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6. 文 公
元 年，春，王 正 月，公 即 位。
二 月，癸 亥，日 有 食 之。
天 王 使 叔 服 來 會 葬。
夏，四 月，丁 巳，葬 我 君 僖 公。
天 王 使 毛 伯 來 錫 公 命。
晉 侯 伐 衛。
叔 孫 得 臣 如 京 師。
衛 人 伐 晉。
秋，公 孫 敖 會 晉 侯 于 戚。
冬 十 月，丁 未，楚 世 子 商 臣 弒 其 君 頵。
公 孫 敖 如 齊。
左 傳 曰，元 年，春，王 使 內 史 叔 服 來 會 葬。公 孫 敖 聞 其 能 相 人 也，見 其 二 子 焉。叔 服 曰，穀 也 食 子，難 也 收 子，穀 也 豐 下，必 有 後 於 魯 國。
於 是 閏 三 月，非 禮 也。先 王 之 正 時 也，履 端 於 始，舉 正 於 中，歸 餘 於 終，履 端 於 始，序 則 不 愆，舉 正 於 中，民 則 不 惑，歸 餘 於 終，事 則 不 悖。
夏，四 月，丁 巳，葬 僖 公。
王 使 毛 伯 衛 來 錫 公 命。
晉 文 公 之 季 年，諸 侯 朝 晉，衛 成 公 不 朝，使 孔 達 侵 鄭，伐 綿 訾，及 匡，晉 襄 公 既 祥，使 告 于 諸 侯，而 伐 衛，及 南 陽，先 且 居 曰，效 尤，禍 也，請 君 朝 王，臣 從 師。晉 侯 朝 王 於 溫，先 且 居，胥 臣 伐 衛，五 月，辛 酉，朔，晉 師 圍 戚，六 月，戊 戌，取 之，獲 孫 昭 子。叔 孫 得 臣 如 周。拜。
衛 人 使 告 于 陳，陳 共 公 曰，更 伐 之，我 辭 之，衛 孔 達 帥 師 伐 晉，君 子 以 為 古，古 者 越 國 而 謀。
秋，晉 侯 疆 戚 田。故 公 孫 敖 會 之。
初，楚 子 將 以 商 臣 為 大 子，訪 諸 令 尹 子 上，子 上 曰，君 之 齒，未 也，而 又 多 愛，黜，乃 亂 也，楚 國 之 舉，恆 在 少 者，且 是 人 也，蜂 目 而 豺 聲，忍 人 也，不 可 立 也。弗 聽，既，又 欲 立 王 子 職，而 黜 大 子 商 臣，商 臣 聞 之，而 未 察，告 其 師 潘 崇 曰，若 之 何 而 察 之。潘 崇 曰，享 江 芊 而 勿 敬 也。從 之，江 芊 怒 曰，呼，役 夫，宜 君 王 之 欲 殺 女 而 立 職 也。告 潘 崇 曰，信 矣，潘 崇 曰，能 事 諸 乎。曰，不 能，能 行 乎，曰，不 能。能 行 大 事 乎。曰，能。
冬，十 月，以 宮 甲 圍 成 王，王 請 食 熊 蹯 而 死，弗 聽，丁 未，王 縊，謚 之 曰 靈，不 瞑，曰 成，乃 瞑。穆 王 立，以 其 為 大 子 之 室 與 潘 崇，使 為 大 師，且 掌 環 列 之 尹。
穆 伯 如 齊。始 聘 焉，禮 也。凡 君 即 位，卿 出 並 聘，踐 修 舊 好，要 結 外 援，好 事 鄰 國，以 衛 社 稷，忠，信，卑 讓 之 道 也，忠，德 之 正 也，信，德 之 固 也，卑 讓，德 之 基 也。
殽 之 役，晉 人 既 歸 秦 師，秦 大 夫 及 左 右，皆 言 於 秦 伯 曰，是 敗 也，孟 明 之 罪 也，必 殺 之。秦 伯 曰，是 孤 之 罪 也，周 芮 良 夫 之 詩 曰，
大 風 有 隧，貪 人 敗 類，聽 言 則 對，誦 言 如 醉，匪 用 其 良，覆 俾 我 悖，是 貪 故 也，孤 之 謂 矣，孤 實 貪 以 禍 夫 子，夫 子 何 罪。復 使 為 政。
二 年，春，王 二 月，甲 子，晉 侯 及 秦 師，戰 于 彭 衙，秦 師 敗 績。
丁 丑，作 僖 公 主。
三 月，乙 巳，及 晉 處 父 盟。
夏，六 月，公 孫 敖 會 宋 公，陳 侯，鄭 伯，晉 士 縠，盟 于 垂 隴。
自 十 有 二 月，不 雨，至 于 秋 七 月。
八 月，丁 卯，大 事 于 大 廟，躋 僖 公。
冬，晉 人，宋 人，陳 人，鄭 人，伐 秦。
公 子 遂 如 齊 納 幣。
左 傳 曰，二 年，春，秦 孟 明 視 帥 師 伐 晉，以 報 殽 之 役。二 月，晉 侯 禦 之，先 且 居 將 中 軍，趙 衰 佐 之，王 官 無 地 御 戎，狐 鞫 居 為 右，甲 子，及 秦 師 戰 于 彭 衙，秦 師 敗 績，晉 人 謂 秦 拜 賜 之 師。戰 於 殽 也，晉 梁 弘 御 戎，萊 駒 為 右，戰 之 明 日，晉 襄 公 縛 秦 囚，使 萊 駒 以 戈 斬 之，囚 呼，萊 駒 失 戈，狼 瞫 取 戈 以 斬 囚，禽 之 以 從 公 乘，遂 以 為 右。
箕 之 役，先 軫 黜 之，而 立 續 簡 伯，狼 瞫 怒，其 友 曰，盍 死 之。瞫 曰，吾 未 獲 死 所。其 友 曰，吾 與 女 為 難。瞫 曰，周 志 有 之，勇 則 害 上，不 登 於 明 堂，死 而 不 義，非 勇 也，共 用 之 謂 勇，吾 以 勇 求 右，無 勇 而 黜，亦 其 所 也，謂 上 不 我 知，黜 而 宜，乃 知 我 矣，子 姑 待 之。
及 彭 衙 既 陳，以 其 屬 馳 秦 師，死 焉，晉 師 從 之，大 敗 秦 師。君 子 謂 狼 瞫 於 是 乎 君 子，詩 曰，
君 子 如 怒 亂，庶 遄 沮，又 曰，
王 赫 斯 怒，爰 整 其 旅，怒 不 作 亂，而 以 從 師，可 謂 君 子 矣。
秦 伯 猶 用 孟 明，孟 明 增 修 國 政，重 施 於 民。趙 成 子 言 於 諸 大 夫 曰，秦 師 又 至，將 必 辟 之，懼 而 增 德，不 可 當 也，詩 曰，
毋 念 爾 祖，聿 修 厥 德，孟 明 念 之 矣，念 德 不 怠，其 可 敵 乎。
丁 丑，作 僖 公 主。書 不 時 也。
晉 人 以 公 不 朝，來 討，公 如 晉，夏 四 月，己 巳，晉 人 使 陽 處 父 盟 公 以 恥 之，書 曰，及 晉 處 父 盟，以 厭 之 也，適 晉 不 書，諱 之 也。
公 未 至，六 月，穆 伯 會 諸 侯，及 晉 司 空 士 縠 盟 于 垂 隴。晉 討 衛 故 也，書 士 縠，堪 其 事 也。陳 侯 為 衛 請 成 于 晉，執 孔 達 以 說。
秋，八 月，丁 卯，大 事 于 大 廟，躋 僖 公。逆 祀 也。於 是 夏 父 弗 忌 為 宗 伯，尊 僖 公，且 明 見 曰，吾 見 新 鬼 大，故 鬼 小，先 大 後 小，順 也，躋 聖 賢，明 也，明 順，禮 也。君 子 以 為 失 禮，禮 無 不 順，祀，國 之 大 事 也，而 逆 之，可 謂 禮 乎，子 雖 齊 聖，不 先 父 食，久 矣，故 禹 不 先 鯀，湯 不 先 契，文 武 不 先 不 窋，宋 祖 帝 乙 鄭 祖 厲 王，猶 上 祖 也，是 以 魯 頌 曰，
春 秋 匪 解，享 祀 不 忒，皇 皇 后 帝，皇 祖 后 稷，君 子 曰 禮，謂 其 后 稷 親，而 先 帝 也，詩 曰，
問 我 諸 姑，遂 及 伯 姊，君 子 曰 禮，謂 其 姊 親 而 先 姑 也。仲 尼 曰，臧 文 仲 其 不 仁 者 三，不 知 者 三，下 展 禽，廢 六 關，妾 織 蒲，三 不 仁 也，作 虛 器，縱 逆 祀，祀 爰 居，三 不 知 也。
冬，晉 先 且 居，宋 公 子 成，陳 轅 選 鄭 公 子 歸 生，伐 秦，取 汪，及 彭 衙，而 還，以 報 彭 衙 之 役。卿 不 書，為 穆 公 故，尊 秦 也，謂 之 崇 德。
襄 仲 如 齊，納 幣。禮 也。凡 君 即 位，好 舅 甥，修 昏 姻，娶 元 妃，以 奉 粢 盛，孝 也，孝，禮 之 始 也。
三 年，春，王 正 月，叔 孫 得 臣 會 晉 人，宋 人，陳 人，衛 人，鄭 人，伐 沈，沈 潰。
夏，五 月，王 子 虎 卒。
秦 人 伐 晉。
秋，楚 人 圍 江。
雨 螽 于 宋。
冬，公 如 晉，十 有 二 月，己 巳，公 及 晉 侯 盟。
晉 陽 處 父 帥 師 伐 楚，以 救 江。
左 傳 曰，三 年，春，莊 叔 會 諸 侯 之 師，伐 沈。以 其 服 于 楚 也，沈 潰。凡 民 逃 其 上 曰 潰，在 上 曰 逃。
衛 侯 如 陳，拜 晉 成 也。
夏，四 月，乙 亥，王 叔 文 公 卒。來 赴 弔，如 同 盟，禮 也。
秦 伯 伐 晉。濟 河，焚 舟，取 王 官，及 郊，晉 人 不 出，遂 自 茅 津 濟，封 殽 尸 而 還，遂 霸 西 戎，用 孟 明 也。君 子是 以 知 秦 穆 公 之 為 君 也，舉 人 之 周 也，舉 人 之 壹 也，孟 明 之 臣 也，其 不 解 也，能 懼 思 也，子 桑 之 忠 也，其 知 入 也，能 舉 善 也。詩 曰，
于 以 采 蘩，于 沼 于 沚，于 以 用 之，公 侯 之 事，秦 穆 有 焉。
夙 夜 匪 解，以 事 一 人，孟 明 有 焉。
詒 厥 孫 謀，以 燕 翼 子，子 桑 有 焉。
楚 師 圍 江。晉 先 僕 伐 楚 以 救 江。
秋，雨 螽 于 宋。隊 而 死 也。
晉 人 懼 其 無 禮 於 公 也，請 改 盟，公 如 晉，及 晉 侯 盟，晉 侯 饗 公，
賦 菁 菁 者 莪，莊 叔 以 公 降 拜，曰，小 國 受 命 於 大 國，敢 不 慎 儀，君 貺 之 以 大 禮，何 樂 如 之，抑 小 國 之 樂，大 國 之 惠 也。晉 侯 降 辭，登，成 拜，公 賦 嘉 樂。
冬，晉 以 江 故，告 于 周，王 叔 桓 公，晉 陽 處 父，伐 楚 以 救 江，門 于 方 城，遇 息 公 子 朱 而 還。
四 年，春，公 至 自 晉。
夏，逆 婦 姜 于 齊。
狄 侵 齊。
秋，楚 人 滅 江。
晉 侯 伐 秦。
衛 侯 使 甯 俞 來 聘。
冬，十 有 一 月，壬 寅，夫 人 風 氏 薨。
左 傳 曰，四 年，春，晉 人 歸 孔 達 于 衛，以 為 衛 之 良 也，故 免 之。夏，衛 侯 如 晉 拜。曹 伯 如 晉，會 正。
逆 婦 姜 于 齊。卿 不 行，非 禮 也。君 子 是 以 知 出 姜 之 不 允 於 魯 也。曰，貴 聘 而 賤 逆 之，君 而 卑 之，立 而 廢 之，棄 信 而 壞 其 主，在 國 必 亂，在 家 必 亡，不 允，宜 哉。詩 曰，
畏 天 之 威，于 時 保 之，敬 主 之 謂 也。
楚 人 滅 江，秦 伯 為 之 降 服，出 次，不 舉，過 數，大 夫 諫，公 曰，同 盟 滅 雖 不 能 救，敢 不 矜 乎，吾 自 懼 也。君 子 曰，詩 云，
惟 彼 二 國，其 政 不 獲，惟 此 四 國，爰 究 爰 度，其 秦 穆 之 謂 矣。
秋，晉 侯 伐 秦，圍 刓，新 城，以 報 王 官 之 役。
衛 甯 武 子 來 聘，公 與 之 宴，為 賦 湛 露 及 彤 弓，不 辭，又 不 答 賦，使 行 人 私 焉。對 曰，臣 以 為 肄 業 及 之 也，昔 諸 侯 朝 正 於 王，王 宴 樂 之，於 是 乎 賦 湛 露，則 天 子 當 陽，諸 侯 用 命 也，諸 侯 敵 王 所 愾，而 獻 其 功，王 於 是 乎 賜 之 彤 弓 一，彤 矢 百，玈 弓 矢 千，以 覺 報 宴，今 陪 臣 來 繼 舊 好，君 辱 貺 之，其 敢 干 大 禮 以自 取 戾。
冬，成 風 薨。
五 年，春，王 正 月，王 使 榮 叔 歸 含 且 賵。
三 月，辛 亥，葬 我 小 君 成 風。
王 使 召 伯 來 會 葬。
夏，公 孫 敖 如 晉。
秦 人 入 鄀。
秋，楚 人 滅 六。
冬，十 月，甲 申，許 男 業 卒。
左 傳 曰，五 年，春，王 使 榮 叔 來，含 且 賵。召 昭 公 來 會 葬，禮 也。
初，鄀 叛 楚 即 秦，又 貳 於 楚，夏，秦 人 入 鄀。
六 人 叛 楚，即 東 夷，秋，楚 成 大 心，仲 歸，帥 師 滅 六。冬，楚 公 子 夑 滅 蓼，臧 文 仲 聞 六 與 蓼 滅，曰，皋 陶 庭 堅，不 祀 忽 諸，德 之 不 建，民 之 無 援。哀 哉。
晉 陽 處 父 聘 于 衛，反 過 甯，甯 嬴 從 之 及 溫 而 還。其 妻 問 之，嬴 曰，以 剛，商 書 曰，沈 漸 剛 克，高 明 柔 克，夫 子 壹 之，其 不 沒 乎，天 為 剛 德，猶 不 干 時，况 在 人 乎，且 華 而 不 實，怨 之 所 聚 也，犯 而 聚 怨，不 可 以 定 身，余 懼 不 獲 其 利，而 離 其 難，是 以 去 之。
晉 趙 成 子，欒 貞 子，霍 伯，臼 季，皆 卒。
六 年，春，葬 許 僖 公。
夏，季 孫 行 父 如 陳。
秋，季 孫 行 父 如 晉。
八 月，乙 亥，晉 侯 驩 卒。
冬，十 月，公 子 遂 如 晉，葬 晉 襄 公。
晉 殺 其 大 夫 陽 處 父。
晉 狐 射 姑 出 奔 狄。
閏 月 不 告 月，猶 朝 于 廟。
左 傳 曰，六 年，春，晉 蒐 于 夷，舍 二 軍。使 狐 射 姑 將 中 軍，趙 盾 佐 之。陽 處 父 至 自 溫，改 蒐 于 董，易 中 軍，陽 子 成 季 之 屬 也，故 黨 於 趙 氏，且 謂 趙 盾 能，曰，使 能，國 之 利 也。是 以 上 之，宣 子 於 是 乎 始 為 國 政。制 事 典，正 法 罪，辟 獄 刑，董 逋 逃，由 質 要，治 舊 洿，本 秩 禮，續 常 職，出 滯 淹。既 成，以 授 大 傅 陽 子，與 大 師 賈 佗，使 行 諸 晉 國，以 為 常 法。
臧 文 仲 以 陳 衛 之 睦 也，欲 求 好 於 陳，夏，季 文 子 聘 于 陳，且 娶 焉。
秦 伯 任 好 卒，以 子 車 氏 之 三 子，奄 息，仲 行，鍼 虎，為 殉，皆 秦 之，良 也，國 人 哀 之，為 之 賦 黃 鳥。君 子 曰，秦 穆 之 不 為 盟 主 也，宜 哉，死 而 棄 民，先 王 違 世，猶 詒 之 法，而 況 奪 之 善 人 乎，詩 曰，
人 之 云 亡，邦 國 殄 瘁，無 善 人 之 謂，若 之 何 奪 之，古 之 王 者，知 命 之 不 長，是 以 竝 建 聖 哲，樹 之 風 聲，分 之 采 物，著 之 話 言，為 之 律 度，陳 之 藝 極，引 之 表 儀，予 之 法 制，告 之 訓 典 ，教 之 防 利，委 之 常 秩，道 之 以 禮，則 使 毋 失 其 土 宜， 衆 隸 賴 之，而 後 即 命，聖 王 同 之，今 縱 無 法 以 遺 後 嗣，而 又 收 其 良 以 死，難 以 在 上 矣 ，君 子 是 以 知 秦 之 不 復 東 征 也。
秋，季 文 子 將 聘 於 晉，使 求 遭 喪 之 禮 以 行，其 人 曰，將 焉 用 之。文 子 曰，備 豫 不 虞，古 之 善 教 也，求 而 無 之，實 難，過 求 何 害。
八 月，乙 亥，晉 襄 公 卒。靈 公 少，晉 人 以 難 故，欲 立 長 君，趙 孟 曰，立 公 子 雍，好 善 而 長，先 君 愛 之 ，且 近 於 秦，秦， 舊 好 也，置 善 則 固，事 長 則 順，立 愛 則 孝，結 舊 則 安， 為 難 故，故 欲 立 長 君，有 此 四 德 者 難 必 抒 矣。賈 季 曰，不 如 立 公 子 樂，辰 嬴 嬖 於 二 君，立 其 子，民 必 安 之 。趙 孟 曰，辰 嬴 賤，班 在 九 人，其 子 何 震 之 有，且 為 二 嬖，淫 也，為 先 君 子，不 能 求 大，而 出 在 小 國， 辟 也，母 淫 子 辟，無 威，陳 小 而 遠，無 援，將 何 安 焉， 杜 祁 以 君 故，讓 偪 姞 而 上 之，以 狄 故，讓 季 隗 而 己 次 之，故 班 在 四，先 君 是 以 愛 其 子 而 仕 諸 秦，為 亞 卿 焉， 秦 大 而 近，足 以 為 援，母 義 子 愛，足 以 威 民，立 之，不 亦 可 乎。使 先 蔑，士 會，如 秦，逆 公 子 雍，賈 季 亦 使 召 公 子 樂 于 陳，趙 孟 使 殺 諸 郫。
冬，十 月，襄 仲 如 晉，葬 襄 公。
賈 季 怨 陽 子 之 易 其 班 也， 而 知 其 無 援 於 晉 也，九 月，賈 季 使 續 鞫 居 殺 陽 處 父， 書 曰，晉 殺 其 大 夫，侵 官 也。十 一 月，丙 寅，晉 殺 續 簡 伯，賈 季 子 奔 狄，宣 子 使 臾 駢 送 其 帑。夷 之 蒐， 賈 季 戮 臾 駢，臾 駢 之 人 欲 盡 殺 賈 氏 以 報 焉。臾 駢 曰，不 可，吾 聞 前 志 有 之，曰，敵 惠 敵 怨，不 在 後 嗣，忠 之 道 也，夫 子 禮 於 賈 季，我 以 其 寵 報 私 怨，無 乃 不 可 乎，介 人 之 寵，非 勇 也，損 怨 益 仇，非 知 也，以 私 害 公，非 忠 也，釋 此 三 者，何 以 事 夫 子，盡 具 其 帑，與 其 器 用 財 賄，親 師 扞 之，送 致 諸 竟。
閏 月 不 告 朔。非 禮 也，閏 以 正 時，時 以 作 事，事 以 厚 生，生 民 之 道，於 是 乎 在 矣，不 告 閏 朔，棄 時 政 也 何 以 為 民。
七 年，春，公 伐 邾。
三 月，甲 戌，取 須 句，遂 城 郚。
夏，四 月，宋 公 王 臣 卒。
宋 人 殺 其 大 夫。
戊 子，晉 人 及 秦 人 戰 于 令 狐。
晉 先 蔑 奔 秦。
狄 侵 我 西 鄙。
秋，八 月，公 會 諸 侯，晉 大 夫，盟 于 扈。
冬，徐 伐 莒。
公 孫 敖 如 莒 涖 盟。
左 傳 曰，七 年，春，公 伐 邾，閒 晉 難 也。
三 月，甲 戌，取 須 句 寘 文 公 子 焉，非 禮 也。
夏，四 月，宋 成 公 卒。於 是 公 子 成 為 右 師，公 孫 友 為 左 師，樂 豫 為 司 馬，鱗 矔 為 司 徒，公 子 蕩 為 司 城， 華 御 事 為 司 寇。昭 公 將 去 羣 公 子，樂 豫 曰，不 可，公 族，公 室 之 枝 葉 也，若 去 之，則 本 根 無 所 庇 廕 矣，葛 藟 猶 能 庇 其 本 根，故 君 子 以 為 比，况 國 君 乎，此 諺 所 謂 庇 焉，而 縱 尋 斧 焉 者 也，必 不 可，君 其 圖 之，親 之 以 德，皆 股 肱 也，誰 敢 攜 貳，若 之 何 去 之。不 聽，穆 襄 之 族，率 國 人 以 攻 公，殺 公 孫 固，公 孫 鄭 于 公 宮。六 卿 和 公 室，樂 豫 舍 司 馬，以 讓 公 子 卬，昭 公 即 位 而 葬。書 曰，宋 人 殺 其 大 夫，不 稱 名，衆 也，且 言 非 其 罪 也。
秦 康 公 送 公 子 雍 于 晉，曰，文 公 之 入也，無 衛，故 有 呂 郤 之 難，乃 多 與 之 徒 衛。
穆 嬴 日 抱 太 子 以 啼 于 朝，曰，先 君 何 罪，其 嗣 亦 何 罪，舍 適 嗣 不 立，而 外 求 君，將 焉 寘 此。出 朝，則 抱 以 適 趙 氏，頓 首 於 宣 子 曰，先 君 奉 此 子 也，而 屬 諸 子 曰，此 子 也 才，吾 受 子 之 賜，不 才，吾 唯 子 之 怨，今 君 雖 終，言 猶 在 耳，而 棄 之 若 何。宣 子 與 諸 大 夫，皆 患 穆 嬴，且 畏 偪，乃 背 先 蔑 而 立 靈 公，以 禦 秦 師。
箕 鄭 居 守，趙 盾 將 中 軍，先 克 佐 之，荀 林 父 佐 上 軍，先 蔑 將 下 軍，先 都 佐 之，步 招 御 戎，戎 津 為 右。
及 堇 陰，宣 子 曰，我 若 受 秦，秦 則 賓 也 不 受，寇 也，既 不 受 矣，而 復 緩 師，秦 將 生 心，先 人 有 奪 人 之 心，軍 之 善 謀 也，逐 寇 如 追 逃，軍 之 善 政 也。訓 卒 利 兵，秣 馬 蓐 食，潛 師 夜 起，戊 子，敗 秦 師 于 令 狐，至 于 刳 首。己 丑，先 蔑 奔 秦，士 會 從 之。
先 蔑 之 使 也，荀 林 父 止 之 曰，夫 人 大 子 猶 在，而 外 求 君，此 必 不 行，子 以 疾 辭，若 何，不 然 將 及，攝 卿 以 往，可 也。何 必 子，同 官 為 寮，吾 嘗 同 寮，敢 不 盡 心 乎。弗 聽。為 賦 板 之 三 章，又 弗 聽。及 亡，荀 伯 盡 送 其 帑，及 其 器 用 財 賄 於 秦，曰，為 同 寮 故 也。士 會 在 秦，三 年 不 見 士 伯 其 人 曰，能 亡 人 於 國，不 能 見 於 此，焉 用 之。士 季 曰，吾 與 之 同 罪，非 義 之 也，將 何 見 焉，及 歸，遂 不 見。
狄 侵 我 西 鄙。公 使 告 于 晉，趙 宣 子 使 因 賈 季 問 酆 舒，且 讓 之，酆 舒 問 於 賈 季，曰，趙 衰 趙 盾 孰 賢。對 曰，趙 衰，冬 日 之 日 也，趙 盾，夏 日 之 日 也。
秋，八 月，齊 侯，宋 公，衛 侯，陳 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，會 晉 趙 盾，盟 于 扈。晉 侯 立 故 也。公 後 至，故 不 書 所 會。凡 會 諸 侯，不 書 所 會，後 也，後 至 不 書 其 國，辟 不 敏 也。
穆 伯 娶 于 莒，曰，戴 己，生 文 伯，其 娣 聲 已，生 惠 叔，戴 己 卒，又 聘 于 莒，莒 人 以 聲 已 辭，則 為 襄 仲 聘 焉。冬，徐 伐 莒，莒 人 來 請 盟，穆 伯 如 莒 涖 盟，且 為 仲 逆，及 鄢 陵，登 城 見 之，美，自 為 娶 之，仲 請 攻 之，公 將 許 之，叔 仲 惠 伯 諫 曰，臣 聞 之 兵 作 於 內 為 亂，於 外 為 寇，寇 猶 及 人，亂 自 及 也，今 臣 作 亂，而 君 不 禁，以 啟 寇 讐，若 之 何。公 止 之，惠 伯 成 之，使 仲 舍 之，公 孫 敖 反 之，復 為 兄 弟 如 初。從 之。
晉 郤 缺 言 於 趙 宣 子 曰，日 衛 不 睦，故取 其 地，今 已 睦 矣，可 以 歸 之，叛 而 不 討，何 以 示 威，服 而 不 柔，何 以 示 懷，非 威 非 懷，何 以 示 德，無 德，何 以 主 盟，子 為 正 卿，以 主 諸 侯，而 不 務 德，將 若 之 何，夏 書 曰，戒 之 用 休，董 之 用 威，勸 之 以 九 歌，勿 使 壞，九 功 之 德，皆 可 歌 也，謂 之 九 歌，六 府 三 事，謂 之 九 功，水，火，金，木，土，穀，謂 之 六 府，正 德，利 用，厚 生，謂 之 三 事，義 而 行 之，謂 之 德 禮，無 禮 不 樂，所 由 叛 也，若 吾 子 之 德，莫 可 歌 也，其 誰 來 之，盍 使 睦 者 歌 吾 子 乎。宣 子 說 之。
八 年，春，王 正 月。
秋，八 月，戊 申，天 王 崩。
冬，十 月，壬 午，公 子 遂 會 晉 趙 盾，盟 于 衡 雍。
乙 酉，公 子 遂 會 雒 戎，盟 于 暴。
公 孫 敖 如 京 師，不 至 而 復，丙 戌，奔 莒。
宋 人 殺 其 大 夫 司 馬，宋 司 城 來 奔。
左 傳 曰，八 年，春，晉 侯 使 解 揚 歸 匡 戚 之 田 於 衛，且 復 致 公 壻 池 之 封，自 申 至 于 虎 牢 之 竟。
夏，秦 人 伐 晉，取 武 城，以 報 令 狐 之 役。
秋，襄 王 崩。
晉 人 以 扈 之 盟 來 討。冬，襄 仲 會 晉 趙 孟，盟 于 衡 雍，報 扈 之 盟 也。遂 會 伊 雒 之 戎，書 曰，公 子 遂，珍 之 也。
穆 伯 如 周 弔 喪，不 至，以 幣 奔 莒，從 已 氏 焉。
宋 襄 夫 人，襄 王 之 姊 也，昭 公 不 禮，焉 夫 人 因 戴 氏 之 族，以 殺 襄 公 之 孫 孔 叔，公 孫 鍾 離，及 大 司 馬 公 子 卬，皆 昭 公 之 黨 也，司 馬 握 節 以 死，故 書 以 官。司 城 蕩 意 諸 來 奔，效 節 於 府 人 而 出，公 以 其 官 逆 之，皆 復 之，亦 書 以 官，皆 貴 之 也。
夷 之 蒐，晉 侯 將 登 箕 鄭 父，先 都，而 使 士 縠，梁 益 耳，將 中 軍，先 克 曰，狐，趙 之 勳，不 可 廢 也。從 之。先 克 奪 蒯 得 田 于 堇 陰，故 箕 鄭 父，先 都，士 縠，梁 益 耳，蒯 得，作 亂。
九 年，春，毛 伯 來 求 金。
夫 人 姜 氏 如 齊。
二 月，叔 孫 得 臣 如 京 師。
辛 丑，葬 襄王。
晉 人 殺 其 大 夫 先 都。
三 月，夫 人 姜 氏 至 自 齊。
晉 人 殺 其 大 夫 士 縠，及 箕 鄭 父。
楚 人 伐 鄭。公 子 遂 會 晉 人，宋 人，衛 人，許 人，救 鄭。
夏，狄 侵 齊。
秋，八 月，曹 伯 襄 卒。
九 月，癸 酉，地 震。
冬，楚 子 使 椒 來 聘。
秦 人 來 歸 僖 公 成 風 之 禭。
葬 曹 共 公。
左 傳 曰，九 年，春，王 正 月，己 酉，使 賊 殺 先 克，乙 丑，晉 人 殺 先 都，梁 益 耳。
毛 伯 衛 來 求 金。非 禮 也，不 書 王 命 未 葬 也。
二 月，莊 叔 如 周，葬 襄 王。
三 月，甲 戌，晉 人 殺 箕 鄭 父，士 縠，蒯 得。
范 山 言 於 楚 子 曰，晉 君 少，不 在 諸 侯，北 方 可 圖 也。楚 子 師 于 狼 淵 以 伐 鄭，囚 公 子 堅，公 子 尨，及 樂 耳，鄭 及 楚 平。公 子 遂 會 晉 趙 盾，宋 華 耦，衛 孔 達，許 大 夫，救 鄭，不 及 楚 師。卿 不 書，緩 也，以 懲 不 恪。
夏，楚 侵 陳，克 壺 丘，以 其 服 於 晉 也。
秋，楚 公 子 朱 自 東 夷 伐 陳，陳 人 敗 之，獲 公 子 茷，陳 懼，乃 及 楚 平。
冬，楚 子 越 椒 來 聘，執 幣 傲，叔 仲 惠 伯 曰，是 必 滅 若 敖 氏 之 宗，傲 其 先 君，神 弗 福 也。
秦 人 來 歸 僖 公 成 風 之 襚，禮 也。諸 侯 相 弔 賀 也，雖 不 當 事，苟 有 禮 焉，書 也，以 無 忘 舊 好。
十 年，春，王 三 月，辛 卯，臧 孫 辰 卒。
夏，秦 伐 晉。
楚 殺 其 大 夫 宜 申。
自 正 月 不 雨 至 于 秋 七 月。
及 蘇 子 盟 于 女 栗。
冬，狄 侵 宋。
楚 子，蔡 侯，次 于 厥 貉。
左 傳 曰，十 年，春，晉 人 伐 秦，取 少 梁。夏，秦 伯 伐 晉，取 北 徵。
初 楚 范 巫 矞 似，謂 成 王 與 子 玉，子 西，曰，三 君 皆 將 強 死。城 濮 之 役，王 思 之，故 使 止 子 玉 曰，毋 死。不 及。止 子 西，子 西 縊 而 縣 絕，王 使 適 至，遂 止 之，使 為 商 公。沿 漢 泝 江，將 入 郢，王 在 渚 宮，下 見 之，懼 而 辭。曰，臣 免 於 死，又 有 讒 言，謂 臣 將 逃，臣 歸 死 於 司 敗 也，王 使 為 工 尹，又 與 子 家 謀 弒 穆 王，穆 王 聞 之，五 月，殺 鬬 宜 申，及 仲 歸。
秋，七 月，及 蘇 子 盟 于 女 栗。頃 王 立 故 也。
陳 侯，鄭 伯，會 楚 子 于 息，冬，遂 及 蔡 侯 次 于 厥 貉，將 以 伐 宋。宋 華 御 事 曰，楚 欲 弱 我 也，先 為 之 弱 乎，何 必 使 誘 我，我 實 不 能，民 何 罪。乃 逆 楚 子，勞 且 聽 命，遂，道 以 田 孟 諸。
宋 公 為 右 盂，鄭 伯 為 左 盂，期 思 公 復 遂 為 右 司 馬，子 朱，及 文 之 無 畏，為 左 司 馬，命 夙 駕 載 燧。宋 公 違 命，無 畏 抶 其 僕，以 徇。或 謂 子 舟 曰，國 君 不 可 戮 也。子 舟 曰，當 官 而 行，何 彊 之 有，詩 曰，
剛 亦 不 吐，柔 亦 不 茹，
毋 縱 詭 隨，以 謹 罔 極，是 亦 非 辟 彊 也，敢 愛 死 以 亂 官 乎。
厥 貉 之 會，麇 子 逃 歸。
十 有 一 年
十 有 一 年，春，楚 子 伐 麇。
夏，叔 仲 彭 生 會 晉 郤 缺 于 承 筐。
秋，曹 伯 來 朝。
公 子 遂 如 宋。
狄 侵 齊。
冬，十 月，甲 午，叔 孫 得 臣 敗 狄 于 鹹。
左 傳 曰，十 一 年，春，楚 子 伐 麇，成 大 心 敗 麇 師 于 防 渚，潘 崇 復 伐 麇，至 于 鍚 穴。
夏，叔 仲 惠 伯 會 晉 郤 缺 于 承 筐。謀 諸 侯 之 從 於 楚 者。
秋，曹 文 公 來 朝。即 位 而 來 見 也。
襄 仲 聘 于 宋，且 言 司 城 蕩 意 諸 而 復 之，因 賀 楚 師 之 不 害 也。
