4.21b). The Five Elements,
however, together with the Three Reigns san-t'ung三 統, have
been connected with the succession of Sovereigns (for which see Ku Chieh-kang's
study in the Ku shih pien, V. 404 ff., popularly told in
his Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, ch. 1; cf. further Woo
Kang, 142 ff.; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 7.5b ff.;
Shang shu ta chuan, 3.8a ff.; Fêng su
t'ung i, 1.6a; Chia yü, 6.1a; Tu
tuan, 下.la ff.). Ch'ên now rightly remarks that the relation between the
Five Elements and the succession of Sovereigns not only applies to the
wang, but also to the ti and the
huang, but he does not take into account that there is
no rigid demarcation between the spheres of the huang,
the ti, and the wang, and what is
said of the one also applies mutatis mutandis to the
others. Interesting is the expression 帝 者 天 號 (天 稱 ), which in apposition to what is said
of the wang can only be understood as I have translated.
Ti, however, did mean Heaven originally (cf. Hu Shih, in
Ku shih pien, I. 199), and even as late as the 8th
century A.D. Ssŭ-ma Chêng comments on the word ti in the
Shih chi (3.5a; M.H. I. 187) as:
帝 天 也. Thus we could, with even more right, translate 帝 者 天 號 as "Ti
is an appellation of Heaven". The ambiguity of expressions like this often
compels us to leap both ways, even after very hard looking. And when, as needs
must be, we take the more obvious leap, it is with a feeling of regret at
having to forego the more beautiful one.
9. This is probably based on what is
implied by Ho Hsiu's statement in his Comm. on Kung yang
chuan, Ch'êng 8 (l.c.), where, though only wang is
said to be an appellation, the qualities of the huang,
the ti, and the wang are
explained in the same breath. The Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing
ching chieh, 1250.12b) records the opinion of Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang,
corroborating with that expressed in the Ch'ien tso
tu, 上
.9b, according to which the Lord of men had five appellations, namely
ti, wang, t'ien-tzŭ (which is a 爵 號 !), ta-chün 大 君 , and ta-jên大 人;
huang is not among them. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on
ch. Ch'ü li 下(Li chi chu shu,
4.21a), however, contains the statement: 皇 號 尊 大 也 "The appellation of huang [indicates what] is honourable and
great".
10.
皇 君 也
. The same is said by Mao's
Chuan on Ode 192: 正 月 ( 有 皇 上 帝 Mao shih chu
shu, 19.15a). Mao, acc. to Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih
chuan shu, 4.82) goes back to ch. 釋 詁 of the Erh ya,
where 皇, together with 林, 烝, 天, 帝, 王, 后, 辟, 公, and 侯, is ex plained as meaning chün 'Lord' (Erh ya chu shu, 1.2b).
Likewise the Tu tuan ( 上 .1a) explains: 皇 帝 皇 王 后 帝 皆 君 也"Huang-ti, huang, wang, hou, ti, all mean chün 'Lord'. There is, however, no reason for explaining 皇 in
this Ode as Lord. Legge (L. 316) and Karlgren (K. 16.235) translate it
adjectivally as 'great' and 'august'. In the Shu ching,
huang is used as an adjective throughout; it is only in ch. 洪 範
(which is a
rather late product, see Liu Chieh 劉 節 in Ku shih pien, V.
402-403) that huang is used substantivally in the
sense of Lord (Shang shu chu shu, 11.12a-b. 13b. 16a; L.
328-9.330.332; cf. Shih chi, 38.4b. 5a. 5b;
M.H. IV. 221.222.223). It is interesting to see that
the expression 皇 極 之 敷 言 of the Hung fan (o.c. 16a)
is written 王 極 之 傳 言 in
the Shih chi (o.c. 5b; Chavannes, o.c. 223, translates:
'Que le roi réalise la perfection et qu'on en répande l'enseignement'; cf.
also his criticism on the same page of Legge's translation which takes
huang as an adjective). The Ch'ien han
shu, ch. 五 行 志 (27 下, 上. 10b) first quotes the [Shang shu ta]
chuan as 皇 之 不 極 是 謂 不 建 ; the text of the Shang shu
ta chuan, however, reads 王 之 不 極 etc.(2.10a.). It further (11a) explains
huang as 'Lord'皇 君 也. In ch. 呂 刑of the Shu
ching the expression 皇 帝 occurs twice (Shang shu chu
shu, 18.21b. 24a; see for the meaning of this expression Ku shih pien, VII. 上.195, 198-199; 215, 242-243, 314, 396).
K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as 君 帝. But it is
especially Chêng Hsüan who seems to have a predilection for the explanation of
huang as chün; even in the
expressions 皇 尸, 皇 考, 皇 祖, 皇 王 , where huang can only be taken
adjectivally, it is identified with chün (Mao shih chu shu, 20.47a. 54a; 28.2a. 4a; 29.
26a).
11.
美 也
. Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 269: 烈 文
(Mao shih chu shu,
26.12a) and to Ode 274: 執 競 (ibid., 26.27b). K'ung Ying-ta (in his Sub-comm.,
o.c., 13b) and Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 7.8)
both say that Mao goes back to the 釋 詁; here, however, huang is explained as meaning 美 in the expression 皇 皇(Erh ya chu shu, 1.17b).
12.
大 也
. Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 209: 楚 茨 (Mao shih chu shu,
20.39b. 47a), on Ode 241: 皇 矣 (ibid., 23.65b), on Ode 244: 文 王 有 聲(ibid., 23.98a). We have
the same explanation in the Han kuan i ( 下.1a;
Tpyl, 76.4b), and by K'ung An-kuo quoted in Ho Yen's
Comm. on the expression 皇 皇 后 帝 in ch. 堯 曰 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350).
13.
天 之 總 美 大 稱 也
. The Tpyl,
76.4a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes 天 人 之 總 美 大 之
稱 也 . Lu and Ch'ên adopt this reading with 人, which seems to be the general one (we find it e.g. in
the Ch'u hsüeh chi, 9.1a; in Ch'ên Shou-ch'i's Comm. on
the Wu ching i i, 250.13a; in Juan Yüan's
Ching chi chuan ku, 305), only in Hsing Ping's Sub-comm.
on the Erh ya (chu shu, 1.2b) the same reading as in the
Y. ed. is given. Huang was originally only used
adjectivally to denote the 'augustness' of Heaven, of human beings already dead
(forefathers), and human beings possessing superhuman qualities (as Kings; see
San huang k'ao, ch. 2); it was not employed with respect
to man in general. Probably the editors of the Y. ed. corrected an error, by
mistake.
14.
號 之 爲 皇 者 煌 煌 人 莫 違 也
. The explanation of
huang by huang-huang also occurs
in the Hsing tê fang (I wên lei
chü, 11.1a; Yü han, 53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a, where the source is indicated as
Shang shu wei), in the Yüan ming pao (Tpyl, 76.3a; Ma Kuo-han, Yü han,
57.7a, writes 天 道 煌 煌 也), in Mao's Chuan on Ode 163: 皇 皇 者 華, on Ode
178: 采 芑, on Ode 189: 斯 干(Mao shih chu shu, 16.10a; 17.31b;
18.30a). The Tu tuan ( 上 .1b) says: "Huang 煌 means huang 'respondent', the
accomplished spiritual power has a resplendence which shines on everyone and
everything" 盛 德 煌 煌 無 所 不 照 ; the Han kuan i (下. 1a; Tpyl, 76.4b): "Huang means
ta 'great', it indicates his resplendence and consummate
beauty" 言 其 煌 煌 盛 美. In the Fêng su t'ung i 1.1b) the
Yün tou shu, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu, is quoted, which says: "Huang means Heaven (this is also said by Mao's
Chuan on Ode 235: 文 王 , Mao shih chu
shu, 23.10b; cf. also n. 172: Ti means Heaven);
Heaven does not speak, but the four seasons go [their courses], while the
hundred things grow; the Three August Ones with robes hanging down and folded
hands did not act but established words, but [none of] the people escaped
[their influence]; the spiritual power [proceeding from their possession] of
the [right] Way was profound and quiet, resembling August Heaven, and therefore
they were called huang; huang means chung 'harmonious', kuang 'radiant',
hung 'vast'; they contained in themselves the vast and
trod [the path of] harmony, they opened the soft and unrolled the hard; above
they were in harmony with the August Pole, shedding their radiant light;
pointing to Heaven they drew patterns on the Earth; their spiritual reforming
[influence] secretly penetrated [everything], resplendent and of consummate
beauty they were immeasurable" 皇 者 天 天 不 言 四 时 行 焉 百 物 生 焉 三 皇 垂 拱 無 爲 設
言 而 民 不 達 道 德 玄 泊 有 似 皇 天 故 稱 皇 皇 者 中 也 光 也 弘 也(Yü han, 55.22a has 宏 ) 含 弘 覆 中 開 陰 陽 布 剛
(Yü han omits 陽, which is justified by the rhythm, but
writes 綱, which is hardly an improvement) 上 含 (Yü han 合, which
is better) 皇 極 其 施 光 明 指 天 書 地 神 化 潛 通 煌 煌 盛 美 不 可 勝 量. For
the expression 垂 拱 cf. Shu ching, ch. 武 成 and 畢 命,
L. 316, 573; and Kuan tzŭ, ch. 任 法 45.89. Between 無 爲 and 設 言I
think 不 should be inserted, thus meaning "they neither acted nor established
words", though the sentence 三 皇 設 言 民 不 違 in the Kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58.30a) would induce us to take the former sense, as
also does Sung Chung in his Commentary on the passage, viz. that "the Three
August Ones established words which the people did not transgress". This would,
however, run counter to the general 'Taoistic' idea of the Yün tou shu text. Cf. what is said in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 原 道 訓(1.13b): 當 此 之 时 口 不 設 言 手 不 指 麾 "In this period [the Five
Emperors] did not produce words by their mouths, neither did their hands make
sign or gesture", and in the 黃 石 公 三 略 Huang shih kung san lüeh,
quoted in Tpyl, 77.6b; 夫 三 皇 無 言 化 流 四 海 故 天 下 無 所 不 (not in the text but must
necessarily be inserted) 歸 功 帝 者 體 天 則 地 有 言 有 令 而 天 下 太 平 群
臣 讓 功 四 海 化 行 "The Three August Ones without the use of words
reformed and affected the four seas, so that there was none in all under Heaven
whose achievement was not due to them; the Emperors identified themselves with
Heaven and modelled themselves on Earth, they made use of words and commands,
so that all under Heaven enjoyed general peace, the multitude of subjects
yielded to one another [the merit of] their achievements, and in the four seas
[the process of] reform went its [unimpeded] way". The Huang
shih kung san lüeh is mentioned in the Sui shu ching chi
chih (3.12a), in three chüan; it has been preserved
and is described in the Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu,
99.2b. The work is ascribed to Huang-shih-kung 'the Old Gentleman of the
Yellow Stone', who figures in the Biography of Chang Liang 張 良
(Shih chi, 55.2a ff.; Ch'ien han shu,
40.2b ff.).
15.
故 黃 金 弁 于 山 珠 玉 捐 于 淵
. Cf. ch. 天 地 篇 of the Chuang tzŭ (12.65; L. 309), where we read: 藏 金 于 山 藏 珠 于 淵 (Chuang tzŭ gives the 'Taoist' view of the golden age of
innocence), and the Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇 , 36.3b): 唐 虞 捐 金 而 抵 璧"Yao and Shun
disdained gold and rejected jade".
16.
巖 居 穴 處
. Cf. the Hsi
tz'ŭ 下 (Chou i chu shu, 12.9a), 上 古 穴 居 而 野 處 in Legge's
translation (L. 385): "In the highest antiquity they made their homes in caves
and dwelt in the open country", and ch. 原 道 訓 of the Huai nan
tzŭ (1.20a): 古 之 人 有 居 巖 穴 而 神 不 遺 者 "Of the men of antiquity there were those who dwelt on moun-
tain-peaks and in caves, and never did they lose their [human]
spirit".
