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謚者、何 [謂]也? 謚之為言引也。引烈,行之跡也。所以進勸成德,使上務節也。 故《禮·[郊] 特牲》曰: "古者生無爵,死無謚。" 此言生有爵,死當有謚也。 死乃謚之何? [《詩》云]: " [靡不有初],[鮮克有終]。" 言人行終始不能若一。 故據其終,(始) 後可知也。《士冠經》曰: "死而謚之,今也。" 所以臨葬而謚之何? 因眾會,欲顯揚之也。 故《春秋》曰: " 公之喪[至]自乾侯。" 昭公死於晉乾侯之地,數月歸,至急,當末有謚也。 春秋》曰: "丁巳葬。" "戊午曰下側乃克葬。」明祖載而有謚也。

黃帝先黃後帝[者]何? 古者 (順) [質],死生之稱,各持行合而言之。 美者在上,黃帝始制法度,得道之中,萬世不易,(名黃、自然也)。 後世雖聖,莫能與同也叫受世得與天同,亦得稱帝,不能立制作之時。 故不得復[稱] 黃也。 醴或一言,或兩言何? 文者以一言為謚,質者以兩言為謚。 故《尚書》曰: "高宗骰宗也。" 湯死後,世稱成湯,以兩言為謚也。 號無質文,謚有質文何? 號者、始也,為本,故不可變也。 周已後,用意尤文,以為本生時號令善,故有善謚。 故 (舍) [合] [言] 文 [王] 武王也。 合言之則上其謚,明別善惡,所以勳人為善,戒人為惡也。 帝者、天號也。 以為堯猶謚,顧上世質直,死後以某名為號耳。 所以醴之為堯何? 為謚有七十二品。《禮記·謚法》曰: "翼善傳罌謚日堯,仁聖盛明謚日舜,慈惠愛民謚曰文,[剛]理直謚曰武。"

天子崩,[大]臣 (下) 至南郊謚之者何? 以為人臣之羲,莫不欲褒 (大) [稱]其君、掩惡揚善者也。故之南郊,明不得欺天也。 故《曾子間》: "孔子曰: "天子崩,臣下之南郊告謚之。"

諸侯薨,世子赴告天子,天子遣大夫會其葬而謚之何? 幼不誄長,賤不誄貴, 諸侯相誄,非禮也。 臣當受謚於君也。

卿大夫老歸死有謚何? 謚者、別尊卑、彰有德也。卿大夫歸無過,猶有祿位,故有 謚也。

夫人無謚者何? 無爵,故無謚。或曰: 夫人有謚。夫人一國之母,修闔門之內,群下亦化之,故設謚以彰其善惡。《春秋 (傳)》曰: " 葬 (宗)[宋] 恭姬。" 《傳》曰: " 其稱謚何? 賢也。"《傳》曰: "哀姜者何? 莊公夫人也。" 卿大夫妻、無謚[者] 何? 賤也? 八妾所以無謚何? 卑賤,無所能 (務) [豫],猶士卑小,不得有謚也。 太子夫人無謚何? 本婦人隨夫。太子無謚,其夫人不得有謚也。[《士冠經》曰]: " 天子太子元士也。" 士無謚,知太子亦無謚也。 附庸所以無謚何? 卑小無爵也。《王制》曰: " [王者之制]爵祿,凡五等。" 附庸 [不在其中]。 [明附庸] 本非爵也。

後夫人於何所謚之? 以為於朝廷。 朝廷本所以治政之處,臣子共審謚白之於君,然後加之。 婦人、大夫,故但白君而已。 何以知不之南郊也? 婦人本無外事,何為於郊也?《禮 · 曾子問》曰: " 唯天子稱天以 (誅) [誄]之。" 唯者、獨也。明天子獨於南郊耳。

顯號謚何法? [號法天也]。法日[也]。[日]未出而明。[諡法地也]。 [法月也]。[月] 已入有餘光也,[是以大行受大名],[細行受小名];[行生於己],[名生於人]。

III. Posthumous Names

7---General Remarks (IA. 14b-15a).

