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5. 僖 公
元 年，春，王 正 月。
齊 師，宋 師，曹 師，次 于 聶 北，救 邢。
夏，六 月，邢 遷 于 夷 儀。
齊 師，宋 師，曹 師，城 邢。
秋，七 月，戊 辰，夫 人 姜 氏 薨 于 夷，齊 人 以 歸。
楚 人 伐 鄭。
八 月，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，鄭 伯，曹 伯，邾 人，于 檉。
九 月，公 敗 邾 師 于 偃。
冬，十 月，壬 午，公 子 友 帥 師 敗 莒 師于 酈，獲 莒 挐。
十 有 二 月，丁 巳，夫 人 氏 之 喪 至 自 齊。
左 傳 曰，元 年，春，不 稱 即 位，公 出 故 也。公 出 復 入，不 書，諱 之 也，諱 國 惡，禮 也。
諸 侯 救 邢。邢 人 潰，出 奔 師，師 遂 逐 狄 人，具 邢 器 用 而 遷 之，師 無 私 焉。夏，邢 遷 于 夷 儀。
諸 侯 城 之，救 患 也。凡 侯 伯 救 患，分 災，討 罪，禮 也。
秋，楚 人 伐 鄭，鄭 即 齊 故 也，盟 于 犖，謀 救 鄭 也。
九 月，公 敗 邾 師 于 偃。虛 丘 之 戍，將 歸 者 也。
冬，莒 人 來 求 賂，公 子 友 敗 諸 酈。獲 莒 子 之 弟 挐。非 卿 也，嘉 獲 之 也 ，公 賜 季 友 汶 陽 之 田，及 費。
夫 人 氏 之 喪，至 自 齊。君 子 以 齊 人 殺 哀 姜 也，為 已 甚 矣，女 子 從 人 者 也。
二 年，春，王 正 月，城 楚 丘。
夏，五 月，辛 巳，葬 我 小 君 哀 姜。
虞 師，晉 師，滅 下 陽。
秋，九 月，齊 侯，宋 公，江 人，黃 人，盟 于 貫。
冬，十 月，不 雨。
楚 人 侵 鄭。
左 傳 曰，二 年，春，諸 侯 城 楚 丘 而 封 衛 焉。不 書 所 會，後 也。
晉 荀 息 請 以 屈 產 之 乘，與 垂 棘 之 璧，假 道 於 虞 以 伐 虢。公 曰，是 吾 寶 也。對 曰，若 得 道 於 虞，猶 外 府 也。公 曰，宮 之 奇 存 焉。對 曰，宮 之 奇 之 為 人 也，懦 而 不 能 強 諫，且 少 長 於 君，君 暱 之，雖 諫，將 不 聽。乃 使 荀 息 假 道 於 虞，曰，冀 為 不 道，入 自 顛 軨，伐 鄍 三 門，冀 之 既 病，則 亦 唯 君 故，今 虢 為 不 道，保 於 逆 旅，以 侵 敝 邑 之 南 鄙，敢 請 假 道，以 請 罪 于 虢。虞 公 許 之，且 請 先 伐 虢，宮 之 奇 諫，不 聽，遂 起 師，
夏，晉 里 克，荀 息，帥 師，會 虞 師 伐 虢，滅 下 陽。
先 書 虞，賄 故 也。
秋，盟 于 貫，服 江，黃 也。
齊 寺 人 貂，始 漏 師 于 多 魚。
虢 公 敗 戎 于 桑 田，晉 卜 偃 曰，虢 必 亡 矣，亡 下 陽 不 懼，而 又 有 功，是 天 奪 之 鑒 而 益 其 疾 也，必 易 晉 而 不 撫 其 民 矣，不 可 以 五 稔。
冬，楚 人 伐 鄭，鬬 章 囚 鄭 聃 伯。
三 年，春，王 正 月，不 雨。
徐 人 取 舒。
秋，齊 侯 宋 公，江 人，黃 人，會 于 陽 穀。
冬，公 子 友 如 齊 涖 盟。
楚 人 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰，三 年，春，不 雨，夏，六 月，雨，自 十 月 不 雨，至 于 五 月，不 曰 旱，不 為 災 也。
秋，會 于 陽 穀，謀 伐 楚 也。
齊 侯 為 陽 穀 之 會，來 尋 盟，冬，公 子 友 如 齊 涖 盟。
楚 人 伐 鄭，鄭 伯 欲 成，孔 叔 不 可，曰，齊 方 勤 我，棄 德 不 祥。
齊 侯 與 蔡 姬 乘 舟 于 囿，蕩 公，公 懼，變 色，禁 之，不 可，公 怒，歸 之，未 絕 之 也，蔡 人 嫁 之。
四 年，春，王 正 月，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，侵 蔡，蔡 潰，遂 伐 楚，次 于 陘。
夏，許 男 新 臣 卒。
楚 屈 完 來 盟 于 師，盟 于 召 陵。
齊 人 執 陳 轅 濤 塗。
秋，及 江 人，黃 人，伐 陳。
八 月，公 至 自 伐 楚。
葬 許 穆 公。
冬，十 有 二 月，公 孫 玆 帥 師，會 齊 人，宋 人，衛 人，鄭 人，許 人，曹 人，侵 陳。
左 傳 曰，四 年，春，齊 侯 以 諸 侯 之 師 侵 蔡，蔡 潰，遂 伐 楚，楚 子 使 與 師 言 曰，君 處 北 海，寡 人 處 南 海，唯 是 風 馬 牛 不 相 及 也，不 虞 君 之 涉 吾 地 也，何 故。管 仲 對 曰，昔 召 康 公 命 我 先 君 大 公 曰，五 侯 九 伯，女 實 征 之，以 夾 輔 周 室，賜 我 先 君 履，東 至 于 海，西 至 于 河，南 至 于 穆 陵，北 至 于 無 棣，爾 貢 包 茅 不 入，王 祭 不 共，無 以 縮 酒，寡 人 是 徵，昭 王 南 征 而 不 復，寡 人 是 問，對 曰，貢 之 不 入，寡 君 之 罪 也，敢 不 共 給，昭 王 之 不 復，君 其 問 諸 水 濱，師 進，次 於 陘。
夏，楚 子 使 屈 完 如 師，師 退，次 于 召 陵，齊 侯 陳 諸 侯 師 之，與 屈 完 乘 而 觀 之，齊 侯 曰，豈 不 穀 是 為。先 君 之 好 是 繼，與 不 穀 同 好，如 何，對 曰，君 惠 徼 福 於 敝 邑 之 社 稷，辱 收 寡 君，寡 君 之 願 也，齊 侯 曰，以 此 衆 戰，誰 能 禦 之，以 此 攻 城，何 城 不 克，對 曰，君 若 以 德 綏 諸 侯，誰 敢 不 服，君 若 以 力，楚 國 方 城 以 為 城，漢 水 以 為 池，雖 衆，無 所 用 之。屈 完 及 諸 侯 盟。
陳 轅 濤 塗 謂 鄭 申 侯 曰，師 出 於 陳 鄭 之閒，國 必 甚 病，若 出 於 東 方，觀 兵 於 東 夷，循 海 而 歸，其 可 也，申 侯 曰，善，濤 塗 以 告，齊 侯 許 之，申 侯 見 曰，師 老 矣，若 出 於 東 方 而 遇 敵，懼 不 可 用 也，若 出 於 陳 鄭 之 閒，共 其 資 糧 屝 屨，其 可 也。齊 侯 說，與 之 虎 牢，執 轅 濤 塗。
秋，伐 陳，討 不 忠 也。
許 穆 公 卒 于 師。葬 之 以 侯，禮 也。凡 諸 侯 薨 于 朝 會，加 一 等，死 王 事，加 二 等，於 是 有 以 袞 斂。
冬，叔 孫 戴 伯 帥 師，會 諸 侯 之 師，侵 陳，陳 成，歸 轅 濤 塗。
初，晉 獻 公 欲 以 驪 姬 為 夫 人，卜 之 不 吉，筮 之 吉，公 曰，從 筮，卜 人 曰，筮 短 龜 長，不 如 從 長，且 其 繇 曰，
專 之 渝，攘 公 之 羭，一 薰 一 蕕，十 年 尚 猶 有 臭，必 不 可，弗 聽，立 之，生 奚 齊，其 娣 生 卓 子，
及 將 立 奚 齊，既 與 中 大 夫 成 謀，姬 謂 大 子 曰，君 夢 齊 姜，必 速 祭 之，大 子 祭 于 曲 沃，歸 胙 于 公，公 田，姬 寘 諸 宮，六 日，公 至，毒 而 獻 之，公 祭 之 地，地 墳，與 犬，犬 斃，與 小 臣，小 臣 亦 斃，姬 泣 曰，賊 由 太 子，太 子 奔 新 城，公 殺 其 傅 杜 原 款，或 謂 大 子，子 辭，君 必 辯 焉，大 子 曰，君 非 姬 氏，居 不 安，食 不 飽，我 辭，姬 必 有 罪，君 老 矣，吾 又 不 樂，曰，子 其 行 乎，大 子 曰，君 實 不 察 其 罪，被 此 名 也 以 出，人 誰 納 我。十 二 月，戊 申，縊 于 新 城，
姬 遂 譖 二 公 子 曰，皆 知 之，重 耳 奔 蒲 ，夷 吾 奔 屈。
五 年，春，晉 侯 殺 其 世 子 申 生。
杞 伯 姬 來，朝 其 子。
夏，公 孫 玆 如 牟。
公 及 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，會 王 世 子 于 首 止。
秋，八 月，諸 侯 盟 于 首 止。
鄭 伯 逃 歸，不 盟。
楚 人 滅 弦，弦 子 奔 黃。
九 月，戊 申，朔，日 有 食 之。
冬，晉 人 執 虞 公。
左 傳 曰，五 年，春，王 正 月，辛 亥，朔，日 南 至，公 既 視 朔，遂 登 觀 臺，以 望 而 書，禮 也。凡 分，至，啟，閉，必 書 雲 物，為 備 故 也。
晉 侯 使 以 殺 大 子 申 生 之 故 來 告，
初，晉 侯 使 士 蒍 為 二 公 子 築 蒲 與 屈，不 慎，寘 薪 焉，夷 吾 訴 之，公 使 讓 之，士 蒍 稽 首 而 對 曰，臣 聞 之，無 喪 而 慼，憂 必 讐 焉，無 戎 而 城，讐 必 保 焉，窛 讐 之 保，又 何 慎 焉，守 官 廢 命，不 敬，固 讐 之 保，不 忠，失 忠 與 敬，何 以 事 君，詩 云，
懷 德 惟 寧，宗 子 惟 城，君 其 脩 德 而 固 宗 子，何 城 如 之，三 年 將 尋 師 焉，焉 用 慎，退 而 賦 曰，
狐 裘 尨 茸，一 國 三 公，吾 誰 適 從，及 難，公 使 寺 人 披 伐 蒲，重 耳 曰，君 父 之 命 不 校。乃 徇 曰，校 者，吾 讐 也，踰 垣 而 走，披 斬 其 袪，遂 出 奔 翟。
夏，公 孫 玆 如 牟。娶 焉。
會 于 首 止。會 王 大 子 鄭，謀 寧 周 也。
陳 轅 宣 仲 怨 鄭 申 侯 之 反 己 於 召 陵，故勸 之 城 其 賜 邑，曰，美 城 之，大 名 也，子 孫 不 忘，吾 助 子 請。乃 為 之 請 於 諸 侯，而 城 之 美，遂 譖 諸 鄭 伯，曰，美 城 其 賜 邑，將 以 叛 也。申 侯 由 是 得 罪。
秋，諸 侯 盟，王 使 周 公 召 鄭 伯，曰，吾 撫 女 以 從 楚，輔 之 以 晉，可 以 少 安。鄭 伯 喜 於 王 命，而 懼 其 不 朝 於 齊 也，故 逃 歸 不 盟，孔 叔 止 之 曰，國 君 不 可 以 輕，輕 則 失 親，失 親，患 必 至，病 而 乞 盟，所 喪 多 矣，君 必 悔 之。弗 聽，逃 其 師 而 歸。
楚 鬬 穀 於 菟 滅 弦，弦 子 奔 黃，於 是 江，黃，道，柏，方 睦 於 齊，皆 弦 姻 也，弦 子 恃 之 而 不 事 楚，又 不 設 備，故 亡。
晉 侯 復 假 道 於 虞 以 伐 虢，宮 之 奇 諫 曰，虢，虞 之 表 也，虢 亡，虞 必 從 之，晉 不 可 啟，寇 不 可 翫，一 之 謂 甚，其 可 再 乎，諺 所 謂 輔 車 相 依，脣 亡 齒 寒 者，其 虞 虢 之 謂 也。公 曰，晉，吾 宗 也，豈 害 我 哉。對 曰，大 伯，虞 仲，大 王 之 昭 也，大 伯 不 從，是 以 不 嗣，虢 仲，虢 叔，王 季 之 穆 也，為 文 王 卿 士，勳 在 王 室，藏 於 盟 府，將 虢 是 滅，何 愛 於 虞，且 虞 能 親 於 桓，莊 乎，其 愛 之 也，桓，莊 之 族 何 罪，而 以 為 戮，不 唯 偪 乎，親 以 寵 偪，猶 尚 害 之，况 以 國 乎。公 曰，吾 享 祀 豐 絜，神 必 據 我。對 曰，臣 聞 之，鬼 神 非 人 實 親，惟 德 是 依，故 周 書 曰。皇 天 無 親，惟 德 是 輔，又 曰，黍 稷 非 馨，明 德 惟 馨，又 曰，民 不 易 物，惟 德 繄 物，如 是 則 非 德，民 不 和，神 不 享 矣，神 所 馮 依，將 在 德 矣，若 晉 取 虞，而 明 德 以 薦 馨 香，神 其 吐 之 乎。弗 聽，許 晉 使，
宮 之 奇 以 其 族 行，曰，虞 不 臘 矣，在 此 行 也，晉 不 更 舉 矣。
八 月，甲 午，晉 侯 圍 上 陽，問 於 卜 偃 曰，吾 其 濟 乎。對 曰，克 之。公 曰，何 時。對 曰，童 謠 云，
丙 之 晨，龍 尾 伏 辰，均 服 振 振，取 虢 之 旂，鶉 之 賁 賁，天 策 焞 焞，火 中 成 軍，虢 公 其 奔，其 九 月 十 月 之 交 乎，丙 子 旦，日 在 尾，月 在 策，鶉 火 中，必 是 時 也。
冬，十 二 月，丙 子，朔，晉 滅 虢，虢 公 醜 奔 京 師，師 還 館 于 虞，遂 襲 虞，滅 之，執 虞 公，及 其 大 夫 井 伯，以 媵 秦 穆 姬，而 修 虞 祀，且 歸 其 職 貢 於 王，故 書 曰，晉 人 執 虞 公，罪 虞，且 言 易 也。
六 年，春，王 正 月。
夏，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，曹 伯，伐 鄭，圍 新 城。
秋，楚 人 圍 許，諸 侯 遂 救 許。
冬，公 至 自 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰，六 年，春，晉 侯 使 賈 華 伐 屈，夷 吾 不 能 守，盟 而 行，將 奔 狄，郤 芮 曰，後 出 同 走，罪 也，不 如 之 梁，梁 近 秦，而 幸 焉。乃 之 梁。
夏，諸 侯 伐 鄭。以 其 逃 首 止 之 盟 故 也，圍 新 密，鄭 所 以 不 時 城 也。
秋，楚 子 圍 許 以 救 鄭，諸 侯 救 許，乃 還。
冬，蔡 穆 侯 將 許 僖 公，以 見 楚 子 於 武 城，許 男 面 縛 銜 璧，大 夫 衰 絰，士 輿 櫬，楚 子 問 諸 逢 伯。對 曰，昔，武 王 克 殷，微 子 啟 如 是，武 王 親 釋 其 縛，受 其 璧 而 祓 之，焚 其 櫬，禮 而 命 之，使 復 其 所，楚 子 從 之。
七 年，春，齊 人 伐 鄭。
夏，小 邾 子 來 朝。
鄭 殺 其 大 夫 申 侯。
秋，七 月，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 世 子 款，鄭 世 子 華，盟 于 甯 母。
曹 伯 班 卒。
公 子 友 如 齊。
冬，葬 曹 昭 公。
左 傳 曰，七 年，春，齊 人 伐 鄭。孔 叔 言 於 鄭 伯，曰，諺 有 之 曰，心 則 不 競，何 憚 於 病，既 不 能 彊，又 不 能 弱，所 以 斃 也，國 危 矣，請 下 齊 以 救 國。公 曰，吾 知 其 所 由 來 矣，姑 少 待 我，對 曰，朝 不 及 夕，何 以 待 君。
夏，鄭 殺 申 侯。以 說 于 齊，且 用 陳 轅 濤 塗 之 譖 也。初，申 侯，申 出 也，有 寵 於 楚 文 王，文 王 將 死，與 之 璧，使 行，曰，唯 我 知 女，女 專 利 而 不 厭，予 取 予 求，不 女 疵 瑕 也，後 之 人 將 求 多 於 女，女 必 不 免，我 死，女 必 速 行，無 適 小 國，將 不 女 容 焉。既 葬，出 奔 鄭，又 有 寵 於 厲 公，子 文 聞 其 死 也，曰，古 人 有 言 曰，知 臣 莫 若 君，弗 可 改 也 已。
秋，盟 于 甯 毌。謀 鄭 故 也。 仲 言 於 齊 侯 曰，臣 聞 之，招 攜 以 禮，懷 遠 以 德，德 禮 不 易，無 人 不 懷。齊 侯 修 禮 於 諸 侯，諸 侯 官 受 方 物，鄭 伯 使 大 子 華 聽 命 於 會，言 於 齊 侯 曰，洩 氏，孔 氏，子 人 氏，三 族，實 違 君 命，若 君 去 之 以 為 成，我 以 鄭 為 內 臣，君 亦 無 所 不 利 焉。
齊 侯 將 許 之，管 仲 曰，君 以 禮 與 信 屬 諸 侯，而 以 姦 終 之，無 乃 不 可 乎，子 父 不 奸 之 謂 禮，守 命 共 時 之 謂 信，違 此 二 者，姦 莫 大 焉。公 曰，諸 侯 有 討 於 鄭，未 捷，今 苟 有 釁，從 之 不 亦 可 乎。對 曰，君 若 綏 之 以 德，加 之 以 訓 辭，而 帥 諸 侯 以 討 鄭，鄭 將 覆 亡 之 不 暇，豈 敢 不 懼，若 總 其 罪 人 以 臨 之，鄭 有 辭 矣，何 懼，且 夫 合 諸 侯 以 崇 德 也，會 而 列 姦，何 以 示 後 嗣，夫 諸 侯 之 會，其 德 刑 禮 義，無 國 不 記，記 姦 之 位，君 盟 替 矣，作 而 不 記，非 盛 德 也，君 其 勿 許，鄭 必 受 盟，夫 子 華 既 為 大 子，而 求 介 於 大 國，以 弱 其 國，亦 必 不免，鄭 有 叔 詹，堵 叔，師 叔，三 良 為 政，未 可 間 也。
齊 侯 辭 焉，子 華 由 是 得 罪 於 鄭。冬，鄭 伯 使，請 盟 于 齊。
閏 月，惠 王 崩，襄 王 惡 大 叔 帶 之 難，懼 不 立，不 發 表，而 告 難 于 齊。
八 年，春，王 正 月，公 會 王 人，齊 侯，宋 公，衛 侯，許 男，曹 伯，陳 世 子 款，盟 于 洮。
鄭 伯 乞 盟。
夏，狄 伐 晉。
秋，七 月，禘 于 大 廟，用 致 夫 人。
冬，十 有 二 月，丁 未，天 王 崩。
左 傳 曰，八 年，春，盟 于 洮。謀 王 室 也。鄭 伯 乞 盟，請 服 也。襄 王 定 位 而 後 發 喪。
晉 里 克 帥 師，梁 由 靡 御，虢 射 為 右，以 敗 狄 于 采 桑，梁 由 靡 曰，狄 無 恥，從 之 必 大 克，里 克 曰，懼 之 而 已，無 速 衆 狄。虢 射 曰，期 年，狄 必 至，示 之 弱 矣。夏，狄 伐 晉，報 采 桑 之 役 也，復 期 月。
秋，禘 而 致 哀 姜 焉，非 禮 也。凡 夫 人不 薨 于 寢，不 殯 于 廟，不 赴 于 同，不 祔 于 姑，則 弗 致 也。
冬，王 人 來 告 喪。難 故 也，是 以 緩。
宋 公 疾，大 子 玆 父 固 請 曰，目 夷 長 且 仁，君 其 立 之。公 命 子 魚，子 魚 辭，曰，能 以 國 讓，仁 孰 大 焉，臣 不 及 也，且 又 不 順。遂 走 而 退。
九 年，春，王 三 月，丁 丑，宋 公 御 說 卒。
夏，公 會 宰 周 公，齊 侯，宋 子，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，于 葵 丘。
秋，七 月，乙 酉，伯 姬 卒。
九 月，戊 辰，諸 侯 盟 于 葵 丘。
甲 子，晉 侯 詭 諸 卒。
冬，晉 里 克 殺 其 君 之 子 奚 齊。
左 傳 曰，九 年，春，宋 桓 公 卒，未 葬 而 襄 公 會 諸 侯，故 曰 子。凡 在 喪，王 曰 小 童，公 侯 曰 子。夏，會 于 葵 丘。尋 盟，且 修 好，禮 也。王 使 宰 孔 賜 齊 侯 胙，曰，天 子 有 事 于文 武，使 孔 賜 伯 舅 胙，齊 侯 將 下 拜，孔 曰，且 有 後 命，天 子 使 孔 曰，以 伯 舅 耋 老，加 勞，賜 一 級，無 下 拜。對 曰，天 威 不 違 顏 咫 尺，小 白 余，敢 貪 天 子 之 命，無 下 拜，恐 隕 越 于 下，以 遺 天 子 羞，敢 不 下 拜。下，拜，登，受。
秋，齊 侯 盟 諸 侯 于 葵 丘，曰，凡 我 同 盟 之 人，言 歸 于 好，宰 孔 先 歸，遇 晉 侯 曰，可 無 會 也，齊 侯 不 務 德，而 勤 遠 略，故 北 伐 山 戎，南 伐 楚，西 為 此 會 也，東 略 之 不 知，西 則 否 矣，其 在 亂 乎，君 務 靖 亂，無 勤 於 行。晉 侯 乃 還。
九 月，晉 獻 公 卒，里 克，丕 鄭 欲 納 文 公，故 以 三 公 子 之 徒 作 亂。初，獻 公 使 荀 息 傅 奚 齊，公 疾，召 之，曰，以 是 藐 諸 孤，辱 在 大 夫，其 若 之 何。稽 首 而 對 曰，臣 竭 其 股 肱 之 力，加 之 以 忠 貞，其 濟，君 之 靈 也，不 濟，則 以 死 繼 之。公 曰，何 謂 忠 貞。對 曰，公 家 之 利，知 無 不 為，忠 也，送 往 事 居，耦 俱 無 猜，貞 也。
及 里 克 將 殺 奚 齊，先 告 荀 息 曰，三 怨 將 作，秦 晉 輔 之，子 將 何 如。荀 息 曰，將 死 之。里 克 曰，無 益 也。荀 叔 曰，吾 與 先 君 言 矣，不 可 以 貳，能 欲 復 言，而 愛 身 乎，雖 無 益 也，將 焉 辟 之，且 人 之 欲 善，誰 不 如 我，我 欲 無 貳，而 能 謂 人 已 乎。
冬，十 月，里 克 殺 奚 齊 于 次。書 曰，殺 其 君 之 子，未 葬 也。荀 息 將 死 之，人 曰，不 如 立 卓 子 而 輔 之。荀 息 立 公 子 卓 以 葬。
十 一 月，里 克 殺 公 子 卓 于 朝，荀 息 死 之。君 子 曰，
詩 所 謂 白 圭 之 玷，尚 可 磨 也，斯 言 之 玷，不 可 為 也，荀 息 有 焉。
齊 侯 以 諸 侯 之 師 伐 晉，及 高 梁 而 還。討 晉 亂 也。令 不 及 魯，故 不 書。
晉 郤 芮 使 夷 吾 重 賂 秦 以 求 入，曰，人 實 有 國，我 何 愛 焉，入 而 能 民，土 於 何 有。從 之，齊 隰 朋 帥 師 會 秦 師，納 晉 惠 公。
秦 伯 謂 郤 芮 曰，公 子 誰 恃。對 曰，臣 聞 亡 人 無 黨，有 黨 必 有 讐，夷 吾 弱 不 好 弄，能 鬬 不 過，長 亦 不 改，不 識 其 他。公 謂 公 孫 枝 曰，夷 吾 其 定 乎。對 曰，臣 聞 之，唯 則 定 國，詩 曰，
不 識 不 知，順 帝 之 則，文 王 之 謂 也，又 曰，不 僭 不 賊，鮮 不 為 則，無 好 無 惡，不 忌 不 克 之 謂 也，今 其 言 多 忌 克，難 哉。公 曰，忌 則 多 怨，又 焉 能 克，是 吾 利 也。
宋 襄 公 即 位，以 公 子 目 夷 為 仁，使 為 左 師，以 聽 政。於 是 宋 治，故 魚 氏 世 為 左 師。
十 年，春，王 正 月，公 如 齊。
狄 滅 溫，溫 子 奔 衛。
晉 里 克 弒 其 君 卓，及 其 大 夫 荀 息。
夏，齊 侯，許 男 伐 北 戎。
晉 殺 其 大 夫 里 克。
冬，大 雨 雪。
左 傳 曰，十 年，春，狄 滅 溫。蘇 子 無 信 也。蘇 子 叛 王 即 狄，又 不 能 於 狄，狄 人 伐 之，王 不 救，故 滅，蘇 子 奔 衛。
夏，四 月，周 公 忌 父，王 子 黨，會 齊 隰 朋，立 晉 侯。晉 侯 殺 里 克 以 說，將 殺 里 克，公 使 謂 之 曰，微 子 則 不 及 此，雖 然，子 弒 二 君，與 一 大 夫，為 子 君 者，不 亦 難 乎，對 曰，不 有 廢 也，君 何 以 興，欲 加 之 罪，其 無 辭 乎，臣 聞 命 矣。伏 劍 而 死。於 是 丕 鄭 聘 于 秦，且 謝 緩 賂，故 不 及。
晉 侯 改 葬 共 大 子，秋，狐 突 適 下 國，遇 大 子，大 子 使 登 僕，而 告 之 曰，夷 吾 無 禮，余 得 請 於 帝 矣，將 以 晉 畀 秦，秦 將 祀 余。對 曰，臣 聞 之，神 不 歆 非 類，民 不 祀 非 族，君 祀 無 乃 殄 乎，且 民 何 罪，失 刑 乏 嗣，君 其 圖 之。君 曰，諾，吾 將 復 請，七 日，新 城 西 偏，將 有 巫 者 而 見 我 焉。許 之，遂 不 見，及 期 而 往，告 之 曰，帝 許 我 罰 有 罪 矣，敝 於 韓。
丕 鄭 之 如 秦 也，言 於 秦 伯 曰，呂 甥，郤 稱，冀 芮，實 為 不 從，若 重 問 以 召 之，臣 出 晉 君，君 納 重 耳，蔑 不 濟 矣。
冬，秦 伯 使 泠 至 報 問，且 召 三 子，郤 芮 曰，幣 重 而 言 甘，誘 我 也。遂 殺 丕 鄭，祁 舉，及 七 輿 大 夫，左 行 共 華，右 行 賈 華，叔 堅，騅 歂，纍 虎，特 宮，山 祁，皆 里，丕 之 黨 也。丕 豹 奔 秦，言 於 秦 伯 曰，晉 侯 背 大 主，而 忌 小 怨，民 弗 與 也，伐 之 必 出。公 曰，失 衆。焉 能 殺，違 禍，誰 能 出 君。
十 有 一 年
十 有 一 年，春，晉 殺 其 大 夫 丕 鄭 父。
夏，公 及 夫 人 姜 氏，會 齊 侯 于 陽 穀。
秋，八 月，大 雩。
冬，楚 人 伐 黃。
左 傳 曰，十 一 年，春，晉 侯 使 以 平 鄭 之 亂 來 告。
天 王 使 召 武 公，內 史，過 賜 晉 侯 命。受 玉，惰。過 歸 告 王，曰，晉 侯 其 無 後 乎，王 賜 之 命，而 惰 於 受 瑞，先 自 棄 也 已，其 何 繼 之 有，禮，國 之 幹 也，敬，禮 之 輿 也，不 敬 則 禮 不 行，禮 不 行，則 上 下 昏，何 以 長 世。
夏，揚 拒，泉 皋，伊 雒 之 戎，同 伐 京 師，入 王 城，焚 東 門。王 子 帶 召 之 也，秦，晉，伐 戎 以 救 周。秋，晉 侯 平 戎 于 王。
黃 人 不 歸 楚 貢，冬，楚 人 伐 黃。
十 有 二 年
十 有 二 年，春，王 三 月，庚 午，日 有 食 之。
夏，楚 人 滅 黃。
冬，十 有 二 月，丁 丑，陳 侯 杵 臼 卒。
左 傳 曰，十 二 年，春，諸 侯 城 衛 楚 丘 之 郛。懼 狄 難 也。
黃 人 恃 諸 侯 之 睦 于 齊 也，不 共 楚 職，曰，自 郢 及 我，九 百 里，焉 能 害 我。夏，楚 滅 黃。
王 以 戎 難 故，討 王 子 帶，秋，王 子 帶 奔 齊。
冬，齊 侯 使 管 夷 吾 平 戎 于 王，使 隰 朋平 戎 于 晉，王 以 上 卿 之 禮 饗 管 仲，管 仲 辭，曰，臣，賤 有 司 也，有 天 子 之 二 守，國，高 在，若 節 春 秋，來 承 王 命，何 以 禮 焉，陪 臣 敢 辭。王 曰，舅 氏，余 嘉 乃 勳，應 乃 懿 德，謂 督 不 忘，往 踐 乃 職，無 逆 朕 命。管 仲 受 下 卿 之 禮 而 還，
君 子 曰，管 氏 之 世 祀 也，宜 哉，讓 不 忘 其 上，詩 曰，
愷 悌 君 子，神 所 勞 矣。
十 有 三 年
十 有 三 年，春，狄 侵 衛。
夏，四 月，葬 陳 宣 公。
公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，于 鹹。
秋，九 月，大 雩。
冬，公 子 友 如 齊。
左 傳 曰，十 三 年，春，齊 侯 使 仲 孫 湫 聘 于 周，且 言 王 子 帶。事 畢，不 與 王 言，歸 復 命 曰，未 可，王 怒 未 怠，其 十 年 乎，不 十 年，王 弗 召 也。
夏，會 于 鹹。淮 夷 病 杞 故，且 謀 王 室 也。
秋，為 戎 難 故，諸 侯 戍 周，齊 仲 孫 湫 致 之。
冬，晉 荐 饑，使 乞 糴 于 秦，秦 伯 謂 子 桑，與 諸 乎。對 曰，重 施 而 報，君 將 何 求，重 施 而 不 報，其 民 必 攜，攜 而 討 焉，無 衆 必 敗。謂 百 里，與 諸 乎。對 曰，天 災 流 行，國 家 代 有，救 災 恤 鄰，道 也，行 道 有 福。
丕 鄭 之 子 豹 在 秦，請 伐 晉，秦 伯 曰，其 君 是 惡，其 民 何 罪，秦 於 是 乎 輸 粟 于 晉，自 雍 及 絳 相 繼，命 之 曰，汎 舟 之 役。
十 有 四 年
十 有 四 年，春，諸 侯 城 緣 陵。
夏，六 月，季 姬 及 鄫 子 遇 于 防，使 鄫 子 來 朝。
秋，八 月，辛 卯，沙 鹿 崩。
狄 侵 鄭。
冬，蔡 侯 肸 卒。
左 傳 曰，十 四 年，春，諸 侯 城 緣 陵，而 遷 杞 焉。不 書 其 人，有 闕 也。
鄫 季 姬 來 寧，公 怒，止 之，以 鄫 子 之 不 朝 也。夏，遇 于 防，而 使 來 朝。
秋，八 月，辛 卯，沙 鹿 崩。晉 卜 偃 曰，期 年，將 有 大 咎，幾 亡 國。
冬，秦 饑，使 乞 糴 於 晉，晉 人 弗 與，慶 鄭 曰，背 施 無 親，幸 災 不 仁，貪 愛 不 祥，怒 鄰 不 義，四 德 皆 失，何 以 守 國。虢 射 曰，皮 之 不 存，毛 將 安 傅。慶 鄭 曰，棄 信 背 鄰，患 孰 恤 之，無 信 患 作，失 援 必 斃，是 則 然 矣。虢 射 曰，無 損 於 怨，而 厚 於 寇，不 如 勿 與。慶 鄭 曰，背 施 幸 災 ，民 所 棄 也，近 猶 讐 之，況 怨 敵 乎。弗 聽。退 曰，君 其 悔 是 哉。
十 有 五 年
十 有 五 年，春，王 正 月，公 如 齊。
楚 人 伐 徐。
三 月，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，盟 于 牡 丘，遂 次 于 匡。
公 孫 敖 帥 師，及 諸 侯 之 大 夫，救 徐。
夏，五 月，日 有 食 之。
秋，七 月，齊 師，曹 師，伐 厲。
九 月，公 至 自 會。
季 姬 歸 于 鄫。
己 卯，晦，震 夷 伯 之 廟。
冬，宋 人 伐 曹。
楚 人 敗 徐 于 婁 林。
十 有 一 月，壬 戌，晉 侯，及 秦 伯，戰 于 韓，獲 晉 侯。
左 傳 曰，十 五 年，春，楚 人 伐 徐。徐 即 諸 夏 故 也。
三 月，盟 于 牡 丘。尋 葵 丘 之 盟，且 救 徐 也。孟 穆 伯 帥 師，及諸 侯 之 師，救 徐，諸 侯 次 于 匡 以 待 之。
夏，五 月，日 有 食 之。不 書 朔 與 日，官 失 之 也。
秋，伐 厲。以 救 徐 也。
震 夷 伯 之 廟。罪 之 也，於 是 展 氏 有 隱 慝 焉。
冬，宋 人 伐 曹。討 舊 怨 也。
楚 敗 徐 于 婁 林。徐 恃 救 也。
晉 侯 之 入 也，秦 穆 姬 屬 賈 君 焉，且 曰，盡 納 羣 公 子。
晉 侯 烝 於 賈 君，又 不 納 羣 公 子，是 以 穆 姬 怨 之。晉 侯 許 賂 中 大 夫，既 而 皆 背 之。賂 秦 伯 以 河 外 列 城 五，東 盡 虢 略，南 及 華 山，內 及 解 梁 城，既 而 不 與。晉 饑，秦 輸 之 粟，秦 饑，晉 閉 之 糴，故 秦 伯 伐 晉。
卜 徒 父 筮 之，吉，涉 河，侯 車 敗。詰 之。對 曰，乃 大 吉 也，三 敗，必 獲 晉 君，其 卦 遇 蠱，曰，
千 乘 三 去，三 去 之 餘，獲 其 雄 狐，夫 狐 蠱，必 其 君 也，蠱 之 貞，風 也，其 悔，山 也，歲 云 秋 矣，我 落 其 實，而 取 其 材，所 以 克 也，實 落 材 亡，不 敗 何 待。
三 敗 及 韓，晉 侯 謂 慶 鄭 曰，寇 深 矣，若 之 何。對 曰，君 實 深 之，可 若 何。公 曰，不 孫。卜 右，慶 鄭 吉，弗 使，步 揚 御 戎，家 僕 徒 為 右，乘 小 駟，鄭 入 也。慶 鄭 曰，古 者 大 事，必 乘 其 產，生 其 水 土，而 知 其 人心，安 其 教 訓，而 服 習 其 道，唯 所 納 之，無 不 如 志，今 乘 異 產，以 從 戎 事，及 懼 而 變，將 與 人 易，亂 氣 狡 憤，陰 血 周 作，張 脈 僨 興，外 彊 中 乾，進 退 不 可，周 旋 不 能，君 必 悔 之。
弗 聽。九 月，晉 侯 逆 秦 師，使 韓 簡 視 師，復 曰，師 少 於 我，鬬 士 倍 我。公 曰，何 故。對 曰，出 因 其 資，入 用 其 寵，饑 食 其 粟，三 施 而 無 報，是 以 來 也，今 又 擊 之，我 怠 秦 奮，倍 猶 未 也。
公 曰，一 夫 不 可 狃，况 國 乎，遂 使 請 戰，曰，寡 人 不 佞，不 能 合 其 衆，而 不 能 離 也，君 若 不 還，無 所 逃 命，秦 伯 使 公 孫 枝 對 曰，君 之 未 入，寡 人 懼 之，入 而 未 定 列，猶 吾 憂 也，苟 列 定 矣，敢 不 承 命。韓 簡 退 曰，吾 幸 而 得 囚。
壬 戌，戰 于 韓 原，晉 戎 馬 還 濘 而 止，公 號 慶 鄭，慶 鄭 曰，愎 諫 違 卜，固 敗 是 求，又 何 逃 焉。遂 去 之，梁 由 靡 御 韓 簡，虢 射 為 右，輅 秦 伯，將 止 之，鄭 以 救 公 誤 之，遂 失 秦 伯。秦 獲 晉 侯以 歸，晉 大 夫 反 首 拔 舍 從 之，秦 伯 使 辭 焉，曰，二 三 子，何 其 慼 也，寡 人 之 從 君 而 西 也，亦 晉 之 妖 夢 是 踐，豈 敢 以 至。晉 大 夫 三 拜，稽 首，曰，君 履 后 土 而 戴 皇 天，皇 天 后 土，實 聞 君 之 言，羣 臣 敢 在 下 風。
穆 姬 聞 晉 侯 將 至，以 大 子 罃，弘，與 女 簡，璧，登 臺 而 履 薪 焉。使 以 免 服 衰 絰 逆，且 告 曰，上 天 降 災，使 我 兩 君，匪 以 玉 帛 相 見，而 以 興 戎，若 晉 君 朝 以 入，則 婢 子 夕 以 死，夕 以 入，則 朝 以 死，唯 君 裁 之。乃 舍 諸 靈 臺。大 夫 請 以 入，公 曰，獲 晉 侯，以 厚 歸 也，既 而 喪 歸，焉 用 之，大 夫 其 何 有 焉，且 晉 人 慼 憂 以 重 我，天 地 以 要 我，不 圖 晉 憂，重 其 怒 也，我 食 吾 言，背 天 地 也，重 怒 難 任，背 天 不 祥，必 歸 晉 君。公 子 縶 曰，不 如 殺 之，無 聚 慝 焉。子 桑 曰，歸 之 而 質 其 大 子，必 得 大 成，晉 未 可 滅，而 殺 其 君，祇 以 成 惡，且 史 佚 有 言 曰，無 始 禍，無 怙 亂，無 重 怒，重 怒 難 任，陵 人 不 祥。
乃 許 晉 平。晉 侯 使 郤 乞 告 瑕 呂 飴 甥，且 召 之。子 金 教 之 言 曰，朝 國 人 而 以 君 命 賞，且 告 之 曰，孤 雖 歸，辱 社 稷 矣，其 卜 貳 圉 也。
衆 皆 哭，晉 於 是 乎 作 爰 田。呂 甥 曰，君 亡 之 不 恤，而 群 臣 是 憂，惠 之 至 也，將 若 君 何。衆 曰，何 為 而 可。對 曰，征 繕 以 輔 孺 子，諸 侯 聞 之，喪 君 有 君，羣 臣 輯 睦，甲 兵 益 多，好 我 者 勸，惡 我 者 懼，庶 有 益 乎。衆 說，晉 於 是 乎 作 州 兵。
初，晉 獻 公 筮 嫁 伯 姬 於 秦，遇 歸 妹 之 睽，史 蘇 占 之，曰，不 吉，其 繇 曰，士 刲 羊，亦 無 衁 也，女 承 筐，亦 無 貺 也，西 鄰 責 言，不 可 償 也，歸 妹 之 睽，猶 無 相 也，震 之 離，亦 離 之 震，為 雷 為 火，為 嬴 敗 姬，車 說 其 輹，火 焚 其 旗，不 利 行 師，敗 于 宗 丘，歸 妹 睽 孤，寇 張 之 弧，姪 其 從 姑，六 年 其 逋，逃 歸 其 國，而 棄 其 家，明 年，其 死 於 高 梁 之 虛。及 惠 公 在 秦，曰，先 君 若 從 史 蘇 之 占，吾 不 及 此 夫。韓 簡 侍 曰，龜，象 也，筮，數 也，物 生 而 後 有 象，象 而 後 有 滋，滋 而 後 有 數，先 君 之 敗 德，及 可 數 乎，史 蘇 是 占，勿 從 何 益，詩 曰，
下 民 之 孽，匪 降 自 天，僔 沓 背 憎，職 競 由 人。
十 月，晉 陰 飴 甥 會 秦 伯，盟 于 王 城，秦 伯 曰，晉 國 和 乎。對 曰，不 和，小 人 恥 失 其 君，而 悼 喪 其 親，不 憚 征 繕 以 立 圉 也，曰 必 報 讐，寧 事 戎 狄，君 子 愛 其 君，而 知 其 罪，不 憚 征 繕，以 待 秦 命，曰 必 報 德，有 死 無 二，以 此 不 和。秦 伯 曰，國 謂 君 何。對 曰，小 人 慼，謂 之 不 免，君 子 恕，以 為 必 歸，小 人 曰，我 毒 秦，秦 豈 歸 君，君 子 曰，我 知 罪 矣，秦 必 歸 君，貳 而 執 之，服 而 舍 之，德 莫 厚 焉，刑 莫 威 焉，服 者 懷 德，貳 者 畏 刑，此 一 役 也，秦 可 以 霸，納 而 不 定，廢 而 不 立，以 德 為 怨，秦 不 其 然。秦 伯 曰，是 吾 心 也。改 館 晉 侯，饋 七 牢 焉。
蛾 析 謂 慶 鄭 曰，盍 行 乎，對 曰，陷 君 於 敗，敗 而 不 死，又 使 失 刑，非 人 臣 也，臣 而 不 臣，行 將 焉 入。
十 一 月，晉 侯 歸，丁 丑，殺 慶 鄭 而 後 入。
是 歲，晉 又 饑，秦 伯 又 餼 之 粟，曰，吾 怨 其 君 而 矜 其 民，且 吾 聞 唐 叔 之 封 也，箕 子 曰，其 後 必 大，晉 其 庸 可 冀 乎，姑 樹 德 焉，以 待 能 者。於 是 秦 始 征 晉 河 東，置 官 司 焉。
十 有 六 年，春，王 正 月，戊 申 朔，隕 石 于 宋 五，是 月，六 鷁 退 飛，過 宋 都。
三 月，壬 申，公 子 季 友 卒。
夏，四 月，丙 申，鄫 季 姬 卒。
秋，七 月，甲 子，公 孫 玆 卒。
冬，十 有 二 月，公 會 齊 侯，宋 公，陳侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，邢 侯，曹 伯，于 淮。
左 傳 曰，十 六 年，春，隕 石 于 宋 五。隕 星 也。六 鷁 退 飛，過 宋 都。風 也。周 內 史 叔 興 聘 于 宋，宋 襄 公 問 焉，曰，是 何 祥 也，吉 凶 焉 在。對 曰，今 玆 魯 多 大 喪，明 年，齊 有 亂，君 將 得 諸 侯，而 不 終。退 而 告 人 曰，君 失 問，是 陰 陽 之 事，非 吉 凶 所 生 也，吉 凶 由 人，吾 不 敢 逆 君 故 也。
夏，齊 伐 厲，不 克，救 徐 而 還。
秋，狄 侵 晉，取 狐 廚，受 鐸，涉 汾，及 昆 都，因 晉 敗 也。
王 以 戎 難 告 于 齊，齊 徵 諸 侯 而 戍 周。
冬，十 一 月，乙 卯，鄭 殺 子 華。
十 二 月，會 于 淮。謀 鄫，且 東 略 也。城 鄫，役 人 病，有 夜 登 丘 而 呼，曰，齊 有 亂。不 果 城 而 還。
十 有 七 年
十 有 七 年，春，齊 人，徐 人，伐 英 氏。
秋，夫 人 姜 氏 會 齊 侯 于 卞。
九 月，公 至 自 會。
冬，十 有 二 月，乙 亥，齊 侯 小 白 卒。
左 傳 曰，十 七 年，春，齊 人 為 徐 伐 英 氏，以 報 婁 林 之 役 也。
夏，晉 大 子 圉 為 質 於 秦，秦 歸 河 東 而 妻 之。惠 公 之 在 梁 也，梁 伯 妻 之，梁 嬴 孕，過 期，卜 招 父 與 其 子 卜 之，其 子 曰，將 生 一 男 一 女。招 曰，然，男 為 人 臣，女 為 人 妾。故 名 男 曰 圉，女 曰 妾，及 子 圉 西 質，妾 為 宦 女 焉。
師 滅 項。淮 之 會，公 有 諸 侯 之 事，未 歸 而 取 項，齊 人 以 為 討，而 止 公，秋，聲 姜 以 公 故，會 齊 侯 于 卞，九 月，公 至。書 曰，至 自 會。猶 有 諸 侯 之 事 焉，且 諱 之 也。
齊 侯 之 夫 人 三，王 姬，徐 嬴，蔡 姬，皆 無 子。齊 侯 好 內，多 內 寵，內 嬖 如 夫 人 者 六 人，長 衛 姬，生 武 孟，少 衛 姬，生 惠 公，鄭 姬 生 孝 公，葛 嬴 生 昭 公，密 姬 生 懿 公，宋 華 子 生 公 子 雍。
公 與 管 仲 屬 孝 公 於 宋 襄 公，以 為 大 子。雍 巫 有 寵 於 衛 共 姬，因 寺 人 貂，以 薦 羞 於 公，亦 有 寵，公 許 之，立 武 孟。管 仲 卒，五 公 子 皆 求 立。冬，十 月，乙 亥，齊 桓 公 卒。易 牙 入，與 寺 人 貂 因 內 寵 以 殺 羣 吏，而 立 公 子 無 虧，孝 公 奔 宋。十 二 月，乙 亥，赴，辛 巳，夜 殯。
XVIII.十 有 八 年
十 有 八 年，春，王 正 月，宋 公，曹 伯，衛 人，邾 人，伐 齊。
夏，師 救 齊。
五 月，戊 寅，宋 師 及 齊 師，戰 于 甗，齊 師 敗 績。
狄 救 齊。
秋，八 月，丁 亥，葬 齊 桓 公。
冬，邢 人，狄 人，伐 衛。
左 傳 曰，十 八 年，春，宋 襄 公 以 諸 侯 伐 齊。三 月，齊 人 殺 無 虧。
鄭 伯 始 朝 于 楚，楚 子 賜 之 金，既 而 悔 之，與 之 盟，曰，無 以 鑄 兵。故 以 鑄 三 鐘。
齊 人 將 立 孝 公，不 勝 四 公 子 之 徒，遂 與 宋 人 戰。夏，五 月，宋 敗 齊 師 于 甗，立 孝 公 而 還。
秋 八 月，葬 齊 桓 公。
冬，邢 人，狄 人，伐 衛，圍 菟 圃，衛 侯 以 國 讓 父 兄 子 弟，及 朝 衆 曰，苟 能 治 之，燬 請 從 焉。衆 不 可，而 從 師 于 訾 婁，狄 師 還。
梁 伯 益 其 國 而 不 能 實 也，命 曰 新 里，秦 取 之。
XIX.十 有 九 年
十 有 九 年，春，王 三 月，宋 人 執 滕 子 嬰 齊。
夏，六 月，宋 公，曹 人，邾 人，盟 于 曹 南。
鄫 子 會 盟 于 邾。
己 酉，邾 人 執 鄫 子，用 之。
秋，宋 人 圍 曹。
衛 人 伐 邢。
冬，會 陳 人，蔡 人，楚 人，鄭 人，盟 于 齊。梁 亡。
左 傳 曰，十 九 年，春，遂 城 而 居 之。
宋 人 執 滕 宣 公。
夏 宋 公 使 邾 文 公，用 鄫 子 于 次 睢 之 社，欲 以 屬 東 夷。司 馬 子 魚 曰，古 者 六 畜 不 相 為 用，小 事 不 用 大 牲，而 况 敢 用 人 乎，祭 祀 以 為 人 也，民，神 之 主 也，用 人，其 誰 饗 之，齊 桓 公 存 三 亡 國，以 屬 諸 侯，義 士 猶 曰 薄 德，今 一 會 而 虐 二 國 之 君，又 用 諸 淫 昏 之 鬼，將 以 求 霸，不 亦 難 乎，得 死 為 幸。
宋 人 圍 曹。討 不 服 也。子 魚 言 於 宋 公曰，文 王 聞 崇 德 亂 而 伐 之，軍 三 旬 而 不 降，退 修 教 而 復 伐 之，因 壘 而 降，詩 曰
刑 于 寡 妻，至 于 兄 弟，以 御 于 家 邦，今 君 德 無 乃 猶 有 所 闕，而 以 伐 人，若 之 何，盍 姑 內 省 德 乎，無 闕 而 後 動。
秋，衛 人 伐 邢，以 報 菟 圃 之 役，於 是 衛 大 旱，卜 有 事 於 山 川，不 吉。甯 莊 子 曰，昔 周 饑，克 殷 而 年 豐，今 邢 方 無 道，諸 侯 無 伯，天 其 或 者 欲 使 衛 討 邢 乎。從 之，師 興 而 雨。
陳 穆 公 請 修 好 於 諸 侯，以 無 忘 齊 桓 之 德。冬，盟 于 齊。修 桓 公 之 好 也。
梁 亡。不 書 其 主，自 取 之 也。初，梁 伯 好 土 功，亟 城 而 弗 處，民 罷 而 弗 堪，則 曰，某 寇 將 至，乃 溝 公 宮，曰，秦 將 襲 我。民 懼 而 潰，秦 遂 取 梁。
XX. 二 十 年
二 十 年，春，新 作 南 門。
夏，郜 子 來 朝。
五 月，乙 巳，西 宮 災。
鄭 人 入 滑。
秋，齊 人，狄 人，盟 于 邢。
冬，楚 人 伐 隨。
左 傳 曰，二 十 年，春，新 作 南 門。書 不 時 也，凡 啟 塞 從 時。
滑 人 叛 鄭，而 服 於 衛，夏，鄭 公 子 士，洩 堵 寇，帥 師 入 滑。
秋，齊 狄 盟 于 邢。為 邢 謀 衛 難 也，於 是 衛 方 病 邢。
隨 以 漢 東 諸 侯 叛 楚。冬，楚 鬬 穀 於 菟 帥 師 伐 隨，取 成 而 還，君 子 曰，隨 之 見 伐，不 量 力 也，量 力 而 動，其 過 鮮 矣，善 敗 由 己，而 由 人 乎 哉，詩 曰，豈 不 夙 夜 謂 行 多 露。
宋 襄 公 欲 合 諸 侯，臧 文 仲 聞 之，曰 以欲 從 人 則 可，以 人 從 欲 鮮 濟。
二 十 有 一 年
二 十 有 一 年，春，狄 侵 衛。
宋 人，齊 人，楚 人，盟 于 鹿 上。
秋，宋 公，楚 子，陳 侯，蔡 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，會 于 盂，執 宋 公 以 伐 宋。
冬，公 伐 邾。
楚 人 使 宜 申 來 獻 捷。
十 有 二 月，癸 丑，公 會 諸 侯，盟 于 薄，釋 宋 公。
左 傳 曰，二 十 一 年，春，宋 人 為 鹿 上 之 盟，以 求 諸 侯 於 楚，楚 人 許 之，公 子 目 夷 曰，小 國 爭 盟，禍 也，宋 其 亡 乎，幸 而 後 敗。
夏，大 旱。公 欲 焚 巫 尪，臧 文 仲 曰，非 旱 備 也，脩 城 郭，貶 食 省 用，務 穡 勸 分，此 其 務 也，巫 尪 何 為，天 欲 殺 之，則 如 勿 生，若 能 為 旱，焚 之 滋 甚。公 從 之。是 歲 也，饑 而 不 害。
秋，諸 侯 會 宋 公 于 盂。子 魚 曰，禍 其 在 此 乎，君 欲 已 甚，其 何 以 堪 之。於 是 楚 執 宋 公 以 伐 宋。冬，會 于 薄，以 釋 之。子 魚 曰，禍 猶 未 也，未 足 以 懲 君。
任，宿，須 句，顓 臾，風 姓 也，實 司 大 皞 與 有 濟 之 祀，以 服 事 諸 夏，邾 人 滅 須 句，須 句 子 來 奔，因 成 風 也。成 風 為 之 言 於 公 曰，崇 明 祀，保 小 寡，周 禮 也，蠻 夷猾 夏，周 禍 也，若 封 須 句，是 崇 皞 濟，而 脩 祀 紓 禍 也。
二 十 有 二 年
二 十 有 二 年，春，公 伐 邾，取 須 句。
夏，宋 公，衛 侯，許 男，滕 子，伐 鄭。
秋，八 月，丁 未，及 邾 人 戰 于 升 陘。
冬，十 有 一 月，己 巳，朔，宋 公 及 楚人 戰 于 泓，宋 師 敗 績。