17.
衣 皮 毛
. Cf. ch. 禮 運 of the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I.504; L. I. 369), where we read
(in Legge's translation): "Formerly the ancient kings had no houses. In winter
they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in summer in nests which
they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the
fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and breasts, drinking their
blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use
of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins"
衣 其 羽 皮 .
18.
飲 泉 液 露 英
. Cf. the 古 史 考Ku shih
k'ao by 譙 周 Ch'iao Chou (201-270), where we read (1.11b): 古 之 初 人 吹 露 精 食 草 木 實 穴 居 野 處 山 居 則
食 鳥 獸 衣 其 羽 皮 飲 血 茹 毛 近 水 則 食 魚 鱉 螺 蛤 未 有 火 化 …
于是 有 圣 人 以 火 德 王 "The men of early
antiquity drank the essence of dew and ate the fruits of plants, they lived in
caves or dwelt upon the plains; those who lived in the mountains ate the flesh
of birds and quadrupeds, clothing themselves in their fur and hide, drinking
their blood and swallowing the feathers; those who lived by the water ate fish
and molluscs; they did not know the use of fire. . . . thereupon there appeared
a Sage who became King by [his knowledge of] the power of fire".
19.
虛 無 廖 廓
. The expression 虛 無 occurs in the
Shih chi (63.8a), Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's Eulogy on Lao-tzŭ:老 子 所 貴 道 虛 無 因 應 變 化 于 無 爲
"What Lao-tzŭ esteemed in Tao was its emptiness, its [property of
spontaneous] change from non-activity". In the Huai nan
tzŭ, ch. 精 神 訓 (7.1b) we read: 虛 無 者 道 之 所 居 也"The empty is the abode of Tao"; and in ch.
原 道 訓 (1.17b): 虛 無 恬 愉 者 萬 物 之 用 也"The empty, the easy-goingness, therein lies the utility of the ten
thousand things".
20. The whole passage seems to be a
mixture of 'Taoist' and 'Confucian' ideas. The idea of a perfect society in the
past was undoubtedly common to both (indeed to all Chinese thinkers in the
turbulent years of war during the Chankuo period, not excepting the
philosophers of the School of Law), the projection of wishful thinking as an
escape from the present. But, whereas the 'Taoists', having the conceptions
they had of the blissful past, were consistent in condemning everything which
tended to an artificial regulation of life, the 'Confucians' seemed to
vacillate between a hankering after a simple life and an acknowledgement of the
importance of social achievements. In the I thing (Hsi tz'ŭ 下 ) Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun are
represented as culture-heroes giving civilization in successive stages to an
uncivilized world. In the Li yün (see n. 181) the age of
savagery is ended by the introduction of fire, but the 'savages' are here
indicated by the term 'Ancient Kings'. Hence the earliest Sages, the Three
August Ones, are on the one hand regarded as the representatives of an
unsophisticated and innocent society, on the other hand as the inaugurators of
a new era which reaches sudden perfection. A kind of compromise may be seen in
the statement of the Ku shih k'ao, even though it lacks
clarity. The age of bliss is here accompanied (or followed) by a period of
savagery, after which gradually the culture-heroes make their appearance. Their
civilizing effect, of course, never attained the perfection of the primeval
state: the Garden of Eden had been lost for ever!
21.
帝 者 諦 也
. The same is said by the
Yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.7a;
Typyl, 76.3a), by the Tu tuan (
上 .1b), by the Yün tou shu (Yü han,
55.22b). The Fêngsu t'ung i (1.3a), quoting the
Shang shu ta chuan, says: "Heaven has set up the Five
Emperors to act as its aids; as the four seasons dispose of life [and death],
so [according to] laws and measures they clearly examine [the cases of men],
bestowing rewards in spring and summer, and meting out punishments in autumn
and winter . . . . that they were able to put into practise the way of Heaven,
was because they raised and discharged, having made a careful examination". 天 立 五 帝 以 爲 相 四 时 施 生 法 度 明
察 春 夏 慶 賞 秋 冬 刑 罰 … 其 能 行 天 道 舉 錯 審 諦 也.
22.
象 可 承 也
.
23.
王 者 往 也 天 下 所 歸 往
. This common explanation of
wang is found in various other texts, e.g. in ch. 正 論 of the
Hsün tzŭ (18.63) 天 下 歸 之 之 謂 王: "He whom all under Heaven turn to is
called wang"; in the Ku liang
chuan, Chuang 3: 其 曰 王 者 民 之 所 歸 往 也 "He is called wang, because it is he to whom the people turn" (Ku liang chu shu, 5.9b); in
the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 下 賢 (15.9b; Wi. 214):帝 也 者 天 下 之 適 也 王 也 者 天 下 之 往 也 'A
ti is he whom all under Heaven regard as master (ti; Kao Yu's Comm. explains 適 as 主, but perhaps it is better to
understand it in the meaning of 'to go to' shih), a
wang is he to whom all under Heaven go'; in the
Han shih wai chuan (5.12a): 天 下 往 之 謂 之 王"He to whom all under Heaven
go is called wang; in the Ch'un ch'iu
fan lu (5.1a): 王 者 民 之 所 往"A wang is he to whom the people
go"; in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.4b-5a): 王 者 往 也 爲 天 下 所 歸 往 也 , "Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he
to whom all under Heaven turn"; in the Wên yao kou, an
Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu (Yü
han, 55.6b): 王 者 往 也 神 所 向 往 人 所 樂 歸"Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he towards whom the spirits go, to
whom man joyously turns"; in the Ch'ien tso tu ( 上 .9b): 王 者 天 下 所 歸 往;
in the Yüan ming pao (Yü han,
57.7a): 明 王 獨 見 天 下 歸 往"It is only an enlightened King whom all under Heaven turn to"; in the
Ch'ien han shu, ch. 刑 法 志 (23.1b):歸 而 往 之 是 爲 王 矣 "Whom the people turn and
go to, he is wang indeed".
24.
三 皇 步 五 帝 趨 三 王 馳 五 霸 鶩
(the last word is an error for 鶩;
Yü han, 58.29a; Tpyl, 76.3b). The
Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇 ; 14.5b) says: 三 皇 步 而 五 帝 驟 霸 王 以 來 載 馳 載 鶩"The Three August Ones
walked leisurely, while the Five Emperors ran; since the Hegemons [the pace
grew] quicker and quicker". The meaning of the Po hu
t'ung passage is explained by Sung Chung (in his Comm. on the
Kou ming chüeh, Yü han l.c.) as follows: "When the
[Sovereign's] spiritual power was abundant and his way perfect the sun and moon
[seemed to] go slowly; the more auxious [he became to attend] to the daily
affairs the more sun and moon [seemed to] hurry, and when in his diligence he
could not stop his thoughts [of his duties] the sun and moon [seemed to]
gallop". In the Lun yü, chuan k'ao ch'an (ed.
Han shih i shu k'ao, 1b; Tpyl,
76.3b) it is Yao, Shun, Yü, and T'ang instead of the three huang, the five ti, the three
wang, and the five pa, who
differed from each other in this respect. The difference between
huang, ti, wang and pa is
expressed in other ways, all indicating the decline in spiritual power. The
Kuan tzŭ, ch. 兵 法 (17.79) says: 明 一 者 皇 察 道 者 帝 通 德 者 王"He who understands the one
[undivided life-essence] is [called] huang, he who has
examined the Way is [called] ti, he who has penetrated
into its spiritual power is [called] wang"; the
Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 人 閒 訓(18.25b): 古 者 五 帝 貴 德 三 王
用 義 五 霸 任 力 "Anciently the Five Emperors
esteemed 'virtue', the Three Kings used 'righteousness', the Five Hegemons
employed force"; ibid., ch.汜 論 訓 (13.6b): 昔 者 神 農 無 制 令 而 民 從 唐 虞
有 制 令 而 無 刑 罰 夏 后 氏 不 負 言 殷 人 誓 周 人 盟. "Anciently, Shên-nung made no use of
ordinances and commandments, but the people obeyed; Yao and Shun had ordinances
and commandments, but no penal laws; the Hsia Dynasty did not go back on their
word; the Yin exhorted; the Chou made covenants"; ibid., ch. 泰 族 訓 (20.12a):故 同 氣 者 帝 同 義 者 王 同 力 者 霸"He who
identified himself with the primeval essence is [called] ti, he who identifies himself with 'righteousness' is
[called] wang, he who identifies himself with force is
[called] pa", which is more or less in conformity with
the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 應 同(13.6b; Wi. 162): 帝 者 同 氣 王 者 同 力 霸 者 同 義; the
Fêng su t'ung i (2.4b): 五 帝 聖 焉 死 三 王 仁 焉 死 五 霸 智 焉 "The Five Emperors [practised]
sageness, after their death the Three Kings [practised] consideration for
others, after their death the Five Hegemons [practised] knowledge"; the
Lun yü chê ch'ien shêng (Tpyl,
76.3b): 帝 不 先 義 任 道 德 王 不 先 力 尚 仁 義 霸 不
先 正 尚 武 力 "The Emperors did not put first 'righteousness', but employed the
spiritual power [which proceeds from their possession] of the Way, the Kings
did not put first force, but esteemed consideration for others and
'righteousness', the Hegemons did not put first justice, but esteemed military
force"; the Tou wei i (Tpyl, 76.2a): 帝 者 得 其 英 華 王 者 得 其 根 核 霸 者 得 其 附 支"The Emperors have
obtained the blossoms and flowers, the Kings have obtained the root and stem,
the Hegemons have obtained the appended branches" (Ma Kuo-han's ed.,
Yü han, 54.31a, says that the Emperors have obtained the
root and stem, whereas the Kings have obtained the blossoms and flowers); the
T'ung k'ao lun by 阮 籍 Juan Chi (210-263), quoted in
Tpyl, 77.7b: 三 皇 依 道 五 帝 仗 德 三 王 施 仁 五 霸 行 義
"The Three August Ones based themselves on
the Way, the Five Emperors took their support from their spiritual power, the
Three Kings practised consideration for others, the Five Hegemons exercised
'righteousness' ".--In translating 帝 by Emperor I disagree with Professor Dubs,
who condemns the use of this term (Journal of the American
Oriental Society, 65.26-27), considering it an anachronism because it is
only after 211 B.C. that we can really speak of an 'empire' and an 'emperor'.
But Dubs does not take into account, 1. that according to the hierarchy of
Sovereigns (san-huang, wu-ti, san-wang, wu-pa the
wang ranks as inferior to the ti,
requiring a term which should distinctly mark the difference; 2. that the
superiority of the one to the other is a matter of 德, not of the size of the
territory over which they rule; 3. that the etymology of the word 'Emperor'
(from imperator) very happily gives to it just this
sense of sacredness.
25. The Y. ed. has 得 號 天 下 至 尊 言 稱 instead of 明 位 號 天 下 至 尊 之 稱
. Lu's
correction foll. the I wên lei chü (11.2a). The
Tpyl, 76.3b, quoting the Kou ming
chüeh, gives about the same statement.
26.
帝 曰 諮 四 岳
. Ch. 堯 典of the Sim
ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.19a; L. 24). The text
of the Shu ching has 咨 instead of 諮. The Shih chi (1.13b) has: 堯 又 曰 嘘 四 嶽 . For 四 岳or see 四 嶽M.
H. 1.50, n. 1, and Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu,
1.19. The Y. ed. omits 帝 曰.
27.