a.What does shih1 mean? Shih 'to bestow a posthumous name' means yin2 'to extend'; to extend and display the vestiges of one's conduct in order to stimulate the perfection of spiritual power, and to induce the superior to the cultivation of probity. Therefore the Li chiao t'ê shêng says: "Anciently those who had no rank during their life did not receive a posthumous name at death either" 3. This means that he who had a rank during his life ought to receive a posthumous name at death. b.Why is the posthumous name given after death? The Shih says: "All men [are good] at first, but few prove themselves [to be so] at the last" 4; it means that a man's behaviour is not the same throughout his life, so that it is only by his end that his beginning may be known. The Shih kuan ching says: "The conferring of a posthumous name at the death [of a common officer] is a recent [innovation]" 5. c.Why is the posthumous name given just before the funeral? To avail oneself of the opportunity of there being a gathering [of relatives and friends, in whose presence one] wishes to elevate [the deceased]. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "The coffin of the Duke arrived from Kan-hou" 6. Duke Chao [of Lu] died in the region of Kan-hou in [the state of] Chin, and [his corpse] was returned in great haste after several months. It was right that [for this event] his posthumous name was not yet [mentioned] 7. d.The Ch'un ch'iu [further] says: "On [the day] ting-ssŭ there should have been the interment [of our ruler, Duke Ting; but the rain came down so that it could not be carried out]; on [the next day] mou-wu, when the sun had begun to decline, it could be done" 8. [This] means that the posthumous name was given at the sacrifice of departure [,when the coffin had been placed on the hearse] 9.

18---The Posthumous Names of the Emperors and Kings (IA. 15a-16a).

a.Why is it that in [the name of] Huang-ti10 the word huang 'yellow' is put first, and [the word] ti 'Emperor' is put last? In ancient times [emphasis was laid on] simplicity, and in life as well as after death the denomination was the same, in either case being formed in accordance with one's conduct. The beautiful [name of huang] is placed above 11. Huang-ti was the first to institute laws and measures, obtaining [therewith] the right course of the Way, which was not to change in ten thousand generations. Later ages, though [producing] Sages, have never been able to equal him. Even when, their spiritual power being similar to that of Heaven, [the Sages of] later ages may have been called ti 'Emperor', they still were not able to create institutions, so that none of them could be called huang again 12. b.Why does a posthumous name sometimes consist of one word, and sometimes of two words? The [adherents of the Principle of] Form used one word for a posthumous name [,as in the case of King Wên and King Wu]. The [adherents of the Principle of] Substance used two words; thus after his death T'ang [of the Yin Dynasty] was called Ch'êng-t'ang13, [so that] his posthumous name was made up of two words. c.Why is it that with the appellations 14 there is no [distinction between] Substance and Form, whereas this distinction exists with respect to the posthumous names? The appellation is the original [denomination]; it is considered the base, and therefore cannot be changed. From the Chou [Dynasty] onwards [a further] ornamentation 15 was added with deliberation, holding that the orders issued during the life-time should be considered as the base; if they were good, the King received a good posthumous name. Therefore, linking [the posthumous name with the appellation wang 'King'], we speak of Wên-wang and Wu-wang. In thus linking [the posthumous name Wên or Wu with the appellation wang] the posthumous name is put first. [The use of posthumous names] means that distinction is made between good and bad [behaviour], so that men are stimulated to goodness and warned against evil. d.Ti 'Emperor' is the appellation [conferred] by Heaven, and Yao is to be regarded as a posthumous name. But since the oldest times [emphasized] simplicity, and simply used the 'personal name' ming as an appellation after death, why has then the posthumous name of Yao been created? There are seventy-two articles for the composing of posthumous names 16. The Li shih fa17 says: "He who has attended to the good and transmitted [the Way of] the Sages is posthumously called Yao; he whose consideration for others and sageness are abundant and illustrious is posthumously called Shun; he who is tender-hearted, liberal and loving towards the people is posthumously called Wên; he who is strong, vigorous, principled and straightforward is posthumously called Wu.

19---The Son of Heaven Receives his Posthumous Name in the Southern Suburb. (IA. 16a-b).

Why is it that at the death of the Son of Heaven the high dignitaries proceed to [the altar of Heaven in] the southern suburb to give him his posthumous name? Because it is the duty of a subject of man not to fail to eulogize his Lord, to conceal his faults, and to exalt his virtues. Therefore [the dignitaries] proceed to the southern suburb, indicating [therewith] that Heaven should not be deceived. So the Tsêng tzŭ wên [says]: "Confucius said: When the Son of Heaven dies his Ministers proceed to the southern suburb, and, announcing it [to Heaven], give a posthumous name" 18.