鄋 瞞 侵 齊，遂 伐 我，公 卜 使 叔 孫 得 臣 追 之，吉，侯 叔 夏 御 莊 叔，綿 房 甥 為 右，富 父 終 甥 駟 乘。冬，十 月，甲 午，敗 狄 于 鹹，獲 長 狄 僑 如，富 父 終 甥 樁 其 喉 以 戈，殺 之，埋 其 首 於 子 駒 之 門，以 命 宣 伯。
初，宋 武 公 之 世，鄋 瞞 伐 宋，司 徒 皇 父 帥 師 禦 之，耏 班 御 皇 父 充 石，公 子 穀 甥 為 右，司 寇 牛 父 駟 乘，以 敗 狄 于 長 丘，獲 長 狄 緣 斯，皇 父 之 二 子 死 焉，宋 公 於 是 以 門 賞 耏 班，使 食 其 征，謂 之 耏 門。
晉 之 滅 潞 也，獲 僑 如 之 弟 焚 如。
齊 襄 公 之 二 年，鄋 瞞 伐 齊，齊 王 子 成 父 獲 其 弟 榮 如，埋 其 首 於 周 首 之 北 門。衛 人 獲 其 季 弟 簡 如，鄋 瞞 由 是 遂 亡。
郕 大 子 朱 儒，自 安 於 夫 鍾，國 人 弗 徇。
十 有 二 年
十 有 二 年，春，王 正 月，郕 伯 來 奔。
杞 伯 來 朝。
二 月，庚 子，子 叔 姬 卒。
夏，楚 人 圍 巢。
秋，滕 子 來 朝。
秦 伯 使 術 來 聘。
冬，十 有 二 月，戊 午，晉 人，秦 人，戰 于 河 曲。
季 孫 行 父 帥 師 城 諸 及 鄆。
左 傳 曰，十 二 年，春，郕 伯 卒，郕 人 立 君，大 子 以 夫 鍾 與 郕 邽 來 奔。公 以 諸 侯 逆 之，非 禮 也。故 書 曰，郕 伯 來 奔，不 書 地，尊 諸 侯 也。
杞 桓 公 來 朝。始 朝 公 也，且 請 絕 叔 姬，而 無 絕 昏，公 許 之。
二 月，叔 姬 卒。不 言 杞，絕 也。書 叔 姬，言 非 女 也。
楚 令 尹 大 孫 伯 卒，成 嘉 為 令 尹，羣 舒 叛 楚，夏，子 孔 執 舒 子 平，及 宗 子，遂 圍 巢。
秋，滕 昭 公 來 朝。亦 始 朝 公 也。
秦 伯 使 西 乞 術 來 聘，且 言 將 伐 晉，襄 仲 辭 玉，曰，君 不 忘 先 君 之 好，照 臨 魯 國，鎮 撫 其 社 稷，重 之 以 大 器，寡 君 敢 辭 玉。對 曰，不 腆 敝 器，不 足 辭 也。主 人 三 辭，賓 客 曰，寡 君 願 徼 福 于 周 公 魯 公 以 事 君，不 腆 先 君 之 敝 器，使 下 臣 致 諸 執 事，以 為 瑞 節，要 結 好 命，所 以 藉 寡 君 之 命，結 二 國 之 好，是 以 敢 致 之。襄 仲 曰，不 有 君 子，其 能 國 乎，國 無 陋 矣。厚 賄 之。
秦 為 令 狐 之 役 故，冬，秦 伯 伐 晉，取 羈 馬，晉 人 禦 之。趙 盾 將 中 軍，荀 林 父 佐 之，郤 缺 將 上 軍，臾 駢 佐 之，欒 盾 將 下 軍，胥 甲 佐 之，范 無 恤 御 戎，以 從 秦 師 于 河 曲。臾 駢 曰，秦 不 能 久，請 深 壘 固 軍 以 待 之。從 之。秦 人 欲 戰，秦 伯 謂 士 會 曰，若 何 而 戰。對 曰，趙 氏 新 出 其 屬 曰 臾 駢，必 實 為 此 謀，將 以 老 我 師 也，趙 有 側 室 曰 穿，晉 君 之 壻 也，有 寵 而 弱，不 在 軍 事，好 勇 而 狂，且 惡 臾 駢 之 佐 上 軍 也，若 使 輕 者 肆 焉，其 可。秦 伯 以 璧 祈 戰 于 河。
十 二月，戊 午，秦 軍 掩 晉 上 軍，趙 穿 追 之，不 及，反，怒 曰，裹 糧 坐 甲，固 敵 是 求，敵 至 不 擊，將 何 俟 焉。軍 吏 曰，將 有 待 也。穿 曰，我 不 知 謀，將 獨 出，乃 以 其 屬 出。宣 子 曰，秦 獲 穿 也，獲 一 卿 矣，秦 以 勝 歸，我 何 以 報。乃 皆 出 戰，交 綏。
秦 行 人 夜 戒 晉 師 曰，兩 軍 之 士，皆 未 憖 也，明 日 請 相 見 也。臾 駢 曰，使 者 目 動 而 言 肆，懼 我 也，將 遁 矣，薄 諸 河，必 敗 之。胥 甲，趙 穿，當 軍 門 呼 曰，死 傷 未 收，而 棄 之，不 惠 也，不 待 期，而 薄 人 於 險，無 勇 也。乃 止。秦 師 夜 遁，復 侵 晉，入 瑕。
城 諸 及 鄆。書 時 也。
十 有 三 年
十 有 三 年，春，王 正 月。
夏，五 月，壬 午，陳 侯 朔 卒。
邾 子 蘧 蒢 卒。
自 正 月 不 雨，至 于 秋 七 月。
世 室 屋 壞。
冬，公 如 晉，衛 侯 會 公 于 沓。
狄 侵 衛。
十 有 二 月，己 丑，公 及 晉 侯 盟，公 還 自 晉，鄭 伯 會 公 于 棐。
左 傳 曰，十 三 年，春，晉 侯 使 詹 嘉 處 瑕，以 守 桃 林 之 塞，
晉 人 患 秦 之 用 士 會 也，夏，六 卿 相 見 於 諸 浮，趙 宣 子曰，隨 會 在 秦，賈 季 在 狄，難 日 至 矣，若 之 何，中 行 桓 子 曰，請 復 賈 季，能 外 事，且 由 舊 勳。郤 成 子 曰，賈 季 亂，且 罪 大，不 如 隨 會，能 賤 而 有 耻，柔 而 不 犯，其 知 足 使 也，且 無 罪。乃 使 魏 壽 餘 偽 以 魏 叛 者，以 誘 士 會，執 其 帑 於 晉，使 夜 逸。
請 自 歸 于 秦，秦 伯 許 之，履 士 會 之 足 於 朝，秦 伯 師 于 河 西，魏 人 在 東，壽 餘 曰，請 東 人 之 能 與 夫 二 三 有 司 言 者，吾 與 之 先。使 士 會，士 會 辭，曰，晉 人，虎 狼 也，若 背 其 言，臣 死，妻 子 為 戮，無 益 於 君，不 可 悔 也。秦 伯 曰，若 背 其 言，所 不 歸 爾 帑 者，有 如 河。乃 行。繞 朝 贈 之 以 策，曰，子 無 謂 秦 無 人，吾 謀 適 不用 也。既 濟，魏 人 譟 而 還。秦 人 歸 其 帑。其 處 者 為 劉 氏。
邾 文 公 卜 遷 于 繹，史 曰，利 于 民，而 不 利 于 君。邾 子 曰，苟 利 于 民，孤 之 利 也，天 生 民 而 樹 之 君，以 利 之 也，民 既 利 矣，孤 必 與 焉。左 右 曰，命 可 長 也，君 何 弗 為。邾 子 曰，命 在 養 民，死 之 短 長，時 也，民 苟 利 矣，遷 也，吉 莫 如 之。遂 遷 于 繹。五 月，邾 文 公 卒。君 子 曰 知 命。
秋，七 月，大 室 之 屋 壞。書 不 共 也。
冬，公 如 晉，朝，且 尋 盟，衛 侯 會 公 于 沓，請 平 于 晉，公 還，鄭 伯 會 公 于 棐，亦 請 平 于 晉，公 皆 成 之。鄭 伯 與 公 宴 于 棐，子 家 賦 鴻 雁，季 文 子 曰，寡 君 未 免 於 此，文 子 賦 四 月，子 家 賦 載 馳 之 四 章，文 子 賦 采 薇 之 四 章，鄭 伯 拜，公 答 拜。
十 有 四 年
十 有 四 年，春，王 正 月，公 至 自 晉。
邾 人 伐 我 南 鄙，叔 彭 生 帥 帥 伐 邾。
夏，五 月，乙 亥，齊 侯 潘 卒。
六 月，公 會 宋 公，陳 侯，衛 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，晉 趙 盾，癸 酉，同 盟 于 新 城。
秋，七 月，有 星 孛 入 于 北 斗。
公 至 自 會。
晉 人 納 捷 菑 于 邾，弗 克 納。
九 月，甲 申，公 孫 敖 卒 于 齊。
齊 公 子 商 人 弒 其 君 舍。
宋 子 哀 來 奔。
冬，單 伯 如 齊。齊 人 執 單 伯。
齊 人 執 子 叔 姬。
左 傳 曰，十 四 年，春，頃 王 崩。周 公 閱 與 王 孫 蘇 爭 政，故 不 赴。凡 崩 薨，不 赴，則 不 書，禍 福，不 告，亦 不 書，不 懲 敬 也。
邾 文 公 之 卒 也，公 使 弔 焉，不 敬，邾人 來 討，伐 我 南 鄙，故 惠 伯 伐 邾。
子 叔 姬 妃 齊 昭 公，生 舍，叔 姬 無 寵，舍 無 威，公 子 商 人 驟 施 於 國，而 多 聚 士，盡 其 家，貸 於 公 有 司 以 繼 之。夏，五 月，昭 公 卒，舍 即 位。
六 月，同 盟 于 新 城。從 於 楚 者 服，且 謀 邾 也。
秋，七 月，乙 卯，夜，齊 商 人 弒 舍 而 讓 元，元 曰，爾 求 之 久 矣，我 能 事 爾，爾 不 可 使 多 蓄 憾，將 免 我 乎，爾 為 之。
有 星 孛 入 于 北 斗。周 內 史 叔 服 曰，不 出 七 年，宋，齊，晉 之 君，皆 將 死 亂。
邾 文 公 元 妃 齊 姜，生 定 公，二 妃 晉 姬，生 捷 菑，文 公 卒，邾 人 立 定 公，捷 菑 奔 晉。晉 趙 盾 以 諸 侯 之 師 八 百 乘，納 捷 菑 于 邾，邾 人 辭 曰，齊 出 貜 且 長。宣 子 曰，辭 順 而 弗 從，不 祥。乃 還。
周 公 將 與 王 孫 蘇，訟 于 晉，王 叛 王 孫 蘇 而 使 尹 氏 與 聃 啟，訟 周 公 于 晉，趙 宣 子 平 王 室 而 復 之。
楚 莊 王 立，子 孔，潘 崇，將 襲 羣 舒，使 公 子 夑 與 子 儀 守，而 伐 舒 蓼。二 子 作 亂，城 郢，而 使 賊 殺 子 孔，不 克 而 還，八 月，二 子 以 楚 子 出，將 如 商 密，廬 戢 黎 及 叔 麇 誘 之，遂 殺 鬬 克，及 公 子 夑。初，鬬 克 囚 于 秦，秦 有 殽 之 敗，而 使 歸 求 成，成 而 不 得 志，公 子 夑 求 令 尹 而 不 得，故 二 子 作 亂。
穆 伯 之 從 巳 氏 也，魯人 立 文 伯，穆 伯 生 二 子 於 莒，而 求 復，文 伯 以 為 請，襄 仲 使 無 朝。聽 命，復 而 不 出。三 年 而 盡 室 以 復 適 莒。文 伯 疾 而 請 曰，穀 之 子 弱，請 立 難 也。許 之，文 伯 卒，立 惠 叔。穆 伯 請 重 賂 以 求 復，惠 叔 以 為 請，許 之，將 來，九 月，卒 于 齊，告 喪，請 葬，弗 許。
齊 人 定 懿 公，使 來 告 難，故 書 以 九 月，齊 公 子 元，不 順 懿 公 之 為 政 也，終 不 曰 公，曰 夫 己 氏。
宋 高 哀 為 蕭 封 人，以 為 卿，不 義 宋 公 而 出，遂 來 奔。書 曰，宋 子 哀 來 奔，貴 之 也。
襄 仲 使 告 于 王，請 以 王 寵。求 昭 姬 于 齊，曰，殺 其 子，焉 用 其 母，請 受 而 罪 之。冬，單 伯 如 齊，請 子 叔 姬，齊 人 執 之，又 執 子 叔 姬。
十 有 五 年
十 有 五 年，春，季 孫 行 父 如 晉。
三 月，宋 司 馬 華 孫 來 盟。
夏，曹 伯 來 朝。
齊 人 歸 公 孫 敖 之 喪。
六 月，辛 丑，朔，日 有 食 之，鼓 用 牲 于 社。
單 伯 至 自 齊。
晉 郤 缺 帥 師 伐 蔡，戊 申，入 蔡。
秋，齊 人 侵 我 西 鄙。
季 孫 行 父 如 晉。
冬，十 有 一 月，諸 侯 盟 于 扈。
十 有 二 月，齊 人 來 歸 子 叔 姬。
齊 侯 侵 我 西 鄙，遂 伐 曹，入 其 郛。
左 傳 曰，十 五 年，春，季 文 子 如 晉。為 單 伯與 子 叔 姬 故 也。
三 月，宋 華 耦 來 盟，其 官 皆 從 之。書 曰，宋 司 馬 華 孫，貴 之 也。公 與 之 宴，辭 曰，君 之 先 臣 督，得 罪 于 宋 殤 公，名 在 諸 侯 之 策，臣 承 其 祀，其 敢 辱 君，請 承 命 於 亞 旅。魯 人 以 為 敏。
夏，曹 伯 來 朝。禮 也。諸 侯 五 年 再 相 朝，以 修 王 命，古 之 制 也。
齊 人 或 為 孟 氏 謀，曰，魯，爾 親 也，飾 棺，寘 諸 堂 阜，魯 必 取 之。從 之，卞 人 以 告，惠 叔 猶 毀 以 為 請，立 于 朝 以 待 命，許 之，取 而 殯 之，齊 人 送 之。書 曰，齊 人 歸 公 孫 敖 之 喪，為 孟 氏，且 國 故 也。葬 視 共 仲，聲 己 不 視，帷 堂 而 哭，襄 仲 欲 勿 哭，惠 伯 曰，喪，親 之 終 也，雖 不 能 始，善 終 可 也，史 佚 有 言 曰，兄 弟 致 美，救 乏，賀 善，弔 災，祭 敬，喪 哀，情 雖 不 同，毋 絕 其 愛，親 之 道 也，子 無 失 道，何 怨 於 人。襄 仲 說，帥 兄 弟 以 哭 之。
他 年，其 二 子 來，孟 獻 子 愛 之，聞 於 國。或 譖 之 曰，將 殺 子。獻 子 以 告 季 文 子。二 子 曰，夫 子 以 愛 我 聞，我 以 將 殺 子 聞，不 亦 遠 於 禮 乎，遠 禮 不 如 死。一 人 門 于 句 鼆，一 人 門 于 戾 丘，皆 死。
六 月，辛 丑，朔，日 有 食 之，鼓 用 牲 于 社。非 禮 也。日 有 食 之，天 子 不 舉，伐 鼓 于 社，諸 侯 用 幣 于 社，伐 鼓 于 朝，以 昭 事 神，訓 民 事 君，示 有 等 威，古 之 道 也。
齊 人 許 單 伯，請 而 赦 之，使 來 致 命。書 曰，單 伯 至 自 齊。貴 之 也。
新 城 之 盟，蔡 人 不 與，晉 郤 缺 以 上 軍 下 軍 伐 蔡，曰，君 弱 不 可 以 怠。戊 申，入 蔡，以 城 下 之 盟 而 還。凡 勝 國，曰 滅 之，獲 大 城 焉，曰 入 之。
秋，齊 人 侵 我 西 鄙，故 季 文 子 告 于 晉。
冬，十 一 月，晉 侯，宋 公，衛 侯，蔡 侯，鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，盟 于 扈。尋 新 城 之 盟，且 謀 伐 齊 也。齊 人 賂 晉 侯，故 不 克 而 還。于 是 有 齊 難，是 以 公 不 會，書 曰，諸 侯 盟 于 扈，無 能 為 故 也，凡 諸 侯 會，公 不 與，不 書，諱 君 惡 也，與 而 不 書，後 也。
齊 人 來 歸 子 叔 姬。王 故 也。
齊 侯 侵 我 西 鄙，謂 諸 侯 不 能 也。遂 伐 曹，人 其 郛，討 其 來 朝 也。季 文 子 曰，齊 侯 其 不 免 乎，己 則 無 禮，而 討 於 有 禮 者，曰，女 何 故 行 禮。禮 以 順 天，天 之 道 也，己 則 反 天，而 又 以 討 人，難 以 免 矣，詩 曰，
胡 不 相 畏，不 畏 于 天，君 子 之 不 虐 幼 賤，畏 于 天 也，在 周 頌 曰，
畏 天 之 威，于 時 保 之，不 畏 于 天，將 何 能 保，以 亂 取 國，奉 禮 以 守，猶 懼 不 終，多 行 無 禮，弗 能 在 矣。
十 有 六 年
十 有 六 年，春，季 孫 行 父 會 齊 侯 于 陽 穀，齊 侯 弗 及 盟。
夏，五 月，公 四 不 視 朔。
六 月，戊 辰，公 子 遂，及 齊 侯，盟 于 郪 丘。
秋，八 月，辛 未，夫 人 姜 氏 薨。
毀 泉 臺。
楚 人，秦 人，巴 人，滅 庸。
冬，十 有 一 月，宋 人 弒 其 君 杵 臼。
左 傳 曰，十 六 年，春，王 正 月，及 齊 平，公 有 疾，使 季 文 子 會 齊 侯 于 陽 穀，請 盟，齊 侯 不 肯，曰，請 俟 君 閒。
夏，五 月，公 四 不 視 朔。疾 也。
公 使 襄 仲 納 賂 于 齊 侯，故 盟 于 郪 丘。
有 蛇 自 泉 宮 出，入 于 國，如 先 君 之 數。秋，八 月，辛 未，聲 姜 薨，毀 泉 臺。
楚 大 饑，戎 伐 其 西 南，至 于 阜 山，師 于 大 林，又 伐 其 東 南，至 于 陽 丘 以 侵 訾 枝。庸 人 帥 羣 蠻 以 叛 楚。麇 人 率 百 濮 聚 於 選，將 伐 楚。於 是 申 息 之 北 門 不 啟。楚 人 謀 徙 於 阪 高，蒍 賈 曰，不 可，我 能 往，寇 亦 能 往，不 如 伐 庸，夫 麇 與 百 濮，謂 我 饑 不 能 師，故 伐 我 也，若 我 出 師，必 懼 而 歸，百 濮 離 居，將 各 走 其 邑，誰 暇 謀 人。乃 出 師，旬 有 五 日，百 濮 乃 罷，自 廬 以 往，振 廩 同 食，次 于 句 澨，使 廬 戢 黎 侵 庸，及 庸 方 城，庸 人 逐 之，囚 子 揚 窻，三 宿 而 逸，曰，庸 師 衆，羣 蠻 聚 焉，不 如 復 大 師，且 起 王 卒，合 而 後 進。師 叔 曰，不 可，姑 又 與 之 遇，以 驕 之，彼 驕 我 怒，而 後 可 克，先 君 蚡 冒，所 以 服 陘 隰 也，又 與 之 遇，七 遇 皆 北，唯 裨，儵，魚 人 實 逐 之，庸 人 曰，楚 不 足 與 戰 矣。遂 不 設 備，楚 子 乘 馹，會 師 于 臨 品，分 為 二 隊，子 越 自 石 溪，子 貝 自 仞 以 伐 庸，秦 人，巴 人，從 楚 師，羣 蠻 從 楚 子 盟，遂 滅 庸。
宋 公 子 鮑，禮 於 國 人，宋 饑，竭 其 粟 而 貸 之，年 自 七 十 以 上，無 不 饋 詒 也，時 加 羞 珍 異，無 日 不 數 於 六 卿 之 門，國 之 材 人，無 不 事 也，親 自 桓 以 下，無 不 恤 也。公 子 鮑 美 而 艷，襄 夫 人 欲 通 之，而 不 可，夫 人 助 之 施。昭 公 無 道，國 人 奉 公 子 鮑，以 因 夫 人，
於 是 華 元 為 右 師，公 孫 友 為 左 師，華 耦 為 司 馬，鱗 矔 為 司 徒，蕩 意 諸 為 司 城，公 子 朝 為 司 寇。初，司 城 蕩 卒，公 孫 壽 辭 司 城，請 使 意 諸 為 之，既 而 告 人 曰，君 無 道，吾 官 近，懼 及 焉，棄 官，則 族 無 所 庇，子，身 之 貳 也，姑 紓 死 焉，雖 亡 子，猶 不 亡 族。
既，夫 人 將 使 公 田 孟 諸 而 殺 之，公 知 之，盡 以 寶 行，蕩 意 諸 曰，盍 適 諸 侯。公 曰，不 能 其 大 夫，至 于 君 祖 母，以 及 國 人，諸 侯 誰 納 我，且 既 為 人 君，而 又 為 人 臣，不 如 死。盡 以 其 寶 賜 左 右，以 使 行。夫 人 使 謂 司 城 去 公，對 曰，臣 之 而 逃 其 難，若 後 君 何。
冬，十 一 月，甲 寅，宋 昭 公 將 田 孟 諸，未 至，夫 人 王 姬 使 帥 甸 攻 而 殺 之，蕩 意 諸 死 之。書 曰，宋 人 弒 其 君 杵 臼。君 無 道 也。文 公 即 位，使 母 弟 須 為 司 城，華 耦 卒，而 使 蕩 虺 為 司 馬。
十 有 七 年
十 有 七 年，春，晉 人，衛 人，陳 人 鄭 人，伐 宋。
夏，四 月，癸 亥，葬 我 小 君 聲 姜。
齊 侯 伐 我 西 鄙，六 月，癸 未，公 及 齊 侯 盟 于 穀。
諸 侯 會 于 扈。
秋，公 至 自 穀。
冬，公 子 遂 如 齊。
左 傳 曰，十 七 年，春，晉 荀 林 父，衛 孔 達，陳 公 孫 寕，鄭 石 楚 伐 宋。討 曰 何 故 弒 君，猶 立 文 公 而 還。卿 不 書，失 其 所 也。
夏，四 月，癸 亥，葬 聲 姜。有 齊 難，是 以 緩。
齊 侯 伐 我 北 鄙，襄 仲 請 盟，六 月，盟 于 穀。
晉 侯 蒐 于 黃 父，遂 復 合 諸 侯 于 扈。平 宋 也。公 不 與 會，齊 難 故 也。書 曰 諸 侯，無 功 也。於 是 晉 侯 不 見 鄭 伯，以 為 貳 於 楚 也。鄭 子 家 使 執 訊 而 與 之 書，以 告 趙 宣 子，曰，寡 君 即 位 三 年，召 蔡 侯 而 與 之 事 君，九 月，蔡 侯 入 于 敝 邑 以 行，敝 邑 以 侯 宣 多 之 難，寡 君 是 以 不 得 與 蔡 侯 偕，十 一 月，克 減 侯 宣 多，而 隨 蔡 侯 以 朝 于 執 事，十 二 年，六 月，歸 生 佐 寡 君 之 嫡 夷，以 請 陳 侯 于 楚，而 朝 諸 君，十 四 年，七 月，寡 君 又 朝，以 蕆 陳 事，十 五 年，五 月，陳 侯 自 敝 邑 往 朝 于 君，往 年 正 月，燭 之 武 往 朝 夷 也，八 月，寡 君 又 往 朝，以 陳 蔡 之 密 邇 於 楚，而 不 敢 貳 焉，則 敝 邑 之 故 也，雖 敝 邑 之 事 君 何 以 不 免，在 位 之 中，一 朝 于 襄，而 再 見 于 君，夷 與 孤 之 二 三 臣，相 及 於 絳，雖 我 小 國，則 篾 以 過 之 矣，今 大 國 曰，爾 未 逞 吾 志，敝 邑 有 亡，無 以 加 焉，
古 人 有 言 曰，畏 首 畏 尾，身 其 餘 幾，又 曰，鹿 死 不 擇 音，小 國 之 事 大 國 也，德，則 其 人 也，不 德，則 其 鹿 也，鋌 而 走 險，急 何 能 擇，命 之 罔 極，亦 知 亡 矣，將 悉 敝 賦，以 待 於 儵，唯 執 事 命 之，文 公 二 年，六 月，壬 申，朝 于 齊，四 年，二月，壬 戌，為 齊 侵 蔡，亦 獲 成 於 楚，居 大 國 之 間，而 從 於 彊 令，豈 其 罪 也，大 國 若 弗 圖，無 所 逃 命。
晉 鞏 朔 行 成 於 鄭，趙 穿，公 壻 池，為 質 焉。
秋，周 甘 歜 敗 戎 于 邥 垂，乘 其 飲 酒 也。
冬，十 月，鄭 大 子 夷，石 楚，為 質 于 晉。
襄 仲 如 齊。拜 穀 之 盟。復 曰，臣 聞 齊 人 將 食 魯 之 麥，以 臣 觀 之，將 不 能，齊 君 之 語 偷，臧 文 仲 有 言 曰，民 主 偷，必 死。
十 有 八 年
十 有 八 年，春，王 二 月，丁 丑，公 薨 于 臺 下。
秦 伯 罃 卒。
夏，五 月，戊 戌，齊 人 弒 其 君 商 人。
六 月，癸 酉，葬 我 君 文 公。
秋，公 子 遂，叔 孫 得 臣，如 齊。
冬，十 月，子 卒。
夫 人 姜 氏 歸 于 齊。
季 孫 行 父 如 齊。
莒 弒 其 君 庶 其。
左 傳 曰，十 八 年，春，齊 侯 戒 師 期，而 有 疾，醫 曰，不 及 秋，將 死。公 聞 之，卜 曰，尚 無 及 期。惠 伯 令 龜，卜 楚 丘 占 之。曰，齊 侯 不 及 期，非 疾 也，君 亦 不 聞，令 龜 有 咎。二 月，丁 丑，公 薨。
齊 懿 公 之 為 公 子 也，與 邴 歜 之 父 爭 田，弗 勝，及 即 位，乃 掘 而 刖 之，而 使 歜 僕。納 閻 職 之 妻，而 使 職 驂 乘。
夏，五 月，公 游 于 申 池，二 人 浴 于 池，歜 以 扑 抶 職，職 怒，歜 曰，人 奪 女 妻 而 不 怒，一 抶 女，庸 何 傷。職 曰，與 刖 其 父 而 弗 能 病 者，何 如。乃 謀 弒 懿 公，納 諸 竹 中，歸 舍 爵 而 行。齊 人 立 公 子 元。六 月，葬 文 公。
秋，襄 仲，莊 叔，如 齊，惠 公 立 故，且 拜 葬 也。文 公 二 妃，敬 嬴，生 宣 公，敬 嬴 嬖 而 私 事 襄 仲，宣 公 長 而 屬 諸 襄 仲，襄 仲 欲 立 之，叔 仲 不可，仲 見 于 齊 侯 而 請 之，齊 侯 新 立，而 欲 親 魯，許 之。
冬，十 月，仲 殺 惡 及 視，而 立 宣 公。書 曰 子 卒。諱 之 也。仲 以 君 命 召 惠 伯，其 宰 公 冉 務 人 止 之，曰 入 必 死。叔 仲 曰，死 君 命，可 也。公 冉 務 人 曰，若 君 命 可 死，非 君 命，何 聽。弗 聽，乃 入，殺 而 埋 之 馬 矢 之 中，公 冉 務 人 奉 其 帑 以 奔 蔡，既 而 復 叔 仲 氏。
夫 人 姜 氏 歸 于 齊。大 歸 也，將 行 哭 而 過 市，曰 天 乎，仲 為 不 道，殺 適 立 庶。市 人 皆 哭，魯 人 謂 之 哀 姜。
莒 紀 公 生 大 子 僕，又 生 季 佗，愛 季 佗 而 黜 僕，且 多 行 禮 于 國，僕 因 國 人 以 弒 紀 公，以 其 寶 玉 來 奔，納 諸 宣 公，公 命 與 之 邑，曰，今 日 必 授。季 文 子 使 司 寇 出 諸 竟，曰，今 日 必 達。公 問 其 故，季 文 子 使 大 史 克 對 曰，先 大 夫 臧 文 仲，教 行 父 事 君 之 禮，行 父 奉 以 周 旋，弗 敢 失 隊 曰，見 有 禮 於 其 君 者，事 之，如 孝 子 之 養 父 母 也，見 無 禮 於 其 君 者，誅 之，如 鷹 鸇 之 逐 鳥 雀 也。先 君 周 公，制 周 禮 曰，則 以 觀 德，德 以 處 事，事 以 度 功，功 以 食 民。作 誓 命 曰，毀 則 為 賊，掩 賊 為 藏，竊 賄 為 盜，盜 器 為 姦，主 藏 之 名，賴 姦 之 用 為 大 凶 德，有 常 無 赦，在 九 刑 不 忘。行 父 還 觀 莒 僕，莫 可 則 也，孝 敬 忠 信 為 吉 德，盜 賊 藏 姦 為 凶 德，夫 莒 僕，則 其 孝 敬，則 弒 君 父 矣，則 其 忠 信，則 竊 寶 玉 矣，其 人 則 盜 賊 也，其 器 則 姦 兆 也，保 而 利 之，則 主 藏 也，以 訓 則 昏，民 無 則 焉，不 度 於 善，而 皆 在 於 凶 德，是 以 去 之。
昔 高 陽 氏 有 才 子 八 人，蒼 舒，隤 敳，檮 戭，大 臨，尨 降，庭 堅，仲 容，叔 達，齊 聖 廣 淵，明 允 篤 誠，天 下 之 民，謂 之 八 愷。
高 辛 氏 有 才 子 八 人，伯 奮，仲 堪，叔 獻，季 仲，伯 虎，仲 熊，叔 豹，季 貍，忠 肅 共 懿，宣 慈 惠 和，天 下 之 民，謂 之 八 元。
此 十 六 族 也，世 濟 其 美，不 隕 其 名，以 至 於 堯，堯 不 能 舉，舜 臣 堯，舉 八 愷，使 主 后 土，以 揆 百 事，莫 不 時 序，地 平 天 成。舉 八 元，使 布 五 教 于 四 方，父 義，母 慈，兄 友，弟 共，子 孝，內 平，外 成。
昔 帝 鴻 氏 有 不 才 子，掩 義 隱 賊 好 行 凶 德，醜 類 惡 物，頑 嚚 不 友，是 與 比 周，天 下 之 民，謂 之 渾 敦。
少 皞 氏 有 不 才 子，毀 信 廢 忠，崇 飾 惡 言，靖 譖 庸 囘，服 讒 蒐 慝，以 誣 盛 德，天 下 之 民，謂 之 窮 奇。
顓 頊 有 不 才 子，不 可 教 訓，不 知 話 言，告 之 則 頑，舍 之 則 嚚，傲 很 明 德，以 亂 天 常，天 下 之 民，謂 之 檮 杌。
此 三 族 也，世 濟 其 凶，增 其 惡 名，以 至 于 堯，堯 不 能 去。
縉 雲 氏 有 不 才 子，貪 于 飲 食，冒 于 貨 賄，侵 欲 崇 侈，不 可 盈 厭，聚 斂 積 實，不 知 紀 極，不 分 孤 寡，不 恤 窮 匱，天 下 之 民，以 比 三 凶，謂 之 饕 餮。
舜 臣 堯，賓 于 四 門，流 四 凶 族，渾 敦，窮 奇，檮 杌，饕 餮，投 諸 四 裔，以 禦 魑 魅，是 以 堯 崩 而 天 下 如 一，同 心 戴 舜 以 為 天 子，以 其 舉 十 六 相，去 四 凶 也，故 虞 書 數 舜之 功，曰，慎 徽 五 典，五 典 克 從，無 違 教 也，曰，納 于 百 揆，百 揆 時 序，無 廢 事 也，曰 賓 于 四 門，四 門 穆 穆，無 凶 人 也，舜 有 大 功 二 十 而 為 天 子，今 行 父 雖 未 獲 一 吉 人，去 一 凶 矣，於 舜 之 功，二 十 之 一 也，庶 幾 免 於 戾 乎。
宋 武 氏 之 族 道，昭 公 子，將 奉 司 城 須 以作 亂，十 二 月，宋 公 殺 母 弟 須，及 昭 公 子，使 戴，莊，桓，之 族，攻 武 氏 於 司 馬 子 伯 之 館，遂 出 武 穆 之 族，使 公 孫 師 為 司 城，公 子 朝 卒，使 樂 呂 為 司 寇，以 靖 國 人。
BOOK VI. DUKE WEN.
I. First year.
1. In the first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2. In the second month, on Guihai, the sun was eclipsed.
3. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Shufu to be present at the burial [of duke Xi].
4. In summer, in the fourth month, in Dingsi, we buried our ruler, duke Xi.
5. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Mao to confer on the duke the symbol [of investiture].
6. The marquis of Jin invaded Wey.