王 曰 裕 汝 眾
. Probably from ch. 盤 庚 上 of the
Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu,
8.5b; L. 225), where, however, the text reads: 王 若 曰 格 汝 眾. By the King generally is meant
P'an-kêng of the Shang Dynasty (14th cent. B.C.), who moved his capital to Yin,
hence the change of the Dynasty's name from this time onward (cf.
M.H. I. 193, n. 4). Chêng Hsüan, however, says that it
was 陽 甲 Yang-chia, P'an-kêng's predecessor, who is indicated (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.66; cf. also n. 197). The
Y. ed. omits 王.
28.
或 稱 一 人
-- . The Y. ed. has 有 instead of 稱
.
29. Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on ch. 天 子 章
of the
Hsiao ching (chu shu, 1.8a) says: "The Son of Heaven in
designating himself says yü i-jên 予 一 人-- , yü means wo 我 'We'; he means [to say
thereby]: although We actually assume the highest position, still We are only
one among men, and not different from men. This is [a sign of]
modesty".
30.
百 姓 有 過 在 予 一 人
-- . Ch. 堯 曰(Lun yü
chu shu, 20.1b: L. 351). In this context the sentence represents a
'scape-goat formula' (Waley, Analects, 231, n. 5), which
is not brought out in Legge's translation ("The people are throwing blame upon
me, the One man"). The statement occurs also in ch. 泰 誓 中of the Shu ching (Old Text version, Shang shu chu
shu, 10.11b; L. 292); in the Han shih wai chuan
(3.6a); in the Shuo yüan, ch. 貴 德 (5.4b). It refers to the
words spoken by King Wu at his attack on the Yin Dynasty. Approximately the
same statement was made by T'ang, the founder of the Shang Dynasty, who is also
called King Wu 武 王! (See Shih chi, 3.4b; M.H. 1.184. n. 1). It is found in ch. 湯 誥 of the
Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 7.14a-b): 其 爾 萬 方 有 罪 在 予 一 人 予 一 人 有 罪 無 以 萬 方 萬 方 有 罪 罪 在 朕 躬, in Legge's
translation (L. 189): "When guilt is found anywhere in you who occupy the
myriad regions, it must rest on me. When guilt is found in me, the one man, it
will not attach to you who occupy the myriad regions"; in ch. of the
Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1b): in
Legge's translation (L. 350): "If, in my person, I commit offences, they are
not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad
regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest
on my person"; in ch. 兼 愛 下 of the Mo tzŭ (4.8):
萬 方 有 罪 即 當 朕 身 朕 身 有 罪 無 及 萬 方 in Mei's
translation (94): "If there is sin anywhere hold me responsible for it; if I
myself am guilty may the rest be spared"; in the Lu shih
ch'un ch'iu, ch. 順 民 (9.4b): 余 一人 有 罪 無 及 萬 夫 萬 有 罪 在 余 一 人, in Wilhelm's translation (Wi. 107): "Wenn ich,
der Herrscher, gesündigt habe, so moge die Strafe nicht über das Volk kommen;
wenn aber das Volk gesündigt hat, so möge die Strafe allein auf mir ruhen". In
his translations Legge wishes to distinguish the first series (with 過 ) from the
second (with 罪), see his note on p. 292 of his Shu ching
translation. But the sentence in the Lun yü 雖 有 周 親 不 如
仁 人 百 姓 有 過 在 予 一 人 (l.c.) is
written 雖 有 周 親 不 若 仁 人 萬 方 有 罪 維 予 一 人 in the Mo tzŭ, ch. 兼 愛 中(4.73; Mei, 86), so that the
purport of both statements is the same. 予 一 人, or 我 一 人 for the rest, is the term which is
also used by the Son of Heaven in speaking of himself in ordinary statements,
see the Shu ching, passim, esp. ch. 盤 庚 and 湯 誥 .
31.
臣 下
The Y. ed. omits 下. Supplied by
Lu.
32. Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on the
Hsiao ching (l.c.) reads: "When the subjects speak [of
the Son of Heaven] they only say 'the One Man', meaning that within the four
seas there is only one man whom they speak of reverently".
33.
不 施 予 一 人
. This is very probably a quotation
from ch. 盤 庚 上 (Shang shu chu shu, 8.6a; L. 226) where,
however, we find: [惟 汝 含 德 ] 不 惕 予 一 人 in Legge's translation: "you conceal the goodness of my
intentions, not standing in awe of me, the one man". There are two questions to
consider: 1. the meaning of 施 (惕)
2. the value of the quotation in the
Po hu t'ung context. 1. Almost everyone agrees that 施 and
惕 have the same meaning. Lu supposes that may have been changed into by the way
its pronunciation has been indicated, viz. by 他 計 切 Ch'ên thinks the change of
t'i 惕 into shih 施 to be possible
through sound-analogy, and further says the quotation may be from the
Shang shu ta chuan (the ancient pronunciations of 惕 and
施 are *t'iek/t'iek and *dia/ie resp., Gr.Ser. nos. 850i
and 4l1). Huang I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung
lu, 16.15a) says that 惕 should be read 易, in the meaning of 'to bestow'. Liu
(72.2b) proves with many quotations that 施 and 易 are often interchangeable, but
makes a distinction between 施 and 惕. Yü Yüeh (Ch'ün ching p'ing
i 群 經 平 議 , 4.10a) says that is the correct writing, whereas is a loan-word; it is
in opposition to and supplements the word 含 'to contain, to hide', which occurs
in the preceding sentence. Finally Ku Chieh-kang (Ku shih
pien, II. 59.62), following Yü Yüeh's explanation, paraphrases: [只 因 你 們 匿 去 了 好 意] 而 不 給 與 我, 所 以 使 我 如 此 "It is
only because you have concealed your good intentions which you do not want to
extend to me, that I have become what I am". This rendering differs
considerably from Legge's, as well as from that suggested by Sun Hsing-yen, who
takes 惕 in the meaning of 悅 'to rejoice', thus "You do not rejoice [to follow me],
the One Man [in removing the capital]". 2. The quotation is used by the
Po hu t'ung to prove that 一 人 is the expression employed by
the subjects in speaking of the King. Now, if the quotation represents the
words spoken by P'an-kêng, it would be meaningless in the context, because 一 人is
then his self-designation. But are they P'an-kêng's own words? I may refer to
Ku Chieh-kang's study in the Ku shih pien, II. 51-57 for
a discussion of the problem whether the exhortations occurring in the first
section of the P'an kêng were delivered by P'an-kêng
himself or by one of his Ministers (on page 52 Ku says that the posing of this
problem only dates from the Ch'ing scholars onward, before them P'an-kêng was
generally held to be the speaker; he ought, however, to have mentioned Chêng
Hsüan, who already distinguished between P'an-kêng the subject (when his father
was alive) and P'an-kêng the King, and according to whom the first section of
the chapter represents his words when a subject, see the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.64.66; cf. also n. 191).
The question is too complicated to be dealt with here. But in order not to
disturb the context of the Po hu t'ung I have followed
Ch'ên, who, on the authority of Chêng Hsüan's previously mentioned opinion,
interprets 予 一 人 in the quotation as 我 天 子
;'Our Son of Heaven'. On the other hand I have
accepted Yü Yüeh's (and Ku Chieh-kang's) interpretation of .
34.
朕 我 也
. Chên 上 was formerly used
irrespective of one's position in the meaning of 'I' (Tu
tuan, .2a), and it was only with Ch'in Shih huang-ti that the term was
reserved for the Son of Heaven (Bodde, China's First
Unifier, 44. n. 2; 93-94; M.H. II. 127. n.
1).
35.
予 亦 我 也
. The use of 予 was not, however, the
sole prerogative of the Son of Heaven, which only seems to have been the case
with the expression 予 小 子 yü hsiao-tzŭ (Shu
ching, passim).
36.
君 之 爲 言 羣 也
The Ch'un ch'iu
fan lu (10.3b-4a) says the same: 君 者 羣 也
; in another place (5.1a) we read: 君 不 失 其 所 羣 者 也"A
chün does not forsake those who have flocked [to him]".
Ch. 君 通 of the Hsün tzŭ (12.5) says: "What does
chün mean? He who can [make people] flock [to him] 能 羣 也.
What is meant by: who can [make people] flock [to him]? He who knows how to
give living and nourishment to men, who knows how to treat and govern men, who
knows how to distinguish and use men, who knows how to protect and enrich men";
ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou
shu (6.23a): 從 之 成 群 曰 君"he whom the people, forming flocks, follow, is called
chün", a statement which also occurs in ch.刑 法 志of the
Ch'ien han shu (23.1a; only 是 爲 君 矣 is written here instead of 曰 君 .
In the Han shih wai chuan (5.12a) we read: 君 者 何 也 曰 群 也 爲 天 下 萬 物 而 除 其 害 者 謂 之 君"What is the
meaning of chün? It means to flock; he who for the
benefit of the ten thousand things in all under Heaven removes the harmful is
called chün" (the Tpyl, 76.1b,
quoting the Han shih wai chuan, writes 君 者 羣 也 羣 天 下 萬 民 而 除 其害 者 謂 之 君 "Chün means to flock; he who makes the myriad people in all
under Heaven flock [around him] and removes [for their benefit] the harmful is
called chün").
37. Ho Yen's Comm. to ch. 學 而 of the
Lun ÿ (chu shu, 1.1a), quoting Ma
Jung, says: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a man" 子 者 男 子 之 通 稱.
Hsing Ping in his Sub-comm., however, feels compelled to add: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a virtuous man" 子 者 男 子 有 德 之 通 稱 也 .
38.
廣 至 德
Ch. (Hsiao ching
chu shu, 7.1a; L. 482). The text of the Y. ed. has
下 言 instead of 所 以 'therewith',
and omits the intermediate passage 非 家 至 而 日 見 之 也Chün-tzŭ in this
quotation applies to the Sovereign.
39.
何 以 知
. The Y. ed. has 言 before 知. Dropped by
Lu.
40.
凱 弟 君 子 民 之 父 母
. Ode 251: 泂 酌(Mao
shih chu shu, 24.66a), where 豈 弟 君 子 is written, as also in Ode 174: 湛 露(ibid.,
17.13b), Ode 219: 青 蠅 (ibid., 21.41a); Ode 239: 旱 麓 (ibid., 23.52a., 53b, 55a, 56b,
57a), Ode 252: 卷 阿 (ibid., 24.67b, 73a). The Li chi, quoting
Ode 251, writes 凱 弟 , as in the Po hu t'ung (ch. 孔 子 閒 居 ,
Li chi chu shu, 51.1a; C. II. 391; ch. 表 記 ,
Li chi chu shu, 54.16b; C. II. 496). Another reading is
恺 悌, which occurs in the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (ch. 不 屈 , 18.18b;
Wi. 310; quoting Ode 251), the Hsiao ching (ch. 廣 至 德 7.2a; L.
483; quoting Ode 251), the Han shih wai chuan (6.10a;
quoting Ode 251; 8.3b.6a; quoting Ode 252), the Tso
chuan (Hsi 12, Tso chuan chu shu, 12.23b; L. 159;
quoting Ode 239; Ch'êng 8, Tso chuan chu shu, 26.25a; L.
365; quoting Ode 239, the Chia yü (3.16b; quoting Ode
251). The Shuo yüan (ch. 政 理 , 7.7a: quoting Ode 251) writes
凱 悌. Legge translates the 豈 弟 君 子 of Ode 251 by 'the happy and courteous sovereign' (L.
489), so also in his translation of the Li chi (L. II.
278.340) and the Hsiao ching (L. 483). Couvreur (Cheu king, 364) translates: 'un prince sage, almable et
bon', so also in his Li ki, II. 391, but in
Li ki, II. 496: 'un prince sage, qui montre une aimable
gaieté et une affection toute fraternelle'. Karlgren (K. 17.74): 'the joyous
and pleasant lord'. Wilhelm (Wi. 310): 'ein hehrer und freundlicher Herr'.