左 傳 曰，二 十 二 年，春，伐 邾，取 須 句。反 其 君 焉，禮 也。
三 月，鄭 伯 如 楚。夏，宋 公 伐 鄭，子 魚 曰，所 謂 禍 在 此 矣。
初，平 王 之 東 遷 也，辛 有 適 伊 川，見 被 髮 而 祭 於 野 者，曰，不 及 百 年，此 其 戎 乎，其 禮 先 亡 矣。秋，秦 晉 遷 陸 渾 之 戎 于 伊 川。
晉 大 子 圉 為 質 於 秦，將 逃 歸，謂 嬴 氏 曰，與 子 歸 乎。對 曰，子，晉 大 子，而 辱 于 秦，子 之 欲 歸，不 亦 宜 乎，寡 君 之 使 婢 子 侍 執 巾 櫛，以 固 子 也，從 子 而 歸，棄 君 命 也，不 敢 從，亦 不 敢 言。遂 逃 歸。
富 辰 言 於 王 曰，請 召 大 叔，詩 曰，
協 比 其 鄰，昏 姻 孔 云，吾 兄 弟 之 不 協，焉 能 怨 諸 侯 之 不 睦。王 說。王 子 帶 自 齊 復 歸 于 京 師，王 召 之 也。
邾 人 以 須 句 故，出 師，公 卑 邾，不 設 備 而 禦 之，臧 文 仲 曰，國 無 小，不 可 易 也，無 備，雖 眾 不 可 恃 也，詩 曰，
戰 戰 兢 兢，如 臨 深 淵，如 履 薄 冰，
又 曰，敬 之 敬 之，天 維 顯 思，命 不 易 哉，先 王 之 明 德，猶 無 不 難 也，無 不 懼 也，况 我 小 國 乎，君 其 無 謂 邾 小，蜂蜂 蠆 有 毒，而 况 國 乎。弗 聽，八 月，丁 未，公 及 邾 師 戰 于 升 陘，我 師 敗 績，邾 人 獲 公 冑，縣 諸 魚 門。
楚 人 伐 宋 以 救 鄭。宋 公 將 戰，大 司 馬 固 諫 曰，天 之 棄 商 久 矣，君 將 興 之，弗 可 赦 也 已。弗 聽。冬，十 一 月，己 巳，朔，宋 公 及 楚 人 戰 于 泓。
宋 人 既 成 列，楚 人 未 既 濟，司 馬 曰，彼 衆 我 寡，及 其 未 既 濟 也，請 擊 之。公 曰，不 可。既 濟 而 未 成 列，又 以 告，公 曰，未 可。既 陳 而 後 擊 之，
宋 師 敗 績，公 傷 股，門 官 殲 焉。國 人 皆 咎 公。公 曰，君 子 不 重 傷，不 禽 二 毛，古 之 為 軍 也，不 以 阻 隘 也，寡 人 雖亡 國 之 餘，不 鼓 不 成 列，子 魚 曰，君 未 知 戰，勍 敵 之 人，隘 而 不 列，天 贊 我 也，阻 而 鼓 之，不 亦 可 乎，猶 有 懼 焉，且 今 之 勍 者，皆 吾 敵 也，雖 及 胡 耇，獲 則 取 之，何 有 於 二 毛，明 恥 教 戰，求 殺 敵 也，傷 未 及 死，如 何 勿 重，若 愛 重 傷，則 如 勿 傷，愛 其 二 毛，則 如 服 焉，三 軍 以 利 用 也，金 鼓 以 聲 氣 也，利 而 用 之，阻 隘 可 也，聲 盛 致 志，鼓 儳 可 也。
丙 子 晨，鄭 文 夫 人 芊 氏，姜 氏，勞 楚 子 於 柯 澤，楚 子 使 師 縉 示 之 俘 馘。君 子 曰，非 禮 也，婦 人 送 迎 不 出 門，見 兄 弟 不 踰 閾，戎 事 不 邇 女 器。
丁 丑，楚 子 入 饗 于 鄭，九 獻，庭 實 旅 百，加 籩 豆 六 品，饗 畢，夜 出，文 芊 送 于 軍，取 鄭 二 姬 以 歸，叔 詹 曰，楚 王 其 不 沒 乎，為 禮 卒 于 無 別，無 別，不 可 謂 禮，將 何 以 沒，諸 侯 是 以 知 其 不 遂 霸 也。
二 十 有 三 年
二 十 有 三 年，春，齊 侯 伐 宋，圍 緡。
夏，五 月，庚 寅，宋 公 玆 父 卒。
秋，楚 人 伐 陳。
冬，十 有 一 月，杞 子 卒。
左 傳 曰，二 十 三 年，春，齊 侯 伐 宋，圍 緡。以 討 其 不 與 盟 于 齊 也。
夏，五 月，宋 襄 公 卒。傷 於 泓 故 也。
秋，楚 成 得 臣 帥 師 伐 陳。討 其 貳 於 宋 也，遂 取 焦，夷，城 頓 而 還。子 文 以 為 之 功，使 為 令 尹，叔 伯 曰，子 若 國 何。對 曰，吾 以 靖 國 也，夫 有 大 功 而 無 貴 仕，其 人 能 靖 者 與，有 幾。
九 月，晉 惠 公 卒，懷 公 命 無 從 亡 人，期 期 而 不 至，無 赦。狐 突 之 子，毛 及 偃，從 重 耳 在 秦，弗 召，冬，懷 公 執 狐 突 曰，子 來 則 免，對 曰，子 之 能 仕，父 教 之 忠，古 之 制 也，策 名 委 質，貳 乃 辟 也，今 臣 之 子，名 在 重 耳，有 年 數 矣，若 又 召 之，教 之 貳 也，父 教 子 貳，何 以 事 君，刑 之 不 濫，君 之 明 也，臣 之 願 也，淫 刑 以 逞，誰 則 無 罪，臣 聞 命 矣。乃 殺 之。
卜 偃 稱 疾 不 出，曰，周 書 有 之，乃 大 明 服，己 則 不 明，而 殺 人 以 逞，不 亦 難 乎，民 不 見 德，而 唯 戮 是 聞，其 何 後 之 有。
十 一 月，杞 成 公 卒。書 曰，子，杞，夷 也，不 書 名，未 同 盟 也，凡 諸 侯 同 盟，死 則 赴 以 名，禮 也。赴 以 名，則 亦 書 之，不 然 則 否，辟 不 敏 也。
晉 公 子 重 耳 之 及 於 難 也，晉 人 伐 諸 蒲 城，蒲 城 人 欲 戰，重 耳 不 可，曰，保 君 父 之 命，而 享 其 生 祿，於 是 乎 得 人，有 人 而 校，罪 莫 大 焉，吾 其 奔 也。
遂 奔 狄，從 者 狐 偃，趙 衰，顛 頡，魏 武 子，司 空 季 子。狄 人 伐 廧 咎 如，獲 其 二 女，叔 隗 季 隗，納 諸 公 子，公 子 取 季 隗，生 伯 鯈，叔 劉，以 叔 隗 妻 趙 衰，生 盾。將 適 齊，謂 季 隗 曰，待 我 二 十 五 年 不 來，而 後 嫁。對 曰，我 二 十 五 年 矣，又 如 是 而 嫁，則 就 木 焉，請 待 子。
處 狄 十 二 年 而 行，過 衛，衛 文 公 不禮 焉，出 於 五 鹿，乞 食 於 野 人，野 人 與 之 塊，公 子 怒，欲 鞭 之，子 犯 曰，天 賜 也，稽 首 受 而 載 之。
及 齊，齊 桓 公 妻 之，有 馬 二 十 乘，公 子 安 之，從 者 以 為 不 可，將 行，謀 於 桑 下，蠶 妾 在 其 上，以 告 姜 氏，姜 氏 殺 之，而 謂 公 子 曰，子 有 四 方 之 志，其 聞 之 者，吾 殺 之 矣。公 子 曰，無 之。姜 曰，行 也，懷 與 安 實 敗 名。公 子 不 可，姜 與 子 犯 謀，醉 而 遣 之，醒，以 戈 逐 子 犯，
及 曹，曹 共 公 聞 其 駢 脅，欲 觀 其 裸，浴，薄 而 觀 之。僖 負 羈 之 妻 曰，吾 觀 晉 公 子 之 從 者，皆 足 以 相 國，若 以 相，夫 子 必 反 其 國，反 其 國，必 得 志 於 諸 侯，得 志 於 諸 侯，而 誅 無 禮，曹 其 首 也，子 盍 蚤 自 貳 焉。乃 饋 盤 飧，寘 璧 焉，公 子 受 飧 反 璧。
及 宋，宋 襄 公 贈 之 以 馬 二 十 乘，及 鄭，鄭 文 公 亦 不 禮 焉，叔 詹 諫 曰，臣 聞 天 之 所 啟，人 弗 及 也，晉 公 子 有 三 焉，天 其 或 者 將 建 諸，君 其 禮 焉，男 女 同 姓，其 生 不 蕃，晉 公 子 姬 出 也，而 至 于 今，一 也，離 外 之 患，而 天 下 不 靖 晉 國，殆 將 啟 之，二 也。有 三 士，足 以 上 人，而 從 之，三 也。晉 鄭，同 儕，其 過 子 弟，固 將 禮 焉，况 天 之 所 啟 乎。弗 聽，
及 楚，楚 子 饗 之，曰，公 子 若 反 晉 國，則 何 以 報 不 穀。對 曰，子 女 玉 帛，則 君 有 之，羽 毛 齒 革，則 君 地 生 焉，其 波 及 晉 國 者，君 之 餘 也，其 何 以 報 君。曰，雖 然，何 以 報 我。對 曰，若 以 君 之 靈，得 反 晉 國，晉 楚 治 兵，遇 於 中 原，其 辟 君 三 舍，若 不 獲 命，其 左 執 鞭 弭，右 屬 櫜 鞬，以 與 君 周 旋。
子 玉 請 殺 之，楚 子 曰，晉 公 子 廣 而 儉，文 而 有 禮，其 從 者 肅 而 寬，忠 而 能 力，晉 侯 無 親，外 內 惡 之，吾 聞 姬 姓，唐 叔 之 後，其 後 衰 者 也，其 將 由 晉 公 子 乎，天 將 興 之，誰 能 廢 之，違 天 必 有 大 咎。
乃 送 諸 秦，秦 伯 納 女 五 人，懷 嬴 與 焉，奉 匜 沃 盥，既 而 揮 之，怒 曰，秦 晉，匹 也。何 以 卑 我，公 子 懼，降 服 而 囚，
他 日，公 享 之，子 犯 曰，吾 不 如 衰 之 文 也，請 使 衰 從，公 子 賦 河 水，公 賦 六 月，趙 衰 曰，重 耳 拜 賜，公 子 降，拜 稽 首，公 降 一 級 而 辭 焉。衰 曰，君 稱 所 以 佐 天 子 者 命 重 耳，重 耳 敢 不 拜。
二 十 有 四 年
二 十 有 四 年，春，王 正 月。
夏，狄 伐 鄭。
冬，天 王 出 居 于 鄭，
晉 侯 夷 吾 卒。
左 傳 曰，二 十 四 年，春，王 正 月，秦 伯 納 之，不 書，不 告 入 也。及 河，子 犯 以 璧 授 公 子 曰，臣 負 羈 絏，從 君 巡 於 天 下，臣 之 罪 甚 多 矣，臣 猶 知 之，而 况 君 乎，請 由 此 亡。公 子 曰，所 不 與 舅 氏 同 心 者，有 如 白 水。投 其 璧 于 河。濟 河，圍 令 狐，入 桑 泉，取 臼 衰，二 月，甲 午，晉 師 軍 于 廬 柳，秦 伯 使 公 子 縶 如 晉 師，師 退，軍 于 郇。辛 丑，狐 偃 及 秦 晉 之 大 夫 盟 于 郇，壬 寅，公 子 入 于 晉 師，丙 午，入 于 曲 沃，丁 未，朝 于 武 宮，戊 申，使 殺 懷 公 于 高 梁，不 書，亦 不 告 也。
呂 郤 畏 偪，將 焚 公 宮 而 弒 晉 侯，寺 人 披 請 見，公 使 讓 之，且 辭 焉，曰，蒲 城 之 役，君 命 一 宿，女 即 至，其 後 余 從 狄 君 以 田 渭 濱，女 為 惠 公 來，求 殺 余，命 女 三 宿，女 中 宿 至，雖 有 君 命，何 其 速 也，夫 袪 猶 在，女 其 行 乎。對 曰，臣 謂 君 之 入 也，其 知 之 矣，若 猶 未 也，又 將 及 難，君 命 無 二，古 之 制 也，除 君 之 惡，唯 力 是 視，蒲 人 狄 人，余 何 有 焉，今 君 即 位，其 無 蒲 狄 乎，齊 桓 公 置 射 鈎，而 使 管 仲 相，君 若 易 之，何 辱 命 焉，行 者 甚 眾，豈 唯 刑 臣。公 見 之，以 難 告。三 月，晉 侯 潛 會 秦 伯 于 王 城，己 丑，晦，公 宮 火，瑕 甥，郤 芮 不 獲 公，乃 如 河 上，秦 伯 誘 而 殺 之。晉 侯 逆 夫 人 嬴 氏 以 歸，秦 伯 送 衛 於 晉 三 千 人，實 紀 綱 之 僕。
初，晉 侯 之 豎 頭 須，守 藏 者 也，其 出 也，竊 藏 以 逃，盡 用 以 求 納 之，及 入，求 見，公 辭 焉 以 沐。謂 僕 人 曰，沐 則 心 覆，心 覆 則 圖 反，宜 吾 不 得 見 也，居 者 為 社 稷 之 守，行 者 為 羈 絏 之 僕，其 亦 可 也，何 必 罪 居 者，國 君 而 讐 匹 夫，懼 者 甚 衆 矣。僕 人 以 告，公 遽 見 之。
狄 人 歸 季 隗 于 晉，而 請 其 二 子，文 公 妻 趙 衰，生 原 同，屏 括，摟 嬰，趙 姬 請 逆 盾 與 其 母，子 餘 辭，姬 曰，得 寵 而 忘 舊，何 以 使 人，必 逆 之。固 請，許 之 來，以 盾 為 才，固 請 于 公，以 為 嫡 子 而 使 其 三 子 下 之，以 叔 隗 為 內 子，而 己 下 之。
晉 侯 賞 從 亡 者，介 之 推 不 言 祿，祿 亦 弗 及。推 曰，獻 公 之 子 九 人，唯 君 在 矣，惠 懷 無 親，外 內 棄 之，天 未 絕 晉，必 將 有 主，主 晉 祀 者，非 君 而 誰，天 實 置 之，而 二 三 子 以 為 己 力，不 亦 誣 乎。竊 人 之 財，猶 謂 之 盜，况 貪 天 之 功，以 為 己 力 乎，下 義 其 罪，上 賞 其 姦，上 下 相 蒙，難 與 處 矣。其 母 曰，盍 亦 求 之，以 死 誰 懟。對 曰，尤 而 效 之，罪 又 甚 焉，且 出 怨 言，不 食 其 食。其 母 曰，亦 使 知 之，若 何。對 曰，言，身 之 文 也，身 將 隱，焉 用 文 之，是 求 顯 也。其 母 曰，能 如 是 乎，與 女 偕 隱。遂 隱 而 死。晉 侯 求 之 不 獲，以 綿 上 為 之 田，曰，以 志 吾 過，且 旌 善 人。
鄭 之 入 滑 也，滑 人 聽 命，師 還，又 即 衛，鄭 公 子 士，洩 堵 俞 彌，帥 師 伐 滑，王 使 伯 服，游 孫 伯，如 鄭 請 滑，鄭 伯 怨 惠 王 之 入，而 不 與 厲 公 爵 也，又 怨 襄 王 之 與 衛 滑 也，故 不 聽 王 命，而 執 二 子，王 怒，將 以 狄 伐 鄭。富 辰 諫 曰，不 可，臣 聞 之，大 上 以 德 撫 民，其 次 親 親 以 相 及 也，昔 周 公 弔 二 叔 之 不 咸，故 封 建 親 戚，以 蕃 屏 周，管，蔡，郕，霍，魯，衛，毛，聃，郜，雍，曹，滕，畢，原，酆，郇，文 之 昭 也，邗，晉，應，韓，武 之 穆 也，凡，蔣，邢，茅，胙，祭，周 公 之 胤 也，召 穆 公 思 周 德 之 不 類，故 糾 合 宗 族 于 成 周，而 作 詩，曰，
常 棣 之 華，鄂 不 韡 韡，凡 今 之 人，莫 如 兄 弟，其 四 章 曰，
兄 弟 鬩 于 牆，外 禦 其 侮，而 是 則 兄 弟 雖 有 小 忿，不 廢 懿 親，今 天 子 不 忍 小 忿，以 棄 鄭 親，其 若 之 何，庸 勳 親 親，暱，近 尊 賢，德 之 大 者 也，即 聾 從 昧，與 頑 用 嚚，姦 之 大 者 也，棄 德 崇 姦，禍 之 大 者 也，鄭 有 平 惠 之 勳，又 有 厲 宣 之 親，棄 嬖 寵 而 用 三 良，於 諸 姬 為 近，四 德 具 矣，耳 不 聽 五 聲 之 和 為 聾，目 不 別 五 色 之 章 為 昧，心 不 則 德 義 之 經 為 頑，口 不 道 忠 信 之 言 為 嚚，狄 皆 則 之，四 姦 具 矣，周 之 有 懿 德 也，猶 曰 莫 如 兄 弟，故 封 建 之，其 懷 柔 天 下 也，猶 懼 有 外 侮，扞 禦 侮 者，莫 如 親 親，故 以 親 屏 周，召 穆 公 亦 云，今 周 德 既 衰，於 是 乎 又 渝 周 召，以 從 諸 姦，無 乃 不 可 乎，民 未 忘 禍，王 又 興 之，其 若 文 武 何，王 弗 聽，使 頹 叔 桃 子 出 狄 師。
夏，狄 伐 鄭，取 櫟。王 德 狄 人，將 以 其 女 為 后，富 辰 諫 曰，不 可，臣 聞 之 曰，報 者 倦 矣，施 者 未 厭，狄 固 貪 惏，王 又 啟 之，女 德 無 極，婦 怨 無 終，狄 必 為 患。王 又 弗 聽。初，甘 昭 公 有 寵 於 惠 后，惠 后 將 立 之，未 及 而 卒，昭 公 奔 齊，王 復 之，又 通 於 隗 氏，王 替 隗 氏。頹 叔 桃 子 曰，我 實 使 狄，狄 其 怨 我。遂 奉 大叔，以 狄 師 攻 王，王 御 士 將 禦 之，王 曰，先 后 其 謂 我 何，寧 使 諸 侯 圖 之。王 遂 出，及 坎 欿，國 人 納 之，秋，頹 叔 桃 子 奉 大 叔 以 狄 師 伐 周，大 敗 周 師，獲 周 公 忌 父，原 伯，毛 伯，富 辰，王 出 適 鄭，處 于 氾，大 叔 以 隗 氏 居 于 溫。
鄭 子 華 之 弟 子 臧 出 奔 宋，好 聚 鷸 冠，鄭 伯 聞 而 惡 之，使 盜 誘 之，八 月，盜 殺 之 于 陳 宋 之 閒。君 子 曰，服 之 不 衷，身 之 災 也，詩 曰，
彼 己 之 子，不 稱 其 服，子 臧 之 服，不 稱 也 夫，詩 曰，
自 詒 伊 慼，其 子 臧 之 謂 矣，夏 書 曰，地 平 天 成，稱 也。
宋 及 楚 平。宋 成 公 如 楚，還，入 於 鄭，鄭 伯 將 享 之，問 禮 於 皇 武 子，對 曰，宋，先 代 之 後 也，於 周 為 客，天 子 有 事 膰 焉，有 喪 拜 焉，豐 厚 可 也。鄭 伯 從 之，享 宋 公 有 加，禮 也。
冬，王 使 來 告 難 曰，不 穀 不 德，得 罪 于 母 弟 之 寵 子 帶，鄙 在 鄭 地 氾，敢 告 叔 父。臧 文 仲 對 曰，天 子 蒙 塵 于 外，敢 不 奔 問 官 守。王 使 簡 師 父 告 于 晉，使 左 鄢 父 告 于 秦。天 子 無 出，書 曰，天 王 出 居 于 鄭。辟 母 弟 之 難 也，天 子 凶 服 降 名，禮 也。鄭 伯 與 孔 將 鉏，石 甲 父，侯 宣 多，省 視 官 具 于 氾，而 後 聽 其 私 政，禮 也。
衛 人 將 伐 邢，禮 至 曰，不 得 其 守，國 不 可 得 也，我 請 昆 弟 仕 焉。乃 往 得 仕。
二 十 有 五 年
二 十 有 五 年，春，王 正 月，丙 午，衛 侯 燬 滅 邢。
夏，四 月，癸 酉，衛 侯 燬 卒。
宋 蕩 伯 姬 來 逆 婦。
宋 殺 其 大 夫。
秋，楚 人 圍 陳，納 頓 子 于 頓。
葬 衛 文 公。
冬，十 有 二 月，癸 亥，公 會 衛 子，莒 慶，盟 于 洮。
左 傳 曰，二 十 五 年，春，衛 人 伐 邢，二 禮 從 國 子 巡 城，掖 以 赴 外，殺 之。正 月，丙 午，衛 侯 燬 滅 邢。同 姓 也，故 名。禮 至 為 銘 曰，余 掖 殺 國 子，莫 余 敢 止。
秦 伯 師 于 河 上，將 納 王，狐 偃 言 於 晉 侯 曰，求 諸 侯 莫 如 勤 王，諸 侯 信 之，且 大 義 也，繼 文 之 業，而 信 宣 於 諸 侯，今 為 可 矣。使 卜 偃 卜 之，曰，吉，遇 黃 帝 戰 于 阪 泉 之 兆。公 曰，吾 不 堪 也。對 曰，周 禮 未 改，今 之 王，古 之 帝 也，公 曰，筮 之。筮 之，遇 大 有 之 睽，曰，吉，遇 公 用 享 于 天 子 之 卦，戰 克 而 王 饗，吉 孰 大 焉，且 是 卦 也，天 為 澤 以 當 日，天 子 降 心 以 逆 公，不 亦 可 乎，大 有 去 睽 而 復，亦 其 所 也。晉 侯 辭 秦 師 而 下。三 月，甲 辰，次 于 陽 樊，右 師 圍 溫，左 師 逆 王。
夏，四 月，丁 巳，王 入 于 王 城，取 大 叔 于 溫，殺 之 于 隰 城。戊 午，晉 侯 朝 王，王 饗 醴，命 之 宥，請 隧，弗 許，曰，王 章 也，未 有 代 德 而 有 二 王，亦 叔 父 之 所 惡 也。與 之 陽 樊，溫 原，欑 茅 之 田，晉 於 是 始 起 南 陽。陽 樊 不 服，圍 之，倉 葛 呼 曰，德 以 柔 中 國，刑 以 威 四 夷，宜 吾 不 敢 服 也，此 誰 非 王 之 親 姻，其 俘 之 也，乃 出 其 民。
秋，秦 晉 伐 鄀。楚 鬬 克，屈 禦 寇，以 申 息 之 師 戍 商 密，秦 人 過 析，隈 入 而 係 輿 人，以 圍 商 密，昏 而 傅 焉，宵 坎 血 加 書，偽 與 子 儀 子 邊 盟 者，商 密 人 懼 曰，秦 取 析 矣，戍 人 反 矣。乃 降 秦 師，囚 申 公 子 儀，息 公 子 邊，以 歸，楚 令 尹 子 玉 追 秦 師，弗 及，遂 圍 陳，納 頓 子 于 頓。
冬，晉 侯 圍 原，命 三 日 之 糧，原 不 降，命 去 之。諜 出，曰，原 將 降 矣。軍 吏 曰，請 待 之。公 曰，信，國 之 寶 也，民 之 所 庇 也，得 原 失 信，何 以 庇 之，所 亡 滋 多，退 一 舍 而 原 降，遷 原 伯 貫 于 冀，趙 衰 為 原 大 夫，狐 溱 為 溫 大 夫。
衛 人 平 莒 于 我，十 二 月，盟 于 洮。修 衛 文 公 之 好，且 及 莒 平 也。
晉 侯 問 原 守 於 寺 人 勃 鞮，對 曰，昔 趙 衰 以 壺 飧 從 徑，餒 而 弗 食。故 使 處 原。
二 十 有 六 年，春，王 正 月，己 未，公 會 莒 子，衛 甯 速，盟 于 向。
齊 人 侵 我 西 鄙，公 追 齊 師，至 酅，弗 及。
夏，齊 人 伐 我 北 鄙。
衛 人 伐 齊。
公 子 遂 如 楚 乞 師。
秋，楚 人 滅 夔，以 夔 子 歸。
冬，楚 人 伐 宋，圍 緡。
公 以 楚 師 伐 齊，取 穀。
公 至 自 伐 齊。
左 傳 曰，二 十 六 年，春，王 正 月，公 會 莒 玆 丕 公，甯 莊 子，盟 于 向。尋 洮 之 盟 也。
齊 師 侵 我 西 鄙。討 是 二 盟 也。
夏，齊 孝 公 伐 我 北 鄙，衛 人 伐 齊。洮 之 盟 故 也。公 使 展 喜 犒 師，使 受 命 于 展 禽，齊 侯 未 入 竟，展 喜 從 之，曰，寡 君 聞 君 親 舉 玉 趾，將 辱 於 敝 邑，使 下 臣 犒 執 事。齊 侯 曰，魯 人 恐 乎。對 曰，小 人 恐 矣，君 子 則 否。齊 侯 曰，室 如 縣 罄，野 無 青 草，何 恃 而 不 恐。對 曰，恃 先 王 之 命，昔 周 公，大 公，股 肱 周 室，夾 輔 成 王，成 王 勞 之，而 賜 之 盟，曰，世 世 子 孫，無 相 害 也，載 在 盟 府，大 師 職 之，桓 公 是 以 糾 合 諸 侯，而 謀 其 不 協，彌 縫 其 闕，而 匡 救 其 災，昭 舊 職 也，及 君 即 位，諸 侯 之 望 曰，其 率 桓 之 功，我 敝 邑 用 不 敢 保 聚，曰，豈 其 嗣 世 九 年，而 棄 命 廢 職，其 若 先 君 何，君 必 不 然，恃 此 以 不 恐。齊 侯 乃 還。
東 門 襄 仲，臧 文 仲，如 楚 乞 師，臧 孫 見 子 玉，而 道 之 伐 齊，宋，以 其 不 臣 也。
夔 子 不 祀 祝 融 與 鬻 熊，楚 人 讓 之，對 曰，我 先 王 熊 摯 有 疾，鬼 神 弗 赦，而 自 竄 于 夔，吾 是 以 失 楚，又 何 祀 焉。秋，楚 成 得 臣，鬬 宜 申，帥 師 滅 夔，以 夔 子 歸。
宋 以 其 善 於 晉 侯 也，叛 楚 即 晉。冬，楚 令 尹 子 玉，司 馬 子 西，帥 師 伐 宋，圍 緡。
公 以 楚 師 伐 齊，取 穀，凡 師 能 左 右 之，曰 以，寘 桓 公 子 雍 於 穀，易 牙 奉 之，以 為 魯 援，楚 申 公 叔 侯 戍 之。桓 公 之 子 七 人，為 七 大 夫 於 楚。
二 十 有 七 年
二 十 有 七 年，春，杞 子 來 朝。
夏，六 月，庚 寅，齊 侯 昭 卒。
秋，八 月，乙 未，葬 齊 孝 公。
乙 巳，公 子 遂 帥 師 入 杞。
冬，楚 人，陳 侯，蔡 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，圍 宋。
十 有 二 月，甲 戌，公 會 諸 侯 盟 于 宋。
左 傳 曰，二 十 七 年，春，杞 桓 公 來 朝。用 夷 禮，故 曰 子，公 卑 杞，杞 不 共 也。
夏，齊 孝 公 卒。有 齊 怨，不 廢 喪 紀，禮 也。
秋，入 杞。責 無 禮 也。
楚 子 將 圍 宋，使 子 文 治 兵 於 睽，終 朝 而 畢，不 戮 一 人。子 玉 復 治 兵 於 蒍，終 日 而 畢，鞭 七 人，貫 三 人 耳。國 老 皆 賀 子 文，子 文 飲 之 酒，蒍 賈 尚 幼，後 至 不 賀，子 文 問 之，對 曰，不 知 所 賀，子 之 傳 政 於 子 玉，曰 以 靖 國 也，靖 諸 內 而 敗 諸 外，所 獲 幾 何，子 玉 之 敗，子 之 舉 也，舉 以 敗 國，將 何 賀 焉，子 玉 剛 而 無 禮，不 可 以 治 民，過 三 百 乘，其 不 能 以 入 矣，苟 入 而 賀，何 後 之 有。
冬，楚 子 及 諸 侯 圍 宋。宋 公 孫 固 如 晉 告 急，先 軫 曰，報 施 救 患，取 威 定 霸，於 是 乎 在 矣。狐 偃 曰，楚 始 得 曹，而 新 昏 於 衛，若 伐 曹 衛，楚 必 救 之，則 齊 宋 免 矣。於 是 乎 蒐 于 被 廬，作 三 軍，謀 元 帥，趙 衰 曰，郤 縠 可，臣 亟 聞 其 言 矣，說 禮 樂 而 敦 詩 書，詩 書，義 之 府 也，禮 樂，德 之 則 也，德 義，利 之 本 也，夏 書 曰，賦 納 以 言，明 試 以 功，車 服 以 庸，君 其 試 之。乃 使 郤 縠 將 中 軍，郤 溱 佐 之，使 狐 偃 將 上 軍，讓 於 狐 毛 而 佐 之，命 趙 衰 為 卿，讓 於 欒 枝，先 軫，使 欒 枝 將 下 軍，先 軫 佐 之，荀 林 父 御 戎，魏 犨 為 右。
晉 侯 始 入 而 教 其 民，二 年，欲 用 之，子 犯 曰，民 未 知 義，未 安 其 居。於 是 乎 出 定 襄 王，入 務 利 民，民 懷 生 矣。將 用 之，子 犯 曰，民 未 知 信，未 宣 其 用。於 是 乎 伐 原 以 示 之 信，民 易 資 者，不 求 豐 焉，明 徵 其 辭，公 曰，可 矣 乎。子 犯 曰，民 未 知 禮，未 生 其 共。於 是 乎 大 蒐 以 示 之 禮，作 執 秩 以 正 其 官。民 聽 不 惑，而 後 用 之，出 穀 戍，釋 宋 圍，一 戰 而 霸，文 之 教 也。
二 十 有 八 年
二 十 有 八 年，春，晉 侯 侵 曹，晉 侯 伐 衛。
公 子 買 戍 衛，不 卒 戍，刺 之。
楚 人 救 衛。
三 月，丙 午，晉 侯 入 曹，執 曹 伯，畀 宋 人。
夏，四 月，己 巳，晉 侯，齊 師，宋 師，秦 師，及 楚 人,戰 于 城 濮，楚 師 敗 績。
楚 殺 其 大 夫 得 臣。
衛 侯 出 奔 楚。
五 月，癸 丑，公 會 晉 侯，齊 侯，宋 公 蔡 侯，鄭 伯，衛 子，莒 子，盟 于 踐 土。
陳 侯 如 會。
公 朝 于 王 所。
六 月，衛 侯 鄭 自 楚 復 歸 于 衛，衛 元 咺 出 奔 晉。
陳 侯 款 卒。
秋，杞 伯 姬 來。
公 子 遂 如 齊。
冬，公 會 晉 侯，齊 侯，宋 公，蔡 侯，鄭 伯，陳 子，莒 子，邾 人，秦 人，于 溫。
天 王 狩 于 河 陽。
壬 申，公 朝 于 王 所。
晉 人 執 衛 侯，歸 之 于 京 師。
衛 元 咺 自 晉 復 歸 于 衛。
諸 侯 遂 圍 許。
曹 伯 襄 復 歸 于 曹，遂 會 諸 侯 圍 許。
左 傳 曰，二 十 八 年，春，晉 侯 將 伐 曹，假 道 于 衛，衛 人 弗 許，還，自 河 南 濟，侵 曹 伐 衛。正 月，戊 申，取 五 鹿。二 月，晉 郤 縠 卒，原 軫 將 中 軍，胥 臣 佐 下 軍，上 德 也。晉 侯，齊 侯，盟 于 斂 盂，衛 侯 請 盟，晉 人 弗 許。衛 侯 欲 與 楚，國 人 不 欲，故 出 其君，以 說 于 晉。衛 侯 出 居 于 襄 牛。
公 子 買 戍 衛，楚 人 救 衛，不 克，公 懼 於 晉，殺 子 叢 以 說 焉，謂 楚 人 曰，不 卒 戍 也。
晉 侯 圍 曹，門 焉 多 死，曹 人 尸 諸 城 上，晉 侯 患 之，聽 輿 人 之 謀，曰，稱 舍 於 墓。師 遷 焉，曹 人 兇 懼，為 其 所 得 者，棺 而 出 之，因 其 兇 也，而 攻 之。三 月，丙 午，入 曹，數 之 以 其 不 用 僖 負 羈，而 乘 軒 者 三 百 人 也，且 曰 獻 狀，令 無 入 僖 負 羈 之 宮，而 免 其 族，報 施 也。魏 犨，顛 頡 怒 曰，勞 之 不 圖，報 於 何 有。爇 僖 負 羈 氏，魏 犨 傷 於 胸，公 欲 殺 之，而 愛 其 材，使 問，且 視 之，病，將 殺 之。魏 犨 束 胸 見 使 者 曰，以 君 之 靈，不 有 寧 也，距 躍 三 百，曲 踊 三 百。乃 舍 之。殺 顛 頡 以 徇 于 師，立 舟 之 僑 以 為 戎 右。
宋 人 使 門 尹 般 如 晉 師 告 急，公 曰，宋 人 告 急，舍 之 則 絕，告 楚 不 許，我 欲 戰 矣，齊 秦 未 可，若 之 何。先 軫 曰，使 宋 舍 我 而 賂 齊 秦，藉 之 告 楚，我 執 曹 君，而 分 曹 衛 之 田，以 賜 宋 人，楚 愛 曹 衛，必 不 許 也，喜 賂 怒 頑，能 無 戰 乎。公 說，執 曹 伯，分 曹 衛 之 田，以 畀 宋 人。
楚 人 入 居 于 申，使 申 叔 去 穀，使 子 玉 去 宋，曰，無 從 晉 師，晉 侯 在 外。十 九 年 矣，而 果 得 晉 國，險 阻 艱 難，備 嘗 之 矣，民 之 情 偽，盡 知 之 矣，天 假 之 年，而 除 其 害，天 之 所 置，其 可 廢 乎，軍 志 曰，允 當 則 歸，又 曰，知 難 而 退，又 曰，有 德 不 可 敵，此 三 志 者，晉 之 謂 矣。
子 玉 使 伯 棼 請 戰，曰，非 敢 必 有 功 也，願 以 閒 執 讒 慝 之 口。王 怒，少 與 之 師，唯 西 廣 東 宮，與 若 敖 之 六 卒，實 從 之。子 玉 使 宛 春 告 於 晉 師，曰，請 復 衛 侯，而 封 曹，臣 亦 釋 宋 之 圍。子 犯 曰，子 玉 無 禮 哉，君 取 一，臣 取 二，不 可 失 矣。先 軫 曰，子 與 之，定 人 之 謂 禮，楚 一 言 而 定 三 國，我 一 言 而 亡 之，我 則 無 禮，何 以 戰 乎，不 許 楚 言，是 棄 宋 也，救 而 棄 之，謂 諸 侯 何，楚 有 三 施，我 有 三 怨，怨 讐 已 多，將 何 以 戰，不 如 私 許 復 曹 衛 以 攜 之，執 宛 春 以 怒 楚，既 戰 而 後 圖 之。公 說，乃 拘 宛 春 於 衛，且 私 許 復 曹 衛，曹 衛 告 絕 於 楚。子 玉 怒，從 晉 師，晉 師 退。軍 吏 曰，以 君 辟 臣，辱 也，且 楚 師 老 矣，何 故 退。子 犯 曰，師 直 為 壯，曲 為 老，豈 在 久 乎，微 楚 之 惠 不 及 此，退 三 舍 辟 之，所 以 報 也，背 惠 食 言，以 亢 其 讐，我 曲 楚 直，其 衆 素 飽，不 可 謂 老，我 退 而 楚 還，我 將 何 求，若 其 不 還，君 退 臣 犯，曲 在 彼 矣。退 三 舍，楚 衆 欲 止，子 玉 不 可。
夏，四 月，戊 辰。晉 侯，宋 公，齊 國 歸 父，崔 夭，秦 小 子 憖，次 于 城 濮，楚 師 背 酅 而 舍，晉 侯 患 之，聽 輿 人 之 誦，曰，
原 田 每 每，舍 其 舊 而 新 是 謀。公 疑 焉，子 犯 曰，戰 也，戰 而 捷，必 得 諸 侯，若 其 不 捷，表 裡 山 河，必 無 害 也。公 曰，若 楚 惠 何。欒 貞 子 曰，漢 陽 諸 姬，楚 實 盡 之，思 小 惠 而 忘 大 恥，不 如 戰 也。晉 侯 夢 與 楚 子 搏，楚 子 伏 己 而 盬 其 腦，是 以 懼。子 犯 曰，吉，我 得 天，楚 伏 其 罪，吾 且 柔 之 矣。
子 玉 使 鬬 勃 請 戰，曰，請 與 君 之 士 戲，君 馮 軾 而 觀 之 得 臣 與 寓 目 焉，晉 侯 使 欒 枝 對 曰，寡 君 聞 命 矣，楚 君 之 惠，未 之 敢 忘，是 以 在 此，為 大 夫 退，其 敢 當 君 乎，既 不 獲 命 矣，敢 煩 大 夫，謂 二 三 子，戒 爾 車 乘，敬 爾 君 事，詰 朝 將 見，
晉 車 七 百 乘，韅 靷 鞅 靽，晉 侯 登 有 莘 之 虛 以 觀 師，曰，少 長 有 禮，其 可 用 也，遂 伐 其 木 以 益 其 兵。己 巳 晉 師 陳 于 莘 北，胥 臣 以 下 軍 之 佐 當 陳 蔡，子 玉 以 若 敖 之 六 卒 將 中 軍，曰，今 日 必 無 晉 矣。子 西 將 左，子 上 將 右。胥 臣 蒙 馬 以 虎 皮，先 犯 陳 蔡，陳 蔡 奔，楚 右 師 潰。狐 毛 設 二 旆 而 退 之，欒 枝 使 輿 曳 柴 而 偽 遁，楚 師 馳 之，原 軫 郤 溱 以 中 軍 公 族，橫 擊 之，狐 毛 狐 偃，以 上 軍 夾 攻 子 西，楚 左 師 潰，楚 師 敗 績。子 玉 收 其 卒 而 止，故 不 敗。晉 師 三 日 館 穀，及 癸 酉 而 還。
初，楚 子 玉 自 為 瓊 弁 玉 纓，未 之 服 也，先 戰，夢 河 神 謂 己 曰，畀 余，余 賜 女 孟 諸 之 麋。弗 致 也。大 心 與 子 西，使 榮 黃 諫，弗 聽，榮 季 曰，死 而 利 國，猶 或 為 之，况 瓊 玉 乎，是 糞 土 也，而 可 以 濟 師，將 何 愛 焉。弗 聽，出 告 二 子 曰，非 神 敗 令 尹，令 尹 其 不 勤 民，實 自 敗 也。
既 敗，王 使 謂 之 曰，大 夫 若 入，其 若 申 息 之 老 何。子 西，孫 伯 曰，得 臣 將 死，二 臣 止 之 曰，君 其 將 以 為 戮，及 連 穀 而 死。晉 侯 聞 之，而 後 喜 可 知 也，曰，莫 余 毒 也 已。蒍 呂 臣 實 為 令 尹，奉 己 而 已，不 在 民 矣。
甲 午，至 于 衡 雍，作 王 宮 于 踐 土。鄉 役 之 三 月，鄭 伯 如 楚，致 其 師，為 楚 師 既 敗 而 懼，使 子 人 九 行 成 于 晉，晉 欒 枝 入 盟 鄭 伯，五 月，丙 午，晉 侯 及 鄭 伯 盟 于 衡 雍。丁 未，獻 楚 俘 于 王，駟 介 百 乘，徒 兵 千，鄭 伯 傅 王，用 平 禮 也。已 酉，王 享 醴，命 晉 侯 宥，王 命 尹 氏，及 王 子 虎，內 史 叔 興 父，策 命 晉 侯 為 侯 伯，賜 之 大 輅 之 服，戎 輅 之 服，彤 弓 一，彤 矢 百，玈 弓 矢 千，秬 鬯 一 卣，虎 賁三 百 人，曰，王 謂 叔 父，敬 服 王 命，以 綏 四 國，糾 逖 王 慝。晉 侯 三 辭 從 命，曰，重 耳 敢 再 拜 稽 首，奉 揚 天 子之 丕 顯 休 命，受 策 以 出，出 入 三 覲，衛 侯 聞 楚 師 敗，懼，出 奔 楚，遂 適 陳，使 元 咺 奉 叔 武 以 受 盟。癸 亥，王 子 虎，盟 諸 侯 于 王 庭，要 言 曰，皆 獎 王 室，無 相 害 也，有 渝 此 盟，明 神 殛 之，俾 隊 其 師，無 克 祚 國，及 其 玄 孫，無 有 老 幼。君 子 謂 是 盟 也 信，謂 晉 於 是 役 也，能 以 德 攻。
或 訴 元 咺 于 衛 侯 曰，立 叔 武 矣。其 子 角 從 公，公 使 殺 之，咺 不 廢 命，奉 夷 叔 以 入 守，六 月，晉 人 復 衛 侯，甯 武 子 與 衛 人 盟 于 宛 濮，曰，天 禍 衛 國，君 臣 不 協，以 及 此 憂 也，今 天 誘 其 衷，使 皆 降 心 以 相 從 也，不 有 居 者，誰 守 社 稷，不 有 行 者，誰 扞 牧 圉，不 協 之 故，用 昭 乞 盟 于 爾 大 神，以 誘 天 衷，自 今 日 以 往，既 盟 之 後，行 者 無 保 其 力，居 者 無 懼 其 罪，有 渝 此 盟，以 相 及 也，明 神 先 君，是 糾 是 殛，國 人 聞 此 盟 也，而 後 不 貳。衛 侯 先 期 入，甯 子 先，長 牂 守 門，以 為 使 也，與 之 乘 而 入，公 子 歂 犬，華 仲 前 驅，叔 孫 將 沐，聞 君 至，喜，捉 髮 走 出，前 驅 射 而 殺 之，公 知 其 無 罪 也，枕 之 股 而 哭 之，歂 犬 走 出，公 使 殺 之，元 咺 出 奔 晉。
城 濮 之 戰，晉 中 軍 風 于 澤，亡 大 旆 之 左 旃，祁 瞞 奸 命，司 馬 殺 之，以 徇 于 諸 侯，使 茅 茷 代 之，師 還，壬 午，濟 河，舟 之 僑 先 歸，士 會 攝 右。秋，七 月，丙 申，振 旅 愷 以 入 于 晉，獻 俘 授 馘，飲 至 大 賞，徵 會 討 貳，殺 舟 之 僑 以 徇 于 國，民 於 是 大 服。君 子 謂 文 公 其 能 刑 矣，三 罪 而 民 服，詩 云，惠 此 中 國，以 綏 四 方，不 失 賞 刑 之 謂 也。
冬，會 于 溫。討 不 服 也。
是 會 也，晉 侯 召 王，以 諸 侯 見，且 使 王 狩，仲 尼 曰，以 臣 召 君，不 可 以 訓，故 書 曰，天 王 狩 于 河 陽。言 非 其 地，也 且 明 德 也，壬 申，公 朝 于 王 所。
衛 侯 與 元 咺 訟，甯 武 子 為 輔，鍼 莊 子 為 坐，士 榮 為 大 士，衛 侯 不 勝，殺 士 榮，刖 鍼 莊 子，謂 甯 俞 忠 而 免 之，執 衛 侯，歸 之 于 京 師，寘 諸 深 室，甯 子 職 納 橐 饘 焉。
元 咺 歸 于 衛，立 公 子 瑕。
丁 丑，諸 侯 圍 許。晉 侯 有 疾，曹 伯 之 豎 侯 獳 貨 筮 史，使 曰，以 曹 為 解，齊 桓 公 為 會 而 封 異 姓，今 君 為 會 而 滅 同 姓，曹 叔 振 鐸，文 之 昭 也，先 君 唐 叔，武 之 穆 也，且 合 諸 侯 而 滅 兄 弟，非 禮 也，與 衛 偕 命，而 不 與 偕 復，非 信 也，同 罪 異 罰，非 刑 也，禮 以 行 義，信 以 守 禮，刑 以 正 邪，舍 此 三 者，君 將 若 之 何。公 說，復 曹 伯，遂 會 諸 侯 圍 許。
晉 侯 作 三 行 以 禦 狄，荀 林 父 將 中 行，屠 擊 將 右 行，先 篾 將 左 行。
二 十 有 九 年
二 十 有 九 年，春，介 葛 盧 來。
公 至 自 圍 許。
夏，六 月，會 王 人，晉 人，宋 人，齊人，陳 人，蔡 人，秦 人，盟 于 翟 泉。
秋，大 雨 雹。
冬，介 葛 盧 來。
左 傳 曰，二 十 九 年，春，葛 盧 來 朝，舍 于 昌 衍 之 上，公 在 會，饋 之 芻 米，禮 也。
夏，公 會 王 子 虎，晉 孤 偃，宋 公 孫 固，齊 國 歸 父，陳 轅 濤 塗，秦 小 子 憖，盟 于 翟 泉，尋 踐 土 之 盟，且 謀 伐 鄭 也，卿 不 書，罪 之 也，在 禮，卿 不 會 公 侯，會 伯 子 男 可 也。
秋，大 雨 雹，為 災 也。
冬，介 葛 盧 來。以 未 見 公，故 復 來 朝，禮 之，加 燕 好，介 葛 盧 聞 牛 鳴，曰，是 生 三 犧，皆 用 之 矣，其 音 云，問 之 而 信。
三 十 年
三 十 年，春，王 正 月。
夏 狄 侵 齊。
秋，衛 殺 其 大 夫 元 咺，及 公 子 瑕。
衛 侯 鄭 歸 于 衛。
晉 人，秦 人，圍 鄭。
介 人 侵 蕭。
冬，天 王 使 宰 周 公 來 聘。
公 子 遂 如 京 師，遂 如 晉。
左 傳 曰，三 十 年，春，晉 人 侵 鄭，以 觀 其 可 攻 與 否，狄 間 晉 之 有 鄭 虞 也，夏，狄 侵 齊。
晉 侯 使 醫 衍 酖 衛 侯，甯 俞 貨 醫，使 薄 其 酖，不 死，公 為 之 請，納 玉 於 王，與 晉 侯，皆 十 榖，王 許 之，秋，乃 釋 衛 侯。衛 侯 使 賂 周 歂 冶 廑 曰，苟 能 納 我，吾 使 爾 為 卿，周 冶 殺 元 咺，及 子 適 子 儀，公 入 祀 先 君，周 冶 既 服 將 命，周 歂 先 入，及 門，遇 疾 而 死，冶 廑 辭 卿。
九 月，甲 午，晉 侯 秦 伯 圍 鄭。以 其 無 禮 於 晉，且 貳 於 楚 也。晉 軍 函 陵，秦 軍 汜 南，佚 之 狐 言 於 鄭 伯 曰，國 危 矣，若 使 燭 之 武 見 秦 君，師 必 退。公 從 之。辭 曰，臣 之 壯 也，猶 不 如 人，今 老 矣，無 能 為 也 已。公 曰，吾 不 能 早 用 子，今 急 而 求 子，是 寡 人 之 過 也，然 鄭 亡，子 亦 有 不 利 焉。許 之，
夜 縋 而 出，見 秦 伯 曰，秦 晉 圍 鄭，鄭 既 知 亡 矣，若 亡 鄭 而 有 益 於 君，敢 以 煩 執 事，越 國 以 鄙 遠，君 知 其 難 也，焉 用 亡 鄭 以 倍 鄰，鄰 之 厚，君 之 薄 也，若 舍 鄭 以 為 東 道 主，行 李 之 往 來，共 其 乏 困，君 亦 無 所 害，且 君 嘗 為 晉 君 賜 矣，許 君 焦 瑕，朝 濟 而 夕 設 版 焉，君 之 所 知 也。夫 晉 何 厭 之 有，既 東 封 鄭，又 欲 肆 其 西 封，若 不 闕 秦，將 焉 取 之，闕 秦 以 利 晉，唯 君 圖 之。
秦 伯 說，與 鄭 人 盟，使 杞 子，逢 孫，楊 孫，戍 之，乃 還。子 犯 謂 擊 之。公 曰，不 可，微 夫 人 力 不 及 此，因 人 之 力 而 敝 之，不 仁，失 其 所 與，不 知，以 亂 易 整，不 武，吾 其 還 也。亦 去 之。
初，鄭 公 子 蘭 出 奔 晉，從 於 晉 侯 伐 鄭，請 無 與 圍 鄭，許 之，使 待 命 于 東，鄭 石 甲 父，侯 宣 多 逆 以 為 大子，以 求 成 于 晉，晉 人 許 之。
冬，王 使 周 公 閱 來 聘。饗 有 昌 歜，白，黑，形 鹽，辭 曰，國 君 文 足 昭 也，武 可 畏 也，則 有 備 物 之 饗，以 象 其 德，薦 五 味，羞 嘉 穀，鹽 虎 形，以 獻 其 功，吾 何 以 堪 之。
東 門 襄 仲 將 聘 于 周，遂 初 聘 于 晉。
三 十 有 一 年
三 十 有 一 年，春 取 濟 西 田。
公 子 遂 如 晉。
夏，四 月，四 卜 郊。
不 從，乃 免 牲。
冬，杞 伯 姬 來 求 婦。
狄 圍 衛。
十 有 二 月，衛 遷 于 帝 丘。
左 傳 曰，三 十 一 年，春，取 濟 西 田。分 曹 地 也。使 臧 文 仲 往，宿 於 重 館，重 館 人 告 曰，晉 新 得 諸 侯，必 親 其 共，不 速 行，將 無 及 也。從 之，分 曹 地，自 洮 以 南，東 傅 于 濟，盡 曹 地 也。
襄 仲 如 晉，拜 曹 田 也。
夏，四 月，四 卜 郊，不 從，乃 免 牲。非 禮 也。猶 三 望。亦 非 禮 也。禮 不 卜 常 祀，而 卜 其 牲 日，牛 卜 日 曰 牲，牲 成 而 卜 郊，上 怠 慢 也。望，郊 之 細 也，不 郊，亦 無 望 可 也。
秋，晉 蒐 于 清 原，作 五 軍 似 禦 狄，趙 衰 為 卿。
冬，狄 圍 衛，衛 遷 于 帝 丘，卜 曰，三 百 年，衛 成 公 夢 康 叔 曰，相 奪 予 享。公 命 祀 相。甯 武 子，不 可，曰，鬼 神 非 其 族 類，不 歆 其 祀，杞 鄫 何 事，相 之 不 享 於 此 久 矣，非 衛 之 罪 也，不 可 以 間 成 王 周 公 之 命 祀，請 改 祀 命。
鄭 洩 駕 惡 公 子 瑕，鄭 伯 亦 惡 之，故 公子 瑕 出 奔 楚。
三 十 有 二 年
三 十 有 二 年，春，王 正 月。
夏，四 月，己 丑，鄭 伯 捷 卒。
衛 人 侵 狄。
秋，衛 人 及 狄 盟。
冬，十 有 二 月，己 卯，晉 侯 重 耳 卒。
左 傳 曰，三 十 二 年，春，楚 鬬 章 請 平 于 晉，晉 陽 處 父 報 之，晉 楚 始 通。
夏，狄 有 亂，衛 入 侵 狄。狄 請 平 焉。秋，衛 人 及 狄 盟。
冬，晉 文 公 卒，庚 辰，將 殯 于 曲 沃，出 絳，柩 有 聲 如 牛。卜 偃 使 大 夫 拜 曰，君 命 大 事，將 有 西 師 過 軼 我，擊 之 必 大 捷 焉。杞 子 自 鄭 使 告 于 秦 曰，鄭 人 使 我 掌 其 北 門 之 管，若 潛 師 以 來，國 可 得 也。穆 公 訪 諸 蹇 叔，蹇 叔 曰，勞 師 以 襲 遠，非 所 聞 也，師 勞 力 竭，遠 主 備 之，無 乃 不 可 乎，師 之 所 為，鄭 必 知 之，勤 而 無 所，必 有 悖 心，且 行 千 里，其 誰 不 知。公 辭 焉，召 孟 明，西 乞，白 乙，使 出 師 於 東 門 之 外。蹇 叔 哭 之 曰，孟 子，吾 見 師 之 出 而 不 見 其 入 也。公 使 謂 之，曰，爾 何 知，中 壽，爾 墓 之 木 拱 矣。蹇 叔 之 子 與 師，哭 而 送 之 曰，晉 人 禦 師 必 於 殽，殽 有 二 陵 焉，其 南 陵，夏 后 皋 之 墓 也，其 北 陵，文 王 之 所 辟 風 雨 也，必 死 是 間，余 收 爾 骨 焉。秦 師 遂 東。
三 十 有 三 年
三 十 有 三 年，春，王 二 月，秦 人 入 滑。
齊 侯 使 國 歸 父 來 聘。
夏，四 月，辛 巳，晉 人 及 姜 戎，敗 秦 師 于 殽。
癸 巳，葬 晉 文 公。
狄 侵 齊。
公 伐 邾，取 訾 婁。
秋，公 子 遂 帥 師 伐 邾。
晉 人 敗 狄 于 箕。
冬，十 月，公 如 齊。
十 有 二 月，公 至 自 齊。
乙 巳，公 薨 于 小 寢。
隕 霜 不 殺 草，李 梅 實。
晉 人，陳 人，鄭 人，伐 許。
左 傳 曰，三 十 三 年，春，晉 秦 師 過 周 北 門，左 右 免 冑 而 下，超 乘 者，三 百 乘，王 孫 滿 尚 幼，觀 之，言 於 王 曰，秦 師 輕 而 無 禮，必 敗，輕 則 寡 謀，無 禮 則 脫，入 險 而 脫，又 不 能 謀，能 無 敗 乎。
及 滑，鄭 商 人 弦 高，將 市 於 周，遇 之，以 乘 韋 先 牛 十 二，犒 師，曰，寡 君 聞 吾 子 將 步 師 出 於 敝 邑，敢 犒 從 者，不 腆 敝 邑，為 從 者 之 淹，居 則 具 一 日 之 積，行 則 備 一 夕 之 衛。且 使 遽 告 于 鄭，鄭 穆 公 使 視 客 館，則 束 載，厲 兵，秣 馬 矣。使 皇 武 子 辭 焉，曰，吾 子 淹 久 於 敝 邑，唯 是 脯 資 餼 牽，竭 矣，為 吾 子 之 將 行 也，鄭 之 有 原 圃，猶 秦 之 有 具 囿 也，吾 子 取 其 麋 鹿，以 閒 敝 邑，若 何。杞 子 奔 齊，逢 孫，楊 孫 奔 宋。孟 明 曰，鄭 有 備 矣，不 可 冀 也，攻 之 不 克，圍 之 不 繼，吾 其 還 也。滅 滑 而 還。