7. Shusun Dechen went to the capital.
8. A body of men from Wey invaded Jin.
9. In autumn, Gongsun Ao had a meeting with the marquis of Jin in Qi.
10. In winter, in the tenth month, on Dingwei, Shangchen, heir-son of Chu, murdered his ruler, Jun.
11. Gongsun Ao went to Qi.
Title Of The Book.—文公 'Duke Wen.' Duke Wen's name was Xing 興. He was the son of duke Xi by his wife Sheng Jiang 聲姜, a daughter of the House of Qi. His rule lasted 18 years, B.C. 725—608. His honorary title Wen denotes——Gentle and kindly, loving the people (慈惠愛民曰文);' or, 'Loyally truthful, and courteous (忠信接禮曰文).'
His 1st year synchronized with the 26th of king Xiang (襄王); the 2d of Xiang (襄) of Jin; the 7th of Zhao (昭) of Qi; the 9th of Cheng (成) of Wey; the 10th of Zhuang (莊) of Cai; the 2d of Mu (穆) of Zheng; the 27th of Gong (共) of Cao; the 6th of Gong (共) of Chen; the 11th of Huan (桓) of Qi; the 11th of Cheng (成) of Song; the 34th of Mu of Qin; and the 46th of Cheng of Chu.
Par. 1. Everything was auspicious at the accession of duke Wen, and therefore we have the account of it in full, without anything to be said against the 即位, as in II. i. 1. Duke Xi indeed was not yet buried; but that circumstance was not allowed to interfere with the proclamation of the new rule, and the young marquis's reception of his ministers, on the 1st day of the new year.
Par. 2. Before 日 Kungyang has 朔, Du Yu, accepting Zuoshi's text, observes that the 朔 is omitted through the carelessness of the historiographers. The eclipse took place on the 26th January, B. C. 625.
Par. 3. The prince of one State sent an officer to attend at the interment of the prince of another State; but in the Chunqiu no record is made of the appearance of such envoys at Lu. The record here is because the mission of Shufu was a special honour done to Lu by the king. The Zhuan says that this Shufu was historiographer of the interior, and adds:——'Gongsun Ao had heard that he was a master of physiognomy, and introduced his two sons to him. Shufu said, "Gu will feed you; Nuo will bury you. The lower part of Gu's face is large;—he will have posterity in the State of Lu." '
[Zuoshi appends here:——'Here there was an intercalary 3d month;—which was contrary to rule. The method of the former kings in regulating the seasons was—to make a commencement at the proper beginning; to determine the correct beginning of the months from the commencement of the year to the end; and to reserve the overplus of days for the year's end. By making the commencement at the proper beginning, order was secured, and there was no error. By determining the commencements of the months, the people were preserved from error; by reserving the overplus to the end of the year, affairs proceeded in a natural way.]
Par. 4. The Zhuan here repeats the text without any addition, showing that the 緩 of the Zhuan at the end of last year belongs to this place. The duke should have been buried 5 months after his death; but 6 had now elapsed, or 7, if we count the intercalary month.
Parr. 5, 7. Mao was a city and territory within the royal domain, assigned by some to the pres. dis. of Yiyang (宜陽), dep. Henan. Its lords were earls, descendants of Shuzheng (叔鄭), one of the sons of king Wen; and were, one after another, in the service of the court. The 命 here conferred on the duke was doubtless the 'jade token,' proper to his rank as marquis;—see on the Shu, II. i.7. Comp. also III. i .6. The mission of Shusun Dechen was to express the duke's acknowledgments for this token of the royal favour;— Zhushi says:—如周拜. This Dechen was grandson of Ya or Shuya, whose death is mentioned in III. xxxii.3, and who was the ancestor of the Shusun clan. See the Zhuan there.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In the last years of duke Wen of Jin, the princes of the States came [most of them] to the court of Jin; but duke Cheng of Wey did not come; and he sent Kong Da to make an incursion into Zheng, attacking also Mianzi and Kuang. At the end of his 1st year of mourning, duke Xiang sent word to the States, and invaded Wey. When he had got to Nanyang, Xian Qieju said to him, "You are imitating the crime [of Wey], and will meet with calamity. Let me ask your lordship to go to the king's court, and I will go with the army." On this the marquis paid a court-visit to the king in Wen, while Xian Qieju and Xu Chen prosecuted the invasion of Wey. On Xinyou, the 1st day of the 5th month, their army laid siege to Qi, took it on Wuxu in the 6th month, when the officer Sun Zhao was taken prisoner.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Wey sent to inform Chen of their circumstances. Duke Gong of Chen said, "Attack Jin again. I will speak to the marquis [in your behalf].' On this Kong Da of Wey led a force, and attacked Jin. The superior man will say that this was the ancient method. The ancients passed from their own to take counsel with another State.'
Par. 9. Qi was the city of Wey, the capture of which is mentioned in the Zhuan on par. 6. It was 7 li north of the pres. city of Kaizhou (開州), dep. of Daming. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the marquis of Jin was laying out the boundaries of the lands of Qi, and there Gongsun Ao had an interview with him.' The Kangxi editors observe that this is the first instance in the text of the classic of great officers taking it on themselves to have meetings with the princes.
Par. 10. For 頵 Gong and Gu have 髡. The Zhuan says:—"At an earlier period, the viscount of Chu, intending to declare Shangchen his successor, consulted his chief minister Zishang about it. Zishang said, "Your lordship is not yet old. You are also fond of many [of your children]. Should you degrade him hereafter, he will make disorder. The succession in Chu has always been from among the younger sons. Morever, he has eyes [projecting] like a wasp's, and a wolf's voice;—he is capable of anything. You ought not to raise him to that position." The viscount did it however. But afterwards he wished to appoint his son Zhi instead, and to degrade Shangchen. Shangchen heard of his intention, but was not sure of it. He therefore told his tutor Pan Chong, and asked him how he could get certain information. Chong said, "Give a feast to her of Jiang [The viscount's sister], and behave disrespectfully to her." The prince did so, when the lady became angry, and cried out, "You slave, it is with reason that the king wishes to kill you, and appoint Zhi in your place." Shangchen told this to his tutor, saying, "The report is true.' Chong then said, "Are you able to serve Zhi?" "No." "Are you able to leave the State?" "No." "Are you able to do the great thing?" "Yes."
'In winter, in the 10th month. Shangchen, with the guards of his palace, held the king in siege. The king begged to have bear's paws to eat before he died, which was refused him; and on Dingwei he strangled himself. The prince [immediately] gave him the title of Ling, but his eyes would not shut. He changed it to Cheng, and they shut. [Shangchen] took his place, [and is known as] king Mu. He gave the house where he had lived as the eldest son to Pan Chong, made him grand-tutor, and commander of the palace guards.'
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'Mubo [The hon. title and family place of Gongsun Ao] went to Qi on a mission of friendly inquiry at the commencement [of the duke's rule];—which was right. On the accession of princes of States, their ministers should go everywhere on such friendly missions, maintaining and cultivating old friendships, and forming external alliances of support. Attention to the services which are due to other States, in order to defend one's own altars, is the course of leal-heartedness, good faith, and humble complaisance. Leal-heartedness is the correct manifestation of virtue. Good faith is the bond of virtue. Humble complaisance is the foundation of virtue.'
[The Zhuan turns here in conclusion to the affairs of Qin:——'After the battle of Yao, when the people of Jin had returned the captive generals to Qin, his great officers and others about him said to the earl, "This defeat was all the fault of Mengming; you must put him to death." But the earl said, "It was owing to my fault. They are the words of the ode of (the earl of) Rui of Zhou [Shi, III. iii. Ode III. 13]:—
'Great winds have a path;—The covetous men try to subvert their peers. If he would hear my words, I would speak to him; But I can [only] croon them over, as if I were drunk. He will not employ the good, And on the contrary causes me this distress.' It was by [my] covetousness. The ode is applicable to me. It was my covetousness which brought the misfortune on him. What crime had he?" Accordingly he again employed [Mengming] in the conduct of the government.']
II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Jiazi, he marquis of Jin and the army of Qin fought a battle in Pengya, when the army of Qin was disgracefully defeated.
2. On Dingchou, [the duke] made the Spirit-tablet of duke Xi.
3. In the third month, on Yisi, [the duke] made a covenant with Chufu of Jin.
4. In summer, in the sixth month, Gongsun Ao had a meeting with the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, and Shi Hu of Jin, when they made a covenant in Chuilong.
5. From the twelfth month [of the last year] it had not rained until the autumn [of this] in the seventh month.
6. In the eighth month, on Dingmao, there was the great [sacrificial] business in the grand temple, when [the tablet of] duke Xi was advanced [to the place of that of duke Min].
7. In winter, a body of men from Jin, one from Song, one from Chen, and one from Zheng invaded Qin.
8. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Qi, with the marriage offerings [for the duke].
Par. 1. The site of Pengya (in Gongyang, 彭牙) is not well ascertained. Probably it was in Qin,as Gong and Gu say. According to Du, it should be found 60 li to the northeast of the pres. dis. city of Baishui (白水), dept. Tongzhou, Shanxi. The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d year, in spring, Mengming Shi of Qin led an army against Jin, to repay his defeat at Yao. In the 2d month, the marquis of Jin went to meet him, Xian Qieju commanding the army of the centre, with Zhao Cui as his assistant. Wudi of Wangguan acted as charioteer, and Hu Juju was spearman on the right. On Jiazi they fought in Pengya, when the army of Qin received a severe defeat, the men of Jin calling it the army with which Qin acknowledged their marquis's gift [See Mengming's language at the end of the Zhuan on p. 3 of the 33d year of duke Xi]. At the battle of Yao, Liang Hong had been charioteer, and Lai Ju the spearman on the right. On the day after it, duke Xiang had one of the prisoners bound, and ordered Lai Ju to kill him with a spear. The prisoner gave a shout, and Ju dropt the spear, on which Lang Shen took it up, killed him, and, taking his left ear, followed the marquis's chariot, who made him the spearman on the right.
'At the battle of Ji, Xian Zhen degraded Lang. and appointed Xu Jianbo in his place. Lang was angry, and one of his friends said to him, "Why not die here?" He replied, "I have here no proper place to die in." "Let me and you do a difficult thing," said the friend [Meaning that they should kill the general]; but Lang replied, 'It is said in one of the histories of Zhou, 'The brave who kills his superior shall have no place in the hall of Light.' He who dies doing what is not righteous is not brave; he who dies in the public service is brave. By bravery I sought the place of spearman on the right; I am degraded as not being brave;—it is my present place. If I should say that my superior does not know me, and did that which would make my degradation right, I should only prove that he did know me. Wait a little, my friend."
