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5. 僖 公
元 年,春,王 正 月。
齊 師,宋 師,曹 師,次 于 聶 北,救 邢。
夏,六 月,邢 遷 于 夷 儀。
齊 師,宋 師,曹 師,城 邢。
秋,七 月,戊 辰,夫 人 姜 氏 薨 于 夷,齊 人 以 歸。
楚 人 伐 鄭。
八 月,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,鄭 伯,曹 伯,邾 人,于 檉。
九 月,公 敗 邾 師 于 偃。
冬,十 月,壬 午,公 子 友 帥 師 敗 莒 師于 酈,獲 莒 挐。
十 有 二 月,丁 巳,夫 人 氏 之 喪 至 自 齊。
左 傳 曰,元 年,春,不 稱 即 位,公 出 故 也。公 出 復 入,不 書,諱 之
也,諱 國 惡,禮 也。
諸 侯 救 邢。邢 人 潰,出 奔 師,師 遂 逐 狄 人,具 邢 器 用 而 遷
之,師 無 私 焉。夏,邢 遷 于 夷 儀。
諸 侯 城 之,救 患 也。凡 侯 伯 救 患,分 災,討 罪,禮 也。
秋,楚 人 伐 鄭,鄭 即 齊 故 也,盟 于 犖,謀 救 鄭 也。
九 月,公 敗 邾 師 于 偃。虛 丘 之 戍,將 歸 者 也。
冬,莒 人 來 求 賂,公 子 友 敗 諸 酈。獲 莒 子 之 弟 挐。非 卿
也,嘉 獲 之 也 ,公 賜 季 友 汶 陽 之 田,及 費。
夫 人 氏 之 喪,至 自 齊。君 子 以 齊 人 殺 哀 姜 也,為 已 甚
矣,女 子 從 人 者 也。 二 年
二 年,春,王 正 月,城 楚 丘。
夏,五 月,辛 巳,葬 我 小 君 哀 姜。
虞 師,晉 師,滅 下 陽。
秋,九 月,齊 侯,宋 公,江 人,黃 人,盟 于 貫。
冬,十 月,不 雨。
楚 人 侵 鄭。
左 傳 曰,二 年,春,諸 侯 城 楚 丘 而 封 衛 焉。不 書 所 會,後
也。
晉 荀 息 請 以 屈 產 之 乘,與 垂 棘 之 璧,假 道 於 虞 以 伐 虢。公
曰,是 吾 寶 也。對 曰,若 得 道 於 虞,猶 外 府 也。公 曰,宮 之 奇 存 焉。對 曰,宮 之 奇 之 為 人 也,懦 而 不 能 強 諫,且 少
長 於 君,君 暱 之,雖 諫,將 不 聽。乃 使 荀 息 假 道 於 虞,曰,冀 為 不 道,入 自 顛 軨,伐 鄍 三 門,冀 之 既 病,則 亦 唯 君
故,今 虢 為 不 道,保 於 逆 旅,以 侵 敝 邑 之 南 鄙,敢 請 假 道,以 請 罪 于 虢。虞 公 許 之,且 請 先 伐 虢,宮 之 奇 諫,不
聽,遂 起 師,
夏,晉 里 克,荀 息,帥 師,會 虞 師 伐 虢,滅 下 陽。
先 書 虞,賄 故 也。
秋,盟 于 貫,服 江,黃 也。
齊 寺 人 貂,始 漏 師 于 多 魚。
虢 公 敗 戎 于 桑 田,晉 卜 偃 曰,虢 必 亡 矣,亡 下 陽 不 懼,而
又 有 功,是 天 奪 之 鑒 而 益 其 疾 也,必 易 晉 而 不 撫 其 民 矣,不 可 以 五 稔。
冬,楚 人 伐 鄭,鬬 章 囚 鄭 聃 伯。 三 年
三 年,春,王 正 月,不 雨。
夏,四月,不 雨。
徐 人 取 舒。
六 月,雨。
秋,齊 侯 宋 公,江 人,黃 人,會 于 陽 穀。
冬,公 子 友 如 齊 涖 盟。
楚 人 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,三 年,春,不 雨,夏,六 月,雨,自 十 月 不 雨,至 于 五 月,不
曰 旱,不 為 災 也。
秋,會 于 陽 穀,謀 伐 楚 也。
齊 侯 為 陽 穀 之 會,來 尋 盟,冬,公 子 友 如 齊 涖 盟。
楚 人 伐 鄭,鄭 伯 欲 成,孔 叔 不 可,曰,齊 方 勤 我,棄 德 不
祥。
齊 侯 與 蔡 姬 乘 舟 于 囿,蕩 公,公 懼,變 色,禁 之,不 可,公 怒,歸
之,未 絕 之 也,蔡 人 嫁 之。
四 年,春,王 正 月,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹
伯,侵 蔡,蔡 潰,遂 伐 楚,次 于 陘。
夏,許 男 新 臣 卒。
楚 屈 完 來 盟 于 師,盟 于 召 陵。
齊 人 執 陳 轅 濤 塗。
秋,及 江 人,黃 人,伐 陳。
八 月,公 至 自 伐 楚。
葬 許 穆 公。
冬,十 有 二 月,公 孫 玆 帥 師,會 齊 人,宋 人,衛 人,鄭 人,許 人,曹
人,侵 陳。
左 傳 曰,四 年,春,齊 侯 以 諸 侯 之 師 侵 蔡,蔡 潰,遂 伐 楚,楚 子
使 與 師 言 曰,君 處 北 海,寡 人 處 南 海,唯 是 風 馬 牛 不 相 及 也,不 虞 君 之 涉 吾 地 也,何 故。管 仲 對 曰,昔 召 康
公 命 我 先 君 大 公 曰,五 侯 九 伯,女 實 征 之,以 夾 輔 周 室,賜 我 先 君 履,東 至 于 海,西 至 于 河,南 至 于 穆 陵,北
至 于 無 棣,爾 貢 包 茅 不 入,王 祭 不 共,無 以 縮 酒,寡 人 是 徵,昭 王 南 征 而 不 復,寡 人 是 問,對 曰,貢 之 不 入,寡
君 之 罪 也,敢 不 共 給,昭 王 之 不 復,君 其 問 諸 水 濱,師 進,次 於 陘。
夏,楚 子 使 屈 完 如 師,師 退,次 于 召 陵,齊 侯 陳 諸 侯 師 之,與
屈 完 乘 而 觀 之,齊 侯 曰,豈 不 穀 是 為。先 君 之 好 是 繼,與 不 穀 同 好,如 何,對 曰,君 惠 徼 福 於 敝 邑 之 社 稷,辱
收 寡 君,寡 君 之 願 也,齊 侯 曰,以 此 衆 戰,誰 能 禦 之,以 此 攻 城,何 城 不 克,對 曰,君 若 以 德 綏 諸 侯,誰 敢 不
服,君 若 以 力,楚 國 方 城 以 為 城,漢 水 以 為 池,雖 衆,無 所 用 之。屈 完 及 諸 侯 盟。
陳 轅 濤 塗 謂 鄭 申 侯 曰,師 出 於 陳 鄭 之閒,國 必 甚 病,若 出
於 東 方,觀 兵 於 東 夷,循 海 而 歸,其 可 也,申 侯 曰,善,濤 塗 以 告,齊 侯 許 之,申 侯 見 曰,師 老 矣,若 出 於 東 方 而
遇 敵,懼 不 可 用 也,若 出 於 陳 鄭 之 閒,共 其 資 糧 屝 屨,其 可 也。齊 侯 說,與 之 虎 牢,執 轅 濤 塗。
秋,伐 陳,討 不 忠 也。
許 穆 公 卒 于 師。葬 之 以 侯,禮 也。凡 諸 侯 薨 于 朝 會,加 一
等,死 王 事,加 二 等,於 是 有 以 袞 斂。
冬,叔 孫 戴 伯 帥 師,會 諸 侯 之 師,侵 陳,陳 成,歸 轅 濤
塗。
初,晉 獻 公 欲 以 驪 姬 為 夫 人,卜 之 不 吉,筮 之 吉,公 曰,從
筮,卜 人 曰,筮 短 龜 長,不 如 從 長,且 其 繇 曰,
專 之 渝,攘 公 之 羭,一 薰 一 蕕,十 年 尚 猶 有 臭,必 不 可,弗
聽,立 之,生 奚 齊,其 娣 生 卓 子,
及 將 立 奚 齊,既 與 中 大 夫 成 謀,姬 謂 大 子 曰,君 夢 齊
姜,必 速 祭 之,大 子 祭 于 曲 沃,歸 胙 于 公,公 田,姬 寘 諸 宮,六 日,公 至,毒 而 獻 之,公 祭 之 地,地 墳,與 犬,犬 斃,與
小 臣,小 臣 亦 斃,姬 泣 曰,賊 由 太 子,太 子 奔 新 城,公 殺 其 傅 杜 原 款,或 謂 大 子,子 辭,君 必 辯 焉,大 子 曰,君 非
姬 氏,居 不 安,食 不 飽,我 辭,姬 必 有 罪,君 老 矣,吾 又 不 樂,曰,子 其 行 乎,大 子 曰,君 實 不 察 其 罪,被 此 名 也 以
出,人 誰 納 我。十 二 月,戊 申,縊 于 新 城,
姬 遂 譖 二 公 子 曰,皆 知 之,重 耳 奔 蒲 ,夷 吾 奔 屈。 五 年
五 年,春,晉 侯 殺 其 世 子 申 生。
杞 伯 姬 來,朝 其 子。
夏,公 孫 玆 如 牟。
公 及 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹 伯,會 王 世 子 于 首
止。
秋,八 月,諸 侯 盟 于 首 止。
鄭 伯 逃 歸,不 盟。
楚 人 滅 弦,弦 子 奔 黃。
九 月,戊 申,朔,日 有 食 之。
冬,晉 人 執 虞 公。
左 傳 曰,五 年,春,王 正 月,辛 亥,朔,日 南 至,公 既 視 朔,遂 登 觀
臺,以 望 而 書,禮 也。凡 分,至,啟,閉,必 書 雲 物,為 備 故 也。
晉 侯 使 以 殺 大 子 申 生 之 故 來 告,
初,晉 侯 使 士 蒍 為 二 公 子 築 蒲 與 屈,不 慎,寘 薪 焉,夷 吾 訴
之,公 使 讓 之,士 蒍 稽 首 而 對 曰,臣 聞 之,無 喪 而 慼,憂 必 讐 焉,無 戎 而 城,讐 必 保 焉,窛 讐 之 保,又 何 慎 焉,守
官 廢 命,不 敬,固 讐 之 保,不 忠,失 忠 與 敬,何 以 事 君,詩 云,
懷 德 惟 寧,宗 子 惟 城,君 其 脩 德 而 固 宗 子,何 城 如 之,三 年
將 尋 師 焉,焉 用 慎,退 而 賦 曰,
狐 裘 尨 茸,一 國 三 公,吾 誰 適 從,及 難,公 使 寺 人 披 伐 蒲,重
耳 曰,君 父 之 命 不 校。乃 徇 曰,校 者,吾 讐 也,踰 垣 而 走,披 斬 其 袪,遂 出 奔 翟。
夏,公 孫 玆 如 牟。娶 焉。
會 于 首 止。會 王 大 子 鄭,謀 寧 周 也。
陳 轅 宣 仲 怨 鄭 申 侯 之 反 己 於 召 陵,故勸 之 城 其 賜
邑,曰,美 城 之,大 名 也,子 孫 不 忘,吾 助 子 請。乃 為 之 請 於 諸 侯,而 城 之 美,遂 譖 諸 鄭 伯,曰,美 城 其 賜 邑,將 以
叛 也。申 侯 由 是 得 罪。
秋,諸 侯 盟,王 使 周 公 召 鄭 伯,曰,吾 撫 女 以 從 楚,輔 之 以
晉,可 以 少 安。鄭 伯 喜 於 王 命,而 懼 其 不 朝 於 齊 也,故 逃 歸 不 盟,孔 叔 止 之 曰,國 君 不 可 以 輕,輕 則 失 親,失
親,患 必 至,病 而 乞 盟,所 喪 多 矣,君 必 悔 之。弗 聽,逃 其 師 而 歸。
楚 鬬 穀 於 菟 滅 弦,弦 子 奔 黃,於 是 江,黃,道,柏,方 睦 於
齊,皆 弦 姻 也,弦 子 恃 之 而 不 事 楚,又 不 設 備,故 亡。
晉 侯 復 假 道 於 虞 以 伐 虢,宮 之 奇 諫 曰,虢,虞 之 表 也,虢
亡,虞 必 從 之,晉 不 可 啟,寇 不 可 翫,一 之 謂 甚,其 可 再 乎,諺 所 謂 輔 車 相 依,脣 亡 齒 寒 者,其 虞 虢 之 謂 也。公
曰,晉,吾 宗 也,豈 害 我 哉。對 曰,大 伯,虞 仲,大 王 之 昭 也,大 伯 不 從,是 以 不 嗣,虢 仲,虢 叔,王 季 之 穆 也,為 文 王
卿 士,勳 在 王 室,藏 於 盟 府,將 虢 是 滅,何 愛 於 虞,且 虞 能 親 於 桓,莊 乎,其 愛 之 也,桓,莊 之 族 何 罪,而 以 為
戮,不 唯 偪 乎,親 以 寵 偪,猶 尚 害 之,况 以 國 乎。公 曰,吾 享 祀 豐 絜,神 必 據 我。對 曰,臣 聞 之,鬼 神 非 人 實 親,惟
德 是 依,故 周 書 曰。皇 天 無 親,惟 德 是 輔,又 曰,黍 稷 非 馨,明 德 惟 馨,又 曰,民 不 易 物,惟 德 繄 物,如 是 則 非
德,民 不 和,神 不 享 矣,神 所 馮 依,將 在 德 矣,若 晉 取 虞,而 明 德 以 薦 馨 香,神 其 吐 之 乎。弗 聽,許 晉 使,
宮 之 奇 以 其 族 行,曰,虞 不 臘 矣,在 此 行 也,晉 不 更 舉
矣。
八 月,甲 午,晉 侯 圍 上 陽,問 於 卜 偃 曰,吾 其 濟 乎。對 曰,克
之。公 曰,何 時。對 曰,童 謠 云,
丙 之 晨,龍 尾 伏 辰,均 服 振 振,取 虢 之 旂,鶉 之 賁 賁,天 策
焞 焞,火 中 成 軍,虢 公 其 奔,其 九 月 十 月 之 交 乎,丙 子 旦,日 在 尾,月 在 策,鶉 火 中,必 是 時 也。
冬,十 二 月,丙 子,朔,晉 滅 虢,虢 公 醜 奔 京 師,師 還 館 于
虞,遂 襲 虞,滅 之,執 虞 公,及 其 大 夫 井 伯,以 媵 秦 穆 姬,而 修 虞 祀,且 歸 其 職 貢 於 王,故 書 曰,晉 人 執 虞 公,罪
虞,且 言 易 也。 六 年
六 年,春,王 正 月。
夏,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,曹 伯,伐 鄭,圍 新 城。
秋,楚 人 圍 許,諸 侯 遂 救 許。
冬,公 至 自 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,六 年,春,晉 侯 使 賈 華 伐 屈,夷 吾 不 能 守,盟 而 行,將
奔 狄,郤 芮 曰,後 出 同 走,罪 也,不 如 之 梁,梁 近 秦,而 幸 焉。乃 之 梁。
夏,諸 侯 伐 鄭。以 其 逃 首 止 之 盟 故 也,圍 新 密,鄭 所 以 不 時
城 也。
秋,楚 子 圍 許 以 救 鄭,諸 侯 救 許,乃 還。
冬,蔡 穆 侯 將 許 僖 公,以 見 楚 子 於 武 城,許 男 面 縛 銜 璧,大
夫 衰 絰,士 輿 櫬,楚 子 問 諸 逢 伯。對 曰,昔,武 王 克 殷,微 子 啟 如 是,武 王 親 釋 其 縛,受 其 璧 而 祓 之,焚 其 櫬,禮
而 命 之,使 復 其 所,楚 子 從 之。 七 年
七 年,春,齊 人 伐 鄭。
夏,小 邾 子 來 朝。
鄭 殺 其 大 夫 申 侯。
秋,七 月,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 世 子 款,鄭 世 子 華,盟 于 甯
母。
曹 伯 班 卒。
公 子 友 如 齊。
冬,葬 曹 昭 公。
左 傳 曰,七 年,春,齊 人 伐 鄭。孔 叔 言 於 鄭 伯,曰,諺 有 之 曰,心
則 不 競,何 憚 於 病,既 不 能 彊,又 不 能 弱,所 以 斃 也,國 危 矣,請 下 齊 以 救 國。公 曰,吾 知 其 所 由 來 矣,姑 少 待
我,對 曰,朝 不 及 夕,何 以 待 君。
夏,鄭 殺 申 侯。以 說 于 齊,且 用 陳 轅 濤 塗 之 譖 也。初,申 侯,申
出 也,有 寵 於 楚 文 王,文 王 將 死,與 之 璧,使 行,曰,唯 我 知 女,女 專 利 而 不 厭,予 取 予 求,不 女 疵 瑕 也,後 之 人
將 求 多 於 女,女 必 不 免,我 死,女 必 速 行,無 適 小 國,將 不 女 容 焉。既 葬,出 奔 鄭,又 有 寵 於 厲 公,子 文 聞 其 死
也,曰,古 人 有 言 曰,知 臣 莫 若 君,弗 可 改 也 已。
秋,盟 于 甯 毌。謀 鄭 故 也。 仲 言 於 齊 侯 曰,臣 聞 之,招 攜 以
禮,懷 遠 以 德,德 禮 不 易,無 人 不 懷。齊 侯 修 禮 於 諸 侯,諸 侯 官 受 方 物,鄭 伯 使 大 子 華 聽 命 於 會,言 於 齊 侯
曰,洩 氏,孔 氏,子 人 氏,三 族,實 違 君 命,若 君 去 之 以 為 成,我 以 鄭 為 內 臣,君 亦 無 所 不 利 焉。
齊 侯 將 許 之,管 仲 曰,君 以 禮 與 信 屬 諸 侯,而 以 姦 終 之,無
乃 不 可 乎,子 父 不 奸 之 謂 禮,守 命 共 時 之 謂 信,違 此 二 者,姦 莫 大 焉。公 曰,諸 侯 有 討 於 鄭,未 捷,今 苟 有
釁,從 之 不 亦 可 乎。對 曰,君 若 綏 之 以 德,加 之 以 訓 辭,而 帥 諸 侯 以 討 鄭,鄭 將 覆 亡 之 不 暇,豈 敢 不 懼,若 總
其 罪 人 以 臨 之,鄭 有 辭 矣,何 懼,且 夫 合 諸 侯 以 崇 德 也,會 而 列 姦,何 以 示 後 嗣,夫 諸 侯 之 會,其 德 刑 禮
義,無 國 不 記,記 姦 之 位,君 盟 替 矣,作 而 不 記,非 盛 德 也,君 其 勿 許,鄭 必 受 盟,夫 子 華 既 為 大 子,而 求 介 於
大 國,以 弱 其 國,亦 必 不免,鄭 有 叔 詹,堵 叔,師 叔,三 良 為 政,未 可 間 也。
齊 侯 辭 焉,子 華 由 是 得 罪 於 鄭。冬,鄭 伯 使,請 盟 于
齊。
閏 月,惠 王 崩,襄 王 惡 大 叔 帶 之 難,懼 不 立,不 發 表,而 告 難
于 齊。 八 年
八 年,春,王 正 月,公 會 王 人,齊 侯,宋 公,衛 侯,許 男,曹 伯,陳 世
子 款,盟 于 洮。
鄭 伯 乞 盟。
夏,狄 伐 晉。
秋,七 月,禘 于 大 廟,用 致 夫 人。
冬,十 有 二 月,丁 未,天 王 崩。
左 傳 曰,八 年,春,盟 于 洮。謀 王 室 也。鄭 伯 乞 盟,請 服 也。襄 王
定 位 而 後 發 喪。
晉 里 克 帥 師,梁 由 靡 御,虢 射 為 右,以 敗 狄 于 采 桑,梁 由 靡
曰,狄 無 恥,從 之 必 大 克,里 克 曰,懼 之 而 已,無 速 衆 狄。虢 射 曰,期 年,狄 必 至,示 之 弱 矣。夏,狄 伐 晉,報 采 桑 之
役 也,復 期 月。
秋,禘 而 致 哀 姜 焉,非 禮 也。凡 夫 人不 薨 于 寢,不 殯 于 廟,不
赴 于 同,不 祔 于 姑,則 弗 致 也。
冬,王 人 來 告 喪。難 故 也,是 以 緩。
宋 公 疾,大 子 玆 父 固 請 曰,目 夷 長 且 仁,君 其 立 之。公 命
子 魚,子 魚 辭,曰,能 以 國 讓,仁 孰 大 焉,臣 不 及 也,且 又 不 順。遂 走 而 退。 九 年
九 年,春,王 三 月,丁 丑,宋 公 御 說 卒。
夏,公 會 宰 周 公,齊 侯,宋 子,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹 伯,于 葵
丘。
秋,七 月,乙 酉,伯 姬 卒。
九 月,戊 辰,諸 侯 盟 于 葵 丘。
甲 子,晉 侯 詭 諸 卒。
冬,晉 里 克 殺 其 君 之 子 奚 齊。
左 傳 曰,九 年,春,宋 桓 公 卒,未 葬 而 襄 公 會 諸 侯,故 曰 子。凡
在 喪,王 曰 小 童,公 侯 曰 子。夏,會 于 葵 丘。尋 盟,且 修 好,禮 也。王 使 宰 孔 賜 齊 侯 胙,曰,天 子 有 事 于文 武,使 孔
賜 伯 舅 胙,齊 侯 將 下 拜,孔 曰,且 有 後 命,天 子 使 孔 曰,以 伯 舅 耋 老,加 勞,賜 一 級,無 下 拜。對 曰,天 威 不 違 顏
咫 尺,小 白 余,敢 貪 天 子 之 命,無 下 拜,恐 隕 越 于 下,以 遺 天 子 羞,敢 不 下 拜。下,拜,登,受。
秋,齊 侯 盟 諸 侯 于 葵 丘,曰,凡 我 同 盟 之 人,言 歸 于 好,宰 孔
先 歸,遇 晉 侯 曰,可 無 會 也,齊 侯 不 務 德,而 勤 遠 略,故 北 伐 山 戎,南 伐 楚,西 為 此 會 也,東 略 之 不 知,西 則 否
矣,其 在 亂 乎,君 務 靖 亂,無 勤 於 行。晉 侯 乃 還。
九 月,晉 獻 公 卒,里 克,丕 鄭 欲 納 文 公,故 以 三 公 子 之 徒 作
亂。初,獻 公 使 荀 息 傅 奚 齊,公 疾,召 之,曰,以 是 藐 諸 孤,辱 在 大 夫,其 若 之 何。稽 首 而 對 曰,臣 竭 其 股 肱 之
力,加 之 以 忠 貞,其 濟,君 之 靈 也,不 濟,則 以 死 繼 之。公 曰,何 謂 忠 貞。對 曰,公 家 之 利,知 無 不 為,忠 也,送 往 事
居,耦 俱 無 猜,貞 也。
及 里 克 將 殺 奚 齊,先 告 荀 息 曰,三 怨 將 作,秦 晉 輔 之,子 將
何 如。荀 息 曰,將 死 之。里 克 曰,無 益 也。荀 叔 曰,吾 與 先 君 言 矣,不 可 以 貳,能 欲 復 言,而 愛 身 乎,雖 無 益 也,將
焉 辟 之,且 人 之 欲 善,誰 不 如 我,我 欲 無 貳,而 能 謂 人 已 乎。
冬,十 月,里 克 殺 奚 齊 于 次。書 曰,殺 其 君 之 子,未 葬 也。荀 息
將 死 之,人 曰,不 如 立 卓 子 而 輔 之。荀 息 立 公 子 卓 以 葬。
十 一 月,里 克 殺 公 子 卓 于 朝,荀 息 死 之。君 子 曰,
詩 所 謂 白 圭 之 玷,尚 可 磨 也,斯 言 之 玷,不 可 為 也,荀 息
有 焉。
齊 侯 以 諸 侯 之 師 伐 晉,及 高 梁 而 還。討 晉 亂 也。令 不 及
魯,故 不 書。
晉 郤 芮 使 夷 吾 重 賂 秦 以 求 入,曰,人 實 有 國,我 何 愛
焉,入 而 能 民,土 於 何 有。從 之,齊 隰 朋 帥 師 會 秦 師,納 晉 惠 公。
秦 伯 謂 郤 芮 曰,公 子 誰 恃。對 曰,臣 聞 亡 人 無 黨,有 黨 必
有 讐,夷 吾 弱 不 好 弄,能 鬬 不 過,長 亦 不 改,不 識 其 他。公 謂 公 孫 枝 曰,夷 吾 其 定 乎。對 曰,臣 聞 之,唯 則 定
國,詩 曰,
不 識 不 知,順 帝 之 則,文 王 之 謂 也,又 曰,不 僭 不 賊,鮮 不
為 則,無 好 無 惡,不 忌 不 克 之 謂 也,今 其 言 多 忌 克,難 哉。公 曰,忌 則 多 怨,又 焉 能 克,是 吾 利 也。
宋 襄 公 即 位,以 公 子 目 夷 為 仁,使 為 左 師,以 聽 政。於 是
宋 治,故 魚 氏 世 為 左 師。 十 年
十 年,春,王 正 月,公 如 齊。
狄 滅 溫,溫 子 奔 衛。
晉 里 克 弒 其 君 卓,及 其 大 夫 荀 息。
夏,齊 侯,許 男 伐 北 戎。
晉 殺 其 大 夫 里 克。
秋,七 月。
冬,大 雨 雪。
左 傳 曰,十 年,春,狄 滅 溫。蘇 子 無 信 也。蘇 子 叛 王 即 狄,又 不
能 於 狄,狄 人 伐 之,王 不 救,故 滅,蘇 子 奔 衛。
夏,四 月,周 公 忌 父,王 子 黨,會 齊 隰 朋,立 晉 侯。晉 侯 殺 里 克
以 說,將 殺 里 克,公 使 謂 之 曰,微 子 則 不 及 此,雖 然,子 弒 二 君,與 一 大 夫,為 子 君 者,不 亦 難 乎,對 曰,不 有 廢
也,君 何 以 興,欲 加 之 罪,其 無 辭 乎,臣 聞 命 矣。伏 劍 而 死。於 是 丕 鄭 聘 于 秦,且 謝 緩 賂,故 不 及。
晉 侯 改 葬 共 大 子,秋,狐 突 適 下 國,遇 大 子,大 子 使 登 僕,而
告 之 曰,夷 吾 無 禮,余 得 請 於 帝 矣,將 以 晉 畀 秦,秦 將 祀 余。對 曰,臣 聞 之,神 不 歆 非 類,民 不 祀 非 族,君 祀 無
乃 殄 乎,且 民 何 罪,失 刑 乏 嗣,君 其 圖 之。君 曰,諾,吾 將 復 請,七 日,新 城 西 偏,將 有 巫 者 而 見 我 焉。許 之,遂 不
見,及 期 而 往,告 之 曰,帝 許 我 罰 有 罪 矣,敝 於 韓。
丕 鄭 之 如 秦 也,言 於 秦 伯 曰,呂 甥,郤 稱,冀 芮,實 為 不 從,若
重 問 以 召 之,臣 出 晉 君,君 納 重 耳,蔑 不 濟 矣。
冬,秦 伯 使 泠 至 報 問,且 召 三 子,郤 芮 曰,幣 重 而 言 甘,誘
我 也。遂 殺 丕 鄭,祁 舉,及 七 輿 大 夫,左 行 共 華,右 行 賈 華,叔 堅,騅 歂,纍 虎,特 宮,山 祁,皆 里,丕 之 黨 也。丕 豹 奔
秦,言 於 秦 伯 曰,晉 侯 背 大 主,而 忌 小 怨,民 弗 與 也,伐 之 必 出。公 曰,失 衆。焉 能 殺,違 禍,誰 能 出 君。 十 有 一 年
十 有 一 年,春,晉 殺 其 大 夫 丕 鄭 父。
夏,公 及 夫 人 姜 氏,會 齊 侯 于 陽 穀。
秋,八 月,大 雩。
冬,楚 人 伐 黃。
左 傳 曰,十 一 年,春,晉 侯 使 以 平 鄭 之 亂 來 告。
天 王 使 召 武 公,內 史,過 賜 晉 侯 命。受 玉,惰。過 歸 告 王,曰,晉
侯 其 無 後 乎,王 賜 之 命,而 惰 於 受 瑞,先 自 棄 也 已,其 何 繼 之 有,禮,國 之 幹 也,敬,禮 之 輿 也,不 敬 則 禮 不
行,禮 不 行,則 上 下 昏,何 以 長 世。
夏,揚 拒,泉 皋,伊 雒 之 戎,同 伐 京 師,入 王 城,焚 東 門。王 子 帶
召 之 也,秦,晉,伐 戎 以 救 周。秋,晉 侯 平 戎 于 王。
黃 人 不 歸 楚 貢,冬,楚 人 伐 黃。 十 有 二 年
十 有 二 年,春,王 三 月,庚 午,日 有 食 之。
夏,楚 人 滅 黃。
秋,七 月。
冬,十 有 二 月,丁 丑,陳 侯 杵 臼 卒。
左 傳 曰,十 二 年,春,諸 侯 城 衛 楚 丘 之 郛。懼 狄 難 也。
黃 人 恃 諸 侯 之 睦 于 齊 也,不 共 楚 職,曰,自 郢 及 我,九 百
里,焉 能 害 我。夏,楚 滅 黃。
王 以 戎 難 故,討 王 子 帶,秋,王 子 帶 奔 齊。
冬,齊 侯 使 管 夷 吾 平 戎 于 王,使 隰 朋平 戎 于 晉,王 以 上 卿
之 禮 饗 管 仲,管 仲 辭,曰,臣,賤 有 司 也,有 天 子 之 二 守,國,高 在,若 節 春 秋,來 承 王 命,何 以 禮 焉,陪 臣 敢 辭。王
曰,舅 氏,余 嘉 乃 勳,應 乃 懿 德,謂 督 不 忘,往 踐 乃 職,無 逆 朕 命。管 仲 受 下 卿 之 禮 而 還,
君 子 曰,管 氏 之 世 祀 也,宜 哉,讓 不 忘 其 上,詩 曰,
愷 悌 君 子,神 所 勞 矣。 十 有 三 年
十 有 三 年,春,狄 侵 衛。
夏,四 月,葬 陳 宣 公。
公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹 伯,于 鹹。
秋,九 月,大 雩。
冬,公 子 友 如 齊。
左 傳 曰,十 三 年,春,齊 侯 使 仲 孫 湫 聘 于 周,且 言 王 子 帶。事
畢,不 與 王 言,歸 復 命 曰,未 可,王 怒 未 怠,其 十 年 乎,不 十 年,王 弗 召 也。
夏,會 于 鹹。淮 夷 病 杞 故,且 謀 王 室 也。
秋,為 戎 難 故,諸 侯 戍 周,齊 仲 孫 湫 致 之。
冬,晉 荐 饑,使 乞 糴 于 秦,秦 伯 謂 子 桑,與 諸 乎。對 曰,重 施 而
報,君 將 何 求,重 施 而 不 報,其 民 必 攜,攜 而 討 焉,無 衆 必 敗。謂 百 里,與 諸 乎。對 曰,天 災 流 行,國 家 代 有,救 災
恤 鄰,道 也,行 道 有 福。
丕 鄭 之 子 豹 在 秦,請 伐 晉,秦 伯 曰,其 君 是 惡,其 民 何 罪,秦
於 是 乎 輸 粟 于 晉,自 雍 及 絳 相 繼,命 之 曰,汎 舟 之 役。 十 有 四 年
十 有 四 年,春,諸 侯 城 緣 陵。
夏,六 月,季 姬 及 鄫 子 遇 于 防,使 鄫 子 來 朝。
秋,八 月,辛 卯,沙 鹿 崩。
狄 侵 鄭。
冬,蔡 侯 肸 卒。
左 傳 曰,十 四 年,春,諸 侯 城 緣 陵,而 遷 杞 焉。不 書 其 人,有 闕
也。
鄫 季 姬 來 寧,公 怒,止 之,以 鄫 子 之 不 朝 也。夏,遇 于 防,而 使
來 朝。
秋,八 月,辛 卯,沙 鹿 崩。晉 卜 偃 曰,期 年,將 有 大 咎,幾 亡
國。
冬,秦 饑,使 乞 糴 於 晉,晉 人 弗 與,慶 鄭 曰,背 施 無 親,幸 災 不
仁,貪 愛 不 祥,怒 鄰 不 義,四 德 皆 失,何 以 守 國。虢 射 曰,皮 之 不 存,毛 將 安 傅。慶 鄭 曰,棄 信 背 鄰,患 孰 恤 之,無
信 患 作,失 援 必 斃,是 則 然 矣。虢 射 曰,無 損 於 怨,而 厚 於 寇,不 如 勿 與。慶 鄭 曰,背 施 幸 災 ,民 所 棄 也,近 猶
讐 之,況 怨 敵 乎。弗 聽。退 曰,君 其 悔 是 哉。 十 有 五 年
十 有 五 年,春,王 正 月,公 如 齊。
楚 人 伐 徐。
三 月,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹 伯,盟 于 牡
丘,遂 次 于 匡。
公 孫 敖 帥 師,及 諸 侯 之 大 夫,救 徐。
夏,五 月,日 有 食 之。
秋,七 月,齊 師,曹 師,伐 厲。
八 月,螽。
九 月,公 至 自 會。
季 姬 歸 于 鄫。
己 卯,晦,震 夷 伯 之 廟。
冬,宋 人 伐 曹。
楚 人 敗 徐 于 婁 林。
十 有 一 月,壬 戌,晉 侯,及 秦 伯,戰 于 韓,獲 晉 侯。
左 傳 曰,十 五 年,春,楚 人 伐 徐。徐 即 諸 夏 故 也。
三 月,盟 于 牡 丘。尋 葵 丘 之 盟,且 救 徐 也。孟 穆 伯 帥 師,及諸
侯 之 師,救 徐,諸 侯 次 于 匡 以 待 之。
夏,五 月,日 有 食 之。不 書 朔 與 日,官 失 之 也。
秋,伐 厲。以 救 徐 也。
震 夷 伯 之 廟。罪 之 也,於 是 展 氏 有 隱 慝 焉。
冬,宋 人 伐 曹。討 舊 怨 也。
楚 敗 徐 于 婁 林。徐 恃 救 也。
晉 侯 之 入 也,秦 穆 姬 屬 賈 君 焉,且 曰,盡 納 羣 公 子。
晉 侯 烝 於 賈 君,又 不 納 羣 公 子,是 以 穆 姬 怨 之。晉 侯 許
賂 中 大 夫,既 而 皆 背 之。賂 秦 伯 以 河 外 列 城 五,東 盡 虢 略,南 及 華 山,內 及 解 梁 城,既 而 不 與。晉 饑,秦 輸 之
粟,秦 饑,晉 閉 之 糴,故 秦 伯 伐 晉。
卜 徒 父 筮 之,吉,涉 河,侯 車 敗。詰 之。對 曰,乃 大 吉 也,三
敗,必 獲 晉 君,其 卦 遇 蠱,曰,
千 乘 三 去,三 去 之 餘,獲 其 雄 狐,夫 狐 蠱,必 其 君 也,蠱 之
貞,風 也,其 悔,山 也,歲 云 秋 矣,我 落 其 實,而 取 其 材,所 以 克 也,實 落 材 亡,不 敗 何 待。
三 敗 及 韓,晉 侯 謂 慶 鄭 曰,寇 深 矣,若 之 何。對 曰,君 實 深
之,可 若 何。公 曰,不 孫。卜 右,慶 鄭 吉,弗 使,步 揚 御 戎,家 僕 徒 為 右,乘 小 駟,鄭 入 也。慶 鄭 曰,古 者 大 事,必 乘 其
產,生 其 水 土,而 知 其 人心,安 其 教 訓,而 服 習 其 道,唯 所 納 之,無 不 如 志,今 乘 異 產,以 從 戎 事,及 懼 而 變,將
與 人 易,亂 氣 狡 憤,陰 血 周 作,張 脈 僨 興,外 彊 中 乾,進 退 不 可,周 旋 不 能,君 必 悔 之。
弗 聽。九 月,晉 侯 逆 秦 師,使 韓 簡 視 師,復 曰,師 少 於 我,鬬
士 倍 我。公 曰,何 故。對 曰,出 因 其 資,入 用 其 寵,饑 食 其 粟,三 施 而 無 報,是 以 來 也,今 又 擊 之,我 怠 秦 奮,倍 猶
未 也。
公 曰,一 夫 不 可 狃,况 國 乎,遂 使 請 戰,曰,寡 人 不 佞,不 能
合 其 衆,而 不 能 離 也,君 若 不 還,無 所 逃 命,秦 伯 使 公 孫 枝 對 曰,君 之 未 入,寡 人 懼 之,入 而 未 定 列,猶 吾 憂
也,苟 列 定 矣,敢 不 承 命。韓 簡 退 曰,吾 幸 而 得 囚。
壬 戌,戰 于 韓 原,晉 戎 馬 還 濘 而 止,公 號 慶 鄭,慶 鄭 曰,愎
諫 違 卜,固 敗 是 求,又 何 逃 焉。遂 去 之,梁 由 靡 御 韓 簡,虢 射 為 右,輅 秦 伯,將 止 之,鄭 以 救 公 誤 之,遂 失 秦
伯。秦 獲 晉 侯以 歸,晉 大 夫 反 首 拔 舍 從 之,秦 伯 使 辭 焉,曰,二 三 子,何 其 慼 也,寡 人 之 從 君 而 西 也,亦 晉 之
妖 夢 是 踐,豈 敢 以 至。晉 大 夫 三 拜,稽 首,曰,君 履 后 土 而 戴 皇 天,皇 天 后 土,實 聞 君 之 言,羣 臣 敢 在 下
風。
穆 姬 聞 晉 侯 將 至,以 大 子 罃,弘,與 女 簡,璧,登 臺 而 履 薪
焉。使 以 免 服 衰 絰 逆,且 告 曰,上 天 降 災,使 我 兩 君,匪 以 玉 帛 相 見,而 以 興 戎,若 晉 君 朝 以 入,則 婢 子 夕 以
死,夕 以 入,則 朝 以 死,唯 君 裁 之。乃 舍 諸 靈 臺。大 夫 請 以 入,公 曰,獲 晉 侯,以 厚 歸 也,既 而 喪 歸,焉 用 之,大 夫
其 何 有 焉,且 晉 人 慼 憂 以 重 我,天 地 以 要 我,不 圖 晉 憂,重 其 怒 也,我 食 吾 言,背 天 地 也,重 怒 難 任,背 天 不
祥,必 歸 晉 君。公 子 縶 曰,不 如 殺 之,無 聚 慝 焉。子 桑 曰,歸 之 而 質 其 大 子,必 得 大 成,晉 未 可 滅,而 殺 其 君,祇
以 成 惡,且 史 佚 有 言 曰,無 始 禍,無 怙 亂,無 重 怒,重 怒 難 任,陵 人 不 祥。
乃 許 晉 平。晉 侯 使 郤 乞 告 瑕 呂 飴 甥,且 召 之。子 金 教 之
言 曰,朝 國 人 而 以 君 命 賞,且 告 之 曰,孤 雖 歸,辱 社 稷 矣,其 卜 貳 圉 也。
衆 皆 哭,晉 於 是 乎 作 爰 田。呂 甥 曰,君 亡 之 不 恤,而 群 臣
是 憂,惠 之 至 也,將 若 君 何。衆 曰,何 為 而 可。對 曰,征 繕 以 輔 孺 子,諸 侯 聞 之,喪 君 有 君,羣 臣 輯 睦,甲 兵 益
多,好 我 者 勸,惡 我 者 懼,庶 有 益 乎。衆 說,晉 於 是 乎 作 州 兵。
初,晉 獻 公 筮 嫁 伯 姬 於 秦,遇 歸 妹 之 睽,史 蘇 占 之,曰,不
吉,其 繇 曰,士 刲 羊,亦 無 衁 也,女 承 筐,亦 無 貺 也,西 鄰 責 言,不 可 償 也,歸 妹 之 睽,猶 無 相 也,震 之 離,亦 離 之
震,為 雷 為 火,為 嬴 敗 姬,車 說 其 輹,火 焚 其 旗,不 利 行 師,敗 于 宗 丘,歸 妹 睽 孤,寇 張 之 弧,姪 其 從 姑,六 年 其
逋,逃 歸 其 國,而 棄 其 家,明 年,其 死 於 高 梁 之 虛。及 惠 公 在 秦,曰,先 君 若 從 史 蘇 之 占,吾 不 及 此 夫。韓 簡 侍
曰,龜,象 也,筮,數 也,物 生 而 後 有 象,象 而 後 有 滋,滋 而 後 有 數,先 君 之 敗 德,及 可 數 乎,史 蘇 是 占,勿 從 何
益,詩 曰,
下 民 之 孽,匪 降 自 天,僔 沓 背 憎,職 競 由 人。
十 月,晉 陰 飴 甥 會 秦 伯,盟 于 王 城,秦 伯 曰,晉 國 和 乎。對 曰,不 和,小
人 恥 失 其 君,而 悼 喪 其 親,不 憚 征 繕 以 立 圉 也,曰 必 報 讐,寧 事 戎 狄,君 子 愛 其 君,而 知 其 罪,不 憚 征 繕,以
待 秦 命,曰 必 報 德,有 死 無 二,以 此 不 和。秦 伯 曰,國 謂 君 何。對 曰,小 人 慼,謂 之 不 免,君 子 恕,以 為 必 歸,小 人
曰,我 毒 秦,秦 豈 歸 君,君 子 曰,我 知 罪 矣,秦 必 歸 君,貳 而 執 之,服 而 舍 之,德 莫 厚 焉,刑 莫 威 焉,服 者 懷 德,貳
者 畏 刑,此 一 役 也,秦 可 以 霸,納 而 不 定,廢 而 不 立,以 德 為 怨,秦 不 其 然。秦 伯 曰,是 吾 心 也。改 館 晉 侯,饋 七
牢 焉。
蛾 析 謂 慶 鄭 曰,盍 行 乎,對 曰,陷 君 於 敗,敗 而 不 死,又 使
失 刑,非 人 臣 也,臣 而 不 臣,行 將 焉 入。
十 一 月,晉 侯 歸,丁 丑,殺 慶 鄭 而 後 入。
是 歲,晉 又 饑,秦 伯 又 餼 之 粟,曰,吾 怨 其 君 而 矜 其 民,且
吾 聞 唐 叔 之 封 也,箕 子 曰,其 後 必 大,晉 其 庸 可 冀 乎,姑 樹 德 焉,以 待 能 者。於 是 秦 始 征 晉 河 東,置 官 司
焉。
十 有 六 年,春,王 正 月,戊 申 朔,隕 石 于 宋 五,是 月,六 鷁 退
飛,過 宋 都。
三 月,壬 申,公 子 季 友 卒。
夏,四 月,丙 申,鄫 季 姬 卒。
秋,七 月,甲 子,公 孫 玆 卒。
冬,十 有 二 月,公 會 齊 侯,宋 公,陳侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,邢 侯,曹
伯,于 淮。
左 傳 曰,十 六 年,春,隕 石 于 宋 五。隕 星 也。六 鷁 退 飛,過 宋
都。風 也。周 內 史 叔 興 聘 于 宋,宋 襄 公 問 焉,曰,是 何 祥 也,吉 凶 焉 在。對 曰,今 玆 魯 多 大 喪,明 年,齊 有 亂,君 將
得 諸 侯,而 不 終。退 而 告 人 曰,君 失 問,是 陰 陽 之 事,非 吉 凶 所 生 也,吉 凶 由 人,吾 不 敢 逆 君 故 也。
夏,齊 伐 厲,不 克,救 徐 而 還。
秋,狄 侵 晉,取 狐 廚,受 鐸,涉 汾,及 昆 都,因 晉 敗 也。
王 以 戎 難 告 于 齊,齊 徵 諸 侯 而 戍 周。
冬,十 一 月,乙 卯,鄭 殺 子 華。
十 二 月,會 于 淮。謀 鄫,且 東 略 也。城 鄫,役 人 病,有 夜 登 丘
而 呼,曰,齊 有 亂。不 果 城 而 還。 十 有 七 年
十 有 七 年,春,齊 人,徐 人,伐 英 氏。
夏,滅 項。
秋,夫 人 姜 氏 會 齊 侯 于 卞。
九 月,公 至 自 會。
冬,十 有 二 月,乙 亥,齊 侯 小 白 卒。
左 傳 曰,十 七 年,春,齊 人 為 徐 伐 英 氏,以 報 婁 林 之 役
也。
夏,晉 大 子 圉 為 質 於 秦,秦 歸 河 東 而 妻 之。惠 公 之 在 梁
也,梁 伯 妻 之,梁 嬴 孕,過 期,卜 招 父 與 其 子 卜 之,其 子 曰,將 生 一 男 一 女。招 曰,然,男 為 人 臣,女 為 人 妾。故 名
男 曰 圉,女 曰 妾,及 子 圉 西 質,妾 為 宦 女 焉。
師 滅 項。淮 之 會,公 有 諸 侯 之 事,未 歸 而 取 項,齊 人 以 為
討,而 止 公,秋,聲 姜 以 公 故,會 齊 侯 于 卞,九 月,公 至。書 曰,至 自 會。猶 有 諸 侯 之 事 焉,且 諱 之 也。
齊 侯 之 夫 人 三,王 姬,徐 嬴,蔡 姬,皆 無 子。齊 侯 好 內,多 內
寵,內 嬖 如 夫 人 者 六 人,長 衛 姬,生 武 孟,少 衛 姬,生 惠 公,鄭 姬 生 孝 公,葛 嬴 生 昭 公,密 姬 生 懿 公,宋 華 子 生
公 子 雍。
公 與 管 仲 屬 孝 公 於 宋 襄 公,以 為 大 子。雍 巫 有 寵 於 衛 共
姬,因 寺 人 貂,以 薦 羞 於 公,亦 有 寵,公 許 之,立 武 孟。管 仲 卒,五 公 子 皆 求 立。冬,十 月,乙 亥,齊 桓 公 卒。易 牙
入,與 寺 人 貂 因 內 寵 以 殺 羣 吏,而 立 公 子 無 虧,孝 公 奔 宋。十 二 月,乙 亥,赴,辛 巳,夜 殯。 XVIII.十 有 八 年
十 有 八 年,春,王 正 月,宋 公,曹 伯,衛 人,邾 人,伐 齊。
夏,師 救 齊。
五 月,戊 寅,宋 師 及 齊 師,戰 于 甗,齊 師 敗 績。
狄 救 齊。
秋,八 月,丁 亥,葬 齊 桓 公。
冬,邢 人,狄 人,伐 衛。
左 傳 曰,十 八 年,春,宋 襄 公 以 諸 侯 伐 齊。三 月,齊 人 殺 無
虧。
鄭 伯 始 朝 于 楚,楚 子 賜 之 金,既 而 悔 之,與 之 盟,曰,無 以 鑄
兵。故 以 鑄 三 鐘。
齊 人 將 立 孝 公,不 勝 四 公 子 之 徒,遂 與 宋 人 戰。夏,五 月,宋
敗 齊 師 于 甗,立 孝 公 而 還。
秋 八 月,葬 齊 桓 公。
冬,邢 人,狄 人,伐 衛,圍 菟 圃,衛 侯 以 國 讓 父 兄 子 弟,及 朝 衆
曰,苟 能 治 之,燬 請 從 焉。衆 不 可,而 從 師 于 訾 婁,狄 師 還。
梁 伯 益 其 國 而 不 能 實 也,命 曰 新 里,秦 取 之。 XIX.十 有 九 年
十 有 九 年,春,王 三 月,宋 人 執 滕 子 嬰 齊。
夏,六 月,宋 公,曹 人,邾 人,盟 于 曹 南。
鄫 子 會 盟 于 邾。
己 酉,邾 人 執 鄫 子,用 之。
秋,宋 人 圍 曹。
衛 人 伐 邢。
冬,會 陳 人,蔡 人,楚 人,鄭 人,盟 于 齊。梁 亡。
梁 亡。
左 傳 曰,十 九 年,春,遂 城 而 居 之。
宋 人 執 滕 宣 公。
夏 宋 公 使 邾 文 公,用 鄫 子 于 次 睢 之 社,欲 以 屬 東 夷。司 馬
子 魚 曰,古 者 六 畜 不 相 為 用,小 事 不 用 大 牲,而 况 敢 用 人 乎,祭 祀 以 為 人 也,民,神 之 主 也,用 人,其 誰 饗
之,齊 桓 公 存 三 亡 國,以 屬 諸 侯,義 士 猶 曰 薄 德,今 一 會 而 虐 二 國 之 君,又 用 諸 淫 昏 之 鬼,將 以 求 霸,不 亦
難 乎,得 死 為 幸。
宋 人 圍 曹。討 不 服 也。子 魚 言 於 宋 公曰,文 王 聞 崇 德 亂 而
伐 之,軍 三 旬 而 不 降,退 修 教 而 復 伐 之,因 壘 而 降,詩 曰
刑 于 寡 妻,至 于 兄 弟,以 御 于 家 邦,今 君 德 無 乃 猶 有 所
闕,而 以 伐 人,若 之 何,盍 姑 內 省 德 乎,無 闕 而 後 動。
秋,衛 人 伐 邢,以 報 菟 圃 之 役,於 是 衛 大 旱,卜 有 事 於 山
川,不 吉。甯 莊 子 曰,昔 周 饑,克 殷 而 年 豐,今 邢 方 無 道,諸 侯 無 伯,天 其 或 者 欲 使 衛 討 邢 乎。從 之,師 興 而
雨。
陳 穆 公 請 修 好 於 諸 侯,以 無 忘 齊 桓 之 德。冬,盟 于 齊。修 桓
公 之 好 也。
梁 亡。不 書 其 主,自 取 之 也。初,梁 伯 好 土 功,亟 城 而 弗
處,民 罷 而 弗 堪,則 曰,某 寇 將 至,乃 溝 公 宮,曰,秦 將 襲 我。民 懼 而 潰,秦 遂 取 梁。 XX. 二 十 年
二 十 年,春,新 作 南 門。
夏,郜 子 來 朝。
五 月,乙 巳,西 宮 災。
鄭 人 入 滑。
秋,齊 人,狄 人,盟 于 邢。
冬,楚 人 伐 隨。
左 傳 曰,二 十 年,春,新 作 南 門。書 不 時 也,凡 啟 塞 從
時。
滑 人 叛 鄭,而 服 於 衛,夏,鄭 公 子 士,洩 堵 寇,帥 師 入
滑。
秋,齊 狄 盟 于 邢。為 邢 謀 衛 難 也,於 是 衛 方 病 邢。
隨 以 漢 東 諸 侯 叛 楚。冬,楚 鬬 穀 於 菟 帥 師 伐 隨,取 成 而
還,君 子 曰,隨 之 見 伐,不 量 力 也,量 力 而 動,其 過 鮮 矣,善 敗 由 己,而 由 人 乎 哉,詩 曰,豈 不 夙 夜 謂 行 多
露。
宋 襄 公 欲 合 諸 侯,臧 文 仲 聞 之,曰 以欲 從 人 則 可,以 人 從
欲 鮮 濟。 二 十 有 一 年
二 十 有 一 年,春,狄 侵 衛。
宋 人,齊 人,楚 人,盟 于 鹿 上。
夏,大 旱。
秋,宋 公,楚 子,陳 侯,蔡 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,曹 伯,會 于 盂,執 宋 公 以
伐 宋。
冬,公 伐 邾。
楚 人 使 宜 申 來 獻 捷。
十 有 二 月,癸 丑,公 會 諸 侯,盟 于 薄,釋 宋 公。
左 傳 曰,二 十 一 年,春,宋 人 為 鹿 上 之 盟,以 求 諸 侯 於 楚,楚
人 許 之,公 子 目 夷 曰,小 國 爭 盟,禍 也,宋 其 亡 乎,幸 而 後 敗。
夏,大 旱。公 欲 焚 巫 尪,臧 文 仲 曰,非 旱 備 也,脩 城 郭,貶 食 省
用,務 穡 勸 分,此 其 務 也,巫 尪 何 為,天 欲 殺 之,則 如 勿 生,若 能 為 旱,焚 之 滋 甚。公 從 之。是 歲 也,饑 而 不
害。
秋,諸 侯 會 宋 公 于 盂。子 魚 曰,禍 其 在 此 乎,君 欲 已 甚,其 何
以 堪 之。於 是 楚 執 宋 公 以 伐 宋。冬,會 于 薄,以 釋 之。子 魚 曰,禍 猶 未 也,未 足 以 懲 君。
任,宿,須 句,顓 臾,風 姓 也,實 司 大 皞 與 有 濟 之 祀,以 服 事 諸
夏,邾 人 滅 須 句,須 句 子 來 奔,因 成 風 也。成 風 為 之 言 於 公 曰,崇 明 祀,保 小 寡,周 禮 也,蠻 夷猾 夏,周 禍 也,若
封 須 句,是 崇 皞 濟,而 脩 祀 紓 禍 也。 二 十 有 二 年
二 十 有 二 年,春,公 伐 邾,取 須 句。
夏,宋 公,衛 侯,許 男,滕 子,伐 鄭。
秋,八 月,丁 未,及 邾 人 戰 于 升 陘。
冬,十 有 一 月,己 巳,朔,宋 公 及 楚人 戰 于 泓,宋 師 敗 績。
左 傳 曰,二 十 二 年,春,伐 邾,取 須 句。反 其 君 焉,禮 也。
三 月,鄭 伯 如 楚。夏,宋 公 伐 鄭,子 魚 曰,所 謂 禍 在 此
矣。
初,平 王 之 東 遷 也,辛 有 適 伊 川,見 被 髮 而 祭 於 野 者,曰,不
及 百 年,此 其 戎 乎,其 禮 先 亡 矣。秋,秦 晉 遷 陸 渾 之 戎 于 伊 川。
晉 大 子 圉 為 質 於 秦,將 逃 歸,謂 嬴 氏 曰,與 子 歸 乎。對
曰,子,晉 大 子,而 辱 于 秦,子 之 欲 歸,不 亦 宜 乎,寡 君 之 使 婢 子 侍 執 巾 櫛,以 固 子 也,從 子 而 歸,棄 君 命 也,不
敢 從,亦 不 敢 言。遂 逃 歸。
富 辰 言 於 王 曰,請 召 大 叔,詩 曰,
協 比 其 鄰,昏 姻 孔 云,吾 兄 弟 之 不 協,焉 能 怨 諸 侯 之 不
睦。王 說。王 子 帶 自 齊 復 歸 于 京 師,王 召 之 也。
邾 人 以 須 句 故,出 師,公 卑 邾,不 設 備 而 禦 之,臧 文 仲 曰,國
無 小,不 可 易 也,無 備,雖 眾 不 可 恃 也,詩 曰,
戰 戰 兢 兢,如 臨 深 淵,如 履 薄 冰,
又 曰,敬 之 敬 之,天 維 顯 思,命 不 易 哉,先 王 之 明 德,猶 無
不 難 也,無 不 懼 也,况 我 小 國 乎,君 其 無 謂 邾 小,蜂蜂 蠆 有 毒,而 况 國 乎。弗 聽,八 月,丁 未,公 及 邾 師 戰 于 升
陘,我 師 敗 績,邾 人 獲 公 冑,縣 諸 魚 門。
楚 人 伐 宋 以 救 鄭。宋 公 將 戰,大 司 馬 固 諫 曰,天 之 棄 商
久 矣,君 將 興 之,弗 可 赦 也 已。弗 聽。冬,十 一 月,己 巳,朔,宋 公 及 楚 人 戰 于 泓。
宋 人 既 成 列,楚 人 未 既 濟,司 馬 曰,彼 衆 我 寡,及 其 未 既
濟 也,請 擊 之。公 曰,不 可。既 濟 而 未 成 列,又 以 告,公 曰,未 可。既 陳 而 後 擊 之,
宋 師 敗 績,公 傷 股,門 官 殲 焉。國 人 皆 咎 公。公 曰,君 子 不
重 傷,不 禽 二 毛,古 之 為 軍 也,不 以 阻 隘 也,寡 人 雖亡 國 之 餘,不 鼓 不 成 列,子 魚 曰,君 未 知 戰,勍 敵 之 人,隘
而 不 列,天 贊 我 也,阻 而 鼓 之,不 亦 可 乎,猶 有 懼 焉,且 今 之 勍 者,皆 吾 敵 也,雖 及 胡 耇,獲 則 取 之,何 有 於 二
毛,明 恥 教 戰,求 殺 敵 也,傷 未 及 死,如 何 勿 重,若 愛 重 傷,則 如 勿 傷,愛 其 二 毛,則 如 服 焉,三 軍 以 利 用 也,金
鼓 以 聲 氣 也,利 而 用 之,阻 隘 可 也,聲 盛 致 志,鼓 儳 可 也。
丙 子 晨,鄭 文 夫 人 芊 氏,姜 氏,勞 楚 子 於 柯 澤,楚 子 使 師
縉 示 之 俘 馘。君 子 曰,非 禮 也,婦 人 送 迎 不 出 門,見 兄 弟 不 踰 閾,戎 事 不 邇 女 器。