齊 國 莊 子 來 聘。自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄，禮 成 而 加 之 以 敏，臧 文 仲 言 於 公 曰，國 子 為 政，齊 猶 有 禮，君 其 朝 焉，臣 聞 之，服 於 有 禮，社 稷 之 衛 也。
晉 原 軫 曰，秦 違 蹇 叔 而 以 貪 勤 民，天 奉 我 也，奉 不 可 失，敵 不 可 縱，縱 敵 患 生，違 天 不 祥，必 伐 秦 師。欒 枝 曰，未 報 秦 施，而 伐 其 師，其 為 死 君 乎。先 軫 曰，秦 不 哀 吾 喪，而 伐 吾 同 姓，秦 則 無 禮，何 施 之 為，吾 聞 之，一 日 縱 敵，數 世 之 患 也，謀 及 子 孫，可 謂 死 君 乎。
遂 發 命，遽 興 姜 戎，子，墨 衰 絰，梁 弘 御 戎，萊 駒 為 右。夏，四 月，辛 巳，敗 秦 師 于 殽，獲 百 里 孟 明 視，西 乞 術，白 乙 丙，以 歸。遂 墨 以 葬 文 公，晉 於 是 始 墨。文 嬴 請 三 帥，曰，彼 實 構 吾 二 君，寡 君 若 得 而 食 之，不 厭，君 何 辱 討 焉，使 歸 就 戮 于 秦，以 逞 寡 君 之 志，若 何，公 許 之，
先 軫 朝，問 秦 囚，公 曰，夫 人 請 之，吾 舍 之 矣。先 軫 怒 曰，武 夫 力 而 拘 諸 原，婦 人 暫 而 免 諸 國，墮 軍 實 而 長 寇 讐，亡 無 日 矣。不 顧 而 唾。
公 使 陽 處 父 追 之，及 諸 河，則 在 舟 中 矣，釋 左 驂，以 公 命 贈 孟 明，孟 明 稽 首 曰，君 之 惠，不 以 纍 臣 釁 鼓，使 歸 就 戮 于 秦，寡 君 之 以 為 戮，死 且 不 朽，若 從 君 惠 而 免 之，三 年 將 拜 君 賜，
秦 伯 素 服 郊 次，鄉 師 而 哭 曰，孤 違 蹇 叔，以 辱 二 三 子，孤 之 罪 也，不 替 孟 明，孤 之 過 也，大 夫 何 罪，且 吾 不 以 一 眚 掩 大 德。
狄 侵 齊。因 晉 喪 也。
公 伐 邾，取 訾 婁。以 報 升 陘 之 役，邾 人 不 設 備，秋，襄 仲 復 伐 邾。
狄 伐 晉，及 箕，八 月，戊 子，晉 侯 敗 狄 于 箕，郤 缺 獲 白 狄 子。先 軫 曰 ，匹 夫 逞 志 於 君，而 無 討，敢 不 自 討 乎。免 冑 入 狄 師，死 焉。狄 人 歸 其 元，面 如 生。
初，臼 季 使 過 冀，見 冀 缺 耨，其 妻 饁 之，敬，相 待 如 賓，與 之 歸，言 諸 文 公 曰，敬，德 之 聚 也，能 敬 必 有 德，德 以 治 民，君 請 用 之，臣 聞 之，出 門 如 賓，承 事 如 祭，仁 之 則 也，公 曰，其 父 有 罪，可 乎，對 曰，舜 之 罪 也，殛 鯀，其 舉 也 興 禹，管 敬 仲，桓 之 賊 也，實 相 以 濟，康 誥 曰，父 不 慈，子 不 祗，兄 不 友，弟 不 共，不 相 及 也，詩 曰，
采 葑 采 菲，無 以 下 體，君 取 節 焉，可 也。文 公 以 為 下 軍 大 夫。
反 自 箕，襄 公 以 三 命 命 先 且 居 將，中 軍，以 再 命 命 先 茅 之 縣 賞 胥 臣，曰，舉 郤 缺，子 之 功 也。以 一 命 命 郤 缺 為 卿，復 與 之 冀，亦 未 有 軍 行。
冬，公 如 齊 朝，且 弔 有 狄 師 也。反，薨 于 小 寢。即 安 也。
晉，陳，鄭，伐 許。討 其 貳 於 楚 也。
楚 令 尹 子 上 侵 陳 蔡，陳，蔡 成，遂 伐 鄭，將 納 公 子 瑕，門 于 桔 柣 之 門，瑕 覆 于 周 氏 之 汪，外 僕 髡 屯 禽 之 以 獻，文 夫 人 斂 而 葬 之 鄶 城 之 下。
晉 陽 處 父 侵 蔡，楚 子 上 救 之，與 晉 師 夾 泜 而 軍，陽 子 患 之，使 謂 子 上 曰，吾 聞 之，文 不 犯 順，武 不 違 敵，子 若 欲 戰，則 吾 退 舍，子 濟 而 陳，遲 速 唯 命，不 然 紓 我，老 師 費 財，亦 無 益 也。乃 駕 以 待。子 上 欲 涉，大 孫 伯 曰，不 可，晉 人 無 信，半 涉 而 薄 我，悔 敗 何 及，不 如 紓 之。乃 退 舍。陽 子 宣 言 曰，楚 師 遁 矣。遂 歸。楚 師 亦 歸，大 子 商 臣 譖 子 上 曰，受 晉 賂 而 辟 之，楚 之 恥 也，罪 莫 大 焉。王 殺 子 上。
葬 僖 公 緩，作 主，非 禮 也，凡 君 薨，卒 哭 而 祔，祔 而 作 主，特 祀 於 主，烝 嘗 禘，於 廟。
BOOK V. DUKE XI.
I. First year.
1. It was the [duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. An army of Qi, an army of Song, and an army of Cao halted at Niebei, [in proceeding] to the rescue of Xing.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, Xing removed [its capital] to Yiyi.
4. The army of Qi, the army of Song, and the army of Cao walled [the new capital of] Xing.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Wuchen, duke [Zhuang's] wife, the lady Jiang, died at Yi, an officer of Qi taking her [body] back with him.
6. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng.
7. In the eighth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the earl of Zheng, the earl of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, in Cheng.
8. In the ninth month, the duke defeated an army of Zhu at Yan.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renwu, duke [Huan's] son You led an army and defeated an army of Ju at Li, taking Ru of Ju.
10. In the twelfth month, on Dingsi, the coffin of duke [Zhuang's] wife arrived from Qi.
Title Of The Book.—僖公, 'Duke Xi.' The mother of duke Xi was Cheng Feng, mentioned in the 2d narrative of the Zhuan appended to Min's last year, and a concubine of duke Zhuang. His name was Shen (申?). His rule lasted 33 years, B. C. 658—626. His honorary title, Xi, denotes 'Careful and Cautious (小心畏忌曰僖).'
His 1st year synchronized with the 18th of king Hui; the 27th of Huan of Qi; the 18th of Xian of Jin; the 1st of Hui, duke Wen (文公燬), of Wey; the 16th of Mu of Cai; the 14th of Wen of Zheng; the 3d of Zhao of Cao; the 34th of Xuan of Chen; the 14th of Hui of Ji; the 23d of Huan of Song; the 1st of Renhao, duke Mu (穆公仁好), of Qin; and the 13th of Cheng of Chu.
Par. 1. See on I.i.1;III.i.1;IV.i.1. Zuo, indeed, says needlessly, that the characters 即位 are not found, 'because the duke was out of the State. He went out and re-entered, but there is no record of it;—to conceal the wickedness of the State; which was according to rule.'
Par. 2. The 師 after 曹 is the reading of Gong and Gu. Zuoshi has 曹伯, evidently a mistake. Niebei was a place in Xing, northeast from the pres. dis. city of Leaoushing (聊城), dep. Dongchang. The Di had again invaded Xing, which applied to Qi for help, and accordingly we have the armies of Qi and other States here proceeding to its relief. The phrases 齊師, etc., imply that, while the relieving forces were considerable, they were under the command of great officers, and not of the princes of the States themselves. The critics are much divided in their opinion on the allies' halting in their march to relieve Xing, most of them condemning it as improper in the urgency of the case. We do not know the circumstances sufficiently, however, to judge whether it was a prudent measure merely, or an artful one,—to make their help more prized by Xing when given at last.
Par. 3. Yiyi (Gong,陳儀),—see on III. xxxii. 7. 遷 is here used intransitively. The removal is spoken of as if it had been Xing's own act. The Zhuan says:-'The princes were proceeding to relieve Xing, when the people dispersed, and fled to the allied armies, which then went on and drove out the Di. They collected all the furniture and other articles of the people, and brought them away, without the soldiers appropriating anything to themselves. In summer, Xing removed to Yiyi.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:-'The princes walled the city for Xing, thus relieving it in its distress. It was the rule for the president of the princes to relieve the distressed, to distribute to the necessitous in times of calamity, and to punish offending States.'
Gao Kang (高閌; Sung Dyn.) observes: ——'The marquis of Qi was dilatory at first in relieving Xing;—that was his fault. Finally he did succour it;—that was his merit. The sage does not conceal his fault on the ground of his merit, nor does he conceal his merit because of his fault;—this is royal law.'
Par. 5. The latter part of the Zhuan on IV. ii. 5 has anticipated this par. The marquis of Qi, in his capacity of leader of the States, determined to execute justice on Ai Jiang, notwithstanding his near relation to her, considering her too bad to be allowed to live. He therefore had her brought from Zhu, whether she had fled from Lu, to Yi, somewhere in Qi, and there put her to death, or obliged her to strangle herself. The officer, who superintended the deed, took her body back to Qi;—so we must understand 已歸. Guliang, and, after him, Hu An'guo, take the characters as = 'sent her back to Lu;'—contrary to their general usage, and specially to par. 10. The marquis of Qi did not hesitate to execute his own sister, whose wickedness was so atrocious; but the Classic conceals the nature of her death.
Par. 6. Here for the 1st time we meet with the name 楚, instead of which 荊 has hitherto been used. The same tree was called either Chu or Jing, and the same usage obtained with the name of the State, though, as Du seems to intimate, the name Chu was about this time publicly assumed. Zuoshi says that Chu attacked Zheng, 'because of its adherence to the alliance with Qi,' and that the meeting at Cheng was followed by a covenant at Luo (犖), with a view to the relief of Zheng. [The Luo here in the Zhuan may be, as Du says, another name for Cheng (檉), or it may be that the princes, after their conference at Cheng, moved a little way off to another place, called Luo, and there covenanted.] Cheng (濾 in Gongyang) was in Zheng, somewhere in the pres. Chenzhou, dep. Kaifeng, Henan.
Par. 8. Yan (Gongyang, 纓) was in Lu,—in pres. dis. of Bi, dep. Yanzhou. We do not know what grounds of quarrel there were at this time between Lu and Zhu; and as duke Xi and an officer of Zhu had been in good fellowship at the meeting in Cheng the month before, this makes the entry the more strange. Zuoshi says the defeat was inflicted on 'the guards of Xuqiu, who were about to return.' Du Yu explains this by supposing that Xuqiu was in Zhu, and that Zhu had stationed troops there, after sending Ai Jiang to her death in Qi, intending that they should make an incursion into Lu. On finding, however, that Qi gave up the body of Ai Jiang to Lu, and that the two States continued on good terms, Zhu was afraid, and was proceeding to withdraw its troops, when duke Xi, having become aware of their original object, attacked and defeated them. A fatal objection to this explanation is, that Xuqiu must be assigned to Lu, according to the analogy of all the passages in which the duke of Lu is said to have defeated the forces of another power in any place. The most likely account of the collision which I have met with, is one suggested by Wang Tao,—that when Jiyou fled with the prince Shen to Zhu, on the murder of duke Min, they had made great promises to Zhu, if that court would help them to regain Lu; and that Zhu now, claiming the merit of their restoration and Shen's elevation to the marquisate, had sent a force to seize and keep possession of Xuqiu, to enforce his demand that the promises should be made good. He caught only loss, however, by his greed.
Par. 9. Li (Gong, 犁; Gu, 麗) belonged to Lu. The Zhuan says:—'In winter, an officer of Ju came seeking for bribes, but duke Huan's son, You, defeated his troops at Li, and took Ru, the younger brother of the viscount of Ju.' Zuoshi adds that Ru was not a high minister [intending thus to account, by one of his canons, for the mention of the individual simply by his name], and that the whole par. is in commendation of Jiyou for the capture of Ru. After this, the Zhuan resumes, 'The duke for this gave Jiyou the fields on the north of the Wen, and Bi.'
The Zhuan on IV. ii. 5 tells us how Jiyou bribed Ju to deliver up Qingfu. Not satisfied with what he had then received, the viscount had sent his troops to require further payment. Both Zhu and Ju, we may assume, were presuming that the new rule would be too weak to resist their demands.
獲 most naturally leads to the conclusion that Ru was captured alive; which is inconsistent with a version of the transaction given by Guliang:—that Jiyou proposed to Ru that they two should decide the contest by boxing, and let their troops look on, and that then, when he found he was getting the worst, he disposed of his antagonist with a dagger which he carried about his person.
Par. 10. The want of 姜 here before 氏 is evidently a simple error of the text. It is astonishing what nonsense even the Kangxi editors write, on the supposition that 'Confucius could not express his condemnation so well as by leaving out her surname in this place.' Zuoshi observes that the superior man may say that 'the people of Qi dealt too severely with Ai Jiang in putting her to death; for that a woman follows—has her obediences to be rendered to—the determinate male relatives.' His meaning seems to be that, as she had married from Qi into Lu, it belonged to Lu to deal with her; she was no longer amenable to Qi. Comp. II. xviii. 2.
II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first month, we [aided in the] walling of Chuqiu.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Xinsi, we buried our duchess, Ai Jiang.
3. An army of Yu and an army of Jin extinguished Xiayang.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, an officer of Jiang, and an officer of Huang, made a covenant in Guan.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, there was no rain.
6. A body of men from Chu made an incursion into Zheng.
Par. 1. Chuqiu was the new capital of Wey. The abandonment of the old capital [See on I. ii. 9], and the subsequent destruction of it by the Di, have been described in the Zhuan on IV. ii. 7, where also it is stated how the shattered remnant of the State collected again in Cao. The marquis of Qi, however, decided that Chuqiu [difft. from another place of the same name, also in Wey, mentioned in I. vii. 7], -60 li east of the pres. dis. city of Hua (滑), dep. Daming, Zhili,—would be a better site for a capital, and arranged with the other princes to raise its walls. The Zhuan says:-'In spring, the princes walled Chuqiu, and established Wey there.' Zuo thinks that no mention is made in the text of any previous meeting of the princes for this purpose, because Lu was late in arriving!
In par. 2 of the previous year, it is stated that the armies of the States 'walled Xing (城 邢),' the reason being that the marquis and people of Xing had already taken up their quarters in Yiyi, as the head-city of their revived State. Here it is not said that the armies 'walled Wey (城衛),' because the marquis and people were still at Cao, and would remove to Chuqiu only when it was ready for their reception.
Par. 2. See III. xxii. 2.
Par. 3. For the 1st time the States of Yu and Jin appear in the text of the Chunqiu: —the former on the eve of its extinction; the latter soon to develope into one of the greatest Powers of the period. Yu was held by the descendants of Zhongyong (仲雍), second son of king Tai, grandfather of king Wen, with the title of duke. Its capital was 45 li east of the pres. dis. city of Pinglu (平陸), Jiezhou (解州), Shanxi. Jin was a marquisate, held by the descendants of Shuyu (叔虞), a son of king Wu. Its capital at this time was at Jiang, which has left its name in the pres. Jiangzhou (絳) of Shanxi. Its position allowed Jin great opportunity for enlarging its territory, and this was the main cause of the great progress which it made. Xiayang (Gong and Gu, 夏陽) was the second city of the State of Guo, in the northeast of the pres. dis. of Pinglu (平陸), dep. Pingyang. The possession of Xiayang was all important to Guo, the State to which it belonged, and indeed to Yu also. Jin by acquiring Xiayang could go on without difficulty to annex both the States.
The Zhuan says:——'Xun Xi of Jin requested leave from the marquis to take his team of Qu horses and his bi of Chuiji jade, and with them borrow a way from Yu to march through it and attack Guo [Yu was on the south of Jin, and Guo again on the south of Yu]. "They are the things I hold most precious," said the marquis. Xi replied, "But if you get a way through Yu, it is but like placing them in a treasury outside the State for a time." "There is Gong Zhiqi in Yu," objected the duke. "Gong Zhiqi," returned the other, "is a weak man, and incapable of remonstrating vigorously. And, moreover, from his youth up he has always been with the duke of Yu, who is so familiar with him, that though he should remonstrate, the duke will not listen to him." The marquis accordingly sent Xun Xi to borrow a way through Yu, with this message:—"Formerly, Ji [a small State], against right and reason, entered your State from Dianling, and attacked the three gates of Ming. It suffered for its doing;—all through your Grace. Now Guo, against right and reason, has been keeping guards about the travellers' lodges, to make incursions from them into my southern borders, and I venture to beg a right of way from you to ask an account of its offence." The duke of Yu granted the request, and even asked to take the lead in invading Guo. Gong Zhiqi remonstrated with him, but in vain; and he raised his army for the enterprize.
'In summer, Li Ke and Xun Xi brought on the army of Jin, made a junction with that of Yu, and invaded Guo, when they extinguished Xiayang.
'The army of Yu is mentioned first, because of the bribes which the duke accepted.'
To speak of 'extinguishing Xiayang,' which was not a State, sounds strange; but Guliang accounts for the language on the ground of the importance of the place. Mao Qiling even says that Xiayang is here another name for Yu.—see Mencius, V. Pt.i.IX.2.
Par. 4. Jiang was a small State, held by Yings (嬴),—in pres. Henan. Its exact place is not determined,—some placing it in dis. of Zhengyang (正陽), dep. Runing; and some in dis. of Xi (息), Guangzhou (光州). Huang was also a small State, held by Yings, in the same Guangzhou. Both Jiang and Huang acknowledged the superiority of Chu; their now transferring their allegiance to Qi is indicative of the approaching struggle between those two great States. Zuo says this meeting was held to receive the submission of Jiang and Huang. Guan (Gong, 貫澤) was in Song,—10 li southeast from dis. city of Cao, dep. Caozhou.
[The Zhuan adds here:—1st. 'Diao of Qi, chief of the eunuchs, for the 1st time let out the contemplated expedition of duke Huan in Duoyu.'
2d. 'The duke of Guo defeated the Rong at Sangtian. The diviner Yan of Jin said, "Guo is sure to perish. The duke is not afraid, though he has lost Xiayang, but goes on to acquire more military fame;—Heaven is taking away his insight, and increasing his disease. He is sure to take his difficulties with Jin easily, and show no kindness to his people. He will not have five more harvests.']
Par. 5. See III. xxxi. 6.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says that, at this time, 'Dou Zhang carried off prisoner Nan Bo of Zheng.'
III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, it did not rain.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, it did not rain.
3. A body of men from Xu took Shu.
4. In the sixth month, it rained.
5. In autumn, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, an officer of Jiang, and an officer of Huang, had a meeting at Yanggu.
6. In winter, duke [Huan's] son, You, went to Qi to make a covenant.
7. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng.
Parr. 1, 2, 4. The Zhuan says:——'In spring it did not rain, but in summer, in the 6th month, it did. From the 10th month of the previous year to the end of the 5th month of this, there had been no rain; but as it is not said "there was a drought," it had not amounted to a calamity.' The mention of its raining in the 6th month is dwelt on by the critics. They contrast the three— I might say four—entries here about rain, with VI. ii. 4, where seven months' want of rain is summed up in one par., saying that the various entries here, and especially the last one, show how duke Xi must have sympathized with the suffering of the people.
Par. 3. Xu,—see III. xxvi. 4. Shu was a small State;—in pres. dis. of Lujiang (盧 江), dep. Luzhou, Anhui. It is not easy to determine the force of 取, 'took,' which has occurred once before in III. ix. 6, with rather a difft. application. Gongyang thinks that 忿 indicates the ease with which the capture was made, and Du that it indicates that only a small force was employed against Shu. Some think that 取 is here =滅, 'extinguished;' but the meaning is not so intense as that. The Kangxi editors approve the view of Li Lian (李廉; end of the Yuan dyn.), which is reasonable;—that Shu belonged to the party of Chu, and that Xu now took, and held it for a time, in the interest of Qi, to facilitate the progress of the contemplated expedition to the south.