Waley (Book of Songs, 182): 'All happiness to our lord'.
The expression is explained by Mao's Chuan (Mao shih chu
shu, 24.66a) as: 樂 以 強 教 之 易 以 說 安 之
"[the Lord] is gay that he may instruct [his people] with
vigour, he is affable that he may by persuasion put them at ease". The
Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (l.c.) explains: "愷 k'ai means
ta 'great', 悌ti means
ch'ang 長 'far-reaching', if the Lord's spiritual power is
far-reaching and great, he can then act as the father and mother of his
people". T'ang Ming-huang's Comm. on the Hsiao ching
(l.c.) says: "K'ai means lo 樂
'joy', ti means i 易 'ease'; the
meaning is taken from the Lord reforming his people with joy and ease". The
Han shih wai chuan (l.c.) says: 君 子 者 貌 恭 而 行 肆 身 儉 而 施 博"The Lord in his
demeanor is reverent, but his actions reach far, in his person he is temperate,
but his influence is extensive". Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso
chuan (chu shu, 12.23b) identifies k'ai with
lo 樂, and ti with
i 易. The Li chi elaborates Mao's
Chuan; in ch. 表 記 (l.c.) it says: "[The Lord] is gay 凱 that he
may instruct [his people] with vigour, he is affable 弟 that he may by persuasion
put them at ease; [he teaches them] gaiety without extravagance, the observance
of propriety yet not without love; he is austere yet puts them at ease, he
shows filial piety and tenderness yet he is respected"; in ch. 孔 子 閒 居 the explanation
is more mystical: the Lord "must have penetrated to the fundamental principles
of ceremonies and music, till he has reached the five extreme points to which
they conduct, and the three that have no positive existence 以 至 五 至 而 行 三 無, and be able to
exhibit these [to] all under Heaven; and when evil is impending in any part of
the kingdom, he must have a foreknowledge of it" (Legge's translation, L. II.
278).
41. Ch. 公 冶 長 (Lun yü chu
shu, 5.2a; L. 173). The disciple, here referred to, was 宓 不 齊
Fu Pu-ch'i,
style 子 賤 Tzŭ-chien. His biography is to be found in the
Shih chi, 67.15a ff.
42. It is impossible for me to enter
here into a discussion of the very complicated systems which have been woven
around the figures of the san-huang and the
wu-ti. I may therefore refer to the studies by Haloun
(Contributions to the History of Clan-Settlement in Ancient China,
Asia Major, 1. 91 ff.); to Ku Chieh-kang and Yang
Hsiang-kuei ( 三 皇 考 Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, Monograph
Series, no. 8); to Yang K'uan (Ku shih pien, VII
上 .65-318); and to Karlgren (Legends and Cults in Ancient China,
b. M. F.E.A., 18.199 ff.).
43. Acc. to Karlgren (o.c. 232) the
first series is against the pre-Han texts, while the second is a violent
innovation.
44. Ch'ên supposes the quotation to be
from a lost chapter 號 諡 記 of the treatises on rites, because it is quoted as such in
the Fêng su t'ung i. Here (1.1b), however, the
enumeration given is: Fu-hsi, Chu-jung, Shên-nung.
45. Fu-hsi is written 伏 羲
or 伏犧 or 宓犧; he is also
called 庖 P'ao-hsi or 包 Pao-hsi (see n. 218).
46.
未 有 三 綱 六 紀
. The san-kang refers to the relation between Lord and subject,
father and son, husband and wife; the liu-chi refers to
one's attitude towards father's elder brothers, brothers, clansmen, father's
younger brothers, elders, friends. See ch. XXIX: 三 綱 六 紀 of the Po hu
t'ung.
47. Cf. ch. 盜 跖 of the Chuang tzŭ (29.97):民 知 其 母 不 知 其 父.
48.
臥 之 詓 詓 起 之 吁 吁
. The Chuang
tzŭ (l.c.) has: 神 農 之 世 臥 則 居 居 起 則 于 于 , in Legge's translation (L. II. 171): "In the age of Shăn
Năng, the people lay down in simple innocence, and rose up in quiet security".
This refers to the golden age of perpetual bliss, which is also described in
ch. 胠 篋 of the Chuang tzŭ (10.56-57; L. I.
287-288).
49.
茹 毛 飲 血 而 衣 皮 葦
Ch. Li yün of
the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I. 504) has 飲 其 血 茹 其 毛 … 衣 其 羽 皮"They drank
their blood, swallowed the hair [with the flesh] . . . . and clothed them-
selves with their feathers and skins". See also n. 181.
50.
于 是 伏 羲 仰 觀 象 于 天 俯 察 法 于 地
. Ch. Hsi
tz'ŭ 下 of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a) has: 仰 則 觀 象 于 天 俯 則 觀 法 于 地 in
Legge's translation (L. 382): "Looking up, he contemplated the brilliant forms
exhibited in the sky, and looking down he surveyed the patterns shown on the
earth". The 新 語 Hsin yü by 陸 賈 Lu Chia ( 上.1b) says: 于 是 先 聖 乃 仰 觀 天 文 俯 察 地 理 , in v.
Gabain's translation (Mitt.Sem.Or.Spr., XXXIII, 19): "In
Anbetracht dessen blickten die früheren Heiligen zu den Himmelsbildern empor,
und unten prüften sie die Kraftlinien der Erde".
51. This statement does not occur in the
I ching, but the Hsin yü (l.c.)
says: 圖 書 乾 坤 以 定 人 道 民 始 開 悟 知 有 父 子 之 親 君 臣 之 義 夫 婦 之
道 長 幼 之 序 "Erst da regte sich beim Volk Verständnis; es begriff, dass es die Liebe
zwischen Vater und Sohn gibt, die Pflicht zwischen Fürst und Untertan, das
rechte Verhalten der Gatten zueinander, die rechte Reihenfolge der älteren zu
den Jüngeren". Further we read in the Ch'ien tso tu (
.2a) that Fu-hsi drew up the eight trigrams, representing and modelling
himself on Heaven and Earth, and following the yin and the yang, in order to
put right the correct relations between Lord and subject, father and son,
husband and wife. And Ssŭ-ma Chêng says in the Shih chi
(三 皇 本 紀 , 1b; M.H. 1. 7): 于 是 始 制 嫁 娶 以 儷 皮 为 禮
"Puis le premier il (Fu-hsi) régla le
mariage de la femme et celui de l'homme et du don des deux peaux de bêtes il
fit un rite" (acc. to the Comm. this statement also occurs in the
Ku shih k'ao by Ch'iao Chou).
52.
畫 八 卦 以 治 天 下
. The Y. ed. omits 天 and has 治 after 下;
Lu and Ch'ên omit 天.
53.
下 伏 而 化 之
. Liu (72.2b) thinks that the
explanation may have been prompted by the likeness in sound of 化
hua 'to reform' and hsi 義 (ancient
pronunciations *?.wa/?wa and *?ia/?jie resp., Gr. Ser.
19a and 2y).
54. The Han wên
chia (quoted in Fêng su t'ung i, 1.1b-2a;
Yü han, 54.12a) says: 伏 者 別 也 變 也 戲 也 法 也 伏 羲 始 別 八 卦 以 變 化 天 下 天 下
法 則 咸 伏 貢 戲 故 曰 伏 羲"Fu means
to distinguish, to reform; hsi means tribute, to
regulate; Fu-hsi was the first to distinguish the eight trigrams in order to
reform all under Heaven; when all under Heaven had been regulated everybody
reformed and presented tribute; therefore he was called the Reformer and
[Receiver of] Tribute". Ssŭ-ma Chêng (l.c.) gives a different explanation: "He
made nets and snares to teach [the people] hunting and fishing, therefore he
was called Fu-hsi 宓犧
Subjugator of Animals; he reared domestic animals to provide
for the kitchen, therefore he was called P'ao-hsi 庖犧 Provisor of Animals". K'ung
Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Preface of the Shu ching (Shang
shu chu shu, 序.2a) recapitulates the diverse explanations of the name Fu
(P'ao)-hsi: "With his divine power he subjugated 伏 the [ten thousand] things, and
he taught men to catch animals 犧 牲, so he was called 伏 羲 or 宓犧; with nets and snares he
caught animals, so he was called 包犧; he caught animals to rear them
pao, so he was called Pao Hsi; he caught animals to
provide for the kitchen 庖厨, so he was called P'ao Hsi".
55.
分 地 之 利
. The expression also occurs in ch. 庶 人
of the Hsiao ching (chu shu, 3.1a), and is commented
upon as: "To distinguish the five [kinds of] land, and to observe their height
and lowness, so that each [kind] may be exploited to its
fulness".
56.
神 而 化 之 使 民 宜 之
. This sentence is from the
Hsi tz'ŭ (12.6b), where it, however, refers to Huang-ti,
Yao and Shun. It also occurs in the Fêng su t'ung i
(1.2b), where it refers to Shên Nung, as in the Po hu
t'ung.
57.
鐕 木 燧 取 火
. Liu (72.3a) supposes that it is a
contamination of two statements, one with 木, the other with 燧, so that one of the
two should be dropped.
58.
養 人 利 性
. The Comm. on the Lu shih (5.7a) quotes this passage of the Po hu t'ung, but writes 制 養 禮 性 "he regulated and fostered their
instinct of propriety". Liu (72.3a) offers the simple solution that 性 may be 生,
thus "he instructed man to take advantage of his life".
59. The Han wên
chia (Fêng su t'ung i, 1.2a; Yü
han, 54.12a), after first describing the invention of fire by Sui-jên 燧 人,
proceeds: "he caused men not again to suffer from alimentary diseases [by the
eating of raw meat], and to differ from the birds and quadrupeds; he followed
the will of Heaven and was therefore called Sui-jên, the Follower" 遂 天 之 意 故 曰 遂 人(the
Tpyl, 78.2b, quoting the Han wên
chia, first writes 遂 天 but then 燧 人; so also the I wên lei
chü, 11.15a).
60.
祝 者 屬 也
. The word 祝 chu (ancient pron. *tiok/tśiuk; Gr.
Ser. 1025a) occurs in Ode 53: 干 旄(Mao shih chu shu,
4.29b); Mao explains it as meaning 'to weave, to braid', but Chêng Hsüan's 戔
Chien 'Notes' say it is a loan-word for 屬
chu (anc. pron. *tiuk/tśiwok; Gr.
Ser. 1224s) meaning 'to apply, to attach' (cf. K. 14.140; L. 87, note). In
the sense of 'to attach'
or 附 著 the word 祝 also occurs in the Chou
li, ch. 瘍 醫 (in the expression 祝 藥; Chou li chu shu,
5.7b). 'Connect', 'weave', and 'attach' may be considered to express the same
idea.
61.
融 者 續 也
. Acc. to the Shuo
wên (13 上.11) the old writing for 續hsü was 賡
kêng (so explained also in the 釋 詁 . Erh
ya chu shu, 1.40b). It occurs in ch. 益 稷 of the Shu ching
(Shang shu chu shu, 4.19b; which exists only in the Old Text version) in
the sentence 乃 賡 載 歌 曰 ; K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as
續 (Legge, L. 90, translates: "With this he continued the song, saying . . . .").