丁 丑,楚 子 入 饗 于 鄭,九 獻,庭 實 旅 百,加 籩 豆 六 品,饗
畢,夜 出,文 芊 送 于 軍,取 鄭 二 姬 以 歸,叔 詹 曰,楚 王 其 不 沒 乎,為 禮 卒 于 無 別,無 別,不 可 謂 禮,將 何 以 沒,諸
侯 是 以 知 其 不 遂 霸 也。 二 十 有 三 年
二 十 有 三 年,春,齊 侯 伐 宋,圍 緡。
夏,五 月,庚 寅,宋 公 玆 父 卒。
秋,楚 人 伐 陳。
冬,十 有 一 月,杞 子 卒。
左 傳 曰,二 十 三 年,春,齊 侯 伐 宋,圍 緡。以 討 其 不 與 盟 于 齊
也。
夏,五 月,宋 襄 公 卒。傷 於 泓 故 也。
秋,楚 成 得 臣 帥 師 伐 陳。討 其 貳 於 宋 也,遂 取 焦,夷,城 頓 而
還。子 文 以 為 之 功,使 為 令 尹,叔 伯 曰,子 若 國 何。對 曰,吾 以 靖 國 也,夫 有 大 功 而 無 貴 仕,其 人 能 靖 者 與,有
幾。
九 月,晉 惠 公 卒,懷 公 命 無 從 亡 人,期 期 而 不 至,無 赦。狐 突
之 子,毛 及 偃,從 重 耳 在 秦,弗 召,冬,懷 公 執 狐 突 曰,子 來 則 免,對 曰,子 之 能 仕,父 教 之 忠,古 之 制 也,策 名 委
質,貳 乃 辟 也,今 臣 之 子,名 在 重 耳,有 年 數 矣,若 又 召 之,教 之 貳 也,父 教 子 貳,何 以 事 君,刑 之 不 濫,君 之 明
也,臣 之 願 也,淫 刑 以 逞,誰 則 無 罪,臣 聞 命 矣。乃 殺 之。
卜 偃 稱 疾 不 出,曰,周 書 有 之,乃 大 明 服,己 則 不 明,而 殺 人
以 逞,不 亦 難 乎,民 不 見 德,而 唯 戮 是 聞,其 何 後 之 有。
十 一 月,杞 成 公 卒。書 曰,子,杞,夷 也,不 書 名,未 同 盟 也,凡 諸
侯 同 盟,死 則 赴 以 名,禮 也。赴 以 名,則 亦 書 之,不 然 則 否,辟 不 敏 也。
晉 公 子 重 耳 之 及 於 難 也,晉 人 伐 諸 蒲 城,蒲 城 人 欲 戰,重
耳 不 可,曰,保 君 父 之 命,而 享 其 生 祿,於 是 乎 得 人,有 人 而 校,罪 莫 大 焉,吾 其 奔 也。
遂 奔 狄,從 者 狐 偃,趙 衰,顛 頡,魏 武 子,司 空 季 子。狄 人 伐 廧
咎 如,獲 其 二 女,叔 隗 季 隗,納 諸 公 子,公 子 取 季 隗,生 伯 鯈,叔 劉,以 叔 隗 妻 趙 衰,生 盾。將 適 齊,謂 季 隗 曰,待
我 二 十 五 年 不 來,而 後 嫁。對 曰,我 二 十 五 年 矣,又 如 是 而 嫁,則 就 木 焉,請 待 子。
處 狄 十 二 年 而 行,過 衛,衛 文 公 不禮 焉,出 於 五 鹿,乞 食 於
野 人,野 人 與 之 塊,公 子 怒,欲 鞭 之,子 犯 曰,天 賜 也,稽 首 受 而 載 之。
及 齊,齊 桓 公 妻 之,有 馬 二 十 乘,公 子 安 之,從 者 以 為 不
可,將 行,謀 於 桑 下,蠶 妾 在 其 上,以 告 姜 氏,姜 氏 殺 之,而 謂 公 子 曰,子 有 四 方 之 志,其 聞 之 者,吾 殺 之 矣。公
子 曰,無 之。姜 曰,行 也,懷 與 安 實 敗 名。公 子 不 可,姜 與 子 犯 謀,醉 而 遣 之,醒,以 戈 逐 子 犯,
及 曹,曹 共 公 聞 其 駢 脅,欲 觀 其 裸,浴,薄 而 觀 之。僖 負 羈
之 妻 曰,吾 觀 晉 公 子 之 從 者,皆 足 以 相 國,若 以 相,夫 子 必 反 其 國,反 其 國,必 得 志 於 諸 侯,得 志 於 諸 侯,而
誅 無 禮,曹 其 首 也,子 盍 蚤 自 貳 焉。乃 饋 盤 飧,寘 璧 焉,公 子 受 飧 反 璧。
及 宋,宋 襄 公 贈 之 以 馬 二 十 乘,及 鄭,鄭 文 公 亦 不 禮
焉,叔 詹 諫 曰,臣 聞 天 之 所 啟,人 弗 及 也,晉 公 子 有 三 焉,天 其 或 者 將 建 諸,君 其 禮 焉,男 女 同 姓,其 生 不
蕃,晉 公 子 姬 出 也,而 至 于 今,一 也,離 外 之 患,而 天 下 不 靖 晉 國,殆 將 啟 之,二 也。有 三 士,足 以 上 人,而 從
之,三 也。晉 鄭,同 儕,其 過 子 弟,固 將 禮 焉,况 天 之 所 啟 乎。弗 聽,
及 楚,楚 子 饗 之,曰,公 子 若 反 晉 國,則 何 以 報 不 穀。對
曰,子 女 玉 帛,則 君 有 之,羽 毛 齒 革,則 君 地 生 焉,其 波 及 晉 國 者,君 之 餘 也,其 何 以 報 君。曰,雖 然,何 以 報
我。對 曰,若 以 君 之 靈,得 反 晉 國,晉 楚 治 兵,遇 於 中 原,其 辟 君 三 舍,若 不 獲 命,其 左 執 鞭 弭,右 屬 櫜 鞬,以 與
君 周 旋。
子 玉 請 殺 之,楚 子 曰,晉 公 子 廣 而 儉,文 而 有 禮,其 從 者
肅 而 寬,忠 而 能 力,晉 侯 無 親,外 內 惡 之,吾 聞 姬 姓,唐 叔 之 後,其 後 衰 者 也,其 將 由 晉 公 子 乎,天 將 興 之,誰
能 廢 之,違 天 必 有 大 咎。
乃 送 諸 秦,秦 伯 納 女 五 人,懷 嬴 與 焉,奉 匜 沃 盥,既 而 揮
之,怒 曰,秦 晉,匹 也。何 以 卑 我,公 子 懼,降 服 而 囚,
他 日,公 享 之,子 犯 曰,吾 不 如 衰 之 文 也,請 使 衰 從,公 子
賦 河 水,公 賦 六 月,趙 衰 曰,重 耳 拜 賜,公 子 降,拜 稽 首,公 降 一 級 而 辭 焉。衰 曰,君 稱 所 以 佐 天 子 者 命 重
耳,重 耳 敢 不 拜。 二 十 有 四 年
二 十 有 四 年,春,王 正 月。
夏,狄 伐 鄭。
秋,七 月。
冬,天 王 出 居 于 鄭,
晉 侯 夷 吾 卒。
左 傳 曰,二 十 四 年,春,王 正 月,秦 伯 納 之,不 書,不 告 入 也。及
河,子 犯 以 璧 授 公 子 曰,臣 負 羈 絏,從 君 巡 於 天 下,臣 之 罪 甚 多 矣,臣 猶 知 之,而 况 君 乎,請 由 此 亡。公 子
曰,所 不 與 舅 氏 同 心 者,有 如 白 水。投 其 璧 于 河。濟 河,圍 令 狐,入 桑 泉,取 臼 衰,二 月,甲 午,晉 師 軍 于 廬 柳,秦
伯 使 公 子 縶 如 晉 師,師 退,軍 于 郇。辛 丑,狐 偃 及 秦 晉 之 大 夫 盟 于 郇,壬 寅,公 子 入 于 晉 師,丙 午,入 于 曲
沃,丁 未,朝 于 武 宮,戊 申,使 殺 懷 公 于 高 梁,不 書,亦 不 告 也。
呂 郤 畏 偪,將 焚 公 宮 而 弒 晉 侯,寺 人 披 請 見,公 使 讓 之,且
辭 焉,曰,蒲 城 之 役,君 命 一 宿,女 即 至,其 後 余 從 狄 君 以 田 渭 濱,女 為 惠 公 來,求 殺 余,命 女 三 宿,女 中 宿
至,雖 有 君 命,何 其 速 也,夫 袪 猶 在,女 其 行 乎。對 曰,臣 謂 君 之 入 也,其 知 之 矣,若 猶 未 也,又 將 及 難,君 命 無
二,古 之 制 也,除 君 之 惡,唯 力 是 視,蒲 人 狄 人,余 何 有 焉,今 君 即 位,其 無 蒲 狄 乎,齊 桓 公 置 射 鈎,而 使 管 仲
相,君 若 易 之,何 辱 命 焉,行 者 甚 眾,豈 唯 刑 臣。公 見 之,以 難 告。三 月,晉 侯 潛 會 秦 伯 于 王 城,己 丑,晦,公 宮
火,瑕 甥,郤 芮 不 獲 公,乃 如 河 上,秦 伯 誘 而 殺 之。晉 侯 逆 夫 人 嬴 氏 以 歸,秦 伯 送 衛 於 晉 三 千 人,實 紀 綱 之
僕。
初,晉 侯 之 豎 頭 須,守 藏 者 也,其 出 也,竊 藏 以 逃,盡 用 以 求
納 之,及 入,求 見,公 辭 焉 以 沐。謂 僕 人 曰,沐 則 心 覆,心 覆 則 圖 反,宜 吾 不 得 見 也,居 者 為 社 稷 之 守,行 者 為
羈 絏 之 僕,其 亦 可 也,何 必 罪 居 者,國 君 而 讐 匹 夫,懼 者 甚 衆 矣。僕 人 以 告,公 遽 見 之。
狄 人 歸 季 隗 于 晉,而 請 其 二 子,文 公 妻 趙 衰,生 原 同,屏
括,摟 嬰,趙 姬 請 逆 盾 與 其 母,子 餘 辭,姬 曰,得 寵 而 忘 舊,何 以 使 人,必 逆 之。固 請,許 之 來,以 盾 為 才,固 請 于
公,以 為 嫡 子 而 使 其 三 子 下 之,以 叔 隗 為 內 子,而 己 下 之。
晉 侯 賞 從 亡 者,介 之 推 不 言 祿,祿 亦 弗 及。推 曰,獻 公 之 子
九 人,唯 君 在 矣,惠 懷 無 親,外 內 棄 之,天 未 絕 晉,必 將 有 主,主 晉 祀 者,非 君 而 誰,天 實 置 之,而 二 三 子 以 為
己 力,不 亦 誣 乎。竊 人 之 財,猶 謂 之 盜,况 貪 天 之 功,以 為 己 力 乎,下 義 其 罪,上 賞 其 姦,上 下 相 蒙,難 與 處
矣。其 母 曰,盍 亦 求 之,以 死 誰 懟。對 曰,尤 而 效 之,罪 又 甚 焉,且 出 怨 言,不 食 其 食。其 母 曰,亦 使 知 之,若 何。對
曰,言,身 之 文 也,身 將 隱,焉 用 文 之,是 求 顯 也。其 母 曰,能 如 是 乎,與 女 偕 隱。遂 隱 而 死。晉 侯 求 之 不 獲,以 綿
上 為 之 田,曰,以 志 吾 過,且 旌 善 人。
鄭 之 入 滑 也,滑 人 聽 命,師 還,又 即 衛,鄭 公 子 士,洩 堵 俞
彌,帥 師 伐 滑,王 使 伯 服,游 孫 伯,如 鄭 請 滑,鄭 伯 怨 惠 王 之 入,而 不 與 厲 公 爵 也,又 怨 襄 王 之 與 衛 滑 也,故
不 聽 王 命,而 執 二 子,王 怒,將 以 狄 伐 鄭。富 辰 諫 曰,不 可,臣 聞 之,大 上 以 德 撫 民,其 次 親 親 以 相 及 也,昔 周
公 弔 二 叔 之 不 咸,故 封 建 親 戚,以 蕃 屏 周,管,蔡,郕,霍,魯,衛,毛,聃,郜,雍,曹,滕,畢,原,酆,郇,文 之 昭
也,邗,晉,應,韓,武 之 穆 也,凡,蔣,邢,茅,胙,祭,周 公 之 胤 也,召 穆 公 思 周 德 之 不 類,故 糾 合 宗 族 于 成 周,而 作
詩,曰,
常 棣 之 華,鄂 不 韡 韡,凡 今 之 人,莫 如 兄 弟,其 四 章
曰,
兄 弟 鬩 于 牆,外 禦 其 侮,而 是 則 兄 弟 雖 有 小 忿,不 廢 懿
親,今 天 子 不 忍 小 忿,以 棄 鄭 親,其 若 之 何,庸 勳 親 親,暱,近 尊 賢,德 之 大 者 也,即 聾 從 昧,與 頑 用 嚚,姦 之 大
者 也,棄 德 崇 姦,禍 之 大 者 也,鄭 有 平 惠 之 勳,又 有 厲 宣 之 親,棄 嬖 寵 而 用 三 良,於 諸 姬 為 近,四 德 具 矣,耳
不 聽 五 聲 之 和 為 聾,目 不 別 五 色 之 章 為 昧,心 不 則 德 義 之 經 為 頑,口 不 道 忠 信 之 言 為 嚚,狄 皆 則 之,四
姦 具 矣,周 之 有 懿 德 也,猶 曰 莫 如 兄 弟,故 封 建 之,其 懷 柔 天 下 也,猶 懼 有 外 侮,扞 禦 侮 者,莫 如 親 親,故 以
親 屏 周,召 穆 公 亦 云,今 周 德 既 衰,於 是 乎 又 渝 周 召,以 從 諸 姦,無 乃 不 可 乎,民 未 忘 禍,王 又 興 之,其 若 文
武 何,王 弗 聽,使 頹 叔 桃 子 出 狄 師。
夏,狄 伐 鄭,取 櫟。王 德 狄 人,將 以 其 女 為 后,富 辰 諫 曰,不
可,臣 聞 之 曰,報 者 倦 矣,施 者 未 厭,狄 固 貪 惏,王 又 啟 之,女 德 無 極,婦 怨 無 終,狄 必 為 患。王 又 弗 聽。初,甘 昭
公 有 寵 於 惠 后,惠 后 將 立 之,未 及 而 卒,昭 公 奔 齊,王 復 之,又 通 於 隗 氏,王 替 隗 氏。頹 叔 桃 子 曰,我 實 使
狄,狄 其 怨 我。遂 奉 大叔,以 狄 師 攻 王,王 御 士 將 禦 之,王 曰,先 后 其 謂 我 何,寧 使 諸 侯 圖 之。王 遂 出,及 坎
欿,國 人 納 之,秋,頹 叔 桃 子 奉 大 叔 以 狄 師 伐 周,大 敗 周 師,獲 周 公 忌 父,原 伯,毛 伯,富 辰,王 出 適 鄭,處 于
氾,大 叔 以 隗 氏 居 于 溫。
鄭 子 華 之 弟 子 臧 出 奔 宋,好 聚 鷸 冠,鄭 伯 聞 而 惡 之,使
盜 誘 之,八 月,盜 殺 之 于 陳 宋 之 閒。君 子 曰,服 之 不 衷,身 之 災 也,詩 曰,
彼 己 之 子,不 稱 其 服,子 臧 之 服,不 稱 也 夫,詩 曰,
自 詒 伊 慼,其 子 臧 之 謂 矣,夏 書 曰,地 平 天 成,稱 也。
宋 及 楚 平。宋 成 公 如 楚,還,入 於 鄭,鄭 伯 將 享 之,問 禮 於
皇 武 子,對 曰,宋,先 代 之 後 也,於 周 為 客,天 子 有 事 膰 焉,有 喪 拜 焉,豐 厚 可 也。鄭 伯 從 之,享 宋 公 有 加,禮
也。
冬,王 使 來 告 難 曰,不 穀 不 德,得 罪 于 母 弟 之 寵 子 帶,鄙
在 鄭 地 氾,敢 告 叔 父。臧 文 仲 對 曰,天 子 蒙 塵 于 外,敢 不 奔 問 官 守。王 使 簡 師 父 告 于 晉,使 左 鄢 父 告 于
秦。天 子 無 出,書 曰,天 王 出 居 于 鄭。辟 母 弟 之 難 也,天 子 凶 服 降 名,禮 也。鄭 伯 與 孔 將 鉏,石 甲 父,侯 宣 多,省
視 官 具 于 氾,而 後 聽 其 私 政,禮 也。
衛 人 將 伐 邢,禮 至 曰,不 得 其 守,國 不 可 得 也,我 請 昆 弟
仕 焉。乃 往 得 仕。 二 十 有 五 年
二 十 有 五 年,春,王 正 月,丙 午,衛 侯 燬 滅 邢。
夏,四 月,癸 酉,衛 侯 燬 卒。
宋 蕩 伯 姬 來 逆 婦。
宋 殺 其 大 夫。
秋,楚 人 圍 陳,納 頓 子 于 頓。
葬 衛 文 公。
冬,十 有 二 月,癸 亥,公 會 衛 子,莒 慶,盟 于 洮。
左 傳 曰,二 十 五 年,春,衛 人 伐 邢,二 禮 從 國 子 巡 城,掖 以 赴
外,殺 之。正 月,丙 午,衛 侯 燬 滅 邢。同 姓 也,故 名。禮 至 為 銘 曰,余 掖 殺 國 子,莫 余 敢 止。
秦 伯 師 于 河 上,將 納 王,狐 偃 言 於 晉 侯 曰,求 諸 侯 莫 如 勤
王,諸 侯 信 之,且 大 義 也,繼 文 之 業,而 信 宣 於 諸 侯,今 為 可 矣。使 卜 偃 卜 之,曰,吉,遇 黃 帝 戰 于 阪 泉 之 兆。公
曰,吾 不 堪 也。對 曰,周 禮 未 改,今 之 王,古 之 帝 也,公 曰,筮 之。筮 之,遇 大 有 之 睽,曰,吉,遇 公 用 享 于 天 子 之
卦,戰 克 而 王 饗,吉 孰 大 焉,且 是 卦 也,天 為 澤 以 當 日,天 子 降 心 以 逆 公,不 亦 可 乎,大 有 去 睽 而 復,亦 其 所
也。晉 侯 辭 秦 師 而 下。三 月,甲 辰,次 于 陽 樊,右 師 圍 溫,左 師 逆 王。
夏,四 月,丁 巳,王 入 于 王 城,取 大 叔 于 溫,殺 之 于 隰 城。戊
午,晉 侯 朝 王,王 饗 醴,命 之 宥,請 隧,弗 許,曰,王 章 也,未 有 代 德 而 有 二 王,亦 叔 父 之 所 惡 也。與 之 陽 樊,溫
原,欑 茅 之 田,晉 於 是 始 起 南 陽。陽 樊 不 服,圍 之,倉 葛 呼 曰,德 以 柔 中 國,刑 以 威 四 夷,宜 吾 不 敢 服 也,此 誰
非 王 之 親 姻,其 俘 之 也,乃 出 其 民。
秋,秦 晉 伐 鄀。楚 鬬 克,屈 禦 寇,以 申 息 之 師 戍 商 密,秦 人 過
析,隈 入 而 係 輿 人,以 圍 商 密,昏 而 傅 焉,宵 坎 血 加 書,偽 與 子 儀 子 邊 盟 者,商 密 人 懼 曰,秦 取 析 矣,戍 人 反
矣。乃 降 秦 師,囚 申 公 子 儀,息 公 子 邊,以 歸,楚 令 尹 子 玉 追 秦 師,弗 及,遂 圍 陳,納 頓 子 于 頓。
冬,晉 侯 圍 原,命 三 日 之 糧,原 不 降,命 去 之。諜 出,曰,原 將 降
矣。軍 吏 曰,請 待 之。公 曰,信,國 之 寶 也,民 之 所 庇 也,得 原 失 信,何 以 庇 之,所 亡 滋 多,退 一 舍 而 原 降,遷 原 伯
貫 于 冀,趙 衰 為 原 大 夫,狐 溱 為 溫 大 夫。
衛 人 平 莒 于 我,十 二 月,盟 于 洮。修 衛 文 公 之 好,且 及 莒
平 也。
晉 侯 問 原 守 於 寺 人 勃 鞮,對 曰,昔 趙 衰 以 壺 飧 從 徑,餒
而 弗 食。故 使 處 原。
二 十 有 六 年,春,王 正 月,己 未,公 會 莒 子,衛 甯 速,盟 于
向。
齊 人 侵 我 西 鄙,公 追 齊 師,至 酅,弗 及。
夏,齊 人 伐 我 北 鄙。
衛 人 伐 齊。
公 子 遂 如 楚 乞 師。
秋,楚 人 滅 夔,以 夔 子 歸。
冬,楚 人 伐 宋,圍 緡。
公 以 楚 師 伐 齊,取 穀。
公 至 自 伐 齊。
左 傳 曰,二 十 六 年,春,王 正 月,公 會 莒 玆 丕 公,甯 莊 子,盟 于
向。尋 洮 之 盟 也。
齊 師 侵 我 西 鄙。討 是 二 盟 也。
夏,齊 孝 公 伐 我 北 鄙,衛 人 伐 齊。洮 之 盟 故 也。公 使 展 喜 犒
師,使 受 命 于 展 禽,齊 侯 未 入 竟,展 喜 從 之,曰,寡 君 聞 君 親 舉 玉 趾,將 辱 於 敝 邑,使 下 臣 犒 執 事。齊 侯 曰,魯
人 恐 乎。對 曰,小 人 恐 矣,君 子 則 否。齊 侯 曰,室 如 縣 罄,野 無 青 草,何 恃 而 不 恐。對 曰,恃 先 王 之 命,昔 周 公,大
公,股 肱 周 室,夾 輔 成 王,成 王 勞 之,而 賜 之 盟,曰,世 世 子 孫,無 相 害 也,載 在 盟 府,大 師 職 之,桓 公 是 以 糾 合
諸 侯,而 謀 其 不 協,彌 縫 其 闕,而 匡 救 其 災,昭 舊 職 也,及 君 即 位,諸 侯 之 望 曰,其 率 桓 之 功,我 敝 邑 用 不 敢
保 聚,曰,豈 其 嗣 世 九 年,而 棄 命 廢 職,其 若 先 君 何,君 必 不 然,恃 此 以 不 恐。齊 侯 乃 還。
東 門 襄 仲,臧 文 仲,如 楚 乞 師,臧 孫 見 子 玉,而 道 之 伐
齊,宋,以 其 不 臣 也。
夔 子 不 祀 祝 融 與 鬻 熊,楚 人 讓 之,對 曰,我 先 王 熊 摯 有
疾,鬼 神 弗 赦,而 自 竄 于 夔,吾 是 以 失 楚,又 何 祀 焉。秋,楚 成 得 臣,鬬 宜 申,帥 師 滅 夔,以 夔 子 歸。
宋 以 其 善 於 晉 侯 也,叛 楚 即 晉。冬,楚 令 尹 子 玉,司 馬 子
西,帥 師 伐 宋,圍 緡。
公 以 楚 師 伐 齊,取 穀,凡 師 能 左 右 之,曰 以,寘 桓 公 子 雍 於
穀,易 牙 奉 之,以 為 魯 援,楚 申 公 叔 侯 戍 之。桓 公 之 子 七 人,為 七 大 夫 於 楚。 二 十 有 七 年
二 十 有 七 年,春,杞 子 來 朝。
夏,六 月,庚 寅,齊 侯 昭 卒。
秋,八 月,乙 未,葬 齊 孝 公。
乙 巳,公 子 遂 帥 師 入 杞。
冬,楚 人,陳 侯,蔡 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,圍 宋。
十 有 二 月,甲 戌,公 會 諸 侯 盟 于 宋。
左 傳 曰,二 十 七 年,春,杞 桓 公 來 朝。用 夷 禮,故 曰 子,公 卑
杞,杞 不 共 也。
夏,齊 孝 公 卒。有 齊 怨,不 廢 喪 紀,禮 也。
秋,入 杞。責 無 禮 也。
楚 子 將 圍 宋,使 子 文 治 兵 於 睽,終 朝 而 畢,不 戮 一 人。子 玉
復 治 兵 於 蒍,終 日 而 畢,鞭 七 人,貫 三 人 耳。國 老 皆 賀 子 文,子 文 飲 之 酒,蒍 賈 尚 幼,後 至 不 賀,子 文 問 之,對
曰,不 知 所 賀,子 之 傳 政 於 子 玉,曰 以 靖 國 也,靖 諸 內 而 敗 諸 外,所 獲 幾 何,子 玉 之 敗,子 之 舉 也,舉 以 敗
國,將 何 賀 焉,子 玉 剛 而 無 禮,不 可 以 治 民,過 三 百 乘,其 不 能 以 入 矣,苟 入 而 賀,何 後 之 有。
冬,楚 子 及 諸 侯 圍 宋。宋 公 孫 固 如 晉 告 急,先 軫 曰,報 施 救
患,取 威 定 霸,於 是 乎 在 矣。狐 偃 曰,楚 始 得 曹,而 新 昏 於 衛,若 伐 曹 衛,楚 必 救 之,則 齊 宋 免 矣。於 是 乎 蒐 于
被 廬,作 三 軍,謀 元 帥,趙 衰 曰,郤 縠 可,臣 亟 聞 其 言 矣,說 禮 樂 而 敦 詩 書,詩 書,義 之 府 也,禮 樂,德 之 則 也,德
義,利 之 本 也,夏 書 曰,賦 納 以 言,明 試 以 功,車 服 以 庸,君 其 試 之。乃 使 郤 縠 將 中 軍,郤 溱 佐 之,使 狐 偃 將 上
軍,讓 於 狐 毛 而 佐 之,命 趙 衰 為 卿,讓 於 欒 枝,先 軫,使 欒 枝 將 下 軍,先 軫 佐 之,荀 林 父 御 戎,魏 犨 為
右。
晉 侯 始 入 而 教 其 民,二 年,欲 用 之,子 犯 曰,民 未 知 義,未 安
其 居。於 是 乎 出 定 襄 王,入 務 利 民,民 懷 生 矣。將 用 之,子 犯 曰,民 未 知 信,未 宣 其 用。於 是 乎 伐 原 以 示 之
信,民 易 資 者,不 求 豐 焉,明 徵 其 辭,公 曰,可 矣 乎。子 犯 曰,民 未 知 禮,未 生 其 共。於 是 乎 大 蒐 以 示 之 禮,作 執
秩 以 正 其 官。民 聽 不 惑,而 後 用 之,出 穀 戍,釋 宋 圍,一 戰 而 霸,文 之 教 也。 二 十 有 八 年
二 十 有 八 年,春,晉 侯 侵 曹,晉 侯 伐 衛。
公 子 買 戍 衛,不 卒 戍,刺 之。
楚 人 救 衛。
三 月,丙 午,晉 侯 入 曹,執 曹 伯,畀 宋 人。
夏,四 月,己 巳,晉 侯,齊 師,宋 師,秦 師,及 楚 人,戰 于 城 濮,楚 師
敗 績。
楚 殺 其 大 夫 得 臣。
衛 侯 出 奔 楚。
五 月,癸 丑,公 會 晉 侯,齊 侯,宋 公 蔡 侯,鄭 伯,衛 子,莒 子,盟 于
踐 土。
陳 侯 如 會。
公 朝 于 王 所。
六 月,衛 侯 鄭 自 楚 復 歸 于 衛,衛 元 咺 出 奔 晉。
陳 侯 款 卒。
秋,杞 伯 姬 來。
公 子 遂 如 齊。
冬,公 會 晉 侯,齊 侯,宋 公,蔡 侯,鄭 伯,陳 子,莒 子,邾 人,秦
人,于 溫。
天 王 狩 于 河 陽。
壬 申,公 朝 于 王 所。
晉 人 執 衛 侯,歸 之 于 京 師。
衛 元 咺 自 晉 復 歸 于 衛。
諸 侯 遂 圍 許。
曹 伯 襄 復 歸 于 曹,遂 會 諸 侯 圍 許。
左 傳 曰,二 十 八 年,春,晉 侯 將 伐 曹,假 道 于 衛,衛 人 弗
許,還,自 河 南 濟,侵 曹 伐 衛。正 月,戊 申,取 五 鹿。二 月,晉 郤 縠 卒,原 軫 將 中 軍,胥 臣 佐 下 軍,上 德 也。晉 侯,齊
侯,盟 于 斂 盂,衛 侯 請 盟,晉 人 弗 許。衛 侯 欲 與 楚,國 人 不 欲,故 出 其君,以 說 于 晉。衛 侯 出 居 于 襄 牛。
公 子 買 戍 衛,楚 人 救 衛,不 克,公 懼 於 晉,殺 子 叢 以 說 焉,謂
楚 人 曰,不 卒 戍 也。
晉 侯 圍 曹,門 焉 多 死,曹 人 尸 諸 城 上,晉 侯 患 之,聽 輿 人 之
謀,曰,稱 舍 於 墓。師 遷 焉,曹 人 兇 懼,為 其 所 得 者,棺 而 出 之,因 其 兇 也,而 攻 之。三 月,丙 午,入 曹,數 之 以 其 不
用 僖 負 羈,而 乘 軒 者 三 百 人 也,且 曰 獻 狀,令 無 入 僖 負 羈 之 宮,而 免 其 族,報 施 也。魏 犨,顛 頡 怒 曰,勞 之 不
圖,報 於 何 有。爇 僖 負 羈 氏,魏 犨 傷 於 胸,公 欲 殺 之,而 愛 其 材,使 問,且 視 之,病,將 殺 之。魏 犨 束 胸 見 使 者
曰,以 君 之 靈,不 有 寧 也,距 躍 三 百,曲 踊 三 百。乃 舍 之。殺 顛 頡 以 徇 于 師,立 舟 之 僑 以 為 戎 右。
宋 人 使 門 尹 般 如 晉 師 告 急,公 曰,宋 人 告 急,舍 之 則 絕,告
楚 不 許,我 欲 戰 矣,齊 秦 未 可,若 之 何。先 軫 曰,使 宋 舍 我 而 賂 齊 秦,藉 之 告 楚,我 執 曹 君,而 分 曹 衛 之 田,以
賜 宋 人,楚 愛 曹 衛,必 不 許 也,喜 賂 怒 頑,能 無 戰 乎。公 說,執 曹 伯,分 曹 衛 之 田,以 畀 宋 人。
楚 人 入 居 于 申,使 申 叔 去 穀,使 子 玉 去 宋,曰,無 從 晉 師,晉
侯 在 外。十 九 年 矣,而 果 得 晉 國,險 阻 艱 難,備 嘗 之 矣,民 之 情 偽,盡 知 之 矣,天 假 之 年,而 除 其 害,天 之 所
置,其 可 廢 乎,軍 志 曰,允 當 則 歸,又 曰,知 難 而 退,又 曰,有 德 不 可 敵,此 三 志 者,晉 之 謂 矣。
子 玉 使 伯 棼 請 戰,曰,非 敢 必 有 功 也,願 以 閒 執 讒 慝 之
口。王 怒,少 與 之 師,唯 西 廣 東 宮,與 若 敖 之 六 卒,實 從 之。子 玉 使 宛 春 告 於 晉 師,曰,請 復 衛 侯,而 封 曹,臣 亦
釋 宋 之 圍。子 犯 曰,子 玉 無 禮 哉,君 取 一,臣 取 二,不 可 失 矣。先 軫 曰,子 與 之,定 人 之 謂 禮,楚 一 言 而 定 三
國,我 一 言 而 亡 之,我 則 無 禮,何 以 戰 乎,不 許 楚 言,是 棄 宋 也,救 而 棄 之,謂 諸 侯 何,楚 有 三 施,我 有 三 怨,怨
讐 已 多,將 何 以 戰,不 如 私 許 復 曹 衛 以 攜 之,執 宛 春 以 怒 楚,既 戰 而 後 圖 之。公 說,乃 拘 宛 春 於 衛,且 私 許
復 曹 衛,曹 衛 告 絕 於 楚。子 玉 怒,從 晉 師,晉 師 退。軍 吏 曰,以 君 辟 臣,辱 也,且 楚 師 老 矣,何 故 退。子 犯 曰,師 直
為 壯,曲 為 老,豈 在 久 乎,微 楚 之 惠 不 及 此,退 三 舍 辟 之,所 以 報 也,背 惠 食 言,以 亢 其 讐,我 曲 楚 直,其 衆 素
飽,不 可 謂 老,我 退 而 楚 還,我 將 何 求,若 其 不 還,君 退 臣 犯,曲 在 彼 矣。退 三 舍,楚 衆 欲 止,子 玉 不 可。
夏,四 月,戊 辰。晉 侯,宋 公,齊 國 歸 父,崔 夭,秦 小 子 憖,次 于
城 濮,楚 師 背 酅 而 舍,晉 侯 患 之,聽 輿 人 之 誦,曰,
原 田 每 每,舍 其 舊 而 新 是 謀。公 疑 焉,子 犯 曰,戰 也,戰 而
捷,必 得 諸 侯,若 其 不 捷,表 裡 山 河,必 無 害 也。公 曰,若 楚 惠 何。欒 貞 子 曰,漢 陽 諸 姬,楚 實 盡 之,思 小 惠 而 忘
大 恥,不 如 戰 也。晉 侯 夢 與 楚 子 搏,楚 子 伏 己 而 盬 其 腦,是 以 懼。子 犯 曰,吉,我 得 天,楚 伏 其 罪,吾 且 柔 之
矣。
子 玉 使 鬬 勃 請 戰,曰,請 與 君 之 士 戲,君 馮 軾 而 觀 之 得
臣 與 寓 目 焉,晉 侯 使 欒 枝 對 曰,寡 君 聞 命 矣,楚 君 之 惠,未 之 敢 忘,是 以 在 此,為 大 夫 退,其 敢 當 君 乎,既 不
獲 命 矣,敢 煩 大 夫,謂 二 三 子,戒 爾 車 乘,敬 爾 君 事,詰 朝 將 見,
晉 車 七 百 乘,韅 靷 鞅 靽,晉 侯 登 有 莘 之 虛 以 觀 師,曰,少
長 有 禮,其 可 用 也,遂 伐 其 木 以 益 其 兵。己 巳 晉 師 陳 于 莘 北,胥 臣 以 下 軍 之 佐 當 陳 蔡,子 玉 以 若 敖 之 六
卒 將 中 軍,曰,今 日 必 無 晉 矣。子 西 將 左,子 上 將 右。胥 臣 蒙 馬 以 虎 皮,先 犯 陳 蔡,陳 蔡 奔,楚 右 師 潰。狐 毛 設
二 旆 而 退 之,欒 枝 使 輿 曳 柴 而 偽 遁,楚 師 馳 之,原 軫 郤 溱 以 中 軍 公 族,橫 擊 之,狐 毛 狐 偃,以 上 軍 夾 攻 子
西,楚 左 師 潰,楚 師 敗 績。子 玉 收 其 卒 而 止,故 不 敗。晉 師 三 日 館 穀,及 癸 酉 而 還。
初,楚 子 玉 自 為 瓊 弁 玉 纓,未 之 服 也,先 戰,夢 河 神 謂 己
曰,畀 余,余 賜 女 孟 諸 之 麋。弗 致 也。大 心 與 子 西,使 榮 黃 諫,弗 聽,榮 季 曰,死 而 利 國,猶 或 為 之,况 瓊 玉 乎,是
糞 土 也,而 可 以 濟 師,將 何 愛 焉。弗 聽,出 告 二 子 曰,非 神 敗 令 尹,令 尹 其 不 勤 民,實 自 敗 也。
既 敗,王 使 謂 之 曰,大 夫 若 入,其 若 申 息 之 老 何。子 西,孫
伯 曰,得 臣 將 死,二 臣 止 之 曰,君 其 將 以 為 戮,及 連 穀 而 死。晉 侯 聞 之,而 後 喜 可 知 也,曰,莫 余 毒 也 已。蒍 呂
臣 實 為 令 尹,奉 己 而 已,不 在 民 矣。
甲 午,至 于 衡 雍,作 王 宮 于 踐 土。鄉 役 之 三 月,鄭 伯 如
楚,致 其 師,為 楚 師 既 敗 而 懼,使 子 人 九 行 成 于 晉,晉 欒 枝 入 盟 鄭 伯,五 月,丙 午,晉 侯 及 鄭 伯 盟 于 衡 雍。丁
未,獻 楚 俘 于 王,駟 介 百 乘,徒 兵 千,鄭 伯 傅 王,用 平 禮 也。已 酉,王 享 醴,命 晉 侯 宥,王 命 尹 氏,及 王 子 虎,內 史
叔 興 父,策 命 晉 侯 為 侯 伯,賜 之 大 輅 之 服,戎 輅 之 服,彤 弓 一,彤 矢 百,玈 弓 矢 千,秬 鬯 一 卣,虎 賁三 百
人,曰,王 謂 叔 父,敬 服 王 命,以 綏 四 國,糾 逖 王 慝。晉 侯 三 辭 從 命,曰,重 耳 敢 再 拜 稽 首,奉 揚 天 子之 丕 顯 休
命,受 策 以 出,出 入 三 覲,衛 侯 聞 楚 師 敗,懼,出 奔 楚,遂 適 陳,使 元 咺 奉 叔 武 以 受 盟。癸 亥,王 子 虎,盟 諸 侯 于
王 庭,要 言 曰,皆 獎 王 室,無 相 害 也,有 渝 此 盟,明 神 殛 之,俾 隊 其 師,無 克 祚 國,及 其 玄 孫,無 有 老 幼。君 子 謂
是 盟 也 信,謂 晉 於 是 役 也,能 以 德 攻。
或 訴 元 咺 于 衛 侯 曰,立 叔 武 矣。其 子 角 從 公,公 使 殺
之,咺 不 廢 命,奉 夷 叔 以 入 守,六 月,晉 人 復 衛 侯,甯 武 子 與 衛 人 盟 于 宛 濮,曰,天 禍 衛 國,君 臣 不 協,以 及 此
憂 也,今 天 誘 其 衷,使 皆 降 心 以 相 從 也,不 有 居 者,誰 守 社 稷,不 有 行 者,誰 扞 牧 圉,不 協 之 故,用 昭 乞 盟 于
爾 大 神,以 誘 天 衷,自 今 日 以 往,既 盟 之 後,行 者 無 保 其 力,居 者 無 懼 其 罪,有 渝 此 盟,以 相 及 也,明 神 先
君,是 糾 是 殛,國 人 聞 此 盟 也,而 後 不 貳。衛 侯 先 期 入,甯 子 先,長 牂 守 門,以 為 使 也,與 之 乘 而 入,公 子 歂
犬,華 仲 前 驅,叔 孫 將 沐,聞 君 至,喜,捉 髮 走 出,前 驅 射 而 殺 之,公 知 其 無 罪 也,枕 之 股 而 哭 之,歂 犬 走 出,公
使 殺 之,元 咺 出 奔 晉。
城 濮 之 戰,晉 中 軍 風 于 澤,亡 大 旆 之 左 旃,祁 瞞 奸 命,司
馬 殺 之,以 徇 于 諸 侯,使 茅 茷 代 之,師 還,壬 午,濟 河,舟 之 僑 先 歸,士 會 攝 右。秋,七 月,丙 申,振 旅 愷 以 入 于
晉,獻 俘 授 馘,飲 至 大 賞,徵 會 討 貳,殺 舟 之 僑 以 徇 于 國,民 於 是 大 服。君 子 謂 文 公 其 能 刑 矣,三 罪 而 民
服,詩 云,惠 此 中 國,以 綏 四 方,不 失 賞 刑 之 謂 也。
冬,會 于 溫。討 不 服 也。
是 會 也,晉 侯 召 王,以 諸 侯 見,且 使 王 狩,仲 尼 曰,以 臣 召
君,不 可 以 訓,故 書 曰,天 王 狩 于 河 陽。言 非 其 地,也 且 明 德 也,壬 申,公 朝 于 王 所。
衛 侯 與 元 咺 訟,甯 武 子 為 輔,鍼 莊 子 為 坐,士 榮 為 大
士,衛 侯 不 勝,殺 士 榮,刖 鍼 莊 子,謂 甯 俞 忠 而 免 之,執 衛 侯,歸 之 于 京 師,寘 諸 深 室,甯 子 職 納 橐 饘
焉。
元 咺 歸 于 衛,立 公 子 瑕。
丁 丑,諸 侯 圍 許。晉 侯 有 疾,曹 伯 之 豎 侯 獳 貨 筮 史,使
曰,以 曹 為 解,齊 桓 公 為 會 而 封 異 姓,今 君 為 會 而 滅 同 姓,曹 叔 振 鐸,文 之 昭 也,先 君 唐 叔,武 之 穆 也,且 合
諸 侯 而 滅 兄 弟,非 禮 也,與 衛 偕 命,而 不 與 偕 復,非 信 也,同 罪 異 罰,非 刑 也,禮 以 行 義,信 以 守 禮,刑 以 正
邪,舍 此 三 者,君 將 若 之 何。公 說,復 曹 伯,遂 會 諸 侯 圍 許。
晉 侯 作 三 行 以 禦 狄,荀 林 父 將 中 行,屠 擊 將 右 行,先 篾
將 左 行。 二 十 有 九 年
二 十 有 九 年,春,介 葛 盧 來。
公 至 自 圍 許。
夏,六 月,會 王 人,晉 人,宋 人,齊人,陳 人,蔡 人,秦 人,盟 于 翟
泉。
秋,大 雨 雹。
冬,介 葛 盧 來。
左 傳 曰,二 十 九 年,春,葛 盧 來 朝,舍 于 昌 衍 之 上,公 在 會,饋
之 芻 米,禮 也。
夏,公 會 王 子 虎,晉 孤 偃,宋 公 孫 固,齊 國 歸 父,陳 轅 濤 塗,秦
小 子 憖,盟 于 翟 泉,尋 踐 土 之 盟,且 謀 伐 鄭 也,卿 不 書,罪 之 也,在 禮,卿 不 會 公 侯,會 伯 子 男 可 也。
秋,大 雨 雹,為 災 也。
冬,介 葛 盧 來。以 未 見 公,故 復 來 朝,禮 之,加 燕 好,介 葛 盧 聞
牛 鳴,曰,是 生 三 犧,皆 用 之 矣,其 音 云,問 之 而 信。 三 十 年
三 十 年,春,王 正 月。
夏 狄 侵 齊。
秋,衛 殺 其 大 夫 元 咺,及 公 子 瑕。
衛 侯 鄭 歸 于 衛。
晉 人,秦 人,圍 鄭。
介 人 侵 蕭。
冬,天 王 使 宰 周 公 來 聘。
公 子 遂 如 京 師,遂 如 晉。
左 傳 曰,三 十 年,春,晉 人 侵 鄭,以 觀 其 可 攻 與 否,狄 間 晉 之
有 鄭 虞 也,夏,狄 侵 齊。
晉 侯 使 醫 衍 酖 衛 侯,甯 俞 貨 醫,使 薄 其 酖,不 死,公 為 之
請,納 玉 於 王,與 晉 侯,皆 十 榖,王 許 之,秋,乃 釋 衛 侯。衛 侯 使 賂 周 歂 冶 廑 曰,苟 能 納 我,吾 使 爾 為 卿,周 冶 殺
元 咺,及 子 適 子 儀,公 入 祀 先 君,周 冶 既 服 將 命,周 歂 先 入,及 門,遇 疾 而 死,冶 廑 辭 卿。
九 月,甲 午,晉 侯 秦 伯 圍 鄭。以 其 無 禮 於 晉,且 貳 於 楚 也。晉
軍 函 陵,秦 軍 汜 南,佚 之 狐 言 於 鄭 伯 曰,國 危 矣,若 使 燭 之 武 見 秦 君,師 必 退。公 從 之。辭 曰,臣 之 壯 也,猶 不
如 人,今 老 矣,無 能 為 也 已。公 曰,吾 不 能 早 用 子,今 急 而 求 子,是 寡 人 之 過 也,然 鄭 亡,子 亦 有 不 利 焉。許
之,
夜 縋 而 出,見 秦 伯 曰,秦 晉 圍 鄭,鄭 既 知 亡 矣,若 亡 鄭 而 有
益 於 君,敢 以 煩 執 事,越 國 以 鄙 遠,君 知 其 難 也,焉 用 亡 鄭 以 倍 鄰,鄰 之 厚,君 之 薄 也,若 舍 鄭 以 為 東 道
主,行 李 之 往 來,共 其 乏 困,君 亦 無 所 害,且 君 嘗 為 晉 君 賜 矣,許 君 焦 瑕,朝 濟 而 夕 設 版 焉,君 之 所 知 也。夫
晉 何 厭 之 有,既 東 封 鄭,又 欲 肆 其 西 封,若 不 闕 秦,將 焉 取 之,闕 秦 以 利 晉,唯 君 圖 之。
秦 伯 說,與 鄭 人 盟,使 杞 子,逢 孫,楊 孫,戍 之,乃 還。子 犯 謂 擊
之。公 曰,不 可,微 夫 人 力 不 及 此,因 人 之 力 而 敝 之,不 仁,失 其 所 與,不 知,以 亂 易 整,不 武,吾 其 還 也。亦 去
之。
初,鄭 公 子 蘭 出 奔 晉,從 於 晉 侯 伐 鄭,請 無 與 圍 鄭,許 之,使
待 命 于 東,鄭 石 甲 父,侯 宣 多 逆 以 為 大子,以 求 成 于 晉,晉 人 許 之。
冬,王 使 周 公 閱 來 聘。饗 有 昌 歜,白,黑,形 鹽,辭 曰,國 君 文
足 昭 也,武 可 畏 也,則 有 備 物 之 饗,以 象 其 德,薦 五 味,羞 嘉 穀,鹽 虎 形,以 獻 其 功,吾 何 以 堪 之。
東 門 襄 仲 將 聘 于 周,遂 初 聘 于 晉。 三 十 有 一 年
三 十 有 一 年,春 取 濟 西 田。
公 子 遂 如 晉。
夏,四 月,四 卜 郊。
不 從,乃 免 牲。
猶三 望。
秋,七 月。
冬,杞 伯 姬 來 求 婦。
狄 圍 衛。
十 有 二 月,衛 遷 于 帝 丘。
左 傳 曰,三 十 一 年,春,取 濟 西 田。分 曹 地 也。使 臧 文 仲 往,宿
於 重 館,重 館 人 告 曰,晉 新 得 諸 侯,必 親 其 共,不 速 行,將 無 及 也。從 之,分 曹 地,自 洮 以 南,東 傅 于 濟,盡 曹 地
也。
襄 仲 如 晉,拜 曹 田 也。
夏,四 月,四 卜 郊,不 從,乃 免 牲。非 禮 也。猶 三 望。亦 非 禮 也。禮
不 卜 常 祀,而 卜 其 牲 日,牛 卜 日 曰 牲,牲 成 而 卜 郊,上 怠 慢 也。望,郊 之 細 也,不 郊,亦 無 望 可 也。
秋,晉 蒐 于 清 原,作 五 軍 似 禦 狄,趙 衰 為 卿。
冬,狄 圍 衛,衛 遷 于 帝 丘,卜 曰,三 百 年,衛 成 公 夢 康 叔 曰,相
奪 予 享。公 命 祀 相。甯 武 子,不 可,曰,鬼 神 非 其 族 類,不 歆 其 祀,杞 鄫 何 事,相 之 不 享 於 此 久 矣,非 衛 之 罪
也,不 可 以 間 成 王 周 公 之 命 祀,請 改 祀 命。
鄭 洩 駕 惡 公 子 瑕,鄭 伯 亦 惡 之,故 公子 瑕 出 奔 楚。 三 十 有 二 年
三 十 有 二 年,春,王 正 月。
夏,四 月,己 丑,鄭 伯 捷 卒。
衛 人 侵 狄。
秋,衛 人 及 狄 盟。
冬,十 有 二 月,己 卯,晉 侯 重 耳 卒。
左 傳 曰,三 十 二 年,春,楚 鬬 章 請 平 于 晉,晉 陽 處 父 報 之,晉
楚 始 通。
夏,狄 有 亂,衛 入 侵 狄。狄 請 平 焉。秋,衛 人 及 狄 盟。
冬,晉 文 公 卒,庚 辰,將 殯 于 曲 沃,出 絳,柩 有 聲 如 牛。卜 偃 使
大 夫 拜 曰,君 命 大 事,將 有 西 師 過 軼 我,擊 之 必 大 捷 焉。杞 子 自 鄭 使 告 于 秦 曰,鄭 人 使 我 掌 其 北 門 之
管,若 潛 師 以 來,國 可 得 也。穆 公 訪 諸 蹇 叔,蹇 叔 曰,勞 師 以 襲 遠,非 所 聞 也,師 勞 力 竭,遠 主 備 之,無 乃 不 可
乎,師 之 所 為,鄭 必 知 之,勤 而 無 所,必 有 悖 心,且 行 千 里,其 誰 不 知。公 辭 焉,召 孟 明,西 乞,白 乙,使 出 師 於 東
門 之 外。蹇 叔 哭 之 曰,孟 子,吾 見 師 之 出 而 不 見 其 入 也。公 使 謂 之,曰,爾 何 知,中 壽,爾 墓 之 木 拱 矣。蹇 叔 之
子 與 師,哭 而 送 之 曰,晉 人 禦 師 必 於 殽,殽 有 二 陵 焉,其 南 陵,夏 后 皋 之 墓 也,其 北 陵,文 王 之 所 辟 風 雨
也,必 死 是 間,余 收 爾 骨 焉。秦 師 遂 東。 三 十 有 三 年
三 十 有 三 年,春,王 二 月,秦 人 入 滑。
齊 侯 使 國 歸 父 來 聘。
夏,四 月,辛 巳,晉 人 及 姜 戎,敗 秦 師 于 殽。
癸 巳,葬 晉 文 公。
狄 侵 齊。
公 伐 邾,取 訾 婁。
秋,公 子 遂 帥 師 伐 邾。
晉 人 敗 狄 于 箕。
冬,十 月,公 如 齊。
十 有 二 月,公 至 自 齊。
乙 巳,公 薨 于 小 寢。
隕 霜 不 殺 草,李 梅 實。
晉 人,陳 人,鄭 人,伐 許。
左 傳 曰,三 十 三 年,春,晉 秦 師 過 周 北 門,左 右 免 冑 而 下,超
乘 者,三 百 乘,王 孫 滿 尚 幼,觀 之,言 於 王 曰,秦 師 輕 而 無 禮,必 敗,輕 則 寡 謀,無 禮 則 脫,入 險 而 脫,又 不 能
謀,能 無 敗 乎。
及 滑,鄭 商 人 弦 高,將 市 於 周,遇 之,以 乘 韋 先 牛 十 二,犒
師,曰,寡 君 聞 吾 子 將 步 師 出 於 敝 邑,敢 犒 從 者,不 腆 敝 邑,為 從 者 之 淹,居 則 具 一 日 之 積,行 則 備 一 夕 之
衛。且 使 遽 告 于 鄭,鄭 穆 公 使 視 客 館,則 束 載,厲 兵,秣 馬 矣。使 皇 武 子 辭 焉,曰,吾 子 淹 久 於 敝 邑,唯 是 脯 資
餼 牽,竭 矣,為 吾 子 之 將 行 也,鄭 之 有 原 圃,猶 秦 之 有 具 囿 也,吾 子 取 其 麋 鹿,以 閒 敝 邑,若 何。杞 子 奔 齊,逢
孫,楊 孫 奔 宋。孟 明 曰,鄭 有 備 矣,不 可 冀 也,攻 之 不 克,圍 之 不 繼,吾 其 還 也。滅 滑 而 還。
齊 國 莊 子 來 聘。自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄,禮 成 而 加 之 以 敏,臧 文
仲 言 於 公 曰,國 子 為 政,齊 猶 有 禮,君 其 朝 焉,臣 聞 之,服 於 有 禮,社 稷 之 衛 也。
晉 原 軫 曰,秦 違 蹇 叔 而 以 貪 勤 民,天 奉 我 也,奉 不 可 失,敵
不 可 縱,縱 敵 患 生,違 天 不 祥,必 伐 秦 師。欒 枝 曰,未 報 秦 施,而 伐 其 師,其 為 死 君 乎。先 軫 曰,秦 不 哀 吾 喪,而
伐 吾 同 姓,秦 則 無 禮,何 施 之 為,吾 聞 之,一 日 縱 敵,數 世 之 患 也,謀 及 子 孫,可 謂 死 君 乎。
遂 發 命,遽 興 姜 戎,子,墨 衰 絰,梁 弘 御 戎,萊 駒 為 右。夏,四
月,辛 巳,敗 秦 師 于 殽,獲 百 里 孟 明 視,西 乞 術,白 乙 丙,以 歸。遂 墨 以 葬 文 公,晉 於 是 始 墨。文 嬴 請 三 帥,曰,彼
實 構 吾 二 君,寡 君 若 得 而 食 之,不 厭,君 何 辱 討 焉,使 歸 就 戮 于 秦,以 逞 寡 君 之 志,若 何,公 許 之,
先 軫 朝,問 秦 囚,公 曰,夫 人 請 之,吾 舍 之 矣。先 軫 怒 曰,武 夫
力 而 拘 諸 原,婦 人 暫 而 免 諸 國,墮 軍 實 而 長 寇 讐,亡 無 日 矣。不 顧 而 唾。
公 使 陽 處 父 追 之,及 諸 河,則 在 舟 中 矣,釋 左 驂,以 公 命 贈
孟 明,孟 明 稽 首 曰,君 之 惠,不 以 纍 臣 釁 鼓,使 歸 就 戮 于 秦,寡 君 之 以 為 戮,死 且 不 朽,若 從 君 惠 而 免 之,三
年 將 拜 君 賜,
秦 伯 素 服 郊 次,鄉 師 而 哭 曰,孤 違 蹇 叔,以 辱 二 三 子,孤 之
罪 也,不 替 孟 明,孤 之 過 也,大 夫 何 罪,且 吾 不 以 一 眚 掩 大 德。
狄 侵 齊。因 晉 喪 也。
公 伐 邾,取 訾 婁。以 報 升 陘 之 役,邾 人 不 設 備,秋,襄 仲 復
伐 邾。
狄 伐 晉,及 箕,八 月,戊 子,晉 侯 敗 狄 于 箕,郤 缺 獲 白 狄
子。先 軫 曰 ,匹 夫 逞 志 於 君,而 無 討,敢 不 自 討 乎。免 冑 入 狄 師,死 焉。狄 人 歸 其 元,面 如 生。
初,臼 季 使 過 冀,見 冀 缺 耨,其 妻 饁 之,敬,相 待 如 賓,與 之
歸,言 諸 文 公 曰,敬,德 之 聚 也,能 敬 必 有 德,德 以 治 民,君 請 用 之,臣 聞 之,出 門 如 賓,承 事 如 祭,仁 之 則 也,公
曰,其 父 有 罪,可 乎,對 曰,舜 之 罪 也,殛 鯀,其 舉 也 興 禹,管 敬 仲,桓 之 賊 也,實 相 以 濟,康 誥 曰,父 不 慈,子 不
祗,兄 不 友,弟 不 共,不 相 及 也,詩 曰,
采 葑 采 菲,無 以 下 體,君 取 節 焉,可 也。文 公 以 為 下 軍 大
夫。
反 自 箕,襄 公 以 三 命 命 先 且 居 將,中 軍,以 再 命 命 先 茅
之 縣 賞 胥 臣,曰,舉 郤 缺,子 之 功 也。以 一 命 命 郤 缺 為 卿,復 與 之 冀,亦 未 有 軍 行。
冬,公 如 齊 朝,且 弔 有 狄 師 也。反,薨 于 小 寢。即 安 也。
晉,陳,鄭,伐 許。討 其 貳 於 楚 也。
楚 令 尹 子 上 侵 陳 蔡,陳,蔡 成,遂 伐 鄭,將 納 公 子 瑕,門 于
桔 柣 之 門,瑕 覆 于 周 氏 之 汪,外 僕 髡 屯 禽 之 以 獻,文 夫 人 斂 而 葬 之 鄶 城 之 下。
晉 陽 處 父 侵 蔡,楚 子 上 救 之,與 晉 師 夾 泜 而 軍,陽 子 患
之,使 謂 子 上 曰,吾 聞 之,文 不 犯 順,武 不 違 敵,子 若 欲 戰,則 吾 退 舍,子 濟 而 陳,遲 速 唯 命,不 然 紓 我,老 師 費
財,亦 無 益 也。乃 駕 以 待。子 上 欲 涉,大 孫 伯 曰,不 可,晉 人 無 信,半 涉 而 薄 我,悔 敗 何 及,不 如 紓 之。乃 退 舍。陽
子 宣 言 曰,楚 師 遁 矣。遂 歸。楚 師 亦 歸,大 子 商 臣 譖 子 上 曰,受 晉 賂 而 辟 之,楚 之 恥 也,罪 莫 大 焉。王 殺 子
上。
葬 僖 公 緩,作 主,非 禮 也,凡 君 薨,卒 哭 而 祔,祔 而 作 主,特
祀 於 主,烝 嘗 禘,於 廟。
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BOOK V. DUKE XI.I. First year.
1. It was the [duke's] first year, the
spring, the king's first month.
2. An army of Qi, an army of Song, and an
army of Cao halted at Niebei, [in proceeding] to the rescue of Xing.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, Xing
removed [its capital] to Yiyi.
4. The army of Qi, the army of Song, and
the army of Cao walled [the new capital of] Xing.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on
Wuchen, duke [Zhuang's] wife, the lady Jiang, died at Yi, an officer of Qi
taking her [body] back with him.
6. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng.
7. In the eighth month, the duke had a
meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the earl of Zheng, the
earl of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, in Cheng.
8. In the ninth month, the duke defeated an
army of Zhu at Yan.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renwu,
duke [Huan's] son You led an army and defeated an army of Ju at Li, taking Ru
of Ju.
10. In the twelfth month, on Dingsi, the
coffin of duke [Zhuang's] wife arrived from Qi.
COMMENTARY
Title Of The Book.—僖公, 'Duke Xi.' The
mother of duke Xi was Cheng Feng, mentioned in the 2d narrative of the Zhuan
appended to Min's last year, and a concubine of duke Zhuang. His name was Shen
(申?). His rule lasted 33 years, B. C. 658—626. His honorary title, Xi, denotes
'Careful and Cautious (小心畏忌曰僖).'
His 1st year synchronized with the 18th of
king Hui; the 27th of Huan of Qi; the 18th of Xian of Jin; the 1st of Hui,
duke Wen (文公燬), of Wey; the 16th of Mu of Cai; the 14th of Wen of Zheng;
the 3d of Zhao of Cao; the 34th of Xuan of Chen; the 14th of Hui of Ji;
the 23d of Huan of Song; the 1st of Renhao, duke Mu (穆公仁好), of Qin; and the
13th of Cheng of Chu.
Par. 1. See on I.i.1;III.i.1;IV.i.1. Zuo,
indeed, says needlessly, that the characters 即位 are not found, 'because the
duke was out of the State. He went out and re-entered, but there is no record of
it;—to conceal the wickedness of the State; which was according to rule.'
Par. 2. The 師 after 曹 is the reading of
Gong and Gu. Zuoshi has 曹伯, evidently a mistake. Niebei was a place in Xing,
northeast from the pres. dis. city of Leaoushing (聊城), dep. Dongchang. The
Di had again invaded Xing, which applied to Qi for help, and accordingly we
have the armies of Qi and other States here proceeding to its relief. The
phrases 齊師, etc., imply that, while the relieving forces were considerable,
they were under the command of great officers, and not of the princes of the
States themselves. The critics are much divided in their opinion on the allies'
halting in their march to relieve Xing, most of them condemning it as improper
in the urgency of the case. We do not know the circumstances sufficiently,
however, to judge whether it was a prudent measure merely, or an artful one,—to
make their help more prized by Xing when given at last.
Par. 3. Yiyi (Gong,陳儀),—see on III. xxxii. 7.
遷 is here used intransitively. The removal is spoken of as if it had been
Xing's own act. The Zhuan says:-'The princes were proceeding to relieve Xing,
when the people dispersed, and fled to the allied armies, which then went on
and drove out the Di. They collected all the furniture and other articles of
the people, and brought them away, without the soldiers appropriating anything
to themselves. In summer, Xing removed to Yiyi.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:-'The princes walled
the city for Xing, thus relieving it in its distress. It was the rule for the
president of the princes to relieve the distressed, to distribute to the
necessitous in times of calamity, and to punish offending States.'
Gao Kang (高閌; Sung Dyn.) observes: ——'The
marquis of Qi was dilatory at first in relieving Xing;—that was his fault.
Finally he did succour it;—that was his merit. The sage does not conceal his
fault on the ground of his merit, nor does he conceal his merit because of his
fault;—this is royal law.'
Par. 5. The latter part of the Zhuan on IV.
ii. 5 has anticipated this par. The marquis of Qi, in his capacity of leader
of the States, determined to execute justice on Ai Jiang, notwithstanding his
near relation to her, considering her too bad to be allowed to live. He
therefore had her brought from Zhu, whether she had fled from Lu, to Yi,
somewhere in Qi, and there put her to death, or obliged her to strangle
herself. The officer, who superintended the deed, took her body back to
Qi;—so we must understand 已歸. Guliang, and, after him, Hu An'guo, take the
characters as = 'sent her back to Lu;'—contrary to their general usage, and
specially to par. 10. The marquis of Qi did not hesitate to execute his own
sister, whose wickedness was so atrocious; but the Classic conceals the nature
of her death.
Par. 6. Here for the 1st time we meet with
the name 楚, instead of which 荊 has hitherto been used. The same tree was
called either Chu or Jing, and the same usage obtained with the name of the
State, though, as Du seems to intimate, the name Chu was about this time
publicly assumed. Zuoshi says that Chu attacked Zheng, 'because of its
adherence to the alliance with Qi,' and that the meeting at Cheng was
followed by a covenant at Luo (犖), with a view to the relief of Zheng. [The
Luo here in the Zhuan may be, as Du says, another name for Cheng (檉), or it
may be that the princes, after their conference at Cheng, moved a little way
off to another place, called Luo, and there covenanted.] Cheng (濾 in Gongyang)
was in Zheng, somewhere in the pres. Chenzhou, dep. Kaifeng, Henan.
Par. 8. Yan (Gongyang, 纓) was in Lu,—in
pres. dis. of Bi, dep. Yanzhou. We do not know what grounds of quarrel there
were at this time between Lu and Zhu; and as duke Xi and an officer of Zhu
had been in good fellowship at the meeting in Cheng the month before, this
makes the entry the more strange. Zuoshi says the defeat was inflicted on 'the
guards of Xuqiu, who were about to return.' Du Yu explains this by supposing
that Xuqiu was in Zhu, and that Zhu had stationed troops there, after
sending Ai Jiang to her death in Qi, intending that they should make an
incursion into Lu. On finding, however, that Qi gave up the body of Ai
Jiang to Lu, and that the two States continued on good terms, Zhu was afraid,
and was proceeding to withdraw its troops, when duke Xi, having become aware of
their original object, attacked and defeated them. A fatal objection to this
explanation is, that Xuqiu must be assigned to Lu, according to the analogy
of all the passages in which the duke of Lu is said to have defeated the
forces of another power in any place. The most likely account of the collision
which I have met with, is one suggested by Wang Tao,—that when Jiyou fled with
the prince Shen to Zhu, on the murder of duke Min, they had made great
promises to Zhu, if that court would help them to regain Lu; and that Zhu
now, claiming the merit of their restoration and Shen's elevation to the
marquisate, had sent a force to seize and keep possession of Xuqiu, to
enforce his demand that the promises should be made good. He caught only loss,
however, by his greed.
Par. 9. Li (Gong, 犁; Gu, 麗) belonged to
Lu. The Zhuan says:—'In winter, an officer of Ju came seeking for bribes, but
duke Huan's son, You, defeated his troops at Li, and took Ru, the younger
brother of the viscount of Ju.' Zuoshi adds that Ru was not a high minister
[intending thus to account, by one of his canons, for the mention of the
individual simply by his name], and that the whole par. is in commendation of
Jiyou for the capture of Ru. After this, the Zhuan resumes, 'The duke for this
gave Jiyou the fields on the north of the Wen, and Bi.'
The Zhuan on IV. ii. 5 tells us how Jiyou
bribed Ju to deliver up Qingfu. Not satisfied with what he had then
received, the viscount had sent his troops to require further payment. Both
Zhu and Ju, we may assume, were presuming that the new rule would be too weak
to resist their demands.
獲 most naturally leads to the conclusion
that Ru was captured alive; which is inconsistent with a version of the
transaction given by Guliang:—that Jiyou proposed to Ru that they two should
decide the contest by boxing, and let their troops look on, and that then, when
he found he was getting the worst, he disposed of his antagonist with a dagger
which he carried about his person.
Par. 10. The want of 姜 here before 氏 is
evidently a simple error of the text. It is astonishing what nonsense even the
Kangxi editors write, on the supposition that 'Confucius could not express his
condemnation so well as by leaving out her surname in this place.' Zuoshi
observes that the superior man may say that 'the people of Qi dealt too
severely with Ai Jiang in putting her to death; for that a woman follows—has
her obediences to be rendered to—the determinate male relatives.' His meaning
seems to be that, as she had married from Qi into Lu, it belonged to Lu to
deal with her; she was no longer amenable to Qi. Comp. II. xviii. 2. II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring,
in the king's first month, we [aided in the] walling of Chuqiu.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Xinsi,
we buried our duchess, Ai Jiang.
3. An army of Yu and an army of Jin
extinguished Xiayang.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, the
marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, an officer of Jiang, and an officer of
Huang, made a covenant in Guan.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, there was
no rain.
6. A body of men from Chu made an
incursion into Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Chuqiu was the new capital of
Wey. The abandonment of the old capital [See on I. ii. 9], and the subsequent
destruction of it by the Di, have been described in the Zhuan on IV. ii. 7,
where also it is stated how the shattered remnant of the State collected again
in Cao. The marquis of Qi, however, decided that Chuqiu [difft. from
another place of the same name, also in Wey, mentioned in I. vii. 7], -60 li
east of the pres. dis. city of Hua (滑), dep. Daming, Zhili,—would be a better
site for a capital, and arranged with the other princes to raise its walls. The
Zhuan says:-'In spring, the princes walled Chuqiu, and established Wey
there.' Zuo thinks that no mention is made in the text of any previous meeting
of the princes for this purpose, because Lu was late in arriving!
In par. 2 of the previous year, it is
stated that the armies of the States 'walled Xing (城 邢),' the reason being that
the marquis and people of Xing had already taken up their quarters in Yiyi, as
the head-city of their revived State. Here it is not said that the armies
'walled Wey (城衛),' because the marquis and people were still at Cao, and
would remove to Chuqiu only when it was ready for their reception.
Par. 2. See III. xxii. 2.
Par. 3. For the 1st time the States of Yu
and Jin appear in the text of the Chunqiu: —the former on the eve of its
extinction; the latter soon to develope into one of the greatest Powers of the
period. Yu was held by the descendants of Zhongyong (仲雍), second son of king
Tai, grandfather of king Wen, with the title of duke. Its capital was 45 li
east of the pres. dis. city of Pinglu (平陸), Jiezhou (解州), Shanxi. Jin was a
marquisate, held by the descendants of Shuyu (叔虞), a son of king Wu. Its
capital at this time was at Jiang, which has left its name in the pres. Jiangzhou
(絳) of Shanxi. Its position allowed Jin great opportunity for enlarging
its territory, and this was the main cause of the great progress which it made.
Xiayang (Gong and Gu, 夏陽) was the second city of the State of Guo, in the
northeast of the pres. dis. of Pinglu (平陸), dep. Pingyang. The possession of
Xiayang was all important to Guo, the State to which it belonged, and indeed
to Yu also. Jin by acquiring Xiayang could go on without difficulty to annex
both the States.
The Zhuan says:——'Xun Xi of Jin
requested leave from the marquis to take his team of Qu horses and his bi
of Chuiji jade, and with them borrow a way from Yu to march through it and
attack Guo [Yu was on the south of Jin, and Guo again on the south of Yu].
"They are the things I hold most precious," said the marquis. Xi replied,
"But if you get a way through Yu, it is but like placing them in a treasury
outside the State for a time." "There is Gong Zhiqi in Yu," objected the duke.
"Gong Zhiqi," returned the other, "is a weak man, and incapable of
remonstrating vigorously. And, moreover, from his youth up he has always been
with the duke of Yu, who is so familiar with him, that though he should
remonstrate, the duke will not listen to him." The marquis accordingly sent
Xun Xi to borrow a way through Yu, with this message:—"Formerly, Ji [a
small State], against right and reason, entered your State from Dianling, and
attacked the three gates of Ming. It suffered for its doing;—all through your
Grace. Now Guo, against right and reason, has been keeping guards about the
travellers' lodges, to make incursions from them into my southern borders, and
I venture to beg a right of way from you to ask an account of its offence." The
duke of Yu granted the request, and even asked to take the lead in invading
Guo. Gong Zhiqi remonstrated with him, but in vain; and he raised his army
for the enterprize.
'In summer, Li Ke and Xun Xi brought
on the army of Jin, made a junction with that of Yu, and invaded Guo, when
they extinguished Xiayang.
'The army of Yu is mentioned first, because
of the bribes which the duke accepted.'
To speak of 'extinguishing Xiayang,' which
was not a State, sounds strange; but Guliang accounts for the language on the
ground of the importance of the place. Mao Qiling even says that Xiayang is
here another name for Yu.—see Mencius, V. Pt.i.IX.2.
Par. 4. Jiang was a small State, held by
Yings (嬴),—in pres. Henan. Its exact place is not determined,—some placing it
in dis. of Zhengyang (正陽), dep. Runing; and some in dis. of Xi (息),
Guangzhou (光州). Huang was also a small State, held by Yings, in the same
Guangzhou. Both Jiang and Huang acknowledged the superiority of Chu; their
now transferring their allegiance to Qi is indicative of the approaching
struggle between those two great States. Zuo says this meeting was held to
receive the submission of Jiang and Huang. Guan (Gong, 貫澤) was in Song,—10 li
southeast from dis. city of Cao, dep. Caozhou.
[The Zhuan adds here:—1st. 'Diao of Qi,
chief of the eunuchs, for the 1st time let out the contemplated expedition of
duke Huan in Duoyu.'
2d. 'The duke of Guo defeated the Rong at
Sangtian. The diviner Yan of Jin said, "Guo is sure to perish. The duke is
not afraid, though he has lost Xiayang, but goes on to acquire more military
fame;—Heaven is taking away his insight, and increasing his disease. He is sure
to take his difficulties with Jin easily, and show no kindness to his people.
He will not have five more harvests.']
Par. 5. See III. xxxi. 6.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says that, at this time,
'Dou Zhang carried off prisoner Nan Bo of Zheng.' III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in
the king's first month, it did not rain.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, it did
not rain.
3. A body of men from Xu took Shu.
4. In the sixth month, it rained.
5. In autumn, the marquis of Qi, the duke
of Song, an officer of Jiang, and an officer of Huang, had a meeting at
Yanggu.
6. In winter, duke [Huan's] son, You, went
to Qi to make a covenant.
7. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1, 2, 4. The Zhuan says:——'In spring
it did not rain, but in summer, in the 6th month, it did. From the 10th month
of the previous year to the end of the 5th month of this, there had been no
rain; but as it is not said "there was a drought," it had not amounted to a
calamity.' The mention of its raining in the 6th month is dwelt on by the
critics. They contrast the three— I might say four—entries here about rain,
with VI. ii. 4, where seven months' want of rain is summed up in one par.,
saying that the various entries here, and especially the last one, show how
duke Xi must have sympathized with the suffering of the people.
Par. 3. Xu,—see III. xxvi. 4. Shu was a
small State;—in pres. dis. of Lujiang (盧 江), dep. Luzhou, Anhui. It is not
easy to determine the force of 取, 'took,' which has occurred once before in
III. ix. 6, with rather a difft. application. Gongyang thinks that 忿 indicates
the ease with which the capture was made, and Du that it indicates that only a
small force was employed against Shu. Some think that 取 is here =滅,
'extinguished;' but the meaning is not so intense as that. The Kangxi editors
approve the view of Li Lian (李廉; end of the Yuan dyn.), which is
reasonable;—that Shu belonged to the party of Chu, and that Xu now took,
and held it for a time, in the interest of Qi, to facilitate the progress of
the contemplated expedition to the south.
Par. 5. Zuo says this meeting was 'to plan
about the invasion of Chu.' See on p. 4 of last year. The Kangxi editors
agree with Zuo's account of the object of the meeting, though Gong and Gu do
not mention it. They say that the expedition against Chu had been determined
on in the meeting at Cheng (檉), in Xi's 1st year, and that the subsequent
meeting at Guan, and this at Yanggu, were held specially to secure the
adherence of the powerful Song, and of the distant Jiang and Huang. Yanggu was
in Qi, 30 li northeast from the pres. dis. city of same name, dep.
Yanzhou.
Par. 6. Gu has 季 before 友. Both he and
Gong read 蒞 for 蒞, 涖=臨'to go to and take part in.' The covenant here was a
sequel of the meeting at Yanggu (Zuo says: —齊候為陽穀之會來尋盟), Lu had not been
represented at the meeting, but the duke here, at the request of Qi, sends
Jiyou to take part in the covenant.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion,
the earl of Zheng wanted to make peace with Chu, but Kong Shu objected,
saying, "Qi is now actively engaged on our behalf. It will not be an
auspicious movement to cast away its kindness."'
[The Zhuan adds:——'The marquis of Qi and
Ji of Cai [one of his ladies] were in a boat on a lake in the park, when she
made it rock. The marquis was afraid, changed colour, and forbade her; but she
persisted. The marquis was angry, and sent her back to Cai, without
absolutely putting her away. They married her away there, however, to
another.]' IV. Fourth year.
1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke joined the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the
marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and
the earl of Cao, in an incursion into Cai. [The people of] Cai
dispersed, when the [allies] proceeded to invade Chu, and halted at Xing.
2. In summer, Xinchen, baron of Xu, died.
3. Qu Wan of Chu came to make a
covenant in [the camp of] the armies. The covenant was made at Shaoling.
4. The army of Qi made Yuan Taotu of
Chen prisoner.
5. In autumn, [the duke], with an officer of
Jiang and an officer of Huang, invaded Chein.
6. In the eighth month, the duke arrived
from the invasion of Chu.
7. There was the burial of duke Mu of Xu.
8. In winter, in the twelfth month, Gongsun
Ci led a force, and joined an officer of Qi, an officer of Song, an officer
of Wey, an officer of Zheng, an officer of Xu, and an officer of Cao, in
an incursion into Chen.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In this year, in
spring, the marquis of Qi, with the forces of many of the princes, made an
incursion into Cai, and, when the marquis and people dispersed and fled,
proceeded to invade Chu. The viscount of Chu sent a messenger to the allied
army to say to the marquis, "Your lordship's place is by the northern sea, and
mine is by the southern; so remote are our boundaries that our cattle and
horses, in the heat of their excitement, cannot affect one another. Without my
having any idea of it, your lordship has come to my country. What is the reason
of your doing so?" Guan Zhong replied, "Duke Kang of Shao delivered the
charge to Taigong, the first lord of our Qi, saying, 'Do you undertake to
punish the guilty among the princes of all the five degrees, and the chiefs of
all the nine provinces, in order to support and help the House of Zhou.' So
there was given to our founder rule over the land, from the sea on the east to
the He on the west, and from Muling on the south to Wudi on the north. Your
tribute of covered cases of the three-ribbed rush [Shu III. i. Pt. i. 52] is
not rendered, so that the king's sacrifices are not supplied with it, and there
is nothing with which to strain the spirits;—of this we have to ask you an
account. King Zhao moreover never came back from the expedition which he
undertook to the south [king Zhao had been drowned in the Han, in B. C.