'At Pengya, when the army was marshalled for the battle, Lang Shen, with his own followers, dashed into the army of Qin, and died. The army of Jin followed him, and gained a great victory. The superior man will say that Lang Shen in this way proved himself a superior man. It is said in the ode [Shi, II. v. ode IV. 2]:—
"Let the superior man be angry. And disorder will be stopt;" and again [Shi, III. i. ode VII. 5]:—
"The king rose majestic in his wrath, And marshalled his troops." When Lang in his anger would not be guilty of disorder, but went on to do good service in the army, he may be called a superior man.
'The earl of Qin, [notwithstanding this fresh defeat], still employed Mengming, who paid increased attention to the government of the State, and made great largesses to the people. Zhao Cheng [Cheng is the hon. title of Zhao Cui] said to the officers of Jin,"The army of Qin will be here again, and we must get out of its way. He who in his apprehension increases his virtue cannot be matched. The ode says [Shi, III. i. ode 1.6]:
"Ever think of your ancestors, Cultivating your virtue." It is in this way that Mengming thinks. Thinking of his virtue, without remitting his efforts, can he be resisted?" '
Par. 2. Zuo says that this records the wrong time at which the thing was done. Here belongs the greater part of the 3d par. in the Zhuan at the end of Xi's last year. According to Mao, the practice of the Zhou dynasty on the death of the prince of a State was this:—1st, The spirit-tablets of the former princes were all taken from their shrines, and laid up for 5 months in the 'grand apartment,' during which time no sacrifices were offered to them. 2d, When the time at the end of those months came to place the tablet of the recently deceased prince by that of his grandfather, a procession was made with it to take the other tablets from their repository, and replace them in their shrines. The new tablet was placed in the shrine of the deceased's grandfather, and a sacrifice was offered to them two. 3d, After this, the new tablet was carried back to the chamber where the prince had died, where sacrifices were offered to it, while all the others were left in their shrines, and sacrificed to as usual [As the Zhuan says, 特 祀 于 主，丞 嘗 禘 于 廟. 4th, At the conclusion of the mourning, the new tablet was taken to its proper shrine in the temple, and one of the older ones was removed; —in the form and order prescribed.
This account seems to be correct. Gongyang thinks that, after the burial, a tablet of the wood of the mulberry tree was made, and sacrificed to in the chamber; and that, at the end of a year from the death, this was changed for a tablet made of the wood of the chestnut tree. If it were so, and the 2d tablet be here spoken of, yet the time for making and setting it up had long gone by.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin, because the duke had not paid a court visit to their marquis, came to punish him. On this he went to Jin; and in summer, in the 4th month, on Jisi, Yang Chufu was commissioned to make a covenant with him. This was done to disgrace the duke. The words of the text 'made a covenant with Chufu of Jin,' indicate dissatisfaction with that individual. The duke's visit to Jin is not recorded;—purposely, to keep it concealed.' The Zhuan correctly gives the day Jisi in the 4th month, instead of the 3d month of the text.
Par. 4. Guliang gives 穀 for 縠; and both Gong and Gu give 垂斂 for 垂隴. Chuilong was in the north east of the pres. dis. of Xingze, dep. Kaifeng.
The Zhuan says:——'The duke had not arrived [from Jin]; and in the 4th month, Mubo had a meeting with the princes named, and Shi Hu, minister of Works in Jin, at Chuilong, with reference to Jin's punishment of Wey. The marquis of Chen begged that Jin would accept the submission of Wey, and also seized Kong Da, in order to please Jin.' Zuoshi interjects that Shi Hu is here mentioned by his name and surname, because of his ability for his work.
Par. 5. Zhao Pengfei contrasts the way in which so many months of drought are here summarily mentioned with the notices under duke Xi in V. ii.5. iii. 4;—which see.
Par. 6. The 'great business' here is what is called the 'fortunate di sacrifice' in IV. ii. 2, where its nature has been sufficiently explained. Here, as there, it was performed 3 months before the proper time; and this coincidence might lead us to think that some new regulation affecting the date of the service had been adopted in Lu. The stress of the paragraph. however, is in the conclusion,the advancing the tablet of duke Xi into the place which had been for more than 30 years occupied by that of his brother and predecessor, Min. This has given rise to numerous subtle and perplexing discussions. The account of it in the Zhuan is the following:—'This was contrary to the order of sacrifice [逆祀. Du explains the phrase thus:——He was the elder brother. and they could not be placed as father and son; he had been the subject of Min, and his proper place was beneath him. But now his tablet was placed above Min's;—hence the expression 逆祀"] On this, Xiafu Fuji, who was then director of the ancestral temple. wished to honour duke Xi, and told what he had seen. saying, "I saw the new Spirit great, and the old Spirit small. To put the great one first, and the small one after it, is the natural order. And to advance him who was sage and worthy, is the act of intelligence. What is according to natural order and intelligence has a principle of reason in it." But the superior man must consider the act to have been contrary to the propriety of the ceremony. In ceremonies everything must be in the proper natural order; and sacrifice is the great business of the State. How can it be called propriety to go contrary to the order of it? The son may have been reverend and sage, but he does not take precedence of the father, who has enjoyed the sacrifice long. Thus it was that Yu did not take precedence of Gun, nor Tang of Xie, nor Wen and Wu of Buzhu. The emperor Yi was the ancestor of the House of Song, and king Li the ancestor of that of Zheng; and notwithstanding their bad character, they keep in the temples their superior position. Thus also in the Praise-songs of Lu [Shi IV. ii. Song IV.3] we have,
"In spring and in autumn, without delay, He presents his offerings without error, To the great and sovereign God, And to his great ancestor Houji;" the superior man thus in effect saying, "Here is the order of ceremony; tho' Houji be near in relationship, yet God takes the precedence in the sacrifice." Another ode says [Shi, I. iii. ode XIV.2.]—
"I will ask for my aunts, And then for my sister;" the superior man thus saying, "Here is the order of ceremony; tho' the sister be the nearest in relationship. yet the aunts take the precedence of her." Zhongni said, "There were three things which showed Zang Wenzhong's want of virtue, and three which showed his want of knowledge. His keeping Zhan Qin [Liuxia Hui] in a low position; his removing the six gates; and his making his concubines weave rush mats for sale—these showed his want of virtue. His making vain structures [See Ana. V. xvii.]; his allowing a sacrifice contrary to the proper order [The case in the text]; and his sacrificing to the Yuanju [A strange bird]:—these showed his want of knowledge." '
The reader will probably think that this long note does not make the text plainer than it was before.—It was explained on IV. ii. 2, and on the 19th chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, that in the ancestral temple the shrines were arranged in two rows, on either side of the shrine of the founder of the House. On one side were the shrines of fathers fronting the south. These were called zhao (昭). On the other side, fronting the north, were those of sons. They were called mu (穆). Of course the sons were fathers in their turn; but the situation in the row was determined by reckoning from the founder. His grandson was the 1st zhao, his son the 1st mu, and so on. But what was to be done when brothers followed one another in the succession, as here in the case of Min and Xi? Some critics say their tablets went all into the same shrine; but this is not the orthodox view. That holds that they were placed just as if they had been father and son, and the theory of the arrangement was overturned. Now when the tablet of Min got its place in the temple, he was a zhao. That of Xi should have gone into the other row, opposite to it, pushing out the mu which was at the top. But duke Wen wished his father to have the more honourable zhao place; and so Min's tablet was removed to the mu row, and Xi's took its place at the bottom of the zhaos. The director of the temple lent himself to this infringement of the rule. He was in reality older than Min; but Min had taken precedence of him in the succession, as the son of duke Zhuang's wife, preferable to an elder brother who was only the son of a concubine.
[Zuoshi's own remarks in the Zhuan begin at 君子以爲失禮. He is the 君子 or 'superior man' there. The other two 君子 are to be take as the authors of the odes which are quoted, adduced by Zuoshi in confirmation of his own view. The Praise-song of Lu was made after the time of duke Xi.]
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, Xian Qieju of Jin, Gongzi Cheng of Song, Yuan Xuan of Chen, and Gongzi Guisheng of Zheng, invaded Qin, when they took Wang and Pengya, and returned. The object of the expedition was to repay Qin for the compaign of Pengya. The ministers are not named in the text, [and they are only called 人], on account of duke Mu [of Qin], out of regard to the honour of Qin;—an example of the respect paid to virtue.' [This last sentence is merely Zuoshi's own erroneous criticism of the text.]
Par. 8. The marriage of the duke with a daughter of Qi is recorded in IV. 2. The presenting the offerings of silk, denoted by 幣, was subsequent to the ceremonies of the engagement, and therefore I think, notwithstanding the protest of the Kangxi editors, that Du's view is very likely,—that the engagement had been made before the death of duke Xi, and that, as soon as the conclusion of the mourning permitted, Wen proceeded to take the next step. The Zhuan says:——'This visit to Qi of Xiangzhong was according to rule. When a prince comes to the rule of a State, he shows his affection for the States whose princes are related to him by affinity, cultivates all relationships by marriage, and takes a head wife, to attend to the grain-vessels of the temple. This is filial piety, and filial piety is the beginning of propriety.'
III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, Shusun Dechen joined an officer of Jin, an officer of Song, an officer of Chen, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Zheng, in invading Shen, the people of which dispersed.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, king [Xi's] son, Hu, died.
3. A body of men from Qin invaded Jin.
4. In autumn, a body of men from Chu besieged Jiang.
5. It rained locusts in Song.
6. In winter, the duke went to Jin; and in the twelfth month, on Jisi, he made a covenant with the marquis of Jin.
7. Yang Chufu of Jin led a force, and invaded Chu, in order to relieve Jiang.
Par. 1. Shen was a small State, whose lords were viscounts, with the surname of the House of Zhou;—in the pres. dis. of Ruyang (汝陽), dep. Runing, Henan. Zuoshi says that Zhuangshu [莊叔; Zhuang is the hon. title given to Shusun Dechen] joined the armies of the States in this expedition, because Shen had submitted to Chu.' He adds, in explanation of the term 潰, that 'the people's flying and deserting their superior is indicated by that term, while their ruler's fleeing is expressed by 逃.' The first meaning given to 潰 in the dict. is 'a large body of water rushing away by a new channel.' Such is the dispersion of the people fleeing from an enemy.
[The Zhuan appends:——'The marquis of Wey went to Chen, to express his acknowledgments for the peace with Jin,'—obtained by the mediation of Chen;—see the Zhuan on par. 4 of last year.]
Par. 2. Zuoshi says:——'In the 4th month, on Yihai, the king's uncle, duke Wen (文公; the hon. title given to Hu) died. A messenger came to Lu with the announcement, and condolences were sent to Zhou as on the death of a prince who had covenanted with the duke.' The Hu in the text was the 'king's officer' of V. xxix. 3, who covenanted with duke Xi in Diquan. The news of his death was sent therefore to duke Wen, as being Xi's son, and condolences were returned to Zhou, as if Hu had been the prince of a State. As the Zhuan says he was king Xiang's uncle, he must have been a son of king Xi (僖王). Guliang wrongly identifies him with the Shufu of 1.3. who was not yet dead.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The earl of Qin invaded Jin, and burned his boats when he had crossed the He. He then took Wangguan and Jiao; and as the troops of Jin did not come out against him, he crossed the He at the ford of Mao, collected the bodies in Yao [See V. xxxiii. 3], raised mounds over them, and then returned to Qin. In consequence of this expedition, he was acknowledged as their leader by the Western Rong, and continued to employ Mengming. From this the superior man recognizes the style of ruler that duke Mu of Qin was;—what entire confidence he reposed in the men whom he employed, and with what single-heartedness he stood by them. He recognizes also the qualities of Mengming, how diligent he was and able, from his anxiety to exercise his thoughts more profitably; and the loyalty finally of Zisang [The Gongsun Zhi, who first recommended Mengming], well knowing men, and introducing the good to the notice of his prince. What is intimated in the ode [Shi, I. i. ode I. 3],
"She goes to gather the white southernwood, By the ponds, by the pools; And then she employs it, In the business of our prince," was found in duke Mu. Again, the words, [Shi, III. iii. ode VI. 4],
"Never idle day or night, In the service of the one man," were exemplified in Mengming. And those [Shi, III. i. ode X. 8],
"His counsels reached on to his descendants. To give happiness and strength to his posterity," were exemplified in Zisang.'
Acc. to the Zhuan, the earl of Qin himself was in this expedition. Still the 秦人 of the text shows that he only accompanied it. and that the command was held by one of his ministers. The conclusion of this expedition does seem a more fitting occasion for the Speech of the earl of Qin which concludes the Shu than the defeat at Xiao, to which it is commonly referred.
Par. 4. Jiang,—see V. ii .4. From the time of the meeting recorded in that par., Jiang, notwithstanding its proximity to Chu, had continued to adhere to the northern States, and was now to suffer the consequences from its powerful neighbour. Chu was, no doubt, emboldened to recommence its aggressive movements by the long continued hostilities between Jin and Qin. The Zhuan says that, on this occasion, 'Xian Pu of Jin invaded Chu in order to relieve Jiang.'
Par. 5. 螽,—see II. v .8. The Zhuan says that these 'locusts fell down and died.' This seems to be Zuoshi's explanation of the text that 'it rained locusts.' This would be a prodigy, and not a calamity or plague, as Guliang makes out the visitation to have been. Song was noted for such strange appearances;—see V. xvi. 1.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'They were apprehensive in Jin that they had behaved uncourteously to the duke [In the matter of the covenant, par. 3 of last year], and asked him to make a new covenant. The duke went accordingly to Jin, and made a covenant with the marquis, who feasted him, and sang the ode beginning,
"Abundant grows the aster-southernwood" (Shi, II. iii.ode II.). Zhuangshu [See on par. 1] descended the steps with the duke, that he might acknowledge [the honour done to him], saying, "My small State having received the orders of your great State, I dare not but be most careful in my observances. Your lordship has conferred on me a great honour, and nothing could exceed my happiness. The happiness of my small State is from the kindness of your great one." The marquis also descended the steps, and declined the acknowledgments [which the duke was going to make]. They then re-ascended the steps, when the duke bowed twice, and sang the ode beginning "Our admirable, amiable Sovereign" (Shi, III. ii. ode V).'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, Jin represented the case of Jiang to the court of Zhou. In consequence, Wangshu, the duke Huan, and Yang Chufu of Jin, invaded Chu in order to relieve Jiang. They attacked Fangcheng, and having met with Zizhu, duke of Xi, they returned.' This narrative of the Zhuan is not clear. Zizhu was the commander of the expedition of Chu against Jiang. He retired before the troops of Jin, and then the relieving force also withdrew, having accomplished its object very imperfectly. Gong and Gu leave out the 以 before 救. The Kangxi editors enter here into a defence of the conduct of Jin in this transaction, against the condemnation of Hu An'guo and other critics. Du Yu says that the duke Huan in the Zhuan was a son of duke Wen, king's son Hu, whose death is recorded in the second par. If it was so, then the Wangshu (王叔) in the Zhuan here must be taken as a clan-name and not as== 'the king's uncle.' I have so translated the characters in the former Zhuan, because the relationship of Hu seems to be determined by his being called both 'king's son,' and king's uncle.
IV. Fourth year.
1. In his fourth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Jin.
2. In summer, [the duke] met his wife Jiang in Qi.
3. The Di made an incursion into Qi.
4. In autumn, a body of men from Chu extinguished Jiang.
5. The marquis of Jin invaded Qin.
6. The marquis of Wey sent Ning Yu to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
7. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Renyin, the wife [of duke Zhuang], the lady Feng, died.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends here three short notices:—1st, 'In spring they returned Kong Da from Jin to Wey [See the Zhuan on II.4], considering him to be Wey's good man, and therefore letting him go.' 2d, 'In summer, the marquis of Wey went to Jin to make his acknowledgments [for the restoration of Kong Da].' 3d, 'The earl of Cao went to Jin to have an understanding about the contributions [to the marquis, as the leader of the States.]
Par. 2. This par. has reference to duke Wen's marriage,--his bringing home to Lu the daughter of Qi, on whose account Gongzi Sui conveyed the marriage gifts as related in II. 8. There are difficulties, however, in the interpretation and translation of it, arising from there being no subject of the verb expressed, and from the phrase 逆婦 instead of the regular one 逆女—comp. II. iii .5, and III. xxiv. 3. Zuoshi holds that the subject of 逆 is some person of mean rank, who was employed on this mission. The Zhuan says:——'A high minister did not go to meet the lady;—which was contrary to rule.' It is then added 'The superior man, knowing from this that Chu Jiang (so the lady was afterwards styled) would not be trusted in Lu, might say, "A man of noble rank acted at her betrothal, and a mean man met her [at her marriage]. While she was becoming duchess, she was treated as mean, and in the act of establishing her she was disowned. The duke threw away his confidence in her, and her authority as mistress of the harem was overthrown. This was a sure presage of disorder in the State, and of ruin in the family. Right was it that she should not be trusted. What is said in the ode (Shi. IV. i. [i.] ode VII.),
"Revere the majesty of Heaven, And ever preserve its favour," may be considered as spoken of the reverence to be accorded to the mistress of the harem.'
Gongyang sees in this notice the indication of the indifference with which the lady was treated, and supposes she was not a daughter of the marquis of Qi, but only of one of his officers, of the same surname as the ruling House. But there can be no doubt the lady was a daughter of the marquis. Guliang would supply 公 as the subject of 逆. The duke went in person to Qi for his bride, as duke Zhuang is said to have done in III.xxiv. 3. There the 公 is expressed, while here it is wanting; but we have found it wanting in the same way in more than a score of other paragraphs. Here, therefore, I must agree, as the Kangxi editors do, with Guliang rather than with Zuo. The duke went himself to Qi to receive his bride.
But how have we 逆婦, instead of 逆女, as in III xxiv.3? Zuoshi does not meet this question, but Du repeats the explanation of the term 婦, which is given under V.xxv. 3. Guliang also adduces it, but I do not see how it can be admitted in this case. And there is no necessity for it. The duke went to Qi, and in his impatience completed the marriage there, instead of escorting his bride to Lu, and there going through the ceremonies proper to the occasion;—as he ought to have done. Instead of 姜 simply, we might have 姜氏 as in II. iii. 6,8, et al; but it is needless to find either praise or blame in the omission of the 氏.
Par. 3. See V.xxx. 3. These northern hordes seem to have become more and more restless and daring.
Par. 4. The relief of Jiang in the end of last year proved of little value. The Zhuan says:——'When Chu extinguished Jiang, the earl of Qin wore mourning an account of it; removed from his proper bed-chamber; and did not allow his table to be fully spread:—going beyond the regular bounds [of sorrow]. One of his great officers remonstrated with him, but he said, "When a State with whose lord I had covenanted is extinguished, although I could not save it, I dare not but feel compassion. And I fear for myself." The superior man will say that the words of the ode (Shi, III, i. Ode VII.1)
'There were those two dynasties, But they failed in their government. Throughout all the States in all the kingdom, He examined, he exercised consideration.' might be spoken of Mu of Qin.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says that in this invasion the marquis of Jin besieged Yuan and Xincheng, to repay Qin for the campaign of Wangguan;' —see the Zhuan on par. 3 of last year. The marquis of Jin conducted the invasion in person. It is absurd to seek for any other reason for the text's saying so, and yet the Kangxi editors express their agreement with Zhang Qia in the view that the marquis's title is here given to indicate the sage's emphatic condemnation of his persistence in hostilities!
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:—'Ning Wu of Wey having come to Lu with friendly inquiries, the duke was feasting with him, and had the "Heavy lies the dew," (Shi, II. ii. ode X.) and the "Red Bows" (Shi, II. iii. ode I), sung on his account. He did not protest against these odes, nor did he make answer with any other. The duke sent the officer of communication with envoys from other States to ask him privately [the reason of his conduct]. He replied, "I supposed that the musicians, in practising their art, happened to come to the two pieces. Formerly, when princes of States appeared at the king's court to receive instructions about their government, and the king gratified them with an entertainment, then the 'Heavy lies the dew' was sung, the son of Heaven being the sun [There spoken of], and the princes receiving his commands, [As the dew is affected by the sun]. When they had battled with any against whom the king was angry, and were reporting their successful services. the king gave them a red bow with a hundred red arrows, and a black bow with a thousand arrows, to show how the feast was one of recompense. Now I, an officer of a State, am here to perpetuate the old friendship between Wey and Lu; and though his lordship condescends to bestow them, how dare I accept such grand honours to bring on myself the charge of crime?" Confucius has celebrated the virtue of Ning Wu in the Ana., V. xx., and especially a 'stupidity that could not be equalled. The critics are fond of finding in the narrative of the Zhuan an illustration of that stupidity.
Par7. Zuo says that 'in winter Cheng Feng died,' Cheng being the title or epithet by which she was called after death. She had been a concubine of duke Zhuang, and she is mentioned in two Zhuan—that in V.xxi. 5. and the 2d one appended to IV. ii. On her son's coming to be marquis she partook of his nobility (母以子貴), and she here appears as 夫人 or 'wife' of duke Zhuang, She was of the House of Ren 任. which had the surname of Feng.
V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the king sent Shu of Rong, with mouth-jewels and a carriage and horses [for the funeral of Cheng Feng.]
2. In the third month, on Xinhai, we buried our duchess, Cheng Feng.
3. The king sent the earl of Shao to be present at the burial.
4. In summer, Gongsun Ao went to Jin.
5. A body of men from Qin entered Ruo.
6. In autumn, a body of men from Chu extinguished Liu.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Jiashen, Ye, baron of Xu, died.
Par. 1. Comp. I. i .4, and III. i .6. On the former of these passage 賵 is explained. 含 was the name of certain jewels,—Du calls them 珠玉 'pearls and gems,'—which were put into the mouth of the corpse (口寶). A Rong Shu was the king's messenger, mentioned in the second passage referred to, as well as here; but it could not be the same man. The messenger on this occasion was probably a son of the former. On that passage, Du Yu says that Rong was the 氏 or clan-name. Here Fan Ning says that Rong Shu was a great officer of the 1st rank in the service of the king, and that Rong was the name of his 采邑, or the territory from which he derived his revenue. This is probably correct, but the name of the territory became the clan-name of the family. The 且 between 含 and 賵 intimates, acc. to Gong and Gu, that the two gifts were distinct, and that each should have been conveyed by its proper envoy, while here they were both entrusted to Rong Shu;—contrary to rule. But this criticism is more than doubtful. The Kangxi editors, after a host of critics, see, in the omission of 天 before 王, a strong expression of the sage's condemnation of the king in thus sanctioning the elevation of duke Zhuang's concubine to the rank of wife. This criticism is no more valuable than the former.
Par. 2. Comp. III. xxii. 2. As the lady Feng was now regarded as duke Zhuang's wife, there is no difficulty with the terms of this paragraph. Hu An'guo, indeed, says that this would involve a further departure from the rules of propriety, as there would be the spirit-tablets of two wives to go into duke Zhuang's temple-shrine. It is admitted that in the shrine of a king only the tablet of his proper queen could be placed; but the tablets admissible into the shrines of great officers were not so limited; and what the rule was in regard to princes of States and their wives is not ascertained. See Mao Qiling in loc.
Par. 3. For 召伯 Guliang has 毛伯 The earl of Shao was a minister of the king, who derived his revenue from Shao, in the present dis. of Yuanqu (垣曲), Jiangzhou (絳州), Shanxi. Zuoshi says his mission was according to rule, as well as that of Rong Shu, in par. 1;—an opinion vehemently disputed by many of the critics
Par. 4. The Zhuan says nothing about this mission. Gao Kang 高閌) and other critics dwell with justice on the court Lu paid to Jin, while no messenger went to Zhou to acknowledge all the king's favours.
Par. 5. Ruo was at this time a small State in the south-west of the pres. dis. of Neixiang (内鄉), dep. Nanyang, Henan. It was afterwards removed by Chu father south, to the dis. of Yicheng (宜城) dep. Xiangyang, Hubei. See the Zhuan on V. xxv. 5. The Zhuan here says:——'Before this, Ruo had revolted from Chu, and become an adherent of Qin. Now it was inclining again to Chu, and in the summer, a body of men from Qin entered it.'
Par. 6. Liu was a small State,—in the pres. Zhou of Liu'an (六安州), Anhui. Its lords were Yans (偃), representatives of the ancient Gaoyao (皋陶). The Zhuan says:——'The people of Liu had revolted from Chu, and joined the Yi of the east. In autumn, therefore, Cheng Daxin and Zhonggui, of Chu led a force and extinguished Liu. In winter, Gongzi Xie of Chu extinguished Liao. When Zang Wenzhong heard of the extinction of the two States, he said, "Thus suddenly have ceased the sacrifices to Gaoyao Tingjian [See on the title of Bk. iii., Pt. II. of the Shu)! Alas that the virtue [of their lords] was not established, and that there was no help for the people!" '
Par. 7. This was duke Xi; he was succeeded by his son, Xiwo (錫我). [The Zhuan appends here:——Yang Chufu of Jin had gone to Wey on a mission of friendly inquiries, and on his return passed by Ning. Ying of Ning followed him, but returned when they had got to Wen. His wife asked him [why he had left Yang Chufu so soon], and he replied, "Because of his hard rigour. In the Shang Shu [See the Shu, V. iv. 17] it is said, 'For the reserved and retiring there is the rigorous rule; for the lofty and intelligent there is the mild rule.' This officer is all for rigour;—he will probably not die a natural death. Heaven displays the virtue of rigour, yet not so as to disturb the seasons;—how much more should this be the case with men! Moreover, round a man of flowers without fruit resentments will collect. Coming into collision with men, and the object of many resentments, he will not be able to maintain himself. I was afraid I should not share in advantages he might secure, but would be involved in his difficulties, and so I left him."
There is added an additional short notice:——'At this time, the officers of Jin, Zhao Cheng [Zhao Cui, general of the 1st army], Luan Zheng [Luan Zhi, general of the 3d army], Huo Bo [Xian Qieju, general of the army of the centre], and Jiu Ji [Xu Chen, assistant-general of the 3d army], all died.']
VI. Sixth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, there was the burial of duke Xi of Xu.
2. In summer, Jisun Hangfu went to Chen.
3. In autumn, Jisun Hangfu went to Jin.
4. In the eighth month, on Yihai, Huan, marquis of Jin, died.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Jin, to [be present at] the burial of duke Xiang of Jin.