In Ode 203: 大 東 there is the sentence 東 有 啟 明 西 有 長 庚 (Mao shih chu shu,
20.15a; L. 356), where 庚 in Mao's Chuan (which is the
phonetic of 賡 and used for it, cf. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the
Shu ching, quoting the Ode and writing 西 有 長 賡, o.c. 20b) is
explained as 續. The planet Venus (太 白) is called ch'i-ming 啟 明
when it is seen in the east in the morning, and ch'ang-kêng 長 庚 when it is seen in the west in the evening
(Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, 634; K. 16.243
translates ch'i-ming by 'Opener of Light' (Lucifer) and
ch'ang-kêng by 'Long Continuer' (Hesperus)). The
expression ch'ang-kêng for Venus means that after the
sun has set the planet prolongs the light (Mao's Chuan
elucidated by Chêng Hsüan and K'ung Ying-ta). Ch'ên Huan explains 長 by 常 , and 庚 by
續 or 繼; 長 庚 then means 繼 日 而 常 明 也 'to continue the sun ['s light] by making it constantly bright'
(Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.9). The process of reasoning
which leads to the identification of 融 with 續 may then be conceived as follows: the
planet Venus is bright, it is named ch'ang-kêng 長 庚,
kêng 庚is alike in sound as, indeed the phonetic in,
kêng 賡, which is another writing for and has the same
meaning as hsü 續 'to continue'; thus the bright planet
prolongs and continues the light of the sun: bright = to continue;
jung 融 also means bright, so jung =
to continue ! This reasoning is, however, too fantastic, and there is a better
and simpler explanation. Ode 247: 既醉 contains the sentence 昭 明 有 融. (Mao shih chu shu, 24.35b), in which 融 is explained as 長(acc. to
K'ung Ying-ta from the 釋 詁, Erh ya chu shu, 1.13b, where 永, 羕, 引 延, 融, 駿,
are explained 長 也 ). Jung 融 is, however, explained by Chu Hsi
as meaning 'a high degree of brightness' (明 之 盛 ( 詩 集 傳 , 17.9b) Karlgren says: "The
fundamental sense of yung (jung)融
is 'heat' . . . . The notions 'heat', 'fire', and 'brightness' are constantly
combined semasiologically in Chinese" (K. 18.70; further examples of
jung = bright 明 may be found in Ching
chi chuan ku, 6). Legge follows Chu Hsi in his translation (L. 476): "May
your bright intelligence become perfect". Waley (Book of
Songs, 214) is non-committal: "May their shining light beam mildly upon
you". Karlgren follows Mao's Chuan in his translation of
the Ode (K. 17.72; 18.70): "May your brightness be extensive". Ace. to him 融
jung or yung (anc. pron.
*dĭbinv;ông/ĭbinv;ung, Gr. Ser. 1009d) is here really a
loan character for 肜 jung or yung (
= 'sacrifice on the following day'; anc. pron. *diong/iung, Gr. Ser. 1008a; cf. also Shih chi,
3.9b, M.H. I. 197, n. 2, for 融=肜); "the ancientmost
interpr. (viz. jung = ch'ang
'long, extensive'), well supported by the comparison with and by the fact
that yung = ch'ang 'long' survived in Han-time
colloquial, is confirmed by the parallelism in the st(anza): the next line is 高 朗 令 終
'May your high brilliance (have =) last to a good end; 'extensive' and 'lasting
to the end' balance each other". The statement in the Po hu
t'ung 融 者 續 也 thus proves to be corroborated by modern philology, for
hsü is after all synonymous with ch'ang 長, both in the sense of 'to extend, prolong,
continue', and the introduction of the link kêng 庚 is
unnecessary.
62. Chu-jung was undoubtedly from
primeval times a fire-god (Legends, 240), he figures in
ch. Yüeh ling of the Li chi as
presiding over the summer. In the Mo tzŭ it is related
that Chu-jung, the fire-god, assisted T'ang in attacking the Hsia Dynasty
(ibid., 244). In the Shih chi (40.1a; M.H. IV. 338; Legends, 245) Ch'ung-li
重 黎, the great-grandson of Chuan-hsü figures as master of fire and was given the
title of Chu-jung under Emperor K'u because "he was very meritorious, and was
able to illuminate all under Heaven brilliantly" 甚 有 功 能 光 融 天 下. The Kuo
yü, ch. 鄭 語 (16.2b) also says that [Ch'ung-]li was master of fire and that
"because he greatly added to and largely increased the brilliance of Heaven and
the spiritual power of Earth [so that] light was shed on [all within] the four
seas, therefore he was called Chu-jung, Initiator of Light (Wei Chao's Comm.
explains chu as shih 始 'to begin', and jung as ming 明'light'), great indeed was his merit" 以 淳 耀 惇 大 天 明 地 德
光 眧 四 海 故 命 之 曰 祝 融 其 功 大 矣 . Further
it says (16.3a): "Chu-jung was also able to make manifest the light of Heaven
and Earth, with which to grow and nurse the precious materials [of life]" 祝 融 亦 能 昭 顯 天 地
之 光 明 以 生 柔 嘉 材 者 也
Chu-jung is written 祝 誦 Chu-Sung in the Lu shih (8.3a), and
in the inscription on the panel with reliefs in the (pseudo) funerary-chamber
of the Wu-liang family 武 梁 祠 堂 (2d cent. A.D.); the Three August Ones are there
represented in the same order of sequence as in the Fêng su
t'ung i: Fu-hsi (with Nü-kua), Chu-sung, Shên-nung (see Chavannes,
La sculpture sur pierre en Chine, 3-5; pl.
III).
63. Probably the Ta
tai li chi is meant here, where the same succession of the Five Emperors
is given (7.1a-4a; Wi. 281-284). The Li chi, ch.
Yüeh ling gives for the Emperors: T'ai-hao 太 暤 (spring),
Yen-ti 炎 帝 (summer), Huang-ti (middle of the year), Shao-hao 少暤 (autumn), Chuan-hsü
(winter); see table in Couvreur's translation of the Li
chi (C. I. 410). See also n. 229.
64. Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ下
(Chou i chu shu, 12.5a ff.; L. 382 ff.), where, however,
the Five Emperors are not mentioned as such. There is only the statement that
after the death of Fu-hsi, Shên-nung appeared, and after the death of Shên-
nung, Huang-ti, Yao and Shun did their work.
65. The beginning sentences of ch. 堯 典
and 舜 典
(Shang shu chu shu, 1.3b; 2.1b; L. 15.29). The so-called
Preface of K'ung An-kuo mentions as the Three August Ones: Fu-hsi, Shên-nung,
and Huang-ti; as the Five Emperors: Hsiao-hao 小 昊, Chuan-hsü, Kao-hsin 高 辛(=
Ti-k'u), T'ang 唐 (= Yao), Yü 虞 (= Shun; Shang shu chu shu,
序.4a). The Fêng su t'ung i (1.3a) says that acc. to the 易 傳
(= Hsi tz'ŭ), the Li chi (=
Ta tai li chi), the Ch'un ch'iu,
the Kuo yü, and the Shih chi, the
Five Emperors were: Huang-ti, Chuan-hsü, Ti-k'u, Ti-yao, and Ti-shun; it adopts
this series. See also n. 227.
66.
黃 者 中 和 之 色
. The Y. ed. has 帝 instead of 者. The
Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; also quoted in
Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3a) says: "Huang 'yellow' means kuang 'light',
hou 'liberal', it is the colour of equilibrium and
harmony" 黃 者 光 也 厚 也 中 和 之 色 (see also n. 232). Ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li
chi (chu shu, 26.14b; C. I. 601) says: "Yellow
[occupies] the middle [position of the five colours, viz. dark green, red,
yellow, white, black]". The Tso chuan, Chao 12 (Tso chuan chu
shu, 45.38; L. 637) writes: 黃 中 之 色 也 .
67.
自 然 之 性
(the Y. ed. has 姓, corr. by Lu) 萬 世 不 易
. The
Pao p'u tzŭ (quoted in the Tpyl,
79.6b) says: 黃 帝 生 而 能 言 役 使 百 靈 可 謂 天 授自 然 之 體 者 "When Huang-ti was born he was able to speak and employ the
hundred spiritual forces; it may be said that Heaven had given him the capacity
of spontaneity".
68.
得 其 中 和
. The expression 中 和 occurs in ch. 中 庸 of
the Li chi (chu shu, 52.1b; C.
II. 429). I have followed Legge's translation (L. II. 300). The
Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; Fèng su
t'ung i, 1.3a) says: 黃 帝 始 制 冕 垂 衣 裳 上 棟 下 宇 以 避 風 雨 禮 文 法 度 興
事 創 業"Huang-ti was the first to institute [the wearing of]
head-cover and flowing garments, he [made the people] set up ridge-poles and
roofs to shelter [them] against wind and rain; he initiated the practise of the
rules of propriety and refinement".
69.
颛 者 專 也
. The same is said by the
Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; quoted in the
Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3b). 颛 is often used for and in the
meaning of 專in the Ch'ien han shu: 颛兵'special military
authority',颛制 'special decision', 颛門'special school', etc. (see the
Ching chi chuan ku, 241).
70.
頊 者 正 也
. The Shang shu ta
chuan (1.c.) explains hsü 頊 as hsin 信 'sincerity". The Wu ching t'ung i
(T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12b) explains it
as yü 愉 'to be happy'.
71.
能 專 正 天 人 之 道
. The Pei t'ang
shu ch'ao (15.1b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, says:
專 正 人 道 "he [applied himself] especially to correct the way of man".
72.
嚳 者 極 也
. The Shuo
wên (2 上.22) explains k'u 嚳 as 急 告 之 甚 也 'the highest degree of
a pressing report'. And the Shang shu ta chuan (1.c.)
says: 嚳 者 考 也 成 也 言 其 考 明 法 度 醇 美 嚳 然 若 酒 之 芬 香 也 "K'u means k'uo 'to
examine', ch'êng 'perfect'; it means that [Ti-k'u]
examined and exposed the laws and measures, [and practised them in such] a pure
and excellent way, [and so] perfectly [that it worked] like the fragrance of
wine". The Kuan tzŭ, ch. 侈 靡 (35.44) writes 俈for
k'u, so also the Shih chi, ch.三代 年 表
(13.1b; M.H. III. 3). The name of Ti-k'u is also written
(Ku shih pien, VII 上. 223 ff., where the whole problem of
帝 俊 this figure is amply discussed).
73.
言 其 能 施 行 窮 極 道 德 也
. Tuan Yü-ts'ai's Comm. on the
Shuo wên (1.c.), quoting the Po hu
t'ung, writes: 教 令 窮 極 也.
74.
堯 猶 蕘 嶤 也
. The Shuo
wên (13 下.79) explains yao 堯 as kao 高'high', which is also the explanation given in the
Shang shu ta chuan, 1.c., which says: "Yao is high,
abundant 饒, it means that he was eminent and exalted, brilliant and illustrious,
and high and magnificent to the utmost" 言 其 隆 興 煥 炳 最 高 明 也 .
75.
舜 猶 舜 舜(此二字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”)
. Ch'ên says that, as 舜(此字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”) , which is the
same as 舛 ch'uan, has the meaning of 'to oppose,
'contrary', 'to lie in opposite directions', it is not fitting to explain the
name of Shun therewith; he therefore supposes it to be an error for
信 hsin. Liu (72.3a) says that ch'uan-ch'uan, though having the meaning of 'mutually
opposed' 相 背, also means 'mutually alike' 相 互. The Tz'ŭ hai
( 子.274) explains the expression ch'uan-ch'uan as 匹'to be
a match to', and quotes, besides our Po hu t'ung
passage, the 疊 雅 Tieh ya by Shih Mêng-lan 史 夢 蘭 (of the Ch'ing
Dynasty) which says: "Ch'uan-ch'uan conveys the idea of
'mutually matching'; it means that [Shun] was on a par with Yao with respect to
his excellent qualities" 舜舜(此二字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”) 蓋 取 相 對 意 猶 言 與 堯 比 美 也. See also the Tz'ŭ t'ung, 1.
0102.
76.
言 能 推 信 堯 道 而 行 之
. Liu (72.3a) thinks that 推 is an
error for 淮 'to take an example from'. In the Shang shu ta
chuan (3.1b) the statement occurs: 舜 者 推 也 循 也 言 其 循 堯 緒 也 "Shun means
t'ui 'to pursue', hsün 'to
follow, continue'; it means that he continued the heritage of Yao".