1,016. How the thing happened, was never clearly known. Guan Zhong seems to
insinuate that there had been some treachery on the part of Chu. But it was
late now to be inquiring into an event more than three centuries back]; and
into this also we have to inquire." The messenger replied, 'That the tribute
has not been forwarded is the fault of our lord;—how should he presume not to
pay it? As to king Zhao's not returning from the south, you should inquire
about it along the banks of the river." After this the army of the allies
advanced, and halted at Xing.'
Xing was in Chu,—in pres. dis. of
Yancheng (郾城), Xuzhou (許州), Henan. The inroad into Cai was a feint, intended
to conceal the great object of the expedition, so that the allies might be able
to fall on Chu unprepared. The incident mentioned in the Zhuan at the end of
last year furnished a pretext for it.
The marquis of Qi said that he had meant
to recal the lady, and that Cai had no right to marry her away to another.
潰=散, 'to disperse.' On VI. iii. 1, Zuoshi defines the term as expressing 'the
flight of the people from their lord (民逃其上曰潰).' They disappear like water
(流移若積水之潰). Qi certainly does not appear with advantage in the conference with
the messenger of Chu. For three years preparations had been making for the
expedition. The marquis and Guan Zhong ought to have declared openly and boldly
the grounds on which they were conducting all the States of the north to attack
Chu, instead of urging merely trivial matters. There is something to be
admired, however, in the approval which a hundred critics give to the way in
which matters were conducted, so as to obtain the submission of Chu without
the effusion of blood; but they overlook the fact that it was only a feigned
submission which was obtained.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says, on p. 7, that the
baron 'died in the army,' which is probably correct, though Liu Chang and
other critics say he had returned from the army ill, and died in Xu. Gao
Kang says that this Xinchen was the same as Xu Shu of II. xv. 6, and that he
had ruled his State for 42 years.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the
viscount of Chu sent Qu Wan to the army of the allies, which retired, and
halted at Shaoling. The marquis of Qi had the armies of all the princes
drawn up in array, and took Qu Wan with him in the same carriage to survey
them. He then said, "Is it on my unworthy account that these are here? No, but
in continuation of the friendship of the princes with my predecessors. What do
you think of Chu's being on the same terms of friendship with me?" Qu Wan
replied, "If from your lordship's favour the altars of our land and grain may
receive blessing, and you will condescend to receive our prince, this is his
wish." The marquis then said, "Fighting with these multitudes, who can
withstand me? What city could sustain their attack?" "If your lordship," was
the reply, "by your virtue, seek the tranquillity of the States, who will dare
not to submit to you? But if you depend on your strength, our State of Chu
has the hill of Fangcheng for a wall, and the Han for a moat. Great as your
multitudes are, you could not use them.' Qu Wan made a covenant, on the
part of Chu, with the princes.'
Shaoling was in Chu,—45 li east from the
dis. city of Yancheng, Xuzhou, Henan. From the text it might be concluded
that two covenants were formed; but it was not so. Qu Wan came to the camp
of the allies, and intimated the wish of the viscount of Chu to make a
covenant with them, if they would retire a little;—which was done. It will
appear on the whole that there was here a lame and impotent conclusion to
Qi's expedition against Chu.
Par. 4. The reason of this seizure is given
in the Zhuan:—"Yuan (Gong and Gu have 袁, without the 車) Taotu, a great
officer of Chen, said to Shen Hou, a great officer of Zheng, "If the armies
march through Chen and Zheng, our States will be very much distressed. If
they go by the eastern regions, and show their grand array to the wild tribes
there, returning along the seacoast, it will be better." Shen Hou approved of
the proposal, which T'aotu then laid before the marquis of Qi, who agreed
with it. After this, Shen Hou had an interview with the marquis, and said, "The
army has been in the field a long time. If it march through the eastern
regions, and meet with enemies, I fear the soldiers will not be fit for use. If
it march through Chen and Zheng, which can supply them with provisions and
sandals, it will be a better arrangement." The marquis was pleased, and gave
Shen the town of Hulao, while he seized at the same time Yuan Taotu.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says this was done 'to
punish Chen for its unfaithfulness.' It would appear, then, that the marquis
of Chen had been privy to the artful counsel of Yuan Taotu; or perhaps, as
Wang Qiao [王樵; Ming dyn., of the 16th century] supposes, he had otherwise
indicated his intention to join the side of Chu. This is more likely. The
marquis of Qi had devolved the punishment of Chen on Lu, Jiang, and
Huang.
Par. 6. Guliang here lays down a rule,
that if the duke had been absent on two engagements, then the entry of his
return should be associated with the latter; but if the second were smaller
than the other, then with the first. But such a rule is unnecessary. The attack
of Chen was only an incident growing out of the invasion of Chu.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Mu (穆 Gong,
繆) of Xu died in the army, and was buried with the ceremonies due to a
marquis. As a rule, when a prince died on a visit to the king, or at a meeting
with the other princes, his rank was advanced one degree. If he died while
engaged in the king's business, it was advanced two degrees. On this occasion,
Mu might have been laid in his coffin with a duke's robe.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'Shusun Daibo
[This was the Gongsun Ci (Gong, here and afterwards, gives the name as 慈). He
was grandson of duke Huan, and chief of the Shusun clan. Dai is the hon.
title, and Bo his designation as the eldest of his family] led a force, and
joined the forces of the other princes in an incursion into Chen, which now
sought peace, and Yuan Taotu was restored to it.'
[The Zhuan here brings up the affairs of
Jin:—"Before this, duke Xian of Jin had wished to make Li Ji his wife. The
tortoise-shell indicated that the thing would be unlucky, but the milfoil
pronounced it lucky. The duke said, "I will follow the milfoil." The diviner by
the tortoise-shell said, "The milfoil is reckoned inferior in its indications to
the tortoise-shell. You had better follow the latter. And moreover, the oracle
was:—
'The change made by inordinate devotion
Steals away the good qualities of the duke. There is a fragrant herb, and a
noisome one; And ten years hence the noisomeness will continue.' Do not do as
you propose." The duke would not listen to this advice, and declared Li Ji his
wife. She gave birth to Xiqi, and her sister bore Zhuozi.
'When the duke was about to declare Xiqi
his heir, having determined on his plans with the great officers about the
court, Ji [i.e., Li Ji] said to his eldest son, "The duke has been dreaming
about Qi Jiang [the eldest son's mother]; you must soon sacrifice to her."
The young prince sacrificed to his mother in Quwo, and sent some of the
sacrificial flesh and spirits to the duke, who was hunting when they came. Ji
kept them in the palace six days, and when the duke arrived, she poisoned them
and presented them to him. The duke poured some of the spirits on the ground,
which was agitated by them. He gave some of the flesh to a dog, which died; and
some of the spirits to one of the attendants, who also died. Ji wept and said,
"This is your eldest son's attempt to murder you." The son fled to the new city
[Quwo]; but the duke put to death his tutor, Du Yuankuan. Some one said to
the son, "Explain the matter. The duke is sure to discriminate." The son,
however, said, "Without the lady Ji, my father cannot enjoy his rest or his
food. If I explain the matter, the guilt will be fixed on her. The duke is
getting old, and I will have taken his joy from him." The friend said, "Had you
not better go away then?" "The duke," replied the prince, "will not examine
into who is the guilty party; and if I, with the name of such a crime, go away
from the State, who will receive me?" In the 12th month, on Wushen, he
strangled himself in the new city.
'Ji then slandered the duke's two other
sons, saying that they were both privy to their brother's attempt, on which
Chong'er fled to Pu, and Yiwu fled to Qu.'] V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year in spring, the
marquis of Jin put to death his heir-son Shinsang.
2. Duke Zhuang's eldest daughter came from
Qi, and presented her son at our court.
3. In summer, Gongsun Ci went to Mou.
4. The duke, and the marquis of Qi, the
duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the
baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, had a meeting with the king's heirson in
Shouzhi.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, the
[above] princes made a covenant in Shouzhi.
6. The earl of Zheng stole away home, and
did not join in the covenant.
7. An officer of Chu extinguished Xian.
The viscount of Xian. fled to Huang.
8. In the ninth month, on Wushen, the first
day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
9. In winter, the people of Jin seized the
duke of Yu.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan says:——'On the day Xinhai, of
the king's first month in this year, being the 1st day of the month, there was
the winter solstice. The duke, having given out the 1st day of the moon,
ascended his observatory to survey the heavens, and caused the record of the
fact to be made;—in accordance with rule. At the equinoxes, the solstices, and
the commencement of each season, there was required a record of the appearances
of the clouds, and their indications, in order to make what preparations should
be necessary.' But the winter solstice this year fell on Jiayin (甲寅), three
days later than Xinhai. Chinese astronomers have themselves called attention to
this:—see Jiang Yong's 翼梅卷四, p. 4.]
Par. 1. According to the Zhuan, at the end
of last year, Shensheng committed suicide, driven to do so by his father, in the
winter of that year. Du explains the entry here, by saying that 'it follows
the announcement from Jin.' Jin in fact followed the calendar of Xia.
Zuoshi's narrative is according to that calendar, and the entry here is also
correct, according to the calendar of Zhou. It seems desirable to translate 世子
differently from 太子, and I know not how to do so but by using the term
'heir-son.'
The Zhuan has here:——'Before this, the
marquis of Jin had employed Shi Wei to wall Pu and Qu for his sons,
Chong'er and Yiwu. Wei did not look carefully after the work, and placed
faggots between the back and facing of the walls. Yiwu represented the matter
to the marquis, who caused Wei to be reprimanded. That officer, having bowed his
head to the ground, replied, "I have heard the sayings that when there is grief
in a family where death has not occurred, real sorrow is sure to come, and that
when you fortify a city when there is no threatening of war, your enemies are
sure to hold it. In walling a place to be held by robbers and enemies, what
occasion was there for me to be careful? If an officer with a charge neglect
the command given to him, he fails in respect; if he make strong a place to be
held by enemies, he fails in fidelity. Failing in respect and fidelity, how can
he serve his lord? As the ode (Shi, III. ii. X. 6) says,
'The cherishing of virtue insures
tranquillity; The circle of relatives serves as a wall' Let our ruler cultivate
his virtue and make sure all the circle of his House;—there is no fortification
equal to this. In three years we shall have war; why should I be careful?" When
he withdrew, he sang to himself,
"Shaggy is the fox fur; Three dukes in one
State:— Which shall I follow?" 'When the trouble came, the duke sent the eunuch
Pi to attack Pu. Chong'er said, "The command of my ruler and father is not
to be opposed;" and he issued an order to his followers, saying, "He who
opposes it is my enemy." He then was getting over the wall to run, when Pi cut
off his sleeve. He made his escape, however, and fled to the Di.'
Par. 2. We have the marriage of this
daughter of Lu in the 25th year of duke Zhuang, her father. It is disputed
whether she was a full or only a half sister of duke Xi;—it is most likely that
she was his full sister. Yingda puts a stop at 來, and makes 朝其子 =其子朝, 'Bo Ji
of Qi came to Lu [to visit her mother]; her son appeared at the court.' To
suppose that she came to Lu for any purpose but to pay a dutiful visit to her
mother would be contrary to all Chinese rules of propriety; but as the text
stands, I cannot but conclude that the presentation of her son at his uncle's
court was the reason for her visit.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Gongsun Ci went
to Mou;—to marry a lady of Mou:' on which Du remarks, 'Shusun Daibo was
marrying a lady of Mou. As a minister could not leave the State without his
ruler's orders, he therefore received the duke's command to go to Mou with
friendly inquiries, and took the opportunity to meet his bride, and bring her
to Lu.' Mou,—see on II. xv. 8.
Par. 4. Shouzhi (Gong has 首戴) was in
Wey,—in the southeast of the present Suizhou (睢州), dep. Guide, Henan. Zuoshi
says that the meeting at this place with the king's eldest son Zheng was 'to
consult about measures to keep Zhou tranquil.' The king had it in contemplation
to degrade his eldest son, and give the right of succession to a younger,—the
son, of course, of another mother; and to prevent the confusion to which such a
proceeding would give rise, the marquis of Qi assembled the States, that they
might thus publicly acknowledge Zheng as the heir to the Kingdom; —much to the
dissatisfaction of the king, as we shall see.
[The Zhuan introduces here:——'Yuan
Xuanzhong [the Yuan Taotu of IV. 4] of Chen, resenting how Shen Hou of
Zheng had been treacherous to him at Shaoling, advised him to wall the town
which Qi had conferred upon him, saying "To wall it well will give you a
great name, which your descendants will not forget; and I will aid you by
asking leave for you to do it." Accordingly, he asked permission for the
undertaking, in behalf of Shen, from the princes, and the town was fortified
beautifully. Yuan then slandered Shen to the earl of Zheng, saying that he had
fortified the city he had received so admirably with the intention of
rebelling; and from this time Shen Hou was looked upon as an offender.']
Par. 5. The princes had had a meeting with
the king's son, but they did not presume to make a covenant with him. They now
made a covenant among themselves, to carry out the measures determined on to
secure his succession to the throne.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, when
the princes were about to covenant, the king made the duke of Zhou call the
earl of Zheng, and said to him, "I encourage you to follow Chu;—with it and
the help of Jin, you may enjoy a little rest." The earl was delighted to
receive the king's commands; and being afraid because he had not paid a
court-visit to the marquis of Qi, he stole away to Zheng, and did not join in
the covenant. Kong Shu tried to stop him, saying, "The ruler of a State
should not act lightly. By doing so he loses his friends; and when he has lost
them, calamity is sure to come. When in his extreme distress, he has to beg for
a covenant;—what he loses is great. Your lordship will surely repent of your
course." The earl would not listen to this remonstrance, but stole away from
his troops, and returned to Zheng.'
Par. 7. Xian was a State, held by Weis
(隗), in the pres. dis. of Qishui (蘄水), dep. Huangzhou, Hubei. Some refer it
to a part of Guangzhou (光州), Henan; but this is a mistake,—occasioned, some
suppose, by the fugitive viscount's having finally taken up his residence
there. The Zhuan says:——'Dou Gouwutu [See the Zhuan appended to III. xxx.2]
of Chu extinguished Xian, when the viscount of Xian fled to Huang. At this
time, Jiang, Huang, Dao, and Bo, which were in friendly relations with Qi,
had affinities by marriage with Xian. The viscount, depending on their help,
would not perform service to Chu, and moreover did not make preparations for
an emergency; and so he came to ruin.'
Par. 8. This eclipse took place August
11th, B. C. 654.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of
Jin again [See on II. 3] borrowed a way through Yu to attack Guo. Gong Zhiqi
remonstrated with the duke of Yu, saying, "Guo is the external defence of Yu.
If Guo perish, Yu is sure to follow it. A way should not be opened to the
greed of Jin; robbers are not to be played with. To do it once was more than
enough; and will you do it a second time? The common sayings, 'The carriage and
its wheel-aids depend on one another,' 'When the lips perish, the teeth become
cold,' 'illustrate the relation between Guo and Yu." The duke said, "The
princes of Jin and Yu are descended from the same ancestor. How should Jin
injure us?" The minister replied, 'Taibo and Yuzhong were sons of king Tai;
but because Taibo would not follow him against Shang, he did not inherit his
State. Guo Zhong and Guo Shu were sons of king Ji, and ministers of king
Wen. Their merits in the service of the royal House are preserved in the
repository of covenants. If Guo be extinguished by Jin, what love is it
likely to show to Yu? And can Yu claim a nearer kindred to Jin than the
descendants of Huan and Zhuang [See the Zhuan after III. xxiii.3], that Jin
should show love to it? What crime had the families descended from Huan and
Zhuang been guilty of? and yet Jin destroyed them entirely, feeling that they
might press on it [See the Zhuan after III. xxv. 5]. Its near relatives, whom
it might have been expected to favour, it yet put to death, because their
greatness pressed upon it;—what may not Jin do to you, when there is your
State to gain?" The duke said, "My sacrificial offerings have been abundant and
pure; the Spirits will not forsake, but will sustain me." His minister replied,
"I have heard that the Spirits do not accept the persons of men, but that it is
virtue to which they cleave. Hence in the Books of Zhou we read, 'Great Heaven
has no affections; —it helps only the virtuous [Shu, V. xvii.4];' and, 'It is
not the millet which has the piercing fragrance; it is bright virtue [Shu, V.
xx. 3]; and again, 'People do not slight offerings, but it is virtue which is
the thing accepted [Shu, V.v.3].' Thus if a ruler have not virtue, the people
will not be attached to him, and the Spirits will not accept his offerings.
What the Spirits will adhere to is a man's virtue. If Jin take Yu, and then
cultivate bright virtue, and therewith present fragrant offerings, will the
Spirits vomit them out?" The duke did not listen to him, but granted the
request of the messenger of Jin.
'Gong Zhiqi went away from Yu, with all
the circle of his family, saying, 'Yu will not see the winter sacrifice. Its
doom is in this expedition. Jin will not make a second attempt.'
In the 8th month, on Jiawu, the marquis
of Jin laid siege to Shangyang [the chief city of Guo], and asked the diviner
Yan whether he should succeed in the enterprise. Yan replied that he should,
and he then asked when. Yan said, "The children have a song which says,
'Towards day break of Bing, Wei of the
Dragon lies hid in the conjunction of the sun and moon. With combined energy
and grand display, Are advanced the flags to capture Guo. Grandly appears the
Chun star, And the Tiance is dim. When Huo culminates, the enterprise will
be completed, And the duke of Guo will flee.' 'According to this, you will
succeed at the meeting of the 9th and 10th months. In the morning of Bingzi,
the sun will be in Wei, and the moon in Ce; the Chunhuo will be exactly in
the south:—this is sure to be the time."
'In winter, in the 12th month, on
Bingzi, the 1st day of the moon, Jin extinguished Guo, and Chou, the duke,
fled to the capital. The army, on its return, took up its quarters in Yu,
surprised the city, and extinguished the State, seizing the duke, and his great
officer Jingbo, whom the marquis employed to escort his daughter, Mu Ji, to
Qin. The marquis continued the sacrifices of Yu in Jin, and presented to the
king the tribute due from it. The brief language of the text is condemnatory of
Yu, and expresses, besides, the ease with which Jin annexed it.' VI. Sixth year.
1. It was the [duke's] sixth year, the
spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the duke joined the marquis of
Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, and the earl
of Cao, in invading Zheng, when they besieged Xincheng.
3. In autumn, a body of men from Chu
besieged Xu, and the princes went from Zheng to relieve it.
4. In winter, the duke arrived from the
invasion of Zheng.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan here continues the affairs of
Jin:——'The marquis of Jin sent Jia Hua to attack Qu. Yiwu was unable to
maintain it, so he made a covenant and went away. He thought himself of fleeing
to the Di, but Xi Rui said, "Following after your brother [Chong'er], and
fleeing to the same place, it will appear as if you had been criminals
together. You had better go to Liang; it is near to Qin, and is kindly
regarded by it." Yiwu went accordingly to Liang.]
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the
princes invaded Zheng, because the earl had stolen away from the covenant at
Shouzhi. They laid siege to Xinmi which Zheng had fortified, though it was
not the season for such an undertaking.' The Zhuan calls the place Xinmi, or
'New Mi,' and the text calls it Xincheng, or 'the New city,' referring to its
having been recently walled. It was 30 li to the southeast of the pres. dis.
city of Mei, dep. Kaifeng.
Par. 3. 'Besieged Xu,' i. e., laid siege
to the principal city of Xu. So we are to understand other passages, where,
apparently, the siege of a State is spoken of. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of
Chu besieged Xu, in order to relieve Zheng. The princes relieved Xu, and
he retired.' The 遂 implies, as in the translation, that the princes marched
their troops from Zheng to Xu.
[The Zhuan adds here a narrative which
shows of what little use the expedition against Chu had been. The States in
the south continued to feel that it was better for them to keep in alliance
with the aggressive Power.——'In winter, the marquis Mu of Cai went along with
duke Xi of Xu, and had an interview with the viscount of Chu in Wucheng.
The baron of Xu appeared with his hands tied behind his back, and holding a
bi in his mouth. His great officers wore headbands and other clothes of the
deepest mourning, and the inferior officers pushed a coffin along on a
carriage. The viscount asked Feng Bo what he should do, who replied, "When
king Wu had vanquished Yin, Qi, viscount of Wei, appeared before him in this
fashion. King Wu with his own hands loosed his bands, received his bi,
ordered away the emblems of doom, burned his coffin, treated him courteously,
and robed him, sending him back to his place." The viscount of Chu followed
this example.'] VII. Seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring,
an officer of Qi invaded Zheng.
2. In summer, the viscount of Little Zhu
paid a court visit [to Lu.]
3. Zheng put to death its great officer,
Shen Hou.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke
had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, Kuan, heir-son of
Chen, and Hua, heir-son of Zheng, when they made a covenant in Ningmu.
5. Ban, earl of Cao, died.
6. Duke [Huan's] son, You, went to Qi.
7. In winter, there was the burial of duke
Zhao of Cao.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Zheng was in an evil case between
Chu and Qi, and experienced the general fate of trimmers. The Zhuan says
:——'On this occasion, Kong Shu said to the earl of Zheng, "The proverb says,
'When a man is incapable of firm resolve, why should he feel it a pain to be
humble?' You are not able to be strong, and you are not able to be weak:—it is
the way to ruin yourself; the State is in peril. Let me entreat you to submit
to Qi, in order to save the State." The earl said "I know how peace with Qi
can be brought about. Have patience with me for a little." The officer replied,
"When we know not in the morning that we shall reach the evening, how can we
wait for your determination?"'
Par. 2. Xiao or Little Zhu is the same as
Ni (郳) of III. v. 3; xv. 3. Its chief Lilai, it is said, had been very assiduous
in serving the marquis of Qi, who got the king to confer on him a patent of
nobility, and raise him to the rank of viscount. He is here in consequence of
his elevation, paying a court visit to Lu. The name adopted for the new State
was little Zhu, because the viscounts of Zhu and the lords of Ni were
descended from the same ancestor.
Par. 3. See on IV. 4; and the narrative
after V. 4. The Zhuan says here:——'Zheng put to death Shen Hou to please Qi,
and because of the ill report of him given by Yuan Taotu. Shen Hou was a
native of Shen [申; a son of the marquis of Shen by a daughter of Chu], and
had been a favourite with king Wen of Chu. When king Wen was about to die, he
gave Hou a bi, and sent him away, saying, "It is only I that know you. You
are all bent on gain, insatiable. I have given to you, and allowed you to beg
from me, without dwelling on your faults; but my successor will require much
from you, and you are sure not to escape the consequences of your conduct. You
must quickly leave Chu; and do not go to a small State, for it will not be
able to bear you." When king Wen was buried, Shen Hou fled to Zheng, where
also he became a favourite with duke Li. When Ziwen [Dou Gouwutu, chief
minister of Chu] heard of his death, he said, "The ancients have well said,
'No one knows a minister like his ruler. Hou's nature could not be
changed."'
Par. 4. Ningmu (Guliang has 寧母) was in
Lu, 20 li east of the pres. dis. city of Yutai, dep. Yanzhou. This was 'a
meeting in robes (衣裳之會);' i.e., the princes did not have any military
following. The Kangxi editors say that 'the lords of Chen and Zheng sent
their heir-sons. Both of these States had lately been attacked by Qi. Chen
would fain have declined the covenant, but did not venture to do so. Zheng
would fain have been present at it, but was not permitted to be so. They
therefore did not present themselves, but sent their sons.' The Zhuan
says:——'This meeting at Ningmu was to consult about Zheng. Guan Zhong said to
the marquis of Qi, "I have heard the sayings, 'Call the wavering with
courtesy; cherish the remote with kindness; when kindness and courtesy are
shown invariably, there are none but will be won."' The marquis accordingly
manifested courtesy to the princes, and their officers received from him the
list of the tribute their territories had to pay to the king. The earl of
Zheng having sent his eldest son Hua to receive the commands of the meeting,
the young prince said to the marquis, "It was the three clans of Xie, Kong,
and Ziren, who opposed your lordship's orders. If you will remove them as the
basis of a pacification, I will become, at the head of Zheng, as one of your
own subjects, and your lordship will be a gainer in every way:"
'The marquis was about to agree to his
proposal; but Guan Zhong said, "You have bound all the princes to you by your
propriety and truth; and will it not be improper to end with an opposite
policy? Here we should have propriety in the form of no treachery between son
and father, and truth in that of the son's observing his father's commands
according to the exigency of the times. There cannot be greater criminality
than that of him who acts contrary to these two things." "We princes," replied
the duke, "have tried to punish Zheng, but without success. And now when such
an opportunity is presented to me, may I not take advantage of it?" "Let your
lordship," said Guan, "deal gently with the case of Zheng in kindness, and add
to this an instructive exposition of it, and then, when you again lead the
princes to punish the State, it will feel that utter overthrow is imminent, and
will be consumed with terror. If on the contrary you deal with it, adopting the
counsel of this criminal, Zheng will have a case to allege, and will not be
afraid. Consider too that you have assembled the princes to do honour to
virtue, and if at the meeting you give place to this villain, and follow his
counsel, what will there be to show to your descendants? And further, the
virtue, the punishments, the rules of propriety, and the righteousness,
displayed at the meetings of the princes, are recorded in every State. When a
record is made of the place given to such a criminal, there will be an end of
your lordship's covenants. If you do the thing and do not record it, that will
show that your virtue is not complete. Let not your lordship accede to his
request. Zheng is sure to accept the covenant. And for this Hua, the earl of
Zheng's eldest son, to seek the assistance of a great State to weaken his
own:—he will not escape without suffering for it. The government of Zheng,
moreover, is in the hands of Shuzhan, Du Shu, and Shi Shu, those three good
men:—you would find no opportunity now to act against it."
'On this the marquis of Qi declined the
proffers of the prince, who in consequence of this affair was regarded as a
criminal in Zheng. The earl begged from Qi the favour of a covenant.'
Par. 5. For 班 Gong has 般.
[After p. 7, the Zhuan says:——'In the
inter-calary month [which must thus have been a double twelfth], king Hui died.
King Xiang, in consequence of the troubles that were occasioned by Taishu
Dai, and fearing his accession might not be secured, did not make his father's
death public, and sent an announcement of his difficulties to Qi.'] VIII. Eighth year.
1. In his eighth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke had a meeting with an officer of the king, the
marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the baron of Xu, the
earl of Cao, and Kuan, heir-son of Chen, when they made a covenant in Tao.
2. The earl of Zheng begged [to be admitted
to] the covenant.
3. In summer, the Di invaded Jin.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke
offered the great sacrifice in the grand temple, and [at the same time] placed
the tablet of [duke Zhuang's] wife in his shrine.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Dingwei, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1,2. The Tao here is different from
that in III.xxvii. 1. This was in Cao,—50 li southwest from the prea. city
of Puzhou (濮州), dep. Caozhou. The Zhuan says: ——'The object of the covenant
was to concert measures about the royal House. The earl of Zheng begged leave
to take part in it, asking that Qi would accept his submission. The
succession of king Xiang was settled, and he proceeded to publish his father's
death.'
The king's death, according to the Zhuan,
took place in the end of last year, whereas the 5th par. here states that it
occurred in the 12th month of this year. Wu Cheng, Wang Qiao, and many
other critics, think that Zuoshi must be in error as to the date of the death.
It is, indeed, not easy to understand how so important an event could have been
concealed for twelve months. The queen and her son Shu Dai who were anxious to
prevent the succession of Zheng, could not have remained ignorant of it all
that time.
The earl of Zheng now felt that there was
no course for him but to humble himself. He had withdrawn from the meeting in
the 5th year, which was to recognize the right of the king's son Zheng to the
throne; and now he is obliged to beg to be allowed to take part in the meeting
which recognized him.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Li Ke had
commanded a force against the Di, with Liang Youmi as his charioteer, and
Guo Shi as the spearman on the left. He defeated them at Caisang, when
Liang said to him, "The Di are not ashamed to fly. If you follow them, you
will obtain a great conquest." Li Ke replied, "It is best to frighten them
only. Don't let us accelerate a rising of all their tribes." Guo She said,
"Let a year be completed, and the Di will be here again. We are only showing
them our weakness." Sure enough, this summer, the Di invaded Jin, to avenge
their defeat at Caisang. The exact month of the year had come round
again.'
Par. 4. There are two things recorded in
this par.; first, the offering of the di sacrifice and next, the taking
occasion at it (indicated by the 用=遂) to introduce a lady, the wife of some
duke, into the grand temple, or the temple of the duke of Zhou, ancestor of the
House of Lu.
1st. The di sacrifice here is to be
distinguished from the 吉禘, or 'fortunate di,' mentioned IV. ii. 2. It is the.
'great sacrifice (大祭) offered once in 3 years, according to Du Yu, or once in
5 years, according to others. The individual sacrificed to in it was the
remotest ancestor to whom the kings, or the princes of States ruled by
offshoots from the royal House, traced their lineage. The kings would thus
sacrifice to the ancient emperor Ku (帝嚳); and the marquises of Lu to king
Wen. Whether Lu did arrogate the right to offer the sacrifice to the emperor
Ku, pleading a special grant to do so given to the duke of Zhou by king
Cheng, is a question that need not be considered here. This 'great sacrifice'
is that here spoken of, and we have the record of it this year, and not on
other years of its occurrence, because of the extraordinary use that was made
of it, as related in the latter part of the par.
2d. Who was the lady intended here by 夫 人?
Zuoshi says she was Ai Jiang, duke Zhuang's wife:——'He offered the di
sacrifice, and introduced the tablet of Ai Jiang;—which was contrary to rule.
In the case of the death of a duke's wife, if she died not in her proper
chamber; or the passage of her coffin were not announced in the ancestral
temple; or her demise were not communicated to the princes who had covenanted
with her husband; or her tablet had not been temporarily placed by that of her
husband's father's wife;—then her tablet could not be placed in her husband's
shrine.' 致is here employed in the sense given by Du Yu:—致者致新死之主於廟, 而列之昭穆. All
the conditions required for this ceremony had been observed in the case of Ai
Jiang, excepting the first. She had not died in her chamber, but through her
own wickedness had been put to death in Qi; and though duke Xi had brought
her body back to Lu, and buried it with all the usual forms, yet one important
element was wanting, sufficient, in Zuoshi's opinion, to vitiate this final
honour attempted to be paid to her.
Gongyang took a difft. view. Acc. to him,
the 'wife' here is duke Xi's own wife. He had arranged to marry a daughter of
Chu; but a lady of Qi, intended for the harem, arriving before her, duke Xi
was obliged by the power of Qi to make her his wife, by the ceremony of
introducing her on this occasion into the temple. But this appears to be merely
a story concocted by Gong to explain the text in some likely way.
Guliang seems to think that the lady was
Cheng Feng, duke Xi's mother; and if 迴 be spoken of her Spirit-tablet this view
is absurd, because she did not die till the 4th year of duke Wen. Liu Chang,
Zhang Qia, however, and a host of other critics, adopt a modification of this
view, that duke Xi somehow took this occasion to instal his own mother as duke
Zhuang's proper wife. But they fail to show that such a proceeding was in any
way competent to a son. —On the whole Zuoshi's view most commends itself to our
acceptance.
Par. 5. See what has been said on the date
of the king's death under par. 1. Zuoshi says here, that 'an officer of the
king came now to announce his death, and that the announcement was made so
late, because of the difficulties connected with the succession.'
[The Zhuan adds here:——'The duke of Song
being ill, his eldest son by his recognized wife, Zifu, earnestly entreated
him, saying, "My brother, Muyi, is older than I, and is entirely virtuous. Do
made him your succeessor." The duke gave charge to Ziyu [the above Muyi] that
so it should be, but he refused, saying, "What greater virtue could there be
than for him thus to decline the dignity of the State?—I am not equal to him.
And moreover, the thing itself would not be in accordance with what is right."
With this he ran out of the duke's presence.'] XI. Ninth year.
1. In the duke's ninth year, in spring, in
the king's first month, on Dingchou, Yuyue, duke of Song, died.
2. In summer, the duke had a meeting with
the [king's] chief minister, the duke of Zhou, and with the marquis of Qi,
the son [of the late duke] of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the
baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, in Kuiqiu.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on
Yiyou, the duke's eldest daughter died.
4. In the ninth month, on Wuchen, the
princes made a covenant in Kuiqiu.
5. On Jiazi, Guizhu, marquis of Jin,
died.
6. In winter, Li Ke put to death Xiqi,
the son of his [deceased] ruler.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1,2. Yuyue,—see the events of his
accession in the Zhuan on III.xii 3,4. He was succeeded by his son Zifu
(茲父), known as duke Xiang (襄公). In the period of his early mourning, before his
father was buried, Zifu came in mourning garb to this meeting at Kuiqiu,
and therefore he is mentioned in p.2 as 宋子, 'son, or new duke, of Song.' Zuoshi
lays down the canon, that the successor to the throne, while his predecessor
was unburied, was called Xiaotong (小童) or 'boy;' and the successor to a
State, in like circumstances, Zi (子), or 'the son.' Gong and Gu for 正月 read
二月, and 禦 for 御. Kuiqiu was in Song,—30 li east from the pres. dis. city of
Kaocheng (考城), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Kuiqiu was to
repeat the former covenant [that in VIII. 1], and to cultivate the good
relations among the princes themselves;—which was proper. The king sent his
prime minister [the 冢宰 of the Shu, XX.v.1] Kong to present to the marquis of
Qi some of his sacrificial flesh, with the message, "The son of Heaven has
been sacrificing to Wen and Wu, and sends Kong to present a portion of the
flesh to his uncle of a different surname." The marquis was about to descend
the steps, and do obeisance, when Kong said, "There was another command. The
son of Heaven charged me to say that, in consideration of his uncle's 70 years,
he confers on him an additional degree of distinction,—that he shall not
descend and do obeisance." "Heaven's majesty," replied the marquis, "is not far
from me,—not a cubic, not 8 inches. Shall I, Xiaobo, dare to covet this
command of the son of Heaven, and not descend and do obeisance. If I did so, I
should fear that majesty was falling low, and left a stigma on the son of
Heaven. I dare not but descend and do obeisance." With this he descended the
steps, did obeisance, ascended again, and received the flesh.'
Par. 3. Gongyang says:——'This lady had not
been married;—how is her death recorded here? She had been engaged to be
married. When that took place, the daughter was called by her designation in
the family, and her hair was bound up with the pin. If she died before being
married, the ceremonies used were those of a full-grown woman.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the
marquis of Qi made the covenant with the princes in Kuiqiu to this
effect:——"All we who have united in this covenant shall hereafter banish
everything contrary to good relations among us." The prime minister Kong had
previously left to return to the capital; and when on the way, he met the
marquis of Jin, and said to him, "You need not go on to the meeting. The
marquis of Qi does not make virtue his first object, and is most earnest
about what is remote. Thus in the north he invaded the Hill Rong; on the south,
he invaded Chu; and in the west, he has assembled this meeting. As to what he
may do hereafter eastward, I do not know, but he will do nothing to the west.
Is Qi going to fall into disorder? Let your lordship set yourself to still
all disorder in Jin, and not be anxious about going on to this meeting."'
The Kangxi editors say they agree with
many crities of former dynasties in doubting the truth of this narrative.
Parr. 5,6. There is a difficulty here with
the date, the day Jiazi being really 4 days earlier than Wuchen of the 4th
par. I think, therefore, that Jiaxu (甲戌), Gongyang's reading, is here to be
preferred, though the received text does not follow him, while it follows
Guliang in giving 詭諸 instead of Zuo's 佹諸.
The Zhuan says:——'On the death of duke Xian
[whose name was Guizhu] of Jin, Li Ke and Pi Zheng wished to raise
Chong'er, who was afterwards duke Wen, to the marquisate, and therefore raised
an insurrection with his partizans, and those of his brothers, Shensheng and
Yiwu. Years before this, duke Xian had appointed Xun Xi to superintend the
training of Xiqi; and when he was ill, he called Xi to him, and said, "I
ventured to lay on you the charge of this child; how will you now do in
reference to him?" Xi bowed his head to the ground, and replied, "I will put
forth all my strength and resources on his behalf, doing so with loyalty and
sincere devotion. If I succeed, it will be owing to your lordship's influence;
if I do not succed, my death shall follow my endeavours." "What do you mean by
loyalty and sincere devotion?" asked the duke. "Doing to the extent of my
knowledge whatever will be advantageous to yonr House is loyalty. Performing
the duties to you, the departed, and serving him, the living, so that neither
of you would have any doubts about me, is sincere devotion."
'When Li Ke was fully purposed to kill
Xiqi, he first informed Xun Xi, saying, "The friends of Chong'er and his
brothers, all full of resentment, are about to rise; Qin and Jin will assist
them:—what can you do in such a case?" "I will die with Xiqi," replied Xi.
"That will be of no use," urged the other. Xun Shu said, "I told our departed
marquis so, and I must not say another thing now. I am able and willing to make
good my words, and do you think I will grudge my life to do so? Although it may
be of no use, how can I do otherwise? And in their wish to show the same virtue
for their side, who is not like me? Do I wish to be entirely faithful and one
for my protege, and can I say that others should refrain from being so for
theirs?"
'In the 10th month, Li Ke killed Xiqi
in his place by his father's coffin. Xun Xi was about to die at the same
time, but some one said to him, "You had better raise Zhuozi to his
brother's place, and give your help to him." Xi did so, and directed the new
marquis in the burial of duke Xian.
'In the 11th month, Li Ke slew Zhuo in
the court, and Xun Xi died with him. The superior man may say that in Xun
Xi we have what is declared in the ode [The Shi, IV. iii. II.5],'
"A flaw in a white gem May be ground away;
But for a flaw in speech Nothing can be done"' It may be well to observe here
that these murders in this Zhuan were not done by Ke himself; though, as the
instruments were employed by him, he is justly charged with them.
In p. 6. Gongyang reads 弑 for 殺. Xiqi
became marquis of Jin on the death of his father, and was Ke's 君 or ruler.
Gongyang says he is here styled 子 or son merely, because the year of his
father's death was still running; but such a canon does not hold in many other
instances. We might, indeed, read 晉子奚齊,—after the analogy of p. 2; but the
peculiar style here, 其君之子, must be due to the circumstances of the case:—the
youth of Xiqi; his want of a real title to the place; and his early
death.
[The Zhuan adds three notices here:——1st.
'The marquis of Qi, with the armies of the princes, invaded Jin, and
returned, after advancing as far as Gaoliang. The expedition was to punish and
put down the disorders of the State. The order about it did not reach Lu, and
so no record of it was made.'
2d. 'Xi Rui made Yiwu offer heavy
bribes to Qin, to obtain its help in entering Jin, saying to him, "The State
is really in the possession of others; you need grudge nothing. If you enter
and can get the people, you will have no difficulty about the territory." Yiwu
followed his counsel. Xi Peng of Qi led a force and joined the army of
Qin; and they placed Yiwu or duke Hui in duke Xian's place.
'The earl of Qin said to Xi Rui,
"Whom has the duke's son [Yiwu] to rely on in Jin?" Rui replied, "I have heard
the saying that a fugitive should have no partizans; for if he have partizans.
he is sure to have enemies also. When Yiwu was young, he was not fond of play;
he could show fight, but in moderation. When he grew up, there was no change in
these traits. Anything else about him I do not know." The earl then said to
Gongsun Zhi, "Will Yiwu settle the State?" Zhi replied, "I have heard that only
the pattern man can settle a State. In the Shi it is said of king Wen (III.i.
VII. 7),
'Without the consciousness of effort, You
accord with the pattern of God.' It is also said [III.iii.II. 8], 'Committing
no excess, inflicting no injury; There are few who will not take you as their
model.' This is spoken of him who loves not nor hates, who envies not nor is
ambitious. But now Yiwu's words are full of envy and ambition;—it will be hard
for him to settle the State!" The earl said, "Being envious, he will have many
to resent his conduct; how can he succeed in his ambition? But this will be our
gain."'
3d. 'When duke Xiang succeeded to Song,
from regard to the virtue of his brother Muyi [see the Zhuan at the end of last
year], he made him general of the left, and administrator of the government. On
this Song was finely ruled, and the office of general of the left became
hereditary in the Yu family (Yu was the clanname of Muyi's descendants)'] X. Tenth year.
1. In his tenth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke went to Qi.
2. The Di extinguished Wen; and the
viscount of Wen fled to Wey.
3. Li Ke of Jin murdered his ruler Zhuo,
and the great officer Xun Xi.
4. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the
baron of Xu invaded the northern Rong.
5. Jin put to death its great officer Li
Ke.
6. It was autumn, the seventh month.
7. In winter, there was a great fall of
snow.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Dan Zhu (啖助; Tang dyn., 8th
century) says that the character 如 is always used of journeys by the duke and
ministers of Lu, to visit other courts or present friendly inquiries. Duke Xi
here goes to Qi to appear at the court of the marquis as the leader of the
States.
Par. 2. The viscount of Wen, or the
viscount of Su, was one of the descendants of the duke of Su [called duke as
being one of the three gong or highest ministers of the king], minister of
Crime to king Wu. Out of the court, they were viscounts of Su, or of Wen, Wen
being the name of their principal city,—30 li west of the pres. dis. city of
Wen, dep. Huaiqing (懷 慶), Henan. In the 1st nar. appended to I. xi. 3, the
king grants the territories of the House of Su to Zheng. That House, however,
must have been subsequently re-instated in them. In one of the Zhuan appended to
III.xix. 4, the viscount of Su appears as confederate against the king with
Zitui, who flies on his defeat to Wen; and they further retreat together to
Wey.
The Zhuan says:——'The Di extinguished Wen,
because the viscount of Su was a man without faith. He rebelled against the
king, and went off to the Di; but he could do nothing among them, and they
attacked him. The king did not relieve him, and so his State was annihilated,
and he himself fled to Wey.'
Par. 3. See the Zhuan on the 6th par. of
last year. That Zhuan says Zhuo was murdered in the 11th month of last year,
while here the deed appears under the spring of this;—but see what is said, on
V. 1, upon the difference of dates in the Jing and Zhuan. Duke Xian had been
buried, and Zhuo or Zhuozi appears here consequently as marquis or
ruler.
Par. 4. These northern Rong were the same
as the Hill Rong of III.xxx.7. Why the baron of Xu should alone have
accompanied Qi on this expedition we canot tell.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says on this:——'In summer,
in the 4th month, Jifu, duke of Zhou, and Dang, son of king Xi(?), joined Xi
Peng of Qi in securing the establishment of the marquis of Jin, who put to
death Li Ke to clear himself of any complicity with him in the murders which
he had committed. When he was about to put him to death, he sent a message to
him, saying, "But for you, I should not have attained to my present position;
but considering that you murdered two marquises and one great officer, is it
not a difficult thing to be your ruler?" Ke replied, "If others had not been
removed, how could you have found room to rise? But if you wish to make out a
man's guilt, there is no difficulty in finding ground to do so. I have heard
your command." With this he cut his own throat, and died. At this time Pi
Zheng was absent on a visit of friendly inquiries in Qin, and to entreat the
earl to grant some delay in the payment of the bribes promised to him, so that
he escaped for the present.'
Par. 6. [The Zhuan appends the following
story:——'The marquis of Jin took up the body of his brother Gong [共太子, 'the
eldest son Gong.' Gong is the hon. title given to Shensheng, duke Xian's eldest
son], and had it reinterred. In the autumn, Hu Tu went to the lower capital
[i.e., Quwo] in connection with this, when he met the former young prince,
who made him get up and take his reins for him, as he had been accustomed to do
and then said to him, "Yiwu has violated all propriety. I have presented a
request to God and obtained it:— I am going to give Jin to Qin, which will
maintain the sacrifices to me." Tu replied, "I have heard that the Spirits of
the dead do not enjoy the sacrifices of those who are not of their kindred, and
that people only sacrifice to those who were of the same ancestry as
themselves. Will not the sacrifices to you be thus virtually no sacrifices? And
what crimes attach to the people of Jin? Let me ask you to consider well how
what you have done will lead to the wrong punishment of them and the cessation
of the sacrifices to yourself." "Yes," said the other, "I will make another
request to God. In 7 days, at the western side of the new city there will be a
wizard, through whom you shall have an interview with me." Tu agreed to this,
and the prince disappeared. When the time was come, the officer went to the
west side of the city, and received this message:——God has granted that I
punish only the criminal, who shall be defeated in Han."