6. Jin put to death its great officer, Yang Chufu.
7. Hu Yigu of Jin fled to the Di.
8. In the intercalary month, [the duke] did not inaugurate the month with the usual ceremonies, but still he appeared in the ancestral temple.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends here:——'In the 6th year, in spring, Jin had a military review in Yi, and disbanded two of its [five] armies [See the Zhuan after V. xxxi. 6. The death of so many of its great officers, mentioned in the previous notice, rendered this disbandment necessary]. The marquis appointed Hu Yigu to the command of the 2d or army of the centre [In room of Xian Qieju], with Zhao Dun as assistant commander. When Yang Chufu came from Wen [See the first Zhuan at the end of last year], there was a second review at Dong, when these appointments were changed. Yang had been attached as assistant to Chengji [Zhao Cui, the father of Dun. Cheng is the hon. title, and Ji is the designation], and was therefore a partizan of the Zhao family. Considering, moreover, the ability of Zhao Dun, he said that to employ so able a man would be advantageous to the State. On this account Dun was advanced above [Yigu], and now he, the officer Xuan (宣) was afterwards Dun's honorary title), began to administer the government of the State. He appointed regular rules for the various departments of business; adjusted the laws for the various degrees of crime; regulated all criminal and civil actions at law; searched out runaways; ordered the employment of securities and bonds; dealt with old ordinances that had fallen into foul disorder; restored to their original order the distinctions of rank; renewed according to their normal pattern offices that had fallen into disuse; brought out men whose path had been stopped, and who were in obscurity. When he had completed his regulations, he delivered them to the grand-assistant, Yang, and the grand-master, Jia Tuo, that they might have them carried into practice in the State of Jin, as its regular laws.']
Par. 2. Du says that this Hangfu was the grand-son of You, who is first mentioned in III. xxv. 6, and who subsequently played a most important part in the affairs of Lu. He was either his grandson, or great grandson;—which of the two is uncertain. The Zhuan says:——'Zang Wenzhong, looking at the good relations of Chen and Wey, wished to seek the friendship of Chen [for Lu]. In summer, therefore, Ji Wen [Wen was Hangfu's posthumous title; see Ana. V. xix.] went on a friendly mission to Chen, marrying there himself at the same time.'
[There is a narrative about Qin appended here:——'Renhao, the earl of Qin, died, and the three sons of Ziju, Yanxi, Zhonghang, and Qianhu, were buried alive along with him. They were known as the three good men of Qin; and the people bewailed their fate in the strains of the ode called "The Yellow Birds (Shi, I. xi. VI.)." The superior man says, "It was right that Mu of Qin should not be master of covenants [i.e., leader of the States]! In his death he threw away the lives of his people. When the ancient kings left the world, they yet left behind them a good example;—would they ever have snatched away from it its good men? The words of the ode (Shi, III. iii. ode X. 5),
'Men there are not, And the empire must go to ruin and misery,' have reference to the want of good men. What shall be said of this case when such men were taken away? The ancient kings, knowing that their life would not be long, largely established the sagely and wise [as princes and officers]; planted their instructions in the soil of the manners [of the people]; instituted the several modes of distinguishing rank and character; published excellent lessons; made the standard tubes and measures; showed [the people] the exact amount of their contributions; led them on by the rules of deportment; gave them the rules of their own example; declared to them the instructions and statutes [of their predecessors]; taught them to guard [against what was evil] and obtain what was advantageous; employed for them the regular duties [of the several officers]; and led them on by the rules of propriety:—thus securing that the earth should yield its proper increase, and that all below them might sufficiently depend on them. It was after they had done all this that those ancient kings went to their end. Succeeding sage kings have acted in the same way. But now, granting that duke Mu had no such example to leave to his posterity, yet when he proceeded to take away the good with him in his death, it would have been hard for him to be in the highest place. The superior man might know from this that Qin would not again march in triumph to the east." '
Alas for this prognostication of Zuoshi, so falsified by the future history of Qin!]
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, when Ji Wen was about to go on a mission of friendly inquiries to Jin, he caused inquiry to be made for him into all the observances to be practised on occasion of a death [Having heard that the marquis of Jin was ill.] One of his people said to him, "Of what use will it be?" when he replied, "To be prepared beforehand, so as to have no occasion for anxiety, is a good old lesson. To have to seek for the rules, and not be able to find them, would be a hard case. If I go beyond what is necessary in searching for them now, what harm can it do?" ' Du and other critics find in this an illustration of Ji Wen's 'thinking thrice,' which is mentioned in the Analects.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'When duke Xiang died, his son, duke Ling was still young, and the people of Jin, fearing the difficulties that might arise, wished to have a grown up ruler appointed. Zhao Meng [Meng was the designation of Zhao Dun] said, "Let us appoint duke Wen's son, Yong. He is fond of what is good, and is grown up; our former marquis loved him; he is near at hand in Qin; and Qin is our old friend. By the appointment of a good man, the State will be strengthened. In serving the elder, we shall follow the natural order. In calling the loved son to the State, we act a filial part. And by binding anew the old ties of friendship, we shall secure our repose. Because of the difficulties with which the State is threatened, we wish to call a grown up ruler to its head, and with Yong, possessed of these four advantages, those difficulties will be removed." Jia Ji [Hu Yigu] said, "Our better plan will be to appoint duke Wen's son, Le. Chen Ying enjoyed the favours of two marquises [See the Zhuan to V. xxiii. 4]; if we raise her son to be our ruler, the people will repose under him." Zhao Meng replied, "Chen Ying was mean, her rank being only ninth in the harem;—what feeling of majesty can her son inspire? And she was the favourite of two marquises;—therein was lewdness. He, moreover, though the son of our former marquis, was unable to find the patronage of a great State, but went out to a small State, a long way off. His mother lewd, and himself far away, without majesty, Chen small and distant, incapable of helping him, what grounds are there for reposing under him? The lady Qi of Du [The mother of Yong], out of regard to our marquis just deceased, yielded her place to to Ji of Bi [duke Xiang's mother]; and out of regard to the [kindness shown to duke Wen by the] Di, she yielded again in favour of Ji Wei, making herself only the 4th in the harem. On these accounts our former ruler loved her son, and sent him to serve in Qin, where he has been a minister of the second rank. Considering that Qin is a great State and near at hand, able to afford him support; considering also how the righteousness of his mother and the love of his father are sufficient to awe the people, will it not be right to call him to the head of the State?" After this, Dun sent Xian Mie and Shi Hui to Qin to bring the prince Yong to Jin, while Jia Ji sent also to call prince Le from Chen. Zhao Meng, however, caused Le to be put to death [on the way] at Pi.' For 驩 Gongyang has 讙.
Par. 5. The Kangxi editors make this into two paragraphs, the second beginning with Zuoshi, however, considered the whole as one, as is evident from his brief note, that 'Xiangzhong went to Jin, to bury duke Xiang.'
Parr. 6,7. The Kangxi editors give these paragraphs as one, but I think it is better to follow the arrangement of Guliang. He also has 夜 instead of 射 The Zhuan says:——'Jia Ji resented Yang's causing him to be superseded in the command of the army of the centre [See the Zhuan after p. 1]; and knowing that he had not friends to succour him in Jin, in the 9th month, he employed Xu Juju [Belonged to a branch of the Hu family] to kill him. The language of the text, that 'Jin put to death its great officer;' is because Yang had interfered with the offices of others. In the 11th month, on Bingyin, Jin put Xu Jianbo [Juju] to death, on which Jia Ji fled to the Di. Zhao Meng [Called the officer Xuan; see the Zhuan after p.l.] by and by employed Yu Pian, to escort his family to join him there. Now at the grand review in Yi, Jia Ji had disgraced Yu Pian, whose people wished on this occasion to put all Ji's family to death in repayment of that injury. But he said, "No. I have heard that it is contained in an old book, that neither kindness nor wrong can be repaid in the persons of a man's children; and that is a principle with leal-hearted people. My master [Zhao Meng] is behaving courteously to Jia Ji, and would it not be bad if I took advantage of his favour to myself to avenge my private wrong? To depend on another's favour [to do this] would not show bravery. In satisfying my own resentment, to increase the number of my enemies [By making Zhao Meng his foe] would not show knowledge. To injure the public service for my private ends would not show loyalty. If let go these three qualities, wherewith should I do service to my master?" So he collected all the members of Jia Ji's family, his household stuff, and his treasures, led the protecting force in person, and conveyed them to the borders [of the Di].'
It apears from the Zhuan that the death of Yang Chufu was procured by Hu Yigu; and it is difficult to account for the language of the text which ascribes it to 'Jin,'—to the act of the State. Zuoshi's explanation is altogether unsatisfactory. In advising duke Xiang to supersede the less able by the abler man, Yang had only done his duty; and whether it were so or not, his action affords no explanation of the ascription of this death to Jin. Gao Kang says the record of the flight of Hu Yigu, immediately after that of the death of Yang, sufficiently shows that he was the murderer; but this does not account for the 晉殺.
Gongyang relates that duke Xiang told Jia Ji that he superseded him on the representation of Yang; and some, accepting this account, hold that by the 'Jin' we are to understand duke Xiang, who was now deceased! I can suggest nothing myself as a solution of the difficulty.
Par. 8. Zuoshi says:——'Not to inaugurate solemnly the first day of the intercalary month was an infringement of the proper rule. The intercalary month is intended to adjust the seasons. The observance of the seasons is necessary for the performance of the labours of the year. It is those labours by which provision is made for the necessities of life. Herein then lies the caring for the lives of the people. Not to inaugurate properly the intercalary month was to set aside the regulation of the seasons; —what government of the people could there be in such a case ?'
The inauguration of the month intended seems to be the offering of a sheep, alluded to in Ana. III. xvii. After this ceremony, the duke, it would appear, presented himself before the shrines of his ancestors, with what ceremonies we are not told; and this over, he proceeded to give audience to his officers. Mao Qiling thinks that that audience and the attention to the government which it implied is what is here intended by 朝于廟; butI cannot think so. The 猶 indicates that the ceremony which follows was less important than that which precedes it, which could not be said of attention to the business of the government.
VII. Seventh year.
1. In his seventh year, in spring, the duke invaded Zhu.
2. In the third month, on Jiaxu, he took Xuqu, and went on in consequence to wall Woo.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, Wangchen, duke of Song, died.
4. The people of Song put to death [some of] their great officers.
5. On Wuzi, an army of Jin and one of Qin fought a battle at Linghu.
6. Xian Mie of Jin fled to Qin.
7. The Di made an incursion into our western borders.
8. In autumn, in the eighth month, the duke had a meeting with other princes and a great officer of Jin, when they made a covenant in Hu.
9. In winter, Xu invaded Ju.
10. Gongsun Ao went to Ju to superintend a covenant.
Par. 1. Zuo says the duke made this movement, 'taking the opportunity of the difficulties of Tsin.'
Par. 2. Xuqu (Kungyang has 須朐), —see V.xxii. 1. It was originally a Fuyong of Lu. Zhu had taken and appropriated it; and duke Xi took it from Zhu, as related in that par., and restored its proper ruler. Zhu, it would seem, had taken it a second time, and duke Wen again reclaimed it, but not to restore it to its original holders. 'He placed over it,' says the Zhuan, 'a son of duke Wen [of Zhu];—which was contrary to rule.' This scion of Zhu had fled from his own State, where he had attempted to overturn the government, and taken refuge in Lu. He was now made governor of Xuqu, absorbed by Lu, which thus extinguished the sacrifice that had been there maintained to Fuxi. Wu was a town of Lu,—in the southeast of the dis. of Sishui, dep. Yanzhou. Lu now proceeded to wall it, as a precaution against reprisals from Zhu.
Par. 3. For 王臣 Guliang has 任臣. We have no subsequent entry of this duke's burial, probably because of the confusion into which Song fell after his death, in which the ceremony was irregularly performed. Wangchen became duke Cheng.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In the 4th month, duke Cheng of Song died. At this time, duke Zhuang's son, Cheng, commanded the army of the right, and Gongsun You [A Son of Muyi; —see the narrative at the end of V. viii.] that of the left; Le Yu was minister of War; Lin Guan, minister of Instruction; duke Huan's son, Dang, minister of Works; and Hua Yushi, minister of Crime. Duke Zhao [Who had succeeded to his father] wished to make away with some of the sons of former dukes, but Le Yu said to him, "No. The various clans of the ducal House are its branches and leaves. If you remove them, the root and trunk will have no shelter or shade. Even the dolichos and other creepers can give sheltering protection to their root and stem, so that the superior man could use them by way of comparison [See the Shi, I. vi. ode VII]; how much more should rulers of States do so! Your project is like what the common saying describes, 'He should protect it, and he allows the measuring line and axe to cut it down.' It is entirely to be condemned. Cherish them by your kindness, and they will be arms and legs to you;—which of them will dare to cherish disaffection? Why should you think of removing them out of the way ?" The duke would not listen to this counsel. The clans therefore of Mu and Xiang [i. e., the descendants of those two dukes] led the people of the State to attack the duke, and killed Gongsun Gu and Gongsun Zheng in his palace. The six ministers succeeded in bringing the ducal house to harmony, and Le Yu resigned his office as minister of War, in favour of the duke's brother, Ang. Duke Zhao then took the seat of his father, and buried him. The text says that the people of Song put their great officers to death, without mentioning the names of those who did so, or of the sufferers, because they were many; it intimates also that the sufferers were not criminals.' Zuoshi's explanation of the terms of the text is not satisfactory. Mao Qiling says better, 'The text does not give the names of the slayers and the slain, the historiographers having ascertained neither who the former were, nor for what cause the latter suffered. Hence the summariness of the language.' I have made the translation in accordance with this criticism.
Par. 5, 6. For 蔑 Gongyang has 昧, and before 奔 he has the characters 以 師. Linghu was in Jin,—in the pres. dis. of Yishi (猗 氏), dep. Puzhou, Shanxi. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Kang of Qin sent an escort with duke Wen's son Yong to Jin, saying, "When duke Wen entered Jin [In the 24th year of duke Xi], he had no sufficient guard with him, and hence came his difficulties from Lü and Xi." He therefore gave Yong a numerous guard of troops.
'In the meantime, Mu Ying carried her son,—the eldest son of the late marquis,—every day in her arms to the court, and wept there, saying, "What crime had the late marquis? and what crime has this child, his heir? In passing by the proper heir, not raising him to his father's place, and in seeking a ruler from abroad, what will you do with this child?" When she left the court, she carried her son to the mansion of the Zhaos, and with her head bowed to the ground before Zhao Xuan, she said to him, "The late marquis took this child, and committed him to you, saying, 'Should this child turn out a man of ability, I shall receive it as your gift. Should he not do so, I shall have have occasion to resent [your neglect of his training].' Now, though the marquis be deceased, his words must still be in your ears;—how is it that you have abandoned his son?" Zhao Xuan and the other great officers were troubled by this conduct of Mu Ying, and were afraid of pressure from the people [Taking sides with her]. They accordingly turned their backs on Xian Mie [and his mission to Qin], declared the child—duke Ling,—successor to the State, and took measures to oppose the army of Qin.
'Ji Zheng remained at the capital in charge of the government. Zhao Dun himself went in command of the army of the centre, with Xian Ke as assistant commander. Xun Linfu went with the 1st army, its assistant commander [Ji Zheng, who had the chief command of it remaining at court]. Xian Mie [Having returned to Jin] was in command of the 3d army, and Xian Du was the assistant commander. Bu Zhao was charioteer, and Rong Jin was spearman on the right.
'When they came to Jinyin, Zhao Xuan said, "If we were to receive [Yong whom] Qin [is escorting], Qin would be our guest. If we do not receive him, Qin is our invader. As we do not receive him, if we be further dilatory in our measures, Qin will be led to suspect us. To be beforehand with others takes the heart out of them;—this is a good plan in war. To drive out an invader as if we were pursuing fugitives;—this is a good rule of action." He instructed the soldiers therefore to sharpen their weapons and feed their horses, to take a good meal on their beds, and, with all arrangements for silence and secrecy, to start while it was yet dark. In this way, on Wuzi he defeated the army of Qin at Linghu, and pursued it to Kushou. On Jichou, Xian Mie fled to Qin, and Shi Hui followed him.
'When Xian Mie was sent on his mission to Qin, Xun Linfu had tried to stop him, saying, 'The [late marquis's] wife and son are still here, and we are seeking a ruler abroad; this scheme will not succeed. What do you say to declining the mission on the plea of illness ? If you do not do so, you will meet with calamity. Get another special minister to go in your place;—why must you go? Officers of the same department are comrades; I have been your comrade, and feel compelled to advise you thus with all my heart." Mie would not listen to this, and the other sang to him the 3d stanza of the Ban ode [Shi, III. ii. Ode X.] Still he would not hear him. When he became a fugitive, Xun Bo [Linfu] escorted to him in Qin all his family, with his household stuff, and treasures, saying, It is because of our comradeship." Shi Hui was in Qin for 3 years without seeing Shi Bo [Xian Mie]. One of his people said to him, "You could become a fugitive with him from Jin, and you cannot see him here! What is the reason of this?" Shi Ji [Ji was Hui's designation] replied, "I was in the same condemnation with him; It was not because I deemed him righteous [that I followed him];—why should I see him?" And up to the time of his return to Jin, he did not see him.'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion, the duke sent word of the incursion to Jin. Zhao Xuan sent a messenger, who, by means of Jia Ji, asked Feng Shu [The chief minister of the Di] about it, and reproved him. Feng Shu asked Jia Ji which was the superior of the two, Zhao Cui or Zhao Dun. Jia Ji replied, "Zhao Cui was the sun of a winter's day [To be cherished]; Zhao Dun is the sun of a summer's [To be shrunk from]." '
Par. 8. Hu was in Zheng,—in the northwest of the pres. dis. of Yuanwu, dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, had a meeting with Zhao Dun of Jin, when they made a covenant in Hu;—having reference to the accession of the new marquis of Jin. The duke arrived afterwards, and therefore the text does not say with whom he met. In all cases of any of our dukes meeting with other princes, when it is not said who these were, it must be understood that the duke came late. The reason why in such case the States are not given is to conceal the duke's want of diligence.' The canon which Zuo here lays down for the explanation of the text has been called in question by Liu Chang and Sun Jue. Most of the critics, however, accede to it. To me it seems very questionable.
Par. 9. Du Yu accounts for the brevity of this par., where only the name Xu is given without any mention of the leader, on the supposition that the historiographers recorded the notice as it was received from Xu, which was too barbarous a State to draw up an announcement of the kind in the proper form. Liu Chang, however, argues, from the statement in the Zhuan on the next par., that Ju sent, on the invasion of Xu, to ask a covenant with Lu, and that the announcement came from it;—which is much more likely, and sufficiently accounts for the brevity of the notice.
Par. 10. Gong and Gu have 蒞 for 蒞. The Zhuan says:——'Mubo [Gongsun Ao] had married a wife from Ju, called Dai Si [(已) in the text should probably be (己)] who bore to him Wenbo. Her sister Sheng Si bore him Huishu. On the death of Dai Si he made proposals for another wife from Ju, but the party concerned in Ju declined them on the ground that Sheng Ji was still alive, on which he made the proposal, on behalf of [his cousin] Xiangzhong [Gongzi Sui]. This winter, when Xu invaded Ju, they sent from Ju to Lu, begging for a covenant, and Mubo went to Ju to superintend the making of it, and at the same time to meet the lady for Xiangzhong. When he got to Yanling, having gone up on the wall of the city, [he saw her that] she was beautiful, and married her himself. Zhong asked leave to attack him from the duke, who was about to give his consent, when Shuzhong Huibo [A grandson of Gongzi Ya, who was murdered in Zhuang's 32d year; a brother of Shusun Dechen of I. 7. From him came the Shuzhong family] remonstrated, saying, "Your servant has heard that hostilities within the State produce rebellion, while hostilities from without are from enemies. In dealing with enemies, you have still to do with strangers; in dealing with rebels, you are arrayed against yourself. Now a subject is going to produce confusion, and your lordship does not hinder him; and when the thing goes on to lead to hostile attacks [from without], what can be said?" The duke on this stopped Zhong's movement, and Huibo reconciled the two officers, advising Zhong to give up his claim to the lady, and Gongsun Ao to send her back to Ju, and that they should again be brothers as before. They followed his counsel.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Xi Que of Jin said to Zhao Xuan, "Years ago, Wey being on bad terms with us, we took part of its territory [See the 1st year, par. 7]. Now it is on good terms with us, and we may restore the territory. When a State revolts from us, if we do not punish it, how can we display our majesty? When it submits, if we do not deal kindly with it, how can we display our indulgence? Without that majesty and indulgence, how can we display our virtue? And without virtue, how can we preside over the covenants [of the States]? You are our chief minister, the director of all the princes; and if you do not make it your object to manifest such virtue, what will be the consequence? It is said in one of the Books of Xia [or Yu; see the Shu, II. ii. 7], 'Caution them with gentle words; correct them with the majesty of law; stimulate them with the nine songs:—in order, that your success may never suffer diminution.' There are the virtues seen in the nine services, all of which may be sung; and they are called the nine songs. There are the six magazines and three businesses, which are called the nine services. Water, fire, metal, wood, earth, and grain, are called the six magazines. The rectification of the people's virtue, the conveniences of life, and the securing abundant means of sustentation, are called the three businesses. The accomplishment of them with righteousness shows the possession of propriety. The want of this propriety, leading to dissatisfaction, is what produces revolt. If the virtue of you, Sir, cannot be sung, who will be attracted by you? Why not make those who are now on good terms with you sing you?" Zhao Xuan was pleased with this counsel.']
VIII. Eighth year.
1. It was the [duke's] eighth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Wushen, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
4. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renwu, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, had a meeting with Zhao Dun of Jin, when they made a covenant in Hengyong.
5. On Yiyou, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, had a meeting with the Luo Rong, and made a covenant with them at Bao.
6. Gongsun Ao left to go to the capital, but he retraced his steps before he got to it. On Bingxu he fled to Ju.
7. There were locusts.
8. The people of Song put to death their great officer, the minister of War. The minister of Works of Song came to Lu a fugitive.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan gives here the sequel of the narrative at the end of last year:——'In spring, the marquis of Jin sent Xie Yang to restore to Wey the lands of Kuang and Qi [See the Zhuan on I. 6]. He also surrendered the territory, with which duke Wen had invested his son-in-law, Chi, from Shen to the border of Hulao.]'
Par. 2. [The Zhuan appends here:——'In summer, a body of men from Qin invaded Jin, and took Wucheng;—in return for the affair at Linghu.']
Par. 3. Zuo observes that this was king Xiang. He was succeeded by his son Renchen (壬臣), known as king Qing (頃王).
Par. 4. Hengyong was in Zheng,—near to Hu, mentioned in p. 8 of last year. The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from Jin came to punish us on account of the covenant at Hu [For which the duke arrived too late]. In winter, Xiangzhong had a meeting with Zhao Dun, when they made a covenant in Hengyong;—in satisfaction for [the duke's negligence in the matter of] the covenant at Hu.'
Par. 5. For 雒 Gongyang, and also Zuo's Zhuan, have 伊雒. This tribe of the Rong had its seat in the pres. dep. of Henan. Bao was in Zheng. It could not be far from Hengyong, for Yiyou was only the 3d day after Renwu, when Sui covenanted with Zhao Dun. Zuoshi says that from that covenant Sui took occasion to go on, and made a covenant with the Rong of Yiluo. They, it is supposed, had assembled with the intention of attacking Lu. Sui became aware of this, and took it upon himself, without waiting for instructions from the duke, to go on, and treat with them, inducing them to give up their purpose. Probably, the case was so. But Zuo goes on to say that Sui is mentioned here as 'duke's son,' to indicate the excellence of his proceeding, while in other places the same 'duke's son' must be held to indicate condemnation!
Par. 6. Gongyang leaves out the 而 before 復. Zuoshi says:——'Mubo proceeded to Zhou to express the duke's condolences on the king's death; but before he got there, he fled to Ju, to follow the lady Si, taking the offerings which he carried with him.' The lady is the Si mentioned in p. 9 of last year, whom Ao had been induced to send back to Ju. 不至而復 means that he stopt short in his way to the capital, retraced his steps so far, and then went to Ju. Many of the critics understand the phrase as indicating that Ao refused altogether to comply with the duke's order for him to go to Zhou;—a view which the Kangxi editors rightly condemn.
Par. 7. Here, as elsewhere, Gongyang has * for 螽 See on II. v. 8, et al.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The wife [=widow] of [duke] Xiang of Song was a sister of king Xiang, and duke Zhao did not behave to her [His own grandmother] with propriety. She, therefore, by means of the members of the Dai clan [Embracing the Le Yu, Hua Yushi, mentioned in the Zhuan on p. 4 of last year, and others] got Kong Shu, grandson of duke Xiang, put to death, with Gongsun Zhongli, and the grandminister of war, duke Zhao's brother Ang, who were all partisans of duke Zhao. The minister of War died grasping his seal of office in his hands; and therefore his official dignity is mentioned in the text. The minister of Works, Dang Yizhu, came a fugitive to Lu, having given up his seal to the keeper of the treasury, when he left Song. The duke met him in the manner due to his office, and procured the restoration of him and his followers. The text also mentions him by his official dignity, honouring him in the same way.'
[The Zhuan returns here to the affairs of Jin:——'At the grand military review at Yi [See the Zhuan at the beginning of the 6th year], the marquis had wished to raise Ji Zhengfu and Xian Du [to the command of the 1st army], and to give Shi Hu and Liang Yi'er the command of the 2d. Xian Ke said to him, "The services of Hu and Zhao should not be forgotten;" and the marquis followed the suggestion [in making the appointments]. Xian Ke also subsequently took away from Kuai De the lands granted to him at Jinyin. In consequence of these things, Ji Zhengfu, Xian Du, Shi Hu, Liang Yi'er, and Kuai De, arranged to raise an insurrection [in the State.']
XI. Ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the earl of Mao came to Lu, to ask for [a contribution of] money.
2. The duke's wife, the lady Jiang, went to Qi.
3. In the second month, Shusun Dechen went to the capital.
4. On Xinchou there was the burial of king Xiang.
5. The people of Jin put to death their great officer Xian Du.
6. In the third month, the duke's wife, the lady Jiang, arrived from Qi.
7. The people of Jin put to death their great officers, Shi Hu and Ji Zhengfu.
8. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng. Sui, duke [Zhuang's] son, joined an officer of Xu, to relieve Zheng.