20---The Son of Heaven Confers Posthumous Names upon the Feudal Lords. (IA. 16b).

Why is it that when a Feudal Lord dies his Generation-son goes and announces it to the Son of Heaven, who sends his great officer to attend the funeral and give a posthumous name? "The young do not pronounce funeral eulogies on the elder, neither do the inferior on the superior. Feudal Lords eulogizing each other at the funeral would be against the rites" 19. The subject ought to receive his posthumous name from his ruler.

21---A Minister and a Great Officer Receive a Posthumous Name. (IA. 16b).

Why is it that a Minister or a great officer who has retired from old age and dies receives a posthumous name? The posthumous name is given to distinguish between the high and the lowly, and to make illustrious those who have spiritual power. When a Minister or a great officer retires without having committed a crime he is continued in his salaried position, and therefore he will receive a posthumous name.

22---Those who have no Rank do not Receive a Posthumous Name. (IA. 16b-17b).

a.Why does not the Spouse [of a Feudal Lord] receive a posthumous name? She has no rank, and therefore she will have no posthumous name. Another opinion is: the Spouse [of a Feudal Lord] receives a posthumous name; she is the mother of the state, and takes care [of the affairs] within the women's doors, so that all the subjects are also affected [by her conduct]. Therefore a posthumous name is accorded to her, to make manifest her good or bad [behaviour]. The Ch'un ch'iu20 records: "Funeral of [Duke] Kung['s Spouse Po]-chi of Sung" 21. The Chuan [explaining this entry] says: "Why is she called by the posthumous name [of her husband]? Because of her virtuous conduct" 22. [In another case] the Chuan states: "Who was Ai-chiang? She was the Spouse of Duke Chuang" 23. b.Why does the woman who with the approval of the Son of Heaven has been taken as the principal wife by a Minister or a great officer 24 not receive a posthumous title? [Because of her] lowly [position]. c.Why do not the Eight Concubines 25 [of a Feudal Lord] receive a posthumous name? They also [have a] lowly [position], and cannot assist [in any governmental affair]. Like a common officer they are lowly and petty, so that they have no right to a posthumous name. d.Why does not the Spouse of the Heir [of the Son of Heaven] receive a posthumous name? In principle the wife follows her husband. As the Heir does not receive a posthumous name, his wife also has no right to one. The Shih kuan ching says: "The Heir of the Son of Heaven is like any common officer" 26. Since a common officer has no posthumous name we know the Heir [of the Son of Heaven] has none either. e.Why is it that [the holders of] a sub-fief receive no posthumous names? [Because their position is] lowly and petty, and they have no rank. The Wang chih says: "The institution of ranks and emoluments in antiquity [comprised] in all five degrees" 27. The sub-fief is not included, which means that its holder has no rank.

23---the Posthumous Name of the Principal Wife of the Son of Heaven. (IA. 17b).

In which place is the posthumous name given to the Principal Consort of the Son of Heaven? [It is given] in the Hall of Audience 28, which is the place where the affairs of the state are conducted. The Ministers gather [there], and select a posthumous name, which they announce to the ruler, who then confers it [upon the deceased]. "A wife regards her husband as her Heaven" 29. Therefore it is sufficient to announce [the chosen name] to the ruler [,who is her husband and Heaven]. How do we know that [for the conferring of a posthumous name upon the Principal Consort of the Son of Heaven] they do not proceed to [the altar of Heaven in] the southern suburb? A wife has in principle no business out- side [the women's rooms], why [should there be any necessity to proceed to] the southern suburb? The Tsêng tzŭ wên says: "It is 'only' wei in the case of the Son of Heaven that the term Heaven is used by way of eulogy" 30. Wei31 'only' means tu32 'exclusively'. It means that it is exclusively in the case of the Son of Heaven [that his posthumous name is announced to Heaven] in the southern suburb.

24---The Appellation andthe Posthumous Name Model Themselvves on Heaven and Earth. (IA. 17b).