'When Pi Zheng went to Qin, he said to
the earl, "They were Lü Sheng, Xi Zheng, and Ji Rui, who would not agree
to our marquis's fulfilling his promises to you. If you will call them to you
by urgently requesting their presence, I will then expel the marquis. Your
lordship can then restore Chong'er to Jin; and everything will be crowned
with success."'
Gongyang her has 雹 for 雪. Snow lying a
foot deep [See the Zhuan on I. ix. 2] would indeed be a strange phenomenon in
the autumn of the year. Zhou's winter was Xia's autumn.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In winter, the earl
of Qin sent Ling Zhi to Jin in return for the mission of Pi Zheng, and to
ask that the three officers mentioned by Zheng might come to him. Xi Rui
said, "The greatness of his gifts and the sweetness of his words are intended
to decoy us." Then they put to death Pi Zheng, Qi Ju, and the seven great
officers of the chariots,—Gong Hua of the left column, Jia Hua of the right,
Shu Jian, Zhui Chuan, Lei Hu, Te Gong, and Shan Qi; all partizans of Li and
Pi. Pi Bao fled to Qin, and said to the earl, "The marquis of Jin is
false to you, great lord, and envious on small grounds of his own officers;—the
people do not adhere to him. Attack him, and he is sure to be driven from the
State." The earl said, "How can he, who has lost the masses, deal death in such
a way? But you have only escaped the calamity; who can expel your ruler?"'] XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, Jin put
to death its great officer, Pi Zhengfu.
2. In summer, the duke and his wife, the
lady Jiang, had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Yanggu.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was
a grand sacrifice for rain.
4. In winter, a body of men from Chu
invaded Huang.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. See the last Zhuan. Zuoshi says
that in spring the marquis of Jin sent an announcement to Lu of the disorder
attempted to be raised by Pi Zheng. This is Zuo's own attempt to reconcile
the date of Pi Zheng's death, as given here, with the real date assigned to
it in the Zhuan referred to. But we have seen that both dates are
correct:—this, according to the calendar of Zhou; that, according to the
calendar of Xia.
[The Zhuan adds:——'The king by Heaven's
grace sent duke Wu of Shao, and Guo, the historiographer of the interior, to
confer the symbol of his rank on the marquis of Jin. He received the nephrite
with an air of indifference; and Guo, on his return to the court, said to the
king, "The marquis of Jin is not one who will have any successor of his own
children. Your majesty conferred on him the symbol of investiture, and he
received the auspicious jade with an air of indifference. Taking the lead thus
in self-abandonment, is he likely to have any one to succeed him? The rules of
propriety are the stem of a State; and reverence is the chariot that conveys
them along. Where there is not reverence, those rules do not have their course;
and where this is the case, the distinctions of superiors and inferiors are all
obscured. When this occurs, there can be no transmission of a State to after
generations.' See the 國語, For I. (國語,上), art. 11.]
Par. 2. Comp. II.xviii. 1. It would appear
from this that duke Xi had married a lady of Qi, a daughter probably of duke
Huan. But that she should accompany him, as here, to a meeting with her father
even, was contrary to all Chinese ideas of propriety. Du Yu says:——'A wife
does not accompany or meet a visitor beyond the gate; when she sees her
brothers, she does not cross the threshold of the harem. To go to this meeting
with the duke was contrary to rule.'
[The Zhuan adds:——'In summer, the Rong of
Yangju, Quangao, and about the Yi and the Luo, united in attacking the
capital, entered the royal city, and burned the eastern gate; king Hui's son
Dai having called them. Qin and Jin invaded the Rong in order to relieve the
king. In autumn, the marquis of Jin caused the Rong to make peace with the
king.']
Par. 3. See on II. v. 7.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The people of
Huang did not send their tribute to Chu, and a body of men, therefore, from
Chu attacked Huang in the winter.' XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring,
in the king's third month, on Gengwu, the sun was eclipsed.
2. In summer, a body of men from Chu
extinguished Huang.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Dingchou, Chujiu, marquis of Chen, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This eclipse took place in the
afternoon of March 29th, B. C. 647. Du observes that the historiographer had
omitted to enter that Gengwu was the 1st day of the moon.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In the spring, the
States walled the suburbs of Chuqiu of Wey [see II. 1]; fearing troubles
from the Di.']
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The people of
Huang, relying on the friendship of the States with Qi, did not render the
tribute which was due from them to Chu, saying "From Ying [the capital of
Chu] to us is 900 li; what harm can Chu do to us?" This summer, Chu
extinguished Huang. Guliang says:——'At the meeting in Guan [II. 4], Guan Zhong
said to the marquis of Qi, "Jiang and Huang are far from Qi and near to
Chu,—states which Chu considers advantageous to it. Should Chu attack
them, and you not be able to save them, you will cease to be looked up to by
the States." The marquis would not listen to him, but made a covenant with
Jiang and Huang. On the death of Guan Zhong, Chu invaded Jiang, and
extinguished Huang; and Qi, indeed, was not able to save them.' Whether Guan
Zhong gave the advice here ascribed to him at Guan we do not know; but Gu is
wrong in supposing he was now dead;—he died in the 15th year of duke Xi.
Par. 3. [The Zhuan gives here two
narratives:—1st. 'The king, because of the attack of the Rong, proceeded to
punish his brother Dai; —who fled to Qi.'
2d. 'In winter, the marquis of Qi sent
Guan Yiwu to make peace between the Rong and the king; and Xi Peng to make
peace between the Rong and Jin. The king wanted to feast Guan Zhong with the
ceremonies due to a minister of the highest grade. But Guan Zhong declined
them, saying, "I an but an officer of mean condition. There are Guo and Gao
in Qi, both holding their appointment from the son of Heaven. If they should
come in spring or in autumn to receive your majesty's orders, with what
ceremonies should they be entertained? A simple servant of my prince, I venture
to refuse the honour you propose." The king said, 'Messenger of my uncle, I
approve your merit. You maintain your excellent virtue, which I never can
forget. Go and dischange the dutics of your office, and do not disobey my
commands." Guan Zhong finally accepted the ceremonies of a minister of the
lower grade, and returned to Qi.
The superior man will say, "Guan well
deserved that his sacrifices should be perpetuated from generation to
generation. He was humbly courteous, and did not forget his superiors. As the
ode [She, III. i. ode V.5] says.
"Our amiable, courteous prince Was rewarded
by the Spirits."' Par. 4. For 杵 Gongyang reads 處. XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in
spring, the Di made an incursion into Wey.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, there was
the burial of duke Xuan of Chen.
3. The duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl
of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, in Xian.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was
a grand sacrifice for rain.
5. In winter, duke [Huan's] son, You, went
to Qi.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. It was in anticipation of trouble
to Wey from the Di that the States fortified the suburbs of Chuqiu;—as
related in the Zhuan at the commencement of last year. Zhao Pengfei (趙鵬飛;
towards the end of the Song dyn.) supposes that the object of the Di was to
make Wey deliver to them the viscount of Wen, who had fled there, as related in
X. 2.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'This spring, the
marquis of Qi sent Zhongsun Jiao on a mission of friendly inquiries to
Zhou, and to speak about the king's brother Dai; but when the former business
was concluded, Jiao did not speak further to the king; and when giving an
account of his mission, on his return, he said, "We cannot yet speak about Dai.
The king's anger has not subsided. Perhaps it will do so in 10 years. But in
less than ten years, the king will not recall him."']
Par. 3. Xian was in Wey,—60 li southeast
from the pres. Kaizhou (開州), dep. Daming, Zhili. The Zhuan says;——'The
meeting at Xian was because the Yi of the Huai were distressing Qi, and also to
consult about the royal House.'
[The Zhuan has here another brief
narrative: ——'In autumn, because of the difficulties created by the Rong, the
States determined to guard Zhou; and Zhongsun Jiao of Qi conducted their
troops to it.']
Par. 5. This was the 3d visit which You had
now made in Xi's time to Qi. We see what a sway he must have had in Lu, and
what service the marquis of Qi required for his protectorate.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In winter Jin was
suffering a second time a season of scarcity, and sent to Qin to be allowed
to buy grain. The earl of Qin asked Zisang [Gongsun Zhi] whether he should
give the grain, and that officer replied, "If you grant this great favour, and
the marquis of Jin make a due return for it, you will have nothing more to
require. If you grant it, and he make no return, his people will be alienated
from him. If you then proceed to punish him, not having the multitudes with
him, he is sure to be defeated. "The earl put the same question to his minister
Boli, who replied, "The calamities inflicted by Heaven flow abroad, and
different States have them in their turn. To succour in such calamities, and
compassionate one's neighbours, is the proper way; and he who pursues it will
have blessing."
'Bao, the son of Pi Zheng, was then in
Qin, and asked leave to lead an expedition to attack Jin, but the earl said
to him, "Its ruler is evil; but of what offences have his people been guilty?"
On this Qin contributed grain to Jin, vessels following one another from
Yong to Jiang; and the affair was called "The service of the trains of
boats."'] See the 國 語, IV.iii. (晉語,三,), art. 5. Wang Xijue (王錫爵; Ming dyn.,
A.D. 1534-1610) gives an opinion on the merits of the advice tendered in the
above matter by Gongsun Zhi and Boli Xi respectively, which may well be called
in question. 'Boli's words,' he says, 'were benevolent, kind, and entirely
generous; but they were not equal to Gongsun Zhi's, based on a calculation of
consequences. A truly worthy minister he was!' XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in
spring, the States walled Yuanling.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, the duke's
youngest daughter and the viscount of Zeng met in Fang, when she caused the
viscount to come and pay the duke a court-visit.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Xinmao, [part of the hill of] Shalu fell down.
4. The Di made an incursion into Zheng.
5. In winter, Xi, marquis of Cai, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'The States walled
Yuanling, and removed Qi to it, as its capital. The various princes engaged in
the work are not mentioned, through the omission of the historiographers.'
Yuanling was a town of Qi, —50 li southeast of the pres. dis. city of
Changle, dep. Qingzhou. To this the lord of Qi wished to move his capital
from Yongqiu (雍丘), in the dis. of Qi, (杞), dep. Kaifeng, Henan, where he was
much distressed by the Yi of the Huai; and the marquis of Qi took the lead in
the movement, and directed the different States to prepare the city for the
contemplated removal. Compare the walling of Chuqiu in II. 1.
Par. 2. This par. has wonderfully vexed,
and continues to vex, the critics. Zuoshi gives this account of it:——'The duke's
youngest daughter, married to the viscount of Zeng, came to Lu to visit her
parents. The duke was angry and detained her, because the viscount of Zeng had
not been to the court of Lu. In summer, she met the viscount in Fang, and made
him pay a visit to the court.' This account of the matter is probably the
correct one. The difficulties in its way are the omission of 鄫 before 伯姬; and
the 9th par. of next year, which would seem to be a record of the lady's
marriage to the viscount. But when the duke detained her, as the Zhuan
supposes, in Lu, he, no doubt, considered the marriage to be annulled. This
may account for the omission of the 鄫; and in the subsequent entry, 歸 will =
'went to her old home,' and not 'went to her new home on being married.'
The principal views which have been taken
of the par. appear in the note of the Kangxi editors:——'The meeting of the
duke's daughter with the viscount of Zeng, without the duke's forbidding it,
and her asking the viscount to come to the court of Lu and his listening to
her, were both contrary to propriety; and the thing is recorded in the Chunqiu
to condemn it. The view of Hu An'guo, that the duke, from love to his
daughter, allowed her to choose her own husband, is based on what is said by
Gong and Gu, and scholars generally have adopted it; but it is wrong. Duke Xi
was a worthy ruler, and his wife, Sheng Jiang, has the praise of being a
virtuous lady;—would they have been willing to allow such a thing? Some allege
that the style, where 鄫 does not precede 伯姬, shows that the lady was not
married; but they do not consider that the duke, in anger at the viscount's not
coming to court, annulled the marriage for the time; and when he afterwards
sent his daughter back, as Zeng here does not precede 伯姬, so neither does it
do so in the later record. If, indeed, the viscount had come to court to ask
the lady in marriage, there would have been notices subsequently of his
presenting the bridal gifts and coming to meet her; but there is nothing of
this in the text. Fan Ning had reason when he doubted the view of Gong and Gu,
and regarded that of Zuoshi as having more of verisimilitude.'
Guliang has 繒 for 鄫. Zeng was a small
State in pres. dis. of Yih (嶧), dep. Yanzhou. Its lords were Sis (姒), and
claimed to be descended from Yu.
Par. 3. The hill of Shalu was in Jin, 45
li east of the pres. district city of Yuancheng (元城), dep. Daming. The Zhuan
says that when the diviner Yan of Jin heard of the event, he said, 'By the
time a full year is completed, there will be great calamity, so as nearly to
ruin our State.'
Par. 4. The repeated incursions and
invasions of the Di show that not only was the royal House very feeble, but
that the power of Qi was also waning.
Par. 5. This was duke Mu (穆公), a son of
the Xianwu, of whose captivity in Chu we have an account in III. x. 5. There
he remained till his death in duke Zhuang's 19th year, when Xi became marquis
of Cai.
[The Zhuan relates here:——'In winter, there
was a scarcity in Qin, which sent to Jin to beg to be allowed to buy grain.
They refused in Jin, but Qing Zheng said, "To make such a return for Qin's
favour to us shows a want of relative feeling; to make our gain from the
calamity of others shows a want of benevolence; to be greedy is inauspicious;
to cherish anger against our neighbours is unrighteous. When we have lost these
four virtues, how shall we preserve our State?" Guo She said, "When the skin
has been lost, where can you place the hair?" Zheng replied, "We are casting
away faith, and making a vile return to our neighbour;—in the time of our
calamity, who will pity us? Calamity is sure to come where there has been no
faith; and without helpers we are sure to perish. Thus it will be with us,
acting in this way." Guo She said, "To grant the grain would not lessen
Qin's resentment, and we should only be kind to our enemy." "Him," said
Zheng, "who is ungrateful for favours, and makes a gain of the calamities of
others, the people reject. Even his nearest friends will feel hostile to him;
how much more his resentful opponents!" The marquis, however, would not listen
to his counsel, and Qing Zheng retired, saying, "Would that the marquis might
repent of this!"] XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In his fifteenth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke went to Qi.
2. A body of men from Chu invaded Xu.
3. In the third month, the duke had a
meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the
marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao,
when they made a covenant in Muqiu, and then went on till they halted at
Kuang.
4. Kungsun Ao led a force, and, with the
great officers of the [other] princes, [endeavoured to] relieve Xu.
5. In summer, in the fifth month, the sun
was eclipsed.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, an army
of Qi and an army of Cao invaded Li.
7. In the eighth month, there were locusts.
8. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from
the meeting [with the other princes].
9. The duke's third daughter went to her
home in Zeng.
10. On Jimao, the last day of the moon,
the temple of Yibo was struck by lightning.
11. In winter, a body of men from Song
invaded Cao.
12. The men of Chu defeated Xu at
Loulin.
13. In the eleventh month, on Renxu, the
marquis of Jin and the earl of Qin fought at Han, when the marquis of Jin
was taken.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Zhang Qia says:——'In his 10th year,
the duke paid a court-visit to Qi, and here again in his 15th he does the
same;—a court-visit in 5 years, serving Qi as the rule required him to serve
the son of Heaven!'
Par. 2. Zuoshi says that the reason for
this attack was that 'Xu had joined the States' of the north. See on III.
3.
Par. 3,4. Muqiu was probably in Qi,—70
li to the northeast of the dis. city of Liaocheng (聊城), dep. Dongchang.
Kuang was in Wey,—in dep. of Daming, Zhili. Zuoshi says that the covenant at
Muqiu was 'to confirm that at Kuiqiu [see IX. 2], and for the relief of
Xu.' The princes would then seem to have advanced southwards to Kuang, and to
have waited there, to allow the troops of Lu, and of other States as well, to
arrive and effect a junction, before proceeding to try consequences with the
army of Chu. Gongsun Ao was the son of Qingfu, of whom we had so much in
the times of Zhuang and Min. He is also known as Meng Mubo (孟穆伯). From p. 12
we see that the endeavour to relieve Xu was unsuccessful. After this the
marquis of Qi made no more arrangements for the relief of any of the States.
The vigour of his presidency was evidently declining.
Par. 5. Zuoshi remarks on there being no
record of the day on which this eclipse took place, and the absence also of the
character 朔; but there was no eclipse in all this year visible in Lu. There
was indeed an eclipse of the sun on January 28th, B. C. 644; but it could not
have been seen there.
Par. 6. Li was one of the subject States of
Chu,— in the pres. Suizhou (隋州), dep. De'an (德安), Hubei. The object of
attacking Li was to effect a diversion in favour of Xu, and so help the relief
of that State.
Par. 7. Gong has * for 螽. See II. v. 8.
Guliang tries to lay down a canon here, that when the plague of locusts was
very great, the month of its occurrence is given; and when it was light, only
the season.
Par. 9. See on p. 2 of last year.
Par. 10. 震 is here used as an impersonal
verb. The Shuowen explains it by 劈歷 振物者, 'a crash of thunder, shaking things.'
Of course it was the lightning which struck the temple, but the Chinese, like
the Hebrews, considered the lightning to be a 'hot thunderbolt (Psalm,
LXXVIII. 48).' Zuoshi observes that we may see from this that the Zhan clan
(展氏) was chargeable with some secret wickedness. Apart from this interpretation
of the event, telling us that the Yibo here belonged to the clan of whose
constitution we have an account in the Zhuan on I. viii. 10 [Yi in the text is
the honorary title of the officer whose temple suffered, and Bo was his
designation], —beyond this we know nothing about him. Guliang refers to the
par. as a case in point, to show that, from the emperor to the lower officers,
all had their temples or shrine-houses: —the emperor, 7 of them; princes of
States, 5; great officers 3; and lower officers, 2.
Par. 11. Both Song and Cao were at the
meeting in Muqiu. This attack boded ill for the relief of Xu, and showed how
feeble the control of Qi had become.
Par. 12. Loulin was in Xu,—in the
northeast of the dis. of Hong (虹), dep. Fengyang, Anhui. Zuoshi says that Xu
was defeated through relying on the succour of the States.
Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'When the marquis
of Jin first entered that State from Qin [see the 2d narrative appended at
the end of the 9th year], Mu Ji, the earl's wife [see the Zhuan after III.
xxviii. 1], charged him to behave kindly to the lady Jia [see the same Zhuan],
and also to restore all his brothers, and the sons of the former marquis as
well.
The marquis, however, committed incest
with the lady Jia, and did not restore the sons of his predecessors, so that
Mu Ji was full of resentment at him. He had made, moreover, promises to
several great officers within the State, all of which he broke. To the earl of
Qin he had promised 5 cities beyond the He, with all the country on the east
which had formed the territory of Guo, as far as mount Hua on the south, and
to the city of Xieliang on the north of the He; but he did not surrender any
of this territory, any of these cities. Afterwards, when Jin was suffering
from scarcity, Qin sent grain to it; but when scarcity came to the lot of
Qin, Jin shut its markets, and would not allow the sale of grain. In
consequence of all these things, the earl of Qin determined to invade
Jin.
'Tufu, the diviner, consulted the
milfoil about the expedition, and said, "A lucky response;—cross the He; the
prince's chariots are defeated." The earl asked to have the thing more fully
explained, and the diviner said, "It is very lucky. Thrice shall you defeat his
troops, and finally capture the marquis of Jin. The diagram found is Gu (䷑),
of which it is said,
'The thousand chariots thrice are put to
flight, What then remains you catch,—the one fox wight.' That fox in Gu must
be the marquis of Jin. Moreover, the inner symbol of Gu (Xun, ☴) represents
wind, the outer (Gen, ☶) represents hills. The season of the year is now the
autumn. We blow down the fruits on the hill, and we take the trees;—it is plain
we are to overcome. The fruit blown down, and the trees all taken; what can this
be but defeat to Jin?"
'After three defeats of Jin, the armies
came to Han. The marquis said to Qing Zheng, "The robbers have penetrated
far; what is to be done?" "It is your lordship," replied Zheng, "who has
brought them so far, and can you ask what is to be done?" "He is against me,"
said the marquis; and he proceeded to divine who should be the spearman upon
his right. The response was for Qing Zheng, but he would not employ him.
Buyang acted as charioteer, and Jia Putu was spearman on the right. The
chariot was drawn by four small horses which had been presented by the earl of
Zheng. Qing Zheng said, "Anciently, on great occasions, the prince was
required to use the horses born in his own State. Natives of the climate, and
knowing the minds of the people, they are docile to instruction, and accustomed
to the roads;—whithersoever they may be directed, they are obedient to their
driver's will. Now for the fight that is before us, you are using horses of a
different State. When they become afraid, they will change their usual way, and
go contrary to the will of their driver. When they become confused, they will
get all excited. Their timorous blood will flush all their bodies, and their
veins will everywhere stand out. Externally they will appear strong, but
internally they will be exhausted. They will refuse to advance or retire; they
will be unable to turn round. Your lordship is sure to repent employing
them."
'The marquis paid no attention to this
warning; and on the 9th month [i.e., the 9th month of Xia] he met the army of
Qin, when he sent Han Jian to survey it. Jian reported, "Their army is
smaller than ours, but their spirit for fighting is double ours." "For what
reason?" asked the duke. "When you fled the State," returned the officer, "you
sought the help of Qin; when you entered it again, it was by Qin's favour;
and in our scarcity, you ate Qin's grain. Thrice did you receive Qin's
benefits, and you made no return for them;—on this account its army is come.
Now when we are about to come to blows, we are out of spirit and they are all
ardour. To say their spirit is double ours is below the truth."
'The duke, however, said, "Even an
ordinary man should not be made arrogant by yielding to him; how much less a
State like Qin! On this he sent an offer of battle, saying, "Feeble as I am,
I have assembled my multitudes, and cannot leave you. If you will not return to
your own State, I will certainly not evade your commands." The earl of Qin
sent Gongsun Zhi with his reply, "Before your lordship entered your State, I
was full of fears for you; when you had entered it and were not secure in its
possession, I was still anxious about your position. But if that be now secure,
dare I refuse to accept your commands?" Han Jian retired, saying, " We shall be
fortunate if we only meet with captivity."
'On the day Renxu, the battle was fought
in the plain of Han. The horses of the marquis of Jin's carriage turned aside
into a slough, and stuck fast. The marquis shouted to Qing Zheng, who
replied, "Obdurate to remonstrance, and disobedient to the oracle, you
obstinately sought for defeat; and would you now escape?" and left him. In the
meantime, Han Jian, driven by Liang Youmi, and having Guo She on his right,
met the earl of Qin, and was about to take him, when Qing Zheng prevented
him by sending him away to save the marquis. In the end, Qin took the marquis
of Jin prisoner, and carried him off. Many of the great officers of Jin
followed their prince, with disshevelled hair, and sleeping on the grass in the
open air. The earl sent to decline their presence in such fashion, saying, "Why
should you be so distressed? That I am accompanying your ruler to the west, is
in fulfilment of that strange dream in Jin [see the Zhuan after X. 6]; I dare
not proceed to extremities with him." The officers of Jin did obeisance thrice
with their heads to the ground, saying, "Your lordship treads the sovereign
Earth, and has over your head the great Heaven, Great Heaven and sovereign
Earth have heard your lordship's words. On your servants here below they come
as the wind."
'When Mu Ji heard that the marquis of
Jin was approaching, she took her eldest son Ying, with his brother Hong, and
her daughters, Jian and Bi, and ascended a tower, treading as she went upon
faggots [which she caused to be placed on the ground and steps]. She then sent
a messenger, clad in the deepest mourning, to meet the earl, and to deliver to
him her words, "High Heaven has sent down calamity, and made my two lords see
each other, not with gems and silks, but with the instruments of war. If the
marquis of Jin come here in the morning, we die in the evening. If he come in
the evening, we die in the morning. Let my lord consider the matter, and
determine it." On this the earl lodged his prisoner in the Marvellous tower
[See the Shi, III. i. VIII. Qin had come into possession of this tower, when
it received the territory of Qizhou]. The great officers begged leave to bring
him into the city, but the earl said, "With the marquis of Jin as my prisoner,
I was returning as with great spoil; but the end may be that I return over so
many deaths. How can I do so? Of what good would it be to you, my officers?
Those men of Jin, moreover, have been heavy on me with their distress and
sorrow; I have bound myself by appealing to Heaven and Earth. If I do not
consider kindly the sorrow of those men, I shall increase their anger; if I eat
my words, I shall be false to Heaven and Earth. Their increased anger will be
hard to endure; to be false to Heaven and Earth will be inauspicious. I must
restore the marquis of Jin." The Gongzi Zhi said, "You had better put him
to death, and not allow him to collect his resources for further mischief."
Zisang [Gongsun Zhi] said, "Restore him, and get his eldest son here as a
hostage;—this will lead to great results. Jin is not yet to be extinguished,
and if you put its ruler to death, the result will only be evil. Moreover,
there are the words of the historiographer Yi, "Do not initiate misery; do not
trust to the disorder of others; do not increase their anger. Increased anger
is hard to endure; oppressive treatment is inauspicious."
'The earl then offered Jin conditions of
peace, and the marquis sent Xi Qi to tell Lü Yisheng of Xia, and to call
him to meet him. Zijin [the designation of Lü Yisheng] instructed him how to
act, saying, "Call the people of the State to the court, and reward them as if
by command of the marquis, giving them also this message as from him, 'Although
I may return to Jin, our altars will be disgraced. Consult the tortoise-shell,
and let Yu [the eldest son] take my place.'"
'All the people wept on hearing these
words; and Yisheng proceeded to take some lands of the marquis and appropriate
them to reward the people, saying, "Our prince does not grieve for his own
exile, but his sorrow is all for his subjects;—this is the extreme of kindness.
What shall we do for our prince?" They all asked him what could be done, and he
said, "Let us collect our revenues and look to our weapons, in order to support
his young son. When the States hear of it, how, while we have lost one prince,
we have another in his son, how we are all united and harmonious, and how our
preparations for war are greater than before, those who love us will admire and
encourage us, and those who hate us will fear;—this perhaps will be of
advantage to our condition." The people were all pleased, and throughout the
State, in every district, they prepared their weapons.
'Years before this, when duke Xian of Jin
was divining by the milfoil about the marriage of his eldest daughter to the
earl of Qin he got the diagram Guimei (䷵), and then the diagram K'wei (䷥).
The historiographer Su interpreted the indication, and said, "It is unlucky.
The sentence [on the top line in Guimei] is, 'The man cuts up his sheep, and
there is no blood; the girl presents her basket, but there is no gift in it.'
The neighbour on the west reproaches us for our words which cannot be made
good. And Guimei's becoming Kui is the same as our getting no help from the
union. For the symbol Zhen (☳) to become Li (☲) is the same as for Li to become
Zhen; we have thunder and fire,—the Ying defeating the Ji. The connection
between the carriage and its axle is broken; the fire burns the flags:—our
military expeditions will be without advantage; there is defeat in Zongqiu.
In Guimei's becoming Kui we have a solitary, and an enemy against whom the
bow is bent [see the Yi, on the top line of the diagram Kui. But it seems to
me of no use trying to make out any principle of reason in passages like the
present.] Then the nephew follows his aunt. In 6 years he makes his escape, He
flies back to his State, abandoning his wife. Next year he dies in the wild of
Gaoliang." When duke Hui came to be in Qin, he said, "If my father had
followed the interpretation of the historiographer Su, I should not have come
to my present condition." Han Jian was by his side, and said, "The
tortoise-shell gives its figures, and the milfoil its numbers. When things are
produced, they have their figures; their figures go on to multiply; that
multiplication goes on to numbers. Your father's violations of virtue were
almost innumerable. Although he did not follow the interpretation of the
historiographer Su, how could that increase your misfortune? As the ode says
(Shi II. ii. ode IX. 7):—
'The calamities of the inferior people Do
not come down from Heaven. Fair words and hatred behind the back:—The earnest,
strong pursnit of this is from men.'"' In this par. there appears for the 1st
time in the text the great State of Qin, which went on till it displaced the
dynasty of Zhou in about 4 centuries from this time. Its lords were Yings (嬴),
who claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Zhuanxu, through Shun's
minister Boyi (伯益 or 翳). Feizi (非 子), 19th in descent from Boyi, was appointed
lord of the small attached territory of Qin [in pres. dis. Qingshui (清水),
Qinzhou, in Gansu], in B.C. 908, by king Xiao. In B. C. 769, Qin became
an independent earldom; and in 713, the ruling earl (duke Ning; 寧公) moved the
capital to Pingyang [in dis. of Mei (郿), dep. Fengxiang, Shaanxi]. In B. C.
676, another change was made to Yong (雍), in dis. of Fengxiang, which was the
seat of its power at this time. Han was in Jin,—in Xiezhou, Shaanxi.
[The Zhuan continues its narrative of the
relations between Jin and Qin.——'In the 10th month, Yisheng of Yin [Yin was
another city, in addition to Xia above, held by Yisheng from Jin had a meeting
with the earl of Qin, when they made a covenant in the old royal city. The
earl asked whether they were united in Jin, and the other replied, "We are
not. The smaller people are ashamed at losing their ruler, and grieved at the
death of their friends. They do not shrink from contributing their revenues,
and getting their weapons in order, that they may sustain Yu; and they say, 'We
must have vengeance on our foes. We had rather serve the Rong and the Di than
not have it.' Superior men love their ruler, while they know his
transgressions. Neither do they shrink from contributing their revenues, and
preparing their weapons, to be in readiness for the commands of Qin; and they
say, 'We must repay the conduct of Qin. Though we die, we shall not swerve
from this.' In this way there is not a harmony of views." The earl then asked
what they said in the State about their marquis. Yisheng said, "The inferior
people are full of distress, saying he will not get off; but superior men,
judging by their own estimate of things, think he is sure to return. The
inferior people say, 'We have only injured Qin:—how should Qin restore our
prince?" Superior men say, ' We know our transgressions; Qin is sure to
restore our prince. To take him prisoner because of his doubleness, and to let
him go on his real submission:—what virtue could be greater than this? what
punishment more awing? Those who submit to Qin will cherish the virtue; those
who are disaffected will dread the punishment:—the presidency of Qin over the
States may be secured by its conduct in this one case. You put him in the
marquisate, but he was not secure in it; you have displaced him, and perhaps
will not restore him:—this will be to turn your virtue into a cause of
resentment. We do not think that Qin will act thus."' The earl said, "This is
also my view;" and he proceeded to change the place of the marquis's
confinement, and lodged him in a public reception-house. He also sent him seven
oxen, seven sheep, and seven pigs.
"When the marquis was about to return, E
Xi said to Qing Zheng, "Had you not better go to another State?" Qing
replied, "I plunged our ruler into defeat; on his defeat I was unable to die.
Should I now cause him to fail in punishing me, I should not play the part of a
subject. A subject and yet not a subject, to what State should I go?"
"In the 11th month, the marquis of Jin
returned from Qin; on the day Dingchou he caused Qing Zheng to be put to
death, and then entered his capital.
'That same year, Jin had again a
scarcity, and the earl of Qin again supplied it with grain, saying, "I feel
angry with its ruler, but I pity its people. I heard, moreover, that when
Tangshu was appointed to Jin, the count of Ji said, 'His descendants are
sure to become great.' How can I expect to annex Jin? Let me meanwhile plant
more deeply my virtue, and wait for a really able ruler to arise in Jin." On
this Qin for the first time appropriated the territory yielded by Jin on the
east of the He, and placed officers in charge of it.'] XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in
spring, in the king's first month, on Wushen, the first day of the moon, there
fell stones in Song,—five [of them]. In the same month, six fish-hawks flew
backwards, past the capital of Song.
2. In the third month, on Renshen, duke
[Huan's] son, Ji You, died.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on
Bingshen, the duke's youngest daughter—she of Zeng—died.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on
Jiazi, Gongsun Ci died.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke
had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen,
the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the marquis of Xing,
and the earl of Cao in Huai.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. For 隕 Gongyang has 霣. Zuoshi says
these stones were 'stars;' but that is merely his interpretation of the
phenomenon. 隕=落, 'to fall from a height.' 鷁 is explained as 水鳥, 'a
waterfowl;'—it is the fish hawk represented on the sterns of junks. The flying
backwards of the six hawks was occasioned, acc. to Zuoshi, by the wind, which
was so strong that they could not make head against it, and were carried back,
struggling, by its current. The 是月 between the two notices seems to be
introduced merely to express that the strange flight of the hawks was not on
the same day as the fall of the stones. Gong, Gu, and the Kangxi editors, all
write nonsensically on this point.
The Zhuan says:——'At this time, Shuxing,
historiographer of the interior, was in Song, on a visit of friendly inquiries
from Zhou, and duke Xiang asked him about these strange appearances, saying,
"What are they ominous of? What good fortune or bad do they portend?" The
historiographer replied, "This year there will be the deaths of many great
persons of Lu. Next year Qi will be all in disorder. Your lordship will get
the presidency of the States, but will not continue to hold it." When he
retired, he said to some one, "The king asked me a wrong question. It is not
from these developments of the Yin and Yang that good fortune and evil are
produced. They are produced by men themselves. I answered as I did, because I
did not venture to go against the duke's idea."'
Par. 2. See III. xxv. 6; xxvii 3; V. i. 9;
et al. The Kangxi editors foolishly agree here with Gong and Gu in thinking
that we have the 公子, the designation 季, and the name 友, all together, on
purpose to express the sage's approval of the character of Ji You.
Par. 3. See XIV. 2; XV. 9.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In summer, Qi
invaded Li, but did not subdue it. Having relieved Xu, however, the army
returned.' See p. 6 of last year.']
Par. 4. For 茲 Gongyang has 慈. See V. iv. 8;
v. 3. It may be added here that he was the son of Shuya, whose death or murder
appears in III. xxxii. 3.
[The Zhuan adds here three brief
notices:——
1st. 'In autumn, the Di made an incursion
into Jin, and took Huchu, and Shouduo. They then crossed the Fen, and
advanced to Kundu;—taking advantage of the defeat of Jin by Qin.'
2d. 'The king sent word to Qi of the
troubles still raised by the Rong, and Qi called out troops from the various
States to guard Zhou.'
3d. 'In winter, in the 11th month, on
Yimao, Zheng put to death the earl's eldest son Hua.' See VII. 4, and the
Zhuan there].
Par. 5. Huai was in the present Sizhou
(泗州), Anhui, taking its name from the Huai river. We have here for the first
time the marquis of Xing present at these meetings of the States, and his place
is given him after the earl of Zheng and the baron of Xu. This order is
supposed to have been determined by the marquis of Qi. The Zhuan says:——'This
meeting was held to consult about Zeng [which was hard pressed by the Yi of the
Huai], and to make a progress in the east. It was proposed to wall Zeng, but
the soldiers engaged in the service fell sick. Some one got on a mound in the
night, and cried out, "There is disorder in Qi;" and so they returned without
completing the work.' This was the last of the meetings called by the marquis
of Qi as president of the States. From the 1st at Beixing (III. xiii. 1) down
to this, he had held eleven meetings of a pacific character (衣裳之會), and four
prelusive of military operations (兵車之會). His influence declined after the
meeting at Kuiqiu (IX. 2). The fabric of his greatness had been reared more
by Guan Zhong than himself. The minister was now gone, and the prince was soon
to follow him, by a miserable end, and leave his own State a prey to years of
confusion. XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in
spring, a body of men from Qi and a body from Xu invaded Yingshi.
2. In summer, we extinguished Xiang.
3. In autumn, the [duke's] wife, the lady
Jiang, had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Bian.
4. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from
the meeting [at Huai].
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Yihai, Xiaobo, marquis of Qi, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Yingshi was a small State, which
acknowledged the jurisdiction of Chu,—in the present Zhou of Liu'an (六安),
Anhui. In the west of the Zhou, close on the borders of the district of
Yingshan (英山), is a city called Ying. This expedition was undertaken by Qi in
the interest of Xu, 'to avenge,' Zu says, 'the defeat of Xu by Chu at
Loulin,' in the duke's 15th year.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'In summer, Yu, the
eldest son of the marquis of Jin, went as a hostage to Qin, and Qin
restored the territory on the east of the He, which had been ceded by Jin,
giving also a wife to Yu. When duke Hui [the marquis of Jin] was a refugee in
Liang, the earl of it gave him to wife Liang Ying [Ying was the surname of the
House of Liang]. As she went in pregnancy beyond the usual time, the diviner,
Zhaofu, and his son, consulted the tortoise-shell about the matter. The son
said, 'She will have both a boy and a girl.' 'Yes,' added the father, 'and the
son will be another's subject, and the daughter will be a concubine.' On this
account the boy was called Yu [a groom], and the girl was named Qie
[concubine]. When Yu went a hostage to the west, Qie became a concubine in
the harem of Qin.']
Par. 2. Xiang was a small State—the name of
which remains in the dis. of Xiangcheng (項城), dep. Chenzhou (陳州), Henan. Gong
and Gu both attribute the extinction of Xiang to Qi, and the Kangxi editors
defend their view ingeniously; but in that case 齊 would have appeared in the
text. A notice like the present, without the name of another State preceding
the verb, must always be understood of Lu. The Zhuan says:——'An army
extinguished Xiang. At the meeting of Huai, the duke was engaged with the other
princes on the business before them; but, before he returned, he took Xiang.
Qi thought it was matter for punishment, and detained the duke as a
prisoner.' This account might have been more explicit. We cannot suppose that
duke Xi himself left the conference at Huai, and conducted the troops which
extinguished Xiang. He had probably entrusted the expedition to one of his
officers; and when the news of it reached the assembly, Qi was able to detain
him as a prisoner. And yet it is not easy to understand how the princes should
have remained so long at Huai.
Par. 3. The wife of duke Xi was probably a
daughter of the marquis of Qi;—see on XI. 2. Zuoshi says:——'Sheng Jiang met
the marquis of Qi at this time on the duke's account;' meaning, no doubt,
that her object was to procure her husband's liberation. Bian was in Lu,—50
li east from the pres. dis. city of Sishui, dep. Yanzhou.
Par. 4. Zuo says the wording of this par.
intimates that, after the meeting at Huai, there had been some business of the
States, and conceals it; i. e., it says nothing about the duke's having been
kept a prisoner by Qi.
Par. 5. Xiaobo had thus had a long rule
of 43 years. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi had three wives:—a Ji of the
royal House; a Ying of Xu; and a Ji of Cai; but none of them had any son.
The marquis loved a full harem, and had many favourites and concubines in it.
There were six who were to him as wives:—the elder Ji of Wey, who bore Wumeng
[Meng is the 'elder;' Wu, the hon. title. This youth is commonly mentioned by
his name Wukui (無虧)]; the younger Ji of Wey, who bore a son, who was
afterwards duke Hui; a Ji of Zheng, who bore a son, afterwards duke Xiao; a
Ying of Ge, who bore a son, afterwards duke Zhao; a Ji of Mi, who bore a
son, afterwards duke Yi; a Zi of the Hua clan of Song, who bore a son, called
Ziyong.
'The marquis and Guan Zhong had given him
who was afterwards duke Xiao in charge to duke Xiang of Song, as the intended
heir of the State. Wu, the chief cook, however, had favour with Gong Ji of Wey
[the elder Ji of Wey above], and by means of Diao, the chief of the eunuchs,
who introduced his viands to the marquis, he had favour with him also, and
obtained a promise from him that Wumeng should be his successor. On the death
of Guan Zhong, five of the six sons all begged to be declared heir. When the
marquis died on Yihai of the 10th month. Yiya [the designation of Wu the
cook] entered the palace, and along with the eunuch Diao, by the help of the
favoured officers of the interior, put all the other officers to death, and set
up Wukui in his father's place, the brother who was afterwards duke Xiao
fleeing to Song. The date of the marquis's death, as communicated to Lu, was
Yihai; but it was the night of Xinsi [67 days after] before his body was put
into a coffin at night, such was the disorder and confusion. XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in
spring, in the king's first month, the duke of Song, the earl of Cao, an
officer of Wey, and an officer of Zhu invaded Qi.
2. In summer, an army [of ours went to]
relieve Qi.
3. In the fifth month, on Wuyin, the army
of Song and the army of Qi fought at Yan, when the latter was disgracefully
defeated.
4. The Di [came to] succour Qi.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Dinghai,
there was the burial of duke Huan of Qi.
6. In winter, a body of men from Xing and a body of the
Di invaded Wey.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Gongyang, as usual, for 邾 has 邾婁,
and also introduces 會 after 公. The object of this movement on the part of Song
was to fulfil the charge which the duke had received from the marquis of Qi,
to secure the succession to his son Zhao, or duke Xiao. Zuo says:——'Duke
Xiang of Song with several other princes invaded Qi; and in the 3d month, the
people of Qi put Wukui to death.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The earl of
Zheng for the first time paid a court-visit to Chu, the viscount of which
gave him a quantity of metal. Afterwards he repented that he had done so, and
made a covenant with the earl, when he required him not to use it for casting
weapons. In consequence the earl made with it three bells.']
Par. 2. If this interference on the part of
Lu was intended to support Wukui, it was too late. Mao thinks it may have
been in the interest of Pan (潘), who was afterwards duke Zhao, and was
married to a daughter of duke Xi. Zuo says that the entry indicates approval of
the movement. This par., and p. 4 below, show how indefinite the meaning of 救
sometimes is.
Par. 3. Yan was in Qi,—in the pres. dis.
of Licheng (歷城), dep. Jinan. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Qi wanted to
raise duke Xiao to the marquisate, but could not overcome the opposition of
the adherents of duke Huan's other four sons [only four, Wukui being now
dead], who then left the city and fought with the men of Song. These defeated
their army in Yan, raised duke Xiao to the marquisate, and returned to their
own State.' It would appear that the combined force mentioned in p. 1 had
dispersed on the elevation of Wukui, and that the troops of Lu had also
left Qi. In this action, therefore, only the army of Song was engaged. It had
been suddenly called again into the field.
Par. 4. These Di had probably been called
to their aid by the four sons of the late marquis, who were struggling against
their brother, the protege of Song.
Par. 5. An interval of 11 months thus
occurred between the death of duke Huan and his burial,—owing to the disorder
and contests in the State. Duke Xiao interred him magnificently and
barbarously on the top of the Niushou (牛首) hill.
Par. 6. Not long before this, both Xing and
Wey had been brought to the verge of extinction by the Di; and yet here we
find Xing allied with the Di against Wey. We need not wonder at the
subsequent fate of Xing at the hands of Wey. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, a body
of men from Xing, and a body of the Di, invaded Wey, and invested Tupu.
The marquis of Wey offered to resign in favour of any one of his uncles or
brothers, or of their sons. Yea, having assembled all his officers at court, he
said, "If any one is able to deal with the enemy, I, Hui, will glady follow
him." All declined the proffered dignity, however, and the marquis afterwards
took up a position with his army at Zilou, when the army of the Di
withdrew.'
Here for the first time, instead of the
simple 狄, we have 狄人, in which expression Guliang, who has had many followers
of his view, saw an increasing appreciation of the Di in the mind of
Confucius. But there is really nothing more in the addition of the 人 than the
exigency of the style, as 邢人, followed merely by 狄, would be very awkward.
[The Zhuan adds:——'The earl of Liang
increased the number of his walled cities, and had not people to fill them. One
went by the name of Xinli, and Qin took it.'] XIX. Nineteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in
spring, in the king's third month, the people of Song seized Yingqi, viscount
of Teng.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, the duke
of Song, an officer of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, made a covenant in the
south of Cao.
3. The viscount of Zeng met and covenanted
[with them] in Zhu.
4. On Jiyou, the people of Zhu seized the
viscount of Zeng, and used him [as a victim].
5. In autumn, a body of men from Song
invested [the capital of] Cao.
6. A body of men from Wey invaded Xing.
7. In winter, [the duke] had a meeting with
an officer of Chen, an officer of Cai, an officer of Chu, and an officer
of Zheng, when they made a covenant in Qi.
8. Liang perished.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan, resuming the brief narrative at
the end of last year, adds that, in the duke's 19th year, in spring, 'Qin
proceeded to wall the place which it had taken, and occupied it.']