9. In summer, the Di made an incursion into Qi.
10. In autumn, in the eighth month, Xiang, earl of Cao, died.
11. In the ninth month, on Guiyou, there was an earthquake.
12. In winter, the viscount of Chu sent Jiao to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
13. An officer from Qin came to present grave-clothes for duke Xi and Cheng Feng.
14. There was the burial of duke Gong of Cao.
[Continuing the narrative at the end of last year, the Zhuan proceeds:——'In spring, in the king's first month, on Jiyou, [the conspirators] employed ruffians to kill Xian Ke. On Yichou the people of Jin put to death Xian Du and Liang Yi'er.']
Par. 1. The earl of Mao,—see on I.5. Comp. the whole par. with I. iii. 4. The 金 here and 賻 there seem to be two names for the same thing. Du says [Expanding the Zhuan] that the money was sought, to help in the expenditure for the king's burial. Though this was the beginning of a new year since the death of the king, yet, he being not buried, the text does not say that the messenger was sent by the new king. The mission, Zuo further says, was 'contrary to rule' and the earl's name was 'Wey.'
Par. 2. The lady Jiang went to Qi to visit her parents. This all the critics admit; but as such visits were regularly made, and matters of custom and routine are held not to be entered in the Chunqiu, they hazard various conjectures to account for this record; with which the student need not be troubled.
Parr. 3,4. These are treated in the Zhuan as one paragraph.—'Zhuangshu (莊 was Dechen's posthumous title) went to Zhou, to the burial of king Xiang. Du says that it was according to rule for a minister to go to Zhou on such an occasion; but it was not so.—The duke ought to have gone himself.
Par. 5. The fact here recorded is given in the Zhuan at the beginning of the year, and is said to have occurred on the day Yiyou. Now Yiyou was the 19th of the 1st month of this year. Here is a discrepancy between the text and the Zhuan for which it is not easy to account.
Par. 6. This record is remarkable as being the only instance in which the return of a marchioness of Lu from a visit to her paternal State is entered. Fourteen times the leaving of Lu is recorded; but only on this occasion is the solemn celebration of the return in the ancestral temple mentioned.
Par. 7. See the Zhuan at the end of last year, and the beginning of this. Here the Zhuan merely repeats the text, with the addition of the name of Kuai De. The omission of that in the text, as of the name of Liang Yi'er in p. 5, is probably to be accounted for from the inferior rank of the two criminals. A canon is made to account for the use of 人 here and in p. 5, and some similar passages, that it is used when the punishment of criminals is spoken of;—as if the execution were with the consent of all the people. It does not, however, always hold. Kuliang has many followers in thinking that the 及 implies that Zhengfu was involved (累及) in crime and its consequences by Shi Hu; but so much stress need not be laid on the term. Mao Qiling says, 及者，次及之，及 = and next.'
Par. 8. Chu had now pretty well recovered from the defeat at Chengpu 15 years before this, and here resumes its attempts against the northern States. The Zhuan says:——'Fan Shan [A great officer of Chu] said to the viscount of Chu, "The ruler of Jin is quite young, and has no thought about the States;—you may take measures now for the land of the north." Accordingly the viscount took post with an army at Langyuan, to [direct] the invasion of Zheng. He made prisoners of Gongzi Jian, Gongzi Mang, and Le Er, after which Zheng made peace with Chu. Duke Zhuang's son, Sui, joined Zhao Dun of Qin, Hua Ou of Song, Kong Da of Wey, and a great officer of Xu, in order to relieve Zheng, but they did not come up with the army of Chu. The text does not give the names of the ministers [of the several States] because of their dilatoriness, —to punish their want of sincerity.'
Par. 9. With Chu pressing on them from the south, and the Di, ever active and restless on the north, the States of the Middle kingdom were in an evil case.
[The Zhuan gives here two additional notes about Chu—'In summer, Chu made an incursion into Qin, and reduced Huqiu;— because of its submission to Jin.'
'In autumn, Gongzi Zhu of Chu invaded Chen by the way of the eastern Yi. The troops of Chen defeated him, and captured Gongzi Fei. This success made Chen afraid, and it made peace with Chu.]
Par. 11. Du says:——'It is the way of the earth to be still; its moving was accounted strange, and therefore recorded.' Ren Gongfu (任公輔) says:——'For more than a hundred years before this we have no record of an earthquake; but from this time to king Ai, there are four earthquakes recorded;—nature's response to the prevailing confusion in the kingdom, the princes disobedient to the son of Heaven, and their officers disobedient to the princes.'
Par. 12. For 椒 Guliang has 萩. The Zhuan says:—— 'Ziyue Jiao came to us on a mission of friendly inquiries, and carried his offerings in a careless, arrogant manner. Shuzhong Huibo said, "This man is sure to cause the extinction of all the clan of Ruo'ao. Treating thus insolently his ancient lords [In whose temple he had received the offerings for his mission], their Spirits will not bless him." ' The rule in the case of friendly missions was that the rank of the sender should be mentioned. In a former mission from Chu [see III. xxiii. 5], the rule is not observed; but here and afterwards, in the only other mission of this kind from Chu, we have the viscount of Chu. Chu has now come into the category of the other States. Its progress in civilization and influence was acknowledged. The Kangxi editors very unnecessarily recount the various methods of the critics to account for the 'commendation' which they think is indicated by the title.
Par. 13. 禭 = graveclothes, or the presentation of them for the use of the dead (禭者以衣送死人之稱). Such gifts were common between neighbouring States which were in friendly relations. In this case they came late, but we have a similar gift sent in the same way to Lu by the king in I. i. 4. Zuoshi says:——'This offering was according to rule. The States presented to one another their condolences and congratulations. Although their gifts might not correspond to the circumstances, yet if they were according to rule, they were recorded, that the old friendship [thus signified] might not [subsequently] be forgotten.' Qin and Lu had taken part in the same covenant at Diquan. The former State now took advantage of that to cultivate its friendly relations with the States of the 'Middle kingdom.'
X. Tenth year.
1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Xinmao, Zangsun Chen died.
2. In summer, Qin invaded Jin.
3. Chu put to death its great officer, Yishen.
4. From the first month, it did not rain till autumn in the seventh month.
5. The [duke] made a covenant with the viscount of Su at Ruli.
6. In winter, the Di made an incursion into Song.
7. The viscount of Chu and the marquis of Cai halted in Juemo.
Par. 1. Zangsun Chen,—see on III.xxviii. 7. See also Ana. V. xvii. He must have been an important minister of Lu for nearly half a century. Du says that his death is recorded here, because the duke went to be present at the dressing and preparing of his body for the coffin (公輿小殮).
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, a body of men from Jin attacked Qin, and took Shaoliang. In summer, the earl of Qin invaded Jin, and took Beizheng.' In common with a host of the critics, the Kangxi editors contend that the simple Qin here is condemnatory of that State for keeping up the long series of hostilities with Jin, and thereby allowing Chu to develope its power and aggressions on the 'Middle kingdom.' But according to the Zhuan, Jin had been the offender, and was responsible for the continuance of the animosity of Qin. The simple 秦 in the text merely indicates that it was not known in Lu who in particular had commanded in the invasion.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In earlier years, Yusi, a soothsayer of Fan, had said that king Cheng [Of Chu], Ziyu, and Zixi [The Yishen of the text], would all die violent deaths. After the battle of Chengpu, the king thought of this, and sent to stop Ziyu, telling him he should not put himself to death, but the message came too late (See on V. xxviii. 6). [The king also sent] to stop Zixi. He had attempted to hang himself, when the rope by which he was suspended broke. Just then the message arrived, and his suicide was stayed. After this Cheng appointed him duke of Shang. Sailing down the Han and ascending the Jiang, he was about to enter Ying. The king was in his island palace, and seeing Zixi below, he was afraid, and refused an interview, but the other said, "Your servant [formerly] escaped dying, but there have been slanderers again saying that I am going to run away;—I am coming back to die at the hands of the minister of Crime." King Cheng then made him director of the workmen; but after this he proceeded to plan with Zijia the death of king Mu, who heard of their design, and in the 5th month put them to death; —both Dou Yishen and Zhonggui (The above Zijia).'
Par. 4. See on II. 5.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th month, we made a covenant with the viscount of Su, at Ruli, on account of the accession of king Qing.' A viscount of Su appears in the Zhuan, after III. xix. 4, and on V. x.
2. See the note on the latter paragraph. There the State of Wen or Su is described as annihilated; but king Xiang had probably restored it. The viscount of Su in the text would be a son of the one in duke Xi's time. The site of Ruli is not ascertained.
Parr. 6,7. These two paragraphs are sometimes edited as one, the reason, no doubt, being that the viscount of Chu's halting at Juemo was with a design against Song, wasted by the incursion of the Di. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Chen and the earl of Zheng had a meeting with the viscount of Chu in Xi; and in the winter, [the viscount] and the marquis of Cai halted at Juemo, with the intention of thence attacking Song. Hua Yushi of Song said [to the duke], "Chu wishes to display our weakness;—had we not better show first that we know it ourselves? Why must we let the viscount challenge us? We have no ability [to cope with him]; —of what crime have the people been guilty [that you should involve them in hostilties?]" On this the duke went to meet the viscount, gave largess to his troops, and professed submission to his commands. He then led the way to hunt in Mengzhu.
'The duke of Song led the party on the right, and the earl of Zheng that on the left. Fusui, duke of Qisi, was director of the hunt for the right, and Zizhu and Wenzhi Wuwei were directors for the left. Orders were given [to the princes present] to have their carriages yoked early in the morning, and [for each] to carry an instrument for raising fire with him. The duke of Song disobeyed [the latter of] these commands, on which Wuwei caused his charioteer to be flogged, to show to all the hunt [the offence the duke had been guilty of]. Some one said to Zizhou (Wuwei) that the ruler of a State ought not to be so disgraced; but he replied, "Acting as my office requires of me, what have I to do with the position [of the offender]? As the ode says (Shi, III. iii. ode VI. 5),
'He does not eject the hard Nor does he devour the soft;' and again (Shi, III. ii. ode IX. 3),
'Give no indulgence to deceit and obsequiousness, To make careful those who pay no regard to the rule.' These passages show that one is not to shrink from dealing with the powerful. Dare I prefer the duties of my office to be thrown into disorder rather than to die?"
Zuo adds that the viscount of Jun withdrew secretly from this meeting at Juemo. The site of that place does not seem to be ascertained. Gongyang has 屈 for 厥.
XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the viscount of Chu invaded Jun.
2. In summer, Shuzhong Pengsheng had a meeting with Xi Que of Jin in Chengkuang.
3. In autumn, the earl of Cao paid a court-visit to Lu.
4. Duke Zhuang's son, Sui, went to Song.
5. The Di made an incursion into Qi.
6. In winter, in the tenth month, on Jiawu, Shusun Dechen defeated the Di in Xian.
Par. 1. Jun (Kungyang has 圈), was a small State, whose lords were viscounts,—in the pres. dis. of Yun (鄖) dept, Yunyang, Hubei. Its chief town was Xixue (錫穴). The last Zhuan relates how the viscount of Jun withdrew from the meeting at Juemo; we have here his punishment. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the viscount of Chu invaded Jun, and Cheng Daxin [Son of Cheng Dechen (成得臣), who was defeated at Chengpu] defeated the army of Jun at Fangzhu. Pan Chong (See the Zhuan on I.10), again invaded Jun, and advanced as far as to Xixue.'
Par. 2. Gong and Gu have no 仲 after 叔 and they have 匡 instead of 筐. Chengkuang was in Song,—30 li to the west of the city of Suizhou (睢州), in the dep. of Guide. Shuzhong Pengsheng is the Shuzhong Huibo, whom we have met with in the Zhuan more than once. He was the brother of Shusun Dechen, and son of Gongsun Ci, or Daibo, mentioned in the 4th year of duke Xi:—see the note on I. 7. The object of the meeting, Zuoshi says, was to consult about the adhesion given in by several of the States to Chu. The Kangxi editors observe that this is the first instance of a meeting by great officers of difft. States between themselves, to deliberate about public affairs;—showing how the power was gradually sliding out of the hands of the princes of the States.
Par. 3. This was a son of duke Gong, whose death and burial are chronicled in the 9th year. Zuo observes that he was himself duke Wen, and this visit was on the occasion of his succeeding to the earldom, to have an interview with his neighbour.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Xiangzhong went on this friendly visit to Song, when he mentioned the case of Dang Yizhu, [Song's] minister of Works (See VIII. 8), and procured his restoration, taking occasion also to congratulate Song on its not having suffered from the army of Chu'.
Par. 6. This Xian was in Lu,—difft. from the place of the same name in V. xiii.3. The Zhuan says:——'[The Di of] Souman made an incursion into Qi, and then came on to attack us. The duke consulted the tortoise-shell about sending Shusun Dechen to pursue them, and received a favourable reply. Hou Shuxia was charioteer to Zhuangshu [Dechen]; Mian Fangsheng was spearman on the right; and Fufu Zhongsheng went also in the same chariot. In winter, in the tenth month, on Jiawu, the general defeated the Di in Xian, and captured a giant called Qiaoru. Fufu Zhongsheng smote him in the throat with his spear, and killed him. They buried his head by the Ziju gate, and the general named one of his sons, known afterwards as Xuanbo, after him.
'Before this, in the time of duke Wu of Song [Earlier than the period of the Chunqiu], the Souman invaded Song, and the minister of Instruction, Huangfu Chongshi led a force against them, with Er Ban as his charioteer, Gongzi Gusheng the spearman on his right, and Niufu, the minister of Crime, in the same chariot. He defeated the Di at Changqiu, and captured a giant, called Yuansi. The two [other officers], and Huangfu, were killed 皇父之二子死焉; but I cannot suppose that the Gongzi Gusheng and Niufu were sons of Huangfu], and the duke of Song rewarded Er Ban with the revenues collected at one of the barrier gates, from which he was called Ermen.
'After this, when Jin extinguished Lu, [潞; in the 15th year of duke Xuan], Fenru, a younger brother of Qiaoru, was taken.
'In the 2d year of duke Xiang of Qi [The 16th of our duke Huan], the Souman had invaded Qi, when Chengfu, a king's son who was serving in Qi, captured Rongru, a younger brother still, and buried his head by the north gate of Zhoushou; and afterwards the people of Wey captured the third younger brother, Jianru. After all these captures, the Souman became extinct.'
[Yingda says that all these stories about giants are to be doubted. Du gives the height of Qiaoru as thirty cubits! In the 國語, 魯語，下, art. there is a story about the people of Wu consulting Confucius about a large bone which they had found, which the sage pronounced to be that of a giant killed by the great Yu! He speaks there also of the 'long Di' of his days.]
[The Zhuan appends here :——'Zhuru, the eldest son of [the earl of] Cheng took his ease in Fuzhong; and the people of the State did not yield him obedience.']
XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the earl of Cheng came a fugitive to Lu.
2. The earl of Qi came to Lu on a court-visit.
3. In the second month, on Gengzi, duke [Xi's] daughter—the second one—died.
4. In summer, a body of men from Chu laid siege to Chao.
5. In autumn, the viscount of Teng came to Lu on a court-visit.
6. The earl of Qin sent Shu to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Wuwu, the troops of Jin and those of Qin fought at Hequ.
8. Jisun Hangfu led a force, and walled Zhu and Yun.
Par. 1. For 郕 Gongyang has 盛. Cheng, —see I. v. 3. We have in this par. the sequel to the Zhuan with which the last year concludes. Zuoshi says here, 'In the 12th year, in spring, the earl of Cheng died, and the people raised another in his place. His eldest son then came a fugitive to Lu, surrendering to the duke the cities of Fuzhong and Chenggui. The duke met him with the honours due to the prince of a State;—which was contrary to rule. Hence the text calls him "earl of Cheng," nor does it mention the places he surrendered, in deference to him as a prince.'
In III. viii. 3, we read that Cheng surrendered to Qi, but that surrendering cannot have been equivalent to the extinction of the State, as Gongyang supposes, else we should not read of it here. The account which Zuo gives of the statement in the text, however, is much contested by the critics. Acc. to a rule, of which we have met with several instances, the son of the prince of a State, though succeeding quietly to his father, could not be named in the text by his title till a year had expired; and yet here is the son flying from the State, immediately after his father's death, acting, moreover, a traitor's part, and he is denominated 'earl.' Then, say the critics, a prince who has lost his State, is mentioned by his name, and there is no name here. The text is silent further about the fugitive's treachery, in deference to him. What comes of all the canons about the 'praise' and 'condemnation' which the structure of the paragraphs is supposed to convey?
Par. 2. In V. xxvii. 1, the prince of Qi appears as viscount only. Here he has regained one degree of the former rank of the House. The Zhuan says:——'This visit of duke Huan of Qi was the first time he had been to the court of Lu since the duke's accession. Moreover he [now] begged that the engagement between him and [duke Xi's] second daughter might be at an end, while yet his intermarrying [with the House of Lu] should not be so;—to which the duke agreed.—See on next par.
Par. 3. The Zhuan continues:——'In the 2d month, duke [Xi's] second daughter died. It is not said—of Qi," because her engagement of marriage with the earl of Qi had been broken of. The terms "second daughter 叔姬" tell that she was not a girl, [but had been betrothed].' According then to Zuoshi, this was the lady who had been engaged to the earl of Qi when his mother came to the court of Lu in the 31st year of duke Xi, seeking a wife for him. She had remained in Lu, as being too young to be married until this time; and the earl of Qi finding, when he came in the previous month to Lu, that she was ill, begged that his engagement with her might be considered at an end, and that he might have a younger sister instead. The Kangxi editors do not venture to reject this account of Zuo, though they intimate their opinion that his identiflcation of the lady is wrong, and that his view was constructed by himself in consequence of his connecting this paragraph and the former too closely together. Zuo's remark as to the force of the characters 叔姬 I do not understand. Du's explanation of it, that 'the deaths of young princesses, who had not been engaged to be married were not recorded,' would apply to the whole entry, and not to those terms.
As to the meaning of the 子 before 叔姬 there is no consent of the critics. Gongyang says the lady is so termed by way of distinction.(貴也), as being duke Wen's full sister, but how the 子 marks such distinction it is difficult to perceive. I can make nothing of it.
Par. 4. Chao was a small State, lying between Wu (吳) and Chu. It has left its name in the pres. dis. of Chao, dep. Luzhou, Anhui. The Zhuan says:——'On the death of Da Sunbo [Often mentioned before this in the Zhuan as Cheng Daxin; the son of Cheng Dechen, who was defeated at Chengpu. The Da (大) here, appearing as a surname I don't understand], chief minister of Chu, Cheng Jia took his place. [At this time] the difft. Shu States, revolted from Chu; and in summer Zikong (the above Cheng Jia) seized Ping, viscount of Shu, and the viscount of Zong, and went on to lay siege to Chao.'
Par. 5. Zuo observes that this was another case of a first court-visit to duke Wen. Ji Ben 季本; Ming dyn., 1st half of 16th century) says that since the seizure of duke Xuan of Teng by Song in the 19th year of duke Xi, the State had adhered to Song; but that now, taking advantage of the troubles of Song, it returned to its former preference for Lu.
Par. 6. Gongyang has 遂 for 術. The Zhuan says:——'The earl of Qin sent Xiqi Shu on this friendly mission, and to speak of his intention to invade Jin. Xiangzhong (Gongzi Sui) declined to receive the jade symbol [which he had brought], saying, 'Your ruler, not forgetting the friendship between his father and us, has favoured Lu with this mission, giving its altars the assurance of his protecting and soothing care, and signalizing the importance of this mission with this grand instrument; but my ruler ventures to decline receiving it." The other replied, "This poor instrument is not worth your declining it." Thrice, however, [Sui], as the host, refused it, and then the guest replied, "My ruler wishing to obtain the favour of the duke of Zhou and [his son], the [first] duke of Lu, by his service of your prince, sent me, with this poor instrument of his fathers, to deliver it to you, the manager of this negotiation, to be an auspicious symbol for the confirmation of our good agreement. It is to me the proof of my ruler's commission to tie the bond of friendship between our two States. This is why I presume to deliver it to you." Xiangzhong said, "Without superior men, can a ruler order his State? Yours is no uncultivated State." He then sent Shu away with rich presents.'
[Xiqi Shu was one of the leaders of the army of Qin the expedition which terminated so fatally at Xiao;—see the Zhuan at V. xxxiii.
3. His present mission was part of a scheme, on the part of Qin, to detach the States generally from Jin.]
Par. 7. Hequ was in Jin,—near the pres. dep. city of Puzhou (蒲州). The Zhuan says:——'Because of the affair at Linghu (VII. 5), this winter, the earl of Qin invaded Jin, and took Jima. The troops of Jin went out to meet him. Zhao Dun commanded the army of the middle, with Xun Linfu as assistant. Xi Que led the 1st army, with Yu Pian as assistant. Luan Dun led the 3d army, with Xu Jia as assistant. Fan Wuxu was charioteer [to Zhao Dun]; and in this order they followed the army of Qin to Hequ. Yu Pian said, "Qin cannot remain here long. Let us merely show a strong front, with deep entrenchments, and await his movements." Zhao Dun followed this counsel. The troops of Qin wished to fight, and the earl asked Shi Hui how a battle could be brought about. "Zhao Dun," said Hui, "has recently brought out his adherent Yu Pian, and it must be he who has counselled this measure, in order to weary our army. [But] Dun has a cousin, named Chuan, a son-in-law of the [late] marquis. Being a favourite, and young, he has not been employed in military affairs, but he is fond of showing his bravery and is excitable. He is angry, moreover, at Yu Pian's being employed as assistant-commander of the 1st army. If you send a small body of troops to flout [the army of Jin], a battle may be brought about." On this the earl prayed to the He with a bi, about the battle [that would ensue].
'In the 12th month, on Wuwu, [a portion of] the army of Qin made a sudden attack on Jin's 1st army, [and retired], pursued by Zhao Chuan, without his being able to overtake it. When he returned, he said, in anger, "We took our provisions in our bags, and donned our armour, surely to look for our enemies. What are we waiting for that we do not strike the enemy when he comes?" His officers said, "We are waiting for an opportunity." "I do not know," he replied, "their plans, but I will go forth alone;" and forth he went with his followers. Zhao Xuan (Dun) said, "If Qin capture Chuan, it will capture a high minister. If its army return with such a victory, what shall I have to show in return?" With this the whole army went forth to battle, when there ensued a gentle encounter, and then both sides drew off.
'A messenger from the army of Qin came to that of Jin at night with a warning challenge, saying, "The soldiers of our two armies are not yet satisfied;—please let us see one another tomorrow." Yu Pian said to Dun, "The messenger's eyes kept moving about, and his words were incoherent; they are afraid of us, and will be going off. If we attack them at the He, we are sure to defeat them. Xu Jia and Zhao Chuan [went and] cried out, at the gate of the entrenchments, "While the dead and the wounded are not gathered in, to abandon them is not kind. Not to wait for the stipulated time, but to attack men while they are in a perilous position, is not brave." The design was consequently abandoned, and in the night the army of Qin withdrew, made an incursion into Jin in another direction, and entered Xia.
I have translated 晉人，秦人 by 'the troops of Jin and those of Qin.' The Kangxi editors hold that the simple 人 is condemnatory of both the hostile States, especially as there is no 及 between the phrases.
Par. 8.諸, see III. xxix. 5. Yun (Gong has 運) was also a town in Lu—in the north of the pres. dis. of Yishui (沂水), dep. Yizhou. Lu now walled them as a precaution against attempts on the part of Ju. Zuoshi says the thing is recorded to show 'the timeliness of the proceeding.'
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. It was the [duke's] thirteenth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Renwu, Shuo, marquis of Chen, died.
3. Quchu, viscount of Zhu, died.
4. From the first month it did not rain till autumn, in the seventh month.
5. The roof of the permanent shrine-house went to ruin.
6. In winter, the duke went to Jin; and the marquis of Wey had a meeting with him in Ta.
7. The Di made an incursion into Wey.
8. In the twelfth month, on Jichou, the duke and the marquis of Jin made a covenant. The duke was returning from Jin, when the earl of Zheng had a meeting with him in Fei.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends here that this spring, the marquis of Jin sent Zhan Jia to reside in Xia, to guard all the border of Taolin.
Par. 2. [The Zhuan enters here the following narrative about the affairs of Jin:——'The people of Jin were distressed by the use which Qin made of Shi Hui; and this summer, the six high ministers had a meeting together about the subject in Zhufu. Zhao Xuan said, "Hui of Sui [Sui was the name of the town whence Shi Hui had derived his revenue] is in Qin, and Jia Ji is among the Di; difficulties come upon us every day in consequence; —what is to be done?" The officer Huan [who had had the command] of the Middle column [This was Xun Linfu, who had received command of the 中行, one of the five armies of Jin; see on V. xxxi, 6. 中行 is nearly equivalent to a surname. Huan was Linfu's posthumous title.] begged that Jia Ji might be recalled, saying he would manage their external affairs [with the Di], and out of regard to the old services [of his family]. Xi Cheng [Xi Que; 成 was his posthumous title] said, "Jia Ji is too insubordinate, and he was guilty of a great crime. He is not like Hui of Sui, who maintains his self respect even in a mean position, is mild and not insubordinate, and whose wisdom fits him for employment. Moreover, Hui had committed no crime." On this, [it was resolved] to send Shouyu of Wei [to Qin], on the pretence that he had revolted with the city and lands of Wei, to beguile Shi Hui [back to Jin]. They accordingly seized his family in Jin, and made him abscond at night.