信 hsin is probably to be read 循hsün.
77. Or more strictly Yü 禹 , T'ang 湯, and
Wên 文 or Wu 武, with a preference for Wên; see the Fêng su t'ung
i, 1.3b-4a, and Chiao Hsün's Comm. on the Mêng tzŭ,
ch. 告 子 下(Mêng tzŭ chêng i, 12.34).
78. The quotation is from the 'Notes' 記 of ch. 士 冠 禮 of the I li (chu shu,
1.46a-b; C. 23; St. I. 16-17), not from the 經. The meaning is that, though the
names of the caps were different under the three Dynasties, the material of
which they were made was not changed 質 不 變 (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on the passage). The
statement also occurs in ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the
Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I.
604); here as well as in the I li 三 王 共 皮 弁 is followed by 素 績"[while
they wore also] white silk nether garments taken in at the middle" (see Comm.
and Sub-comm. in I li chu shu, 1.16b-17a). It is odd
that Couvreur translates the Li chi passage correctly
as: "Sous ces trois dynasties, (le nom du bonnet de peau était different, mais)
la forme restait toujours la même. Le vêtement inférieur était blanc et plissé
à la ceinture", while the corresponding passage in the I
li is translated: "Sous les trois premières dynasties, avec le
p'î pién, on portait la longue tunique noire
plissée". Legge translates the Li
chi passage as: "The three dynasties all used the skin cap, with the
skirt-of-white gathered up at the waist" (L. I. 438). Steele translates the
I li passage as: "Under all three dynasties they used
the white deer-skin cap and white surcingle" (St. I 17). For p'ien 弁, hsü 吁, and shou 收 see also ch.
XLI: 紼 冕 of the Po hu t'ung.
79. The Y. ed. has 自 克 . Ch'ên emendates 自 見
.
80.
姓
. See note 248.
81.
大 禮 號
The Y. ed. has 禮. Lu drops
.
82. The Y. ed. writes 不 顯 不 明 非 天 意 也 . Acc. to Liu
(72.3a) the first 不 should be dropped. In the Ch'un ch'iu fan
lu (1.7b) the same statement occurs (with 志 instead of 意); the context shows
that the beginning 不 is superfluous. Cf. note 247.
83.
所 以 預 自 表 克 于 前 也
. Ch'ên reads 見 instead of 克. The whole
passage is an exposition of the doctrine of the 'change of institutions' 改 制, as
it is advocated by the School of Kung-yang, of which Tung Chung-shu was the
distinguished exponent. A lengthy treatise in ch. 楚 of the 莊 王 Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (1.6b-8a) gives it in a more detailed
fashion, which can be summarized as follows: The Ch'un
ch'iu, though approving conformity with the old and criticizing an
aberration from the constant rules, yet emphasizes the doctrine that a new King
must change the institutions of the previous Dynasty. This does not mean a
change of the Way, neither is it a deviation from the right principles. It is a
change of dynastic name; the change of ruler is not the assumption of kingship
by continuing the Former Kings' institutions. If he followed the former
institutions and maintained the old heritage without any change, it would not
be different from one who assumes kingship by simple succession. But a King
receiving a mandate is made illustrious by Heaven. A continuation of the
things which should be replaced would mean that the lustre is not exhibited and
the will of Heaven is opposed. Therefore the new King must move his abode,
change the Dynasty's appellation, change the first month of the year, and
choose a new colour for his clothes. To be continued are the great constant
laws, as the relations between men, the ethical principles, the government's
administration, education, the habits and customs of the people, and the
meaning of words. Thus the King has the appearance of changing the
institutions, but not the reality of changing the Way.-- See also Franke,
Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p.
226, and Woo Kang, o.c., p. 136 ff. Cf. also ch. XXVII: 三 正
of the
Po hu t'ung. The Y. ed. has after this paragraph two
other passages which have no bearing on the preceding neither on the following
sentences, and are, acc. to Lu, a later interpolation. The first reads: "Ti and wang are appellations of
respect for him who possesses all under Heaven, to distinguish between abundant
[and scanty virtue, and entitling them] to command their subjects" 帝 王 者 居 天 下 之 尊 號 也 所 以 差 優 號 令 臣 下. This gives
in different wording the meaning of the beginning paragraph of this chapter.
The second passage reads: "A posthumous name is the trace of one's conduct, by
which one is distinguished for later generations and which shows [the dif-
ference between] good and evil; it is handed down without cessation and without
its own pushing power, the judgment being left to later ages. They all [are
intended to] stimulate goodness, warn against evil, and make it clear to those
who do not exert themselves" 諡 者 行 之 跡 也 所 以 別 于 後 代 著 者 善 惡 垂 無 窮 無 自 推 觀
施 後 世 皆 以 勸 善 著 戒 惡 明 不 勉 也. This gives in different wording the meaning of
the first paragraph of the next chapter of the Po hu
t'ung (III: 諡).
84. For the difference between clan-name 姓
and surname 氏, see M.H. I. 1. n. 3, and Haloun, o.c.,
76-83.
85. So e.g. 姒
Ssŭ, the clan-name of the
founder of the Hsia Dynasty was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of
扈 Hu, 斟 Chên, 尋(此字为 “尋” 加 “耳”字旁) Hsün, etc.; 子 Tzŭ, the clan-name of the founder of the Shang Dynasty,
was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of 微 Wei, 箕 Chi, etc.; and 姬 Chi, the
clan-name of the founder of the Chou Dynasty, was also that of the Lords of the
feudal states of 魯 Lu, 衛 Wei, etc.
86.
夏 者 大 也
. So also in ch. 釋 詁 of the
Erh ya (chu shu, 1.3a). See
further Ching chi chuan ku, 583.
87.
殷 者 中 也
. So also in ch. 釋 言 of the
Erh ya (chu shu,
2.1a).
88. The Y. ed. has after this the
following sentence: 聞 也 見 也 謂 當 道 着 見 中 和 之 爲 也
, which is hardly comprehensible, and considered
superfluous by Lu. It is left untranslated. Liu (72.3a) remarks: 道 著" expresses
that it is continued by 聞 見; it is pronounced 道 that it may be heard 聞, it is shown
著 that it may be seen 見, the second 見 is an error for 其". Even then, the meaning has
not become clearer.
89. . In ch. 泰 誓 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 10.11a;
L. 292) 周 in the sentence 雖 有 周 親 is explained by K'ung An-kuo as 至. The Shuo wên (2 上.42) explains 周 as 密. See further Ching chi chuan ku, 381.
90. Ode 236: 大 明(Mao shih
chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66). Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao
shih chuan shu, 5.84) interprets the second part of the stanza as: 'to
make him great in Chou', but that would not fit in the context of the
Po hu t'ung. Waley (262), connecting the quoted lines
with the following, translates: "There came a command from Heaven, ordering
this King Wên, to give the succession to a Lady Hsin as queen", which does not
fit in the context either.
91. This quotation is not to be found in
any of the three Commentaries of the Ch'un ch'iu.
Probably it is an exposition of the doctrine of Kung-yang, like that which has
been compared with the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (see n.
247).
92. For the problem of cession 禪 讓 see the
Ku shih pien, VII 下. 101-109. Acc. to the
Shih chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) the
Five Emperors had the same clan-name. The Wu ching i i
(1250.12a) says on the contrary: "The Sages were all begotten by Heaven without
[an earthyl] father". Usually the cession of thrones only refers to Yao and
Shun, see ch. 萬 章 上 of the Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu,
9 5a; L. 361).
93. So says K'ung An-kuo, quoted by Ho
Yen in his Comm. on ch. 泰 伯 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.8b).
94.
唐 蕩 蕩 也
. Cf. 包 咸 ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.7b; L. 214), where
the expression t'ang-t'ang occurs with reference to Yao,
and is explained by Ho Yen, who quotes from Pao Hsien (6-65 A.D.) as 廣 遠 之 稱'a term
denoting something vast and distant'. In ch. 正 說 of the Lun
hêng (28.8a) we also read: 唐 之 为 言 蕩 蕩 也; Forke (I. 458) translates: "T'ang means
majesty".
95.
虞 者 樂 也
. Yü 虞 is often
used for 娛 yü, meaning 'joy'; anc. pron. of both
*ngiwo/ngiu (Gr. Ser. 59g and h). For examples see
further Ching chi chuan ku, 102.
96.
唐 虞 之 際
. Ch. 泰 伯(Lun yü chu
shu, 8.8b; L. 214). Chi 際 means 'the joint of a wall, juncture,
meeting-point'. Ho Yen's Comm. explains the statement as: 堯 舜 交 會 之 間
'the point where Yao
and Shun join'. Li Pao-nan (Lun yü chêng i, 9.75) takes
chi in the meaning of 下 or 後 'after', but there is hardly
any need for it.
97.
曰 高 辛
. The Y. ed. omits 曰. Tu Yü's Comm.
on the Tso chuan, Wên 18 (Tso chuan
chu shu, 20.17b) also says that Kao-hsin was the hao of Ti-k'u. Sung Chung 宋 衷 (Later Han Dynasty), quoted by
Ssŭ-ma Chêng in his Comm. on the Shih chi (1.9a), says
"Kao-hsin was the name of the country 地 名; it is used as 號; K'u was the
ming "名.
98.
日 高 陽
. Tu Yü (o.c. 20.16b) also says that
Kao-yang was the hao of Chuan-hsü. Sung Chung, quoted by Ssŭ-ma Chêng (Shih
chi, 1.8a), says: "Chuan-hsü was the personal name 名
; Kao-yang was his
appellation 號, expressing his possession of all under Heaven". Hao 號 is here not to be taken in the technical sense of
'appellation' to distinguish it from 名 ming 'personal
name' and 字 tzŭ 'style'. The words seem to be used indiscriminately, cf. Chang
Yen 張 晏 (3d. cent. A.D.), quoted in the Comm. on the Shih
chi, 1.8b, who says: "From Chuan-hsü the hao
[denoting the possession] of all under Heaven followed the name
ming of the country [from which the ruler came]. The
names Kao-yang and Kao-hsin both elevate the name ming
of their countries. Chuan-hsü and Ti-k'u both used their tzti as hao, because of the
primitivity of the highest antiquity".
99.
有 天 下 號 曰 有 熊
. The Y. ed. omits 下, and writes 自 然
instead of 有 熊. Hsü Kuang 徐 廣 (352-425) in the Comm. on the Shih
chi, 1.1a, also says that Huang-ti had as his hao,
but Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien himself (1.6b; M.H. I. 34) refers to
Huang-ti as a hao.
100.
有 熊 者 獨 宏 大 道 德 也
. The Y. ed. omits the first three
words. 有is here explained by 獨. Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch.坊 記(Li
chi chu shu, 51.24b) explains 有 in the sentence 父 母 在 不 敢 有 其 身 as meaning chuan 'special, exclusive', of which 獨 can be seen as a
synonym. 熊 hsiung and 宏 hung are now
rhyme-words, but their anc. pron. were respectively *gium/jiung, and
*g'wεng/γwεng; Gr. Ser. 674a,887h).
101.
高 陽 者 陽 猶 明 也
. The Shuo
wén (14 下.2) explains 陽 as 高 明 'high and bright'.
102.
高 辛 者 道 德 大 信 也. 辛
hsin and 信 are
homonymns (anc. pron. of both *siĕ;n/siĕ;n; Gr. Ser. 382a, 384a). All the
etymological explanations here given are, of course, only expressions of a
playful mind. It is interesting to read how already Wang Ch'ung doubted their
correctness. In the Lun hêng, ch.正 說 (28.8a ff.) he says
(in Forke's translation, I. 458): "T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin,
and Chou are territorial names. Yao ascended the throne as marquis of T'ang (note: T'ang was situated in
Pao-ting-fu, Chili), Shun rose to power from the
Yü territory (n. in Shan-si).