Par. 1. The Zhuan says nothing to explain
why Song made this seizure of the viscount of Teng. Its words are merely, 'The
people of Song seized duke Xuan of Teng. The duke of Song is understood to be
intended by 宋人; and the use of 人 is supposed to be condemnatory of the
procedure. But Mao shows that such a canon for the use of 人, in the accounts
of seizures, cannot be applied all through the Classic. The adding the name of
the viscount of Teng is supposed by Hu An'guo and a host of other critics to
be condemnatory of him; but even the Kangxi editors reject the view.
Par. 2. Gongyang has 宋人 instead of 宋公, and
of course 邾婁 for 邾. The proper reading, however, is that of the text. The duke
of Song was ambitious to continue the presidency of Huan of Qi, and had tried
to get a large gathering of the princes to this covenant. But not one was
present. Even the earl of Cao, in whose State the place of meeting was, did
not appear in person; and was negligent also, it appears, in sending the
supplies of provisions for the covenanting parties; which the lord of the State
where they met was always expected to contribute.
Parr. 3, 5. The viscount of Zeng came too
late for the covenant in Cao. Whether he had been minded from the first to
come, but been detained; or had been summoned, as Mao supposes, by a special
message sent from Cao by the duke of Song, and yet after all been too late,
we do not know. However, (too late he was; but, being fearful probably of the
consequences, he followed some at least of the covenanters to Zhu, and would
appear there, from p. 3, to have taken the covenant. This did not avail,
however, to save him from a terrible fate. Du says, 用之言若用畜牲, 'The word used
means that they used him as an animal victim.' The thing was done by Zhu at
the command of the duke of Song. The Zhuan narrates:——'The duke of Song made
duke Wen of Zhu sacrifice the viscount of Zeng at an altar on the bank of the
Sui, to awe and draw to him the wild tribes of the east. The duke's minister of
War, Ziyu [the duke's brother, Muyi; (see the Zhuan at the end of the 8th
year, and of the 9th)], said, "Anciently, the six domestic animals were not
used at the same sacrifice; for small affairs they did not use great victims:——
how much less would they have presumed to use human beings! Sacrifices are
offered for the benefit of men. Men are the hosts of the Spirits at them. If
you sacrifice a man, who will enjoy it? Duke Huan of Qi preserved three
perishing States, and thereby drew all the princes to him; and yet righteous
scholars say that his virtue was too slight. But now our lord, at his first
assembling of the princes, has treated with oppression the rulers of two
States, and has further used one of them in sacrifice to an unlicensed and
irregular Spirit;—will it not be difficult to get the presidency of the States
in this way? If he die a natural death, he will be fortunate.'
I must add here that Guliang gives a much
mitigated meaning of the 用, 'used,' thinking that all which it denotes is that
they struck the viscount of Zeng on the nose till it bled, and then smeared
all the sacrificial vessels with the blood!
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'This attack of
Cao was to punish it for its not submitting to Song. Ziyu said to the duke
of Song, "King Wen heard that the marquis of Chong had abandoned himself to
disorder, and invaded his State; but after he had been in the field for 30
days, the marquis tendered no submission. Wen therefore withdrew; and, after
cultivating afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded Chong, when the
marquis made submission before he had quitted his entrenchments. As is said in
the Shi (III. i. ode VI. 2),
'His example acted on his wife, Extended to
his brothers, And was felt by all the clans and States.' May it not be presumed
that the virtue of your Grace is in some respects defective; and if, while it
is so, you attack others, what will the result be? Why not for a time give
yourself to self-examination and the cultivation of virtue? You may then proceed
to move, when that is without defect."'
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'This attack of
Xing was in return for the siege of Tupu [see on p. 6 of last year]. At
this time there was a great drought in Wey, and the marquis divined by the
tortoise-shell whether he should sacrifice to the hills and rivers, and obtained
an unfavourable reply. The officer Ning Zhuang [莊 is the hon. title] said,
"Formerly there was a scarcity in Zhou; but after the conquest of Yin there
ensued an abundant year. Now Xing acts without any regard to principle, and
there is no leader among the princes. May not Heaven be wishing to employ Wey
to punish Xing?" The marquis followed his advice; and immediately after the
army was in motion, it rained.'
Par. 7. Gong has 公 before 會; and it is
probable that duke Xi himself was present at this meeting. If he were not there
himself, he must have been represented by one of his great officers. The
meeting is important as the first general assembly of northern States, to which
Chu sent its representative. The account of the conference given by Zuoshi
is:——'Duke Mu of Qin asked that a good understanding should be cultivated
between the princes of the various States, and that they should not forget the
virtue and services of Huan of Qi. In the winter, they made a covenant in
Qi, and renewed their good fellowship under Huan.' But what good fellowship
had Chu had with the States of the north under the presidency of Qi? The
meeting was held most likely to consult how to meet the ambition of the duke of
Song, against whom we shall presently find Chu taking most decided part.
Indeed, Jiang Bingzhang supposes that the meeting was called by Qin at
Chu's instigation.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——"Liang perished;
——'it is not said at whose hands:—it brought the ruin on itself. Before this,
the earl of Liang had been fond of building, walling cities which he had not
people to fill. The people in consequence got weary, and could not endure the
toil, and it was said, "Such and such an enemy is coming." When they were
roofing the duke's palace, they said," Qin will take us by surprise." They
got frightened, and dispersed; and forthwith Qin took Liang.' XX. Twentieth year.
1. In his twentieth year, in spring, [the
duke] renewed and altered the south gate [of the capital].
2. In summer, the viscount of Gao came [to
Lu] on a court-visit.
3. In the fifth month, on Yisi, the
western palace was burnt.
4. A body of men from Zheng entered Hua.
5. In autumn, an officer of Qi and an
officer of the Di made a covenant in Xing.
6. In winter, a body of men from Chu
invaded Sui.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This was the 'southern gate' of the
capital, as in the translation (南門,魯城 南門也). Before this, it was, acc. to Du
Yu, called the Ji gate (稷), but after the alterations now made, it got the
name of Gao men, or High gate (高門). 新 indicates the substitution of a new gate
for the old one, (言新以易舊), and 作 indicates that the new gate was on a difft.
plan from the old (所修有舊 制,而 今 又 稍 變 之,則 曰作). The Zhuan says that the record of
this trasaction was made to show its unseasonableness, adding that all works
for opening communication [such as gates, roads, and bridges], or for closing
it [such as walls and moats], should be undertaken as they were required.
Zuoshi's idea, of course, is that this was a work of ornament more than of
necessity, and that the season of the year for such an undertaking had gone
by.
Par. 2. This Gao was a small State in the
pres. dis. of Chengwu, dep. Caozhou. As we learn from the Zhuan on XXIV. 2,
it was held by the descendants of one of king Wen's sons. Nothing is heard of
it before or after the trivial incident in the text.
Par. 3. 災,—see II. xiv. 4: III. xx. 2. What
building is here spoken of is not well known. Gu's opinion that it was the
temple or shrine-house of duke Min has been exploded. Some portion of the harem
is probably intended.
Par. 4. Hua,—see III. iii. 5. The Zhuan
says:——'The people of Hua had revolted from Zheng, and submitted to Wey; and
this summer, Shi, a son of the earl of Zheng, and Xie Dukou led a force and
entered its chief city.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says that 'this covenant was
in the interest of Xing, to consult about the difficulties it was in from Wey,
which was then much distressing Xing.' We have seen the Di and Xing leagued
against Wey in XVIII. 6; and the same year, Wey had taken part in the invasion
of Qi.
Par. 6. The name of Sui still remains in
Suizhou dep. of De'an (德安) Hubei. It was a marquisate, and its lords were
Jis (姬). The Zhuan says:——'Sui, with the various States east of the Han, had
revolted from Chu; and this winter, Dou Gouwutu left Chu, led a force
against it, accepted its proffers of submission, and returned. The superior man
may say that Sui suffered this invasion, because it had not measured its
strength. The errors of those who move only after they have measured their
strength are few. Do success and defeat come from one's-self or from others? The
answer is in the words of the Shi [I. ii. ode VI. 1],
"Might I not have been there in the early
morning? But there was too much dew on the path." [The Zhuan adds here:——'Duke
Xiang of Song wished to call together the princes, and unite them under
himself. Zang Wenzhong heard of it, and said, 'He may succeed who curbs his
own desires to follow the views of others; but he will seldom do so who tries
to make others follow his desires.'] XXI. Twenty-first year.
1. In the [duke's] Twenty-first year, in
spring, the Di made an incursion into Wey.
2. An officer of Song, an officer of Qi,
and an officer of Chu, made a covenant at Lushang.
3. In summer, there was great drought.
4. In autumn, the duke of Song, the viscount
of Chu, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the
baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, had a meeting in Yu, when the others
seized the duke of Song, and went on to invade Song.
5. In winter, the duke invaded Zhu.
6. The people of Chu sent Yishen to Lu, to
present [some of the] spoils [of Song.]
7. In the twelfth month, on Guichou, the
duke had a meeting with [several of] the princes, when they made a covenant in
Bo, and liberated the duke of Song.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This incursion was, no doubt, in
the interests of Xing, and a sequel of the covenant between the Di and Qi
in p. 5 of last year.
Par. 2. Lushang was in Song,—in the pres.
dis. of Taihe (太和), dep. Yingzhou, Anhui. Zuoshi says:——'The idea of this
covenant originated with Song, and the object in it of the duke of Song was to
ask the States from Chu [i.e. to ask Chu to cede its influence over the
various States to Song]. Chu granted the request, when Muyi, the duke's
brother, said, "A small State is sure to bring calamity on itself by striving
for the power of commanding covenants;—is Song now going on to perish? We shall
be fortunate if there ensue defeat only.' Hu Ning (胡寧; Song dyn., a little
earlier than Zhu Xi), Wu Cheng, and the critics generally, suppose that the
princes of the States are intended by 人; but such a view lands the translator
of the Classic in inextrieable difficulties. Why should the princes be reduced
to 'men,' simply in this par., and then have their titles given to them in p.
4? Du Yu observes that 宋人, preceding 齊人, shows that the meeting and covenant
originated with Song.
Par. 3. Du observes that the language
intimates that the drought continued after the usual sacrifice for rain (雩) had
been presented; and Yingda expands the remark by saying that in the Classic we
have sometimes the entry 雩, and sometimes 旱; that in the former case the
sacrifice has been followed by rain, while in the latter the drought continues.
The Zhuan says:——'The duke wished, in consequence of the drought, to burn a
witch and a person much emaciated. Zang Wenzhong said to him, "That is not
the proper preparation in a time of drought. Put in good repair your walls, the
inner and the outer; lessen your food; be sparing in all your expenditure. Be
in earnest to be economical, and encourage people to help one another;—this is
the most important preparation. What have the witch and the emaciated person to
do with the matter? If Heaven wish to put them to death, it had better not have
given them life. If they can really produce drought, to burn them will increase
the calamity." The duke followed his advice; and that year, the scarcity was
not very great.' [In the Li ji, II. Pt. II. iii. 29, there is an account of
exposing in the sun, in a time of drought, a *, or person in a state of
emaciation (瘠病之人), with the hope that Heaven would have pity on him, and send
down rain.]
Par. 4. Yu was in Song,—in the pres. Suizhou
(睢州), dep. Guide, Henan. Gongyang has 霍, and Guliang has 雩. The Zhuan
says:——'In autumn, the princes had a meeting with the duke of Song in Yu. Ziyu
said, "Shall our calamity come now? The duke's ambition is excessive;—how can
he sustain the difficulties of his position?" At this meeting, Chu seized the
duke, and went on to invade Song.' I believe the seizure of the duke of Song
was made by Chu; but the text leaves the matter quite indefinite;—if we are
to make all the princes named the subject of 執, then the duke would be one of
his own captors. Gongyang says absurdly that the viscount of Chu is not
named, because the sage would not seem to sanction the capture of a prince of
China by a barbarian! The Kangxi editors approve of the solution of Zhao
Kuang and others, that the indefiniteness is to blame the other princes for
not interfering to prevent the outrage. Much more natural is it to suppose
that, while Chu was the principal, the other States were 'art and part' in
the transaction,—well pleased to see the ambitious pretensions of the duke thus
snuffed out.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Ren, Su, Xuqu,
and Zhuanyu, were all held by lords of the surname Feng (風), who presided over
the sacrifices to Taihao [Fuxi], and the sacrifice to the Spirit of the Qi,
thus rendering service to the bright great land. The people of Zhu had
extinguished Xuqu, the prince of which came as a fugitive to Lu, and threw
himself on Cheng Feng, who spoke in his behalf to the duke, saying, 'It is the
rule of Zhou to honour the bright sacrifices, and to protect the little and the
few; and it is misery to Zhou, when the barbarous tribes disturb the bright
great land. If you reinstate Xuqu, you will do honour to the sacrifices to
Hao and to the Spirit of the Qi, and by restoring them you will remove the
calamity."
Par. 6. See III. xxxi. 4. It here appears
that the viscount of Chu was the principal in the seizure of the duke of
Song. 宋 must be supplied before 捷. 人 is to be translated, as in many previous
passages, by 'people.'
Par. 7. Bo was in Song,—in the northwest
of pres. dis. of Shangqiu, dep. Guide. The Zhuan says, that 'with reference
to this meeting, Ziyu said, "Our calamity has not yet come. What has happened
is not enough to be a warning to the duke."' Du says that this meeting was not
called at the duke's instance, but that he happened to hear of it, and went to
it. By 諸 侯 we are to understand the princes in p. 4. XXII. Twenty-second year.
1. In his twenty-second year, the duke
invaded Zhu, and took Xuqu.
2. In summer, the duke of Song, the marquis
of Wey, the baron of Xu, and the viscount of Teng, invaded Zheng.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Dingwei, we fought with an army of Zhu at Shengxing.
4. In winter, in the eleventh month, on
Jisi, the first day of the moon, the duke of Song fought with an army of Chu
near the Hong, when the army of Song was disgracefully defeated.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Xuqu was a small State, whose
lords were Fengs, with the rank of viscount, purporting to be descended from
Fuxi,—in the pres. Dongping Zhou, dep. Tai'an. See the Zhuan on p. 5 of last
year. Zuoshi says here that 'the duke took Xuqu, and restored its
ruler,—which was according to rule.' The text says nothing, indeed, of Lu's
re-establishment of Xuqu; but we find Lu again taking it, in VI. vii. 2; so
that Zuoshi's account of what was now done must be correct.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In the 3d month,
the earl of Zheng went to Chu; and in summer, the duke of Song invaded
Zheng. Ziyu said, "What I call our calamity will be brought about by this
expedition." His seizure in the past year had not taught the duke of Song the
folly of matching himself against Chu, which he could not but know would
resent this attack of Zheng.
[The Zhuan appends here three
narratives:——
1st. When king Ping removed from the old
capital of Zhou to the east, Xin You happened to go to Yichuan, and saw there a
man sacrificing in the wilderness with dishevelled hair. "Before a hundred
years are expired," said he, "I fear this place will be occupied by the Rong.
The proper rules of ceremony are already lost in it." This autumn, Qin and
Jin removed the Rong of Luhun to Yichuan.'—But more than a hundred years from
the removal to the eastern capital had elapsed.
2d. 'Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of
Jin was a hostage in Qin, and wished to make his escape and return to Jin.'
He said to his wife, the lady Ying, "Shall I take you with me?" But she
replied, 'You are the eldest son of Jin, and here you are, the subject of
disgrace. It is right that you should wish to return to your own State; but
your handmaid was appointed by the ruler of Qin to wait on you and hold your
towel and comb, to assure you and ensure your stay. Should I follow you to
Jin, I shall be setting at nought his command. I dare not follow you, but
neither dare I tell of your intention." On this the prince made his escape
alone to Jin.'
3d. 'Fu Chen spoke to the king, saying,
"Let me entreat you to recall Taishu [who had fled to Qi. See the Zhuan
after XII. 3]. It is said in the Shi [II. iv. ode VIII. 12].
'They assemble their neighbours, And their
relatives are full of their praise.' If brothers among ourselves cannot agree,
how can we murmur at the want of harmony among the princes of the States?" The
king was pleased, and king Hui's son Dai [Taishu] returned from Qi, and
was restored to his rank, the king having called him.]'
Par. 3. Shengxing was in Lu, but its
position has not been precisely determined. The Zhuan says:——'The people of
Zhu, because of the affair of Xuqu, came out against us with an army, and
the duke set about meeting it, despising Zhu, and without preparation. Zang
Wenzhong said, "However small a State be, it is not to be slighted; and if
preparations be not made, however numerous a force be, it is not to be relied
on. It is said in the Shi (II. v. ode 1. 6),
'We should be apprehensive and careful, As
if we were on the brink of a deep gulf, As if we were treading on thin ice;'
and again (Shi, IV. i. Pt. iii. ode III.),
'Let me be reverent, let me be reverent;
Heaven's method is clear,—Its appointment is not easily preserved.' Intelligent
as the ancient kings were, they constantly saw difficulties to be overcome and
dangers to be feared; how much more should a small State like ours do so! Let
not your lordship think of Zhu as small. Bees and scorpions carry poison;—much
more will a State do so!" The duke would not listen to this remonstrance, and
in the 8th month, on Dingwei, he fought with Zhu at Shengxing, when our army
was disgracefully defeated. The people of Zhu captured the duke's helmet, and
suspended it over their Fish gate.'
From the Zhuan we learn that Lu was here
shamefully beaten; but the text says nothing about that. This is another
instance of the strange reticence of Confucius.
Par. 4. Hong was the name of a river. The
site of the battle is referred to a spot, 30 li north of the dis. city of
Zhecheng (柘城), dep. Guide. The Zhuan says:——'An army of Chu invaded Song,
in order to relieve Zheng. The duke of Song being minded to fight, his
minister of War remonstrated strongly with him, saying, "Heaven has long
abandoned the House of Shang [Song was the conservator of the Shang
sacrifices]. Your Grace may wish to raise it again, but such opposition to
Heaven will be unpardonable." The duke, however, would not listen to advice,
and in winter, in the 11th month, on Jisi, the 1st day of the moon, he fought
with the army of Chu near the Hong.
'The men of Song were all drawn up for
battle, before those of Chu had all crossed the river; and the minister of
War said to the duke, "They are many, and we are few. Pray let us attack them,
before they have all crossed over." The duke refused; and again, when the
minister asked leave to attack them after they had crossed, but when they were
not yet drawn up, he refused, waiting till they were properly marshalled before
he commenced the attack.
'The army of Song was shamefully defeated;
one of the duke's thighs was hurt; and the warders of the gates [keepers of the
palace gates, who had followed the duke to the field] were all slain. The
people of the State all blamed the duke, but he said, "The superior man does
not inflict a second wound, and does not take prisoner any one of gray hairs.
When the ancients had their armies in the field, they would not attack an enemy
when he was in a defile; and though I am but the poor representative of a
fallen dynasty, I would not sound my drums to attack an unformed host." Ziyu,
[the minister of War], said, 'Your Grace does not know the rules of
fighting:--given a strong enemy, in a defile or with his troops not drawn up,
it is Heaven assisting us. Is it not proper for us to advance upon him so
impeded with our drums beating, even then afraid we may not get the victory?
Moreover, the strong men now opposed to us are all our antagonists. Even the
old and withered among them are to be captured by us, if we can only take
them;—what have we to do with their being gray-haired? We call into clear
display the principle of shame in teaching men to fight, our object being that
they should slay the enemy. If our antagonist be not wounded mortally, why
should we not repeat the blow? If we grudge a second wound, it would be better
not to wound him at all. If we would spare the gray-haired, we had better submit
at once to the enemy. In an army, what are used are sharp weapons, while the
instruments of brass and the drums are to rouse the men's spirits. The sharp
weapons may be used against foes entangled in a defile; when their noise is the
loudest and the men's spirits are all on fire, the drums may be borne against
the enemy in disorder."
[The Zhuan gives here the
following:——'Early in the morning of Bingzi, the ladies Mi and Jiang, the
wives of Wen, the earl of Zheng, went to congratulate the viscount of Chu,
and feast his troops, at the marsh of Ke, when the viscount made the band-master
Jin display to them the captives, and the ears of the slain. The superior man
will pronounce that this was contrary to rule. A woman, when escorting or
meeting a visitor, does not go beyond the gate; when seeing her brothers, she
does not cross the threshold. The business of war has nothing to do with the
employment of women.
'On Dingchou, the viscount entered the
city of Zheng, and was feasted. Nine times the cup was presented to him; the
courtyard was filled with a hundred difft. objects; six kinds of food were set
forth in the dishes more than ordinary. He left the city at night after the
feast, Wan Mi accompanying him to the army; and he took the earl's two
daughters with him to Chu. Shuzhan said, "The king of Chu will not die a
natural death! The ceremonies shown on his account have ended in his breaking
down the distinctions regulating the intercourse between the sexes; and where
this is done, there can be no propriety. How should he die a natural death? The
princes may know that he will not attain to the presidency of them."'] XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in
spring, the marquis of Qi invaded Song, and laid siege to Min.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on
Gengyin, Zifu, duke of Song, died.
3. In autumn, an officer of Chu invaded
Chen.
4. In winter, in the eleventh month, the
viscount of Qi died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Min (here and afterwards Guliang
has 閔) was a town of Song,—30 li to the northeast of the present dis. city of
Jinxiang (金 鄉), dep. Yanzhou. Gongyang says that the mention of besieging a
town (邑) such as Min is condemnatory of the violence of Qi's action against
Song; and Guliang thinks that invasion and siege, both related in the same
short par., stamp the action of Qi as excessive and bad. Neither of these
views can be accepted. Zuoshi's account of the par. is, that the marquis of
Qi wished to punish Song because of the duke's absenting himself from the
covenant in Qi mentioned in XIX. 7. Certainly the duke of Song deserved well
of the marquis of Qi at the first, supporting him against his brothers, and
securing his claim to the State in the room of his father. We may speculate as
to jealousies and misunderstandings which subsequently sprang up between them;
but we have not sufficient information to enable us to speak positively of the
real causes of the invasion of Song here mentioned.
Par. 2. Gongyang gives the name as 慈父. The
duke's death, according to Zuo, was in consequence of the wound he received at
the battle of Hong. His career by no means corresponded to the expectations
excited by him on his first appearance in the history of this period;—see the
Zhuan at the end of the 8th year. He is commonly enumerated as one of the 'five
leaders of the States;' but he never attained to that position. It is difficult
to believe that he was really sane.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Cheng
Dechen of Chu led an army, and invaded Chen, to punish it for inclining,
against Chu, to the side of Song [It would be difficult to make this out from
the text of the classic]. He took Jiao and Yi; walled Dun; and returned.
Ziwen, thinking Dechen had done good service, procured his appointment as
chief minister of Chu in his own room. Shubo asked him on what views for
the good of the State he had done so; and he replied, "I have done it to secure
the quiet of the State. When you have men who have rendered great service, and
you do not give them the noblest offices, are they likely to remain quiet?
There are few who can do so."
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of
Jin: ——'In the 9th month, duke Hui of Jin died, and his successor, duke Huai
[Yu, who escaped from Qin], commanded that none should follow the fugitive,
Chong'er, and defined the period of 12 months, after which there would be
pardon no more for any that remained with him. Mao and Yan, the sons of Hu
Tu, had followed Chong'er, and were with him in Qin; but their father did
not call them home. In consequence, duke Huai apprehended him in winter, and
said, "If your sons come back, you shall be let off." Tu replied, "The ancient
rule was that when a son was fit for official service, his father should enjoin
upon him to be faithful. The new officer, moreover, wrote his name on a tablet,
and gave the pledge of a dead animal to his lord, declaring that any wavering
in his fidelity should be punished with death. Now the sons of your servant
have had their names with Chong'er for many years. If I should go on to call
them here, I should be teaching them to swerve from their allegiance. If I, as
their father, should teach them to do so, how should I be fit to serve your
lordship? Punish without excess or injustice, according to your
intelligence;—this is what your servant desires to see. If you punish more than
is right, to gratify yourself, who will be found without guilt?—But I have
heard your commands." On this the duke put him to death.
'Yan, the master of divination, saying that
he was ill, did not leave his house; but, when he heard of Tu's execution, he
remarked, "It is said in one of the Books of Zhou [Shu, V. ix. 9], 'So, by a
grand intelligence, will you subdue the minds of the people.' But when our
prince puts people to death to gratify himself, is not the case hard? The
people see none of his virtue, and hear only of his cruel executions;—is he
likely to leave any of his children in Jin?"'
Par. 4. Zuoshi says:——'This was the death of
duke Cheng of Qi. His name is not given, because he had never covenanted with
Lu [The canon cannot be substantiated]. The rule was, that when any prince had
covenanted with others, the announcement of his death was accompanied with his
name, and the historiographers recorded it. Where this was not the case, they
did not enter the name;—to avoid making any mistake through want of the proper
exactness.'
The lords of Qi, as being the
representatives of the sovereigns of the Xia dynasty, were originally dukes. In
II. ii. 5, we have——the marquis of Qi;' elsewhere, the rank is reduced to that
of 'earl;' here there is a further reduction to 'viscount.' These degradations
are supposed to have been made by the kings of Zhou.
[The Zhuan now takes up the wanderings of
Chong'er, who became duke Wen of Jin:——'When Chong'er, son of duke Xian of
Jin, first met with misfortune, a body of men from Jin attacked him in the
city of Pu, the men of which wanted to fight with them. Chong'er, however,
would not allow them to do so, saying, 'By favour of the command of my ruler
and father, and through possession of the emolument he has assigned me, I have
got the rule over these people; and if I should employ them to strive with him,
my crime would be very great. I will fly."
'He then fled to the Di (B. C. 654); and
there followed him—Hu Yan, Zhao Cui, Dian Xie, Wei Wuz [Wu is the
hon. title; 子 officer], Jizi, minister of Works [with many others]. In an
invasion of the Qianggaoru, the Di captured the two daughters of their
chief, Shu Wei and Ji Wei, and presented them to the prince. He took Ji Wei to
himself as his wife, and she bore him Bochou and Shuliu. Her elder sister he
gave to Zhao Cui, who had by her his son Dun. When he was about to go to
Qi, he said to Ji Wei, "Wait for me five and twenty years; and if I have not
come back then, you can marry another husband." She replied, "I am now 25; and
if I am to marry again after other 25, I will go to my coffin. I had rather
wait for you."
'The prince left the Di (B. C. 643)
after residing among them 12 years. Travelling through Wey, duke Wen treated
him discourteously; and as he was leaving it by Wulu, he was reduced to beg
food of a countryman, who gave him a clod of earth. The prince was angry, and
wished to scourge him with his whip; but Zifan [Hu Yan] said, "It is
Heaven's gift [a gift of the soil; a happy omen]." On this he bowed his head to
the earth, received the clod, and took it with him in his carriage.
'When he came to Qi, duke Huan gave him
a lady of his own surname to wife, and he had 20 teams of 4 horses each. He
abandoned himself to the enjoyment of his position, but his followers were
dissatisfied with it, determined to leave Qi, and consulted with him about
what they should do under the shade of a mulberry tree. There happened to be
upon the tree a girl of the harem, employed about silkworms, who overheard
their deliberations, and reported them to the lady Jiang, the prince's wife.
Her mistress put her to death, and said to the prince, "You wish to go again
upon your travels. I have put to death one who overheard your design [Meaning
so to prevent the thing getting talked about]." The prince protested that he
had no such purpose; but his wife said to him, "Go. By cherishing me and
reposing here, you are ruining your fame. The prince refused to leave; and she
then consulted with Zifan, made the prince drunk, and sent him off, his
followers carrying him with them. When he awoke, he seized a spear, and ran
after Zifan.
'When they came to Cao, duke Gong,
having heard that the prince's ribs presented the appearance of one solid bone,
wished to see him naked, and pressed near to look at him when he was bathing.
The wife of Xi Fuji [an officer of Cao] said to her husband, "When I look
at the followers of the prince of Jin, every one of them is fit to be chief
minister of a State. If he only use their help, he is sure to return to Jin
and be its marquis; and when that happens, he is sure to obtain his ambition,
and become leader of the States. He will then punish all who have been
discourteous to him, and Cao will be the first to suffer. Why should you not
go quickly, and show yourself to be a different man from the earl and his
creatures. On this, Fuji sent the prince a dish of meat, with a bi of jade
also in it. The prince accepted the meat, but returned the bi.
'When they came to Song, the duke
presented to the prince 20 teams of horses; but when they came to Zheng, duke
Wen there was another to behave uncivilly. Shuzhan remonstrated with him,
saying, "I have heard that men cannot attain to the excellence of him whose way
is opened by Heaven. The prince of Jin has three things which make it likely
that Heaven may be going to establish him;— I pray your lordship to treat him
courteously. When husband and wife are of the same surname, their children do
not prosper and multiply. The prince of Jin [himself a Ji] had a Ji for his
mother; and yet he continues till now:—this is one thing. During all his
troubles, a fugitive abroad, Heaven has not granted quiet to the State of Jin,
which would seem as if it were preparing the way for his return to it:—this is
a second thing. There are three of his officers, sufficient to occupy the
highest places; and yet they adhere to him:——this is the third thing. Jin and
Zheng, moreover, are of the same stock. You might be expected to treat
courteously any scions of Jin passing through the State; and how much more
should you so treat him whose way Heaven is thus opening!" To this
remonstrance, the earl of Zheng would not listen.
'When they came to Chu, the viscount of
Chu was one day feasting the prince, and said, "If you return to Jin, and
become its marquis, how will you recompense my kindness to you?" The prince
replied, "Women, gems, and silks, your lordship has. Feathers, hair, ivory and
hides, are all produced in your lordship's country; those of them that come to
Jin, are but your superabundance. What then should I have with which to
recompense your kindness?" 'Nevertheless," urged the viscount, "how would you
recompense me?" The prince replied, "If by your lordship's powerful influence I
shall recover the State of Jin, should Chu and Jin go to war and meet in
the plain of the Middle Land, I will withdraw from your lordship three stages
[each of 30 li]. If then I do not receive your commands to cease from
hostilities, with my whip and my bow in my left hand, and my quiver and my
bowcase on my right, I will manæuvre with your lordship."
'On this, Ziyu, [Cheng Dechen of the
Zhuan on p. 3], begged that the prince might be put to death, but the viscount
said, "The prince of Jin is a grand character, and yet distinguished by
moderation, highly accomplished and yet courteous. His followers are severely
grave and yet generous, loyal and of untiring ability. The present marquis of
Jin has none who are attached to him. In his own State and out of it, he is
universally hated. I have heard, moreover, that the Jis of Jin, the
descendants of Shu of Tang [See the Shu, V. ix.], though they might
afterwards decay, yet would not perish;——may not this be about to be verified
in the prince? When Heaven intends to prosper a man, who can stop him? He who
opposes Heaven must incur great guilt."
'After this, the viscount sent the prince
away with an escort to Qin, where the earl presented him with five ladies,
Huai Ying [the earl's daughter, who had been given to Yu, who fled from Qin,
and became duke Huai of Jin] among them. The prince made her hold a goblet,
and pour water from it for him to wash his hands. When he had done, he ordered
her away with a motion of his wet hands [the meaning of the Zhuan here is
variously taken], on which she said in anger, "Qin and Jin are equals; why
do you treat me so, as if I were mean?" The prince became afraid, and humbled
himself, putting off his robes, and assuming the garb of a prisoner.
Another day, the earl invited him to a
feast, when Zifan said, "I am not so accomplished as Cui; pray make him
attend you. The prince sang the Heshui [a lost ode; unless, indeed, as is
likely, the Mianshui, II. iii. IX., is intended, so that the prince would
compare himself to the He, and Qin to the sea, to which the He flows], and
the earl, the Liuyue [She, II. iii. ode II. The ode celebrates the services of
an ancient noble in the cause of the kingdom, as if the earl of Qin were
auspicing such services to be rendered hereafter by the prince of Jin]. Zhao
Cui said, "Chong'er, render thanks for the earl's gift." The prince then
descended the steps, and bowed with his head to the ground. The earl also
descended a step, and declined such a demonstration. Cui said, "When your
lordship laid your charge on Chong'er as to how he should assist the son of
Heaven, he dared not but make so humble an acknowledgement."'] XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1. It was the duke's twenty-fourth year, the
spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the Di invaded Zheng.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace]
left [Zhou], and resided in Zheng.
5. Yiwu, marquis of Jin, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. [The Zhuan continues the account of
the fortunes of Chong'er in the following narratives:—
1st. 'In spring, the earl of Qin restored
Chong'er:—the event is not recorded in the text, because the marquis of Jin
did not announce his entrance to Lu. When the invaders came to the He, Zifan
delivered up to the prince a pair of bi [which he had received from the earl
of Qin], saying, "Your servant has followed your lordship all about under
heaven, as if bearing a halter and bridle; and my offences have been very many.
I know them myself, and much more does your lordship know them. Allow me from
this time to disappear." The prince said, "Wherein I do not continue to be of
the same mind as my uncle [Zifan was the brother of the prince's mother], may
the Spirit of this clear water punish me!" And at the same time he threw the
bi into the stream. Having crossed the He, the troops laid siege to Linghu,
entered Sangquan, and took Jiucui. In the 2d month, on Jiawu, the army
of Jin came to meet them, and took post at Luliu. The earl of Qin sent his
general Zhi, a son of duke Cheng, to it, when it retired, and encamped in
Xun. There, on Xinchou, Hu Yan and the great officers of Qin and Jin made
a covenant. On Renyin the prince entered the army of Jin; on Bingwu, he
entered Quwo; on Dingwei, he went solemnly to the temple of duke Wu; and on
Wushen, he caused duke Huai to be put to death in Gaoliang. This does not
appear in the text for the same reason that no announcement of it was made to
Lu.'
2d. 'Lü and Xi [Lü Yisheng and Xi Rui,
ministers of dukes Hui and Huai], fearing lest the new marquis should be hard
upon them, planned to burn the palace and murder him. Pi, the chief of the
eunuchs [who had been commissioned by his father, duke Xian, and afterwards, by
his brother, duke Hui, to kill Chong'er], begged an interview, but the
marquis sent to reproach him, and refused to see him, saving, "In the affair at
the city of Pu, my father ordered you to be at the place the next day, and
you came on that same day. Afterwards, when I was hunting on the banks of the
Wei with the chief of the Di, you came, in behalf of duke Hui, to seek for
me and kill me. He ordered you to reach the place in three days, and you
reached it in two. Although the undertaking was by your ruler's orders, why
were you so rapid in the execution? The sleeve [of which you cut off a part at
Pu] is still in my possession;—go away." Pi replied, "I said to myself that
his lordship, entering the State [after so long a period of trial], was sure to
have knowledge [of the world]. If he still have it not, he will again find
himself in difficulties. It is the ancient rule, that, when an officer receives
his ruler's commands, he think of no other individual. Charged to remove the
danger of my ruler, I regarded nothing but how I might be able to do it. What
was his lordship at Pu, or among the Di, to me? Now his lordship is master
of the State;—is there no Pu, are there no Di [against which he may need my
help]? Duke Huan of Qi forgot all about the shooting of the buckle of his
girdle, and made Guan Zhong his chief minister. If his lordship is going to act
differently, I shall not trouble him to say anything to me. There are very many
who will have to go away, and not a poor eunuch like me only." The marquis then
saw him, when he told him of the impending attempt, on which the marquis, in
the 3d month, secretly withdrew, and joined the earl of Qin in the [old]
royal city. On Jichou, the last day of the moon, the palace was set on fire;
but Sheng of Xia and Xi Rui [of course] did not find the marquis. They then
proceeded to the He, from which the earl of Qin contrived to wile them to his
presence, when he put them to death. The marquis then met his wife, the lady
Ying, and took her with him to Jin. The earl sent an escort also of 3,000 men
as guards, and who should superintend all the departments of service about the
court.'
3d. 'In earlier years, the marquis had a
personal attendant called Touxu, who had charge of his treasury. This boy,
when the prince was obliged to flee, ran away, carrying the contents of the
treasury with him. He had used them all, however, in seeking to procure the
marquis's return; and when he did re-enter the State, he sought an interview
with him. The marquis declined to see him, and sent word that he was bathing.
Touxu said to the servant [who brought the reply], 'In bathing, the heart is
turned upside down [Referring to the position of the body in bathing, with the
head bent down], and one's plans are all reversed. It was natural I should be
told that I cannot see him. Those who stayed in Jin were his ministers,
guarding the altars of the land; and those who went with him were his servants,
carrying halter and bridle. Both may stand accepted. Why must he look on those
who stayed in the country as criminals? If he, now lord of the State, show such
enmity to a poor man like me, multitudes will be filled with alarm." The
servant reported these words to the marquis, who instantly granted Touxu an
interview.'
4th. 'The chief of the Di sent Ji Wei to
Jin, and asked what should be done with the marquis's two children by her. The
marquis had given [a daughter of his own] to Zhao Cui to wife, who bore to
him Tong of Yuan, Kuo of Ping, and Ying of Lou. This lady—Zhao Ji—begged her
husband that he would bring home from the Di his son Dun, with his mother
Shu Wei. Ziyu [Zhao Cui's designation] refused to do so, but Ji said, "He
who in the enjoyment of present prosperity forgets his old friends is not fit
to command others. You must meet them, and bring them here" She pressed the
matter so strongly, that at last he agreed that they should come. Finding that
Dun was possessed of ability, she further pressed it earnestly on the marquis,
her father, to cause him to be declared Cui's eldest son and heir, while her
own three sons were ranked below him. She also caused Shu Wei to be made
mistress of the harem, and occupied herself in an inferior position.'
5th. 'When the marquis of Jin was
rewarding those who had followed and adhered to him during his long exile, Jie
Zhitui [who had once cut off a portion of his own thigh, to relieve the
prince's extreme hunger] did not ask for any recompense, and it so happened
that none came to him. "The sons of duke Xian," said he, "were nine, and only
the marquis remains. Hui and Huai made no friends, and were abandoned by all,
whether in the State or out of it. But Heaven had not abandoned the House of
Jin, and was sure to raise some one to preside over its sacrifices;—and who
should do that but the marquis? It was Heaven who placed him in his present
position; and how false it is in those officers to think it was their strength
which did it! He who steals but the money of another man is pronounced a thief;
what name shall be given to them who seek to appropriate to themselves the work
of Heaven? They, below, think their guilt is their righteousness, and the
marquis, above, rewards their unworthiness. He above and they below are
deceiving and deceived; it is difficult for me to dwell along with them!" His
mother said to him, "Why not go, as well as others, and ask for some
recompense? If you die without receiving any, [never having asked], of whom can
you complain?" He replied, "Were I to imitate them in their wrong-doing, my
offence would be greater than theirs. And I have spoken [what may seem] words
of resentment and complaint:— I will eat none of their food." His mother said,
"But what say you to letting your case at least be known?" "Words," answered
he, "are an embellishment of the person. I shall withdraw my person entirely
from the world, and why should I use what is employed to seek its
embellishment?" His mother said, "Can you take this course? Then I will retire
and hide myself from the world with you." The marquis of Jin afterwards sought
for Jie Zhitui, but in vain, and endowed a sacrifice to him with the fields
of Mianshang. "It will be a memento," said he, "of my neglect, and a mark of
distinction for the good man.'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says on this:——'When the
troops of Zheng entered Hua [see XX. 4], the people of Hua received its
commands; but when they withdrew, it went over again to Wey. Shi, son of the
earl of Zheng, and Xie Duyumi went against it with a force, when the king
sent Bofu and Yousun Bo to intercede with Zheng in behalf of Hua; but the
earl, resenting how king Hui, on his restoration [to the capital], had not
conferred a cup on duke Li [See the Zhuan at III. xxi. 2 3], and also how king
Xiang now took the part of Wey and Hua, would not listen to his commands, and
made the two officers prisoners. The king was angry, and wished to invade
Zheng with the Di. Fu Chen remonstrated with him, saying, 'Do not do this.
Your servant has heard that in the highest antiquity the people were kept in
tranquillity by virtue. Subsequently to this, the sovereigns showed favour to
their own relatives, and went on from them to others. Thus the duke of Zhou,
grieved by the want of harmony in the concluding times [of the two previous
dynasties], raised the relatives of the royal House to the rule of States, that
they might act as fences and screens to Zhou. The princes of Guan, Cai,
Shing, Huo, Lu, Wey, Mao, Dan, Gao, Yong, Cao, Teng, Bi, Yuan, Feng,
and Xun were all sons of king Wen. Those of Yu, Jin, Ying, and Han were sons
of king Wu. Those of Fan, Jiang, Xing, Mao, Zuo, and Zhai were descendants
of the duke of Zhou. Duke Mu of Shao, thinking of the defectiveness of the
virtue of Zhou, assembled all the members of the royal House in Chengzhou, and
made the ode which says [Shi, II.i. ode IV.],
'The flowers of the cherry tree,—Are they
not gorgeously displayed? Of all the men in the world, There are none like
brothers.' In the 4th stanza it is said,
'Brothers may squabble inside the walls,
But they will resist insult from without.' Thus, although brothers may have
small quarrels among themselves, they will not for them cast away their
relative affection. But now, when Your Majesty, unable to bear the resentment
of a slight quarrel, is casting away the affection of Zheng, what is to be
said? And to employ the meritorious, to show affection to one's relatives, to
cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, and to honour the worthy:
—these are the greatest of virtues. To approach the deaf and to follow the
blind, to agree with the way ward and to use the stupid:—these are the greatest
of evils. To cast away what is virtuous and give honour to what is evil, is the
greatest of calamities. To Zheng belongs the merit of assisting king Ping and
king Hui, and its [first earl] was most intimate with Li and Xuan; it
recently put away its favoured minister and son, and has been employing the
three good men; of all the States of the Jis it lies nearest to us:—it gives
the opportunity for displaying the [above] four virtues. He whose ear does not
hear the harmony of the five sounds is deaf; he whose eye does not distinguish
the beauty of the five colours is blind; he whose mind does not accord with the
rules of virtue and righteousness is wayward; he whose mouth does not speak the
words of loyalty and faith is a stupid chatterer. The Di approximate to all
these four conditions, and to follow them will display the above four evils.
When Zhou was distinguished by admirable virtue, it still said that none were
equal to brothers, and advanced them to the rule of States. While it was
cherishing with gentle indulgence all under heaven, it was still afraid lest
insult should be offered from without; and knowing that to withstand such
insult there was no plan so good as to treat with distinguishing affection its
relatives, it therefore made them a screen to its domains. Mu of Shao also
expressed himself to the same effect. And now, when the virtue of Zhou is in
decay, to proceed at this time to depart farther from the maxims of the dukes
of Zhou aud Shao, and follow the way of all evil, surely this is wrong. Before
the people have forgotten their sufferings, you make them commence again;—how
will this affect the inheritance transmitted by Wen and Wu?" The king would
not listen to this advice, but sent Tui Shu and the officer Tao forth with
the army of the Di.
'In summer, the Di invaded Zheng, and
took Li. The king, feeling grateful for their service, was minded to make the
daughter of their chief his queen. Again Fu Chen remonstrated, saying, "Do
not. Your servant has heard that the rewarder gets tired, and the receiver is
never satisfied. The Di most certainly are covetous and greedy, and yet your
Majesty is ministering to their disposition. It is the nature of women to be
limitless in their desires, and their resentment is undying. The Di will
certainly be your majesty's sorrow." Again, the king would not listen to him.
Before this, duke Zhao of Gan [The king's brother Dai, whom we have met with
before] had been the favourite of king Hui's queen, who wished to get the
throne for him, but dying before this could be secured, duke Zhao fled to
Qi [See the 12th year]. King Xiang had restored him [in the 22d year]; and
now he went on to have intercourse with the lady Wei [the king's Di wife].
who was thereupon degraded by the king. Tui Shu and the officer Tao said,
"It was we who procured the employment of the Di; their resentment will fall
on us." On this they set up Taishu [duke Zhao], and with an army of the
Di attacked the king. His guards wished to withstand them, but the king said,
"What will my father's queen say of me? It is better to let the States take
measures for the occasion." He then left the capital, and proceeded to
Kankan. from which the people brought him back. In autumn, Tui Shu and
Taozi, supporting Taishu, invaded Zhou with an army of the Di,
inflicted a great defeat on the royal forces, and took Jifu, duke of Chow, the
earls of Yuan and Mao, and Fu Chen. The king betook himself to Zheng, and
resided in Fan, while Taishu and the lady Wei dwelt in Wen.'