Par. 5. Zuo says this meeting was 'to plan about the invasion of Chu.' See on p. 4 of last year. The Kangxi editors agree with Zuo's account of the object of the meeting, though Gong and Gu do not mention it. They say that the expedition against Chu had been determined on in the meeting at Cheng (檉), in Xi's 1st year, and that the subsequent meeting at Guan, and this at Yanggu, were held specially to secure the adherence of the powerful Song, and of the distant Jiang and Huang. Yanggu was in Qi, 30 li northeast from the pres. dis. city of same name, dep. Yanzhou.
Par. 6. Gu has 季 before 友. Both he and Gong read 蒞 for 蒞, 涖=臨'to go to and take part in.' The covenant here was a sequel of the meeting at Yanggu (Zuo says: —齊候為陽穀之會來尋盟), Lu had not been represented at the meeting, but the duke here, at the request of Qi, sends Jiyou to take part in the covenant.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion, the earl of Zheng wanted to make peace with Chu, but Kong Shu objected, saying, "Qi is now actively engaged on our behalf. It will not be an auspicious movement to cast away its kindness."'
[The Zhuan adds:——'The marquis of Qi and Ji of Cai [one of his ladies] were in a boat on a lake in the park, when she made it rock. The marquis was afraid, changed colour, and forbade her; but she persisted. The marquis was angry, and sent her back to Cai, without absolutely putting her away. They married her away there, however, to another.]'
IV. Fourth year.
1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke joined the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, in an incursion into Cai. [The people of] Cai dispersed, when the [allies] proceeded to invade Chu, and halted at Xing.
2. In summer, Xinchen, baron of Xu, died.
3. Qu Wan of Chu came to make a covenant in [the camp of] the armies. The covenant was made at Shaoling.
4. The army of Qi made Yuan Taotu of Chen prisoner.
5. In autumn, [the duke], with an officer of Jiang and an officer of Huang, invaded Chein.
6. In the eighth month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Chu.
7. There was the burial of duke Mu of Xu.
8. In winter, in the twelfth month, Gongsun Ci led a force, and joined an officer of Qi, an officer of Song, an officer of Wey, an officer of Zheng, an officer of Xu, and an officer of Cao, in an incursion into Chen.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In this year, in spring, the marquis of Qi, with the forces of many of the princes, made an incursion into Cai, and, when the marquis and people dispersed and fled, proceeded to invade Chu. The viscount of Chu sent a messenger to the allied army to say to the marquis, "Your lordship's place is by the northern sea, and mine is by the southern; so remote are our boundaries that our cattle and horses, in the heat of their excitement, cannot affect one another. Without my having any idea of it, your lordship has come to my country. What is the reason of your doing so?" Guan Zhong replied, "Duke Kang of Shao delivered the charge to Taigong, the first lord of our Qi, saying, 'Do you undertake to punish the guilty among the princes of all the five degrees, and the chiefs of all the nine provinces, in order to support and help the House of Zhou.' So there was given to our founder rule over the land, from the sea on the east to the He on the west, and from Muling on the south to Wudi on the north. Your tribute of covered cases of the three-ribbed rush [Shu III. i. Pt. i. 52] is not rendered, so that the king's sacrifices are not supplied with it, and there is nothing with which to strain the spirits;—of this we have to ask you an account. King Zhao moreover never came back from the expedition which he undertook to the south [king Zhao had been drowned in the Han, in B. C. 1,016. How the thing happened, was never clearly known. Guan Zhong seems to insinuate that there had been some treachery on the part of Chu. But it was late now to be inquiring into an event more than three centuries back]; and into this also we have to inquire." The messenger replied, 'That the tribute has not been forwarded is the fault of our lord;—how should he presume not to pay it? As to king Zhao's not returning from the south, you should inquire about it along the banks of the river." After this the army of the allies advanced, and halted at Xing.'
Xing was in Chu,—in pres. dis. of Yancheng (郾城), Xuzhou (許州), Henan. The inroad into Cai was a feint, intended to conceal the great object of the expedition, so that the allies might be able to fall on Chu unprepared. The incident mentioned in the Zhuan at the end of last year furnished a pretext for it.
The marquis of Qi said that he had meant to recal the lady, and that Cai had no right to marry her away to another. 潰=散, 'to disperse.' On VI. iii. 1, Zuoshi defines the term as expressing 'the flight of the people from their lord (民逃其上曰潰).' They disappear like water (流移若積水之潰). Qi certainly does not appear with advantage in the conference with the messenger of Chu. For three years preparations had been making for the expedition. The marquis and Guan Zhong ought to have declared openly and boldly the grounds on which they were conducting all the States of the north to attack Chu, instead of urging merely trivial matters. There is something to be admired, however, in the approval which a hundred critics give to the way in which matters were conducted, so as to obtain the submission of Chu without the effusion of blood; but they overlook the fact that it was only a feigned submission which was obtained.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says, on p. 7, that the baron 'died in the army,' which is probably correct, though Liu Chang and other critics say he had returned from the army ill, and died in Xu. Gao Kang says that this Xinchen was the same as Xu Shu of II. xv. 6, and that he had ruled his State for 42 years.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the viscount of Chu sent Qu Wan to the army of the allies, which retired, and halted at Shaoling. The marquis of Qi had the armies of all the princes drawn up in array, and took Qu Wan with him in the same carriage to survey them. He then said, "Is it on my unworthy account that these are here? No, but in continuation of the friendship of the princes with my predecessors. What do you think of Chu's being on the same terms of friendship with me?" Qu Wan replied, "If from your lordship's favour the altars of our land and grain may receive blessing, and you will condescend to receive our prince, this is his wish." The marquis then said, "Fighting with these multitudes, who can withstand me? What city could sustain their attack?" "If your lordship," was the reply, "by your virtue, seek the tranquillity of the States, who will dare not to submit to you? But if you depend on your strength, our State of Chu has the hill of Fangcheng for a wall, and the Han for a moat. Great as your multitudes are, you could not use them.' Qu Wan made a covenant, on the part of Chu, with the princes.'
Shaoling was in Chu,—45 li east from the dis. city of Yancheng, Xuzhou, Henan. From the text it might be concluded that two covenants were formed; but it was not so. Qu Wan came to the camp of the allies, and intimated the wish of the viscount of Chu to make a covenant with them, if they would retire a little;—which was done. It will appear on the whole that there was here a lame and impotent conclusion to Qi's expedition against Chu.
Par. 4. The reason of this seizure is given in the Zhuan:—"Yuan (Gong and Gu have 袁, without the 車) Taotu, a great officer of Chen, said to Shen Hou, a great officer of Zheng, "If the armies march through Chen and Zheng, our States will be very much distressed. If they go by the eastern regions, and show their grand array to the wild tribes there, returning along the seacoast, it will be better." Shen Hou approved of the proposal, which T'aotu then laid before the marquis of Qi, who agreed with it. After this, Shen Hou had an interview with the marquis, and said, "The army has been in the field a long time. If it march through the eastern regions, and meet with enemies, I fear the soldiers will not be fit for use. If it march through Chen and Zheng, which can supply them with provisions and sandals, it will be a better arrangement." The marquis was pleased, and gave Shen the town of Hulao, while he seized at the same time Yuan Taotu.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says this was done 'to punish Chen for its unfaithfulness.' It would appear, then, that the marquis of Chen had been privy to the artful counsel of Yuan Taotu; or perhaps, as Wang Qiao [王樵; Ming dyn., of the 16th century] supposes, he had otherwise indicated his intention to join the side of Chu. This is more likely. The marquis of Qi had devolved the punishment of Chen on Lu, Jiang, and Huang.
Par. 6. Guliang here lays down a rule, that if the duke had been absent on two engagements, then the entry of his return should be associated with the latter; but if the second were smaller than the other, then with the first. But such a rule is unnecessary. The attack of Chen was only an incident growing out of the invasion of Chu.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Mu (穆 Gong, 繆) of Xu died in the army, and was buried with the ceremonies due to a marquis. As a rule, when a prince died on a visit to the king, or at a meeting with the other princes, his rank was advanced one degree. If he died while engaged in the king's business, it was advanced two degrees. On this occasion, Mu might have been laid in his coffin with a duke's robe.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'Shusun Daibo [This was the Gongsun Ci (Gong, here and afterwards, gives the name as 慈). He was grandson of duke Huan, and chief of the Shusun clan. Dai is the hon. title, and Bo his designation as the eldest of his family] led a force, and joined the forces of the other princes in an incursion into Chen, which now sought peace, and Yuan Taotu was restored to it.'
[The Zhuan here brings up the affairs of Jin:—"Before this, duke Xian of Jin had wished to make Li Ji his wife. The tortoise-shell indicated that the thing would be unlucky, but the milfoil pronounced it lucky. The duke said, "I will follow the milfoil." The diviner by the tortoise-shell said, "The milfoil is reckoned inferior in its indications to the tortoise-shell. You had better follow the latter. And moreover, the oracle was:—
'The change made by inordinate devotion Steals away the good qualities of the duke. There is a fragrant herb, and a noisome one; And ten years hence the noisomeness will continue.' Do not do as you propose." The duke would not listen to this advice, and declared Li Ji his wife. She gave birth to Xiqi, and her sister bore Zhuozi.
'When the duke was about to declare Xiqi his heir, having determined on his plans with the great officers about the court, Ji [i.e., Li Ji] said to his eldest son, "The duke has been dreaming about Qi Jiang [the eldest son's mother]; you must soon sacrifice to her." The young prince sacrificed to his mother in Quwo, and sent some of the sacrificial flesh and spirits to the duke, who was hunting when they came. Ji kept them in the palace six days, and when the duke arrived, she poisoned them and presented them to him. The duke poured some of the spirits on the ground, which was agitated by them. He gave some of the flesh to a dog, which died; and some of the spirits to one of the attendants, who also died. Ji wept and said, "This is your eldest son's attempt to murder you." The son fled to the new city [Quwo]; but the duke put to death his tutor, Du Yuankuan. Some one said to the son, "Explain the matter. The duke is sure to discriminate." The son, however, said, "Without the lady Ji, my father cannot enjoy his rest or his food. If I explain the matter, the guilt will be fixed on her. The duke is getting old, and I will have taken his joy from him." The friend said, "Had you not better go away then?" "The duke," replied the prince, "will not examine into who is the guilty party; and if I, with the name of such a crime, go away from the State, who will receive me?" In the 12th month, on Wushen, he strangled himself in the new city.
'Ji then slandered the duke's two other sons, saying that they were both privy to their brother's attempt, on which Chong'er fled to Pu, and Yiwu fled to Qu.']
V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year in spring, the marquis of Jin put to death his heir-son Shinsang.
2. Duke Zhuang's eldest daughter came from Qi, and presented her son at our court.
3. In summer, Gongsun Ci went to Mou.
4. The duke, and the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, had a meeting with the king's heirson in Shouzhi.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, the [above] princes made a covenant in Shouzhi.
6. The earl of Zheng stole away home, and did not join in the covenant.
7. An officer of Chu extinguished Xian. The viscount of Xian. fled to Huang.
8. In the ninth month, on Wushen, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
9. In winter, the people of Jin seized the duke of Yu.
[The Zhuan says:——'On the day Xinhai, of the king's first month in this year, being the 1st day of the month, there was the winter solstice. The duke, having given out the 1st day of the moon, ascended his observatory to survey the heavens, and caused the record of the fact to be made;—in accordance with rule. At the equinoxes, the solstices, and the commencement of each season, there was required a record of the appearances of the clouds, and their indications, in order to make what preparations should be necessary.' But the winter solstice this year fell on Jiayin (甲寅), three days later than Xinhai. Chinese astronomers have themselves called attention to this:—see Jiang Yong's 翼梅卷四, p. 4.]
Par. 1. According to the Zhuan, at the end of last year, Shensheng committed suicide, driven to do so by his father, in the winter of that year. Du explains the entry here, by saying that 'it follows the announcement from Jin.' Jin in fact followed the calendar of Xia. Zuoshi's narrative is according to that calendar, and the entry here is also correct, according to the calendar of Zhou. It seems desirable to translate 世子 differently from 太子, and I know not how to do so but by using the term 'heir-son.'
The Zhuan has here:——'Before this, the marquis of Jin had employed Shi Wei to wall Pu and Qu for his sons, Chong'er and Yiwu. Wei did not look carefully after the work, and placed faggots between the back and facing of the walls. Yiwu represented the matter to the marquis, who caused Wei to be reprimanded. That officer, having bowed his head to the ground, replied, "I have heard the sayings that when there is grief in a family where death has not occurred, real sorrow is sure to come, and that when you fortify a city when there is no threatening of war, your enemies are sure to hold it. In walling a place to be held by robbers and enemies, what occasion was there for me to be careful? If an officer with a charge neglect the command given to him, he fails in respect; if he make strong a place to be held by enemies, he fails in fidelity. Failing in respect and fidelity, how can he serve his lord? As the ode (Shi, III. ii. X. 6) says,
'The cherishing of virtue insures tranquillity; The circle of relatives serves as a wall' Let our ruler cultivate his virtue and make sure all the circle of his House;—there is no fortification equal to this. In three years we shall have war; why should I be careful?" When he withdrew, he sang to himself,
"Shaggy is the fox fur; Three dukes in one State:— Which shall I follow?" 'When the trouble came, the duke sent the eunuch Pi to attack Pu. Chong'er said, "The command of my ruler and father is not to be opposed;" and he issued an order to his followers, saying, "He who opposes it is my enemy." He then was getting over the wall to run, when Pi cut off his sleeve. He made his escape, however, and fled to the Di.'
Par. 2. We have the marriage of this daughter of Lu in the 25th year of duke Zhuang, her father. It is disputed whether she was a full or only a half sister of duke Xi;—it is most likely that she was his full sister. Yingda puts a stop at 來, and makes 朝其子 =其子朝, 'Bo Ji of Qi came to Lu [to visit her mother]; her son appeared at the court.' To suppose that she came to Lu for any purpose but to pay a dutiful visit to her mother would be contrary to all Chinese rules of propriety; but as the text stands, I cannot but conclude that the presentation of her son at his uncle's court was the reason for her visit.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Gongsun Ci went to Mou;—to marry a lady of Mou:' on which Du remarks, 'Shusun Daibo was marrying a lady of Mou. As a minister could not leave the State without his ruler's orders, he therefore received the duke's command to go to Mou with friendly inquiries, and took the opportunity to meet his bride, and bring her to Lu.' Mou,—see on II. xv. 8.
Par. 4. Shouzhi (Gong has 首戴) was in Wey,—in the southeast of the present Suizhou (睢州), dep. Guide, Henan. Zuoshi says that the meeting at this place with the king's eldest son Zheng was 'to consult about measures to keep Zhou tranquil.' The king had it in contemplation to degrade his eldest son, and give the right of succession to a younger,—the son, of course, of another mother; and to prevent the confusion to which such a proceeding would give rise, the marquis of Qi assembled the States, that they might thus publicly acknowledge Zheng as the heir to the Kingdom; —much to the dissatisfaction of the king, as we shall see.
[The Zhuan introduces here:——'Yuan Xuanzhong [the Yuan Taotu of IV. 4] of Chen, resenting how Shen Hou of Zheng had been treacherous to him at Shaoling, advised him to wall the town which Qi had conferred upon him, saying "To wall it well will give you a great name, which your descendants will not forget; and I will aid you by asking leave for you to do it." Accordingly, he asked permission for the undertaking, in behalf of Shen, from the princes, and the town was fortified beautifully. Yuan then slandered Shen to the earl of Zheng, saying that he had fortified the city he had received so admirably with the intention of rebelling; and from this time Shen Hou was looked upon as an offender.']
Par. 5. The princes had had a meeting with the king's son, but they did not presume to make a covenant with him. They now made a covenant among themselves, to carry out the measures determined on to secure his succession to the throne.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, when the princes were about to covenant, the king made the duke of Zhou call the earl of Zheng, and said to him, "I encourage you to follow Chu;—with it and the help of Jin, you may enjoy a little rest." The earl was delighted to receive the king's commands; and being afraid because he had not paid a court-visit to the marquis of Qi, he stole away to Zheng, and did not join in the covenant. Kong Shu tried to stop him, saying, "The ruler of a State should not act lightly. By doing so he loses his friends; and when he has lost them, calamity is sure to come. When in his extreme distress, he has to beg for a covenant;—what he loses is great. Your lordship will surely repent of your course." The earl would not listen to this remonstrance, but stole away from his troops, and returned to Zheng.'
Par. 7. Xian was a State, held by Weis (隗), in the pres. dis. of Qishui (蘄水), dep. Huangzhou, Hubei. Some refer it to a part of Guangzhou (光州), Henan; but this is a mistake,—occasioned, some suppose, by the fugitive viscount's having finally taken up his residence there. The Zhuan says:——'Dou Gouwutu [See the Zhuan appended to III. xxx.2] of Chu extinguished Xian, when the viscount of Xian fled to Huang. At this time, Jiang, Huang, Dao, and Bo, which were in friendly relations with Qi, had affinities by marriage with Xian. The viscount, depending on their help, would not perform service to Chu, and moreover did not make preparations for an emergency; and so he came to ruin.'
Par. 8. This eclipse took place August 11th, B. C. 654.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin again [See on II. 3] borrowed a way through Yu to attack Guo. Gong Zhiqi remonstrated with the duke of Yu, saying, "Guo is the external defence of Yu. If Guo perish, Yu is sure to follow it. A way should not be opened to the greed of Jin; robbers are not to be played with. To do it once was more than enough; and will you do it a second time? The common sayings, 'The carriage and its wheel-aids depend on one another,' 'When the lips perish, the teeth become cold,' 'illustrate the relation between Guo and Yu." The duke said, "The princes of Jin and Yu are descended from the same ancestor. How should Jin injure us?" The minister replied, 'Taibo and Yuzhong were sons of king Tai; but because Taibo would not follow him against Shang, he did not inherit his State. Guo Zhong and Guo Shu were sons of king Ji, and ministers of king Wen. Their merits in the service of the royal House are preserved in the repository of covenants. If Guo be extinguished by Jin, what love is it likely to show to Yu? And can Yu claim a nearer kindred to Jin than the descendants of Huan and Zhuang [See the Zhuan after III. xxiii.3], that Jin should show love to it? What crime had the families descended from Huan and Zhuang been guilty of? and yet Jin destroyed them entirely, feeling that they might press on it [See the Zhuan after III. xxv. 5]. Its near relatives, whom it might have been expected to favour, it yet put to death, because their greatness pressed upon it;—what may not Jin do to you, when there is your State to gain?" The duke said, "My sacrificial offerings have been abundant and pure; the Spirits will not forsake, but will sustain me." His minister replied, "I have heard that the Spirits do not accept the persons of men, but that it is virtue to which they cleave. Hence in the Books of Zhou we read, 'Great Heaven has no affections; —it helps only the virtuous [Shu, V. xvii.4];' and, 'It is not the millet which has the piercing fragrance; it is bright virtue [Shu, V. xx. 3]; and again, 'People do not slight offerings, but it is virtue which is the thing accepted [Shu, V.v.3].' Thus if a ruler have not virtue, the people will not be attached to him, and the Spirits will not accept his offerings. What the Spirits will adhere to is a man's virtue. If Jin take Yu, and then cultivate bright virtue, and therewith present fragrant offerings, will the Spirits vomit them out?" The duke did not listen to him, but granted the request of the messenger of Jin.
'Gong Zhiqi went away from Yu, with all the circle of his family, saying, 'Yu will not see the winter sacrifice. Its doom is in this expedition. Jin will not make a second attempt.'
In the 8th month, on Jiawu, the marquis of Jin laid siege to Shangyang [the chief city of Guo], and asked the diviner Yan whether he should succeed in the enterprise. Yan replied that he should, and he then asked when. Yan said, "The children have a song which says,
'Towards day break of Bing, Wei of the Dragon lies hid in the conjunction of the sun and moon. With combined energy and grand display, Are advanced the flags to capture Guo. Grandly appears the Chun star, And the Tiance is dim. When Huo culminates, the enterprise will be completed, And the duke of Guo will flee.' 'According to this, you will succeed at the meeting of the 9th and 10th months. In the morning of Bingzi, the sun will be in Wei, and the moon in Ce; the Chunhuo will be exactly in the south:—this is sure to be the time."
'In winter, in the 12th month, on Bingzi, the 1st day of the moon, Jin extinguished Guo, and Chou, the duke, fled to the capital. The army, on its return, took up its quarters in Yu, surprised the city, and extinguished the State, seizing the duke, and his great officer Jingbo, whom the marquis employed to escort his daughter, Mu Ji, to Qin. The marquis continued the sacrifices of Yu in Jin, and presented to the king the tribute due from it. The brief language of the text is condemnatory of Yu, and expresses, besides, the ease with which Jin annexed it.'
VI. Sixth year.
1. It was the [duke's] sixth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, and the earl of Cao, in invading Zheng, when they besieged Xincheng.
3. In autumn, a body of men from Chu besieged Xu, and the princes went from Zheng to relieve it.
4. In winter, the duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.
[The Zhuan here continues the affairs of Jin:——'The marquis of Jin sent Jia Hua to attack Qu. Yiwu was unable to maintain it, so he made a covenant and went away. He thought himself of fleeing to the Di, but Xi Rui said, "Following after your brother [Chong'er], and fleeing to the same place, it will appear as if you had been criminals together. You had better go to Liang; it is near to Qin, and is kindly regarded by it." Yiwu went accordingly to Liang.]
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the princes invaded Zheng, because the earl had stolen away from the covenant at Shouzhi. They laid siege to Xinmi which Zheng had fortified, though it was not the season for such an undertaking.' The Zhuan calls the place Xinmi, or 'New Mi,' and the text calls it Xincheng, or 'the New city,' referring to its having been recently walled. It was 30 li to the southeast of the pres. dis. city of Mei, dep. Kaifeng.
Par. 3. 'Besieged Xu,' i. e., laid siege to the principal city of Xu. So we are to understand other passages, where, apparently, the siege of a State is spoken of. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu besieged Xu, in order to relieve Zheng. The princes relieved Xu, and he retired.' The 遂 implies, as in the translation, that the princes marched their troops from Zheng to Xu.
[The Zhuan adds here a narrative which shows of what little use the expedition against Chu had been. The States in the south continued to feel that it was better for them to keep in alliance with the aggressive Power.——'In winter, the marquis Mu of Cai went along with duke Xi of Xu, and had an interview with the viscount of Chu in Wucheng. The baron of Xu appeared with his hands tied behind his back, and holding a bi in his mouth. His great officers wore headbands and other clothes of the deepest mourning, and the inferior officers pushed a coffin along on a carriage. The viscount asked Feng Bo what he should do, who replied, "When king Wu had vanquished Yin, Qi, viscount of Wei, appeared before him in this fashion. King Wu with his own hands loosed his bands, received his bi, ordered away the emblems of doom, burned his coffin, treated him courteously, and robed him, sending him back to his place." The viscount of Chu followed this example.']
VII. Seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, an officer of Qi invaded Zheng.
2. In summer, the viscount of Little Zhu paid a court visit [to Lu.]
3. Zheng put to death its great officer, Shen Hou.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, Kuan, heir-son of Chen, and Hua, heir-son of Zheng, when they made a covenant in Ningmu.
5. Ban, earl of Cao, died.
6. Duke [Huan's] son, You, went to Qi.
7. In winter, there was the burial of duke Zhao of Cao.
Par. 1. Zheng was in an evil case between Chu and Qi, and experienced the general fate of trimmers. The Zhuan says :——'On this occasion, Kong Shu said to the earl of Zheng, "The proverb says, 'When a man is incapable of firm resolve, why should he feel it a pain to be humble?' You are not able to be strong, and you are not able to be weak:—it is the way to ruin yourself; the State is in peril. Let me entreat you to submit to Qi, in order to save the State." The earl said "I know how peace with Qi can be brought about. Have patience with me for a little." The officer replied, "When we know not in the morning that we shall reach the evening, how can we wait for your determination?"'
Par. 2. Xiao or Little Zhu is the same as Ni (郳) of III. v. 3; xv. 3. Its chief Lilai, it is said, had been very assiduous in serving the marquis of Qi, who got the king to confer on him a patent of nobility, and raise him to the rank of viscount. He is here in consequence of his elevation, paying a court visit to Lu. The name adopted for the new State was little Zhu, because the viscounts of Zhu and the lords of Ni were descended from the same ancestor.
Par. 3. See on IV. 4; and the narrative after V. 4. The Zhuan says here:——'Zheng put to death Shen Hou to please Qi, and because of the ill report of him given by Yuan Taotu. Shen Hou was a native of Shen [申; a son of the marquis of Shen by a daughter of Chu], and had been a favourite with king Wen of Chu. When king Wen was about to die, he gave Hou a bi, and sent him away, saying, "It is only I that know you. You are all bent on gain, insatiable. I have given to you, and allowed you to beg from me, without dwelling on your faults; but my successor will require much from you, and you are sure not to escape the consequences of your conduct. You must quickly leave Chu; and do not go to a small State, for it will not be able to bear you." When king Wen was buried, Shen Hou fled to Zheng, where also he became a favourite with duke Li. When Ziwen [Dou Gouwutu, chief minister of Chu] heard of his death, he said, "The ancients have well said, 'No one knows a minister like his ruler. Hou's nature could not be changed."'
Par. 4. Ningmu (Guliang has 寧母) was in Lu, 20 li east of the pres. dis. city of Yutai, dep. Yanzhou. This was 'a meeting in robes (衣裳之會);' i.e., the princes did not have any military following. The Kangxi editors say that 'the lords of Chen and Zheng sent their heir-sons. Both of these States had lately been attacked by Qi. Chen would fain have declined the covenant, but did not venture to do so. Zheng would fain have been present at it, but was not permitted to be so. They therefore did not present themselves, but sent their sons.' The Zhuan says:——'This meeting at Ningmu was to consult about Zheng. Guan Zhong said to the marquis of Qi, "I have heard the sayings, 'Call the wavering with courtesy; cherish the remote with kindness; when kindness and courtesy are shown invariably, there are none but will be won."' The marquis accordingly manifested courtesy to the princes, and their officers received from him the list of the tribute their territories had to pay to the king. The earl of Zheng having sent his eldest son Hua to receive the commands of the meeting, the young prince said to the marquis, "It was the three clans of Xie, Kong, and Ziren, who opposed your lordship's orders. If you will remove them as the basis of a pacification, I will become, at the head of Zheng, as one of your own subjects, and your lordship will be a gainer in every way:"
'The marquis was about to agree to his proposal; but Guan Zhong said, "You have bound all the princes to you by your propriety and truth; and will it not be improper to end with an opposite policy? Here we should have propriety in the form of no treachery between son and father, and truth in that of the son's observing his father's commands according to the exigency of the times. There cannot be greater criminality than that of him who acts contrary to these two things." "We princes," replied the duke, "have tried to punish Zheng, but without success. And now when such an opportunity is presented to me, may I not take advantage of it?" "Let your lordship," said Guan, "deal gently with the case of Zheng in kindness, and add to this an instructive exposition of it, and then, when you again lead the princes to punish the State, it will feel that utter overthrow is imminent, and will be consumed with terror. If on the contrary you deal with it, adopting the counsel of this criminal, Zheng will have a case to allege, and will not be afraid. Consider too that you have assembled the princes to do honour to virtue, and if at the meeting you give place to this villain, and follow his counsel, what will there be to show to your descendants? And further, the virtue, the punishments, the rules of propriety, and the righteousness, displayed at the meetings of the princes, are recorded in every State. When a record is made of the place given to such a criminal, there will be an end of your lordship's covenants. If you do the thing and do not record it, that will show that your virtue is not complete. Let not your lordship accede to his request. Zheng is sure to accept the covenant. And for this Hua, the earl of Zheng's eldest son, to seek the assistance of a great State to weaken his own:—he will not escape without suffering for it. The government of Zheng, moreover, is in the hands of Shuzhan, Du Shu, and Shi Shu, those three good men:—you would find no opportunity now to act against it."
'On this the marquis of Qi declined the proffers of the prince, who in consequence of this affair was regarded as a criminal in Zheng. The earl begged from Qi the favour of a covenant.'
Par. 5. For 班 Gong has 般.
[After p. 7, the Zhuan says:——'In the inter-calary month [which must thus have been a double twelfth], king Hui died. King Xiang, in consequence of the troubles that were occasioned by Taishu Dai, and fearing his accession might not be secured, did not make his father's death public, and sent an announcement of his difficulties to Qi.']
VIII. Eighth year.
1. In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke had a meeting with an officer of the king, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the baron of Xu, the earl of Cao, and Kuan, heir-son of Chen, when they made a covenant in Tao.
2. The earl of Zheng begged [to be admitted to] the covenant.
3. In summer, the Di invaded Jin.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke offered the great sacrifice in the grand temple, and [at the same time] placed the tablet of [duke Zhuang's] wife in his shrine.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Dingwei, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
Parr. 1,2. The Tao here is different from that in III.xxvii. 1. This was in Cao,—50 li southwest from the prea. city of Puzhou (濮州), dep. Caozhou. The Zhuan says: ——'The object of the covenant was to concert measures about the royal House. The earl of Zheng begged leave to take part in it, asking that Qi would accept his submission. The succession of king Xiang was settled, and he proceeded to publish his father's death.'
The king's death, according to the Zhuan, took place in the end of last year, whereas the 5th par. here states that it occurred in the 12th month of this year. Wu Cheng, Wang Qiao, and many other critics, think that Zuoshi must be in error as to the date of the death. It is, indeed, not easy to understand how so important an event could have been concealed for twelve months. The queen and her son Shu Dai who were anxious to prevent the succession of Zheng, could not have remained ignorant of it all that time.
The earl of Zheng now felt that there was no course for him but to humble himself. He had withdrawn from the meeting in the 5th year, which was to recognize the right of the king's son Zheng to the throne; and now he is obliged to beg to be allowed to take part in the meeting which recognized him.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Li Ke had commanded a force against the Di, with Liang Youmi as his charioteer, and Guo Shi as the spearman on the left. He defeated them at Caisang, when Liang said to him, "The Di are not ashamed to fly. If you follow them, you will obtain a great conquest." Li Ke replied, "It is best to frighten them only. Don't let us accelerate a rising of all their tribes." Guo She said, "Let a year be completed, and the Di will be here again. We are only showing them our weakness." Sure enough, this summer, the Di invaded Jin, to avenge their defeat at Caisang. The exact month of the year had come round again.'
Par. 4. There are two things recorded in this par.; first, the offering of the di sacrifice and next, the taking occasion at it (indicated by the 用=遂) to introduce a lady, the wife of some duke, into the grand temple, or the temple of the duke of Zhou, ancestor of the House of Lu.
1st. The di sacrifice here is to be distinguished from the 吉禘, or 'fortunate di,' mentioned IV. ii. 2. It is the. 'great sacrifice (大祭) offered once in 3 years, according to Du Yu, or once in 5 years, according to others. The individual sacrificed to in it was the remotest ancestor to whom the kings, or the princes of States ruled by offshoots from the royal House, traced their lineage. The kings would thus sacrifice to the ancient emperor Ku (帝嚳); and the marquises of Lu to king Wen. Whether Lu did arrogate the right to offer the sacrifice to the emperor Ku, pleading a special grant to do so given to the duke of Zhou by king Cheng, is a question that need not be considered here. This 'great sacrifice' is that here spoken of, and we have the record of it this year, and not on other years of its occurrence, because of the extraordinary use that was made of it, as related in the latter part of the par.
2d. Who was the lady intended here by 夫 人? Zuoshi says she was Ai Jiang, duke Zhuang's wife:——'He offered the di sacrifice, and introduced the tablet of Ai Jiang;—which was contrary to rule. In the case of the death of a duke's wife, if she died not in her proper chamber; or the passage of her coffin were not announced in the ancestral temple; or her demise were not communicated to the princes who had covenanted with her husband; or her tablet had not been temporarily placed by that of her husband's father's wife;—then her tablet could not be placed in her husband's shrine.' 致is here employed in the sense given by Du Yu:—致者致新死之主於廟, 而列之昭穆. All the conditions required for this ceremony had been observed in the case of Ai Jiang, excepting the first. She had not died in her chamber, but through her own wickedness had been put to death in Qi; and though duke Xi had brought her body back to Lu, and buried it with all the usual forms, yet one important element was wanting, sufficient, in Zuoshi's opinion, to vitiate this final honour attempted to be paid to her.
Gongyang took a difft. view. Acc. to him, the 'wife' here is duke Xi's own wife. He had arranged to marry a daughter of Chu; but a lady of Qi, intended for the harem, arriving before her, duke Xi was obliged by the power of Qi to make her his wife, by the ceremony of introducing her on this occasion into the temple. But this appears to be merely a story concocted by Gong to explain the text in some likely way.
Guliang seems to think that the lady was Cheng Feng, duke Xi's mother; and if 迴 be spoken of her Spirit-tablet this view is absurd, because she did not die till the 4th year of duke Wen. Liu Chang, Zhang Qia, however, and a host of other critics, adopt a modification of this view, that duke Xi somehow took this occasion to instal his own mother as duke Zhuang's proper wife. But they fail to show that such a proceeding was in any way competent to a son. —On the whole Zuoshi's view most commends itself to our acceptance.
Par. 5. See what has been said on the date of the king's death under par. 1. Zuoshi says here, that 'an officer of the king came now to announce his death, and that the announcement was made so late, because of the difficulties connected with the succession.'
[The Zhuan adds here:——'The duke of Song being ill, his eldest son by his recognized wife, Zifu, earnestly entreated him, saying, "My brother, Muyi, is older than I, and is entirely virtuous. Do made him your succeessor." The duke gave charge to Ziyu [the above Muyi] that so it should be, but he refused, saying, "What greater virtue could there be than for him thus to decline the dignity of the State?—I am not equal to him. And moreover, the thing itself would not be in accordance with what is right." With this he ran out of the duke's presence.']
XI. Ninth year.
1. In the duke's ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Dingchou, Yuyue, duke of Song, died.
2. In summer, the duke had a meeting with the [king's] chief minister, the duke of Zhou, and with the marquis of Qi, the son [of the late duke] of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, in Kuiqiu.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Yiyou, the duke's eldest daughter died.
4. In the ninth month, on Wuchen, the princes made a covenant in Kuiqiu.
5. On Jiazi, Guizhu, marquis of Jin, died.
6. In winter, Li Ke put to death Xiqi, the son of his [deceased] ruler.
Parr. 1,2. Yuyue,—see the events of his accession in the Zhuan on III.xii 3,4. He was succeeded by his son Zifu (茲父), known as duke Xiang (襄公). In the period of his early mourning, before his father was buried, Zifu came in mourning garb to this meeting at Kuiqiu, and therefore he is mentioned in p.2 as 宋子, 'son, or new duke, of Song.' Zuoshi lays down the canon, that the successor to the throne, while his predecessor was unburied, was called Xiaotong (小童) or 'boy;' and the successor to a State, in like circumstances, Zi (子), or 'the son.' Gong and Gu for 正月 read 二月, and 禦 for 御. Kuiqiu was in Song,—30 li east from the pres. dis. city of Kaocheng (考城), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Kuiqiu was to repeat the former covenant [that in VIII. 1], and to cultivate the good relations among the princes themselves;—which was proper. The king sent his prime minister [the 冢宰 of the Shu, XX.v.1] Kong to present to the marquis of Qi some of his sacrificial flesh, with the message, "The son of Heaven has been sacrificing to Wen and Wu, and sends Kong to present a portion of the flesh to his uncle of a different surname." The marquis was about to descend the steps, and do obeisance, when Kong said, "There was another command. The son of Heaven charged me to say that, in consideration of his uncle's 70 years, he confers on him an additional degree of distinction,—that he shall not descend and do obeisance." "Heaven's majesty," replied the marquis, "is not far from me,—not a cubic, not 8 inches. Shall I, Xiaobo, dare to covet this command of the son of Heaven, and not descend and do obeisance. If I did so, I should fear that majesty was falling low, and left a stigma on the son of Heaven. I dare not but descend and do obeisance." With this he descended the steps, did obeisance, ascended again, and received the flesh.'
Par. 3. Gongyang says:——'This lady had not been married;—how is her death recorded here? She had been engaged to be married. When that took place, the daughter was called by her designation in the family, and her hair was bound up with the pin. If she died before being married, the ceremonies used were those of a full-grown woman.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the marquis of Qi made the covenant with the princes in Kuiqiu to this effect:——"All we who have united in this covenant shall hereafter banish everything contrary to good relations among us." The prime minister Kong had previously left to return to the capital; and when on the way, he met the marquis of Jin, and said to him, "You need not go on to the meeting. The marquis of Qi does not make virtue his first object, and is most earnest about what is remote. Thus in the north he invaded the Hill Rong; on the south, he invaded Chu; and in the west, he has assembled this meeting. As to what he may do hereafter eastward, I do not know, but he will do nothing to the west. Is Qi going to fall into disorder? Let your lordship set yourself to still all disorder in Jin, and not be anxious about going on to this meeting."'
The Kangxi editors say they agree with many crities of former dynasties in doubting the truth of this narrative.
Parr. 5,6. There is a difficulty here with the date, the day Jiazi being really 4 days earlier than Wuchen of the 4th par. I think, therefore, that Jiaxu (甲戌), Gongyang's reading, is here to be preferred, though the received text does not follow him, while it follows Guliang in giving 詭諸 instead of Zuo's 佹諸.
The Zhuan says:——'On the death of duke Xian [whose name was Guizhu] of Jin, Li Ke and Pi Zheng wished to raise Chong'er, who was afterwards duke Wen, to the marquisate, and therefore raised an insurrection with his partizans, and those of his brothers, Shensheng and Yiwu. Years before this, duke Xian had appointed Xun Xi to superintend the training of Xiqi; and when he was ill, he called Xi to him, and said, "I ventured to lay on you the charge of this child; how will you now do in reference to him?" Xi bowed his head to the ground, and replied, "I will put forth all my strength and resources on his behalf, doing so with loyalty and sincere devotion. If I succeed, it will be owing to your lordship's influence; if I do not succed, my death shall follow my endeavours." "What do you mean by loyalty and sincere devotion?" asked the duke. "Doing to the extent of my knowledge whatever will be advantageous to yonr House is loyalty. Performing the duties to you, the departed, and serving him, the living, so that neither of you would have any doubts about me, is sincere devotion."
'When Li Ke was fully purposed to kill Xiqi, he first informed Xun Xi, saying, "The friends of Chong'er and his brothers, all full of resentment, are about to rise; Qin and Jin will assist them:—what can you do in such a case?" "I will die with Xiqi," replied Xi. "That will be of no use," urged the other. Xun Shu said, "I told our departed marquis so, and I must not say another thing now. I am able and willing to make good my words, and do you think I will grudge my life to do so? Although it may be of no use, how can I do otherwise? And in their wish to show the same virtue for their side, who is not like me? Do I wish to be entirely faithful and one for my protege, and can I say that others should refrain from being so for theirs?"
'In the 10th month, Li Ke killed Xiqi in his place by his father's coffin. Xun Xi was about to die at the same time, but some one said to him, "You had better raise Zhuozi to his brother's place, and give your help to him." Xi did so, and directed the new marquis in the burial of duke Xian.
'In the 11th month, Li Ke slew Zhuo in the court, and Xun Xi died with him. The superior man may say that in Xun Xi we have what is declared in the ode [The Shi, IV. iii. II.5],'
"A flaw in a white gem May be ground away; But for a flaw in speech Nothing can be done"' It may be well to observe here that these murders in this Zhuan were not done by Ke himself; though, as the instruments were employed by him, he is justly charged with them.
In p. 6. Gongyang reads 弑 for 殺. Xiqi became marquis of Jin on the death of his father, and was Ke's 君 or ruler. Gongyang says he is here styled 子 or son merely, because the year of his father's death was still running; but such a canon does not hold in many other instances. We might, indeed, read 晉子奚齊,—after the analogy of p. 2; but the peculiar style here, 其君之子, must be due to the circumstances of the case:—the youth of Xiqi; his want of a real title to the place; and his early death.
[The Zhuan adds three notices here:——1st. 'The marquis of Qi, with the armies of the princes, invaded Jin, and returned, after advancing as far as Gaoliang. The expedition was to punish and put down the disorders of the State. The order about it did not reach Lu, and so no record of it was made.'
2d. 'Xi Rui made Yiwu offer heavy bribes to Qin, to obtain its help in entering Jin, saying to him, "The State is really in the possession of others; you need grudge nothing. If you enter and can get the people, you will have no difficulty about the territory." Yiwu followed his counsel. Xi Peng of Qi led a force and joined the army of Qin; and they placed Yiwu or duke Hui in duke Xian's place.
'The earl of Qin said to Xi Rui, "Whom has the duke's son [Yiwu] to rely on in Jin?" Rui replied, "I have heard the saying that a fugitive should have no partizans; for if he have partizans. he is sure to have enemies also. When Yiwu was young, he was not fond of play; he could show fight, but in moderation. When he grew up, there was no change in these traits. Anything else about him I do not know." The earl then said to Gongsun Zhi, "Will Yiwu settle the State?" Zhi replied, "I have heard that only the pattern man can settle a State. In the Shi it is said of king Wen (III.i. VII. 7),
'Without the consciousness of effort, You accord with the pattern of God.' It is also said [III.iii.II. 8], 'Committing no excess, inflicting no injury; There are few who will not take you as their model.' This is spoken of him who loves not nor hates, who envies not nor is ambitious. But now Yiwu's words are full of envy and ambition;—it will be hard for him to settle the State!" The earl said, "Being envious, he will have many to resent his conduct; how can he succeed in his ambition? But this will be our gain."'
3d. 'When duke Xiang succeeded to Song, from regard to the virtue of his brother Muyi [see the Zhuan at the end of last year], he made him general of the left, and administrator of the government. On this Song was finely ruled, and the office of general of the left became hereditary in the Yu family (Yu was the clanname of Muyi's descendants)']
X. Tenth year.
1. In his tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Qi.
2. The Di extinguished Wen; and the viscount of Wen fled to Wey.
3. Li Ke of Jin murdered his ruler Zhuo, and the great officer Xun Xi.
4. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the baron of Xu invaded the northern Rong.
5. Jin put to death its great officer Li Ke.
6. It was autumn, the seventh month.
7. In winter, there was a great fall of snow.
Par. 1. Dan Zhu (啖助; Tang dyn., 8th century) says that the character 如 is always used of journeys by the duke and ministers of Lu, to visit other courts or present friendly inquiries. Duke Xi here goes to Qi to appear at the court of the marquis as the leader of the States.
Par. 2. The viscount of Wen, or the viscount of Su, was one of the descendants of the duke of Su [called duke as being one of the three gong or highest ministers of the king], minister of Crime to king Wu. Out of the court, they were viscounts of Su, or of Wen, Wen being the name of their principal city,—30 li west of the pres. dis. city of Wen, dep. Huaiqing (懷 慶), Henan. In the 1st nar. appended to I. xi. 3, the king grants the territories of the House of Su to Zheng. That House, however, must have been subsequently re-instated in them. In one of the Zhuan appended to III.xix. 4, the viscount of Su appears as confederate against the king with Zitui, who flies on his defeat to Wen; and they further retreat together to Wey.
The Zhuan says:——'The Di extinguished Wen, because the viscount of Su was a man without faith. He rebelled against the king, and went off to the Di; but he could do nothing among them, and they attacked him. The king did not relieve him, and so his State was annihilated, and he himself fled to Wey.'