[Having got to Qin], he begged to transfer his allegiance to it, and the earl accepted his offer. At the court of Qin, he trod on Shi Hui's foot [To give him a hint of his object]. The earl took post with a force on the west of the He, and the men of Wei were on the east. Shouyu then said, "Let me beg the company of some man from the east who will be able to speak with my officers, so that I may go before with him." Shi Hui was appointed to go, but he refused, saying, "The people of Jin are tigers and wolves. If they prove false to their word, your servant will die [there], and my wife and children will be put to death [here]. There will nothing, moreover, be gained by your lordship; and regrets [for the whole thing] will be of no avail." The earl said, "If they prove false to their word, I swear by the waters of the He, that I will send your family back to Jin." On this, Shi Hui went with Shouyu. [As he was going], Rao Zhao (an officer of Qin) presented to him a whip, saying, "Do not say that there are no men in Qin. [You get away], because my counsel has not at this time been followed." When they had crossed the He, the men of Wei [received them] with a shout, and returned; but Qin sent Hui's family back to Jin. Some [of his surname] who remained there took the surname of Liu.']
Par. 3. Guliang has 籧篨 instead of 蘧蒢. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Wen (Wen was Quchu's posthumous title) consulted the tortoise-shell about changing his capital to Yi. The officer [of divination] said, " The removal will be advantageous to the people, but not to their ruler." The viscount said, "If it be advantageous to the people, that will be advantageous to me. When Heaven produced the people, it appointed for them rulers for their profit. Since the people are to get advantage [from the removal], I shall share in it." His attendants said, "If your life may so be prolonged, why should you not decide not to remove?" He said, "My appointment is for the nourishing of the people; my death sooner or later has a [fixed] time. If the people are to be benefited, let us remove, and nothing could be more fortunate." The capital was accordingly removed to Yi; and in the 5th month [of this year, 5 years after his accession], duke Wen died. The superior man may say that he knew [the secret of] life.'
Par. 4. See X. 4, and II. 5.
Par. 5. The text here adopted is that of Gongyang. Guliang has 太室, and the same is found in the Zhuan. Gong says:——'By 世室 is meant the shrine-house of the [first] duke of Lu. That of the duke of Zhou was called 太廟; that of the duke of Lu [Boqin, son of the duke of Zhou], 世室; those of other dukes were simply called 宮. The name 世室 indicates that from generation to generation the spirit-tablet of Boqin was not removed.' While Guliang has 太 and not 世, he yet distinguishes between 太廟, the temple of the duke of Zhou, and 太室 , that of Boqin, agreeing so far with Gongyang. And 太 and 世 are often interchanged, especially in the phrases 太子 and 太室. Perhaps Zuoshi was of the same opinion, for he simply says that 'the roof of the went to pieces, and the fact was recorded, because of the want of reverent attention [to the structure] which was implied in it. Du Yu, however, explains the 太室 by 太廟. Whosesoever the shrine-house was, the fact of its roof going to ruin showed great carelessness on the part of the duke and his officers, —great carelessness where they might have been expected to be most careful.
Parr. 6,8. In p. 6, Gongyang wants the 公 after 會.In p. 8 both Gong and Gu omit the 公 before 還. For 棐 Gong has 棐 . Where Ta was is not ascertained. Fei was in Zheng,—5 li east of the pres. dis. city of Xinzheng, dep. Kaifeng.
The Zhuan says:——'In winter, the duke went to Jin, paying a court visit, and renewing his covenant with the marquis. The marquis of Wey had a meeting with the duke at Ta, and begged his mediation to make peace with Jin; as he was returning, the earl of Zheng met him at Fei, and begged from him a similar service. The duke accomplished the thing for them both. The earl of Zheng and he feasted at Fei, when Zijia (an officer of Zheng) sang the Hong yan (Shi, II. iii. ode VII.). Ji Wen (an officer of Lu) said, "My ruler has his share in that," and he sang the Si yue (Shi, II. v. ode X.). Zijia then sang the 4th stanza of the Zai chi (Shi, I. iv. ode X.), and Ji Wen responded with the 4th of the Cai wei (Shi, II. i. ode VII.). The earl of Zheng then bowed his thanks to the duke, and the duke returned the bow.'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from Jin.
2. A body of men from Zhu invaded our southern border; [and] Shu Pengsheng led a force, and invaded Zhu.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Yihai, Pan, marquis of Qi, died.
4. In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the earl of Cao, and Zhao Dun of Jin; [and] on Guiyou they made a covenant together in Xincheng.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, there was a comet, which entered the Northern Bushel.
6. The duke arrived from the meeting.
7. The people of Jin undertook to establish Jiezi as viscount of Zhu, but did not do so.
8. In the ninth month, on Jiashen, Gongsun Ao died in Qi.
9. Shangren, a son of duke [Huan] of Qi, murdered his ruler, She.
10. Zi'ai of Song came to Lu, a fugitive.
11. In winter, the earl of Shan went to Qi; and the people of Qi seized him and held him prisoner.
12. The people of Qi [also] seized the second daughter of our house, who was there, and held her prisoner.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends here:——'This spring, king Qing died. Yue, duke of Zhou, and Wangsun Su were contending which should get the government into his hands; and therefore no intelligence of the event came officially to Lu. The deaths of kings and princes of States which were not announced were not recorded, and the same rule obtained in regard to events prosperous or calamitous;—as a method of reproving the want of reverence implied [in not making those communications].']
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'On the death of duke Wen of Zhu [See XIII. 3], the duke sent his condolences by an officer, who did not behave respectfully; and a body of troops from Zhu came to punish [the slight], and invaded our southern border. In consequence of this, Huibo invaded Zhu.' Shu Pengsheng is the same as the Shuzhong Pengsheng of XI. 2.
Par. 3. This Pan—duke Zhao—had made himself marquis of Qi, in the 28th year of duke Xi, by the murder of the son of his brother, duke Xiao. The Zhuan says:——'A second daughter of one of our dukes was the wife of duke Zhao of Qi, and bore him She. She was not a favourite with him, however, and She was devoid of any dignity. Shangren, a son of duke [Huan], gave frequent largesses to the people, and collected about him many followers. When he had exhausted his own resources, he borrowed from the duke and [various] officers [for the same purpose]. In summer, in the 5th month, duke Zhao died, and She succeeded him.'
Par. 4. Xincheng was in Song,—in the southwest of the pres. dis. of Shangqiu, dep. Guide. For the phrase 同盟, see on III.xvi.4. The use of it here is favourable to the view of its meaning given there by Zuoshi. He says here that this meeting and covenant were to celebrate the submission [to Jin] of the States which had [for a time] followed Chu, and to consult about Zhu.
[The Zhuan appends here about Qi:——'In autumn, in the 7th month, on the night of Yimao, Shangren of Qi murdered She, and offered to yield the State to [his own elder brother], Yuan. Yuan said, "You have been seeking it for a long time. I can serve you; but you are not the man in whom to awaken further dissatisfaction and resentment. Would you in that case spare me? Take you the marquisate.']
Par. 5. 星孛=彗星, 'a comet.' The meaning of 孛 is variously explained. Kong Yingda says the comet is so called from the resemblance of its motion to that of a broom (其星 孛孛似掃慧). Then as a broom sweeps away what is old to give place to something new, a comet is supposed to presage changes. With regard to this comet, the Zhuan relates that Shufu, the historiographer of the Interior, of Zhou, said, 'In not more than 7 years, the rulers of Song, Qi, and Jin will all die amidst the disorder of their States.' The 'Northern Bushel' is Ursa Major.
Par. 7. For 捷 Gong has 接. The Zhuan says:——'The first wife of duke Wen of Zhu was a Jiang of Qi, who bore to him [Jueju, who became] duke Ding. His second wife was a Ji of Jin, who bore to him Jiezi. On his death, the people of Zhu raised Jueju to his father's place, and Jiezi fled to Jin. Zhao Dun of Jin then undertook, with the armies of several of the States,—a force [in all] of 800 chariots,—to place him in the marquisate. But the people of Zhu refused to receive him, saying, "Jueju is the son of [Jiang of] Qi, and the elder of the two." Zhao Xuan said," They have reason for their refusal; and if we do not accept it, our conduct will be of evil omen." He accordingly returned to Jin.'
The Kangxi editors say that the concluding words of the par.—弗克納—are expressive of approbation, and the 人 in 晉人 of condemnation. We can see that if the undertaking were bad, then its abandonment was good and right; but the approbation is not in the characters, but in the fact. There is difficulty with the 人; as according to the Zhuan the forces of many States took part in the expedition. To be sure they were all engaged in it in the interest and at the summons of Jin; and therefore I prefer to translate 晉人 here by 'the people of Jin,' rather than by 'an officer of Jin,' or 'a body of troops from Jin.
[The Zhuan appends here two narratives. The 1st continues that after par. 1:——'The duke of Zhou and Wangsun Su being about to argue their differences before Jin, the [new] king turned against Wangsun Su, and sent the minister Yin and Dan Qi to explain the case of the duke of Zhou. Zhao Xuan pacified the royal House, and brought the parties to their former relations.'
The 2d is about the affairs of Chu:——'On the accession of king Zhuang [Son of king Mu], Zikong and Pan Chong, intending to surprise the various Shu States, appointed Gongzi Xie, and Ziyi, to remain in charge [of the govt.], while they themselves invaded Shuliao. These two officers, however, made an insurrection, proceeded to wall Ying, and employed a ruffian to kill Zikong, who returned without succeeding in that attempt. In the 8th month, they carried off the viscount, intending to go to Shangmi; but Jili of Lu and Shujun beguiled them [to Lu], and put them to death,—both Dou Ke [Ziyi], and Gongzi Xie. At an earlier time, Dou Ke had been a prisoner in Qin, which sent him, after the defeat at Yao, back to Chu, to ask for a settlement of its differences with that State. This was effected, but he did not get his wish (in the shape of reward). Gongzi Xie had sought the office of chief minister, but did not obtain it. These were the reasons why the two raised an insurrection.']
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'When Mubo [went to Ju], following the lady Si [See the Zhuan on VIII. 6], they in Lu made his son Wenbo [The Gu in the Zhuan on I. 3] head of the clan [in his room]. He begat two sons in Ju, and then he asked to be allowed to return to Lu, getting Wenbo to make intercession for him. Xiangzhong [agreed to his return] on condition that he should not appear in the court, which condition he accepted, returning to Lu, and not leaving his own house. After three years, however, he again went to Ju, taking all his household with him. Wenbo fell ill, and begged [the duke] that [his brother] Nuo might succeed him, as his son was still young; which was granted. This Nuo was Huishu. Again Mubo begged to be allowed to return once more to Lu, backing his application with large bribes. Huishu also interceded for him; and the thing was conceded; but, when he was about to come, in the 9th month he died in Qi. [Huishu] announced his death, and asked leave to bury him [with the honours of a high minister]; but this was refused.'
Par. 9. The murder of She took place in the 7th month [See the Zhuan after par. 4], but it is supposed that no communication about it was received from Qi until now; and the fact is recorded under the date at which the information arrived. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Qi having settled [the succession of] duke Yi [Shangren], they sent to Lu to announce the troubles which they had had. Hence we have the record under the 9th month. Duke Yi's brother Yuan, dissatisfied with his administration of the government, never spoke of him as "The duke," but as "So and so, No. 6."
The critics are perplexed by She's being here denominated ruler, seeing the year in which his father died had not expired. Du, Mao Qiling, and others, argue that five months had elapsed since duke Zhao's death, and that he was buried, and that therefore She might now be styled 'ruler (君);' but they do not take into consideration that She was murdered in the 7th month. Another perplexity arises here from Shangren being mentioned with his rank of 'duke's son;'—see on I. iv. 2.
Par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'Gao Ai of Song was the border-warden of Xiao, and was appointed a high minister. Disapproving of the duke of Song, he left the State, and then came a fugitive to Lu. His appearing in the text as "Zi'ai" is in honour of him' To this criticism on the designation the Kangxi editors make some demur.
Parr. 11,12. These two paragraphs have occasioned much perplexity and controversy. Duke Zhao of Qi had been a son-in-law of Lu. His wife, it is understood, was the '2d daughter of the House of Lu,' in p. 12,—the mother of the murdered She, and whom Lu now wished to rescue from Qi.
The Zhuan says:——'Xiangzhong sent an announcement to the king, begging that of his favour he would require Qi to deliver up Zhao Ji, saying, "Having killed the son, what use have they for the mother? Let us receive her, and deal with her guilt." In winter, the earl of Shan went to Qi, and begged that they would give up the lady; but they seized and held him as a prisoner, doing the same also with her.'
Here Zuoshi understands 單伯, as in III. i. 3, which see. The Kangxi editors, agreeing with the majority of the critics that 單伯 was an officer of Lu, reject here altogether Zuoshi's narrative. The views of Gong and Gu, that Shan Bo had a criminal intrigue with the lady, they reject on other grounds. I think, however, Zuoshi's view is correct.
As to 子叔姬,—see on XII.3. The lady here of course is difft. from the one whose death is there recorded. Their being designated in the same way is certainly perplexing; and we do not know enough about them to explain and reconcile satisfactorily the two texts.
XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Jisun Hangfu went to Jin.
2. In the third month, Huasun, minister of war, of Song, came and made a covenant.
3. In summer, the earl of Cao came to Lu on a court-visit.
4. The people of Qi sent back to Lu the coffin of Gongsun Ao.
5. In the sixth month, on Xinchou, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed. Drums were beaten, and victims were offered at the altar of the land.
6. The earl of Shan arrived from Qi.
7. Xi Que of Jin led a force and invaded Cai; and on Wushen, he entered [the capital of] Cai.
8. In autumn, a body of men from Qi made an incursion into our western borders.
9. Jisun Hangfu went to Jin.
10. In winter, in the eleventh month, [many of] the States made a covenant at Hu.
11. In the twelfth month, an officer of Qi came to Lu with the second daughter of our House.
12. The marquis of Qi made an incursion into our western borders, and then proceeded to invade Cao, entering within the outer suburbs of its capital.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says that this mission was on account of [the injury done by Qi to] the earl of Shan, and the second daughter of the House of Lu. The duke thought that the fear of Jin might influence Qi more than the king's authority
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Hua Ou of Song came to Lu and made a covenant, accompanied by the officers of his department. The text speaks of him with his office—Huasun, minister of War, of Song"—to do him honour. The duke was going to feast along with him, but he declined the honour, saying, "Your lordship's former servant, my ancestor Du, was a criminal with duke Shang of Song (See II. ii. 1). His name is in the records of all the States. Charged as I am with his sacrifices, dare I disgrace your lordship [so]? Let me receive your commands from one of your officers of the rank below that of a high minister." The people of Lu considered him [in this speech] to be respectful and exact.'
Hua Ou was, no doubt, made minister of War in Song, after the death of duke Zhao's brother, Ang, as related in the Zhuan on VIII. 8. The 孫 is here added to his surname just as we have in Lu 季孫, 臧孫 etc. As he is not said in the text to have been sent (使) on the mission by the duke of Song, the critics discuss the point, very fruitlessly, whether he came to Lu as an envoy, or on his own motion.
Par. 3. Zuoshi says, on this par., that 'it was an ancient regulation that the princes of States should interchange these court-visits once in 5 years, in order to their better observance of the king's commands.' But the subject of such visits is involved in obscurity. See on I.xi.1.
Par. 4. On p. 8 of last year it was stated that the duke refused permission to have the body of Ao brought to Lu to be buried. Here we find that the thing was finally brought about. The Zhuan says:——'Some one in Qi gave counsel in regard to the circumstances of the Meng family [The descendants of Qingfu, the Zhongsun clan, were sometimes called the Meng and the Mengsun (孟氏，孟孫氏), saying, "[The House of] Lu and you are of kin. Get the coffin all ready with its decorations, and place it in Tangfu. Lu will be sure [to wish] to take it away." This counsel was taken, and the commandant of Bian sent word to the court [of where the coffin was]. Huishu, still with all the symbols of deepest sorrow, took the opportunity to prosecute his [former] request, and stood in the court to await the duke's commands. The duke granted his request, when he took the coffin, and went through the ceremony of enshrouding the body [in the grand chamber of the Meng family]. An officer of Qi escorted the coffin. What the text says, that an officer of Qi brought the coffin of Gongsun Ao, was recorded out of regard to the Meng family, and its consanguinity with the ducal House. The burial was after the example of that of Gongzhong (Qingfu; with inferior honours to those due to a high minister). Sheng Si, (Ao's first wife) did not go to see the coffin, but wept inside the screen in the hall. Xiangzhong wished not to weep, but Huibo said to him. "With the mourning there is an end of one's [living] relationship. Although you [and he] could not [be on good terms] before, you may be so now that that he is gone. The historiographer Yi said, 'Brethren should display all the beauty [of kindly regard], relieving one another's wants, congratulating in prosperity, condoling in calamity, in sacrificing reverent. in mourning really sad. Although they may be unable to agree, they do not abandon the relative affection which should subsist between them.' Do not you, Sir, fail in this point;—why should you cherish such resentment?" Xiangzhong was pleased, and conducted all his brethren to weep for Ao.
'Years after, Ao's two sons came [from Ju] to Lu, when the affection of Meng Xian [The grandson of Ao, and son of Wenbo, Zhongsun Mie, then Head of the family] for them became spoken of through the State. Some one slandered them to him, saying that they would kill him. He told this to Ji Wen; and the two young men [having heard of it], said, "His love for us is well known, and it is talked of that we mean to kill him. Would this not be far from what is right? It is better that we should die than be considered so far removed from propriety." One of them, accordingly, died, defending the gate of Goumeng, and the other died, defending the gate of Liqiu.'
Par. 5. This eclipse took place at sunrise, on April 20th, B. C. 611. On the ceremonies which were now observed-鼓，用牲于社—Zuoshi remarks that they were 'contrary to rule,' adding, 'On occasion of an eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven should not have his table spread so full as ordinarily, and should have drums beaten at the altar of the land, while princes of States should present offerings of silk at the altar of the land, and have drums beaten in their courts;—thus showing how they serve the Spirits, teaching the people to serve their ruler, and exhibiting the different degrees of observance. Such was the way of antiquity.'
The text here, with the exception of the name of the day, is the same as that in the account of the eclipse in III. xxv. 3. Zuoshi there says that the ceremonies were 'unusual;' here, that they were 'contrary to rule.' The Kangxi editors explain the difference of these criticisms by saying that the ' 6th month' in III. xxv. 3 is a mistake for the 7th month, while the 6th month of the text is correct. Now the 6th month of Zhou was the 4th month of Xia, or the 1st month of the natural summer, when according to Zuoshi, the ceremonies mentioned in the Zhuan were appropriate. In the eclipse of duke Zhuang, they were 'unusual;' the month was not the time for them. In this eclipse of duke Wen, they would have been right, if they had only been performed 'according to rule.' Perhaps this is a correct explanation of the difference of Zuoshi's decisions in the two cases;—ingenious it certainly is. But see what I have said on III. xxv. 3 about the distinction which Zuo would make out between eclipses in the 1st month of summer, and at other times.
Par. 6. Here we have 單 伯 again, and the par. is appealed to as decisive of the question about the individual so described, whether he belonged to Zhou or to Lu. Evidently, it is said, he belonged to Lu. Ordinarily the return of officers from their missions was not chronicled. The only exception was in the case of such as had been seized and imprisoned in the exercise of their functions. We have two cases in point, in X.xiv. 1, and xxiv.2; and here in the text is a third. The argument cannot be lightly set aside; but why should not the king's commissioner, who had endured on behalf of Lu as 單 伯 had done, go to that State on his liberation, and be received by the duke in the ancestral temple. Such a visit perhaps was necessary in order to the liberation of Lu's daughter, which is related in the 11th paragraph. Zuoshi says here:——'The people of Qi granted what the earl of Shan requested, and liberated him, that he might come to Lu, and report the fulfilment of his mission. The language of the text—The earl of Shan came from Qi—is modelled to honour him.'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Cai took no part in the covenant at Xincheng [See p. 4 of last year], and now Xi Que, with the 1st and 3d armies, invaded Cai, saying, "Our ruler is young;—we must not dally over our work." On Wushen, he entered [the capital of] Cai, obliged [the marquis] to make a covenant with him close by the wall, and returned.' Zuoshi adds that when a State was [entirely] conquered, [the conquerors] were said to 'extinguish it,' and when a great city was taken, they were said to 'enter it.'
The form of this par. indicates two operations on the part of the general of Jin; first the invasion, and next, when that failed to produce the submission of Cai, the capture of its capital.
Parr. 8, 9. Zuoshi connects these two paragraphs together, saying that Hangfu's visit to Jin was to inform that leading State of the injury received from Qi.
Par. 10. Hu,—see VII.8. The Zhuan says: —-'In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the marquis of Cai, the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, and the earl of Cao, made a covenant at Hu, renewing that at Xincheng, and to consult about invading Qi. The people of Qi bribed the marquis of Jin, and he returned without doing anything against that State. At this time the duke was not present at the meeting because of his difficulties with Qi. The text says that "the princes covenanted at Hu, [without specifying them]." because they were able to do nothing.' This is Zuo's judgment, and may be questioned. He adds, 'In general, on occasions of meetings of the States, when the duke of Lu was not present, the names are not specified, to conceal the duke's remissness! When he was present, and yet the names are not specified, it is because he came late!'
Par. 11. Zuo says that Qi thus sent the lady to Lu at last, 'because of the king,' i. e., in deference to his request or requirement.
Par. 12. The Zhuan says that the former part of this paragraph tells the inability of the other States [to control Qi]; and the movement of Qi against Cao was to punish it because of the earl's visit to Lu (in p. 3). 郛 is defined as 大郭, 'the extension of the suburbs. Liu Chang observes that to penetrate thus far was nearly to enter the city itself (幾乎入). The Zhuan continues:——'Ji Wen said, "The marquis of Qi will not escape his doom. Himself regardless of propriety, he punishes those who observe it, saying, 'Why do you practise that rule?' [Now], propriety is to express accordance with Heaven; it is the way of Heaven. He sets himself against Heaven, and goes to punish others [for obeying it];—it will be hard for him to escape his doom. The ode says (Shi, II. iv. ode X. 3),
'Why do ye not stand in awe of one another? Ye do not stand in awe of Heaven.' The superior man does not oppress the young or the mean, because he stands in awe of Heaven. It is said in the Praise-songs of Zhou (Shi, IV. i.[i.]VII.),
'I revere the majesty of Heaven, And for ever preserve its favour. By villainy he got his State. Though he were to try to keep it by all the rules of propriety, without the fear of Heaven, how can he preserve himself? I fear he would not be able to do so. Doing many things contrary to those rules, he cannot live [long]." '
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, Jisun Hangfu had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Yanggu; but the marquis would not make a covenant with him.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, the duke for the fourth time did not give audience to his ministers on the first day of the moon.
3. In the sixth month, on Wuchen, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, and the marquis of Qi, made a covenant in Xiqiu.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Xinwei, [duke Xi's] wife, the lady Jiang, died.
5. [The duke] pulled down the tower of Quan.
6. A force from Chu, one from Qin, and one from Ba, extinguished Yong.
7. In winter, in the eleventh month, the people of Song murdered their ruler, Chujiu.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In the 1st month of this year, [Lu] and Qi agreed to be at peace, and the duke being ill, he sent Ji Wen to have a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Yanggu. Ji Wen requested a covenant, but the marquis was unwilling to make one, and said, "Allow me to wait till your ruler is better." 'It is to be understood that the marquis of Qi did not believe that the duke was really ill; and many of the critics suppose that the illness was in some measure at least feigned. Yanggu—see V. iii. 5.
Par. 2. Zuo says that this neglect of the duties of the 1st day of the moon was owing to the duke's illness. The phrase 視朔 is a pregnant one. Acc. to Mao, the first day of the moon was inaugurated by the sacrifice of a sheep in the ancestral temple, after which the prince announced to his ancestors the arrival of the day, according to the calendar which he had received from the king, and asked their permission to go on to the duties of the month. All this was called 告朔. When these ceremonies were over, he proceeded to give audience to his ministers, and arrange, so far as could be done, for the business of the month, and this was called 視朔 and 聽朔. From the 2d month to the 5th this business had now been left undischarged. I do not see why we should not simply receive the reason assigned for it by Zuoshi; but the critics are as unbelieving in the duke's illness as the marquis of Qi was. Gao Kang says that if the non-observance was from illness, it was nothing extraordinary, and would not have been recorded; —the real reason was the duke's indolence, and inattention to the duties of his position. Huang Zhongyan (黃仲炎; Song dyn., 1st half of 13th century) even finds in the text an intimation that for 4 months on end the duke had neglected all the affairs of the govt.
Par. 3. For 郪 Gongyang has 犀, and Guliang has 師. Xiqiu was in Qi,—somewhere in the pres. dis. of Dong'e (東阿), dep. Tai'an.
The Zhuan says that the covenant was brought about by the duke's sending Xiangzhong (Gongzi Sui) with bribes to the marquis of Qi
Parr. 4,5. This lady Jiang was Sheng Jiang (聲姜), the widow of duke Xi, and mother of Wen. Gongyang says that 'the tower of Quan' was the name given to that built at Lang by duke Zhuang in his 31st year. The Zhuan says:——'There came out from the palace of Quan, and entered the capital, serpents, as many as there had been marquises of Lu [No fewer than seventeen]; and when Sheng Jiang died on Xinwei in the 8th month, [the duke] caused the tower to be pulled down.' If this story were true, we must suppose that the people believed there was some connection between the appearance of the serpents and the death of the duchess, who perhaps lived in the palace of Quan.