[The Zhuan appends here two other
narratives:——'Zizang, younger brother of Hua, heir-son of Zheng [who was put
to death in the 16th year], had fled to Song. There he was fond of wearing a
cap made of the feathers of the kingfisher. The earl of Zheng heard of it, and
was displeased, and employed some ruffiaus to induce him to follow them, when,
in the 8th month, they killed him between Chen and Song. The superior man may
say that when the clothes are not befitting, it indicates calamity to the
person. The ode [Shi I. xiv. ode II.] says,
"Those creatures Are not equal to their
apparel." The clothes of Zizang were not such as were befitting him. The
language of another ode (II. vi. ode III. 3),
"I have myself caused the distress," may
be conisdered applicable to Zizang. In the Books of Xia [Shu, II.ii.8] it
is said, "The earth is reduced to order, and the influences of Heaven operate
with effect:"—there was a correspondency between them.'
'Song having made peace with Chu, duke
Cheng of Song went to Chu. On his return, he entered the capital of Zheng,
when the earl, wishing to feast him, asked Huang Wuzi about the ceremonies
to be employed. Wuzi replied, "The dukes of Song are the descendants of the
last dynasty. They appear as guests at the court of Zhou. When the son of
Heaven sacrifices, he sends them portions of the flesh; when they condole with
him on occasion of a death, he bows to them and thanks them. Let your
ceremonies be abundant and generous." The earl acted accordingly, and feasted
the duke of Song with extraordinary ceremonies.']
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——"In winter, the
king sent a messenger to announce his troubles to Lu, saying, "Without
goodness, without virtue, I offended my own brother Dai, the favoured son of
our mother, and I am now as a borderer in the country of Zheng, in Fan. I
venture to make this known to my uncle." Zang Wenzhong said, "The son of
Heaven is covered with dust, driven out from Zhou. We dare not but fly to ask
for his officers and guards." The king sent Jian Shifu to inform Jin of his
circumstances, and Zuo Yanfu to inform Qin. The son of Heaven cannot be said
to leave his country, and yet he is said in the text to have done so;—because
he was avoiding the troubles raised by his own brother. For the son of Heaven
to wear mourning garments, and to assume such depreciating names for himself,
[as in his message to Lu], was proper [in king Xiang's circumstances]. The
earl of Zheng, with Kong Jiangchu, Shi Jiafu, and Hou Xuanduo, examined
and saw that the officers sent sufficient supplies to Fan, and then attended to
the government of their own State;—which was proper.'
Par. 5. Yiwu, or duke Hui, died the
previous year; but it is supposed that the announcement of his death was only
now made to Lu.
[The Zhuan adds here the following
account: ——'A force from Wey was about to invade Xing, when Li Zhi said [to the
marquis of Wey], "If you do not make sure of some of its ministers, the State
cannot be secured." Let me and my brother go and take office there." On this
the two went to Xing, and became officers in it.'] XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in
spring, in the king's first month, on Bingwu, Hui, marquis of Wey,
extinguished Xing.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on
Guiyou, Hui, marquis of Wey, died.
3. The duke's eldest daughter, married to a
Dang of Song, came [to Lu] to meet the wife [for her son].
4. Song put to death [one of] its great
officers.
5. In autumn, a body of men from Chu
invested [the capital of] Chen, and restored the viscount of Dun to Dun.
6. There was the burial of duke Wen of Wey.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Guihai, the duke had a meeting with the heir-son of Wey and Qing of Ju, when
they made a covenant in Tao.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, a
force from Wey invaded Xing. The two Li [see the last Zhuan] were following
Guozi and going round the city-wall, when they held him fast in their arms,
and went off with him to the outside, killing him. In the 1st month, on
Bingwu, Hui, marquis of Wey, extinguished Xing. The lords of Wey and Xing were
of the same surname, and therefore the text gives the name of the marquis; —[to
his disgrace]. Li Zhi had the words engraved on a vessel,——I grasped Guozi
in my arms and killed him. No one dared to stop me;"—[thus publishing his own
shame.]
We see that the preservation of Xing, one
of the great achievements of duke Huan of Qi [see III. xxxii. 7; V. i. 2, 3,
4] did not long avail for that State. What is remarkable, is that it should
perish at last at the hands of Wey, which had been reduced by the same Di to
even greater straits than itself [see IV. ii. 7]. Most of the critics lay great
stress, like Zuoshi, on the name of the marquis of Wey being found here in the
text; and a passage of the Li ji [I. Pt. II. ii. 21] is referred to, which
would make it out that the mention of the name is condemnatory, and stamps the
wickedness of the marquis of Wey in extinguishing a State held by a prince of
the same surname as himself. But the canon in that passage was, no doubt, made
to suit this single text. Zhu Xi imagines that the 燬 here has got into the
text, by the error of a copyist, from the next paragraph.
Par. 2. From the last Zhuan on IV. ii. it
appears that this prince was a man of perseverance and resources. His
character, however, does not stand high with the critics;—see the remarks of Ji
Ben in the 集說 on this passage.
Par. 3. There was a powerful family of the
clan-name of Dang in Song, and duke Xi's eldest daughter must have been married
to the head, or some principal scion of it, though the match is not mentioned
in the classic. Here she comes to Lu to take back a wife, we must suppose for
her son; but nothing is said from what family the young lady was taken. On the
phrase 逆婦, instead of 逆女, compare 求婦, in XXXI.7. The 婦 is determined by the 姑,
the husband's mother, being the other party in the transaction.
Par. 4. Comp. III. xxvi. 3. It is folly to
seek for mysteries in the silence of the text as to the name of the officer
here spoken of. Gongyang thinks that the duke of Song had married his daughter,
and did not dare therefore, in announcing his death to Lu, to mention his
wife's father. Guliang thinks he was a Kong (孔), and that Confucius purposely
kept back the name of one of his ancestors!
[The Zhuan appends here:—'The earl of Qin
was with an army on the He, intending to restore the king [See 4th par. of last
year], when Hu Yan said to the marquis of Jin, "If you are seeking the
adherence of the States, you can do nothing better than to show an earnest
interest in the king's behalf. The States will thereby have faith in you, and
you will have done an act of great righteousness. Now is the time to show again
such service as was rendered by the marquis Wen [See the Shu, V.xxviii], and
to get your fidelity proclaimed among the States." The marquis made the master
of divination, Yan, consult the tortoise-shell about the undertaking. He did so
and said, 'The oracle is auspicious.—that of Huangdi's battle in Banquan."
The marquis said, "That oracle is too great for me." The diviner replied, "The
rules of Zhou are not changed. The king of today is the emperor of antiquity."
The marquis then said, "Try it by the milfoil." They consulted the reeds, and
found the diagram Dayou [䷍], which then became the diagram Kui [䷥]. The
diviner said, "This also is auspicious. In this diagram we have the oracle, ——'A
prince presents his offerings to the son of Heaven.' A battle and victory; the
king receiving your offerings:—what more fortunate response could there be?
Moreover, in these diagrams, the trigram of heaven (☰) becomes that of a marsh,
(☱) lying under the sun, indicating how the son of Heaven condescends to meet
your lordship:—is not this also encouraging? If we leave the diagram Kui, and
come back to Dayou, it also tells of success where its subject goes." On this
the marquis of Jin declined the assistance of the army of Qin, and went down
the He. In the 3d month, on Jiachen, he halted at Yangfan, when the army of
the right proceeded to invest Wen, and that of the left to meet the king.'
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Dingsi,
the king reentered the royal city. Taishu was taken in Wen, and put to death
at Xicheng. On Wuwu, the marquis of Jin had an audience of the king, who
feasted him with sweet spirits, and gave him gifts to increase his joy. The
marquis asked that the privilege of being carried to his grave through a
subterranean passage might be granted him, but the king refused, saying, "This
is the distinction of us kings. Where there is not conduct to supersede the
holders of the kingdom, to make one's-self a second king is what you yourself,
my uncle, would hate." Notwithstanding this refusal, the king conferred on Jin
the lands of Yangfan, Wen, Yuan, Cuanmao; and Jin proceeded to occupy the
district of Nanyang. Yangfan refused to submit, and the troops of Jin laid
siege to it. Cang Ge cried out, "It is virtue by which the people of the
Middle State are cherished; it is by severity that the wild tribes around are
awed. It is right we should not venture to submit to you. Here are none but the
king's relatives and kin;—and will you make them captive" On this the marquis
allowed the people to quit the city.'
Par. 5. Dun was a small State, whose lords
were Jis, with the title of viscounts;—in the pres. Henan, dis. Shangshui,
dep. Chenzhou. It was extinguished by Chu in the 14th year of duke Ding. The
Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Qin and Jin invaded the State of Ruo. At that time,
Dou Ke and Qu Yukou, with the forces of Shen and Xi, were guarding the
territory of Shangmi on behalf of Chu. The troops of Qin, passing by a
shaded spot near Xi [a town of Chu], entered it, and bound many of their
people [to make them appear as prisoners whom they had taken], with whom they
proceeded to besiege Shangmi, taking care to approach it in the dusk. During
the night, they dug a pit, in which they placed a quantity of blood, showing
also a writing over it, pretending that these were the proofs of a covenant
with Ziyi and Zibian [the above Dou and Qu]. The people of Shangmi
became afraid, and concluded that Qin had taken Xi, and that the guards had
gone away to their own State. They surrendered, therefore, to the army of
Qin, which also made prisoners of Ziyi duke of Shen, and Zibien, duke of
Xi. Ziyu, chief minister of Chu, pursued the army of Qin, but could
not overtake it, on which he laid siege to the capital of Chen, and restored
the viscount of Dun to his State.'
Par. 6. [The Zhuan introduces here the
following narrative:——'In winter, the marquis of Jin laid siege to Yuan, and,
having ordered the soldiers to be provided with 3 days' provisions, said that
if within 3 days Yuan did not surrender, he would give up the siege. On the
third day, spies came out and told that Yuan was going to surrender next
evening. The officers of the army entreated the marquis to wait till then; but
he said, "Good faith is the precious jewel of a State, and what the people
depend upon. If I get Yuan and lose my good faith, of what protection could the
people be assured? My loss would be much greater than my gain." He then
withdrew the troops, but when they had retired 30 li, Yuan sent and
surrendered. The marquis removed Boguan, governor of Yuan, to Ji. Zhao Cui
was made governor of Yuan, and Hu Zhen governor of Wen.']
Par. 7. Tao,—see on III. xxvii. 1. Qing
of Ju, see III. xxvii. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Wey had brought about peace between
Ju and us. By this covenant at Tao, the duke renewed with his son the good
understanding which he had had with duke Wen of Wey, and declared his
friendship with Ju.' The late marquis of Wey was now buried, but his successor
is still mentioned here simply as 子, 'son,' and not by the title 'marquis.' The
reason probably is that the year in which the father died had not yet expired,
and not to praise him as 'son-like,' carrying out the wishes of his father to
reconcile Lu and Ju.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'The marquis of Jin
consulted Bodi, chief of the eunuchs, as to who should be put in charge of
Yuan. Bodi [the eunuch Pi, mentioned before], replied, "Formerly, when Zhao
Cui was following your wanderings, carrying with him a pot of food, he did
not take any of it, though he was suffering from hunger." On this account,
Cui was appointed to the charge of Yuan.'] XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1. In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, in
the king's first month, on Jiwei, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of
Ju and Ning Su of Wey, when they made a covenant in Xiang.
2. A body of men from Qi made an incursion
into our western borders, when the duke pursued the army of Qi to Xi, but did
not come up with it.
3. In summer, a body of men from Qi
invaded our northern borders.
4. A body of men from Wey invaded Qi.
5. Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], went to Chu,
to beg [the assistance of] an army.
6. In autumn, an officer of Chu
extinguished Kui, and carried the viscount of Kui back with them.
7. In winter, a body of men from Chu
invaded Song, and besieged Min.
8. The duke, with an army of Chu, invaded
Qi, and took Gu.
9. The duke arrived from the invasion of
Qi.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Xiang,—see on I.ii.2 : II.xvi.4.
This Xiang was probably that of Ju. The Zhuan tells us that the count of Ju
was styled Zipi (茲丕), and that Ning Su [Gongyang, here and afterwards, has
*, was the officer known by his honorary title of Zhuang (莊子), adding that this
meeting was to confirm the previous one at Tao. The count of Ju had only
been there by one of his officers, while here he attended in person:—the
reconciliation of Lu and Ju might be considered complete.
Par. 2. Gongyang has here *, and Guliang
嶲, instead of 酅. Zuoshi has 不 for 弗. He says that the incursion was made by
Qi, to punish Lu for the two covenants at Tao and Xiang. A better reason
may be found in the antagonistic position which Lu took to the present marquis
of Qi on his accession;—see on XVIII. 2. Xi was a town of Qi, in the
southwest of pres. dis. of Dong'e, dep. Yanzhou. The Kangxi editors have a long
note on the change of style in the par. from 齊 人 to 齊 師, which has wonderfully
vexed the critics. If the commonly accepted view, that the term 人 is used of a
small body of men under a commander of mean rank, and 師 is used of a large body
of men under a similar command, were indubitably certain, we might be perplexed
by the change of terms; but the text surely is an instance in point to show
that the two forms of expression may be used to convey the same meaning. Or if
it be insisted on that 齊 人' an officer of Qi,' one of no great rank,
commanding in the incursion, the 齊 師 can only mean 'the army' or force which he
conducted.
Par. 3. Duke Xiao of Qi was himself
present with these invading forces. The Zhuan says: ——'Duke Xiao of Qi
invaded our northern borders. Duke Xi sent Zhan Xi to offer provisions to the
invading forces, having first made him receive instructions from Zhan Qin [the
famous Liuxia Hui, Xi's father]. Accordingly, before the marquis of Qi had
entered our borders, Zhan Xi followed in his track, came up with him, and said,
"My prince, hearing that your lordship was on the march and condescending to
come to his small city, has sent myself, his poor servant, with these presents
for your officers." The marquis asked whether the people of Lu were afraid.
"Small people," replied He, "are afraid; but the superior men are not." "Your
houses," said the marquis, "are empty as a hanging musical-stone, and in your
fields there is no green grass;—on what do they rely that they are not afraid?"
He answered, "They rely on the charge of a former king. Formerly the duke of
Zhou and Taigong were legs and arms to the House of Zhou, and supported and
aided king Cheng, who rewarded them, and gave them a charge, saying,'From
generation to generation let your descendants refrain from harming one
another.' It was preserved in the repository of Charges, under the care of the
grandmaster [of Zhou]. Thus it was that when duke Huan assembled the various
States, taking measures to cure the want of harmony among them, to heal their
short-comings, and to relieve those who were in distress. In all this he was
illustrating that ancient charge. When your lordship took his place, all the
States were full of hope, saying, He will carry on the meritorious work of
Huan.' On this account our poor State did not presume to protect itself by
collecting its multitudes; and now we say, 'Will he, after possessing Qi nine
years, forget that ancient charge, and cast aside the duty enjoined in it? What
in that case would his father say?' Your lordship surely will not do such a
thing. It is on this that we rely, and are not afraid." On this the marquis of
Qi returned.
Par.4. Zuoshi says this movement of Wey was
a consequence of the covenant of Tao. Wey and Lu had probably then agreed to
support each other against Qi.
Par. 5. Though Lu had succeeded in
inducing the marquis of Qi to withdraw his army, as related in the last
Zhuan, it wished to be prepared against Qi in the future, and even to
commence hostilities against it in its turn;—this was the reason of this
mission to Chu. The Sui in the text had the clan-name of Dongmen, [because he
had his residence by the 'eastern gate']. The Zhuan says:——'Dongmen Xiangzhong [the
hon. title], and Zang Wenzhong went to Chu to ask the assistance of an
army. Zangsun [the above Wenzhong] had an interview with Ziyu [the minister
of Chu], and tried to persuade him to attack Qi and Song, on the ground of
their not performing their duty to the king.'
Par. 6. Kui (Gongyang has 隗) was a small
State in the pres. dis, of Guizhou (歸 州), dep. Ech'ang (宜 昌), Hubei. Its
ruling family was of the same surname as the lords of Chu,—an offshoot from
the ruling House of that State. The Zhuan says:——'The count of Kui did not
sacrifice to Zhurong and Yuxiong [the remote ancestors of the House of Chu
and also of Kui], and an officer was sent from Chu to reprove him. He
replied. "The founder of our State, Xiong Zhi, was afflicted with a disease,
from which those Spirits did not deliver him, and he was obliged to hide
himself here in Kui. In this way we lost our connection with Chu, and why
should we offer these sacrifices?" In autumn, Cheng Dechen [the prime
minister of Chu, Ziyu] and Dou Yishen led an army and extinguished Kui,
when they carried the viscount back with them to Chu."
Par. 7. For 緡 Guliang has 閔. Min,—see on
XXIII.1. The Zhuan says:——'The duke of Song, in consequence of the service which
he had rendered to the marquis of Jin in his wanderings [see the Zhuan at the
end of the 23d year], ventured to revolt from Chu and adhere to Jin. In
winter, Ziyu, chief minister of Chu, and Zixi, minister of War, invaded
Song with a force, and laid siege to Min.'
Par. 8. This is the sequel of par. 5.
Gu,—see III. vii. 4, et al. The Zhuan says:——'Whenever an army is at one's
disposal to move it to the right or left, we have the term 以. On this occasion,
the duke placed Yong, one of the sons of duke Huan of Qi in Gu, where Yiya
supported him, as an aid to Lu, while Shuhou, duke of Shen, guarded the place
on behalf of Chu. Seven of the sons of duke Huan were great officers in
Chu.' XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, the
viscount of Qi paid a courtvisit to Lu.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on
Gengyin, Zhao, marquis of Qi, died.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Yiwei,
there was the burial of duke Xiao of Qi.
4. On Yisi, Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], led
an army and entered Qi.
5. In winter, an officer of Chu, the
marquis of Chen, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, and the baron of
Xu, laid siege to [the capital of] Song.
6. In the twelfth month, on Jiaxu, the
duke had a meeting with the [above] princes, when they made a covenant in Song.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Huan of Qi
paid a court-visit, and used the ceremonies of the Yi, for which reason he is
called merely viscount. The duke despised Qi, because of its want of
respectfulness.' This explanation of the title viscount here must be incorrect;
see what is said on 杞 子 in XXIII.4. Even the Kangxi editors reject Zuoshi's
view in this place. The lords of Qi had been degraded by the king to the rank
of viscount; we shall find hereafter that they regained one step of dignity. It
may be mentioned that the viscount in the text is the same who is mentioned in
V. 2. as presented by his mother, a sister of duke Xi, at the court of Lu,
when he was a child. He himself became, a few years after this, a son-in-law of
Xi.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'At this time Lu
had reason for resentment against Qi, but the duke did not neglect the
observances proper in cases of death;—which was proper.'
Par. 3. For some reason or other the
interment was hurried.
Par. 4. Du observes that the date here
must be wrong;—there was no Yisi in the 8th month of this year, but that day
was the 6th of the 9th month. The Zhuan says that this attack of Qi was to
punish it for the neglect of the proper ceremonies, assumed in the Zhuan on the
1st par. Most critics condemn the action of Lu in making this return to the
viscount for his visit in the spring;—and properly. Zhao Pengfei (趙鵬飛) says
that the true character of Lu may be seen in it (魯 之 為 魯,抑 可 見 亦), timorous
and crouching before the strong, arrogant and oppressive to the weak.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says here:——'The viscount
of Chu, wishing to lay siege to the capital of Song, made Ziwen exercise
and inspect the troops for the expedition in Kui, and at the end of a whole
morning, he had not punished a single man. Ziyu in the next place was
employed to exercise the troops in Wei, and at the day's end he had scourged
seven men, amd bored through the ears of three. The elders of the State all
congratulated Ziwen [on his recommendation of Ziyu], when he detained them
to drink with him. Wei Jia was then still a boy, and came late, offering no
congratulations. Ziwen asked the reason of his conduct, and he replied, "I do
not know on what I should congratulate you. You have resigned the government to
Ziyu, thinking, no doubt, that his appointment would quiet the State. But
with quietness in the State and defeat abroad, what will be gained? The defeat
of Ziyu will be owing to your recommendation of him; and what cause for
congratulation is there in a recommendation which will bring defeat to the
State? Ziyu is a violent man, and regardless of the observances of
propriety, so that he is unfit to rule the people. If he be entrusted with the
command of more than 300 chariots, he will not enter the capital again. If I
congratulate you after he has returned from being entrusted with a larger
command, my congratulations will not be too late."
'In winter, the viscount of Chu and
several other princes laid siege to the capital of Song, the duke of which sent
Gongsun Gu to Jin to report the strait in which he was. Xian Zhen said to the
marquis,'Now you may recompense the favours received from Song, and relieve its
distress. The opportunity is now presented to acquire the proper majesty and
make sure of the leadership of the States." Hu Yan said, "Chu has just
secured the adherence of Cao, and recently contracted a marriage with Wey.
If we invade Cao and Wey, Chu will be sure to go to their help, and so
Song and Qi will be delivered from it." On this, the marquis ordered a
hunting in Beilu, and formed a third army [see the Zhuan after IV. 1.6]. He
then consulted about a commander-in-chief. Zhao Cui said, "Xi Hu is the
man. I have heard him speak. He explains all about music and proprieties, and
is versed in the Books of Poetry and History. Those Books are the repository of
righteousness, and in music and proprieties we have the patterns of virtue,
while virtue and righteousness are roots of all advantage. In the Books of Xia
[Shu, II. i. 8, where there is some difference in the text] it is said, 'They
were appointed by their speech; they were tested by their works; they received
chariots and robes according to their services.' Let your lordship make trial
of him." On this the marquis appointed Xi Hu to command the second army,
that of the centre, with Xi Zhen as his assistant. Hu Yan was made commander
of the first army, but he declined in favour of Hu Mao, and acted as his
assistant. The marquis ordered Zhao Cui to take the third command, but he
declined in favour of Luan Zhi and Xian Zhen, on which Luan Zhi was made
commander of the third army, with Xian Zhen as his assistant. Xun Linfu acted
as charioteer for the marquis, and Wei Chou was the spearman on the right.
'When the marquis of Jin got possession of
the State, he taught the people for two years, and then wished to employ them
in war. Zifan said, "While the people do not know righteousness, they will
not live quietly." On this, beyond the State, the marquis settled the troubles
of king Xiang, and in it he studied the people's advantage, till their lives
were happy and cherished by them. He then wished to employ them, but Zifan
again said, 'The people do not yet know good faith, and do not understand how
they are to be employed." On this the marquis attacked Yuan, and showed them
what good faith was, so that in their bargains they sought no advantage, and
intelligently fulfilled all their words. "May they now be employed?" asked the
marquis, but Zifan once more replied, 'While they do not know the observances
of propriety, their respectfulness is not brought out.' On this, the marquis
made great huntings, and showed them the gradations of different ranks, making
special officers of degrees to adjust all the services. When the people could
receive their orders, without making any mistake, then he employed them, drove
out the guards of Gu [see XXVI. 8], and relieved the siege of Song. The
securing of his leadership of the States by one battle was owing to this
intelligent training.'
The 'man of Chu' in the text was Ziyu;
but though he commanded, the viscount himself was with the army,—as the Zhuan
relates.
Par. 6. Lu now belonged to the party of
Chu, and the duke therefore went to Song, to prove his adhesion. The critics
needlessly find a great significance in the express mention of 'the duke' (公),
and in the use of the general phrase 'the princes' (諸 侯), without any special
mention of 'the viscount of Chu.' XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1. In the duke's twenty-eighth year, in
spring, the marquis of Jin made an incursion into Cao. He [also] invaded
Wey.
2. Mai, son of duke [Zhuang], was guarding
Wey. [Because] he did not do so successfully, [the duke] put him to death.
3. A body of men from Chu [endeavoured to]
relieve Wey.
4. In the third month, on Bingwu, the
marquis of Jin entered [the capital of] Cao, seized the earl of Cao, and
gave him to the people of Song.
5. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jisi,
the marquis of Jin, and the armies of Qi, Song, and Qin, fought with the
men of Chu in Chengpu, when the army of Chu was disgracefully defeated.
6. Chu put to death its great officer,
Dechen.
7. The marquis of Wey left his State, and
fled to Chu.
8. In the fifth month, on Guichou, the
duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of
Song, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the viscount of Wey, and the
viscount of Ju, when they made a covenant at Jiantu.
9. The marquis of Chen went to the [above]
meeting.
10. The duke paid a court-visit in the place
where the king was.
11. In the sixth month, Zheng, marquis of
Wey, returned from Chu to his rule in Wey. Yuan Xuan of Wey left the State,
and fled to Jin.
12. Kuan, marquis of Chen, died.
13. In autumn, duke [Zhuang's] eldest
daughter, [married to the former viscount] of Qi, came to Lu.
14. Sui, son of duke [Zhuang], went to
Qi.
15. In winter, the duke had a meeting with
the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of
Cai, the earl of Zheng, the heir-son of Chen, the viscount of Ju, the
viscount of Zhu, and an officer of Qin, in Wen.
16. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a
court of reception in Heyang.
17. On Renshen, the duke paid a court-visit
in the place where the king was.
18. An officer of Jin seized the marquis
of Wey, and carried him to the capital.
19. Yuan Xuan of Wey returned from Jin to
his place in Wey.
20. The princes then besieged [the capital
of] Xu.
21. Xiang, earl of Cao, was restored to
his State, and forthwith joined the other princes in the siege of Xu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the
marquis of Jin, wishing to invade Cao, asked to be allowed to march through
Wey, but the people of Wey refused the privilege. On this he retraced his
steps, and crossed the He at its most southern part, made an incursion into
Cao, and invaded Wey. In the 1st month, on Wushen, he took Wulu. In the
2d month, Xi Hu of Jin died, and Zhen of Yuan got the command of the
second army, Xu Chen taking his place as assistant-commander of the third,
—from the marquis's high consideration of his ability. The marquis of Jin and
the marquis of Qi made a covenant at Lianyu. The marquis of Wey begged to be
admitted to it, but Jin refused. He then wished to take the side of Chu, but
the people of the State did not wish this, and thrust him out,—in order to
please Jin. On this he left the capital, and resided at Xiangniu.'
The repetition of 'the marquis of Jin' in
the text indicates that the raid into Cao and the attack of Wey were two
distinct undertakings, previously determined on. If the meaning were that Jin
seized the opportunity of being in Cao to attack Wey as an afterthought,
instead of the second 晉 侯 we should have 遂.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Mai was guarding
Wey in the interest of Chu, and when the people of Chu were unsuccessful in
relieving it, the duke became afraid of Jin, and put Zicong [i.e., Mai] to
death to please it, saying at the same time to the people of Chu that he put
him to death because he failed in maintaining his guard.' Mao Qiling calls
this account of the execution of Mai into question, principally because the
action of Chu to relieve Wey had not yet been taken, the mention of it being
made only in the next par. But this is being hypercritical. The conduct of Lu
in the case illustrates the weakness and vacillation in its government, which
have already been pointed out. We have here 刺 instead of 殺, the former term
being proper to the execution of a great officer in the record made by the
historiographers of the State, as Gongyang says:-- 内 諱 殺 大 夫 謂 之 刺 之 也. The
Kangxi editors approve of this explanation, and show that the use of the term
in the Zhou li, BK. XVI., pp. 47, 48, often adduced in illustration of the
text, is different.
Par. 3. Here is another instance of the
modified signification that must often be allowed to 救, As Chen Fuliang says,
楚 欲 救 衛 而 不 能 也, 'Chu wished to relieve Wey, but was not able to do so.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of
Jin besieged the capital of Cao, and in an attack on one of its gates, many
of his soldiers were killed. The people of Cao took their bodies, and
exposed them on the top of the wall, to his great distress. Having heard his
men planning among themselves, and saying, "Let us say that we will go and
encamp among their graves," he removed part of the army there. The people of
Cao shuddered in their fear, made coffins for the bodies which they had got,
and sent them forth from the city. The army of Jin attacked it while in this
consternation, and in the 3d month, on Bingwu, the marquis entered the city,
declared to the earl his fault in not employing He Hooke; and finding that
there were 300 men, who rode in the carriages of great officers, he required
him to produce the record of their services. He gave orders also that no one
should enter the mansion of Xi Fuji, and granted protection to all his
relatives; thus recompensing the favour that Xi had formerly done him [See the
long Zhuan at the end of the 23rd year]. Wei Chou and Dian Xie were angry at
this, and said, "The marquis has not tried to recompense all our labour in his
cause, and here he makes such a return for a trifling service." On this they
went and burned the house of Xi, when Wei Chou was hurt in the breast in the
conflagration. The marquis wished to put him to death [for violating his
command]; but regretting to lose his ability and strength, he sent a messenger
to ask for him, and to see how he was, intending, should he be very ill, to
execute him. Chou bound up his breast, and, when he saw the messenger, said,
"By the good influence of his lordship, I have no serious hurt," jumping up
thrice at the same time, and leaping crosswise thrice. On this the marquis let
him alone, but he put to death Dian Xie, and sent his head round the army,
appointing also Zhou Zhiqiao to be spearman on the right of his chariot in
the room of Wei Chou.
'At this time, the duke of Song sent Ban,
the warden of the gates, to the army of Jin, to tell the marquis in what
straits he was. The marquis said, "Song here announces its distress. If we
leave it unrelieved, Song will break off from us. If we ask Chu to abandon
the siege, it will refuse us. And I want to fight with Chu, but Qi and
Qin are still unwilling to join us. What is to be done?" Xian Zhen said, "Let
Song leave us; offer bribes to Qi and Qin; and get them to intercede with
Chu on its behalf. In the meanwhile, let us hold the earl of Cao, and give
a portion of the lands of Cao and Wey to the people of Song. Chu, being
fond of Cao and Wey, will be sure to refuse the request of Qi and Qin,
and they, pleased with Song's bribes, and indignant at Chu's obstinacy, will
be ready to take the field with us." The marquis was pleased with the advice,
made the earl of Cao his prisoner, and gave over to Song a portion of the
lands of Cao and Wey.'
According to the Zhuan, the marquis of Jin
did not give the earl of Cao over to Song, but only a portion of his State.
In the text, however, we can supply no other direct object to 畀, but the 曹 伯,
which precedes. The policy of Jin will be perceived by the reader: -- The
marquis's object was to set Chu at variance with Qi and Qin, so that
these States should join him against it. By heaping favours, at the expense of
Cao and Wey, on Song, he irritated Chu still more against that State, so
as not to listen to the solicitations of Qi and Qin, and be more determined
than before to wreak its anger upon it. Chu would thus offend the two
powerful States, and be goaded on to try a battle with Jin.
Par. 5. Chengpu,—see III. xxvii. 7. The
Zhuan says:—'The viscount of Chu had in the meantime taken up his residence in
the chief town of Shen, from which he sent word to Shuhou of Shen to withdraw
from Gu [See on XXVI. 8], and to Ziyu to withdraw from Song, saying also to
the latter, "Do not follow the army of Jin. The marquis of Jin was a fugitive
abroad for 19 years, and yet he has succeeded in getting possession of the
State. He has experienced perils, difficulties, and hardships; he is thoroughly
acquainted with the truth and the falsehood of men; Heaven has given him length
of years, and removed those who wished to injure him:—can he whom Heaven thus
establishes be displaced? The Art of War says, 'When things are properly
arranged, then return;' 'When you know yourself to be in difficulties, then
withdraw;' and also, 'The virtuous man is not to be opposed.' These three rules
are all applicable to the present case of Jin.
'Ziyu sent Bofen to Shen to beg to be
allowed to fight, saying, "I do not presume to say that I shall certainly
conquer; but I wish to shut the mouth of my calumniators." The king [i. e. the
viscount of Chu] was angry, and gave him but a few additional troops;—only
the cohort of the west, the guards of the prince of Chu, and the six troops
of Ruo'ao, went to join the army in Song. Ziyu then sent Yuan Chun with
this message to the army of Jin:——"Please to restore the marquis of Wey, and
re-instate the earl of Cao, and I, in my turn, will give up the siege of
Song." Zifan said, "Ziyu has no sense of courtesy or propriety!——Our lord
is to get one advantage, and he himself, a subject, is to get two. We must not
lose this opportunity of fighting." Xian Zhen said to Zifan, "Accede to the
proposal. To settle the affairs of men may be called the highest exercise of
propriety. Chu by one proposal would settle the difficulties of three
States;—if we by one word in reply prevent this settlement, then we are
chargeable with the want of propriety;—and on what grounds can we go on to
fight? If we refuse to accede to Chu's proposal, we abandon Song. Our object
has been to relieve it; and if we abandon it instead, what will the States
think of us? There will be, on our refusal, three States which Chu has sought
to benefit, three States whose resentment we have provoked. When those who are
displeased with us become so numerous, where will be our means to fight? Our
best plan will be privately to promise to restore the princes of Cao and
Wey, so alienating them from Chu; and at the same time let us seize Yuan
Chun to make Chu still more angry. After we have fought, we can take further
measures on all these points." The marquis was pleased with this advice, and
accordingly he kept Yuan Chun a prisoner in Wey, at the same time privately
promising the princes of Cao and Wey to restore them to their States; and
they, in consequence, announced to Ziyu their separation from the side of
Chu. Ziyu was so angry with these things that he followed the marquis of
Jin, who retreated before him. The smaller officers of the army said, "It is
disgraceful for the prince of one State thus to avoid the minister of another.
The army of Chu, moreover, has been long in the field; why do we retreat
before it?' Zifan said to them, "It is the goodness of its cause which makes
an army strong; you cannot call it old because it may have served a long time.
But for the kindness of Chu, we should not be in our present circumstances;
and this retreat of three stages is to repay that kindness. If the marquis
showed ingratitude for that and ate his words [See the Zhuan at the end of the
23d year], so meeting Chu as an enemy, we should be in the wrong and Chu
would be in the right;—its host would be as if it had abundant rations, and
could not be pronounced old and wearied. If, when we retire, Chu also
withdraw its army, what can it be said that we are requiring of it? But if it
do not do so, then our prince retires, and its subject keeps pressing upon
him;—Chu will be in the wrong." When Jin had thus retreated 90 li, the host
of Chu wished to stop, but Ziyu would not do so.
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Wuchen,
the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, Guo Guifu and Cui Yao of Qi, and
Yin, a younger son of the earl of Qin, all halted at Chengpu, while the army
of Chu encamped with the height of Xi in its rear. The marquis was troubled by
the strength of the enemy's position, but he heard the soldiers singing to
themselves the lines,
"Beautiful and rich is the field on the
plain; The old crop removed, the new comes amain." The marquis was doubting
about their meaning, but Zifan said to him, "Fight. If we fight and are
victorious, you are sure to gain all the States; if we do not succeed, we have
the outer and inner defences of the mountains and the He, and shall not receive
any serious injury." "But," said the marquis, "what of the kindness which I
received from Chu?" Luan Zhenzi said, "All the Ji States north of the Han
have been absorbed by Chu. You are thinking of the small kindness which you
received yourself, and forgetting the great disgrace done to your surname;—the
best plan is to fight." The marquis dreamt that he was boxing with the viscount
of Chu, when the viscount knelt down upon him, and sucked his brains. This
made him afraid again, but Zifan said, 'The dream is lucky. We lie looking to
heaven, while Chu is kneeling, as if acknowledging its guilt; and moreover,
we deal gently with it."
'Ziyu sent Dou Bo, to request that
Jin would fight with him, saying, "Let me have a game with your men. Your
lordship can lean on the crossboard of your carriage and look on, and I will be
there to see you." The marquis made Luan Zhi give the following reply, "I have
heard your commands. I dared not to forget the kindness of the lord of Chu,
and therefore I am here. I retired before his officer; —should I have dared to
oppose himself? Since I have not received your orders not to fight, I will
trouble you, Sir, to say to your leaders, 'Prepare your chariots; see
reverently to your prince's business; tomorrow morning I will see you.'"
'The chariots of Jin were 700, with the
harness of the horses on back, breast, belly, and hips, all complete. The
marquis ascended the old site of Youxin to survey the army, when he said, "The
young and the old are all properly disposed. The troops are fit to be
employed." Thereafter, he caused the trees about to be cut down to increase his
munitions of war. On Jisi, the army was drawn out for battle on the north of
Xin, Xu Chen, with his command, as the assistant leader of the 3d army, being
opposed to the troops of Chen and Cai. Ziyu, with the 6 troops of
Ruo'ao, commanded the army of the centre, and said, "Today shall make an end
of Jin;" while Zixi commanded on the left, and Zishang on the right. Xu
Chen, having covered his horses with tiger skins, commenced the battle by
attacking the troops of Chen and Cai, which took to flight, and the right
army of Chu was scattered. Hu Mao set up two large flags, and them he
carried back, while Luan Zhi, also pretended to fly, dragging branches of trees
behind his chariots [To increase the dust, and make his movement all the more
resemble a flight]. The army of Chu dashed after the fugitives, when Yuan
Zhen and Xi Zhen, with the 1st army and the marquis's own, came crosswise
upon it. At the same time, Hu Mao and Hu Yan attacked Zixi on the other
side, and the left army of Chu was scattered. The army of Chu indeed was
disgracefully defeated, for Ziyu only did not suffer as the other leaders,
because he collected his forces, and desisted from the fight. The army of Jin
occupied his camp, and feasted on his provisions for 3 days, retiring on the
day Guiyou.'
Par. 6. Dechen died by his own hand, his
ruler refusing to forgive his waywardness in seeking a battle with Jin, and
the disgrace incurred by his defeat. That the text should describe his death as
if he had been publicly executed, or at least put to death by the command of
the viscount of Chu, is an instance, tho' only a minor one, of the
misrepresentations of fact that abound in the classic, and in which Chinese
critics will see only the sagely wisdom of Confucius. The Zhuan says:——'At an
earlier time, Ziyu had made for himself a cap of fawn-skin, adorned with
carnation gems and with strings ornamented with jade: but he had not worn it.
Before the battle, he dreamed that the spirit of the He said to him, "Give your
cap to me, and I will give you the marsh of Mengzhu," and that he would not
make the exchange. The dream becoming known, his son Daxin and Zixi sent Rong
Huang to remonstrate with him; but it was in vain. Rong Ji [Ji was the
designation of Rong Huang] said, "If by dying you could benefit the State,
peradventure you would do it; how much more should you be prepared to give up
those gems and jade! They are but dirt, and if by them you can benefit the
operations of the army, why should you grudge them?" The general would not
listen to this counsel; and when he came forth, he said to his son and Zixi,
"A Spirit cannot ruin a minister like me. If the minister do not do his utmost
in the service of the people, he will ruin himself."
'After the defeat, the viscount of Chu
sent to him the message, "If you come here, how will you answer to the elders
of Shen and Xi for the death of their children?" Zixi and Sunbo [Ziyu's
son] said to the messenger, "Dechen was going to die, but we stopped him,
saying that the viscount would himself like to put him to death." Ziyu then
proceeded to Lian'gu, and there died [committed suicide]. When the marquis of
Jin heard of it, his joy was great. "There is no one," he said, "to poison my
joy now. Wei Lüchen will indeed be chief minister in Ziyu's room. But he
will himself be his own care; he will not be devoted to the people.'"
Par. 7. We have seen, in the Zhuan on par.
5, that the marquis of Jin had promised to restore the prince of Wey to his
State. But the latter probably did not believe the promise; and in an accession
of alarm, on hearing of the battle of Chengpu, he fled to Chu. According to
the canon that princes who have lost their States should be mentioned by name,
the critics vex themselves to account for the omission of the name here:—see
the note of the Kangxi editors on the subject.
Par. 8. Jiantu was Zheng, in the
northwest of the pres. dis. of Xingze (滎 澤), dep. Kaifeng, Henan. The only
difficulty in translating the par. is with 衛 子. We are told in the Zhuan on the
1st par. how the people of Wey had driven out their ruler, who took up his
residence in Xiangniu, till he fled to Chu, as related in the last par. He
had left his brother Shuwu, however, in charge of the State; and he it was
who took part in this meeting and covenant. We cannot translate by 'son' or
'heir-son,' because Shuwu was not the son, but the brother, of the ruler of
Wey. He seems to be here called 'viscount,' and have his place assigned after
the earl of Zheng, of whom in other places the 'marquis' of Wey takes
precedence.
According to the Zhuan, the king himself
was present at Jiantu, and conferred high honours on the marquis of Jin,
appointing him also to be the chief of the princes, and leader of the States.
These things should have been recorded in the classic. That they are not
recorded, is another instance—more important than the last—of the peculiarity
of the Book, now silent as to certain events, now misrepresenting them.
The Zhuan says:——'On Keahwoo, the marquis
of Jin arrived at Hengyong, and caused a palace for the king to be reared in
Jiantu. Three months before the battle of Chengpu, the earl of Zheng had
gone to Chu, and offered the service of his army; but after the defeat of
Chu he was afraid, and sent Ziren Jiu to offer his submission to Jin. Luan
Zhi of Jin went thereon to the capital of Zheng, and made a covenant with the
earl, and in the 5th month the marquis himself and the earl made a covenant in
Hengyong. On Dingwei, the marquis presented the spoils and prisoners of Chu to
the king,—100 chariots with their horses all in mail, and 1000 foot-soldiers.
The earl of Zheng acted as assistant to the king in treating the marquis with
the ceremonies with which king Ping had treated his ancestor [Shu, V.
xxviii]. On Jiyou, the king feasted him with sweet spirits, and conferred on
him various gifts. He also commissioned the minister Yin and his own brother
Hu, with the historiographer of the Interior, Shu Xingfu, to convey the
written appointment of the marquis of Jin to be the chief of the princes,
giving him the robes to be worn in the carriage adorned with metal, and those
proper for a chariot of war, one red bow and a hundred red arrows, a black bow
and a thousand arrows, a jar of spirits, made from the black millet, flavoured
with herbs, and three hundred lifeguards. The words of the appointment were,
"The king says to his uncle, Reverently discharge the king's commands, so as to
give tranquillity to the States in every quarter, and drive far away all who
are ill-affected to the king." Thrice the marquis declined his honours; but at
last accepting them, he said, "I, Chong'er, venture twice to do obeisance,
with my head bowed to the earth,—and so do I receive and will maintain the
great, distinguished, excellent charge of the son of Heaven." With this he
received the tablet, and went out. At this meeting, from first to last, thrice
he had audience of the king. When the marquis of Wey heard of the defeat of the
army of Chu, he became afraid, and fled from Xiangniu to go to Chu. He
went, however, to Chen, and sent Shuwu under the care of Yuan Xuan to take
part in the covenant of the princes. On Guihai, Hu, a son of king Hui,
presided over a covenant of them all in the court of the king's palace. The
words of it were, "We will all assist the royal House, and do no harm to one
another. If any one transgress this covenant, may the intelligent Spirits
destroy him, so that he shall lose his people and not be able to possess his
State, and, to the remotest posterity, let him have no descendant old or
young!" The superior man will say that this covenant was sincere, and that in
all this service the marquis of Jin overcame by the virtuous training which he
had given to his people.'
In the text no mention is made of king
Xiang's brother Hu taking part in the covenant of Jiantu. Mao says that he
is not mentioned, because, though he presided over the covenant, he was not a
party to it, and did not smear his lips with the blood of the victim. The
covenant was made, acc. to the text, on Guichou, the 18th day of the month;
acc. to the Zhuan, on Guihai, the 28th day. Du observes that one or other of
these dates must be wrong.
Par. 9. The marquis of Chen had been one
of the adherents of Chu, but now he wished, like other princes, to join the
party of the victorious Jin. He went to the meeting, but did not arrive at
Jiantu, till the covenant was over.
Par. 10. This par. implies what is related
in the Zhuan on p. 8, that the king in person had met the marquis of Jin on
his return from the victory at Chengpu. 'The king's place' was of course 'the
palace' built for him at Jiantu. Guliang says that when 朝 are mentioned,
the place should not be given, and that the mention of the place, where the
visit is made or the audience had, intimates that it is not the proper place
for the king to be in; but the criticism is groundless. I translate 朝 here as
usual. 'Had an audience' would be equally suitable. Wang Kekuan (汪 克 寬; A. D.
1304—1372) observes that 朝 is a general term to describe audiences with the
ruler (朝 者 覲 君 之 總 稱).
Par. 11. 復 歸,—see on II. xv. 5. The Zhuan
says:——'Some one accused Yuan Xuan to the marquis of Wey, saying that he was
raising Shuwu to the real marquisate, and the marquis thereupon caused
Xuan's son, Jiao, who was in attendance on him, to be put to death.