Par. 3. See the Zhuan on the 6th par. of last year. That Zhuan says Zhuo was murdered in the 11th month of last year, while here the deed appears under the spring of this;—but see what is said, on V. 1, upon the difference of dates in the Jing and Zhuan. Duke Xian had been buried, and Zhuo or Zhuozi appears here consequently as marquis or ruler.
Par. 4. These northern Rong were the same as the Hill Rong of III.xxx.7. Why the baron of Xu should alone have accompanied Qi on this expedition we canot tell.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says on this:——'In summer, in the 4th month, Jifu, duke of Zhou, and Dang, son of king Xi(?), joined Xi Peng of Qi in securing the establishment of the marquis of Jin, who put to death Li Ke to clear himself of any complicity with him in the murders which he had committed. When he was about to put him to death, he sent a message to him, saying, "But for you, I should not have attained to my present position; but considering that you murdered two marquises and one great officer, is it not a difficult thing to be your ruler?" Ke replied, "If others had not been removed, how could you have found room to rise? But if you wish to make out a man's guilt, there is no difficulty in finding ground to do so. I have heard your command." With this he cut his own throat, and died. At this time Pi Zheng was absent on a visit of friendly inquiries in Qin, and to entreat the earl to grant some delay in the payment of the bribes promised to him, so that he escaped for the present.'
Par. 6. [The Zhuan appends the following story:——'The marquis of Jin took up the body of his brother Gong [共太子, 'the eldest son Gong.' Gong is the hon. title given to Shensheng, duke Xian's eldest son], and had it reinterred. In the autumn, Hu Tu went to the lower capital [i.e., Quwo] in connection with this, when he met the former young prince, who made him get up and take his reins for him, as he had been accustomed to do and then said to him, "Yiwu has violated all propriety. I have presented a request to God and obtained it:— I am going to give Jin to Qin, which will maintain the sacrifices to me." Tu replied, "I have heard that the Spirits of the dead do not enjoy the sacrifices of those who are not of their kindred, and that people only sacrifice to those who were of the same ancestry as themselves. Will not the sacrifices to you be thus virtually no sacrifices? And what crimes attach to the people of Jin? Let me ask you to consider well how what you have done will lead to the wrong punishment of them and the cessation of the sacrifices to yourself." "Yes," said the other, "I will make another request to God. In 7 days, at the western side of the new city there will be a wizard, through whom you shall have an interview with me." Tu agreed to this, and the prince disappeared. When the time was come, the officer went to the west side of the city, and received this message:——God has granted that I punish only the criminal, who shall be defeated in Han."
'When Pi Zheng went to Qin, he said to the earl, "They were Lü Sheng, Xi Zheng, and Ji Rui, who would not agree to our marquis's fulfilling his promises to you. If you will call them to you by urgently requesting their presence, I will then expel the marquis. Your lordship can then restore Chong'er to Jin; and everything will be crowned with success."'
Gongyang her has 雹 for 雪. Snow lying a foot deep [See the Zhuan on I. ix. 2] would indeed be a strange phenomenon in the autumn of the year. Zhou's winter was Xia's autumn.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In winter, the earl of Qin sent Ling Zhi to Jin in return for the mission of Pi Zheng, and to ask that the three officers mentioned by Zheng might come to him. Xi Rui said, "The greatness of his gifts and the sweetness of his words are intended to decoy us." Then they put to death Pi Zheng, Qi Ju, and the seven great officers of the chariots,—Gong Hua of the left column, Jia Hua of the right, Shu Jian, Zhui Chuan, Lei Hu, Te Gong, and Shan Qi; all partizans of Li and Pi. Pi Bao fled to Qin, and said to the earl, "The marquis of Jin is false to you, great lord, and envious on small grounds of his own officers;—the people do not adhere to him. Attack him, and he is sure to be driven from the State." The earl said, "How can he, who has lost the masses, deal death in such a way? But you have only escaped the calamity; who can expel your ruler?"']
XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, Jin put to death its great officer, Pi Zhengfu.
2. In summer, the duke and his wife, the lady Jiang, had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Yanggu.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
4. In winter, a body of men from Chu invaded Huang.
Par. 1. See the last Zhuan. Zuoshi says that in spring the marquis of Jin sent an announcement to Lu of the disorder attempted to be raised by Pi Zheng. This is Zuo's own attempt to reconcile the date of Pi Zheng's death, as given here, with the real date assigned to it in the Zhuan referred to. But we have seen that both dates are correct:—this, according to the calendar of Zhou; that, according to the calendar of Xia.
[The Zhuan adds:——'The king by Heaven's grace sent duke Wu of Shao, and Guo, the historiographer of the interior, to confer the symbol of his rank on the marquis of Jin. He received the nephrite with an air of indifference; and Guo, on his return to the court, said to the king, "The marquis of Jin is not one who will have any successor of his own children. Your majesty conferred on him the symbol of investiture, and he received the auspicious jade with an air of indifference. Taking the lead thus in self-abandonment, is he likely to have any one to succeed him? The rules of propriety are the stem of a State; and reverence is the chariot that conveys them along. Where there is not reverence, those rules do not have their course; and where this is the case, the distinctions of superiors and inferiors are all obscured. When this occurs, there can be no transmission of a State to after generations.' See the 國語, For I. (國語,上), art. 11.]
Par. 2. Comp. II.xviii. 1. It would appear from this that duke Xi had married a lady of Qi, a daughter probably of duke Huan. But that she should accompany him, as here, to a meeting with her father even, was contrary to all Chinese ideas of propriety. Du Yu says:——'A wife does not accompany or meet a visitor beyond the gate; when she sees her brothers, she does not cross the threshold of the harem. To go to this meeting with the duke was contrary to rule.'
[The Zhuan adds:——'In summer, the Rong of Yangju, Quangao, and about the Yi and the Luo, united in attacking the capital, entered the royal city, and burned the eastern gate; king Hui's son Dai having called them. Qin and Jin invaded the Rong in order to relieve the king. In autumn, the marquis of Jin caused the Rong to make peace with the king.']
Par. 3. See on II. v. 7.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Huang did not send their tribute to Chu, and a body of men, therefore, from Chu attacked Huang in the winter.'
XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Gengwu, the sun was eclipsed.
2. In summer, a body of men from Chu extinguished Huang.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Dingchou, Chujiu, marquis of Chen, died.
Par. 1. This eclipse took place in the afternoon of March 29th, B. C. 647. Du observes that the historiographer had omitted to enter that Gengwu was the 1st day of the moon.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In the spring, the States walled the suburbs of Chuqiu of Wey [see II. 1]; fearing troubles from the Di.']
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Huang, relying on the friendship of the States with Qi, did not render the tribute which was due from them to Chu, saying "From Ying [the capital of Chu] to us is 900 li; what harm can Chu do to us?" This summer, Chu extinguished Huang. Guliang says:——'At the meeting in Guan [II. 4], Guan Zhong said to the marquis of Qi, "Jiang and Huang are far from Qi and near to Chu,—states which Chu considers advantageous to it. Should Chu attack them, and you not be able to save them, you will cease to be looked up to by the States." The marquis would not listen to him, but made a covenant with Jiang and Huang. On the death of Guan Zhong, Chu invaded Jiang, and extinguished Huang; and Qi, indeed, was not able to save them.' Whether Guan Zhong gave the advice here ascribed to him at Guan we do not know; but Gu is wrong in supposing he was now dead;—he died in the 15th year of duke Xi.
Par. 3. [The Zhuan gives here two narratives:—1st. 'The king, because of the attack of the Rong, proceeded to punish his brother Dai; —who fled to Qi.'
2d. 'In winter, the marquis of Qi sent Guan Yiwu to make peace between the Rong and the king; and Xi Peng to make peace between the Rong and Jin. The king wanted to feast Guan Zhong with the ceremonies due to a minister of the highest grade. But Guan Zhong declined them, saying, "I an but an officer of mean condition. There are Guo and Gao in Qi, both holding their appointment from the son of Heaven. If they should come in spring or in autumn to receive your majesty's orders, with what ceremonies should they be entertained? A simple servant of my prince, I venture to refuse the honour you propose." The king said, 'Messenger of my uncle, I approve your merit. You maintain your excellent virtue, which I never can forget. Go and dischange the dutics of your office, and do not disobey my commands." Guan Zhong finally accepted the ceremonies of a minister of the lower grade, and returned to Qi.
The superior man will say, "Guan well deserved that his sacrifices should be perpetuated from generation to generation. He was humbly courteous, and did not forget his superiors. As the ode [She, III. i. ode V.5] says.
"Our amiable, courteous prince Was rewarded by the Spirits."' Par. 4. For 杵 Gongyang reads 處.
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the Di made an incursion into Wey.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Xuan of Chen.
3. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, in Xian.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
5. In winter, duke [Huan's] son, You, went to Qi.
Par. 1. It was in anticipation of trouble to Wey from the Di that the States fortified the suburbs of Chuqiu;—as related in the Zhuan at the commencement of last year. Zhao Pengfei (趙鵬飛; towards the end of the Song dyn.) supposes that the object of the Di was to make Wey deliver to them the viscount of Wen, who had fled there, as related in X. 2.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'This spring, the marquis of Qi sent Zhongsun Jiao on a mission of friendly inquiries to Zhou, and to speak about the king's brother Dai; but when the former business was concluded, Jiao did not speak further to the king; and when giving an account of his mission, on his return, he said, "We cannot yet speak about Dai. The king's anger has not subsided. Perhaps it will do so in 10 years. But in less than ten years, the king will not recall him."']
Par. 3. Xian was in Wey,—60 li southeast from the pres. Kaizhou (開州), dep. Daming, Zhili. The Zhuan says;——'The meeting at Xian was because the Yi of the Huai were distressing Qi, and also to consult about the royal House.'
[The Zhuan has here another brief narrative: ——'In autumn, because of the difficulties created by the Rong, the States determined to guard Zhou; and Zhongsun Jiao of Qi conducted their troops to it.']
Par. 5. This was the 3d visit which You had now made in Xi's time to Qi. We see what a sway he must have had in Lu, and what service the marquis of Qi required for his protectorate.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In winter Jin was suffering a second time a season of scarcity, and sent to Qin to be allowed to buy grain. The earl of Qin asked Zisang [Gongsun Zhi] whether he should give the grain, and that officer replied, "If you grant this great favour, and the marquis of Jin make a due return for it, you will have nothing more to require. If you grant it, and he make no return, his people will be alienated from him. If you then proceed to punish him, not having the multitudes with him, he is sure to be defeated. "The earl put the same question to his minister Boli, who replied, "The calamities inflicted by Heaven flow abroad, and different States have them in their turn. To succour in such calamities, and compassionate one's neighbours, is the proper way; and he who pursues it will have blessing."
'Bao, the son of Pi Zheng, was then in Qin, and asked leave to lead an expedition to attack Jin, but the earl said to him, "Its ruler is evil; but of what offences have his people been guilty?" On this Qin contributed grain to Jin, vessels following one another from Yong to Jiang; and the affair was called "The service of the trains of boats."'] See the 國 語, IV.iii. (晉語，三,), art. 5. Wang Xijue (王錫爵; Ming dyn., A.D. 1534-1610) gives an opinion on the merits of the advice tendered in the above matter by Gongsun Zhi and Boli Xi respectively, which may well be called in question. 'Boli's words,' he says, 'were benevolent, kind, and entirely generous; but they were not equal to Gongsun Zhi's, based on a calculation of consequences. A truly worthy minister he was!'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, the States walled Yuanling.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, the duke's youngest daughter and the viscount of Zeng met in Fang, when she caused the viscount to come and pay the duke a court-visit.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Xinmao, [part of the hill of] Shalu fell down.
4. The Di made an incursion into Zheng.
5. In winter, Xi, marquis of Cai, died.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'The States walled Yuanling, and removed Qi to it, as its capital. The various princes engaged in the work are not mentioned, through the omission of the historiographers.' Yuanling was a town of Qi, —50 li southeast of the pres. dis. city of Changle, dep. Qingzhou. To this the lord of Qi wished to move his capital from Yongqiu (雍丘), in the dis. of Qi, (杞), dep. Kaifeng, Henan, where he was much distressed by the Yi of the Huai; and the marquis of Qi took the lead in the movement, and directed the different States to prepare the city for the contemplated removal. Compare the walling of Chuqiu in II. 1.
Par. 2. This par. has wonderfully vexed, and continues to vex, the critics. Zuoshi gives this account of it:——'The duke's youngest daughter, married to the viscount of Zeng, came to Lu to visit her parents. The duke was angry and detained her, because the viscount of Zeng had not been to the court of Lu. In summer, she met the viscount in Fang, and made him pay a visit to the court.' This account of the matter is probably the correct one. The difficulties in its way are the omission of 鄫 before 伯姬; and the 9th par. of next year, which would seem to be a record of the lady's marriage to the viscount. But when the duke detained her, as the Zhuan supposes, in Lu, he, no doubt, considered the marriage to be annulled. This may account for the omission of the 鄫; and in the subsequent entry, 歸 will = 'went to her old home,' and not 'went to her new home on being married.'
The principal views which have been taken of the par. appear in the note of the Kangxi editors:——'The meeting of the duke's daughter with the viscount of Zeng, without the duke's forbidding it, and her asking the viscount to come to the court of Lu and his listening to her, were both contrary to propriety; and the thing is recorded in the Chunqiu to condemn it. The view of Hu An'guo, that the duke, from love to his daughter, allowed her to choose her own husband, is based on what is said by Gong and Gu, and scholars generally have adopted it; but it is wrong. Duke Xi was a worthy ruler, and his wife, Sheng Jiang, has the praise of being a virtuous lady;—would they have been willing to allow such a thing? Some allege that the style, where 鄫 does not precede 伯姬, shows that the lady was not married; but they do not consider that the duke, in anger at the viscount's not coming to court, annulled the marriage for the time; and when he afterwards sent his daughter back, as Zeng here does not precede 伯姬, so neither does it do so in the later record. If, indeed, the viscount had come to court to ask the lady in marriage, there would have been notices subsequently of his presenting the bridal gifts and coming to meet her; but there is nothing of this in the text. Fan Ning had reason when he doubted the view of Gong and Gu, and regarded that of Zuoshi as having more of verisimilitude.'
Guliang has 繒 for 鄫. Zeng was a small State in pres. dis. of Yih (嶧), dep. Yanzhou. Its lords were Sis (姒), and claimed to be descended from Yu.
Par. 3. The hill of Shalu was in Jin, 45 li east of the pres. district city of Yuancheng (元城), dep. Daming. The Zhuan says that when the diviner Yan of Jin heard of the event, he said, 'By the time a full year is completed, there will be great calamity, so as nearly to ruin our State.'
Par. 4. The repeated incursions and invasions of the Di show that not only was the royal House very feeble, but that the power of Qi was also waning.
Par. 5. This was duke Mu (穆公), a son of the Xianwu, of whose captivity in Chu we have an account in III. x. 5. There he remained till his death in duke Zhuang's 19th year, when Xi became marquis of Cai.
[The Zhuan relates here:——'In winter, there was a scarcity in Qin, which sent to Jin to beg to be allowed to buy grain. They refused in Jin, but Qing Zheng said, "To make such a return for Qin's favour to us shows a want of relative feeling; to make our gain from the calamity of others shows a want of benevolence; to be greedy is inauspicious; to cherish anger against our neighbours is unrighteous. When we have lost these four virtues, how shall we preserve our State?" Guo She said, "When the skin has been lost, where can you place the hair?" Zheng replied, "We are casting away faith, and making a vile return to our neighbour;—in the time of our calamity, who will pity us? Calamity is sure to come where there has been no faith; and without helpers we are sure to perish. Thus it will be with us, acting in this way." Guo She said, "To grant the grain would not lessen Qin's resentment, and we should only be kind to our enemy." "Him," said Zheng, "who is ungrateful for favours, and makes a gain of the calamities of others, the people reject. Even his nearest friends will feel hostile to him; how much more his resentful opponents!" The marquis, however, would not listen to his counsel, and Qing Zheng retired, saying, "Would that the marquis might repent of this!"]
XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In his fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Qi.
2. A body of men from Chu invaded Xu.
3. In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, when they made a covenant in Muqiu, and then went on till they halted at Kuang.
4. Kungsun Ao led a force, and, with the great officers of the [other] princes, [endeavoured to] relieve Xu.
5. In summer, in the fifth month, the sun was eclipsed.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, an army of Qi and an army of Cao invaded Li.
7. In the eighth month, there were locusts.
8. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting [with the other princes].
9. The duke's third daughter went to her home in Zeng.
10. On Jimao, the last day of the moon, the temple of Yibo was struck by lightning.
11. In winter, a body of men from Song invaded Cao.
12. The men of Chu defeated Xu at Loulin.
13. In the eleventh month, on Renxu, the marquis of Jin and the earl of Qin fought at Han, when the marquis of Jin was taken.
Par. 1. Zhang Qia says:——'In his 10th year, the duke paid a court-visit to Qi, and here again in his 15th he does the same;—a court-visit in 5 years, serving Qi as the rule required him to serve the son of Heaven!'
Par. 2. Zuoshi says that the reason for this attack was that 'Xu had joined the States' of the north. See on III. 3.
Par. 3,4. Muqiu was probably in Qi,—70 li to the northeast of the dis. city of Liaocheng (聊城), dep. Dongchang. Kuang was in Wey,—in dep. of Daming, Zhili. Zuoshi says that the covenant at Muqiu was 'to confirm that at Kuiqiu [see IX. 2], and for the relief of Xu.' The princes would then seem to have advanced southwards to Kuang, and to have waited there, to allow the troops of Lu, and of other States as well, to arrive and effect a junction, before proceeding to try consequences with the army of Chu. Gongsun Ao was the son of Qingfu, of whom we had so much in the times of Zhuang and Min. He is also known as Meng Mubo (孟穆伯). From p. 12 we see that the endeavour to relieve Xu was unsuccessful. After this the marquis of Qi made no more arrangements for the relief of any of the States. The vigour of his presidency was evidently declining.
Par. 5. Zuoshi remarks on there being no record of the day on which this eclipse took place, and the absence also of the character 朔; but there was no eclipse in all this year visible in Lu. There was indeed an eclipse of the sun on January 28th, B. C. 644; but it could not have been seen there.
Par. 6. Li was one of the subject States of Chu,— in the pres. Suizhou (隋州), dep. De'an (德安), Hubei. The object of attacking Li was to effect a diversion in favour of Xu, and so help the relief of that State.
Par. 7. Gong has * for 螽. See II. v. 8. Guliang tries to lay down a canon here, that when the plague of locusts was very great, the month of its occurrence is given; and when it was light, only the season.
Par. 9. See on p. 2 of last year.
Par. 10. 震 is here used as an impersonal verb. The Shuowen explains it by 劈歷 振物者, 'a crash of thunder, shaking things.' Of course it was the lightning which struck the temple, but the Chinese, like the Hebrews, considered the lightning to be a 'hot thunderbolt (Psalm, LXXVIII. 48).' Zuoshi observes that we may see from this that the Zhan clan (展氏) was chargeable with some secret wickedness. Apart from this interpretation of the event, telling us that the Yibo here belonged to the clan of whose constitution we have an account in the Zhuan on I. viii. 10 [Yi in the text is the honorary title of the officer whose temple suffered, and Bo was his designation], —beyond this we know nothing about him. Guliang refers to the par. as a case in point, to show that, from the emperor to the lower officers, all had their temples or shrine-houses: —the emperor, 7 of them; princes of States, 5; great officers 3; and lower officers, 2.
Par. 11. Both Song and Cao were at the meeting in Muqiu. This attack boded ill for the relief of Xu, and showed how feeble the control of Qi had become.
Par. 12. Loulin was in Xu,—in the northeast of the dis. of Hong (虹), dep. Fengyang, Anhui. Zuoshi says that Xu was defeated through relying on the succour of the States.
Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'When the marquis of Jin first entered that State from Qin [see the 2d narrative appended at the end of the 9th year], Mu Ji, the earl's wife [see the Zhuan after III. xxviii. 1], charged him to behave kindly to the lady Jia [see the same Zhuan], and also to restore all his brothers, and the sons of the former marquis as well.
The marquis, however, committed incest with the lady Jia, and did not restore the sons of his predecessors, so that Mu Ji was full of resentment at him. He had made, moreover, promises to several great officers within the State, all of which he broke. To the earl of Qin he had promised 5 cities beyond the He, with all the country on the east which had formed the territory of Guo, as far as mount Hua on the south, and to the city of Xieliang on the north of the He; but he did not surrender any of this territory, any of these cities. Afterwards, when Jin was suffering from scarcity, Qin sent grain to it; but when scarcity came to the lot of Qin, Jin shut its markets, and would not allow the sale of grain. In consequence of all these things, the earl of Qin determined to invade Jin.
'Tufu, the diviner, consulted the milfoil about the expedition, and said, "A lucky response;—cross the He; the prince's chariots are defeated." The earl asked to have the thing more fully explained, and the diviner said, "It is very lucky. Thrice shall you defeat his troops, and finally capture the marquis of Jin. The diagram found is Gu (䷑), of which it is said,
'The thousand chariots thrice are put to flight, What then remains you catch,—the one fox wight.' That fox in Gu must be the marquis of Jin. Moreover, the inner symbol of Gu (Xun, ☴) represents wind, the outer (Gen, ☶) represents hills. The season of the year is now the autumn. We blow down the fruits on the hill, and we take the trees;—it is plain we are to overcome. The fruit blown down, and the trees all taken; what can this be but defeat to Jin?"
'After three defeats of Jin, the armies came to Han. The marquis said to Qing Zheng, "The robbers have penetrated far; what is to be done?" "It is your lordship," replied Zheng, "who has brought them so far, and can you ask what is to be done?" "He is against me," said the marquis; and he proceeded to divine who should be the spearman upon his right. The response was for Qing Zheng, but he would not employ him. Buyang acted as charioteer, and Jia Putu was spearman on the right. The chariot was drawn by four small horses which had been presented by the earl of Zheng. Qing Zheng said, "Anciently, on great occasions, the prince was required to use the horses born in his own State. Natives of the climate, and knowing the minds of the people, they are docile to instruction, and accustomed to the roads;—whithersoever they may be directed, they are obedient to their driver's will. Now for the fight that is before us, you are using horses of a different State. When they become afraid, they will change their usual way, and go contrary to the will of their driver. When they become confused, they will get all excited. Their timorous blood will flush all their bodies, and their veins will everywhere stand out. Externally they will appear strong, but internally they will be exhausted. They will refuse to advance or retire; they will be unable to turn round. Your lordship is sure to repent employing them."
'The marquis paid no attention to this warning; and on the 9th month [i.e., the 9th month of Xia] he met the army of Qin, when he sent Han Jian to survey it. Jian reported, "Their army is smaller than ours, but their spirit for fighting is double ours." "For what reason?" asked the duke. "When you fled the State," returned the officer, "you sought the help of Qin; when you entered it again, it was by Qin's favour; and in our scarcity, you ate Qin's grain. Thrice did you receive Qin's benefits, and you made no return for them;—on this account its army is come. Now when we are about to come to blows, we are out of spirit and they are all ardour. To say their spirit is double ours is below the truth."
'The duke, however, said, "Even an ordinary man should not be made arrogant by yielding to him; how much less a State like Qin! On this he sent an offer of battle, saying, "Feeble as I am, I have assembled my multitudes, and cannot leave you. If you will not return to your own State, I will certainly not evade your commands." The earl of Qin sent Gongsun Zhi with his reply, "Before your lordship entered your State, I was full of fears for you; when you had entered it and were not secure in its possession, I was still anxious about your position. But if that be now secure, dare I refuse to accept your commands?" Han Jian retired, saying, " We shall be fortunate if we only meet with captivity."
'On the day Renxu, the battle was fought in the plain of Han. The horses of the marquis of Jin's carriage turned aside into a slough, and stuck fast. The marquis shouted to Qing Zheng, who replied, "Obdurate to remonstrance, and disobedient to the oracle, you obstinately sought for defeat; and would you now escape?" and left him. In the meantime, Han Jian, driven by Liang Youmi, and having Guo She on his right, met the earl of Qin, and was about to take him, when Qing Zheng prevented him by sending him away to save the marquis. In the end, Qin took the marquis of Jin prisoner, and carried him off. Many of the great officers of Jin followed their prince, with disshevelled hair, and sleeping on the grass in the open air. The earl sent to decline their presence in such fashion, saying, "Why should you be so distressed? That I am accompanying your ruler to the west, is in fulfilment of that strange dream in Jin [see the Zhuan after X. 6]; I dare not proceed to extremities with him." The officers of Jin did obeisance thrice with their heads to the ground, saying, "Your lordship treads the sovereign Earth, and has over your head the great Heaven, Great Heaven and sovereign Earth have heard your lordship's words. On your servants here below they come as the wind."
'When Mu Ji heard that the marquis of Jin was approaching, she took her eldest son Ying, with his brother Hong, and her daughters, Jian and Bi, and ascended a tower, treading as she went upon faggots [which she caused to be placed on the ground and steps]. She then sent a messenger, clad in the deepest mourning, to meet the earl, and to deliver to him her words, "High Heaven has sent down calamity, and made my two lords see each other, not with gems and silks, but with the instruments of war. If the marquis of Jin come here in the morning, we die in the evening. If he come in the evening, we die in the morning. Let my lord consider the matter, and determine it." On this the earl lodged his prisoner in the Marvellous tower [See the Shi, III. i. VIII. Qin had come into possession of this tower, when it received the territory of Qizhou]. The great officers begged leave to bring him into the city, but the earl said, "With the marquis of Jin as my prisoner, I was returning as with great spoil; but the end may be that I return over so many deaths. How can I do so? Of what good would it be to you, my officers? Those men of Jin, moreover, have been heavy on me with their distress and sorrow; I have bound myself by appealing to Heaven and Earth. If I do not consider kindly the sorrow of those men, I shall increase their anger; if I eat my words, I shall be false to Heaven and Earth. Their increased anger will be hard to endure; to be false to Heaven and Earth will be inauspicious. I must restore the marquis of Jin." The Gongzi Zhi said, "You had better put him to death, and not allow him to collect his resources for further mischief." Zisang [Gongsun Zhi] said, "Restore him, and get his eldest son here as a hostage;—this will lead to great results. Jin is not yet to be extinguished, and if you put its ruler to death, the result will only be evil. Moreover, there are the words of the historiographer Yi, "Do not initiate misery; do not trust to the disorder of others; do not increase their anger. Increased anger is hard to endure; oppressive treatment is inauspicious."
'The earl then offered Jin conditions of peace, and the marquis sent Xi Qi to tell Lü Yisheng of Xia, and to call him to meet him. Zijin [the designation of Lü Yisheng] instructed him how to act, saying, "Call the people of the State to the court, and reward them as if by command of the marquis, giving them also this message as from him, 'Although I may return to Jin, our altars will be disgraced. Consult the tortoise-shell, and let Yu [the eldest son] take my place.'"
'All the people wept on hearing these words; and Yisheng proceeded to take some lands of the marquis and appropriate them to reward the people, saying, "Our prince does not grieve for his own exile, but his sorrow is all for his subjects;—this is the extreme of kindness. What shall we do for our prince?" They all asked him what could be done, and he said, "Let us collect our revenues and look to our weapons, in order to support his young son. When the States hear of it, how, while we have lost one prince, we have another in his son, how we are all united and harmonious, and how our preparations for war are greater than before, those who love us will admire and encourage us, and those who hate us will fear;—this perhaps will be of advantage to our condition." The people were all pleased, and throughout the State, in every district, they prepared their weapons.
'Years before this, when duke Xian of Jin was divining by the milfoil about the marriage of his eldest daughter to the earl of Qin he got the diagram Guimei (䷵), and then the diagram K'wei (䷥). The historiographer Su interpreted the indication, and said, "It is unlucky. The sentence [on the top line in Guimei] is, 'The man cuts up his sheep, and there is no blood; the girl presents her basket, but there is no gift in it.' The neighbour on the west reproaches us for our words which cannot be made good. And Guimei's becoming Kui is the same as our getting no help from the union. For the symbol Zhen (☳) to become Li (☲) is the same as for Li to become Zhen; we have thunder and fire,—the Ying defeating the Ji. The connection between the carriage and its axle is broken; the fire burns the flags:—our military expeditions will be without advantage; there is defeat in Zongqiu. In Guimei's becoming Kui we have a solitary, and an enemy against whom the bow is bent [see the Yi, on the top line of the diagram Kui. But it seems to me of no use trying to make out any principle of reason in passages like the present.] Then the nephew follows his aunt. In 6 years he makes his escape, He flies back to his State, abandoning his wife. Next year he dies in the wild of Gaoliang." When duke Hui came to be in Qin, he said, "If my father had followed the interpretation of the historiographer Su, I should not have come to my present condition." Han Jian was by his side, and said, "The tortoise-shell gives its figures, and the milfoil its numbers. When things are produced, they have their figures; their figures go on to multiply; that multiplication goes on to numbers. Your father's violations of virtue were almost innumerable. Although he did not follow the interpretation of the historiographer Su, how could that increase your misfortune? As the ode says (Shi II. ii. ode IX. 7):—
'The calamities of the inferior people Do not come down from Heaven. Fair words and hatred behind the back:—The earnest, strong pursnit of this is from men.'"' In this par. there appears for the 1st time in the text the great State of Qin, which went on till it displaced the dynasty of Zhou in about 4 centuries from this time. Its lords were Yings (嬴), who claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Zhuanxu, through Shun's minister Boyi (伯益 or 翳). Feizi (非 子), 19th in descent from Boyi, was appointed lord of the small attached territory of Qin [in pres. dis. Qingshui (清水), Qinzhou, in Gansu], in B.C. 908, by king Xiao. In B. C. 769, Qin became an independent earldom; and in 713, the ruling earl (duke Ning; 寧公) moved the capital to Pingyang [in dis. of Mei (郿), dep. Fengxiang, Shaanxi]. In B. C. 676, another change was made to Yong (雍), in dis. of Fengxiang, which was the seat of its power at this time. Han was in Jin,—in Xiezhou, Shaanxi.
[The Zhuan continues its narrative of the relations between Jin and Qin.——'In the 10th month, Yisheng of Yin [Yin was another city, in addition to Xia above, held by Yisheng from Jin had a meeting with the earl of Qin, when they made a covenant in the old royal city. The earl asked whether they were united in Jin, and the other replied, "We are not. The smaller people are ashamed at losing their ruler, and grieved at the death of their friends. They do not shrink from contributing their revenues, and getting their weapons in order, that they may sustain Yu; and they say, 'We must have vengeance on our foes. We had rather serve the Rong and the Di than not have it.' Superior men love their ruler, while they know his transgressions. Neither do they shrink from contributing their revenues, and preparing their weapons, to be in readiness for the commands of Qin; and they say, 'We must repay the conduct of Qin. Though we die, we shall not swerve from this.' In this way there is not a harmony of views." The earl then asked what they said in the State about their marquis. Yisheng said, "The inferior people are full of distress, saying he will not get off; but superior men, judging by their own estimate of things, think he is sure to return. The inferior people say, 'We have only injured Qin:—how should Qin restore our prince?" Superior men say, ' We know our transgressions; Qin is sure to restore our prince. To take him prisoner because of his doubleness, and to let him go on his real submission:—what virtue could be greater than this? what punishment more awing? Those who submit to Qin will cherish the virtue; those who are disaffected will dread the punishment:—the presidency of Qin over the States may be secured by its conduct in this one case. You put him in the marquisate, but he was not secure in it; you have displaced him, and perhaps will not restore him:—this will be to turn your virtue into a cause of resentment. We do not think that Qin will act thus."' The earl said, "This is also my view;" and he proceeded to change the place of the marquis's confinement, and lodged him in a public reception-house. He also sent him seven oxen, seven sheep, and seven pigs.
"When the marquis was about to return, E Xi said to Qing Zheng, "Had you not better go to another State?" Qing replied, "I plunged our ruler into defeat; on his defeat I was unable to die. Should I now cause him to fail in punishing me, I should not play the part of a subject. A subject and yet not a subject, to what State should I go?"
"In the 11th month, the marquis of Jin returned from Qin; on the day Dingchou he caused Qing Zheng to be put to death, and then entered his capital.
'That same year, Jin had again a scarcity, and the earl of Qin again supplied it with grain, saying, "I feel angry with its ruler, but I pity its people. I heard, moreover, that when Tangshu was appointed to Jin, the count of Ji said, 'His descendants are sure to become great.' How can I expect to annex Jin? Let me meanwhile plant more deeply my virtue, and wait for a really able ruler to arise in Jin." On this Qin for the first time appropriated the territory yielded by Jin on the east of the He, and placed officers in charge of it.']
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Wushen, the first day of the moon, there fell stones in Song,—five [of them]. In the same month, six fish-hawks flew backwards, past the capital of Song.
2. In the third month, on Renshen, duke [Huan's] son, Ji You, died.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingshen, the duke's youngest daughter—she of Zeng—died.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Jiazi, Gongsun Ci died.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the marquis of Xing, and the earl of Cao in Huai.
Par. 1. For 隕 Gongyang has 霣. Zuoshi says these stones were 'stars;' but that is merely his interpretation of the phenomenon. 隕=落, 'to fall from a height.' 鷁 is explained as 水鳥, 'a waterfowl;'—it is the fish hawk represented on the sterns of junks. The flying backwards of the six hawks was occasioned, acc. to Zuoshi, by the wind, which was so strong that they could not make head against it, and were carried back, struggling, by its current. The 是月 between the two notices seems to be introduced merely to express that the strange flight of the hawks was not on the same day as the fall of the stones. Gong, Gu, and the Kangxi editors, all write nonsensically on this point.
The Zhuan says:——'At this time, Shuxing, historiographer of the interior, was in Song, on a visit of friendly inquiries from Zhou, and duke Xiang asked him about these strange appearances, saying, "What are they ominous of? What good fortune or bad do they portend?" The historiographer replied, "This year there will be the deaths of many great persons of Lu. Next year Qi will be all in disorder. Your lordship will get the presidency of the States, but will not continue to hold it." When he retired, he said to some one, "The king asked me a wrong question. It is not from these developments of the Yin and Yang that good fortune and evil are produced. They are produced by men themselves. I answered as I did, because I did not venture to go against the duke's idea."'
Par. 2. See III. xxv. 6; xxvii 3; V. i. 9; et al. The Kangxi editors foolishly agree here with Gong and Gu in thinking that we have the 公子, the designation 季, and the name 友, all together, on purpose to express the sage's approval of the character of Ji You.
Par. 3. See XIV. 2; XV. 9.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In summer, Qi invaded Li, but did not subdue it. Having relieved Xu, however, the army returned.' See p. 6 of last year.']
Par. 4. For 茲 Gongyang has 慈. See V. iv. 8; v. 3. It may be added here that he was the son of Shuya, whose death or murder appears in III. xxxii. 3.
[The Zhuan adds here three brief notices:——
1st. 'In autumn, the Di made an incursion into Jin, and took Huchu, and Shouduo. They then crossed the Fen, and advanced to Kundu;—taking advantage of the defeat of Jin by Qin.'
2d. 'The king sent word to Qi of the troubles still raised by the Rong, and Qi called out troops from the various States to guard Zhou.'
3d. 'In winter, in the 11th month, on Yimao, Zheng put to death the earl's eldest son Hua.' See VII. 4, and the Zhuan there].
Par. 5. Huai was in the present Sizhou (泗州), Anhui, taking its name from the Huai river. We have here for the first time the marquis of Xing present at these meetings of the States, and his place is given him after the earl of Zheng and the baron of Xu. This order is supposed to have been determined by the marquis of Qi. The Zhuan says:——'This meeting was held to consult about Zeng [which was hard pressed by the Yi of the Huai], and to make a progress in the east. It was proposed to wall Zeng, but the soldiers engaged in the service fell sick. Some one got on a mound in the night, and cried out, "There is disorder in Qi;" and so they returned without completing the work.' This was the last of the meetings called by the marquis of Qi as president of the States. From the 1st at Beixing (III. xiii. 1) down to this, he had held eleven meetings of a pacific character (衣裳之會), and four prelusive of military operations (兵車之會). His influence declined after the meeting at Kuiqiu (IX. 2). The fabric of his greatness had been reared more by Guan Zhong than himself. The minister was now gone, and the prince was soon to follow him, by a miserable end, and leave his own State a prey to years of confusion.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, a body of men from Qi and a body from Xu invaded Yingshi.
2. In summer, we extinguished Xiang.
3. In autumn, the [duke's] wife, the lady Jiang, had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Bian.
4. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting [at Huai].
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yihai, Xiaobo, marquis of Qi, died.
Par. 1. Yingshi was a small State, which acknowledged the jurisdiction of Chu,—in the present Zhou of Liu'an (六安), Anhui. In the west of the Zhou, close on the borders of the district of Yingshan (英山), is a city called Ying. This expedition was undertaken by Qi in the interest of Xu, 'to avenge,' Zu says, 'the defeat of Xu by Chu at Loulin,' in the duke's 15th year.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In summer, Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of Jin, went as a hostage to Qin, and Qin restored the territory on the east of the He, which had been ceded by Jin, giving also a wife to Yu. When duke Hui [the marquis of Jin] was a refugee in Liang, the earl of it gave him to wife Liang Ying [Ying was the surname of the House of Liang]. As she went in pregnancy beyond the usual time, the diviner, Zhaofu, and his son, consulted the tortoise-shell about the matter. The son said, 'She will have both a boy and a girl.' 'Yes,' added the father, 'and the son will be another's subject, and the daughter will be a concubine.' On this account the boy was called Yu [a groom], and the girl was named Qie [concubine]. When Yu went a hostage to the west, Qie became a concubine in the harem of Qin.']
Par. 2. Xiang was a small State—the name of which remains in the dis. of Xiangcheng (項城), dep. Chenzhou (陳州), Henan. Gong and Gu both attribute the extinction of Xiang to Qi, and the Kangxi editors defend their view ingeniously; but in that case 齊 would have appeared in the text. A notice like the present, without the name of another State preceding the verb, must always be understood of Lu. The Zhuan says:——'An army extinguished Xiang. At the meeting of Huai, the duke was engaged with the other princes on the business before them; but, before he returned, he took Xiang. Qi thought it was matter for punishment, and detained the duke as a prisoner.' This account might have been more explicit. We cannot suppose that duke Xi himself left the conference at Huai, and conducted the troops which extinguished Xiang. He had probably entrusted the expedition to one of his officers; and when the news of it reached the assembly, Qi was able to detain him as a prisoner. And yet it is not easy to understand how the princes should have remained so long at Huai.
Par. 3. The wife of duke Xi was probably a daughter of the marquis of Qi;—see on XI. 2. Zuoshi says:——'Sheng Jiang met the marquis of Qi at this time on the duke's account;' meaning, no doubt, that her object was to procure her husband's liberation. Bian was in Lu,—50 li east from the pres. dis. city of Sishui, dep. Yanzhou.
Par. 4. Zuo says the wording of this par. intimates that, after the meeting at Huai, there had been some business of the States, and conceals it; i. e., it says nothing about the duke's having been kept a prisoner by Qi.
Par. 5. Xiaobo had thus had a long rule of 43 years. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi had three wives:—a Ji of the royal House; a Ying of Xu; and a Ji of Cai; but none of them had any son. The marquis loved a full harem, and had many favourites and concubines in it. There were six who were to him as wives:—the elder Ji of Wey, who bore Wumeng [Meng is the 'elder;' Wu, the hon. title. This youth is commonly mentioned by his name Wukui (無虧)]; the younger Ji of Wey, who bore a son, who was afterwards duke Hui; a Ji of Zheng, who bore a son, afterwards duke Xiao; a Ying of Ge, who bore a son, afterwards duke Zhao; a Ji of Mi, who bore a son, afterwards duke Yi; a Zi of the Hua clan of Song, who bore a son, called Ziyong.
'The marquis and Guan Zhong had given him who was afterwards duke Xiao in charge to duke Xiang of Song, as the intended heir of the State. Wu, the chief cook, however, had favour with Gong Ji of Wey [the elder Ji of Wey above], and by means of Diao, the chief of the eunuchs, who introduced his viands to the marquis, he had favour with him also, and obtained a promise from him that Wumeng should be his successor. On the death of Guan Zhong, five of the six sons all begged to be declared heir. When the marquis died on Yihai of the 10th month. Yiya [the designation of Wu the cook] entered the palace, and along with the eunuch Diao, by the help of the favoured officers of the interior, put all the other officers to death, and set up Wukui in his father's place, the brother who was afterwards duke Xiao fleeing to Song. The date of the marquis's death, as communicated to Lu, was Yihai; but it was the night of Xinsi [67 days after] before his body was put into a coffin at night, such was the disorder and confusion.
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke of Song, the earl of Cao, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Zhu invaded Qi.
2. In summer, an army [of ours went to] relieve Qi.
3. In the fifth month, on Wuyin, the army of Song and the army of Qi fought at Yan, when the latter was disgracefully defeated.
4. The Di [came to] succour Qi.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Dinghai, there was the burial of duke Huan of Qi.
6. In winter, a body of men from Xing and a body of the Di invaded Wey.
Par. 1. Gongyang, as usual, for 邾 has 邾婁, and also introduces 會 after 公. The object of this movement on the part of Song was to fulfil the charge which the duke had received from the marquis of Qi, to secure the succession to his son Zhao, or duke Xiao. Zuo says:——'Duke Xiang of Song with several other princes invaded Qi; and in the 3d month, the people of Qi put Wukui to death.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The earl of Zheng for the first time paid a court-visit to Chu, the viscount of which gave him a quantity of metal. Afterwards he repented that he had done so, and made a covenant with the earl, when he required him not to use it for casting weapons. In consequence the earl made with it three bells.']
Par. 2. If this interference on the part of Lu was intended to support Wukui, it was too late. Mao thinks it may have been in the interest of Pan (潘), who was afterwards duke Zhao, and was married to a daughter of duke Xi. Zuo says that the entry indicates approval of the movement. This par., and p. 4 below, show how indefinite the meaning of 救 sometimes is.
Par. 3. Yan was in Qi,—in the pres. dis. of Licheng (歷城), dep. Jinan. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Qi wanted to raise duke Xiao to the marquisate, but could not overcome the opposition of the adherents of duke Huan's other four sons [only four, Wukui being now dead], who then left the city and fought with the men of Song. These defeated their army in Yan, raised duke Xiao to the marquisate, and returned to their own State.' It would appear that the combined force mentioned in p. 1 had dispersed on the elevation of Wukui, and that the troops of Lu had also left Qi. In this action, therefore, only the army of Song was engaged. It had been suddenly called again into the field.
Par. 4. These Di had probably been called to their aid by the four sons of the late marquis, who were struggling against their brother, the protege of Song.
Par. 5. An interval of 11 months thus occurred between the death of duke Huan and his burial,—owing to the disorder and contests in the State. Duke Xiao interred him magnificently and barbarously on the top of the Niushou (牛首) hill.
Par. 6. Not long before this, both Xing and Wey had been brought to the verge of extinction by the Di; and yet here we find Xing allied with the Di against Wey. We need not wonder at the subsequent fate of Xing at the hands of Wey. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, a body of men from Xing, and a body of the Di, invaded Wey, and invested Tupu. The marquis of Wey offered to resign in favour of any one of his uncles or brothers, or of their sons. Yea, having assembled all his officers at court, he said, "If any one is able to deal with the enemy, I, Hui, will glady follow him." All declined the proffered dignity, however, and the marquis afterwards took up a position with his army at Zilou, when the army of the Di withdrew.'