Yü came from Hsia (n. in
K'aifêng-fu, Honan) and T'ang
from Yin (n. a principality in Honan), when they began their brilliant careers.
Wu wang relied on Chou (n. the
kingdom of Chou in Shensi) to
fight his battles. They all regarded the country, from which they had taken
their origin, as their basis. Out of regard for their native land, which they
never forgot, they used its name as their style, just as people have their
surnames. The critics on the Shaking, however, assert
that the dynastic names of the ruling emperors, such as T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou, are
expressive of their virtue and glory, and descriptive of their grandeur.
T'ang means majesty, they say, Yü joy, Hsia greatness,
Yin to flourish, and Chou to
reach. Yao's majesty was such, that the people had no
adequate name for it, Shun was the joy and the bliss of
the world, Yü got the heritage of the two emperors, and
once more established the majesty of the moral laws, so that the people had no
adequate name for him. Under T'ang of the
Yin morality flourished, and the glory and virtue of
Wu wang of Chou reached
everywhere. The scholars have found very nice meanings, indeed, and bestowed
great praise on these five reigning houses, but they are in opposition to the
real truth, and have misconceived the primary idea". The Shih
chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) says that the Five Emperors
from Huang-ti to Shun and Yü had the same clan-name (see n. 256), but were
distinguished from each other by the names of their principalities. Chavannes
locates, more accurately than Forke, these principalities as follows: Hsiung 熊 is
the present district of Hsin-chêng 新 鄭, prefecture of K'ai-fêng, province of Honan
(M.H. I, 93. n. 3); Kao-yang 高 陽is the present district of
Ch'i 杞, pref. of K'ai-fêng, prov. of Honan (ib. 39, n. 3); Kao-hsin 高 辛 is in the
present distr. of Shang-ch'iu 商 邱, pref. of Kuei-tê, prov. of Honan (ib.); T'ang 唐
or T'ao-t'ang 陶 唐(Yao had first been Lord of T'ao, which is the present distr. of
Ting-t'ao 定 陶, pref. of Ts'ao-chou, prov. of Shantung) is the present distr. of
T'ang, pref. of Paoting, prov. of Chih-li = Hopei (ib. 42, n. 1); Yü 虞 should
have been in the present distr. of P'ing-lu 平 陸, pref. of Chieh 解, prov. of Shansi
(ib. 52, n. 3).
103.
昆 吾 氏 大 彭 氏 ?韋 氏 齊 桓 公 晉 文 公 也
. There are two series of the Five
Hegemons: the Five Hegemons of the Three Dynasties 三 代 之 五 霸, and the Five Hegemons of
the Ch'un-ch'iu 春 秋 之 五 霸 (Ku Yen-wu, Jih chih lu, 4.37a; see also
Legge's note in his Mencius translation, p. 435). This enumeration in the
Po hu t'ung belongs to the first series, and also occurs
in Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 2 (Tso chuan chu shu, 25.17a), in Kao Yu's Comm. on the
Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 先 己(3.6b), and in Yen Shih-ku's
Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu (13.2a).
104. So also in Tu Yü's Comm. (l.c.), and
in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.5a), which gives as its source
the Ch'un ch'iu tso shih chuan. The wife of Lu-chung 陸 終 , a
descendant of Chuan-hsü and son of the younger brother of Ch'ung-li who was
Chu-jung (see n. 226), gave birth to six sons, of whom the eldest was K'un-wu,
and the third P'êng-tsu 彭 祖. K'un-wu was pa under the Hsia
(Chavannes translates: 'les descendants de Koen-ou'); at the time of Chieh 桀
his
family was exterminated by T'ang. P'êng-tsu was pa under
the Yin (Chavannes: 'les descendants de P'ong-tsou'); at the end of the Dynasty
his family was exterminated (Shih chi, 40.2a-b;
M.H. IV. 338-339). The Comm. of Wei Chao on the
Kuo yü, ch. 鄭 語, takes K'un-wu as the second son of Lu-
chung; his personal name was Fan 樊, his surname was Chi 己, while K'un-wu was the
name of his fief. P'êng-tsu had Ta-p'êng 大 彭 as his fief (16.3a). Shih-wei was also
of the clan of P'êng-tsu, enfeoffed in Shih-wei (ib.). Acc. to Chia K'uei the
apanage of Shih-wei was suppressed under Wu-ting of the Yin, and given to the 劉 累
Liu Lei family (quoted by P'ei Yin in his Comm. on the Shih
chi, 2.24a; cf. M.H. I. 168, n. 5; in the
Shih chi the event is described as having taken place
during the Hsia). The Fêng su t'ung i (l.c.), quoting
the Tso chuan, says: "Under the Hsia, Ta-k'ang was
addicted to pleasure and did not attend to his duties towards the people; the
Feudal Lords fell into error; thereupon K'un-wu acted as Chief of the
Federation and punished those who did not follow his commands, in order to have
the Royal House respected; when the House of Yin declined, Ta-p'êng and
Shih-wei continued this practise; this is what is meant by 'when the way of
Kings declined the task of the pa became prominent'
".
105.
齊 桓 公 晉 文 公 秦 穆 公 楚 莊 王 吳 王 闔 閭
. This list, belonging to the series
春 秋 之 五 霸 , differs from the one usually given (see infra, n. 283). In ch. 王 霸 of the
Hsün tzŭ (11.88) the same enumeration occurs, but
instead of Duke Mu of Ch'in, King Kou Chien 句 踐 of Yüeh 越 is given. So also in ch. 當 染 of
the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (2.9a-b; Wi. 22-23). The regnal
dates of these Hegemons are: Huan 658-643, Wên 635-628, Mu 659-621, Chuang
613-591, Ho Lü 514-496, Kou Chien 496-465.
106.
霸 者 伯 也
. The anc. pron. were respectively
*păg/pa and *păk/ pek (Gr. Ser. 772b,
782i).
107. Fang-po 方 伯
'regional chiefs' are mentioned in ch. Wang chih of the
Li chi (chu shu, 11.18a-b), where they are also referred
to as 二 伯. Couvreur (C. I. 270) translates it by 'gouverneurs généraux'. Under
King Wu of the Chou there were two regional chiefs: Chou-kung 周 公 for the eastern,
Shao-kung for the western region (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. in Li
chi, l.c., quoting the Kung yang chuan). The
Kung yang chuan (chu shu, 3.5a), however, does not use
the expression fang-po, but considers Chou-kung and
Shaok-kung 召 公 as two of the san-kung 三 公, the third being for
the inner administration.
108.
故 聖 人 與 非 明 王 之 法 不 張
. The reading is acc. to Lu; the Y.
ed. reads 非 明 王 之 張 法. The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 28 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.16a) comments on the story in the
Ch'un ch'iu which relates that 'the Duke of Lu paid a
court-visit in the place where the King was' (namely at Chien-t'u 踐 土): "Why is it
said that the Duke went to the capital? The Son of Heaven was here [at
Chien-t'u]. If the Son of Heaven was here, why is it not said thus? It was not
allowed [for a Feudal Lord] to cause the Son of Heaven to come 不 與 致 天 子". Ho Hsiu's
Comm. says: "At this time Duke Wên of Chin was advanced in age; he feared that
his authority of pa was not sufficient. Therefore he
said to the Son of Heaven: the Feudal Lords cannot all be summoned; I wish that
you, King, take your residence at Chien-t'u. To the Feudal Lords he said: The
Son of Heaven is here; it is not meet not to pay him a visit. Thus by
compulsion he caused the relation between Lord and subject to be restored.
Although the laws of the enlightened Kings were not rightly observed, for that
time it was condoned 明 王 法 雖 非 正 起 時 可 與". Cf. also n. 275. Ch'ên enumerates nine cases, where by
some special entry in the Ch'un ch'iu a
pa was 'saved his face' 諱 by the Sage (i.e. Confucius), in
any case acc. to the doctrine of Kung-yang.
109.
霸 猶 迫 也 把 也
. The anc. pron. of 迫
po was *păk/ pak (Gr. Ser. 782k),
and of 把 pa: *på/pa (ib. 39b).
110. Ch. 憲 問(Lun yü chu
shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Duke Huan began his hegemony in 679 B.C. (Shih chi, 32.9a; M.H. IV. 50); Ssŭ-ma
Ch'ien praises him for his good government (ib. 26b; M.H. IV. 87); Confucius says of him that he was 'upright and
not crafty' (Lun yü chu shu, 14.9a; L. 281; this should
refer to the attack of Ch'i on Ch'u in 656 B.C., because Ch'u did not send its
tributes to the royal capital, and because of the mysterious disappearance of
King Chao of Chou, cf. Shih chi, 32.10a-b;
M.H. IV.53; Tso chuan, Hsi 4 (Tso chuan chu shu, 11.14a-b; L. 140)).
111.
公 朝 于 王 所
. Entry of Hsi 28. The
Shih chi says that in 635 B.C. King Hsiang 襄 of Chou,
implored the assistance of Duke Wên of Chin against the usurper Prince Tai 帶.
who was afterwards killed. The King rewarded him with the title of
pa. In 632 B.C. Duke Wên summoned King Hsiang, who went
and resided at Ho-yang 河 陽 (distr. Mêng 孟, pref. Huai-ch'ing, prov. Honan) and
Chien-t'u 踐 土 (distr. Yung-chê 容 澤, pref. K'ai-fêng, prov. Honan). The Feudal Lords
paid court-visits to him there. The Ch'un ch'iu
concealed these facts by saying that 'the King [appointed by the command] of
Heaven on his tour of inspection was at Ho-yang' (4.30b; M.H.
I. 294-295; the same story occurs in Shih chi,
39.25a-26b; M.H. IV. 303-305). Cf. also n.
272.
112.
於 是 知 晉 文 之 霸 也
. Lu's reading of the text, which in
the Y. ed. has 时 instead of 知, and omits 也. Confucius' judgment on Wên of Chin is
not favourable. He was 'crafty and not upright' (Lun yü chu
shu, 14.9a; L. 281). The Shih chi is not so severe:
"Duke Wên excercised a good government, bestowing favours on the people and
rewarding those who had followed him in his exile; among the meritorious the
great received towns as apanages, the small received honourable ranks" (39.21b;
M.H. IV. 294). Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's opinion is that "Duke Wên
was what the ancients would call an enlightened ruler" (ib., 39.40b;
M.H. IV. 336).
113. Ch. 秦 誓(Shang shit
chu shu, 19.16b; L. 630). See Orientalia Neer-
landica, p. 463-465. The Ch'un ch'iu, acc. to
Kung-yang, considers Duke Mu of Ch'in as a 'worthy' 賢, because he was able to
repent 以 爲 能 變, i.e., after first having neglected the advice of his counsellors and
as a consequence having suffered defeat, he later changed his attitude and
acknowledged his fault (Kung yang chu shu, Wên 12,
14.5a; the sentence 春 秋 賢 穆 公 以 爲 能 變 也 also occurs in the Hsün tzŭ, ch. 大 略,
27.71). Cf. further n. 283.
114.
楚 勝 鄭 而 不 告 從 而 攻 之
The text in the Y. ed. (as well as
in Lu's and Ch'en's) reads: . The story referred to is found in the
Tso chuan, Hsüan 12 (Tso chuan chu
shu, 23.2a-4a; L. 316; also abbreviated in Shih
chi, 40.9b; M.H. IV. 355). The Po
hu t'ung passage should be corrected after the Commentary of Kung-yang on
the story (Kung yang chu shu, 16.10a-b), acc. to which 不
should be followed by 有 'have, keep [the territory]', 告 從 而 赦 之 should be read instead of
告 從 而 攻 之 .