Notwithstanding this, Xuan did not disregard the charge which he had received
from the marquis, but supported Yishu [Yi is the hon. title of Shuwu, the
marquis's brother] in the guardianship of the State. In the 6th month, the
people of Jin restored the marquis, and then the officer Ning Wu [on the
marquis's part] and the people of Wey made the following covenant in Yuanpu:——
"Heaven sent down calamity on the State of Wey, so that the ruler and his
subjects were not harmonious, and we were brought to our present state of
sorrow. But now Heaven is guiding all minds, bringing them in humility to a
mutual accord. If there had not been those who abode in the State, who would
have kept the altars for the ruler? If there had not been those who went abroad
with him, who would have guarded his cattle and horses? Because of the former
want of harmony, we now clearly beg to covenant before you, great Spirits,
asking you to direct our consciences;—from this time forward after this
covenant, those who went abroad with the marquis shall not presume upon their
services, and those who remained in the State need not fear that any crime will
be imputed to them. If any break this covenant, exciting dissatisfactions and
quarrels, may the intelligent Spirits and our former rulers mark and destroy
them!" When the people heard this covenant, they had no longer any doubts in
their minds. After this, the marquis wished to enter the capital before the the
time agreed upon, the officer Ning going before him [to prepare the people].
Chang Zang who had charge of the gate, thinking he was a messenger, entered
in the same carriage with him. Meanwhile the marquis's brother Chuanquan, and
Hua Zhong, rode on ahead of him. Shuwu was then about to bathe; but when he
heard that the marquis was come, he ran joyfully out to meet him, holding his
hair in his hand, and was killed by an arrow from one of those who had rode on
before. The marquis knew that he had been guilty of no crime, pillowed the
corpse on his own thigh, and wept over it. Chuanquan ran away, but the
marquis sent after him, and put him to death. Yuan Xuan fled to Jin.'
The text says that the marquis of Wey
returned 'from Chu (自 楚),' to which he had fled in p. 7. The Zhuan on p. 8,
however, makes us think that he never went so far as Chu, but stopt short in
his flight, and went to Jin. This is also the account of him given in the 列 國
志. Guliang infers from the 迪 楿 that it was Chu which restored the marquis to
his State (楚 有 奉 焉); but Chu was not in a condition at present to put forth
such an influence in behalf of its adherents.
Par. 13. In the 1st par. of last year we
have the viscount of Qi, son of the lady in the text, at the court of Lu, and
in p. 4, an officer of Lu attacks Qi. The visit here was probably undertaken
with reference to the misunderstanding between the two States, the mother of
the viscount of the one and sister of the marquis of the other wishing to
reconcile them.
Par. 14. This was a visit of friendly
inquiry. (聘), for which many reasons can be assigned. A likely one is that it
was a sequel to the covenant at Jiantu, in which both Lu and Qi had taken
part.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'At the battle of
Chengpu, the cattle of the army of Jin ran, being in heat, into a marsh, and
were lost; the left flag, belonging to the great banner, was lost;—through Qi
Man's disobeying orders. The provost-marshal caused him to be put to death in
consequence; the punishment was made known to all the assisting princes; and
Mao Fei was appointed in his place. On the return of the army, it crossed the
He on Renwu. Zhou Zhiqiao had gone home before, and Shi Hui was temporarily
made spearman on the right. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Bingshen, the
troops in triumphal array entered the capital of Jin. The spoils were
presented, and the left ears that had been cut off from the soldiers of Chu
were set forth, in the temple. There also the marquis drank the cup of return;
and distributed rewards on a great scale, publishing the summons for another
assembly of the States, and the punishment of those who wavered in their
adherence. Zhou Zhiqiao was put to death, and his doom declared throughout
the State, so that the people were awed into a great submission. The superior
man will declare that duke Wen excelled in the use of punishments, awing the
people by the execution of three criminals [Dian Xie, Qi Man, and Zhou
Zhiqiao]. What we read in the Book of Poetry [Shi, III. ii. ode IX. 1.],
"Cherish this centre of the State, To give
rest to all within its four quarters," is descriptive of the right use of the
regular punishments.']
Par. 15. Wen,—see V. x. 2. It had been
conferred by king Xiang on Jin, as related in the Zhuan appended to par. 4 of
the 25th year. This meeting was the one, the summons to which is mentioned in
the last Zhuan. Guliang has not the characters 齊 侯. The meeting is memorable
as the 1st of these gatherings of the States at which Qin, destined to absorb
them all, was represented.
The marquis of Chun, known as duke Gong
(共 公), had succeeded to his father, whose death is recorded in p. 12, but the
father being not yet buried, he appears here only as 'son,' and is ranked after
the earl of Zheng. The Zhuan says that at this meeting, measures were taken to
punish the States which were not submissive;' meaning Xu, and perhaps also
Wey.
Par. 16. Heyang was in pres. dep. of
Huaiqing, Henan,—within the territory of Wen. For 狩 Gu has 守. The Zhuan
says:——'As to the assembly here, the marquis of Jin called the king to it, and
then with all the princes had an interview with him, and made him hold a court
of inspection. Zhongni said, "For a subject to call his ruler to any place is a
thing not to be set forth as an example." Therefore the text says,——The king
held a court of reception at Heyang." The text thus shows that here was not the
place for the king to hold a court, and also illustrates the excellent service
of the marquis of Jin.' In this Zhuan we have a remarkable admission by
Confucius himself, that he misrepresented facts, relating events not according
to the truth of his knowledge. I suppose that his words stop at 訓, and that in
故書云云 we have the language of Zuoshi, intimating that Confucius wanted to give
some intimation—which is very indistinct indeed—that the thing was not exactly
as he said, and at the same time to acknowledge the good intention of the
marquis of Jin in the whole transaction.
Par. 17. See on par, 10. Renshen was in
the 10th month. The characters 十月 have probably been lost from the commencement
of the par
Par. 18. The marquis of Wey had been
persuaded by Ning Wu to go to the meeting at Wen; but the marquis of Jin
refused to allow him to take part in it, and indeed put him under guard, till
he should have determined on his guilt in the death of his brother. Ning Wu
and two other officers, Zhen Zhuang and Shi Rong, accompanied their ruler to
Wan.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey and
Yuan Xuan pleaded against each other The officer Zhen Zhuang was
representative of the marquis, as the defendant, with Ning Wu to assist him,
and Shi Rong as his advocate. The marquis's pleas could not be sustained; and
the marquis of Jin put Shi Rong to death, and cut off the feet of Zhen
Zhuang. Considering that Ning Yu [the name of Ning Wu] had acted a faithful
part, he let him off; but he seized the marquis himself, and conveyed him to
the capital, where he was confined in a dark room, with Ning Wu to attend to
the supplying him with provisions in a bag.'
Par. 19. The 復 歸 here is of course merely
= "was restored to his place" as minister. Xuan had fled from Wey to Jin, as
related under par. 11, to escape from the marquis. Things were now changed. The
marquis was a prisoner, and the disposal of the State seemed to rest with the
officer. The Zhuan says:——'Yuan Xuan returned to Wey, and raised Xia, another
son of duke Wen, to be marquis.' We must suppose that Xuan had the authority
of the marquis of Jin for what he did; but the critics are unanimous in
condemning him. The case of the marquis was now in the king's hands, and Xuan
should have waited for the royal decision about him and the affairs of the
State.
Par. 20. Xu, though only a small State,
was the most persistent in adhering to the fortunes of Chu, influenced
probably by the consideration of its own contiguity to that State. The 遂
implies that the princes proceeded from their meeting at Wen and audience of
the king, to the attack of Xu, without returning to their States, or engaging
in any other enterprise.
Par. 21. The Zhuan says:——'On Dingchou the
princes all laid siege to the capital of Xu. The marquis of Jin falling ill,
Hou Nou, a personal attendant of the earl of Cao, bribed the officer of
divination, and got him to attribute the marquis's illness to his dealing with
Cao. "Duke Huan of Qi," represented the officer, "assembled the princes,
and established States of different surnames from his own [e.g., Xing and Wey];
but your lordship now assembles them, and extinguishes States of your own
surname; for Shu Zhenduo, the first lord of Cao was a son of king Wen, and
Tangshu, our first lord, was a son of king Wu. Not only is it not proper to
assemble the princes and extinguish any of your own surname, but you made the
same promise to the earl of Cao as to the marquis of Wey, and you have not
restored the earl as you did the marquis; —you have not shown good faith. Their
crime was the same, and their punishment is different;—you do not show an equal
justice. It is by propriety that righteousness is carried out; it is by good
faith that propriety is maintained; it is by equal justice that depravity is
corrected. If your lordship let these three things go, in what position will
you be placed?" The marquis was pleased, and restored the earl of Cao, who
immediately joined the other princes at Xu.'
[The Zhuan has here an additional
article:——'The marquis of Jin formed three new columns of army to withstand
the Di. Xun Linfu had the command of that of the centre; Tu Ji of that
of the right, and Xian Mie of that of the left.'] XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in
spring, Gelu of Jie came to Lu.
2. The duke arrived from the siege of [the
capital of] Xu.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, [the duke]
had a meeting with an officer of the king, an officer of Jin, an officer of
Song, an officer of Qi, an officer of Chen, an officer of Cai, and an
officer of Qin, when they made a covenant in Diquan.
4. In autumn, there was great fall a of
hail.
5. In winter, Gelu of Jie came [again] to Lu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Jie was a small State held by one
of the Yi or wild tribes of the east;—in the south of the pres Jiaozhou (膠 州),
dep. Laizhou. Gelu was the name of its chief at this time. His coming to Lu
would be equivalent to a court-visit (朝); but such visits were not interchanged
by the princes of China with the barbarous chieftains, and therefore, we have
simply 來, 'he came.' The Zhuan says:——'Gulu of Jie came to pay a court-visit
to the duke, and camped in the country above Changyan. The duke being absent
at the meeting with the other princes, they sent him forage and rice;—which was
proper.'
Par. 2. Gong and Gu both have 公 before 會.
翟 in Kung is 狄. Diquan was near the capital,—20 li northeast from the
pres. dis. city of Luoyang, dep. Henan. The name was taken from that of a
spring which formed a small lake. The Zhuan says:——'The duke had a meeting with
king Hui's son Hu, Hu Yan of Jin, Gongsun Gu of Song, Guo Guifu of
Qi, Yuen T'aout'oo of Chen, and the earl of Qin's son Yin, when they made
a covenant at Diquan;—to renew and confirm the covenant at Jiantu, and
to consult about invading Zheng. The names of the ministers of the difft.
States are not in the text;—to condemn them. According to rule, a minister of a
State ought not to hold a meeting with a duke or a marquis, though he may do so
with an earl, a viscount, or a baron.' This decision of Zuoshi may be called in
question. The view of Hu An'guo and others, that the title 'duke (公)' is
omitted in the text to conceal the disgrace of the marquis meeting with his
inferiors, is ridiculous.
Par. 4. Zuoshi says the hail amounted to a
plague, or great calamity; and that therefore we have a record of it.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'He came again,
because he had not seen the duke the former time. He was received in the court,
treated with ceremony, and feasted in an extraordinary way. Hearing a cow
lowing, he said, 'She has had three calves that have all been used as victims.
Her voice says so." On inquiry this was found to be really the case!' XXX. Thirtieth year.
1. It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the
spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, the Di made an incursion
into Qi.
3. In autumn, Wey put to death its great
officer, Yuan Xuan, and duke [ Wen's] son, Xia.
4. Zheng, marquis of Wey, returned to Wey.
5. A body of men from Jin and one from
Qin laid siege to [the capital of] Zheng.
6. A body of men from Jie made an incursion
into Xiao.
7. In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace]
sent his chief minister, the duke of Zhou, to Lu, on a mission of friendly
inquiries.
8. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to the
capital, and at the same time went to Jin.
COMMENTARY
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'An officer of Jin
was conducting an incursion into Zheng, to see whether that State could be
attacked with advantage or not. The Di took the opportunity of Jin's being
thus occupied with Zheng, and in the summer made an incursion into Qi.' Wu
Cheng says:——'In the winter of the duke's 28th year, Jin proceeded from the
meeting at Wen to besiege Xu, and yet Xu did not submit. In the summer of the
29th year, at the covenant of Diquan, the marquis consulted about an
incursion into Zheng, and yet Zheng showed no signs of fear. And now in the
summer of this year, the Di seized their opportunity, and made an incursion
into Qi. It is plain that after the battle of Chengpu and the meeting of
Jiantu, the power of duke Wen as leader of the States went on gradually to
decay:—the state of things at this time might have led him to reflection!'
Par. 3. Compare on p. 6 of the 28th year.
By Wey we must understand the marquis of Wey, who instigated the murder of
Yuan, though it was committed before his entrance into the capital. We have in
the Zhuan:——'The marquis of Jin employed the physician Yan to poison the
marquis of Wey, but Ning Yu bribed the physician to make the poison so weak
that his master did not die of it. The duke [of Lu] after this interceded on
his behalf, and presented the king and the marquis of Jin each with 10 pairs
of jade ornaments. The king acceded to the duke's intercession, and in autumn
the marquis of Wey was released. He then bribed Zhou Chuan and Ye Jin,
saying, 'If you can secure my restoration, I will make you my high ministers."
On this Zhou and Ye killed Yuan Xuan, with Zidi and Ziyi. When the
marquis was entering the ancestral temple to sacrifice to his predecessors,
Zhou and Ye were there in full dress to receive their charge as ministers.
Zhou preceded, but when he came to the door, he was taken ill, and died, upon
which Jin declined the appointment.'
Nothing is said in the Zhuan on the 及 公 子
瑕, which in many editions is made to form a paragraph by itself. Two questions
have 'vexed' the critics greatly. 1st, Xia had been marquis of Wey for more
than a year [see XXVIII. 19, and the Zhuan on it]; how is it that in the text
he is simply called 'duke's son' (公 子)? To meet this difficulty, Liu Chang (劉
敞; A. D. 1019—1097) denies the truth of the statement, 立公子瑕, in the Zhuan
referred to, so that Xia had never been anything but 公 子; on which the Kangxi
editors remark that the truth of the Zhuan is not to be doubted. Hu An'guo
thinks that though Yuan Xuan had made Xia marquis as the Zhuan says, yet Xia
had never accepted the dignity, and only considerd himself as holding the place
of his brother, till he should be liberated from his captivity; and that
consequently the 公 子 of the text is the endorsement of his integrity. Wang Yuan
(王 元; in the end of the Sung dynasty), holds that Xia had accepted the
marquisate from Yuan Xuan, and was as guilty as his minister, so that the text
calls him merely 公 子, to show that his twelve months' tenure of dignity was
only a usurpation. The imperial editors, setting aside these three views
approve of that of Du Yu, who admits that Xia had been made marquis by Yuan,
but thinks that the title of 君 or 'ruler' is not given to him, because he had
not been recognized by the princes at any general meeting of the States; and
they then go on to set forth the usage of the classic in such cases as that of
Xia and his brother more fully than Du had done. 2d, What significancy is
there in the record of the death of Xia following that of Yuan, with the
connecting 及 between them? Should the ruler thus follow his officer? The text
indicates that Xia had been the tool of Yuan, and was involved consequently in
the same fate. Mao aplty refers to II. ii. 1, where the ruler precedes the
officers with the same 及 between:—-華 督 殺 孔 父及 其 君, 書 弑 君及 孔 父, 以 宋 公 累 孔 父 也, 歂
冶 並 殺 咺 與 瑕, 而 書 咺 及 瑕, 則 瑕 為 咺 累 矣.
Par. 4. In XXVIII. 11, the former return of
the marquis to his State is described by 復歸; here we have 歸 simply. The reason of
the difference in the language probably is, that in the former case the marquis
had fled from Wey, and so left it as it were by his own act, while in the other
he had been detained from it by the action of the marquis of Jin, and against
his own will.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month,
on Jiwu, the marquis of Jin and the earl of Qin laid siege to Zheng,
because of the want of courtesy which the earl of it had shown to the marquis
in his wanderings [See the Zhuan at the end of the 23d year], and because he
was with double-mindedness inclining to Chu. The army of Jin took a position
at Hanling, and that of Qin one at Fannan. Yi Zhihu said to the earl of
Zheng, "The State is in imminent peril. If you send Zhu Zhiwu to see the
earl of Qin, his army is sure to be withdrawn." The earl took the advice, but
Zhu Zhiwu declined the mission, saying, "When your servant was in the
strength of his age, he was regarded as not equal to others; and now he is old,
and unable to render any service." The earl said, "That I was not able to
employ you earlier, and now beg your help in my straits, I acknowledge to be my
fault. But if Zheng perish, you also will suffer loss." On this Zhiwu agreed,
and undertook the mission.
'At night he was let down from the city-wall
by a rope; and when he saw the earl of Qin, he said, "With Jin and Qin
both besieging its capital, Zheng knows that it must perish. If the ruin of
Zheng were to benefit your lordship, I should not dare to speak to you;—you
might well urge your officers and soldiers in such a case. But you know the
difficulty there would be with such a distant border, another State
intervening. Of what advantage is it to you to destroy Zheng to benefit your
neighbour? His advantage will be your disadvantage. If you leave Zheng to be
master and host here on the way to the east, when your officers go and come
with their baggage, it can minister to their necessities;—and surely this will
be no injury to you. And moreover, your lordship was a benefactor to the former
marquis of Jin, and he promised you the cities of Jiao and Xia; but in the
morning he crossed the He, and in the evening he commenced building defences
against you:—this your lordship knows. But Jin is insatiable. Having made
Zheng its boundary on the east, it will go on to want to enlarge its border on
the west. And how will it be able to do that except by taking territory from
Qin? To diminish Qin in order to advantage Jin:—this is a matter for your
lordship to think about."
'The earl of Qin was pleased with this
speech, and made a covenant with the people of Zheng, appointing Qi Zi, Feng
Sun, and Yang Sun to guard the territory, while he himself returned to Qin.
Zifan asked leave to pursue and smite him, but the marquis of Jin said, "No.
But for his assistance I should not have arrived at my present state. To get
the benefit of a man's help, and then to injure him, would show a want of
benevolence, To have erred in those with whom I was to cooperate shows my want
of knowledge. To exchange the orderly array in which we came here for one of
disorder would show a want of warlike skill. I will withdraw." And upon this he
also left Zheng.
'Before this, Lan, a son of the earl of
Zheng, had fled from that State to Jin. Following the marquis of Jin in the
invasion of Zheng, he begged that he might not take any part in, or be present
at, the siege. His request was granted, and he was sent to the eastern border
of Jin to wait for further orders. Shi Jiafu and Hou Xuanduo now came to
meet him, and hail him as his father's successor, that by means of him they
might ask peace from Jin;—and this was granted to them.'
It appears from the Zhuan that the lords of
Jin and Qin were both with their forces in Zheng. We must suppose, however,
that they did not themselves command, and hence we have 晉 人, 秦 人 in the text.
Du Yu says the 人 were 微 者, 'small men' of inferior rank, but 人 need not be so
limited; and in fact we know that Zifan was in the army of Jin.
Par. 6. Xiao appears before this in the
Zhuan on III. xii. 3. It was a small State, a Fuyong of Song, and has left its
name in the pres. dis. of Xiao, dep. Xuzhou (徐 州), Jiangsu. Zhang Qia
supposes that the visits of the chief of Jie to Lu in the last year were
somehow connected with the movement in the text.
Par. 7. Compare on I. ix. 1. 宰 is here 太
宰, 'the prime minister,' as in IX. 2. The Zhuan says:—At the entertainment to
him, there were the pickled roots of the sweet flag cut small, rice, millet,
and the salt in the form of a tiger, all set forth. Yue [the prime minister's
name] declined such an entertainment, saying, 'The ruler of a State, whose
civil talents make him illustrious, and whose military prowess makes him an
object of dread, is feasted with such a complete array of provisions, to emblem
his virtues. The five savours are introduced, and viands of the finest grains,
with the salt in the shape of a tiger, to illustrate his services; but I am not
worthy of such a feast.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says: 'Dongmen
Xiangzhong [see the Zhuan on XXVI. 5] was going with friendly inquiries to
Zhou, when he took the occasion to pay a similar visit in the first place to
Jin.' XXXI. Thirty-first year.
1. In the [duke's] thirty-first year, we took
the lands of Jixi.
2. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Jin.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, [the
duke] divined a fourth time for [the day of] the border sacrifice.
4. The divination was adverse, and so the
victim was let go.
5. Still he offered the sacrifices to the
three objects of Survey.
6. It was autumn, the seventh month.
7. In winter, duke [Zhuang's] eldest
daughter—she of Qi —came [to Lu], seeking for a wife [for her son].
8. The Di besieged [the capital of] Wey.
9. In the twelfth month, Wey removed its
capital to Diqiu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. In III. xviii. 2 the characters
濟西 denote simply 'west of the Ji,' but here, and in VII. i. 8, x. 2, they must
be the name of a certain district or tract of country, the exact position of
which it is now impossible to define. As Du Yu says, 境界未定. Zuoshi says that it
was a portion of the territory of Cao, which the marquis of Jin had
apportioned to other States in the duke's 28th year; and he tells the following
story about the acquisition of it:——'The duke sent Zang Wenzhong to receive his
portion; who was passing a night at Chongguan, the people of which said to
him, "Jin, having recently secured the adherence of the princes, will be most
kind to those who are most respectful. If you don't make haste, you will not be
in time to get any." The officer acted accordingly, and got for his share of
the territory of Cao all the portion extending from Tao to the south and
east as far as the Ji.' But this account of Lu's acquisition of Jixi has
been much questioned. Zhao Kuang, Liu Chang, and many others, discarding the
idea of its being a gift from Jin, hold that the territory had formerly
belonged to Lu. had been taken from it by Cao, and that Lu now claimed and
retook it. They make a canon, that wherever Lu is mentioned as 'taking' towns
or land, and no name of a State to which they belonged is given, we are to
understand that Lu was only retaking its own. Mao, according to his wont, is
more bold and decisive in his view, arguing strongly against the alleged grant
of Jin, and saying that Lu took the opportunity of Cao's difficulties to
attack it and deprive it of this territory. This is the proper explanation of
the text. The canon referred to is exploded by VII. i. 2.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says that Xiangzhong went to
Jin to render thanks and acknowledgement for the fields of Cao. But Lu
would think it necessary to communicate its acquisition of the territory to the
leader of the States, though not indebted for it to his gift.
Parr. 3—5. The question of which border
sacrifice is here spoken of has been much agitated. Gongyang, followed by Hu
An'guo and others, thinks it is the sacrifice at the winter solstice, the
grand sacrifice to Heaven or God, which was proper only in the king, but the
right to offer which had been granted, it is said, by king Cheng to the duke
of Zhou, the founder of the House of Lu. Mao and others think the sacrifice
intended is that of the spring, —the sacrifice to God, desiring a blessing on
the grain. This is mentioned in the Zhuan on II. v. 7; and I must believe it is
that referred to here. We cannot suppose that duke Xi was still, in the 4th
month, divining about the sacrifice which should have been offered, if offered
by him at all, in the first. The divining was to fix the day on which the
sacrifice should be offered, which was restricted to one of the xin (辛) days in
the month, the 1st of the 3 being deemed the luckiest. Gongyang thinks that if
the 1st xin day of the 1st month was unlucky, then the 1st of the 2d was tried,
and so on to the 3d month; but it is better to suppose that on this occasion
the 3 xin days of the 3d month were all divined for and proved unlucky, so that
a fourth divination was made for the 1st xin day of the 4th month, as the
sacrifice might be presented up to the time of the equinox. When this also
proved unfavourable, the sacrifice was put off for that year, and the victim
was let go (免 猶 從 也). Dan Zhu (啖 助; of the 2d half of the 8th century) says,
with regard to the spring sacrifice:——'Two victims were kept and fed;—one for
the sacrifice to God, and one for that to Houji. If the divinations in the
three decades proved all unfavourable, the border sacrifice was not offered.
'If the former bull died or met with any injury, the tortoise-shell was
consulted about using the second in his place. If the divination forbade such a
substitution, or that second bull also died, the sacrifice was also in this
case abandoned. When this was done, the tortoise-shell was again consulted about
letting the victim, if it were alive, go; and it was let go or kept on, as the
reply was favourable or not.'
?,—see the Shu II. i. 7. The Wang
sacrifice was offered by the emperor or king to all the famous hills and rivers
of the country; and by princes of States to those within their own territory.
What were the three great natural objects sacrificed to in Lu is doubtful.
Most critics, after Gongyang, make them—mount Tai, the He, and the sea. Du Yu
makes them certain stars, with the mountains of Lu and its rivers,—after Jia
Kui and Fu Qian. Zheng Xuan, considering that the He did not flow through
Lu, substituted the Huai for it in Gongyang's explanation. The Kangxi
editors, arguing from a passage in the Zhou li, Bk. XXII. 8—12, make the Wang
sacrifices out to be something different from those to the hills and rivers.
Gongyang's view, or rather Zheng Xuan's modification of it, which Mao
adopts, is to be preferred.
The Wang sacrifices were offered at the
same time as the border, and ancillary to them; and might be disused when the
greater sacrifice was given up. They remain now in the sacrifices to the
heavenly bodies, the wind, and rain, which accompany the sacrifice of the
winter solstice, and those to the mountains, seas, and rivers, offered at the
summer.
The above remarks on these parr. have been
gathered and digested from many sources. Zuoshi says on them:——'What is stated
in all the paragraphs was contrary to rule. According to rule, there was no
consulting about a regular sacrifice; only the victim and the day were divined
about. When the day had been fixed, the bull was called the victim; and when
the victim was thus determined on, to go further divining about the sacrifice
itself, was for the duke to show indifference to the ancient statutes, and
disrespectful urgency to the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.' This view is very
questionable.
Par. 6. [To this the Zhuan appends a note
about Jin:——'In autumn, the marquis of Jin held a review in Qingyuan (i.e.
the plain of Qing), and formed [all his troops into] five armies, [the
better] to resist the Di, Zhao Cui being appointed to the chief command
[of the two new armies.']
Par. 7. For 婦 here see on XXV. 3. The lady
has been mentioned in XXVIII. 13. The son for whom she sought a wife was, no
doubt, the ruling viscount of Qi, mentioned in XXVII. 1, as coming to Lu, soon
after his accession to the State.
Parr. 8,9. We saw, in the 2d year of duke
Min, what injury the Di then wrought to Wey. They obliged the removal of its
principal city to Chuqiu in the 2d year of duke Xi; and we find them here
necessitating another removal. Diqiu was in Kaizhou (開 州), dep. Daming. As
preliminary to the Zhuan, it may be mentioned that Houxiang (后 相), the 5th of
the sovereigns of Xia, was obliged to reside for a part of his life in Diqiu.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey consulted the tortoise-shell about Diqiu,
and was told his House should dwell there for 300 years. Soon after, he dreamt
that Kangshu, [the 1st marquis of Wey], said to him that Xiang took away from
him the supplies of his offerings. The marquis on this gave orders to sacrifice
also to Xiang; but the officer Ning Wu objected, saying, "Spirits do not
accept the sacrifices of those who are not of their own line. What are Qi and
Zang [States of the line of Xia] doing? For long Xiang has received no
offerings here,—not owing to any fault of Wey. You should not interfere with
the sacrifices prescribed by king Cheng and the duke of Zhou. Please withdraw
the order about sacrificing to Xiang.'
[The Zhuan appends here:—'Xia Jia of
Zheng hated Gongzi Xia, and the marquis also hated him. Xia therefore fled
from the State to Chu.'] XXXII. Thirty-second year.
1. It was the [duke's] thirty-second year,
the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on
Jichou, Jie, earl of Zheng, died.
3. A body of men from Wey made an incursion
into [the country of] the Di.
4. In autumn, an officer of Wey made a
covenant with the Di.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Jimao, Chong'er, marquis of Jin, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. [The Zhuan here introduces a short
note about the relations of Jin and Chu:——'In the spring, Dou Chang of Chu
came to Jin and requested peace. Yang Chufu returned the visit from Chu.
This was the commencement of communications between Jin and Chu.]
Par. 2. For 捷 Gongyang has 接.
Parr. 3,4. The Di, it appears, had not
done Wey so much injury in the previous year, as in the time of duke Min. The
Zhuan says:——'In summer, when there was disorder among the Di, a body of men
from Wey made an incursion into their country. The Di begged for peace, and
in autumn an officer of Wey made a covenant with them.'
Par. 5. The marquis of Jin thus enjoyed
the dignity at which he arrived, after so many hardships and wanderings, only
for nine years. He had several attributes of the hero about him, and we cannot
but wish that he had been permitted a longer time in which to exercise his
leadership of the States. Confucius (Ana. XIV. xvi.) compares him unfavourably
with Huan of Qi; but his judgment of the two men may be questioned.
'The Zhuan says:——'On Gengchen, they were
conveying his coffin to place it in the temple at Quwo, when, as it was
leaving Jiang, there came a voice from it like the lowing of an angry bull. The
diviner Yan made the great officers do obeisance to the coffin, saying, "His
lordship is charging us about a great affair. There will be an army of the west
passing by us; we shall smite it, and obtain a great victory."
'Now Qi Zi [see the Zhuan on XXX. 5] had
sent information from Zheng to Qin, saying, "The people of Zheng have
entrusted to my charge the key of their north gate. If an army come secretly
upon it, the city may be got. Duke Mu [the earl of Qin] consulted Jian Shu
about the subject, and that officer replied, 'That a distant place can be
surprised by an army toiled with a long march is what I have not learned. The
strength of the men will be wearied out with toil, and the distant lord will be
prepared for them;—does not the undertaking seem impracticable? Zheng is sure
to know the doings of our army. Our soldiers, enduring the toil, and getting
nothing, will become disaffected. And moreover, to whom can such a march of a
thousand li be unknown?" The earl, however, declined this counsel, called for
Mengming [the son of Boli Xi], Xiqi, and Boyi, and ordered them to
collect an army outside the east gate. Jian Shu wept over it, and said,
"General Meng. I see the army's going forth, but I shall not see its entry
again." The earl sent to say to him, "What do you know, you centenarian? It
would take two hands to grasp the tree upon your grave [i.e., you ought to have
died long ago]" Jian Shu's son also went in the expedition, and the old man
escorted him, weeping and saying, "It will be at Yao that the men of Jin
will resist the army. At Yao there are two ridges. On the southern ridge is
the grave of the sovereign Gao of the Xia dynasty; the northern is where king
Wen took refuge from the wind and rain. You will die between them. There I will
gather your bones." Immediately after this the army of Qin marched to the
east.' XXXIII. Thirty-third year.
1. In the [duke's] thirty-third year, in
spring, in the king's second month, an army from Qin entered Hua.
2. The marquis of Qi sent Guo Guifu to
the duke on a mission of friendly inquiries.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on
Xinsi, the men of Jin and the Jiang Rong defeated [the army of] Qin at
Yao.
4. On Guisi there was the burial of duke
Wen of Jin.
5. The Di made an incursion into Di.
6. The duke invaded Zhu, and took Zilou.
7. In autumn, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, led
an army, and invaded Zhu.
8. A body of men from Jin defeated the Di
in Ji.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, the duke
went to Qi.
10. In the twelfth month, the duke arrived
from Qi.
11. On Yisi, the duke died in the Small
chamber.
12. There fell hoar-frost without killing
the grass. Plum trees bore their fruit.
13. A body of men from Jin, one from
Chen, and one from Zheng, invaded Xu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Hua,—see III. iii. 5. From the
last Zhuan we see that 秦 人 here denotes 'an army of Qin,' not inconsiderable
in numbers, and under commanders of no mean rank. 入者, 入 其 國 而 不 據 其 地 也, 入
denotes that they entered the city, but did not keep possession of the
territory.' The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the army of Qin was passing by the
northgate of [the royal city of] Zhou, when the mailed men on the right and
left of the chariots [merely] took off their helmets and descended, springing
afterwards with a bound into the chariots,—the 300 of them. Wangsun Man was
still quite young; but when he saw this, he said to the king, 'The army of
Qin acts lightly and is unobservant of propriety;—it is sure to be defeated.
Acting so lightly, there must be little counsel in it. Unobservant of
propriety, it will be heedless. When it enters a dangerous pass, and is
heedless, being moreover without wise counsel, can it escape defeat?
'When the army entered Hua, Xian Gao, a
merchant of Zheng, on his way to traffic in Zhou, met it. He went with four
dressed hides, preceding 12 oxen, to distribute them among the soldiers, and
said [to the general], "My prince, having heard that you were marching with
your army, and would pass by his poor city, ventures thus to refresh your
attendants. Our poor city, when your attendants come there, can supply them,
while they stay, with one day's provisions, and provide them, when they go,
with one night's escort." At the same time he sent intelligence of what was
taking place with all possible speed to Zheng. The earl, [on receiving the
tidings], sent to see what was going on at the lodging houses which had been
built for the guards of Qin, and found there bundles all ready, waggons
loaded, weapons sharpened, and the horses fed. On this he sent Huang Wu to
decline their further services, and say to them, "You have been detained, Sirs,
too long at our poor city. Our dried flesh, our money, our rice, our cattle,
are all used up. We have our park of Yuan as Qin has its of Ju. Suppose you
supply yourselves with deer from it to give our poor city some rest." On this
Qi Zi fled to Qi, while Feng Sun and Yang Sun fled to Song. Mengming said,
"Zheng is prepared for us. We cannot hope to surprise it. If we attack it, we
shall not immediately take it; and if we lay siege to it, we are too far off to
receive succour. Let us return." The army of Qin then proceeded to extinguish
Hua, and returned.']
Par. 2; In the duke's 28th year, Gongzi
Sui went to Qi on a friendly mission. The visit in the text was, probably,
the response to it. Guifu was the ambassador's name. The Zhuan calls him Guo
Zhuangzi, or the officer Guo, Zhuang being his honorary title. The Zhuan
says:——'When Guo Zhuang of Qi came on his friendly mission, from his
reception in the borders to the parting feast and gifts to him, he was treated
with the utmost ceremony, and also with sedulous attention. Zang Wenzhong said
to the duke, "Since the officer Guo administered its govt., Qi has again
showed all propriety towards us. Your lordship should pay a visit to it. Your
servant has heard that submission to those who are observant of propriety is
the [surest] defence of the altars."'
Par. 3. After 秦, Zuoshi and Guliang have
師. Xiao was a dangerous defile,—in the pres. dis. of Yongning (永 寧), dep.
Henan. The Zhuan says:——'[Xian] Zhen of Yuan said to the marquis of Jin, "[The
earl of] Qin, contrary to the counsel of Jian Shu, has, under the influence
of greed, been imposing toil on his people;—this is an opportunity given us by
Heaven. It should not be lost; our enemy should not be let go unassailed. Such
disobedience to Heaven will be inauspicious;—we must attack the army of Qin."
Luan Zhi said, "We have not yet repaid the services rendered to our last lord
by Qin, and if we now attack its army, this is to make him dead indeed!" Xian
Zhen replied, "Qin has shown no sympathy with us in our loss, but has
attacked [two States of] our surname. It is Qin who has been unobservant of
propriety;—what have we to do with [former] favours? I have heard that if you
let your enemy go a single day, you are preparing the misfortunes of several
generations. In taking counsel for his posterity, can we be said to be treating
our last ruler as dead?"
'The [new marquis] instantly issued orders
[for the expedition]. The Jiang Rong were called into the field on the spur of
the moment. The marquis [joined the army], wearing his son's-garb of unhemmed
mourning, stained with black, and also his mourning scarf. Liang Hong was his
charioteer, and Lai Ju his spearman on the right. In summer, in the 4th month,
on Xinsi, he defeated the army of Qin at Yao, took [the commanders], Boli
Mengmingshi, Xiqi Shu, and Boyi Bing, prisoners, and brought them back
with him to the capital, from which he proceeded in his dark-stained mourning
garb to inter duke Wen, which thenceforth became the custom in Jin. Wen Ying
[duke Wen's Qin wife] interceded for the prisoners, saying, "In consequence
of their stirring up enmity between you and him, [my father], the earl of
Qin, will not be satisfied even if he should eat them. Why should you
condescend to punish them? Why should you not send them back to be put to death
in Qin, to satisfy the wish of my lord there?" The marquis acceded to her
advice.
'Xian Zhen went to court, and asked about
the Qin prisoners. The marquis replied, 'My father's widow requested it, and
I have let them go." The officer in a rage said, 'Your warriors by their
strength caught them in the field, and now they are let go for a woman's brief
word in the city. By such overthrow of the services of the army, and such
prolongation of the resentment of our enemies, our ruin will come at no distant
day." With this, without turning round, he spat on the ground.
'The marquis sent Yang Chufu to pursue
after the liberated commanders; but when he got to the He, they were already on
board a boat. Loosing the outside horse on the left of his chariot, he said he
had the marquis's order to present it to Mengming. Mengming bowed his head to
the ground, and said, "Your prince's kindness in not taking the blood of me his
prisoner to smear his drums [See Mencius, I. Pt. I., vii. 4], but liberating me
to go and be killed in Qin;—this kindness, should my prince indeed execute
me, I will not forget in death. If by your prince's kindness I escape this
fate, in three years I will thank him for his gift."
'The earl of Qin, in white mourning
garments, was waiting for them in the borders of the capital, and wept, looking
in the direction where the army had been lost. "By my opposition to the counsel
of Jian Shu," he said, "I brought disgrace on you, my generals. Mine has been
the crime; and that I did not [before] dismiss Mengming [from such a service]
was my fault. What fault are you chargeable with? I will not for one error shut
out of view your great merits.'
The last Book of the Shu is said to have
been made by the earl of Qin on occasion of this defeat;—see the note on the
name of that Book. The few sentences of the Zhuan are much more to the point
than all its paragraphs. The Kangxi editors have a long note, in which they
discuss the question whether Jin was justified in attacking Qin in Xiao,
and conclude that it was so. The blame implied, as they fancy, in the 人 of 晉 人,
they explain as kindly meant to hide the fact of the marquis of Jin, in
deepest mourning, and his father yet unburied, taking part in such an affair;
but this is unnecessary. The marquis may have been near the defile, but all the
arrangements were made by Xian Zhen who was the actual commander in the affair.
The Jiang Rong, represented as descendants of Yao's chief minister, came
readily to the help of Jin, because duke Hui had kindly received and
protected them, when they were driven out of their old seats by Qin.
Par. 5. Zuoshi says the Di ventured on
this, 'taking advantage of the mourning in Jin.'
Parr. 6,7. For 訾 婁 Gongyang has 叢;
Guliang has 訾 樓. The place must have been in Jining Zhou (濟 寧 州), dep.
Yanzhou. The Zhuan says:——'The duke invaded Zhu, and took Zilou, to repay the
action at Shengxing [see p. 3 of the 22d year]. The people of Zhu did not make
preparations to receive an enemy; and in autumn Xiangzhong again invaded
it.'
Par. 8. Ji was 35 li south from the pres.
dis. city of Taigu (太 谷), dep. Taiyuan, Shanxi. The Zhuan says:——'The Di
invaded Jin, and came as far as Ji, where, in the 8th month, on Wuzi, the
marquis of Jin defeated them, Xi Que capturing the viscount of the White
Di. Xian Zhen said [to himself], "[No better than] an ordinary man, I vented
my feeling on my ruler [Referring to his spitting before the marquis], and I
was not punished; but dare I keep from punishing myself?" With this, he took
off his helmet, entered the army of the Di, and died. The Di returned his
head, when his countenance looked as when he was alive.
'Before this, Ji of Jiu [Xu Chen] was
passing by Ji on a mission, and saw Que of Ji weeding in a field, when his
wife brought his food to him. He showed to her all respect, and behaved to her
as he would have done to a guest. Ji therefore took him back with him to the
capital, and told duke Wen, saying, "About respect all other virtues gather. He
who can show respect is sure to have virtue. Virtue finds its use in the
government of the people. I entreat your lordship to employ him. Your servant
has heard that outside one's door to behave as if one were receiving a guest,
and to attend to all business as if it were a sacrifice [Comp. Ana. XII. ii.],
is the pattern of perfect virtue." The duke said, "But should this be done,
considering the crime of his father [See the Zhuan at the beginning of the 24th
year. Que's father, Xi Rui, had planned to murder duke Wen.]?" "The
criminal whom Shun put to death," returned Ji, "was Gun; and the man whom he
raised to dignity was [Gun's son], Yu. The assaulter of Huan [of Qi] was
Guan Jingzhong, and yet he became his chief minister, and carried him on to
success. In the Announcement to the prince of Kang it is said, 'The father who
is devoid of affection, and the son who is devoid of reverence; the elder
brother who is unkind, and the younger who is disrespectful,' are all to be
punished, but not one for the offence of the other [See the Shu, V. ix. 16,
but the quotation is very inaccurate]. The ode says [Shi, I. iii. Ode X.]:—
'When we gather the feng and the fei, They
should not be rejected because of their roots.' On this, duke Wen made Xi
Que great officer of the 3d army.
'On the return of the army from Ji, duke
Xiang invested Xian Qieju [Son of Xian Zhen] with the 3d degree of rank, and
made him commander of the 2d or middle army. He gave Xu Chen the second rank,
and the city of Xian Mao, as his reward, saying, "The promotion of Xi Que
was due to you." He conferred the 1st degree on Xi Que, and made him a high
minister, restoring to him the city of Ji; but Que did not yet receive the
command of an army.'
Par. 11. See on III. xxxii. 4. Du Yu says
that 'the Small chamber was the wife's chamber (夫 人 寢).' The Zhuan says:——'In
winter the duke went to Qi to pay a court-visit, and to condole with the
marquis on the attack of the Di. On his return, he died in the Small chamber,
having retired there to be more at rest.' Guliang and other critics say he
ought not to have breathed his last there.
Par. 12. For 隕 Gongyang has 霣. Li and mei
are both the names of plum-trees, and their fruits;— I do not know the specific
difference between them. The 12th month of Zhou was the 10th month of Xia. To
find hoar-frost on the ground, and at the same time the grass still vigorous,
and plum-trees still bearing, was strange; and as an unusual phenomenon it is
here recorded. The critics delight to dwell upon its moral significance, and
Hu An'guo quotes a conversation on the paragraph, with duke Ai, ascribed to
Confucius, which is in a similar strain.
Par. 13. Zuoshi says the object of this
invasion was to punish Xu for its inclining to the side of Chu.
[We have here 3 narratives in the Zhuan:——
'Zishang, chief minister of Chu, made an incursion into Cai and Chen,
both of which made their submission; and then he went on to invade Zheng,
intending to place Xia, son of duke Wen, as marquis in it. He made an attack at
the Xiedie gate, when Xia was overturned in the pond of the Zhou family.
Kunzhun, a servant of the marquis stationed outside the walls, caught him
and presented his dead body. The marquis's wife covered it with a shroud, put
it in a coffin, and buried it near Kuaicheng.'
'Yang Chufu of Jin made an incursion
into Cai, and Zishang of Chu came to its relief. Their two armies faced
each other with the river Zhi between them. Yang, being distressed by the
position, sent to say to Zishang, "The man of civil virtue will not attack
those who are acting according to an agreement; the man of military prowess
will not leave his enemy. If you wish to fight, I will withdraw 30 li, till you
pass over and arrange your battle, receiving your commands as to the time, less
or more. If you do not accept this offer, grant the same indulgence to me. To
keep our armies here long in the field, and waste our resources, is of no use."
He then had the horses yoked in his carriage to await the answer. Zishang
wished to cross the river, but Da Sunbo [the Daxin of the Zhuan on IV. xxviii.
6. He was the son of Ziyu, or Dechen, of Chu] said, "No. The men of Jin
have no good faith. If they attack us, when half our troops are crossed over,
it will be too late to repent of our defeat. Better grant the indulgence to
them." On this the troops of Chu withdrew 30 li. When Yang saw this, he
spread abroad the report that the army of Chu had retired, and immediately
returned to Jin. Shangchen, the eldest son of [the viscount of] Chu,
slandered Zishang [to his father], saying, "He was bribed by Jin, and got
out of the way of its army,—to the shame of Chu; there could not be a greater
crime." On this the viscount put Zishang to death.'
'We buried duke Xi;—the burial was late
[The construction and meaning here are uncertain]. The making the Spirit-tablet
was contrary to rule. On occasion of the death of the prince of a State, when
the weeping is ended, his spirit is supposed to take its place by that of his
grandfather, with reference to which the spirit-tablet has been made, and is now
set up. A special sacrifice goes on before this tablet, while the seasonal
sacrifices and the fortunate sacrifice at the end of the mourning take place in
the temple.']
These immediately preceding remarks are
here by some mistake in their wrong place. They belong to the next Book, i. 4,
and ii. 2.
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