Here for the first time, instead of the simple 狄, we have 狄人, in which expression Guliang, who has had many followers of his view, saw an increasing appreciation of the Di in the mind of Confucius. But there is really nothing more in the addition of the 人 than the exigency of the style, as 邢人, followed merely by 狄, would be very awkward.
[The Zhuan adds:——'The earl of Liang increased the number of his walled cities, and had not people to fill them. One went by the name of Xinli, and Qin took it.']
XIX. Nineteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, the people of Song seized Yingqi, viscount of Teng.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, the duke of Song, an officer of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, made a covenant in the south of Cao.
3. The viscount of Zeng met and covenanted [with them] in Zhu.
4. On Jiyou, the people of Zhu seized the viscount of Zeng, and used him [as a victim].
5. In autumn, a body of men from Song invested [the capital of] Cao.
6. A body of men from Wey invaded Xing.
7. In winter, [the duke] had a meeting with an officer of Chen, an officer of Cai, an officer of Chu, and an officer of Zheng, when they made a covenant in Qi.
8. Liang perished.
[The Zhuan, resuming the brief narrative at the end of last year, adds that, in the duke's 19th year, in spring, 'Qin proceeded to wall the place which it had taken, and occupied it.']
Par. 1. The Zhuan says nothing to explain why Song made this seizure of the viscount of Teng. Its words are merely, 'The people of Song seized duke Xuan of Teng. The duke of Song is understood to be intended by 宋人; and the use of 人 is supposed to be condemnatory of the procedure. But Mao shows that such a canon for the use of 人, in the accounts of seizures, cannot be applied all through the Classic. The adding the name of the viscount of Teng is supposed by Hu An'guo and a host of other critics to be condemnatory of him; but even the Kangxi editors reject the view.
Par. 2. Gongyang has 宋人 instead of 宋公, and of course 邾婁 for 邾. The proper reading, however, is that of the text. The duke of Song was ambitious to continue the presidency of Huan of Qi, and had tried to get a large gathering of the princes to this covenant. But not one was present. Even the earl of Cao, in whose State the place of meeting was, did not appear in person; and was negligent also, it appears, in sending the supplies of provisions for the covenanting parties; which the lord of the State where they met was always expected to contribute.
Parr. 3, 5. The viscount of Zeng came too late for the covenant in Cao. Whether he had been minded from the first to come, but been detained; or had been summoned, as Mao supposes, by a special message sent from Cao by the duke of Song, and yet after all been too late, we do not know. However, (too late he was; but, being fearful probably of the consequences, he followed some at least of the covenanters to Zhu, and would appear there, from p. 3, to have taken the covenant. This did not avail, however, to save him from a terrible fate. Du says, 用之言若用畜牲, 'The word used means that they used him as an animal victim.' The thing was done by Zhu at the command of the duke of Song. The Zhuan narrates:——'The duke of Song made duke Wen of Zhu sacrifice the viscount of Zeng at an altar on the bank of the Sui, to awe and draw to him the wild tribes of the east. The duke's minister of War, Ziyu [the duke's brother, Muyi; (see the Zhuan at the end of the 8th year, and of the 9th)], said, "Anciently, the six domestic animals were not used at the same sacrifice; for small affairs they did not use great victims:—— how much less would they have presumed to use human beings! Sacrifices are offered for the benefit of men. Men are the hosts of the Spirits at them. If you sacrifice a man, who will enjoy it? Duke Huan of Qi preserved three perishing States, and thereby drew all the princes to him; and yet righteous scholars say that his virtue was too slight. But now our lord, at his first assembling of the princes, has treated with oppression the rulers of two States, and has further used one of them in sacrifice to an unlicensed and irregular Spirit;—will it not be difficult to get the presidency of the States in this way? If he die a natural death, he will be fortunate.'
I must add here that Guliang gives a much mitigated meaning of the 用, 'used,' thinking that all which it denotes is that they struck the viscount of Zeng on the nose till it bled, and then smeared all the sacrificial vessels with the blood!
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'This attack of Cao was to punish it for its not submitting to Song. Ziyu said to the duke of Song, "King Wen heard that the marquis of Chong had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded his State; but after he had been in the field for 30 days, the marquis tendered no submission. Wen therefore withdrew; and, after cultivating afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded Chong, when the marquis made submission before he had quitted his entrenchments. As is said in the Shi (III. i. ode VI. 2),
'His example acted on his wife, Extended to his brothers, And was felt by all the clans and States.' May it not be presumed that the virtue of your Grace is in some respects defective; and if, while it is so, you attack others, what will the result be? Why not for a time give yourself to self-examination and the cultivation of virtue? You may then proceed to move, when that is without defect."'
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'This attack of Xing was in return for the siege of Tupu [see on p. 6 of last year]. At this time there was a great drought in Wey, and the marquis divined by the tortoise-shell whether he should sacrifice to the hills and rivers, and obtained an unfavourable reply. The officer Ning Zhuang [莊 is the hon. title] said, "Formerly there was a scarcity in Zhou; but after the conquest of Yin there ensued an abundant year. Now Xing acts without any regard to principle, and there is no leader among the princes. May not Heaven be wishing to employ Wey to punish Xing?" The marquis followed his advice; and immediately after the army was in motion, it rained.'
Par. 7. Gong has 公 before 會; and it is probable that duke Xi himself was present at this meeting. If he were not there himself, he must have been represented by one of his great officers. The meeting is important as the first general assembly of northern States, to which Chu sent its representative. The account of the conference given by Zuoshi is:——'Duke Mu of Qin asked that a good understanding should be cultivated between the princes of the various States, and that they should not forget the virtue and services of Huan of Qi. In the winter, they made a covenant in Qi, and renewed their good fellowship under Huan.' But what good fellowship had Chu had with the States of the north under the presidency of Qi? The meeting was held most likely to consult how to meet the ambition of the duke of Song, against whom we shall presently find Chu taking most decided part. Indeed, Jiang Bingzhang supposes that the meeting was called by Qin at Chu's instigation.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——"Liang perished; ——'it is not said at whose hands:—it brought the ruin on itself. Before this, the earl of Liang had been fond of building, walling cities which he had not people to fill. The people in consequence got weary, and could not endure the toil, and it was said, "Such and such an enemy is coming." When they were roofing the duke's palace, they said," Qin will take us by surprise." They got frightened, and dispersed; and forthwith Qin took Liang.'
XX. Twentieth year.
1. In his twentieth year, in spring, [the duke] renewed and altered the south gate [of the capital].
2. In summer, the viscount of Gao came [to Lu] on a court-visit.
3. In the fifth month, on Yisi, the western palace was burnt.
4. A body of men from Zheng entered Hua.
5. In autumn, an officer of Qi and an officer of the Di made a covenant in Xing.
6. In winter, a body of men from Chu invaded Sui.
Par. 1. This was the 'southern gate' of the capital, as in the translation (南門，魯城 南門也). Before this, it was, acc. to Du Yu, called the Ji gate (稷), but after the alterations now made, it got the name of Gao men, or High gate (高門). 新 indicates the substitution of a new gate for the old one, (言新以易舊), and 作 indicates that the new gate was on a difft. plan from the old (所修有舊 制，而 今 又 稍 變 之，則 曰作). The Zhuan says that the record of this trasaction was made to show its unseasonableness, adding that all works for opening communication [such as gates, roads, and bridges], or for closing it [such as walls and moats], should be undertaken as they were required. Zuoshi's idea, of course, is that this was a work of ornament more than of necessity, and that the season of the year for such an undertaking had gone by.
Par. 2. This Gao was a small State in the pres. dis. of Chengwu, dep. Caozhou. As we learn from the Zhuan on XXIV. 2, it was held by the descendants of one of king Wen's sons. Nothing is heard of it before or after the trivial incident in the text.
Par. 3. 災,—see II. xiv. 4: III. xx. 2. What building is here spoken of is not well known. Gu's opinion that it was the temple or shrine-house of duke Min has been exploded. Some portion of the harem is probably intended.
Par. 4. Hua,—see III. iii. 5. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Hua had revolted from Zheng, and submitted to Wey; and this summer, Shi, a son of the earl of Zheng, and Xie Dukou led a force and entered its chief city.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says that 'this covenant was in the interest of Xing, to consult about the difficulties it was in from Wey, which was then much distressing Xing.' We have seen the Di and Xing leagued against Wey in XVIII. 6; and the same year, Wey had taken part in the invasion of Qi.
Par. 6. The name of Sui still remains in Suizhou dep. of De'an (德安) Hubei. It was a marquisate, and its lords were Jis (姬). The Zhuan says:——'Sui, with the various States east of the Han, had revolted from Chu; and this winter, Dou Gouwutu left Chu, led a force against it, accepted its proffers of submission, and returned. The superior man may say that Sui suffered this invasion, because it had not measured its strength. The errors of those who move only after they have measured their strength are few. Do success and defeat come from one's-self or from others? The answer is in the words of the Shi [I. ii. ode VI. 1],
"Might I not have been there in the early morning? But there was too much dew on the path." [The Zhuan adds here:——'Duke Xiang of Song wished to call together the princes, and unite them under himself. Zang Wenzhong heard of it, and said, 'He may succeed who curbs his own desires to follow the views of others; but he will seldom do so who tries to make others follow his desires.']
XXI. Twenty-first year.
1. In the [duke's] Twenty-first year, in spring, the Di made an incursion into Wey.
2. An officer of Song, an officer of Qi, and an officer of Chu, made a covenant at Lushang.
3. In summer, there was great drought.
4. In autumn, the duke of Song, the viscount of Chu, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, had a meeting in Yu, when the others seized the duke of Song, and went on to invade Song.
5. In winter, the duke invaded Zhu.
6. The people of Chu sent Yishen to Lu, to present [some of the] spoils [of Song.]
7. In the twelfth month, on Guichou, the duke had a meeting with [several of] the princes, when they made a covenant in Bo, and liberated the duke of Song.
Par. 1. This incursion was, no doubt, in the interests of Xing, and a sequel of the covenant between the Di and Qi in p. 5 of last year.
Par. 2. Lushang was in Song,—in the pres. dis. of Taihe (太和), dep. Yingzhou, Anhui. Zuoshi says:——'The idea of this covenant originated with Song, and the object in it of the duke of Song was to ask the States from Chu [i.e. to ask Chu to cede its influence over the various States to Song]. Chu granted the request, when Muyi, the duke's brother, said, "A small State is sure to bring calamity on itself by striving for the power of commanding covenants;—is Song now going on to perish? We shall be fortunate if there ensue defeat only.' Hu Ning (胡寧; Song dyn., a little earlier than Zhu Xi), Wu Cheng, and the critics generally, suppose that the princes of the States are intended by 人; but such a view lands the translator of the Classic in inextrieable difficulties. Why should the princes be reduced to 'men,' simply in this par., and then have their titles given to them in p. 4? Du Yu observes that 宋人, preceding 齊人, shows that the meeting and covenant originated with Song.
Par. 3. Du observes that the language intimates that the drought continued after the usual sacrifice for rain (雩) had been presented; and Yingda expands the remark by saying that in the Classic we have sometimes the entry 雩, and sometimes 旱; that in the former case the sacrifice has been followed by rain, while in the latter the drought continues. The Zhuan says:——'The duke wished, in consequence of the drought, to burn a witch and a person much emaciated. Zang Wenzhong said to him, "That is not the proper preparation in a time of drought. Put in good repair your walls, the inner and the outer; lessen your food; be sparing in all your expenditure. Be in earnest to be economical, and encourage people to help one another;—this is the most important preparation. What have the witch and the emaciated person to do with the matter? If Heaven wish to put them to death, it had better not have given them life. If they can really produce drought, to burn them will increase the calamity." The duke followed his advice; and that year, the scarcity was not very great.' [In the Li ji, II. Pt. II. iii. 29, there is an account of exposing in the sun, in a time of drought, a *, or person in a state of emaciation (瘠病之人), with the hope that Heaven would have pity on him, and send down rain.]
Par. 4. Yu was in Song,—in the pres. Suizhou (睢州), dep. Guide, Henan. Gongyang has 霍, and Guliang has 雩. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the princes had a meeting with the duke of Song in Yu. Ziyu said, "Shall our calamity come now? The duke's ambition is excessive;—how can he sustain the difficulties of his position?" At this meeting, Chu seized the duke, and went on to invade Song.' I believe the seizure of the duke of Song was made by Chu; but the text leaves the matter quite indefinite;—if we are to make all the princes named the subject of 執, then the duke would be one of his own captors. Gongyang says absurdly that the viscount of Chu is not named, because the sage would not seem to sanction the capture of a prince of China by a barbarian! The Kangxi editors approve of the solution of Zhao Kuang and others, that the indefiniteness is to blame the other princes for not interfering to prevent the outrage. Much more natural is it to suppose that, while Chu was the principal, the other States were 'art and part' in the transaction,—well pleased to see the ambitious pretensions of the duke thus snuffed out.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Ren, Su, Xuqu, and Zhuanyu, were all held by lords of the surname Feng (風), who presided over the sacrifices to Taihao [Fuxi], and the sacrifice to the Spirit of the Qi, thus rendering service to the bright great land. The people of Zhu had extinguished Xuqu, the prince of which came as a fugitive to Lu, and threw himself on Cheng Feng, who spoke in his behalf to the duke, saying, 'It is the rule of Zhou to honour the bright sacrifices, and to protect the little and the few; and it is misery to Zhou, when the barbarous tribes disturb the bright great land. If you reinstate Xuqu, you will do honour to the sacrifices to Hao and to the Spirit of the Qi, and by restoring them you will remove the calamity."
Par. 6. See III. xxxi. 4. It here appears that the viscount of Chu was the principal in the seizure of the duke of Song. 宋 must be supplied before 捷. 人 is to be translated, as in many previous passages, by 'people.'
Par. 7. Bo was in Song,—in the northwest of pres. dis. of Shangqiu, dep. Guide. The Zhuan says, that 'with reference to this meeting, Ziyu said, "Our calamity has not yet come. What has happened is not enough to be a warning to the duke."' Du says that this meeting was not called at the duke's instance, but that he happened to hear of it, and went to it. By 諸 侯 we are to understand the princes in p. 4.
XXII. Twenty-second year.
1. In his twenty-second year, the duke invaded Zhu, and took Xuqu.
2. In summer, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the baron of Xu, and the viscount of Teng, invaded Zheng.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Dingwei, we fought with an army of Zhu at Shengxing.
4. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jisi, the first day of the moon, the duke of Song fought with an army of Chu near the Hong, when the army of Song was disgracefully defeated.
Par. 1. Xuqu was a small State, whose lords were Fengs, with the rank of viscount, purporting to be descended from Fuxi,—in the pres. Dongping Zhou, dep. Tai'an. See the Zhuan on p. 5 of last year. Zuoshi says here that 'the duke took Xuqu, and restored its ruler,—which was according to rule.' The text says nothing, indeed, of Lu's re-establishment of Xuqu; but we find Lu again taking it, in VI. vii. 2; so that Zuoshi's account of what was now done must be correct.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In the 3d month, the earl of Zheng went to Chu; and in summer, the duke of Song invaded Zheng. Ziyu said, "What I call our calamity will be brought about by this expedition." His seizure in the past year had not taught the duke of Song the folly of matching himself against Chu, which he could not but know would resent this attack of Zheng.
[The Zhuan appends here three narratives:——
1st. When king Ping removed from the old capital of Zhou to the east, Xin You happened to go to Yichuan, and saw there a man sacrificing in the wilderness with dishevelled hair. "Before a hundred years are expired," said he, "I fear this place will be occupied by the Rong. The proper rules of ceremony are already lost in it." This autumn, Qin and Jin removed the Rong of Luhun to Yichuan.'—But more than a hundred years from the removal to the eastern capital had elapsed.
2d. 'Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of Jin was a hostage in Qin, and wished to make his escape and return to Jin.' He said to his wife, the lady Ying, "Shall I take you with me?" But she replied, 'You are the eldest son of Jin, and here you are, the subject of disgrace. It is right that you should wish to return to your own State; but your handmaid was appointed by the ruler of Qin to wait on you and hold your towel and comb, to assure you and ensure your stay. Should I follow you to Jin, I shall be setting at nought his command. I dare not follow you, but neither dare I tell of your intention." On this the prince made his escape alone to Jin.'
3d. 'Fu Chen spoke to the king, saying, "Let me entreat you to recall Taishu [who had fled to Qi. See the Zhuan after XII. 3]. It is said in the Shi [II. iv. ode VIII. 12].
'They assemble their neighbours, And their relatives are full of their praise.' If brothers among ourselves cannot agree, how can we murmur at the want of harmony among the princes of the States?" The king was pleased, and king Hui's son Dai [Taishu] returned from Qi, and was restored to his rank, the king having called him.]'
Par. 3. Shengxing was in Lu, but its position has not been precisely determined. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Zhu, because of the affair of Xuqu, came out against us with an army, and the duke set about meeting it, despising Zhu, and without preparation. Zang Wenzhong said, "However small a State be, it is not to be slighted; and if preparations be not made, however numerous a force be, it is not to be relied on. It is said in the Shi (II. v. ode 1. 6),
'We should be apprehensive and careful, As if we were on the brink of a deep gulf, As if we were treading on thin ice;' and again (Shi, IV. i. Pt. iii. ode III.),
'Let me be reverent, let me be reverent; Heaven's method is clear,—Its appointment is not easily preserved.' Intelligent as the ancient kings were, they constantly saw difficulties to be overcome and dangers to be feared; how much more should a small State like ours do so! Let not your lordship think of Zhu as small. Bees and scorpions carry poison;—much more will a State do so!" The duke would not listen to this remonstrance, and in the 8th month, on Dingwei, he fought with Zhu at Shengxing, when our army was disgracefully defeated. The people of Zhu captured the duke's helmet, and suspended it over their Fish gate.'
From the Zhuan we learn that Lu was here shamefully beaten; but the text says nothing about that. This is another instance of the strange reticence of Confucius.
Par. 4. Hong was the name of a river. The site of the battle is referred to a spot, 30 li north of the dis. city of Zhecheng (柘城), dep. Guide. The Zhuan says:——'An army of Chu invaded Song, in order to relieve Zheng. The duke of Song being minded to fight, his minister of War remonstrated strongly with him, saying, "Heaven has long abandoned the House of Shang [Song was the conservator of the Shang sacrifices]. Your Grace may wish to raise it again, but such opposition to Heaven will be unpardonable." The duke, however, would not listen to advice, and in winter, in the 11th month, on Jisi, the 1st day of the moon, he fought with the army of Chu near the Hong.
'The men of Song were all drawn up for battle, before those of Chu had all crossed the river; and the minister of War said to the duke, "They are many, and we are few. Pray let us attack them, before they have all crossed over." The duke refused; and again, when the minister asked leave to attack them after they had crossed, but when they were not yet drawn up, he refused, waiting till they were properly marshalled before he commenced the attack.
'The army of Song was shamefully defeated; one of the duke's thighs was hurt; and the warders of the gates [keepers of the palace gates, who had followed the duke to the field] were all slain. The people of the State all blamed the duke, but he said, "The superior man does not inflict a second wound, and does not take prisoner any one of gray hairs. When the ancients had their armies in the field, they would not attack an enemy when he was in a defile; and though I am but the poor representative of a fallen dynasty, I would not sound my drums to attack an unformed host." Ziyu, [the minister of War], said, 'Your Grace does not know the rules of fighting:--given a strong enemy, in a defile or with his troops not drawn up, it is Heaven assisting us. Is it not proper for us to advance upon him so impeded with our drums beating, even then afraid we may not get the victory? Moreover, the strong men now opposed to us are all our antagonists. Even the old and withered among them are to be captured by us, if we can only take them;—what have we to do with their being gray-haired? We call into clear display the principle of shame in teaching men to fight, our object being that they should slay the enemy. If our antagonist be not wounded mortally, why should we not repeat the blow? If we grudge a second wound, it would be better not to wound him at all. If we would spare the gray-haired, we had better submit at once to the enemy. In an army, what are used are sharp weapons, while the instruments of brass and the drums are to rouse the men's spirits. The sharp weapons may be used against foes entangled in a defile; when their noise is the loudest and the men's spirits are all on fire, the drums may be borne against the enemy in disorder."
[The Zhuan gives here the following:——'Early in the morning of Bingzi, the ladies Mi and Jiang, the wives of Wen, the earl of Zheng, went to congratulate the viscount of Chu, and feast his troops, at the marsh of Ke, when the viscount made the band-master Jin display to them the captives, and the ears of the slain. The superior man will pronounce that this was contrary to rule. A woman, when escorting or meeting a visitor, does not go beyond the gate; when seeing her brothers, she does not cross the threshold. The business of war has nothing to do with the employment of women.
'On Dingchou, the viscount entered the city of Zheng, and was feasted. Nine times the cup was presented to him; the courtyard was filled with a hundred difft. objects; six kinds of food were set forth in the dishes more than ordinary. He left the city at night after the feast, Wan Mi accompanying him to the army; and he took the earl's two daughters with him to Chu. Shuzhan said, "The king of Chu will not die a natural death! The ceremonies shown on his account have ended in his breaking down the distinctions regulating the intercourse between the sexes; and where this is done, there can be no propriety. How should he die a natural death? The princes may know that he will not attain to the presidency of them."']
XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, the marquis of Qi invaded Song, and laid siege to Min.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Gengyin, Zifu, duke of Song, died.
3. In autumn, an officer of Chu invaded Chen.
4. In winter, in the eleventh month, the viscount of Qi died.
Par. 1. Min (here and afterwards Guliang has 閔) was a town of Song,—30 li to the northeast of the present dis. city of Jinxiang (金 鄉), dep. Yanzhou. Gongyang says that the mention of besieging a town (邑) such as Min is condemnatory of the violence of Qi's action against Song; and Guliang thinks that invasion and siege, both related in the same short par., stamp the action of Qi as excessive and bad. Neither of these views can be accepted. Zuoshi's account of the par. is, that the marquis of Qi wished to punish Song because of the duke's absenting himself from the covenant in Qi mentioned in XIX. 7. Certainly the duke of Song deserved well of the marquis of Qi at the first, supporting him against his brothers, and securing his claim to the State in the room of his father. We may speculate as to jealousies and misunderstandings which subsequently sprang up between them; but we have not sufficient information to enable us to speak positively of the real causes of the invasion of Song here mentioned.
Par. 2. Gongyang gives the name as 慈父. The duke's death, according to Zuo, was in consequence of the wound he received at the battle of Hong. His career by no means corresponded to the expectations excited by him on his first appearance in the history of this period;—see the Zhuan at the end of the 8th year. He is commonly enumerated as one of the 'five leaders of the States;' but he never attained to that position. It is difficult to believe that he was really sane.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Cheng Dechen of Chu led an army, and invaded Chen, to punish it for inclining, against Chu, to the side of Song [It would be difficult to make this out from the text of the classic]. He took Jiao and Yi; walled Dun; and returned. Ziwen, thinking Dechen had done good service, procured his appointment as chief minister of Chu in his own room. Shubo asked him on what views for the good of the State he had done so; and he replied, "I have done it to secure the quiet of the State. When you have men who have rendered great service, and you do not give them the noblest offices, are they likely to remain quiet? There are few who can do so."
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Jin: ——'In the 9th month, duke Hui of Jin died, and his successor, duke Huai [Yu, who escaped from Qin], commanded that none should follow the fugitive, Chong'er, and defined the period of 12 months, after which there would be pardon no more for any that remained with him. Mao and Yan, the sons of Hu Tu, had followed Chong'er, and were with him in Qin; but their father did not call them home. In consequence, duke Huai apprehended him in winter, and said, "If your sons come back, you shall be let off." Tu replied, "The ancient rule was that when a son was fit for official service, his father should enjoin upon him to be faithful. The new officer, moreover, wrote his name on a tablet, and gave the pledge of a dead animal to his lord, declaring that any wavering in his fidelity should be punished with death. Now the sons of your servant have had their names with Chong'er for many years. If I should go on to call them here, I should be teaching them to swerve from their allegiance. If I, as their father, should teach them to do so, how should I be fit to serve your lordship? Punish without excess or injustice, according to your intelligence;—this is what your servant desires to see. If you punish more than is right, to gratify yourself, who will be found without guilt?—But I have heard your commands." On this the duke put him to death.
'Yan, the master of divination, saying that he was ill, did not leave his house; but, when he heard of Tu's execution, he remarked, "It is said in one of the Books of Zhou [Shu, V. ix. 9], 'So, by a grand intelligence, will you subdue the minds of the people.' But when our prince puts people to death to gratify himself, is not the case hard? The people see none of his virtue, and hear only of his cruel executions;—is he likely to leave any of his children in Jin?"'
Par. 4. Zuoshi says:——'This was the death of duke Cheng of Qi. His name is not given, because he had never covenanted with Lu [The canon cannot be substantiated]. The rule was, that when any prince had covenanted with others, the announcement of his death was accompanied with his name, and the historiographers recorded it. Where this was not the case, they did not enter the name;—to avoid making any mistake through want of the proper exactness.'
The lords of Qi, as being the representatives of the sovereigns of the Xia dynasty, were originally dukes. In II. ii. 5, we have——the marquis of Qi;' elsewhere, the rank is reduced to that of 'earl;' here there is a further reduction to 'viscount.' These degradations are supposed to have been made by the kings of Zhou.
[The Zhuan now takes up the wanderings of Chong'er, who became duke Wen of Jin:——'When Chong'er, son of duke Xian of Jin, first met with misfortune, a body of men from Jin attacked him in the city of Pu, the men of which wanted to fight with them. Chong'er, however, would not allow them to do so, saying, 'By favour of the command of my ruler and father, and through possession of the emolument he has assigned me, I have got the rule over these people; and if I should employ them to strive with him, my crime would be very great. I will fly."
'He then fled to the Di (B. C. 654); and there followed him—Hu Yan, Zhao Cui, Dian Xie, Wei Wuz [Wu is the hon. title; 子 officer], Jizi, minister of Works [with many others]. In an invasion of the Qianggaoru, the Di captured the two daughters of their chief, Shu Wei and Ji Wei, and presented them to the prince. He took Ji Wei to himself as his wife, and she bore him Bochou and Shuliu. Her elder sister he gave to Zhao Cui, who had by her his son Dun. When he was about to go to Qi, he said to Ji Wei, "Wait for me five and twenty years; and if I have not come back then, you can marry another husband." She replied, "I am now 25; and if I am to marry again after other 25, I will go to my coffin. I had rather wait for you."
'The prince left the Di (B. C. 643) after residing among them 12 years. Travelling through Wey, duke Wen treated him discourteously; and as he was leaving it by Wulu, he was reduced to beg food of a countryman, who gave him a clod of earth. The prince was angry, and wished to scourge him with his whip; but Zifan [Hu Yan] said, "It is Heaven's gift [a gift of the soil; a happy omen]." On this he bowed his head to the earth, received the clod, and took it with him in his carriage.
'When he came to Qi, duke Huan gave him a lady of his own surname to wife, and he had 20 teams of 4 horses each. He abandoned himself to the enjoyment of his position, but his followers were dissatisfied with it, determined to leave Qi, and consulted with him about what they should do under the shade of a mulberry tree. There happened to be upon the tree a girl of the harem, employed about silkworms, who overheard their deliberations, and reported them to the lady Jiang, the prince's wife. Her mistress put her to death, and said to the prince, "You wish to go again upon your travels. I have put to death one who overheard your design [Meaning so to prevent the thing getting talked about]." The prince protested that he had no such purpose; but his wife said to him, "Go. By cherishing me and reposing here, you are ruining your fame. The prince refused to leave; and she then consulted with Zifan, made the prince drunk, and sent him off, his followers carrying him with them. When he awoke, he seized a spear, and ran after Zifan.
'When they came to Cao, duke Gong, having heard that the prince's ribs presented the appearance of one solid bone, wished to see him naked, and pressed near to look at him when he was bathing. The wife of Xi Fuji [an officer of Cao] said to her husband, "When I look at the followers of the prince of Jin, every one of them is fit to be chief minister of a State. If he only use their help, he is sure to return to Jin and be its marquis; and when that happens, he is sure to obtain his ambition, and become leader of the States. He will then punish all who have been discourteous to him, and Cao will be the first to suffer. Why should you not go quickly, and show yourself to be a different man from the earl and his creatures. On this, Fuji sent the prince a dish of meat, with a bi of jade also in it. The prince accepted the meat, but returned the bi.
'When they came to Song, the duke presented to the prince 20 teams of horses; but when they came to Zheng, duke Wen there was another to behave uncivilly. Shuzhan remonstrated with him, saying, "I have heard that men cannot attain to the excellence of him whose way is opened by Heaven. The prince of Jin has three things which make it likely that Heaven may be going to establish him;— I pray your lordship to treat him courteously. When husband and wife are of the same surname, their children do not prosper and multiply. The prince of Jin [himself a Ji] had a Ji for his mother; and yet he continues till now:—this is one thing. During all his troubles, a fugitive abroad, Heaven has not granted quiet to the State of Jin, which would seem as if it were preparing the way for his return to it:—this is a second thing. There are three of his officers, sufficient to occupy the highest places; and yet they adhere to him:——this is the third thing. Jin and Zheng, moreover, are of the same stock. You might be expected to treat courteously any scions of Jin passing through the State; and how much more should you so treat him whose way Heaven is thus opening!" To this remonstrance, the earl of Zheng would not listen.
'When they came to Chu, the viscount of Chu was one day feasting the prince, and said, "If you return to Jin, and become its marquis, how will you recompense my kindness to you?" The prince replied, "Women, gems, and silks, your lordship has. Feathers, hair, ivory and hides, are all produced in your lordship's country; those of them that come to Jin, are but your superabundance. What then should I have with which to recompense your kindness?" 'Nevertheless," urged the viscount, "how would you recompense me?" The prince replied, "If by your lordship's powerful influence I shall recover the State of Jin, should Chu and Jin go to war and meet in the plain of the Middle Land, I will withdraw from your lordship three stages [each of 30 li]. If then I do not receive your commands to cease from hostilities, with my whip and my bow in my left hand, and my quiver and my bowcase on my right, I will manæuvre with your lordship."
'On this, Ziyu, [Cheng Dechen of the Zhuan on p. 3], begged that the prince might be put to death, but the viscount said, "The prince of Jin is a grand character, and yet distinguished by moderation, highly accomplished and yet courteous. His followers are severely grave and yet generous, loyal and of untiring ability. The present marquis of Jin has none who are attached to him. In his own State and out of it, he is universally hated. I have heard, moreover, that the Jis of Jin, the descendants of Shu of Tang [See the Shu, V. ix.], though they might afterwards decay, yet would not perish;——may not this be about to be verified in the prince? When Heaven intends to prosper a man, who can stop him? He who opposes Heaven must incur great guilt."
'After this, the viscount sent the prince away with an escort to Qin, where the earl presented him with five ladies, Huai Ying [the earl's daughter, who had been given to Yu, who fled from Qin, and became duke Huai of Jin] among them. The prince made her hold a goblet, and pour water from it for him to wash his hands. When he had done, he ordered her away with a motion of his wet hands [the meaning of the Zhuan here is variously taken], on which she said in anger, "Qin and Jin are equals; why do you treat me so, as if I were mean?" The prince became afraid, and humbled himself, putting off his robes, and assuming the garb of a prisoner.
Another day, the earl invited him to a feast, when Zifan said, "I am not so accomplished as Cui; pray make him attend you. The prince sang the Heshui [a lost ode; unless, indeed, as is likely, the Mianshui, II. iii. IX., is intended, so that the prince would compare himself to the He, and Qin to the sea, to which the He flows], and the earl, the Liuyue [She, II. iii. ode II. The ode celebrates the services of an ancient noble in the cause of the kingdom, as if the earl of Qin were auspicing such services to be rendered hereafter by the prince of Jin]. Zhao Cui said, "Chong'er, render thanks for the earl's gift." The prince then descended the steps, and bowed with his head to the ground. The earl also descended a step, and declined such a demonstration. Cui said, "When your lordship laid your charge on Chong'er as to how he should assist the son of Heaven, he dared not but make so humble an acknowledgement."']
XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1. It was the duke's twenty-fourth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the Di invaded Zheng.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] left [Zhou], and resided in Zheng.
5. Yiwu, marquis of Jin, died.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan continues the account of the fortunes of Chong'er in the following narratives:—
1st. 'In spring, the earl of Qin restored Chong'er:—the event is not recorded in the text, because the marquis of Jin did not announce his entrance to Lu. When the invaders came to the He, Zifan delivered up to the prince a pair of bi [which he had received from the earl of Qin], saying, "Your servant has followed your lordship all about under heaven, as if bearing a halter and bridle; and my offences have been very many. I know them myself, and much more does your lordship know them. Allow me from this time to disappear." The prince said, "Wherein I do not continue to be of the same mind as my uncle [Zifan was the brother of the prince's mother], may the Spirit of this clear water punish me!" And at the same time he threw the bi into the stream. Having crossed the He, the troops laid siege to Linghu, entered Sangquan, and took Jiucui. In the 2d month, on Jiawu, the army of Jin came to meet them, and took post at Luliu. The earl of Qin sent his general Zhi, a son of duke Cheng, to it, when it retired, and encamped in Xun. There, on Xinchou, Hu Yan and the great officers of Qin and Jin made a covenant. On Renyin the prince entered the army of Jin; on Bingwu, he entered Quwo; on Dingwei, he went solemnly to the temple of duke Wu; and on Wushen, he caused duke Huai to be put to death in Gaoliang. This does not appear in the text for the same reason that no announcement of it was made to Lu.'
2d. 'Lü and Xi [Lü Yisheng and Xi Rui, ministers of dukes Hui and Huai], fearing lest the new marquis should be hard upon them, planned to burn the palace and murder him. Pi, the chief of the eunuchs [who had been commissioned by his father, duke Xian, and afterwards, by his brother, duke Hui, to kill Chong'er], begged an interview, but the marquis sent to reproach him, and refused to see him, saving, "In the affair at the city of Pu, my father ordered you to be at the place the next day, and you came on that same day. Afterwards, when I was hunting on the banks of the Wei with the chief of the Di, you came, in behalf of duke Hui, to seek for me and kill me. He ordered you to reach the place in three days, and you reached it in two. Although the undertaking was by your ruler's orders, why were you so rapid in the execution? The sleeve [of which you cut off a part at Pu] is still in my possession;—go away." Pi replied, "I said to myself that his lordship, entering the State [after so long a period of trial], was sure to have knowledge [of the world]. If he still have it not, he will again find himself in difficulties. It is the ancient rule, that, when an officer receives his ruler's commands, he think of no other individual. Charged to remove the danger of my ruler, I regarded nothing but how I might be able to do it. What was his lordship at Pu, or among the Di, to me? Now his lordship is master of the State;—is there no Pu, are there no Di [against which he may need my help]? Duke Huan of Qi forgot all about the shooting of the buckle of his girdle, and made Guan Zhong his chief minister. If his lordship is going to act differently, I shall not trouble him to say anything to me. There are very many who will have to go away, and not a poor eunuch like me only." The marquis then saw him, when he told him of the impending attempt, on which the marquis, in the 3d month, secretly withdrew, and joined the earl of Qin in the [old] royal city. On Jichou, the last day of the moon, the palace was set on fire; but Sheng of Xia and Xi Rui [of course] did not find the marquis. They then proceeded to the He, from which the earl of Qin contrived to wile them to his presence, when he put them to death. The marquis then met his wife, the lady Ying, and took her with him to Jin. The earl sent an escort also of 3,000 men as guards, and who should superintend all the departments of service about the court.'
3d. 'In earlier years, the marquis had a personal attendant called Touxu, who had charge of his treasury. This boy, when the prince was obliged to flee, ran away, carrying the contents of the treasury with him. He had used them all, however, in seeking to procure the marquis's return; and when he did re-enter the State, he sought an interview with him. The marquis declined to see him, and sent word that he was bathing. Touxu said to the servant [who brought the reply], 'In bathing, the heart is turned upside down [Referring to the position of the body in bathing, with the head bent down], and one's plans are all reversed. It was natural I should be told that I cannot see him. Those who stayed in Jin were his ministers, guarding the altars of the land; and those who went with him were his servants, carrying halter and bridle. Both may stand accepted. Why must he look on those who stayed in the country as criminals? If he, now lord of the State, show such enmity to a poor man like me, multitudes will be filled with alarm." The servant reported these words to the marquis, who instantly granted Touxu an interview.'
4th. 'The chief of the Di sent Ji Wei to Jin, and asked what should be done with the marquis's two children by her. The marquis had given [a daughter of his own] to Zhao Cui to wife, who bore to him Tong of Yuan, Kuo of Ping, and Ying of Lou. This lady—Zhao Ji—begged her husband that he would bring home from the Di his son Dun, with his mother Shu Wei. Ziyu [Zhao Cui's designation] refused to do so, but Ji said, "He who in the enjoyment of present prosperity forgets his old friends is not fit to command others. You must meet them, and bring them here" She pressed the matter so strongly, that at last he agreed that they should come. Finding that Dun was possessed of ability, she further pressed it earnestly on the marquis, her father, to cause him to be declared Cui's eldest son and heir, while her own three sons were ranked below him. She also caused Shu Wei to be made mistress of the harem, and occupied herself in an inferior position.'
5th. 'When the marquis of Jin was rewarding those who had followed and adhered to him during his long exile, Jie Zhitui [who had once cut off a portion of his own thigh, to relieve the prince's extreme hunger] did not ask for any recompense, and it so happened that none came to him. "The sons of duke Xian," said he, "were nine, and only the marquis remains. Hui and Huai made no friends, and were abandoned by all, whether in the State or out of it. But Heaven had not abandoned the House of Jin, and was sure to raise some one to preside over its sacrifices;—and who should do that but the marquis? It was Heaven who placed him in his present position; and how false it is in those officers to think it was their strength which did it! He who steals but the money of another man is pronounced a thief; what name shall be given to them who seek to appropriate to themselves the work of Heaven? They, below, think their guilt is their righteousness, and the marquis, above, rewards their unworthiness. He above and they below are deceiving and deceived; it is difficult for me to dwell along with them!" His mother said to him, "Why not go, as well as others, and ask for some recompense? If you die without receiving any, [never having asked], of whom can you complain?" He replied, "Were I to imitate them in their wrong-doing, my offence would be greater than theirs. And I have spoken [what may seem] words of resentment and complaint:— I will eat none of their food." His mother said, "But what say you to letting your case at least be known?" "Words," answered he, "are an embellishment of the person. I shall withdraw my person entirely from the world, and why should I use what is employed to seek its embellishment?" His mother said, "Can you take this course? Then I will retire and hide myself from the world with you." The marquis of Jin afterwards sought for Jie Zhitui, but in vain, and endowed a sacrifice to him with the fields of Mianshang. "It will be a memento," said he, "of my neglect, and a mark of distinction for the good man.'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says on this:——'When the troops of Zheng entered Hua [see XX. 4], the people of Hua received its commands; but when they withdrew, it went over again to Wey. Shi, son of the earl of Zheng, and Xie Duyumi went against it with a force, when the king sent Bofu and Yousun Bo to intercede with Zheng in behalf of Hua; but the earl, resenting how king Hui, on his restoration [to the capital], had not conferred a cup on duke Li [See the Zhuan at III. xxi. 2 3], and also how king Xiang now took the part of Wey and Hua, would not listen to his commands, and made the two officers prisoners. The king was angry, and wished to invade Zheng with the Di. Fu Chen remonstrated with him, saying, 'Do not do this. Your servant has heard that in the highest antiquity the people were kept in tranquillity by virtue. Subsequently to this, the sovereigns showed favour to their own relatives, and went on from them to others. Thus the duke of Zhou, grieved by the want of harmony in the concluding times [of the two previous dynasties], raised the relatives of the royal House to the rule of States, that they might act as fences and screens to Zhou. The princes of Guan, Cai, Shing, Huo, Lu, Wey, Mao, Dan, Gao, Yong, Cao, Teng, Bi, Yuan, Feng, and Xun were all sons of king Wen. Those of Yu, Jin, Ying, and Han were sons of king Wu. Those of Fan, Jiang, Xing, Mao, Zuo, and Zhai were descendants of the duke of Zhou. Duke Mu of Shao, thinking of the defectiveness of the virtue of Zhou, assembled all the members of the royal House in Chengzhou, and made the ode which says [Shi, II.i. ode IV.],
'The flowers of the cherry tree,—Are they not gorgeously displayed? Of all the men in the world, There are none like brothers.' In the 4th stanza it is said,
'Brothers may squabble inside the walls, But they will resist insult from without.' Thus, although brothers may have small quarrels among themselves, they will not for them cast away their relative affection. But now, when Your Majesty, unable to bear the resentment of a slight quarrel, is casting away the affection of Zheng, what is to be said? And to employ the meritorious, to show affection to one's relatives, to cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, and to honour the worthy: —these are the greatest of virtues. To approach the deaf and to follow the blind, to agree with the way ward and to use the stupid:—these are the greatest of evils. To cast away what is virtuous and give honour to what is evil, is the greatest of calamities. To Zheng belongs the merit of assisting king Ping and king Hui, and its [first earl] was most intimate with Li and Xuan; it recently put away its favoured minister and son, and has been employing the three good men; of all the States of the Jis it lies nearest to us:—it gives the opportunity for displaying the [above] four virtues. He whose ear does not hear the harmony of the five sounds is deaf; he whose eye does not distinguish the beauty of the five colours is blind; he whose mind does not accord with the rules of virtue and righteousness is wayward; he whose mouth does not speak the words of loyalty and faith is a stupid chatterer. The Di approximate to all these four conditions, and to follow them will display the above four evils. When Zhou was distinguished by admirable virtue, it still said that none were equal to brothers, and advanced them to the rule of States. While it was cherishing with gentle indulgence all under heaven, it was still afraid lest insult should be offered from without; and knowing that to withstand such insult there was no plan so good as to treat with distinguishing affection its relatives, it therefore made them a screen to its domains. Mu of Shao also expressed himself to the same effect. And now, when the virtue of Zhou is in decay, to proceed at this time to depart farther from the maxims of the dukes of Zhou aud Shao, and follow the way of all evil, surely this is wrong. Before the people have forgotten their sufferings, you make them commence again;—how will this affect the inheritance transmitted by Wen and Wu?" The king would not listen to this advice, but sent Tui Shu and the officer Tao forth with the army of the Di.