115. Chin, on the pretext of relieving
Chêng, attacked the army of Ch'u, after it had withdrawn from this country (see
n. 278). Chin, however, was disastrously beaten, and the boats in which the
soldiers tried to escape were filled with the cut fingers of those who in their
despair had clung to the sides, but had been beaten off. King Chuang of Ch'u
took compassion on the fugitives, and did not pursue them (Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 12, 16. 11a-b). The story is also
told at length in the Tso chuan (chu shu, 23.5a ff.; L.
316 ff.).
116. For the story see Kung yang chuan, Hsüan 15 (Kung yang chu
shu, 16.14a-15b) and Han shih wai chuan, 2.1a-b.
Cf. also Margouliès, Le Kou-wen chinois, 1-2. Sung 宋was a
puny state compared with Ch'u and to raise the siege was an act of generosity
on the part of Ch'u.
117. Chuang of Ch'u is highly praised in
the Tso chuan for his excellent qualities. He
"manifests kindness, carries out justice, perfects his government, times his
undertakings, follows his statutes, and observes the rules of propriety
admirably" 德 立 刑 行 政 成 事 時 典 從 禮 顺
(Tso chuan chu shu, 23.8a; L.
317).
118. The Kung yang
chuan, Ting 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 25.19a ff.)
relates that Chao 昭, Marquis of Ts'ai 蔡, was wearing a beautiful fur-coat when he
paid a visit to Ch'u. Nang-wa 囊 瓦, Minister of Ch'u, coveted the coat, but Chao
did not want to give it up. As a consequence he was detained in Nan-ying 南 郢, the
capital of Ch'u, and only released after several years. Ts'ai now contemplated
an attack on Ch'u, for which he ascertained the help of Wu, who was willing to
give it on the ground that Ts'ai was in the right and Ch'u in the wrong. The
story also occurs in the Shih chi (35.5a-b;
M.H. IV. 159-160), where Nang-wa is called Tzŭ-ch'ang 子 常.
The words used in the Po hu t'ung are actually those of
the Kung yang chuan, where we read: 蔡 非 有 罪 也 楚 人 爲 無 道 君 如 有 憂 中 國 之 心 則 若 時 可 矣 於 是 興 師
而 救 蔡 "[One of the
counsellors of Wu said:] Ts'ai is without guilt, the people of Ch'u are
unprincipled. If you, my Lord, feel concerned for [the affairs of] the Middle
State, then this is the time [to show it]. Thereupon Wu raised an army and went
to the assistance of Ts'ai" (Kung yang cha shu, l.c.).
The name of Ho-lü 闔 閭 is written 闔 廬 in the Kung yang
chuan.
119. This list, also belonging to the
series 春 秋 之 五 霸
, is also that given by Chao Ch'i 趙 岐 in his Comm. on ch. 告 子 下 of the
Mêng tzŭ (chu shu, 12 下.la), and
is also mentioned in the Fêng su t'ung i by Ying Shao
(1.5a), who ascribes it to an opinion of the Ch'un
ch'iu. Yen Shih-ku's Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu
(14.1b) gives the same, only Fu-ch'ai 夫 差 of Wu 吳 is given instead of Chuang of Ch'u.
For Mu of Ch'in Chao Ch'i writes 繆 instead of 穆. The Shih
chi gives an explanation for the use of 繆. In the Biography of Mêng T'ien 蒙 恬
(88.4a) it is told that "anciently Duke Mu of Ch'in 秦 穆 公 had slain the Three Best
Men [to be buried with him] at his death, and had Po-li Hsi 百 里 奚 impeached for a
crime he had not committed; therefore he received the appellation of 繆 'he who
has erred"' (cf. Bodde, Statesman, Patriot, and General in
Ancient China, p. 59). The Three Best Men 三 良 were the three sons of Tzŭ-yü 子 輿
or Tzŭ-chü 子 車, namely Yen-hsi 奄 息, Chung-hang 仲 行, and Chên-hu 鍼 虎(Shih
chi, 5.17b-18a; M.H. II. 45; cf. also
Tso chuan chu shu, Wên 6, 18.8a; L. 244; and Ode 131: 黃 鳥,
Mao shih chu shu, 11.19a). Both Shih
chi (5.18a) and Tso chuan (chu shu, 18.8a) quote
Confucius as having said that because of his wickedness it was proper that Duke
Mu of Ch'in did not become Chief of the Confederation 盟 主(i.e. pa). Cf. n. 277.
120. In the Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.1b) we have
the account of the battle, which took place at the river Hung 泓 in the winter of
638 B.C. When the army of Ch'u was crossing the stream, Duke Hsiang was advised
to attack, but he declined saying that a chün-tzŭ does
not harass a man in his trouble. When the army of Ch'u had not yet been drawn
up in battle array, Hsiang was again advised to sound the drum for the attack.
Again he refused, because he would not assault an enemy who was not yet ready.
As a consequence Sung suffered a great defeat (the story is also told, in more
extensive form, in Tso chuan chu shu, 14.3b ff.; L. 183;
in Shih chi, 38.12b; M.H. IV.
239; and, much shorter, in Ku liang chu shu, 9.5b). The
text of the Y. ed. reads: 宋 襄 伐 齊 亂 齊 桓 公 不 擒 二 毛 不 鼓 不 成 烈
; it should be corrected as follows: 宋 公 及 楚 人 戰 于 泓(which is the
entry in the Ch'un ch'iu) 亂 齊 桓 公 should be read instead of the first four words, and
should be dropped; 不 禽 二 毛 "he did not seize the grey-haired ones" occurs in the
Tso chuan, but in a different context, and has nothing
to do here; 烈 is to be read 列. The drum was used as a sign for the commencement of
a battle, while a metal (gong) was used to end it (Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the
Kung yang chuan, l.c., and Tu Yü's Comm. on the
Tso chuan, chu shu, 14.5b).
121. Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.2a), where the
text reads: 亦 不 過 此 也 instead of 不 是 過. The reference is, acc. to Ho Hsiu's Comm., to King
Wên's expedition against Hu 虎, Marquis of Ch'ung 崇. Hu was the sycophant of Chou,
the last Sovereign of Yin, and through his calumnies King Wên, then Chief of
the West 西 伯, was imprisoned, but soon afterwards released (Shih chi, 3.11b; 4.4b-5a; M.H. I.
202. 218). The Tso chuan, Hsi 19 (Tso
chuan chu shu, 13.27b) continues the story: "King Wăn heard that the
marquis of Ts'ung had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded his State; but
after he had been in the field for 30 days, the marquis tendered no submission.
Wăn therefore withdrew; and, after cultivating afresh the lessons of virtue,
he again invaded Ts'ung, when the marquis made submission before he had quitted
his entrenchments" (Legge's translation, L. 177). The expedition against
Ch'ung is also described in Ode 241: 皇 矣 , stanzas 7 and 8 (Mao
shih chu shu, 23.79b-81b; L. 454-455; K. 17.69). Acc. to this description
it was rather a ruthless and bloody battle ("he smote the enemies, he killed
them, he exterminated them, he annihilated them"), but the Shuo yüan, ch. 指 武 (15.11b) feels constrained to give a
different picture: "In the expedition against Ch'ung [King Wên] commanded [his
soldiers] not to kill people, not to destroy houses, not to fill up wells, not
to hew down trees, not to take away the domestic animals; those who did not
obey the command were put to death without pardon; the people of Ch'ung,
hearing of it, begged to submit" (cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao
shih chuan shu, 5.109). To be worthy to be called pa seems, acc. to the Po hu t'ung, to
depend on the virtue (in the ethical sense) of the Feudal Lord. Duke Hsiang of
Sung (650-637) has never attained the actual position of pa, and Ku Yen-wu (Jih chih lu,
4.38a-b) on that account thinks it better to remove him from the list of
Ch'un-ch'iu Hegemons, and to replace him by Kou Chien, who, acc. to the
Shih chi (41.7a; M.H. IV. 431)
was indeed made pa in 478 B.C., and was praised by
Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his worthiness ("he had the glory left him by Yü, his
ancestor"; ib., 15a; M.H. IV. 448). Duke Hsiang of Sung
is, however, also praised highly by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his sense of goodness and
justice, and for his observance of correct behaviour at a time when in the
Middle State it was deplorably lacking (38.17b; M.H. IV.
248).
122.
褒
. The Y. ed. has 襄. Lu's
correction.
123. As a rule the Feudal Lords are
called 'Dukes', even if their ranks are lower, when the Ch'un
ch'iu makes an entry of their funeral (Ho Hsiu in Kung
yang chu shu, 1.13a); in the case of the Marquis of Ts'ai his original
title 公 is written instead of 侯, which is, acc. to Ho Hsiu, a sign of
depreciation, in which the Ch'un ch'iu only follows the
expression used by the subjects of Ts'ai (Huan 17, Kung yang
chu shu, 5.25b; cf. also Legge's note to par. 6 on page 68 of his
Ch'un ch'iu translation).
124. Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on Yin 1. (Kung yang chu shu, 1.13a) says: "[The Marquis of] Lu is
called kung 'Duke', because what his subjects wish is to
denominate their lordly father with an honourable title. Kung is the highest of the five ranks. The King, knowing the
desire of these subjects to exalt their Lords, allows them to call them
kung".
125.
何 以 知 諸 侯 得 稱 公
. Lu's reading of the faulty text in
the Y. ed.: 何 以 諸 侯 德 公.
126.
春 秋 曰 葬 齊 桓 公 齊 侯 也
. Lu's corrected reading of of the
Y. ed., which only reads:齊 侯 桓 公. The entry is Hsi 18.
127. Ch. 秦 誓 (Shang shu chu
shu, 19.13b; L. 626).
128.
覃 公 惟 私
. Ode 57: 碩 人 (Mao
shih chu shu, 5.7 a; L. 95; K. 16.190; the Shih
ching text reads:譚 公 維 私 ). See Orientalia Neerlandica,
p. 461. T'an (also written ?(此字為 “覃”加 “耳”字旁) and 郯 , cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao
shih chuan shu, 2.26; Chung kuo ti ming ta tz'ŭ
tien, 1355) was a small state in the southeast of the district of
Li-ch'êng 歷 城 in present Shan-tung. It is identified with modern Ch'êlng-tzŭ-ai 城 子 崖,
famous for the excavations carried out recently (see Waley, Book of Songs, 81, who refers to a study by Tung Tso-pin 董 作 賓 in
Academia Sinica, Bulletin of the National Research Institute
of History and Philology, Vol. IV. Part 2.159 ff.). The Ode celebrates the
wedding of Chuang Chiang 莊 姜.
129.
葬 許 繆 公
. Hsi 4. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 皆
instead of 許. The Tso chuan and the Ku
liang chuan have 穆 instead of 繆.
130.
[中 離 維 鋼 揚 觸 ?(此字為 “木”字旁加 “困”) 復] 公 則 釋 獲 公
. Ch. 大 射 儀. of the I
li, the 經 'proper text' (I li chu shu, 7.39a; C. 251;
I have followed Steele's translation, St. I. 173). The Y. ed. omits 公 and writes
擇 instead of 釋. By 'Duke' is meant the Feudal Lord who was the host of the
archery-meeting. The score was given him 'to distinguish the master' 優 君 (Chêng
Hsüan's Comm., o.c., 39b).
131. Chêng Hsüan's table of contents of
the I li says of ch. 大 射 儀, that it was held when a Feudal
Lord was going to perform a sacrifice to the spirits; he had all his officers
partake in the contest to observe their ritual behaviour (Mu
lu, 6a). From among the competitors he chose the celebrants for the coming
sacrifice (see also ch. 射 儀of the Li chi).
132. I.e. at a Great Archery Meeting,
even when it is convened by an Earl, Viscount, or Baron, the host is called
'Duke'.