Par. 6. Pa was a considerable State, whose lords were viscounts, with the Zhou surname of Ji. It has left its name in Ba, the principal dis. of the dep. Chongqing (重慶), Sichuan. Of Yong little is known. Its chief town was 40 li east from the pres. dis. city of Zhushan (竹山), dep. Yunyang (鄖陽), Hubei. The Zhuan says:——'There was a great famine in Chu, and the Rong invaded it on the south west, advancing as far as the hill of Fu, and taking post with their army at Dalin. Another body of them invaded it on the southeast, advancing as far as Yangqiu, and thence making an incursion to Zizhi. The people of Yong, [at the same time], headed all the tribes of the Man in a revolt against Chu, while those of Jun led on the many tribes of the Pu, and collected at Xuan, intending to invade it. On this the gates of Shen and Xi on the north were kept shut, and some in Chu counselled removing from the capital to Fan'gao. Wei Jia, however, advised against such a step, saying, "If we can go there, the robbers also can go there. The best plan is to invade Yong. Jun and all the Pu think that we are unable from the famine to take the field, and therefore they invade us. If we send forth an army, they are sure to be afraid, and will return to their own country. The Pu dwell apart from one another, and when they are hurriedly going off, each tribe for its own towns, who among them will have leisure to think of any body but themselves?" An army accordingly was sent forth, and in 15 days there was an end of the attempt of the Pu. The army went on from Lu, throwing open the granaries, from which officers and men shared alike, until it halted at Goushi. From there Jili of Lu was sent to make an incursion into Yong, as far as to Fangcheng, when the people drove him and his troops away, taking prisoner Ziyang Chuang. He managed to escape on the third night after, and said. "The troops of Yong are numerous, and all the Man are collected. We had better return to the army [at Goushi]. Having raised the king's troops, and effected a junction with them, we may then advance." Shishu said, "No. Let us for a time keep meeting the enemy, to make them presumptuous. When they are presumptuous, and we have become angry, we shall conquer them. This was the way in which our ruler aforetime, Fenmao [The father of king Wu of Chu], subdued Xingxi." Accordingly seven times they met the Rong, and seven times they fled. Only the men of Pi, You, and Yu were employed to drive them off, so that the men of Yong said that Chu was not worth fighting with, and gave up making any preparations against an attack. The viscount of Chu then hurried, with relays of horses, to join the army at Linpin. He divided it into two bodies, with one of which Ziyue proceeded to invade Yong by Shiqi, while Zibei led the other by Ren. A body of men from Qin and another from Ba came to join Chu. The result was that the tribes of the Man made a covenant with the viscount, and he proceeded to extinguish Yong.'
The above narrative is important, showing how Chu, itself but half-civilized, was encompassed by tribes still more barbarous than itself, and in danger from them.
Par. 7. For 杵. Kungyang has 處. The Zhuan says:——'Bao of Song, son of duke [Cheng, and half-brother of duke Zhao], courteously entreated the people of the State. In a time of famine he exhausted all his stores of grain, lending freely. To all who were 70 years old and upwards he sent [supplies of food], presenting them with more and rarer dishes at the [commencement of the] several seasons. There was no day when he was not a frequent visitor at the gates of the six high ministers; to all the men of ability he professed service and respect, and to his kinsfolk, from the descendants of duke Huan downwards, he expressed sympathy and regard. Bao was beautiful and handsome, and the widow of duke Xiang [Duke Zhao's grandmother and also Bao's; as having been the principal wife of their grandfather] sought a criminal intrigue with him; and though this proved impracticable, she helped him to bestow his favours [more widely]. In consequence of the unprincipled course of duke Zhao, the people wished to raise Bao to the dukedom, on the ground of the wishes of the grand-duchess.
'At this time, Hua Yuan was master of the right, and Gongsun You of the left; Hua Ou, minister of War; Lin Guan, minister of Instruction; Dang Yizhu, minister of Works; and the duke's brother, Zhao, minister of Crime. Before this, when Dang [the last] minister of Works died, [his son], Gongsun Shou, declined the office, and begged that it might be given to Yizhu, [his son]. Afterwards, he told people, saying, " Our ruler is so unprincipled, that, as the office would bring me near him, I was afraid of calamity coming on me. By putting the office from me, I may seem to leave my kindred without protection. My son is a second self, but by means of him I could postpone my death for a while. Although I abandon him, I shall still not abandon my kindred."
'By and by, the grand-duchess wished to send the duke to hunt at Mengzhu, and have him put to death there. The duke came to be aware [of the plot], and set out carrying all his treasures with him. Dang Yizhu said to him, "Why not go to some other State?" He replied, "Since I have not been able to satisfy the great officers, nor my grandmother, nor the people, who of the princes of the States will receive me? And moreover, since I have been a ruler, than that I should go on to be a subject it is better for me to die." With this he distributed all his treasures among his attendants, and made them go away. The grand-duchess sent word to the minister of Works that he should leave the duke, but he said, "If, having been his minister, I should now skulk away from him in his calamity, how should I appear before his successor?"
'In winter, in the 11th month, on Jiayin, duke Zhao was going to hunt at Mengzhu; but before he arrived at the place, the grand-duchess, a lady of the royal House, had him killed by the directors of the hunt. Dang Yizhu died with him. The words of the text—"THE PEOPLE of Song murdered their ruler, Chujiu"—show that the ruler was devoid of all principle. Duke Wen [The above Bao] succeeded him, and made his own brother Xu minister of Works. Hua Ou died, and [the son of Dang Yizhu], Dang Hui, was made minister of War.
The Kangxi editors enter here into a long discussion on the explanation which Zuoshi gives of the text's assigning the murder of duke Zhao to the people of Song, of which it is worth while to give the substance.—They say: —'In all the twelve books of the Chunqiu, there are 3 cases, in which the murder of the ruler is attributed to the people:—1st, that in the text; 2d, the murder of Shangren by the people of Qi (p.3 of the 18th year); and 3d, the murder of Mizhou by the people of Ju (IX.xxxi.7). There are 4 cases in which the murder of the ruler is attributed to the State: 1st, the murder of Shuqi by Ju (9th p. of the 18th year); 2d, that of Zhoupu by Jin (VIII.xviii.2); 3d, that of Liao by Wu (X. xxvii. 2); and 4th, that of Bi by Xue (XI.xiii. 8). Now of all these 7 cases, Zuo's canon can only be applied, with an appearance of justice, to the first two, the murders of duke Zhao of Song, and Shangren of Qi. Then we have the murders of the three dukes Ling,—of Jin, of Chu, and of Chen, who were all bad rulers. The names of their murderers are fully given, viz. Zhao Dun (VII. ii. 4), Gongzi Bi (X. xiii.2), Xia Zhengshu (VII. x. 7). How is it that we have similar facts recorded with such differences of manner? The answer is that the sage made the Chunqiu from what he found in the tablets of the old historiographers, in which the entries were made according to the announcements received in Lu from the difft. States, which might be abbreviated, but could not be added to. Now when ministers murdered their rulers or sons their fathers, there would be few that would announce the exact truth to friendly States;—they would throw the crime on other, and generally on meaner parties. When the sage had carefully examined the historiographers of his State, and all that he heard in the 72 other States through which he travelled, if he wished to exhibit the real offender and execute him with his pencil, there was the difft. statement of the original communication; if he wished to allow the crime to rest on the parties on whom it was thrown, the real criminal escaped from the net. His plan was to leave it an open question as to the true criminals, and to write "the State murdered—" or "the people of the State murdered"— and thus, though he gave no names, the crime of rebellious ministers and ruffian sons did not escape.
This note sufficiently disposes of the canon of Zuoshi, and all other attempts to explain particular characters of the text on the 'praise and blame' principle. The editors' own account of the matter has been sufficiently discussed in the prolegomena.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, an officer of Jin, an officer of Wey, an officer of Chen, and an officer of Zheng, invaded Song.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Guihai, we buried our duchess, Sheng Jiang.
3. The marquis of Qi invaded our western borders. In the sixth month, on Guiwei, the duke and the marquis of Qi made a covenant in Gu.
4. [Several] of the States had a meeting in Hu.
5. In autumn, the duke arrived from Gu.
6. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Qi.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says:——'This spring, Xun Linfu of Jin, Kong Da of Wey, Gongsun Ning of Chen, and Shi Chu of Zheng, invaded Song. [Coming] to punish it, they said, "For what cause did ye murder your ruler?" but yet they recognized duke Wen, and returned. The names of the ministers are not given in the text, indicating that they failed in what [they had undertaken].' Du observes that from the time of duke Min, precedence is always given in the accounts of meetings, etc., to Chen over Wey, while in this instance we have 衛人 before 陳人. He supposes the reason to be that Gongsun Ning was a minister of lower rank than Kong Da.
Par. 2. See on III.xxxii. 2. Gongyang gives 聖 for 聲. Zuo says the burial took place late, in consequence of the troubles of Lu with Qi.
Par. 3. Gu,—see III. vii. 4. Zuo says:——'The marquis of Qi invaded our northern border. Xiangzhong [on behalf of duke Wen] begged a covenant, and in the 6th month, a covenant was made in Gu.' The 'western' border of the text is the 'northern' in the Zhuan. Yingda thinks the text is wrong, because Gu lies north of Lu.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin had a grand review in Huangfu, and proceeded to assemble the States again in Hu; —for the pacification of Song. The duke was not present at the meeting, because of the difficulties with Qi. The text says [simply] "the various princes," [without further specifying them], because they accomplished nothing. At this meeting, the marquis of Jin did not see the earl of Zheng, and concluded that he was [again] inclining to Chu. Zijia of Zheng, [being aware of this], sent for the carrier of despatches, and gave him a letter, in which he laid the following statements before Zhao Xuan:——"In the 3d year of my ruler, he called the marquis of Cai, and agreed with him that they should serve your State. In the 9th month, the marquis came to our poor city on the way to Jin. But at that time we were occupied with the troubles caused by Hou Xuanduo, and my ruler was not able to go along with him; but in the 11th month, having succeeded in diminishing [the power] of Xuanduo, he followed the marquis that he might appear at your court before you the manager of its affairs. In his 12th year, [I], Guisheng, assisted my ruler's eldest son, Yi, in persuading the marquis of Chen to separate from Chu, and go to the court of your ruler. In his 14th year, in the 7th month, my ruler further appeared at your court to complete the business of [the submission of] Chen. In his 15th year, in the 5th month, the marquis of Chen went from our poor city to the court of your ruler. Last year, in the 1st month, Zhu Zhiwu went to present Yi at your court; and in the 8th month, my ruler appeared there himself. That Chen and Cai, near as they are to Chu, have not wavered [in their adherence to Jin], is all through our influence with them. But considering only our own service of your ruler, how is it that we do not escape [such an imputation as is brought against us]? Since his accession, our marquis paid one court-visit to duke Xiang, and has twice appeared before your present ruler. [His son] Yi, and more than one of us, his ministers, have been one after another to Jiang. No other State has been more assiduous than ours in its service of Jin. And now your great State says [to Zheng], "You do not satisfy my wishes!" There is ruin for our poor city; we are at the last extremity.
'There is a saying of the ancients, "Fearing for its head and fearing for its tail, there is little of the body left [not to fear for]," And there is another, "The deer driven to its death does not choose the [best] place to take shelter in." When a small State serves a large one, if dealt with kindly, it shows the gratitude of a man; if not dealt with kindly, it acts like the stag. That runs into danger in its violent hurry, for how in its urgency should it be able to choose where to run? [The State], driven by the commands to it without limit, in the same way only knows that there is ruin before it. We will raise all our poor levies, and await you at You,—just as you, the director of affairs, may command us. Our [former] duke Wen in his second year, in the 6th month, on Renshen, acknowledged the court of Qi, but in his 4th year, in the 2d month, on Renxu, because Qi made an incursion into Cai, he [felt obliged to] obtain terms of peace from Chu. Situated between great States, is it our fault that we must follow their violent orders? If your great State do not consider these things, we will not seek to evade the command you shall lay upon us (i.e., Zheng would meet Jin in arms, if the necessity were laid upon it)."
'[After the receipt of this letter], Gong Shuo of Jin went and settled the difficulties with Zheng, Zhao Chuan, and Chi, son-in-law of duke Wen, going there as hostages.'
Par. 5. [The Zhuan appends here two brief notices:——'In autumn, Gan Chu of Zhou surprised the Rong in Shenchui, while they were drinking spirits, and defeated them.'
'In winter, in the 10th month, Yi, the eldest son of the earl of Zheng, and Shi Chu, became hostages in Jin.']
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'Xiangzhong went to Qi to express our acknowledgments for the covenant at Gu. When he returned, he said, 'I heard the people of Qi [say] they will eat the wheat of Lu, but according to my view they will not be able to do so. The words of the marquis of Qi are rude; and Zang Wenzhong remarked that when a people's lord is rude, he is sure to die." '
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Dingchou, the duke died, [in a chamber] beneath [one] of his towers.
2. Ying, earl of Qin, died.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Wuxu, the people of Qi murdered their ruler, Shangren.
4. In the sixth month, on Guiyou, we buried our ruler, duke Wen.
5. In autumn, duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, and Shusun Dechen, went to Qi.
6. In winter, in the tenth month, the [duke's] son died.
7. The [duke's] wife, the lady Jiang, went back to Qi.
8. Jisun Hangfu went to Qi.
9. Ju murdered its ruler, Shuqi.
Par. 1. See on III. xxxii. 4, and V.xxxiii. 11. Guliang says here that duke Wen did not die in the place where he should have died; but all the Zhuan, and the critics also, are provokingly silent as to what or where the place was. Only in Gu Donggao's 'Tables of the great matters in the Chunqiu (顧棟高，春秋大事表，卷七之一)' have I found anything bearing on the subject. He says that the tower was that of Quan, mentioned in XVI. 5, —a tower in the palace of Quan. It is there said that the duke pulled the tower down, and Gu adds that he pulled down the palace as well. Yet it happened that he died somehow where the tower had been, showing that the death foreshadowed by the serpents that issued from under it was not that of Sheng Jiang, but the duke's own death! The matter must be left in its obscurity.
The Zhuan says;—'In the spring, the marquis of Qi, was preparing for the time when he should take the field [to attack Lu], when he fell ill, and his physician said that he would die before autumn. The duke heard of it, and consulted the tortoise-shell, saying, "May his death take place before the time [of his taking the field]!" Huibo communicated the subject inquired about to the shell. Chuqiu, the diviner, performed the operation, and said, "The marquis of Qi will die before that time, though not of illness; and the duke also [will die] without hearing of the marquis's death. There is evil also in store for him who communicated the subject to the shell." [Accordingly], the duke died on Dingchou, in the 2d month.'
Par. 2. This was duke Kang (康公); and this is the first record of the death of an earl of Qin in the Classic. The growth of the State had been rapid, for it was not till after the battle of Chengpu that its chiefs interchanged messages and other courtesies with the princes of the Middle States.
Par. 3.齊人,—see on XVI.7. The Zhuan says:——'When duke Yi of Qi was [only] duke's son, he had a strife with the father of Bing Chu about some fields, in which he did not get the better; and therefore, when he became marquis, he caused the grave of his opponent to be dug open, and the feet of the corpse to be cut off, while yet he employed Chu as his charioteer. And though he took to himself the wife of Yan Zhi, he carried Zhi with him as the third attendant in his chariot.
'In summer, in the 5th month, the duke having gone to the pool of Shen, these two men were bathing in the pool, when Chu struck the other with a twig, and then said to him, when he got angry, "Since you allowed your wife to be taken from you without being angry, how does a tap like that hurt you?" "How is it," replied Zhi, "between me and him who was able to see his father's feet cut off without feeling aggrieved.?" The two men then consulted together, murdered duke Yi, and laid his body among the bamboos. They then returned [to tne city], calmly put down their cups [after drinking], and went away. The people of Qi raised duke Huan's son Yuan to his brother's place.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Xiangzhong and Zhuangshu went to Qi, [to congratulate] duke Hui on account of his accession, and to express Lu's acknowledgment for the presence of an officer of Qi at duke Wen's burial.' Xiangzhong was charged with one of these duties, and Zhuangshu with the other. Though they went together, each had his own mission. But they transacted other business in Qi. The Zhuan goes on:——'Jing Ying, the second wife [in rank] of duke Wen bore him a son, [Tui, who became] duke Xuan. She was the duke's favourite, and privately paid court to Xiangzhong, to whom she entrusted the care of her son's interests as he grew up. [In consequence of this], Xiangzhong wished to declare Tui his father's successor; but Shuzhong (Shu Pengsheng, or Huibo) objected. When Zhong had an interview with the marquis of Qi, he begged his sanction to what he proposed, and the marquis, being new in his own position, and wishing to be on friendly terms with Lu, granted it.'
Par. 6. The son who is here said to have died was called E, duke Wen's eldest son by the lady Jiang (See IX. 2). By her, his proper wife, the duke had two sons, E and Shi; and on his death, E, the elder of the two, though only a child, had been recognized as 'marquis;' and as the late marquis was now buried, he ought to appear here with his name and his title as ' marquis 'or 'ruler.' Instead of dying a natural death, as we should conclude from the text, he was murdered, as the Zhuan immediately goes on to relate. The critics have a great deal to say in trying to account for the state of the record in the text; but it is of the same character as many others throughout the classic, from which we should do anything but know the truth about the things recorded, if we were entirely dependent on the sage for our information. The instances of 子般 in III. xxxii. 5, and 子野, in IX. xxxi. 3, are somewhat difft. from that before us, because in them the fathers of the young marquises had not yet been buried, and it was proper they should appear as 'sons' only.
The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th month, [Xiang]chung killed E and Shi, and set up [Tui, who became] duke Xuan. The entry that 'the [duke's] son died' is to conceal the nature of the fact. Zhong then, [as if] by the [young] ruler's order, called Huibo [to come to him]. Huibo's steward, Gongran Wuren endeavoured to stop him, saying that, if he entered [the palace]. he was sure to die. Shuzhong said, "If I die in obeying my ruler's command, it is right I should do so." The steward answered, "Yes, if it be the ruler's command; but if it be not, why should you listen to it?" Huibo would not take this advice, but entered [the palace], where they killed him, and hid his body among the horses' dung. His steward then carried his wife and children with him, and fled to Cai; but the Shuzhong family was afterwards restored.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'This return of duke Wen's wife Jiang to Qi was a return for good. When she was about to go, she wept aloud. Passing through the market place, she cried out, "O Heaven, Zhong has done wickedly, killing the son of the wife, and setting up the son of a concubine!" All in the market wept, and the people of Lu called her Ai Jiang ("The sorrowful Jiang").'
Par. 8. Gongzi Sui, Shusun Dechen, and Jisun Hangfu were confederates in the atrocious deeds which had been perpetrated. The former two had got a sort of sanction for them from the marquis of Qi, as related in p. 5, and Hangfu now went to tell him of their accomplishment.
Par. 9. The Zhuan has a long narrative on this paragraph:——'Duke Ji of Ju had two sons,—Pu the eldest, [and who should have succeeded him], and Jituo; but through his love for Jituo he degraded Pu. He also did many things against all propriety in the State, and Pu, by the help of the people, proceeded to murder him. He then gathered all his valuable treasures together, and came flying with them to Lu, and presented them to duke Xuan. The duke gave orders to assign him a city, saying,"It must be given to him today;" but Ji Wen made the minister of Crime send him beyond the borders, saying, "He must get there today." The duke asked the reason of this conduct, and Ji Wen sent Ke, the grand historiographer, with the following reply:——"A deceased great officer of our State, Zang Wenzhong taught Hangfu rules to guide him in serving his ruler, and Hangfu gives them the widest application, not daring to let them slip from his mind. Wenzhong's words were, 'When you see a man who observes the rules of propriety in his conduct to his ruler, behave to him as a dutiful son should do in nourishing his parents. When you see a man who transgresses those rules towards his ruler, take him off as an eagle or a hawk pursues a small bird.' The founder of our House the duke of Zhou, in the Rules which he framed for Zhou, said, 'By means of the model of conduct you can see a man's virtue. His virtue is evidenced in his management of affairs. From that management his merit can be measured. His services result in the support of the people.' In the Admonitory Instructions which he made, [the duke of Zhou] said, 'He who overthrows [the laws of conduct] is a villain; and he who conceals him is his harbourer. He who filches money is a thief; he who steals the treasures of a State is a traitor. He who harbours the villain, and he who uses the treasures of the traitor, is guilty of the greatest crime. He must suffer the regular penalty, without forgiveness;—such a case is not omitted in [the Book of] the nine Punishments.' When Hangfu viewed the whole action of Pu of Ju, he saw nothing in him fit to be a model of conduct. Filial reverence and loyal faith are virtues of good conduct; theft and villainy, and harbouring [the thief] and [accepting the gifts of] the traitor, are vices of evil conduct. Now what was the pattern of filial reverence given by Pu of Ju?—The murder of his father and ruler. And his pattern of loyal faith was his stealing the treasures and jewels of the State. The man is a robber and a villain; the things he brought with him are the signs of his treachery. To protect him and accept his gifts would be to be a principal in harbouring him. If we, with [the duke of Zhou's] lessons, should take such a blind course, the people would have no pattern; and unable to take the measurement of good themselves, they would be in the midst of vices of bad conduct. It was for these reasons that [Hangfu] sent Pu of Ju away.
'The ancient [emperor] Gaoyang (i. q. Zhuanxu) had eight descendants of ability [and virtue]:—Cangshu; Tui'ai; Taoyan; Dalin; Mangxiang; Tingjian; Zhongrong; and Shuda. They were correct and sagely, of wide comprehension and deep, intelligent and consistent, generously good and sincere:—all under heaven called them the eight Harmonies.
'[The emperor] Gaoxin [i. q. Ku] had [also] eight descendants of ability [and virtue]:——Bofen; Zhongkan, Shuxian; Jizhong; Bohu; Zhongxiong; Shubao; and Jili. They were leal and reverential, respectful and admirable, all-considering and benevolent, kind and harmonious:—all under heaven called them the eight Worthies.
Of these 16 men [after] ages have acknowledged the excellence, and not let their names fall to the ground. But in the time of Yao, he was not able to raise them to office. When Shun, however, became Yao's minister, he raised the eight Harmonies to office, and employed them to superintend the department of the minister of the Land. All matters connected with it were thus regulated, and everything was arranged in its proper season;—the earth was reduced to order, and the influences of heaven operated with effect. He also raised the eight Worthies to office, and employed them to disseminate through the four quarters a knowledge of the duties belonging to the five relations of society. Fathers became just and mothers gentle; elder brothers kindly, and younger ones respectful; and sons became filial:—in the empire there was order, and beyond it submission.
'The ancient emperor Hong [Huangdi] had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He hid righteousness from himself, and was a villain at heart; he delighted in the practice of the worst vices; he was shameless and vile, obstinate, stupid, and unfriendly, cultivating only the intimacy of such as himself. All the people under heaven called him Chaos.
'The emperor Shaohao [Preceded Zhuanxu] had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He sought to overthrow faith, and disowned loyalty. He delighted in evil speeches and tried to make them attractive; he was at home with slanderers, and employed the perverse; he readily received calumnies, and sought out men's iniquities, to stigmatize what was sincere. All the people under heaven called him Monster.
'[The emperor] Zhuanxu had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He would receive no instruction; he would acknowledge no good words. When told, he was obstinate; when left alone, he was stupid. He was an arrogant hater of intelligent virtue, seeking to confound the heavenly rules of society. All the people under heaven called him Block.
'Of these three men [after] ages acknowledged the wickedness, and added to their evil names. But in the time of Yao, he was not able to put them away.
'[The officer] Jinyun [In the time of Huangdi] had a descendant who was devoid of ability and virtue. He was greedy of eating and drinking, craving for money and property. Ever gratifying his lusts, and making a grand display, he was insatiable, rapacious in his exactions, and accumulating stores of wealth. He had no idea of calculating where he should stop, and made no exceptions in favour of the orphan and the widow, felt no compassion for the poor and exhausted. All the people under heaven likened him to the three other wicked ones, and called him Glutton
When Shun became Yao's minister, he received the nobles from the four quarters of the empire, and banished these four wicked ones, Chaos, Monster, Block, and Glutton, casting them out into the four distant regions, to meet the spite of the sprites and evil things. The consequence of this was, that, when Yao died, all under heaven, as if they had been one man, with common consent bore Shun to be emperor, because he had raised to office those sixteen helpers, and had put away the four wicked ones. Therefore the Book of Yu, in enumerating the services of Shun, says, 'He carefully set forth the beauty of the five cardinal duties, and they came to be universally observed (The Shu, II. i. 2):'—none were disobedient to his instructions; 'being appointed to be General Regulator, the affairs of each department were arranged according to their proper seasons (ibid.):'—there was no neglect of any affair; 'having to receive the princes from the four quarters of the empire, they all were docilely submissive (ibid.):'—there were none wicked among them. Shun's services were shown in the case of those 20 men, and he became emperor; and now, although Hangfu has not obtained one good man, he has put away one bad one. 'He has a twentieth part of the merit of Shun; and may he not, perhaps, escape the charge of having been disobedient?" '
[The above long and elaborate vindication of his conduct by Jisun Hangfu is worthy of careful study in many respects. The references to men and things in what we may call the præhistoric period were, no doubt, in accordance with traditions current at the time, though we cannot accept them as possessed of historical authority, more especially as there is an anti-confucian spirit in what is said of Yao.
Leaving this, it is remarkable that Jisun, in condemning Pu of Ju, and vindicating his own conduct in expelling him from Lu, seems altogether unconscious of crimes in Lu nearly affecting himself, hardly less atrocious than those of which Pu had been guilty. He had allowed the murder of E and Shi by Gongzi Sui: he had made no remonstrance on the murder by that statesman of their old colleague Shuzhong Huibo. He connived in fact at these deeds, and was confederate with Sui in securing the usurpation by Xuan of the marquisate. His expulsion of the refugee from Ju marks a new era in the relations of the marquis of Lu and his ministers. From the time of Ji You (季有), the three great clans of Zhongsun, Shusun, and Jisun had ruled the State, but the semblance of supreme authority was still left with the marquis. From the beginning of Xuan's rule, the government was carried on by the ministers with little regard to the wishes of the marquis, and often in opposition to them.
An inconsistency has been pointed out in the Zhuan about Pu of Ju. If he, as it is said, 'by the help of the people,' murdered his father, then he ought to have taken possession of the State, instead of fleeing to Lu. Zhao Kuang would obviate this difficulty by changing 僕 因 國 人 以 弑 紀 公 into 僕 因 國 人 之 弑 紀 公. But Jisun in his memorial charges the murder directly upon Pu. If we had more details of the state of things in Ju, the apparent inconsistency in Zuoshi would probably disappear.]
[There is appended a short narrative about the affairs of Song:——'The Wu clan in Song led on a son of duke Zhao, to support Xu the minister of Works, in making an insurrection. In the 12th month, the duke of Song put to death his own brother Xu, and the son of duke Zhao. He also made the heads of clans, descended from dukes Dai, Zhuang, and Huan, attack the head of the Wu clan in the court-house of Zibo, minister of War, and then expelled the chiefs of the clans of Wu and Mu. He appointed Gongsun Shi minister of Works; and on the death of Gongzi Zhao, he made Yue Lü minister of Crime; —thus quieting [the minds of] the people.']
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