'In summer, the Di invaded Zheng, and took Li. The king, feeling grateful for their service, was minded to make the daughter of their chief his queen. Again Fu Chen remonstrated, saying, "Do not. Your servant has heard that the rewarder gets tired, and the receiver is never satisfied. The Di most certainly are covetous and greedy, and yet your Majesty is ministering to their disposition. It is the nature of women to be limitless in their desires, and their resentment is undying. The Di will certainly be your majesty's sorrow." Again, the king would not listen to him. Before this, duke Zhao of Gan [The king's brother Dai, whom we have met with before] had been the favourite of king Hui's queen, who wished to get the throne for him, but dying before this could be secured, duke Zhao fled to Qi [See the 12th year]. King Xiang had restored him [in the 22d year]; and now he went on to have intercourse with the lady Wei [the king's Di wife]. who was thereupon degraded by the king. Tui Shu and the officer Tao said, "It was we who procured the employment of the Di; their resentment will fall on us." On this they set up Taishu [duke Zhao], and with an army of the Di attacked the king. His guards wished to withstand them, but the king said, "What will my father's queen say of me? It is better to let the States take measures for the occasion." He then left the capital, and proceeded to Kankan. from which the people brought him back. In autumn, Tui Shu and Taozi, supporting Taishu, invaded Zhou with an army of the Di, inflicted a great defeat on the royal forces, and took Jifu, duke of Chow, the earls of Yuan and Mao, and Fu Chen. The king betook himself to Zheng, and resided in Fan, while Taishu and the lady Wei dwelt in Wen.'
[The Zhuan appends here two other narratives:——'Zizang, younger brother of Hua, heir-son of Zheng [who was put to death in the 16th year], had fled to Song. There he was fond of wearing a cap made of the feathers of the kingfisher. The earl of Zheng heard of it, and was displeased, and employed some ruffiaus to induce him to follow them, when, in the 8th month, they killed him between Chen and Song. The superior man may say that when the clothes are not befitting, it indicates calamity to the person. The ode [Shi I. xiv. ode II.] says,
"Those creatures Are not equal to their apparel." The clothes of Zizang were not such as were befitting him. The language of another ode (II. vi. ode III. 3),
"I have myself caused the distress," may be conisdered applicable to Zizang. In the Books of Xia [Shu, II.ii.8] it is said, "The earth is reduced to order, and the influences of Heaven operate with effect:"—there was a correspondency between them.'
'Song having made peace with Chu, duke Cheng of Song went to Chu. On his return, he entered the capital of Zheng, when the earl, wishing to feast him, asked Huang Wuzi about the ceremonies to be employed. Wuzi replied, "The dukes of Song are the descendants of the last dynasty. They appear as guests at the court of Zhou. When the son of Heaven sacrifices, he sends them portions of the flesh; when they condole with him on occasion of a death, he bows to them and thanks them. Let your ceremonies be abundant and generous." The earl acted accordingly, and feasted the duke of Song with extraordinary ceremonies.']
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——"In winter, the king sent a messenger to announce his troubles to Lu, saying, "Without goodness, without virtue, I offended my own brother Dai, the favoured son of our mother, and I am now as a borderer in the country of Zheng, in Fan. I venture to make this known to my uncle." Zang Wenzhong said, "The son of Heaven is covered with dust, driven out from Zhou. We dare not but fly to ask for his officers and guards." The king sent Jian Shifu to inform Jin of his circumstances, and Zuo Yanfu to inform Qin. The son of Heaven cannot be said to leave his country, and yet he is said in the text to have done so;—because he was avoiding the troubles raised by his own brother. For the son of Heaven to wear mourning garments, and to assume such depreciating names for himself, [as in his message to Lu], was proper [in king Xiang's circumstances]. The earl of Zheng, with Kong Jiangchu, Shi Jiafu, and Hou Xuanduo, examined and saw that the officers sent sufficient supplies to Fan, and then attended to the government of their own State;—which was proper.'
Par. 5. Yiwu, or duke Hui, died the previous year; but it is supposed that the announcement of his death was only now made to Lu.
[The Zhuan adds here the following account: ——'A force from Wey was about to invade Xing, when Li Zhi said [to the marquis of Wey], "If you do not make sure of some of its ministers, the State cannot be secured." Let me and my brother go and take office there." On this the two went to Xing, and became officers in it.']
XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Bingwu, Hui, marquis of Wey, extinguished Xing.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Guiyou, Hui, marquis of Wey, died.
3. The duke's eldest daughter, married to a Dang of Song, came [to Lu] to meet the wife [for her son].
4. Song put to death [one of] its great officers.
5. In autumn, a body of men from Chu invested [the capital of] Chen, and restored the viscount of Dun to Dun.
6. There was the burial of duke Wen of Wey.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Guihai, the duke had a meeting with the heir-son of Wey and Qing of Ju, when they made a covenant in Tao.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, a force from Wey invaded Xing. The two Li [see the last Zhuan] were following Guozi and going round the city-wall, when they held him fast in their arms, and went off with him to the outside, killing him. In the 1st month, on Bingwu, Hui, marquis of Wey, extinguished Xing. The lords of Wey and Xing were of the same surname, and therefore the text gives the name of the marquis; —[to his disgrace]. Li Zhi had the words engraved on a vessel,——I grasped Guozi in my arms and killed him. No one dared to stop me;"—[thus publishing his own shame.]
We see that the preservation of Xing, one of the great achievements of duke Huan of Qi [see III. xxxii. 7; V. i. 2, 3, 4] did not long avail for that State. What is remarkable, is that it should perish at last at the hands of Wey, which had been reduced by the same Di to even greater straits than itself [see IV. ii. 7]. Most of the critics lay great stress, like Zuoshi, on the name of the marquis of Wey being found here in the text; and a passage of the Li ji [I. Pt. II. ii. 21] is referred to, which would make it out that the mention of the name is condemnatory, and stamps the wickedness of the marquis of Wey in extinguishing a State held by a prince of the same surname as himself. But the canon in that passage was, no doubt, made to suit this single text. Zhu Xi imagines that the 燬 here has got into the text, by the error of a copyist, from the next paragraph.
Par. 2. From the last Zhuan on IV. ii. it appears that this prince was a man of perseverance and resources. His character, however, does not stand high with the critics;—see the remarks of Ji Ben in the 集說 on this passage.
Par. 3. There was a powerful family of the clan-name of Dang in Song, and duke Xi's eldest daughter must have been married to the head, or some principal scion of it, though the match is not mentioned in the classic. Here she comes to Lu to take back a wife, we must suppose for her son; but nothing is said from what family the young lady was taken. On the phrase 逆婦, instead of 逆女, compare 求婦, in XXXI.7. The 婦 is determined by the 姑, the husband's mother, being the other party in the transaction.
Par. 4. Comp. III. xxvi. 3. It is folly to seek for mysteries in the silence of the text as to the name of the officer here spoken of. Gongyang thinks that the duke of Song had married his daughter, and did not dare therefore, in announcing his death to Lu, to mention his wife's father. Guliang thinks he was a Kong (孔), and that Confucius purposely kept back the name of one of his ancestors!
[The Zhuan appends here:—'The earl of Qin was with an army on the He, intending to restore the king [See 4th par. of last year], when Hu Yan said to the marquis of Jin, "If you are seeking the adherence of the States, you can do nothing better than to show an earnest interest in the king's behalf. The States will thereby have faith in you, and you will have done an act of great righteousness. Now is the time to show again such service as was rendered by the marquis Wen [See the Shu, V.xxviii], and to get your fidelity proclaimed among the States." The marquis made the master of divination, Yan, consult the tortoise-shell about the undertaking. He did so and said, 'The oracle is auspicious.—that of Huangdi's battle in Banquan." The marquis said, "That oracle is too great for me." The diviner replied, "The rules of Zhou are not changed. The king of today is the emperor of antiquity." The marquis then said, "Try it by the milfoil." They consulted the reeds, and found the diagram Dayou [䷍], which then became the diagram Kui [䷥]. The diviner said, "This also is auspicious. In this diagram we have the oracle, ——'A prince presents his offerings to the son of Heaven.' A battle and victory; the king receiving your offerings:—what more fortunate response could there be? Moreover, in these diagrams, the trigram of heaven (☰) becomes that of a marsh, (☱) lying under the sun, indicating how the son of Heaven condescends to meet your lordship:—is not this also encouraging? If we leave the diagram Kui, and come back to Dayou, it also tells of success where its subject goes." On this the marquis of Jin declined the assistance of the army of Qin, and went down the He. In the 3d month, on Jiachen, he halted at Yangfan, when the army of the right proceeded to invest Wen, and that of the left to meet the king.'
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Dingsi, the king reentered the royal city. Taishu was taken in Wen, and put to death at Xicheng. On Wuwu, the marquis of Jin had an audience of the king, who feasted him with sweet spirits, and gave him gifts to increase his joy. The marquis asked that the privilege of being carried to his grave through a subterranean passage might be granted him, but the king refused, saying, "This is the distinction of us kings. Where there is not conduct to supersede the holders of the kingdom, to make one's-self a second king is what you yourself, my uncle, would hate." Notwithstanding this refusal, the king conferred on Jin the lands of Yangfan, Wen, Yuan, Cuanmao; and Jin proceeded to occupy the district of Nanyang. Yangfan refused to submit, and the troops of Jin laid siege to it. Cang Ge cried out, "It is virtue by which the people of the Middle State are cherished; it is by severity that the wild tribes around are awed. It is right we should not venture to submit to you. Here are none but the king's relatives and kin;—and will you make them captive" On this the marquis allowed the people to quit the city.'
Par. 5. Dun was a small State, whose lords were Jis, with the title of viscounts;—in the pres. Henan, dis. Shangshui, dep. Chenzhou. It was extinguished by Chu in the 14th year of duke Ding. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Qin and Jin invaded the State of Ruo. At that time, Dou Ke and Qu Yukou, with the forces of Shen and Xi, were guarding the territory of Shangmi on behalf of Chu. The troops of Qin, passing by a shaded spot near Xi [a town of Chu], entered it, and bound many of their people [to make them appear as prisoners whom they had taken], with whom they proceeded to besiege Shangmi, taking care to approach it in the dusk. During the night, they dug a pit, in which they placed a quantity of blood, showing also a writing over it, pretending that these were the proofs of a covenant with Ziyi and Zibian [the above Dou and Qu]. The people of Shangmi became afraid, and concluded that Qin had taken Xi, and that the guards had gone away to their own State. They surrendered, therefore, to the army of Qin, which also made prisoners of Ziyi duke of Shen, and Zibien, duke of Xi. Ziyu, chief minister of Chu, pursued the army of Qin, but could not overtake it, on which he laid siege to the capital of Chen, and restored the viscount of Dun to his State.'
Par. 6. [The Zhuan introduces here the following narrative:——'In winter, the marquis of Jin laid siege to Yuan, and, having ordered the soldiers to be provided with 3 days' provisions, said that if within 3 days Yuan did not surrender, he would give up the siege. On the third day, spies came out and told that Yuan was going to surrender next evening. The officers of the army entreated the marquis to wait till then; but he said, "Good faith is the precious jewel of a State, and what the people depend upon. If I get Yuan and lose my good faith, of what protection could the people be assured? My loss would be much greater than my gain." He then withdrew the troops, but when they had retired 30 li, Yuan sent and surrendered. The marquis removed Boguan, governor of Yuan, to Ji. Zhao Cui was made governor of Yuan, and Hu Zhen governor of Wen.']
Par. 7. Tao,—see on III. xxvii. 1. Qing of Ju, see III. xxvii. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Wey had brought about peace between Ju and us. By this covenant at Tao, the duke renewed with his son the good understanding which he had had with duke Wen of Wey, and declared his friendship with Ju.' The late marquis of Wey was now buried, but his successor is still mentioned here simply as 子, 'son,' and not by the title 'marquis.' The reason probably is that the year in which the father died had not yet expired, and not to praise him as 'son-like,' carrying out the wishes of his father to reconcile Lu and Ju.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'The marquis of Jin consulted Bodi, chief of the eunuchs, as to who should be put in charge of Yuan. Bodi [the eunuch Pi, mentioned before], replied, "Formerly, when Zhao Cui was following your wanderings, carrying with him a pot of food, he did not take any of it, though he was suffering from hunger." On this account, Cui was appointed to the charge of Yuan.']
XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1. In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Jiwei, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Ju and Ning Su of Wey, when they made a covenant in Xiang.
2. A body of men from Qi made an incursion into our western borders, when the duke pursued the army of Qi to Xi, but did not come up with it.
3. In summer, a body of men from Qi invaded our northern borders.
4. A body of men from Wey invaded Qi.
5. Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], went to Chu, to beg [the assistance of] an army.
6. In autumn, an officer of Chu extinguished Kui, and carried the viscount of Kui back with them.
7. In winter, a body of men from Chu invaded Song, and besieged Min.
8. The duke, with an army of Chu, invaded Qi, and took Gu.
9. The duke arrived from the invasion of Qi.
Par. 1. Xiang,—see on I.ii.2 : II.xvi.4. This Xiang was probably that of Ju. The Zhuan tells us that the count of Ju was styled Zipi (茲丕), and that Ning Su [Gongyang, here and afterwards, has *, was the officer known by his honorary title of Zhuang (莊子), adding that this meeting was to confirm the previous one at Tao. The count of Ju had only been there by one of his officers, while here he attended in person:—the reconciliation of Lu and Ju might be considered complete.
Par. 2. Gongyang has here *, and Guliang 嶲, instead of 酅. Zuoshi has 不 for 弗. He says that the incursion was made by Qi, to punish Lu for the two covenants at Tao and Xiang. A better reason may be found in the antagonistic position which Lu took to the present marquis of Qi on his accession;—see on XVIII. 2. Xi was a town of Qi, in the southwest of pres. dis. of Dong'e, dep. Yanzhou. The Kangxi editors have a long note on the change of style in the par. from 齊 人 to 齊 師, which has wonderfully vexed the critics. If the commonly accepted view, that the term 人 is used of a small body of men under a commander of mean rank, and 師 is used of a large body of men under a similar command, were indubitably certain, we might be perplexed by the change of terms; but the text surely is an instance in point to show that the two forms of expression may be used to convey the same meaning. Or if it be insisted on that 齊 人' an officer of Qi,' one of no great rank, commanding in the incursion, the 齊 師 can only mean 'the army' or force which he conducted.
Par. 3. Duke Xiao of Qi was himself present with these invading forces. The Zhuan says: ——'Duke Xiao of Qi invaded our northern borders. Duke Xi sent Zhan Xi to offer provisions to the invading forces, having first made him receive instructions from Zhan Qin [the famous Liuxia Hui, Xi's father]. Accordingly, before the marquis of Qi had entered our borders, Zhan Xi followed in his track, came up with him, and said, "My prince, hearing that your lordship was on the march and condescending to come to his small city, has sent myself, his poor servant, with these presents for your officers." The marquis asked whether the people of Lu were afraid. "Small people," replied He, "are afraid; but the superior men are not." "Your houses," said the marquis, "are empty as a hanging musical-stone, and in your fields there is no green grass;—on what do they rely that they are not afraid?" He answered, "They rely on the charge of a former king. Formerly the duke of Zhou and Taigong were legs and arms to the House of Zhou, and supported and aided king Cheng, who rewarded them, and gave them a charge, saying,'From generation to generation let your descendants refrain from harming one another.' It was preserved in the repository of Charges, under the care of the grandmaster [of Zhou]. Thus it was that when duke Huan assembled the various States, taking measures to cure the want of harmony among them, to heal their short-comings, and to relieve those who were in distress. In all this he was illustrating that ancient charge. When your lordship took his place, all the States were full of hope, saying, He will carry on the meritorious work of Huan.' On this account our poor State did not presume to protect itself by collecting its multitudes; and now we say, 'Will he, after possessing Qi nine years, forget that ancient charge, and cast aside the duty enjoined in it? What in that case would his father say?' Your lordship surely will not do such a thing. It is on this that we rely, and are not afraid." On this the marquis of Qi returned.
Par.4. Zuoshi says this movement of Wey was a consequence of the covenant of Tao. Wey and Lu had probably then agreed to support each other against Qi.
Par. 5. Though Lu had succeeded in inducing the marquis of Qi to withdraw his army, as related in the last Zhuan, it wished to be prepared against Qi in the future, and even to commence hostilities against it in its turn;—this was the reason of this mission to Chu. The Sui in the text had the clan-name of Dongmen, [because he had his residence by the 'eastern gate']. The Zhuan says:——'Dongmen Xiangzhong [the hon. title], and Zang Wenzhong went to Chu to ask the assistance of an army. Zangsun [the above Wenzhong] had an interview with Ziyu [the minister of Chu], and tried to persuade him to attack Qi and Song, on the ground of their not performing their duty to the king.'
Par. 6. Kui (Gongyang has 隗) was a small State in the pres. dis, of Guizhou (歸 州), dep. Ech'ang (宜 昌), Hubei. Its ruling family was of the same surname as the lords of Chu,—an offshoot from the ruling House of that State. The Zhuan says:——'The count of Kui did not sacrifice to Zhurong and Yuxiong [the remote ancestors of the House of Chu and also of Kui], and an officer was sent from Chu to reprove him. He replied. "The founder of our State, Xiong Zhi, was afflicted with a disease, from which those Spirits did not deliver him, and he was obliged to hide himself here in Kui. In this way we lost our connection with Chu, and why should we offer these sacrifices?" In autumn, Cheng Dechen [the prime minister of Chu, Ziyu] and Dou Yishen led an army and extinguished Kui, when they carried the viscount back with them to Chu."
Par. 7. For 緡 Guliang has 閔. Min,—see on XXIII.1. The Zhuan says:——'The duke of Song, in consequence of the service which he had rendered to the marquis of Jin in his wanderings [see the Zhuan at the end of the 23d year], ventured to revolt from Chu and adhere to Jin. In winter, Ziyu, chief minister of Chu, and Zixi, minister of War, invaded Song with a force, and laid siege to Min.'
Par. 8. This is the sequel of par. 5. Gu,—see III. vii. 4, et al. The Zhuan says:——'Whenever an army is at one's disposal to move it to the right or left, we have the term 以. On this occasion, the duke placed Yong, one of the sons of duke Huan of Qi in Gu, where Yiya supported him, as an aid to Lu, while Shuhou, duke of Shen, guarded the place on behalf of Chu. Seven of the sons of duke Huan were great officers in Chu.'
XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, the viscount of Qi paid a courtvisit to Lu.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Gengyin, Zhao, marquis of Qi, died.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Yiwei, there was the burial of duke Xiao of Qi.
4. On Yisi, Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], led an army and entered Qi.
5. In winter, an officer of Chu, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, and the baron of Xu, laid siege to [the capital of] Song.
6. In the twelfth month, on Jiaxu, the duke had a meeting with the [above] princes, when they made a covenant in Song.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Huan of Qi paid a court-visit, and used the ceremonies of the Yi, for which reason he is called merely viscount. The duke despised Qi, because of its want of respectfulness.' This explanation of the title viscount here must be incorrect; see what is said on 杞 子 in XXIII.4. Even the Kangxi editors reject Zuoshi's view in this place. The lords of Qi had been degraded by the king to the rank of viscount; we shall find hereafter that they regained one step of dignity. It may be mentioned that the viscount in the text is the same who is mentioned in V. 2. as presented by his mother, a sister of duke Xi, at the court of Lu, when he was a child. He himself became, a few years after this, a son-in-law of Xi.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'At this time Lu had reason for resentment against Qi, but the duke did not neglect the observances proper in cases of death;—which was proper.'
Par. 3. For some reason or other the interment was hurried.
Par. 4. Du observes that the date here must be wrong;—there was no Yisi in the 8th month of this year, but that day was the 6th of the 9th month. The Zhuan says that this attack of Qi was to punish it for the neglect of the proper ceremonies, assumed in the Zhuan on the 1st par. Most critics condemn the action of Lu in making this return to the viscount for his visit in the spring;—and properly. Zhao Pengfei (趙鵬飛) says that the true character of Lu may be seen in it (魯 之 為 魯，抑 可 見 亦), timorous and crouching before the strong, arrogant and oppressive to the weak.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says here:——'The viscount of Chu, wishing to lay siege to the capital of Song, made Ziwen exercise and inspect the troops for the expedition in Kui, and at the end of a whole morning, he had not punished a single man. Ziyu in the next place was employed to exercise the troops in Wei, and at the day's end he had scourged seven men, amd bored through the ears of three. The elders of the State all congratulated Ziwen [on his recommendation of Ziyu], when he detained them to drink with him. Wei Jia was then still a boy, and came late, offering no congratulations. Ziwen asked the reason of his conduct, and he replied, "I do not know on what I should congratulate you. You have resigned the government to Ziyu, thinking, no doubt, that his appointment would quiet the State. But with quietness in the State and defeat abroad, what will be gained? The defeat of Ziyu will be owing to your recommendation of him; and what cause for congratulation is there in a recommendation which will bring defeat to the State? Ziyu is a violent man, and regardless of the observances of propriety, so that he is unfit to rule the people. If he be entrusted with the command of more than 300 chariots, he will not enter the capital again. If I congratulate you after he has returned from being entrusted with a larger command, my congratulations will not be too late."
'In winter, the viscount of Chu and several other princes laid siege to the capital of Song, the duke of which sent Gongsun Gu to Jin to report the strait in which he was. Xian Zhen said to the marquis,'Now you may recompense the favours received from Song, and relieve its distress. The opportunity is now presented to acquire the proper majesty and make sure of the leadership of the States." Hu Yan said, "Chu has just secured the adherence of Cao, and recently contracted a marriage with Wey. If we invade Cao and Wey, Chu will be sure to go to their help, and so Song and Qi will be delivered from it." On this, the marquis ordered a hunting in Beilu, and formed a third army [see the Zhuan after IV. 1.6]. He then consulted about a commander-in-chief. Zhao Cui said, "Xi Hu is the man. I have heard him speak. He explains all about music and proprieties, and is versed in the Books of Poetry and History. Those Books are the repository of righteousness, and in music and proprieties we have the patterns of virtue, while virtue and righteousness are roots of all advantage. In the Books of Xia [Shu, II. i. 8, where there is some difference in the text] it is said, 'They were appointed by their speech; they were tested by their works; they received chariots and robes according to their services.' Let your lordship make trial of him." On this the marquis appointed Xi Hu to command the second army, that of the centre, with Xi Zhen as his assistant. Hu Yan was made commander of the first army, but he declined in favour of Hu Mao, and acted as his assistant. The marquis ordered Zhao Cui to take the third command, but he declined in favour of Luan Zhi and Xian Zhen, on which Luan Zhi was made commander of the third army, with Xian Zhen as his assistant. Xun Linfu acted as charioteer for the marquis, and Wei Chou was the spearman on the right.
'When the marquis of Jin got possession of the State, he taught the people for two years, and then wished to employ them in war. Zifan said, "While the people do not know righteousness, they will not live quietly." On this, beyond the State, the marquis settled the troubles of king Xiang, and in it he studied the people's advantage, till their lives were happy and cherished by them. He then wished to employ them, but Zifan again said, 'The people do not yet know good faith, and do not understand how they are to be employed." On this the marquis attacked Yuan, and showed them what good faith was, so that in their bargains they sought no advantage, and intelligently fulfilled all their words. "May they now be employed?" asked the marquis, but Zifan once more replied, 'While they do not know the observances of propriety, their respectfulness is not brought out.' On this, the marquis made great huntings, and showed them the gradations of different ranks, making special officers of degrees to adjust all the services. When the people could receive their orders, without making any mistake, then he employed them, drove out the guards of Gu [see XXVI. 8], and relieved the siege of Song. The securing of his leadership of the States by one battle was owing to this intelligent training.'
The 'man of Chu' in the text was Ziyu; but though he commanded, the viscount himself was with the army,—as the Zhuan relates.
Par. 6. Lu now belonged to the party of Chu, and the duke therefore went to Song, to prove his adhesion. The critics needlessly find a great significance in the express mention of 'the duke' (公), and in the use of the general phrase 'the princes' (諸 侯), without any special mention of 'the viscount of Chu.'
XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1. In the duke's twenty-eighth year, in spring, the marquis of Jin made an incursion into Cao. He [also] invaded Wey.
2. Mai, son of duke [Zhuang], was guarding Wey. [Because] he did not do so successfully, [the duke] put him to death.
3. A body of men from Chu [endeavoured to] relieve Wey.
4. In the third month, on Bingwu, the marquis of Jin entered [the capital of] Cao, seized the earl of Cao, and gave him to the people of Song.
5. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jisi, the marquis of Jin, and the armies of Qi, Song, and Qin, fought with the men of Chu in Chengpu, when the army of Chu was disgracefully defeated.
6. Chu put to death its great officer, Dechen.
7. The marquis of Wey left his State, and fled to Chu.
8. In the fifth month, on Guichou, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the viscount of Wey, and the viscount of Ju, when they made a covenant at Jiantu.
9. The marquis of Chen went to the [above] meeting.
10. The duke paid a court-visit in the place where the king was.
11. In the sixth month, Zheng, marquis of Wey, returned from Chu to his rule in Wey. Yuan Xuan of Wey left the State, and fled to Jin.
12. Kuan, marquis of Chen, died.
13. In autumn, duke [Zhuang's] eldest daughter, [married to the former viscount] of Qi, came to Lu.
14. Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], went to Qi.
15. In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the heir-son of Chen, the viscount of Ju, the viscount of Zhu, and an officer of Qin, in Wen.
16. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a court of reception in Heyang.
17. On Renshen, the duke paid a court-visit in the place where the king was.
18. An officer of Jin seized the marquis of Wey, and carried him to the capital.
19. Yuan Xuan of Wey returned from Jin to his place in Wey.
20. The princes then besieged [the capital of] Xu.
21. Xiang, earl of Cao, was restored to his State, and forthwith joined the other princes in the siege of Xu.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the marquis of Jin, wishing to invade Cao, asked to be allowed to march through Wey, but the people of Wey refused the privilege. On this he retraced his steps, and crossed the He at its most southern part, made an incursion into Cao, and invaded Wey. In the 1st month, on Wushen, he took Wulu. In the 2d month, Xi Hu of Jin died, and Zhen of Yuan got the command of the second army, Xu Chen taking his place as assistant-commander of the third, —from the marquis's high consideration of his ability. The marquis of Jin and the marquis of Qi made a covenant at Lianyu. The marquis of Wey begged to be admitted to it, but Jin refused. He then wished to take the side of Chu, but the people of the State did not wish this, and thrust him out,—in order to please Jin. On this he left the capital, and resided at Xiangniu.'
The repetition of 'the marquis of Jin' in the text indicates that the raid into Cao and the attack of Wey were two distinct undertakings, previously determined on. If the meaning were that Jin seized the opportunity of being in Cao to attack Wey as an afterthought, instead of the second 晉 侯 we should have 遂.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Mai was guarding Wey in the interest of Chu, and when the people of Chu were unsuccessful in relieving it, the duke became afraid of Jin, and put Zicong [i.e., Mai] to death to please it, saying at the same time to the people of Chu that he put him to death because he failed in maintaining his guard.' Mao Qiling calls this account of the execution of Mai into question, principally because the action of Chu to relieve Wey had not yet been taken, the mention of it being made only in the next par. But this is being hypercritical. The conduct of Lu in the case illustrates the weakness and vacillation in its government, which have already been pointed out. We have here 刺 instead of 殺, the former term being proper to the execution of a great officer in the record made by the historiographers of the State, as Gongyang says:-- 内 諱 殺 大 夫 謂 之 刺 之 也. The Kangxi editors approve of this explanation, and show that the use of the term in the Zhou li, BK. XVI., pp. 47, 48, often adduced in illustration of the text, is different.
Par. 3. Here is another instance of the modified signification that must often be allowed to 救, As Chen Fuliang says, 楚 欲 救 衛 而 不 能 也, 'Chu wished to relieve Wey, but was not able to do so.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin besieged the capital of Cao, and in an attack on one of its gates, many of his soldiers were killed. The people of Cao took their bodies, and exposed them on the top of the wall, to his great distress. Having heard his men planning among themselves, and saying, "Let us say that we will go and encamp among their graves," he removed part of the army there. The people of Cao shuddered in their fear, made coffins for the bodies which they had got, and sent them forth from the city. The army of Jin attacked it while in this consternation, and in the 3d month, on Bingwu, the marquis entered the city, declared to the earl his fault in not employing He Hooke; and finding that there were 300 men, who rode in the carriages of great officers, he required him to produce the record of their services. He gave orders also that no one should enter the mansion of Xi Fuji, and granted protection to all his relatives; thus recompensing the favour that Xi had formerly done him [See the long Zhuan at the end of the 23rd year]. Wei Chou and Dian Xie were angry at this, and said, "The marquis has not tried to recompense all our labour in his cause, and here he makes such a return for a trifling service." On this they went and burned the house of Xi, when Wei Chou was hurt in the breast in the conflagration. The marquis wished to put him to death [for violating his command]; but regretting to lose his ability and strength, he sent a messenger to ask for him, and to see how he was, intending, should he be very ill, to execute him. Chou bound up his breast, and, when he saw the messenger, said, "By the good influence of his lordship, I have no serious hurt," jumping up thrice at the same time, and leaping crosswise thrice. On this the marquis let him alone, but he put to death Dian Xie, and sent his head round the army, appointing also Zhou Zhiqiao to be spearman on the right of his chariot in the room of Wei Chou.
'At this time, the duke of Song sent Ban, the warden of the gates, to the army of Jin, to tell the marquis in what straits he was. The marquis said, "Song here announces its distress. If we leave it unrelieved, Song will break off from us. If we ask Chu to abandon the siege, it will refuse us. And I want to fight with Chu, but Qi and Qin are still unwilling to join us. What is to be done?" Xian Zhen said, "Let Song leave us; offer bribes to Qi and Qin; and get them to intercede with Chu on its behalf. In the meanwhile, let us hold the earl of Cao, and give a portion of the lands of Cao and Wey to the people of Song. Chu, being fond of Cao and Wey, will be sure to refuse the request of Qi and Qin, and they, pleased with Song's bribes, and indignant at Chu's obstinacy, will be ready to take the field with us." The marquis was pleased with the advice, made the earl of Cao his prisoner, and gave over to Song a portion of the lands of Cao and Wey.'
According to the Zhuan, the marquis of Jin did not give the earl of Cao over to Song, but only a portion of his State. In the text, however, we can supply no other direct object to 畀, but the 曹 伯, which precedes. The policy of Jin will be perceived by the reader: -- The marquis's object was to set Chu at variance with Qi and Qin, so that these States should join him against it. By heaping favours, at the expense of Cao and Wey, on Song, he irritated Chu still more against that State, so as not to listen to the solicitations of Qi and Qin, and be more determined than before to wreak its anger upon it. Chu would thus offend the two powerful States, and be goaded on to try a battle with Jin.
Par. 5. Chengpu,—see III. xxvii. 7. The Zhuan says:—'The viscount of Chu had in the meantime taken up his residence in the chief town of Shen, from which he sent word to Shuhou of Shen to withdraw from Gu [See on XXVI. 8], and to Ziyu to withdraw from Song, saying also to the latter, "Do not follow the army of Jin. The marquis of Jin was a fugitive abroad for 19 years, and yet he has succeeded in getting possession of the State. He has experienced perils, difficulties, and hardships; he is thoroughly acquainted with the truth and the falsehood of men; Heaven has given him length of years, and removed those who wished to injure him:—can he whom Heaven thus establishes be displaced? The Art of War says, 'When things are properly arranged, then return;' 'When you know yourself to be in difficulties, then withdraw;' and also, 'The virtuous man is not to be opposed.' These three rules are all applicable to the present case of Jin.
'Ziyu sent Bofen to Shen to beg to be allowed to fight, saying, "I do not presume to say that I shall certainly conquer; but I wish to shut the mouth of my calumniators." The king [i. e. the viscount of Chu] was angry, and gave him but a few additional troops;—only the cohort of the west, the guards of the prince of Chu, and the six troops of Ruo'ao, went to join the army in Song. Ziyu then sent Yuan Chun with this message to the army of Jin:——"Please to restore the marquis of Wey, and re-instate the earl of Cao, and I, in my turn, will give up the siege of Song." Zifan said, "Ziyu has no sense of courtesy or propriety!——Our lord is to get one advantage, and he himself, a subject, is to get two. We must not lose this opportunity of fighting." Xian Zhen said to Zifan, "Accede to the proposal. To settle the affairs of men may be called the highest exercise of propriety. Chu by one proposal would settle the difficulties of three States;—if we by one word in reply prevent this settlement, then we are chargeable with the want of propriety;—and on what grounds can we go on to fight? If we refuse to accede to Chu's proposal, we abandon Song. Our object has been to relieve it; and if we abandon it instead, what will the States think of us? There will be, on our refusal, three States which Chu has sought to benefit, three States whose resentment we have provoked. When those who are displeased with us become so numerous, where will be our means to fight? Our best plan will be privately to promise to restore the princes of Cao and Wey, so alienating them from Chu; and at the same time let us seize Yuan Chun to make Chu still more angry. After we have fought, we can take further measures on all these points." The marquis was pleased with this advice, and accordingly he kept Yuan Chun a prisoner in Wey, at the same time privately promising the princes of Cao and Wey to restore them to their States; and they, in consequence, announced to Ziyu their separation from the side of Chu. Ziyu was so angry with these things that he followed the marquis of Jin, who retreated before him. The smaller officers of the army said, "It is disgraceful for the prince of one State thus to avoid the minister of another. The army of Chu, moreover, has been long in the field; why do we retreat before it?' Zifan said to them, "It is the goodness of its cause which makes an army strong; you cannot call it old because it may have served a long time. But for the kindness of Chu, we should not be in our present circumstances; and this retreat of three stages is to repay that kindness. If the marquis showed ingratitude for that and ate his words [See the Zhuan at the end of the 23d year], so meeting Chu as an enemy, we should be in the wrong and Chu would be in the right;—its host would be as if it had abundant rations, and could not be pronounced old and wearied. If, when we retire, Chu also withdraw its army, what can it be said that we are requiring of it? But if it do not do so, then our prince retires, and its subject keeps pressing upon him;—Chu will be in the wrong." When Jin had thus retreated 90 li, the host of Chu wished to stop, but Ziyu would not do so.
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Wuchen, the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, Guo Guifu and Cui Yao of Qi, and Yin, a younger son of the earl of Qin, all halted at Chengpu, while the army of Chu encamped with the height of Xi in its rear. The marquis was troubled by the strength of the enemy's position, but he heard the soldiers singing to themselves the lines,
"Beautiful and rich is the field on the plain; The old crop removed, the new comes amain." The marquis was doubting about their meaning, but Zifan said to him, "Fight. If we fight and are victorious, you are sure to gain all the States; if we do not succeed, we have the outer and inner defences of the mountains and the He, and shall not receive any serious injury." "But," said the marquis, "what of the kindness which I received from Chu?" Luan Zhenzi said, "All the Ji States north of the Han have been absorbed by Chu. You are thinking of the small kindness which you received yourself, and forgetting the great disgrace done to your surname;—the best plan is to fight." The marquis dreamt that he was boxing with the viscount of Chu, when the viscount knelt down upon him, and sucked his brains. This made him afraid again, but Zifan said, 'The dream is lucky. We lie looking to heaven, while Chu is kneeling, as if acknowledging its guilt; and moreover, we deal gently with it."
'Ziyu sent Dou Bo, to request that Jin would fight with him, saying, "Let me have a game with your men. Your lordship can lean on the crossboard of your carriage and look on, and I will be there to see you." The marquis made Luan Zhi give the following reply, "I have heard your commands. I dared not to forget the kindness of the lord of Chu, and therefore I am here. I retired before his officer; —should I have dared to oppose himself? Since I have not received your orders not to fight, I will trouble you, Sir, to say to your leaders, 'Prepare your chariots; see reverently to your prince's business; tomorrow morning I will see you.'"
'The chariots of Jin were 700, with the harness of the horses on back, breast, belly, and hips, all complete. The marquis ascended the old site of Youxin to survey the army, when he said, "The young and the old are all properly disposed. The troops are fit to be employed." Thereafter, he caused the trees about to be cut down to increase his munitions of war. On Jisi, the army was drawn out for battle on the north of Xin, Xu Chen, with his command, as the assistant leader of the 3d army, being opposed to the troops of Chen and Cai. Ziyu, with the 6 troops of Ruo'ao, commanded the army of the centre, and said, "Today shall make an end of Jin;" while Zixi commanded on the left, and Zishang on the right. Xu Chen, having covered his horses with tiger skins, commenced the battle by attacking the troops of Chen and Cai, which took to flight, and the right army of Chu was scattered. Hu Mao set up two large flags, and them he carried back, while Luan Zhi, also pretended to fly, dragging branches of trees behind his chariots [To increase the dust, and make his movement all the more resemble a flight]. The army of Chu dashed after the fugitives, when Yuan Zhen and Xi Zhen, with the 1st army and the marquis's own, came crosswise upon it. At the same time, Hu Mao and Hu Yan attacked Zixi on the other side, and the left army of Chu was scattered. The army of Chu indeed was disgracefully defeated, for Ziyu only did not suffer as the other leaders, because he collected his forces, and desisted from the fight. The army of Jin occupied his camp, and feasted on his provisions for 3 days, retiring on the day Guiyou.'
Par. 6. Dechen died by his own hand, his ruler refusing to forgive his waywardness in seeking a battle with Jin, and the disgrace incurred by his defeat. That the text should describe his death as if he had been publicly executed, or at least put to death by the command of the viscount of Chu, is an instance, tho' only a minor one, of the misrepresentations of fact that abound in the classic, and in which Chinese critics will see only the sagely wisdom of Confucius. The Zhuan says:——'At an earlier time, Ziyu had made for himself a cap of fawn-skin, adorned with carnation gems and with strings ornamented with jade: but he had not worn it. Before the battle, he dreamed that the spirit of the He said to him, "Give your cap to me, and I will give you the marsh of Mengzhu," and that he would not make the exchange. The dream becoming known, his son Daxin and Zixi sent Rong Huang to remonstrate with him; but it was in vain. Rong Ji [Ji was the designation of Rong Huang] said, "If by dying you could benefit the State, peradventure you would do it; how much more should you be prepared to give up those gems and jade! They are but dirt, and if by them you can benefit the operations of the army, why should you grudge them?" The general would not listen to this counsel; and when he came forth, he said to his son and Zixi, "A Spirit cannot ruin a minister like me. If the minister do not do his utmost in the service of the people, he will ruin himself."
'After the defeat, the viscount of Chu sent to him the message, "If you come here, how will you answer to the elders of Shen and Xi for the death of their children?" Zixi and Sunbo [Ziyu's son] said to the messenger, "Dechen was going to die, but we stopped him, saying that the viscount would himself like to put him to death." Ziyu then proceeded to Lian'gu, and there died [committed suicide]. When the marquis of Jin heard of it, his joy was great. "There is no one," he said, "to poison my joy now. Wei Lüchen will indeed be chief minister in Ziyu's room. But he will himself be his own care; he will not be devoted to the people.'"
Par. 7. We have seen, in the Zhuan on par. 5, that the marquis of Jin had promised to restore the prince of Wey to his State. But the latter probably did not believe the promise; and in an accession of alarm, on hearing of the battle of Chengpu, he fled to Chu. According to the canon that princes who have lost their States should be mentioned by name, the critics vex themselves to account for the omission of the name here:—see the note of the Kangxi editors on the subject.
Par. 8. Jiantu was Zheng, in the northwest of the pres. dis. of Xingze (滎 澤), dep. Kaifeng, Henan. The only difficulty in translating the par. is with 衛 子. We are told in the Zhuan on the 1st par. how the people of Wey had driven out their ruler, who took up his residence in Xiangniu, till he fled to Chu, as related in the last par. He had left his brother Shuwu, however, in charge of the State; and he it was who took part in this meeting and covenant. We cannot translate by 'son' or 'heir-son,' because Shuwu was not the son, but the brother, of the ruler of Wey. He seems to be here called 'viscount,' and have his place assigned after the earl of Zheng, of whom in other places the 'marquis' of Wey takes precedence.
According to the Zhuan, the king himself was present at Jiantu, and conferred high honours on the marquis of Jin, appointing him also to be the chief of the princes, and leader of the States. These things should have been recorded in the classic. That they are not recorded, is another instance—more important than the last—of the peculiarity of the Book, now silent as to certain events, now misrepresenting them.
The Zhuan says:——'On Keahwoo, the marquis of Jin arrived at Hengyong, and caused a palace for the king to be reared in Jiantu. Three months before the battle of Chengpu, the earl of Zheng had gone to Chu, and offered the service of his army; but after the defeat of Chu he was afraid, and sent Ziren Jiu to offer his submission to Jin. Luan Zhi of Jin went thereon to the capital of Zheng, and made a covenant with the earl, and in the 5th month the marquis himself and the earl made a covenant in Hengyong. On Dingwei, the marquis presented the spoils and prisoners of Chu to the king,—100 chariots with their horses all in mail, and 1000 foot-soldiers. The earl of Zheng acted as assistant to the king in treating the marquis with the ceremonies with which king Ping had treated his ancestor [Shu, V. xxviii]. On Jiyou, the king feasted him with sweet spirits, and conferred on him various gifts. He also commissioned the minister Yin and his own brother Hu, with the historiographer of the Interior, Shu Xingfu, to convey the written appointment of the marquis of Jin to be the chief of the princes, giving him the robes to be worn in the carriage adorned with metal, and those proper for a chariot of war, one red bow and a hundred red arrows, a black bow and a thousand arrows, a jar of spirits, made from the black millet, flavoured with herbs, and three hundred lifeguards. The words of the appointment were, "The king says to his uncle, Reverently discharge the king's commands, so as to give tranquillity to the States in every quarter, and drive far away all who are ill-affected to the king." Thrice the marquis declined his honours; but at last accepting them, he said, "I, Chong'er, venture twice to do obeisance, with my head bowed to the earth,—and so do I receive and will maintain the great, distinguished, excellent charge of the son of Heaven." With this he received the tablet, and went out. At this meeting, from first to last, thrice he had audience of the king. When the marquis of Wey heard of the defeat of the army of Chu, he became afraid, and fled from Xiangniu to go to Chu. He went, however, to Chen, and sent Shuwu under the care of Yuan Xuan to take part in the covenant of the princes. On Guihai, Hu, a son of king Hui, presided over a covenant of them all in the court of the king's palace. The words of it were, "We will all assist the royal House, and do no harm to one another. If any one transgress this covenant, may the intelligent Spirits destroy him, so that he shall lose his people and not be able to possess his State, and, to the remotest posterity, let him have no descendant old or young!" The superior man will say that this covenant was sincere, and that in all this service the marquis of Jin overcame by the virtuous training which he had given to his people.'
In the text no mention is made of king Xiang's brother Hu taking part in the covenant of Jiantu. Mao says that he is not mentioned, because, though he presided over the covenant, he was not a party to it, and did not smear his lips with the blood of the victim. The covenant was made, acc. to the text, on Guichou, the 18th day of the month; acc. to the Zhuan, on Guihai, the 28th day. Du observes that one or other of these dates must be wrong.
Par. 9. The marquis of Chen had been one of the adherents of Chu, but now he wished, like other princes, to join the party of the victorious Jin. He went to the meeting, but did not arrive at Jiantu, till the covenant was over.
Par. 10. This par. implies what is related in the Zhuan on p. 8, that the king in person had met the marquis of Jin on his return from the victory at Chengpu. 'The king's place' was of course 'the palace' built for him at Jiantu. Guliang says that when 朝 are mentioned, the place should not be given, and that the mention of the place, where the visit is made or the audience had, intimates that it is not the proper place for the king to be in; but the criticism is groundless. I translate 朝 here as usual. 'Had an audience' would be equally suitable. Wang Kekuan (汪 克 寬; A. D. 1304—1372) observes that 朝 is a general term to describe audiences with the ruler (朝 者 覲 君 之 總 稱).