What do the appellation and the posthumous name, which make manifest [the deceased's conduct], take as their model? The appellation models itself on Heaven and the sun. Before the sun rises it is already bright. The posthumous name models itself on Earth and the moon. After the moon has set there is still light. "For this reason one receives a great name, when one's conduct was great; one receives a small name, when one's conduct was petty. The conduct originates from oneself, the name originates from others" 33.

Notes

1. 諡 316, end of n. 247.

2. 引.

3. Li chi chu shu, 26.18a; C.I. 605.

4. Ode 255: Mao shih chu shu, 25.1b; L. 505; K. 17.77.

5. I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi (not the ching), 1.48b; C. 24. The quotation states that a 'common officer' 士shih originally had no rank and no right to a posthumous name; to Duke Chuang of Lu (693-622) is ascribed the 'innovation' (see Li chi, T'an kung, C. I. 123-125; L. I. 127-128). Here the quotation, however, is used as a proof that the posthumous name is given at death.

6. Ting 1, summer, sixth month.

7. I.e., he is only referred to as 'Duke'. In the autumn, seventh month, of the same year, his funeral, however, is recorded with his posthumous name 'Duke Chao'.

8. Ting 15. I.e., though the interment actually took place a day later, he was already mentioned by his posthumous name as soon as the funeral-procession was about to start.

9. 祖 載tsu-tsai, see ch. XLIII, n. 71.

10. 黃 帝 .

11. I.e., huang 'yellow', being the most beautiful in the series of the 'Five Colours' and the appropriate expression of the magnitude of Huang-ti, is put before ti. Cf. Vol. I, p. 312, n. 230.

12. Cf. the Tu tuan (下. 76b): "He who gave tranquillity to his people by his rules and laws is called huang". Ch'ên's reading of huang-ti instead of huang (2.18a) seems to be unwarranted.

13. 成 湯.

14. 號 hao.

15. Wên 文, i.e. 'form', 'refinement', 'ornamentation'. The Chou are supposed to have introduced the use of posthumous names, which were different from the names borne during life.

16. Seventy-two is the traditional holy number. The Tu tuan only lists forty-six posthumous names.

17. One of the untransmitted books of the collection of rites. Ch'ên (2.19a) writes Li shih fa chi, which is more correct (cf. Vol. I, p. 67, n. 236).

18. This quotation is not to be found in the present chapter Tsêng tzŭ wên of the Li chi. A similar statement is ascribed to the School of Kung-yang by Chêng Hsüan (Li chi chu shu, 19.9b).

19. This seems to be a quotation from chapter Tsêng tzŭ wên of the Li chi (chu shu, 19.9b; C. I. 448).

20. The text wrongly writes Ch'un ch'iu chuan.

21. Hsiang 30.

22. Kung yang chu shu, 21.18b. Po-chi was the eldest daughter of Duke Ch'êng of Lu, and married to Sung. She perished in the flames when, in 543 B.C., a fire broke out in the palace, and she refused to escape into the night unescorted. Hence she is praised by being mentioned here by the posthumous name Kung of her Consort. Cf. Vol. I, p. 357, n. 545; also p. 280, n. 89.

23. Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 2, 10.9a. Ai-chiang was a bad woman, who at the end was killed by her brother, Duke Huan of Ch'i (ibid., Hsi 1, 10.4b). She is, therefore, only mentioned by her personal name.

24. 命 婦 ming-fu, cf. the sub-comm. on ch. Hun jên of the Chou li (chu shu, 7.25a), and Couvreur's Li ki, I. 567, note.

25. See Vol. I, p. 251, par. 248.

26. I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.48a; C. 24. Cf. Vol. I, p. 279, n. 87.

27. Viz. kung, hou, po, tzŭ, nan, for which see the chapter on Ranks (Vol. I, p. 218 ff.). The corresponding passage in the Wang chih (Li chi chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263) is somewhat different.

28. 朝 庭ch'ao-t'ing. Following the version quoted in the T'ung tien Ch'ên (2.22b) suggests the reading: "It is given in the ancestral temple, but others say it is given in the Hall of Audience".

29. Cf. the I li, Sang fu; C. 400.

30. Li chi chu shu, 19.9b; C. I. 448.

31. 唯 .

32. 獨 .

33. This statement also occurs in the I chou shu, 6.22b, and the Ta tai li chi (as quoted in the T'ai p'ing yii lan, 562.5b).

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