Par. 11. 復 歸,—see on II. xv. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Some one accused Yuan Xuan to the marquis of Wey, saying that he was raising Shuwu to the real marquisate, and the marquis thereupon caused Xuan's son, Jiao, who was in attendance on him, to be put to death. Notwithstanding this, Xuan did not disregard the charge which he had received from the marquis, but supported Yishu [Yi is the hon. title of Shuwu, the marquis's brother] in the guardianship of the State. In the 6th month, the people of Jin restored the marquis, and then the officer Ning Wu [on the marquis's part] and the people of Wey made the following covenant in Yuanpu:—— "Heaven sent down calamity on the State of Wey, so that the ruler and his subjects were not harmonious, and we were brought to our present state of sorrow. But now Heaven is guiding all minds, bringing them in humility to a mutual accord. If there had not been those who abode in the State, who would have kept the altars for the ruler? If there had not been those who went abroad with him, who would have guarded his cattle and horses? Because of the former want of harmony, we now clearly beg to covenant before you, great Spirits, asking you to direct our consciences;—from this time forward after this covenant, those who went abroad with the marquis shall not presume upon their services, and those who remained in the State need not fear that any crime will be imputed to them. If any break this covenant, exciting dissatisfactions and quarrels, may the intelligent Spirits and our former rulers mark and destroy them!" When the people heard this covenant, they had no longer any doubts in their minds. After this, the marquis wished to enter the capital before the the time agreed upon, the officer Ning going before him [to prepare the people]. Chang Zang who had charge of the gate, thinking he was a messenger, entered in the same carriage with him. Meanwhile the marquis's brother Chuanquan, and Hua Zhong, rode on ahead of him. Shuwu was then about to bathe; but when he heard that the marquis was come, he ran joyfully out to meet him, holding his hair in his hand, and was killed by an arrow from one of those who had rode on before. The marquis knew that he had been guilty of no crime, pillowed the corpse on his own thigh, and wept over it. Chuanquan ran away, but the marquis sent after him, and put him to death. Yuan Xuan fled to Jin.'
The text says that the marquis of Wey returned 'from Chu (自 楚),' to which he had fled in p. 7. The Zhuan on p. 8, however, makes us think that he never went so far as Chu, but stopt short in his flight, and went to Jin. This is also the account of him given in the 列 國 志. Guliang infers from the 迪 楿 that it was Chu which restored the marquis to his State (楚 有 奉 焉); but Chu was not in a condition at present to put forth such an influence in behalf of its adherents.
Par. 13. In the 1st par. of last year we have the viscount of Qi, son of the lady in the text, at the court of Lu, and in p. 4, an officer of Lu attacks Qi. The visit here was probably undertaken with reference to the misunderstanding between the two States, the mother of the viscount of the one and sister of the marquis of the other wishing to reconcile them.
Par. 14. This was a visit of friendly inquiry. (聘), for which many reasons can be assigned. A likely one is that it was a sequel to the covenant at Jiantu, in which both Lu and Qi had taken part.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'At the battle of Chengpu, the cattle of the army of Jin ran, being in heat, into a marsh, and were lost; the left flag, belonging to the great banner, was lost;—through Qi Man's disobeying orders. The provost-marshal caused him to be put to death in consequence; the punishment was made known to all the assisting princes; and Mao Fei was appointed in his place. On the return of the army, it crossed the He on Renwu. Zhou Zhiqiao had gone home before, and Shi Hui was temporarily made spearman on the right. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Bingshen, the troops in triumphal array entered the capital of Jin. The spoils were presented, and the left ears that had been cut off from the soldiers of Chu were set forth, in the temple. There also the marquis drank the cup of return; and distributed rewards on a great scale, publishing the summons for another assembly of the States, and the punishment of those who wavered in their adherence. Zhou Zhiqiao was put to death, and his doom declared throughout the State, so that the people were awed into a great submission. The superior man will declare that duke Wen excelled in the use of punishments, awing the people by the execution of three criminals [Dian Xie, Qi Man, and Zhou Zhiqiao]. What we read in the Book of Poetry [Shi, III. ii. ode IX. 1.],
"Cherish this centre of the State, To give rest to all within its four quarters," is descriptive of the right use of the regular punishments.']
Par. 15. Wen,—see V. x. 2. It had been conferred by king Xiang on Jin, as related in the Zhuan appended to par. 4 of the 25th year. This meeting was the one, the summons to which is mentioned in the last Zhuan. Guliang has not the characters 齊 侯. The meeting is memorable as the 1st of these gatherings of the States at which Qin, destined to absorb them all, was represented.
The marquis of Chun, known as duke Gong (共 公), had succeeded to his father, whose death is recorded in p. 12, but the father being not yet buried, he appears here only as 'son,' and is ranked after the earl of Zheng. The Zhuan says that at this meeting, measures were taken to punish the States which were not submissive;' meaning Xu, and perhaps also Wey.
Par. 16. Heyang was in pres. dep. of Huaiqing, Henan,—within the territory of Wen. For 狩 Gu has 守. The Zhuan says:——'As to the assembly here, the marquis of Jin called the king to it, and then with all the princes had an interview with him, and made him hold a court of inspection. Zhongni said, "For a subject to call his ruler to any place is a thing not to be set forth as an example." Therefore the text says,——The king held a court of reception at Heyang." The text thus shows that here was not the place for the king to hold a court, and also illustrates the excellent service of the marquis of Jin.' In this Zhuan we have a remarkable admission by Confucius himself, that he misrepresented facts, relating events not according to the truth of his knowledge. I suppose that his words stop at 訓, and that in 故書云云 we have the language of Zuoshi, intimating that Confucius wanted to give some intimation—which is very indistinct indeed—that the thing was not exactly as he said, and at the same time to acknowledge the good intention of the marquis of Jin in the whole transaction.
Par. 17. See on par, 10. Renshen was in the 10th month. The characters 十月 have probably been lost from the commencement of the par
Par. 18. The marquis of Wey had been persuaded by Ning Wu to go to the meeting at Wen; but the marquis of Jin refused to allow him to take part in it, and indeed put him under guard, till he should have determined on his guilt in the death of his brother. Ning Wu and two other officers, Zhen Zhuang and Shi Rong, accompanied their ruler to Wan.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey and Yuan Xuan pleaded against each other The officer Zhen Zhuang was representative of the marquis, as the defendant, with Ning Wu to assist him, and Shi Rong as his advocate. The marquis's pleas could not be sustained; and the marquis of Jin put Shi Rong to death, and cut off the feet of Zhen Zhuang. Considering that Ning Yu [the name of Ning Wu] had acted a faithful part, he let him off; but he seized the marquis himself, and conveyed him to the capital, where he was confined in a dark room, with Ning Wu to attend to the supplying him with provisions in a bag.'
Par. 19. The 復 歸 here is of course merely = "was restored to his place" as minister. Xuan had fled from Wey to Jin, as related under par. 11, to escape from the marquis. Things were now changed. The marquis was a prisoner, and the disposal of the State seemed to rest with the officer. The Zhuan says:——'Yuan Xuan returned to Wey, and raised Xia, another son of duke Wen, to be marquis.' We must suppose that Xuan had the authority of the marquis of Jin for what he did; but the critics are unanimous in condemning him. The case of the marquis was now in the king's hands, and Xuan should have waited for the royal decision about him and the affairs of the State.
Par. 20. Xu, though only a small State, was the most persistent in adhering to the fortunes of Chu, influenced probably by the consideration of its own contiguity to that State. The 遂 implies that the princes proceeded from their meeting at Wen and audience of the king, to the attack of Xu, without returning to their States, or engaging in any other enterprise.
Par. 21. The Zhuan says:——'On Dingchou the princes all laid siege to the capital of Xu. The marquis of Jin falling ill, Hou Nou, a personal attendant of the earl of Cao, bribed the officer of divination, and got him to attribute the marquis's illness to his dealing with Cao. "Duke Huan of Qi," represented the officer, "assembled the princes, and established States of different surnames from his own [e.g., Xing and Wey]; but your lordship now assembles them, and extinguishes States of your own surname; for Shu Zhenduo, the first lord of Cao was a son of king Wen, and Tangshu, our first lord, was a son of king Wu. Not only is it not proper to assemble the princes and extinguish any of your own surname, but you made the same promise to the earl of Cao as to the marquis of Wey, and you have not restored the earl as you did the marquis; —you have not shown good faith. Their crime was the same, and their punishment is different;—you do not show an equal justice. It is by propriety that righteousness is carried out; it is by good faith that propriety is maintained; it is by equal justice that depravity is corrected. If your lordship let these three things go, in what position will you be placed?" The marquis was pleased, and restored the earl of Cao, who immediately joined the other princes at Xu.'
[The Zhuan has here an additional article:——'The marquis of Jin formed three new columns of army to withstand the Di. Xun Linfu had the command of that of the centre; Tu Ji of that of the right, and Xian Mie of that of the left.']
XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in spring, Gelu of Jie came to Lu.
2. The duke arrived from the siege of [the capital of] Xu.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, [the duke] had a meeting with an officer of the king, an officer of Jin, an officer of Song, an officer of Qi, an officer of Chen, an officer of Cai, and an officer of Qin, when they made a covenant in Diquan.
4. In autumn, there was great fall a of hail.
5. In winter, Gelu of Jie came [again] to Lu.
Par. 1. Jie was a small State held by one of the Yi or wild tribes of the east;—in the south of the pres Jiaozhou (膠 州), dep. Laizhou. Gelu was the name of its chief at this time. His coming to Lu would be equivalent to a court-visit (朝); but such visits were not interchanged by the princes of China with the barbarous chieftains, and therefore, we have simply 來, 'he came.' The Zhuan says:——'Gulu of Jie came to pay a court-visit to the duke, and camped in the country above Changyan. The duke being absent at the meeting with the other princes, they sent him forage and rice;—which was proper.'
Par. 2. Gong and Gu both have 公 before 會. 翟 in Kung is 狄. Diquan was near the capital,—20 li northeast from the pres. dis. city of Luoyang, dep. Henan. The name was taken from that of a spring which formed a small lake. The Zhuan says:——'The duke had a meeting with king Hui's son Hu, Hu Yan of Jin, Gongsun Gu of Song, Guo Guifu of Qi, Yuen T'aout'oo of Chen, and the earl of Qin's son Yin, when they made a covenant at Diquan;—to renew and confirm the covenant at Jiantu, and to consult about invading Zheng. The names of the ministers of the difft. States are not in the text;—to condemn them. According to rule, a minister of a State ought not to hold a meeting with a duke or a marquis, though he may do so with an earl, a viscount, or a baron.' This decision of Zuoshi may be called in question. The view of Hu An'guo and others, that the title 'duke (公)' is omitted in the text to conceal the disgrace of the marquis meeting with his inferiors, is ridiculous.
Par. 4. Zuoshi says the hail amounted to a plague, or great calamity; and that therefore we have a record of it.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'He came again, because he had not seen the duke the former time. He was received in the court, treated with ceremony, and feasted in an extraordinary way. Hearing a cow lowing, he said, 'She has had three calves that have all been used as victims. Her voice says so." On inquiry this was found to be really the case!'
XXX. Thirtieth year.
1. It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the Di made an incursion into Qi.
3. In autumn, Wey put to death its great officer, Yuan Xuan, and duke [ Wen's] son, Xia.
4. Zheng, marquis of Wey, returned to Wey.
5. A body of men from Jin and one from Qin laid siege to [the capital of] Zheng.
6. A body of men from Jie made an incursion into Xiao.
7. In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent his chief minister, the duke of Zhou, to Lu, on a mission of friendly inquiries.
8. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to the capital, and at the same time went to Jin.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'An officer of Jin was conducting an incursion into Zheng, to see whether that State could be attacked with advantage or not. The Di took the opportunity of Jin's being thus occupied with Zheng, and in the summer made an incursion into Qi.' Wu Cheng says:——'In the winter of the duke's 28th year, Jin proceeded from the meeting at Wen to besiege Xu, and yet Xu did not submit. In the summer of the 29th year, at the covenant of Diquan, the marquis consulted about an incursion into Zheng, and yet Zheng showed no signs of fear. And now in the summer of this year, the Di seized their opportunity, and made an incursion into Qi. It is plain that after the battle of Chengpu and the meeting of Jiantu, the power of duke Wen as leader of the States went on gradually to decay:—the state of things at this time might have led him to reflection!'
Par. 3. Compare on p. 6 of the 28th year. By Wey we must understand the marquis of Wey, who instigated the murder of Yuan, though it was committed before his entrance into the capital. We have in the Zhuan:——'The marquis of Jin employed the physician Yan to poison the marquis of Wey, but Ning Yu bribed the physician to make the poison so weak that his master did not die of it. The duke [of Lu] after this interceded on his behalf, and presented the king and the marquis of Jin each with 10 pairs of jade ornaments. The king acceded to the duke's intercession, and in autumn the marquis of Wey was released. He then bribed Zhou Chuan and Ye Jin, saying, 'If you can secure my restoration, I will make you my high ministers." On this Zhou and Ye killed Yuan Xuan, with Zidi and Ziyi. When the marquis was entering the ancestral temple to sacrifice to his predecessors, Zhou and Ye were there in full dress to receive their charge as ministers. Zhou preceded, but when he came to the door, he was taken ill, and died, upon which Jin declined the appointment.'
Nothing is said in the Zhuan on the 及 公 子 瑕, which in many editions is made to form a paragraph by itself. Two questions have 'vexed' the critics greatly. 1st, Xia had been marquis of Wey for more than a year [see XXVIII. 19, and the Zhuan on it]; how is it that in the text he is simply called 'duke's son' (公 子)? To meet this difficulty, Liu Chang (劉 敞; A. D. 1019—1097) denies the truth of the statement, 立公子瑕, in the Zhuan referred to, so that Xia had never been anything but 公 子; on which the Kangxi editors remark that the truth of the Zhuan is not to be doubted. Hu An'guo thinks that though Yuan Xuan had made Xia marquis as the Zhuan says, yet Xia had never accepted the dignity, and only considerd himself as holding the place of his brother, till he should be liberated from his captivity; and that consequently the 公 子 of the text is the endorsement of his integrity. Wang Yuan (王 元; in the end of the Sung dynasty), holds that Xia had accepted the marquisate from Yuan Xuan, and was as guilty as his minister, so that the text calls him merely 公 子, to show that his twelve months' tenure of dignity was only a usurpation. The imperial editors, setting aside these three views approve of that of Du Yu, who admits that Xia had been made marquis by Yuan, but thinks that the title of 君 or 'ruler' is not given to him, because he had not been recognized by the princes at any general meeting of the States; and they then go on to set forth the usage of the classic in such cases as that of Xia and his brother more fully than Du had done. 2d, What significancy is there in the record of the death of Xia following that of Yuan, with the connecting 及 between them? Should the ruler thus follow his officer? The text indicates that Xia had been the tool of Yuan, and was involved consequently in the same fate. Mao aplty refers to II. ii. 1, where the ruler precedes the officers with the same 及 between:—-華 督 殺 孔 父及 其 君, 書 弑 君及 孔 父, 以 宋 公 累 孔 父 也, 歂 冶 並 殺 咺 與 瑕, 而 書 咺 及 瑕, 則 瑕 為 咺 累 矣.
Par. 4. In XXVIII. 11, the former return of the marquis to his State is described by 復歸; here we have 歸 simply. The reason of the difference in the language probably is, that in the former case the marquis had fled from Wey, and so left it as it were by his own act, while in the other he had been detained from it by the action of the marquis of Jin, and against his own will.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, on Jiwu, the marquis of Jin and the earl of Qin laid siege to Zheng, because of the want of courtesy which the earl of it had shown to the marquis in his wanderings [See the Zhuan at the end of the 23d year], and because he was with double-mindedness inclining to Chu. The army of Jin took a position at Hanling, and that of Qin one at Fannan. Yi Zhihu said to the earl of Zheng, "The State is in imminent peril. If you send Zhu Zhiwu to see the earl of Qin, his army is sure to be withdrawn." The earl took the advice, but Zhu Zhiwu declined the mission, saying, "When your servant was in the strength of his age, he was regarded as not equal to others; and now he is old, and unable to render any service." The earl said, "That I was not able to employ you earlier, and now beg your help in my straits, I acknowledge to be my fault. But if Zheng perish, you also will suffer loss." On this Zhiwu agreed, and undertook the mission.
'At night he was let down from the city-wall by a rope; and when he saw the earl of Qin, he said, "With Jin and Qin both besieging its capital, Zheng knows that it must perish. If the ruin of Zheng were to benefit your lordship, I should not dare to speak to you;—you might well urge your officers and soldiers in such a case. But you know the difficulty there would be with such a distant border, another State intervening. Of what advantage is it to you to destroy Zheng to benefit your neighbour? His advantage will be your disadvantage. If you leave Zheng to be master and host here on the way to the east, when your officers go and come with their baggage, it can minister to their necessities;—and surely this will be no injury to you. And moreover, your lordship was a benefactor to the former marquis of Jin, and he promised you the cities of Jiao and Xia; but in the morning he crossed the He, and in the evening he commenced building defences against you:—this your lordship knows. But Jin is insatiable. Having made Zheng its boundary on the east, it will go on to want to enlarge its border on the west. And how will it be able to do that except by taking territory from Qin? To diminish Qin in order to advantage Jin:—this is a matter for your lordship to think about."
'The earl of Qin was pleased with this speech, and made a covenant with the people of Zheng, appointing Qi Zi, Feng Sun, and Yang Sun to guard the territory, while he himself returned to Qin. Zifan asked leave to pursue and smite him, but the marquis of Jin said, "No. But for his assistance I should not have arrived at my present state. To get the benefit of a man's help, and then to injure him, would show a want of benevolence, To have erred in those with whom I was to cooperate shows my want of knowledge. To exchange the orderly array in which we came here for one of disorder would show a want of warlike skill. I will withdraw." And upon this he also left Zheng.
'Before this, Lan, a son of the earl of Zheng, had fled from that State to Jin. Following the marquis of Jin in the invasion of Zheng, he begged that he might not take any part in, or be present at, the siege. His request was granted, and he was sent to the eastern border of Jin to wait for further orders. Shi Jiafu and Hou Xuanduo now came to meet him, and hail him as his father's successor, that by means of him they might ask peace from Jin;—and this was granted to them.'
It appears from the Zhuan that the lords of Jin and Qin were both with their forces in Zheng. We must suppose, however, that they did not themselves command, and hence we have 晉 人, 秦 人 in the text. Du Yu says the 人 were 微 者, 'small men' of inferior rank, but 人 need not be so limited; and in fact we know that Zifan was in the army of Jin.
Par. 6. Xiao appears before this in the Zhuan on III. xii. 3. It was a small State, a Fuyong of Song, and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Xiao, dep. Xuzhou (徐 州), Jiangsu. Zhang Qia supposes that the visits of the chief of Jie to Lu in the last year were somehow connected with the movement in the text.
Par. 7. Compare on I. ix. 1. 宰 is here 太 宰, 'the prime minister,' as in IX. 2. The Zhuan says:—At the entertainment to him, there were the pickled roots of the sweet flag cut small, rice, millet, and the salt in the form of a tiger, all set forth. Yue [the prime minister's name] declined such an entertainment, saying, 'The ruler of a State, whose civil talents make him illustrious, and whose military prowess makes him an object of dread, is feasted with such a complete array of provisions, to emblem his virtues. The five savours are introduced, and viands of the finest grains, with the salt in the shape of a tiger, to illustrate his services; but I am not worthy of such a feast.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says: 'Dongmen Xiangzhong [see the Zhuan on XXVI. 5] was going with friendly inquiries to Zhou, when he took the occasion to pay a similar visit in the first place to Jin.'
XXXI. Thirty-first year.
1. In the [duke's] thirty-first year, we took the lands of Jixi.
2. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Jin.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, [the duke] divined a fourth time for [the day of] the border sacrifice.
4. The divination was adverse, and so the victim was let go.
5. Still he offered the sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.
6. It was autumn, the seventh month.
7. In winter, duke [Zhuang's] eldest daughter—she of Qi —came [to Lu], seeking for a wife [for her son].
8. The Di besieged [the capital of] Wey.
9. In the twelfth month, Wey removed its capital to Diqiu.
Par. 1. In III. xviii. 2 the characters 濟西 denote simply 'west of the Ji,' but here, and in VII. i. 8, x. 2, they must be the name of a certain district or tract of country, the exact position of which it is now impossible to define. As Du Yu says, 境界未定. Zuoshi says that it was a portion of the territory of Cao, which the marquis of Jin had apportioned to other States in the duke's 28th year; and he tells the following story about the acquisition of it:——'The duke sent Zang Wenzhong to receive his portion; who was passing a night at Chongguan, the people of which said to him, "Jin, having recently secured the adherence of the princes, will be most kind to those who are most respectful. If you don't make haste, you will not be in time to get any." The officer acted accordingly, and got for his share of the territory of Cao all the portion extending from Tao to the south and east as far as the Ji.' But this account of Lu's acquisition of Jixi has been much questioned. Zhao Kuang, Liu Chang, and many others, discarding the idea of its being a gift from Jin, hold that the territory had formerly belonged to Lu. had been taken from it by Cao, and that Lu now claimed and retook it. They make a canon, that wherever Lu is mentioned as 'taking' towns or land, and no name of a State to which they belonged is given, we are to understand that Lu was only retaking its own. Mao, according to his wont, is more bold and decisive in his view, arguing strongly against the alleged grant of Jin, and saying that Lu took the opportunity of Cao's difficulties to attack it and deprive it of this territory. This is the proper explanation of the text. The canon referred to is exploded by VII. i. 2.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says that Xiangzhong went to Jin to render thanks and acknowledgement for the fields of Cao. But Lu would think it necessary to communicate its acquisition of the territory to the leader of the States, though not indebted for it to his gift.
Parr. 3—5. The question of which border sacrifice is here spoken of has been much agitated. Gongyang, followed by Hu An'guo and others, thinks it is the sacrifice at the winter solstice, the grand sacrifice to Heaven or God, which was proper only in the king, but the right to offer which had been granted, it is said, by king Cheng to the duke of Zhou, the founder of the House of Lu. Mao and others think the sacrifice intended is that of the spring, —the sacrifice to God, desiring a blessing on the grain. This is mentioned in the Zhuan on II. v. 7; and I must believe it is that referred to here. We cannot suppose that duke Xi was still, in the 4th month, divining about the sacrifice which should have been offered, if offered by him at all, in the first. The divining was to fix the day on which the sacrifice should be offered, which was restricted to one of the xin (辛) days in the month, the 1st of the 3 being deemed the luckiest. Gongyang thinks that if the 1st xin day of the 1st month was unlucky, then the 1st of the 2d was tried, and so on to the 3d month; but it is better to suppose that on this occasion the 3 xin days of the 3d month were all divined for and proved unlucky, so that a fourth divination was made for the 1st xin day of the 4th month, as the sacrifice might be presented up to the time of the equinox. When this also proved unfavourable, the sacrifice was put off for that year, and the victim was let go (免 猶 從 也). Dan Zhu (啖 助; of the 2d half of the 8th century) says, with regard to the spring sacrifice:——'Two victims were kept and fed;—one for the sacrifice to God, and one for that to Houji. If the divinations in the three decades proved all unfavourable, the border sacrifice was not offered. 'If the former bull died or met with any injury, the tortoise-shell was consulted about using the second in his place. If the divination forbade such a substitution, or that second bull also died, the sacrifice was also in this case abandoned. When this was done, the tortoise-shell was again consulted about letting the victim, if it were alive, go; and it was let go or kept on, as the reply was favourable or not.'
?,—see the Shu II. i. 7. The Wang sacrifice was offered by the emperor or king to all the famous hills and rivers of the country; and by princes of States to those within their own territory. What were the three great natural objects sacrificed to in Lu is doubtful. Most critics, after Gongyang, make them—mount Tai, the He, and the sea. Du Yu makes them certain stars, with the mountains of Lu and its rivers,—after Jia Kui and Fu Qian. Zheng Xuan, considering that the He did not flow through Lu, substituted the Huai for it in Gongyang's explanation. The Kangxi editors, arguing from a passage in the Zhou li, Bk. XXII. 8—12, make the Wang sacrifices out to be something different from those to the hills and rivers. Gongyang's view, or rather Zheng Xuan's modification of it, which Mao adopts, is to be preferred.
The Wang sacrifices were offered at the same time as the border, and ancillary to them; and might be disused when the greater sacrifice was given up. They remain now in the sacrifices to the heavenly bodies, the wind, and rain, which accompany the sacrifice of the winter solstice, and those to the mountains, seas, and rivers, offered at the summer.
The above remarks on these parr. have been gathered and digested from many sources. Zuoshi says on them:——'What is stated in all the paragraphs was contrary to rule. According to rule, there was no consulting about a regular sacrifice; only the victim and the day were divined about. When the day had been fixed, the bull was called the victim; and when the victim was thus determined on, to go further divining about the sacrifice itself, was for the duke to show indifference to the ancient statutes, and disrespectful urgency to the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.' This view is very questionable.
Par. 6. [To this the Zhuan appends a note about Jin:——'In autumn, the marquis of Jin held a review in Qingyuan (i.e. the plain of Qing), and formed [all his troops into] five armies, [the better] to resist the Di, Zhao Cui being appointed to the chief command [of the two new armies.']
Par. 7. For 婦 here see on XXV. 3. The lady has been mentioned in XXVIII. 13. The son for whom she sought a wife was, no doubt, the ruling viscount of Qi, mentioned in XXVII. 1, as coming to Lu, soon after his accession to the State.
Parr. 8,9. We saw, in the 2d year of duke Min, what injury the Di then wrought to Wey. They obliged the removal of its principal city to Chuqiu in the 2d year of duke Xi; and we find them here necessitating another removal. Diqiu was in Kaizhou (開 州), dep. Daming. As preliminary to the Zhuan, it may be mentioned that Houxiang (后 相), the 5th of the sovereigns of Xia, was obliged to reside for a part of his life in Diqiu. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey consulted the tortoise-shell about Diqiu, and was told his House should dwell there for 300 years. Soon after, he dreamt that Kangshu, [the 1st marquis of Wey], said to him that Xiang took away from him the supplies of his offerings. The marquis on this gave orders to sacrifice also to Xiang; but the officer Ning Wu objected, saying, "Spirits do not accept the sacrifices of those who are not of their own line. What are Qi and Zang [States of the line of Xia] doing? For long Xiang has received no offerings here,—not owing to any fault of Wey. You should not interfere with the sacrifices prescribed by king Cheng and the duke of Zhou. Please withdraw the order about sacrificing to Xiang.'
[The Zhuan appends here:—'Xia Jia of Zheng hated Gongzi Xia, and the marquis also hated him. Xia therefore fled from the State to Chu.']
XXXII. Thirty-second year.
1. It was the [duke's] thirty-second year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jichou, Jie, earl of Zheng, died.
3. A body of men from Wey made an incursion into [the country of] the Di.
4. In autumn, an officer of Wey made a covenant with the Di.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Jimao, Chong'er, marquis of Jin, died.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan here introduces a short note about the relations of Jin and Chu:——'In the spring, Dou Chang of Chu came to Jin and requested peace. Yang Chufu returned the visit from Chu. This was the commencement of communications between Jin and Chu.]
Par. 2. For 捷 Gongyang has 接.
Parr. 3,4. The Di, it appears, had not done Wey so much injury in the previous year, as in the time of duke Min. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, when there was disorder among the Di, a body of men from Wey made an incursion into their country. The Di begged for peace, and in autumn an officer of Wey made a covenant with them.'
Par. 5. The marquis of Jin thus enjoyed the dignity at which he arrived, after so many hardships and wanderings, only for nine years. He had several attributes of the hero about him, and we cannot but wish that he had been permitted a longer time in which to exercise his leadership of the States. Confucius (Ana. XIV. xvi.) compares him unfavourably with Huan of Qi; but his judgment of the two men may be questioned.
'The Zhuan says:——'On Gengchen, they were conveying his coffin to place it in the temple at Quwo, when, as it was leaving Jiang, there came a voice from it like the lowing of an angry bull. The diviner Yan made the great officers do obeisance to the coffin, saying, "His lordship is charging us about a great affair. There will be an army of the west passing by us; we shall smite it, and obtain a great victory."
'Now Qi Zi [see the Zhuan on XXX. 5] had sent information from Zheng to Qin, saying, "The people of Zheng have entrusted to my charge the key of their north gate. If an army come secretly upon it, the city may be got. Duke Mu [the earl of Qin] consulted Jian Shu about the subject, and that officer replied, 'That a distant place can be surprised by an army toiled with a long march is what I have not learned. The strength of the men will be wearied out with toil, and the distant lord will be prepared for them;—does not the undertaking seem impracticable? Zheng is sure to know the doings of our army. Our soldiers, enduring the toil, and getting nothing, will become disaffected. And moreover, to whom can such a march of a thousand li be unknown?" The earl, however, declined this counsel, called for Mengming [the son of Boli Xi], Xiqi, and Boyi, and ordered them to collect an army outside the east gate. Jian Shu wept over it, and said, "General Meng. I see the army's going forth, but I shall not see its entry again." The earl sent to say to him, "What do you know, you centenarian? It would take two hands to grasp the tree upon your grave [i.e., you ought to have died long ago]" Jian Shu's son also went in the expedition, and the old man escorted him, weeping and saying, "It will be at Yao that the men of Jin will resist the army. At Yao there are two ridges. On the southern ridge is the grave of the sovereign Gao of the Xia dynasty; the northern is where king Wen took refuge from the wind and rain. You will die between them. There I will gather your bones." Immediately after this the army of Qin marched to the east.'
XXXIII. Thirty-third year.
1. In the [duke's] thirty-third year, in spring, in the king's second month, an army from Qin entered Hua.
2. The marquis of Qi sent Guo Guifu to the duke on a mission of friendly inquiries.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Xinsi, the men of Jin and the Jiang Rong defeated [the army of] Qin at Yao.
4. On Guisi there was the burial of duke Wen of Jin.
5. The Di made an incursion into Di.
6. The duke invaded Zhu, and took Zilou.
7. In autumn, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, led an army, and invaded Zhu.
8. A body of men from Jin defeated the Di in Ji.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, the duke went to Qi.
10. In the twelfth month, the duke arrived from Qi.
11. On Yisi, the duke died in the Small chamber.
12. There fell hoar-frost without killing the grass. Plum trees bore their fruit.
13. A body of men from Jin, one from Chen, and one from Zheng, invaded Xu.
Par. 1. Hua,—see III. iii. 5. From the last Zhuan we see that 秦 人 here denotes 'an army of Qin,' not inconsiderable in numbers, and under commanders of no mean rank. 入者, 入 其 國 而 不 據 其 地 也, 入 denotes that they entered the city, but did not keep possession of the territory.' The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the army of Qin was passing by the northgate of [the royal city of] Zhou, when the mailed men on the right and left of the chariots [merely] took off their helmets and descended, springing afterwards with a bound into the chariots,—the 300 of them. Wangsun Man was still quite young; but when he saw this, he said to the king, 'The army of Qin acts lightly and is unobservant of propriety;—it is sure to be defeated. Acting so lightly, there must be little counsel in it. Unobservant of propriety, it will be heedless. When it enters a dangerous pass, and is heedless, being moreover without wise counsel, can it escape defeat?
'When the army entered Hua, Xian Gao, a merchant of Zheng, on his way to traffic in Zhou, met it. He went with four dressed hides, preceding 12 oxen, to distribute them among the soldiers, and said [to the general], "My prince, having heard that you were marching with your army, and would pass by his poor city, ventures thus to refresh your attendants. Our poor city, when your attendants come there, can supply them, while they stay, with one day's provisions, and provide them, when they go, with one night's escort." At the same time he sent intelligence of what was taking place with all possible speed to Zheng. The earl, [on receiving the tidings], sent to see what was going on at the lodging houses which had been built for the guards of Qin, and found there bundles all ready, waggons loaded, weapons sharpened, and the horses fed. On this he sent Huang Wu to decline their further services, and say to them, "You have been detained, Sirs, too long at our poor city. Our dried flesh, our money, our rice, our cattle, are all used up. We have our park of Yuan as Qin has its of Ju. Suppose you supply yourselves with deer from it to give our poor city some rest." On this Qi Zi fled to Qi, while Feng Sun and Yang Sun fled to Song. Mengming said, "Zheng is prepared for us. We cannot hope to surprise it. If we attack it, we shall not immediately take it; and if we lay siege to it, we are too far off to receive succour. Let us return." The army of Qin then proceeded to extinguish Hua, and returned.']
Par. 2; In the duke's 28th year, Gongzi Sui went to Qi on a friendly mission. The visit in the text was, probably, the response to it. Guifu was the ambassador's name. The Zhuan calls him Guo Zhuangzi, or the officer Guo, Zhuang being his honorary title. The Zhuan says:——'When Guo Zhuang of Qi came on his friendly mission, from his reception in the borders to the parting feast and gifts to him, he was treated with the utmost ceremony, and also with sedulous attention. Zang Wenzhong said to the duke, "Since the officer Guo administered its govt., Qi has again showed all propriety towards us. Your lordship should pay a visit to it. Your servant has heard that submission to those who are observant of propriety is the [surest] defence of the altars."'
Par. 3. After 秦, Zuoshi and Guliang have 師. Xiao was a dangerous defile,—in the pres. dis. of Yongning (永 寧), dep. Henan. The Zhuan says:——'[Xian] Zhen of Yuan said to the marquis of Jin, "[The earl of] Qin, contrary to the counsel of Jian Shu, has, under the influence of greed, been imposing toil on his people;—this is an opportunity given us by Heaven. It should not be lost; our enemy should not be let go unassailed. Such disobedience to Heaven will be inauspicious;—we must attack the army of Qin." Luan Zhi said, "We have not yet repaid the services rendered to our last lord by Qin, and if we now attack its army, this is to make him dead indeed!" Xian Zhen replied, "Qin has shown no sympathy with us in our loss, but has attacked [two States of] our surname. It is Qin who has been unobservant of propriety;—what have we to do with [former] favours? I have heard that if you let your enemy go a single day, you are preparing the misfortunes of several generations. In taking counsel for his posterity, can we be said to be treating our last ruler as dead?"
'The [new marquis] instantly issued orders [for the expedition]. The Jiang Rong were called into the field on the spur of the moment. The marquis [joined the army], wearing his son's-garb of unhemmed mourning, stained with black, and also his mourning scarf. Liang Hong was his charioteer, and Lai Ju his spearman on the right. In summer, in the 4th month, on Xinsi, he defeated the army of Qin at Yao, took [the commanders], Boli Mengmingshi, Xiqi Shu, and Boyi Bing, prisoners, and brought them back with him to the capital, from which he proceeded in his dark-stained mourning garb to inter duke Wen, which thenceforth became the custom in Jin. Wen Ying [duke Wen's Qin wife] interceded for the prisoners, saying, "In consequence of their stirring up enmity between you and him, [my father], the earl of Qin, will not be satisfied even if he should eat them. Why should you condescend to punish them? Why should you not send them back to be put to death in Qin, to satisfy the wish of my lord there?" The marquis acceded to her advice.
'Xian Zhen went to court, and asked about the Qin prisoners. The marquis replied, 'My father's widow requested it, and I have let them go." The officer in a rage said, 'Your warriors by their strength caught them in the field, and now they are let go for a woman's brief word in the city. By such overthrow of the services of the army, and such prolongation of the resentment of our enemies, our ruin will come at no distant day." With this, without turning round, he spat on the ground.
'The marquis sent Yang Chufu to pursue after the liberated commanders; but when he got to the He, they were already on board a boat. Loosing the outside horse on the left of his chariot, he said he had the marquis's order to present it to Mengming. Mengming bowed his head to the ground, and said, "Your prince's kindness in not taking the blood of me his prisoner to smear his drums [See Mencius, I. Pt. I., vii. 4], but liberating me to go and be killed in Qin;—this kindness, should my prince indeed execute me, I will not forget in death. If by your prince's kindness I escape this fate, in three years I will thank him for his gift."
'The earl of Qin, in white mourning garments, was waiting for them in the borders of the capital, and wept, looking in the direction where the army had been lost. "By my opposition to the counsel of Jian Shu," he said, "I brought disgrace on you, my generals. Mine has been the crime; and that I did not [before] dismiss Mengming [from such a service] was my fault. What fault are you chargeable with? I will not for one error shut out of view your great merits.'
The last Book of the Shu is said to have been made by the earl of Qin on occasion of this defeat;—see the note on the name of that Book. The few sentences of the Zhuan are much more to the point than all its paragraphs. The Kangxi editors have a long note, in which they discuss the question whether Jin was justified in attacking Qin in Xiao, and conclude that it was so. The blame implied, as they fancy, in the 人 of 晉 人, they explain as kindly meant to hide the fact of the marquis of Jin, in deepest mourning, and his father yet unburied, taking part in such an affair; but this is unnecessary. The marquis may have been near the defile, but all the arrangements were made by Xian Zhen who was the actual commander in the affair. The Jiang Rong, represented as descendants of Yao's chief minister, came readily to the help of Jin, because duke Hui had kindly received and protected them, when they were driven out of their old seats by Qin.
Par. 5. Zuoshi says the Di ventured on this, 'taking advantage of the mourning in Jin.'
Parr. 6,7. For 訾 婁 Gongyang has 叢; Guliang has 訾 樓. The place must have been in Jining Zhou (濟 寧 州), dep. Yanzhou. The Zhuan says:——'The duke invaded Zhu, and took Zilou, to repay the action at Shengxing [see p. 3 of the 22d year]. The people of Zhu did not make preparations to receive an enemy; and in autumn Xiangzhong again invaded it.'
Par. 8. Ji was 35 li south from the pres. dis. city of Taigu (太 谷), dep. Taiyuan, Shanxi. The Zhuan says:——'The Di invaded Jin, and came as far as Ji, where, in the 8th month, on Wuzi, the marquis of Jin defeated them, Xi Que capturing the viscount of the White Di. Xian Zhen said [to himself], "[No better than] an ordinary man, I vented my feeling on my ruler [Referring to his spitting before the marquis], and I was not punished; but dare I keep from punishing myself?" With this, he took off his helmet, entered the army of the Di, and died. The Di returned his head, when his countenance looked as when he was alive.
'Before this, Ji of Jiu [Xu Chen] was passing by Ji on a mission, and saw Que of Ji weeding in a field, when his wife brought his food to him. He showed to her all respect, and behaved to her as he would have done to a guest. Ji therefore took him back with him to the capital, and told duke Wen, saying, "About respect all other virtues gather. He who can show respect is sure to have virtue. Virtue finds its use in the government of the people. I entreat your lordship to employ him. Your servant has heard that outside one's door to behave as if one were receiving a guest, and to attend to all business as if it were a sacrifice [Comp. Ana. XII. ii.], is the pattern of perfect virtue." The duke said, "But should this be done, considering the crime of his father [See the Zhuan at the beginning of the 24th year. Que's father, Xi Rui, had planned to murder duke Wen.]?" "The criminal whom Shun put to death," returned Ji, "was Gun; and the man whom he raised to dignity was [Gun's son], Yu. The assaulter of Huan [of Qi] was Guan Jingzhong, and yet he became his chief minister, and carried him on to success. In the Announcement to the prince of Kang it is said, 'The father who is devoid of affection, and the son who is devoid of reverence; the elder brother who is unkind, and the younger who is disrespectful,' are all to be punished, but not one for the offence of the other [See the Shu, V. ix. 16, but the quotation is very inaccurate]. The ode says [Shi, I. iii. Ode X.]:—
'When we gather the feng and the fei, They should not be rejected because of their roots.' On this, duke Wen made Xi Que great officer of the 3d army.
'On the return of the army from Ji, duke Xiang invested Xian Qieju [Son of Xian Zhen] with the 3d degree of rank, and made him commander of the 2d or middle army. He gave Xu Chen the second rank, and the city of Xian Mao, as his reward, saying, "The promotion of Xi Que was due to you." He conferred the 1st degree on Xi Que, and made him a high minister, restoring to him the city of Ji; but Que did not yet receive the command of an army.'
Par. 11. See on III. xxxii. 4. Du Yu says that 'the Small chamber was the wife's chamber (夫 人 寢).' The Zhuan says:——'In winter the duke went to Qi to pay a court-visit, and to condole with the marquis on the attack of the Di. On his return, he died in the Small chamber, having retired there to be more at rest.' Guliang and other critics say he ought not to have breathed his last there.
Par. 12. For 隕 Gongyang has 霣. Li and mei are both the names of plum-trees, and their fruits;— I do not know the specific difference between them. The 12th month of Zhou was the 10th month of Xia. To find hoar-frost on the ground, and at the same time the grass still vigorous, and plum-trees still bearing, was strange; and as an unusual phenomenon it is here recorded. The critics delight to dwell upon its moral significance, and Hu An'guo quotes a conversation on the paragraph, with duke Ai, ascribed to Confucius, which is in a similar strain.
Par. 13. Zuoshi says the object of this invasion was to punish Xu for its inclining to the side of Chu.
[We have here 3 narratives in the Zhuan:—— 'Zishang, chief minister of Chu, made an incursion into Cai and Chen, both of which made their submission; and then he went on to invade Zheng, intending to place Xia, son of duke Wen, as marquis in it. He made an attack at the Xiedie gate, when Xia was overturned in the pond of the Zhou family. Kunzhun, a servant of the marquis stationed outside the walls, caught him and presented his dead body. The marquis's wife covered it with a shroud, put it in a coffin, and buried it near Kuaicheng.'
'Yang Chufu of Jin made an incursion into Cai, and Zishang of Chu came to its relief. Their two armies faced each other with the river Zhi between them. Yang, being distressed by the position, sent to say to Zishang, "The man of civil virtue will not attack those who are acting according to an agreement; the man of military prowess will not leave his enemy. If you wish to fight, I will withdraw 30 li, till you pass over and arrange your battle, receiving your commands as to the time, less or more. If you do not accept this offer, grant the same indulgence to me. To keep our armies here long in the field, and waste our resources, is of no use." He then had the horses yoked in his carriage to await the answer. Zishang wished to cross the river, but Da Sunbo [the Daxin of the Zhuan on IV. xxviii. 6. He was the son of Ziyu, or Dechen, of Chu] said, "No. The men of Jin have no good faith. If they attack us, when half our troops are crossed over, it will be too late to repent of our defeat. Better grant the indulgence to them." On this the troops of Chu withdrew 30 li. When Yang saw this, he spread abroad the report that the army of Chu had retired, and immediately returned to Jin. Shangchen, the eldest son of [the viscount of] Chu, slandered Zishang [to his father], saying, "He was bribed by Jin, and got out of the way of its army,—to the shame of Chu; there could not be a greater crime." On this the viscount put Zishang to death.'
'We buried duke Xi;—the burial was late [The construction and meaning here are uncertain]. The making the Spirit-tablet was contrary to rule. On occasion of the death of the prince of a State, when the weeping is ended, his spirit is supposed to take its place by that of his grandfather, with reference to which the spirit-tablet has been made, and is now set up. A special sacrifice goes on before this tablet, while the seasonal sacrifices and the fortunate sacrifice at the end of the mourning take place in the temple.']
These immediately preceding remarks are here by some mistake in their wrong place. They belong to the next Book, i. 4, and ii. 2.
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