|
7. 宣 公I.元 年
1. 元 年,春,王 正 月,公 即 位。
2. 公 子 遂 如 齊 逆 女。
3. 三 月,遂 以 夫 人 婦 姜 至 自 齊。
4. 夏,季 孫 行 父 如 齊。
5. 晉 放 其 大 夫,胥 甲 父,於 衛。
6. 公 會 齊 侯 於 平 州。
7. 公 子 遂 如 齊。
8. 六 月,齊 人 取 濟 西 田。
9. 秋,邾 子 來 朝。
10. 楚 子,鄭 人,侵 陳,遂 侵 宋。
11. 晉 趙 盾 帥 師 救 陳。
12. 宋 公,陳 侯,衛 侯,曹 伯,會 晉 師 於 棐 林,伐 鄭。
13. 冬,晉 趙 穿 帥 師 侵 崇。
14. 晉 人,宋 人,伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,元 年,春,王 正 月,公 子 遂 如 齊 逆 女。尊 君 命 也,三 月,遂 以 夫 人 婦 姜 至
自 齊。尊 夫 人 也。
夏,季 文 子 如 齊。納 賂 以 請 會。
晉 人 討 不 用 命 者,放 胥 甲 父 於 衛,而 立 胥 克,先 辛 奔 齊。
會 於 平 州。以 定 公 位。
東 門 襄 仲 如 齊 拜 成。
六 月,齊 人 取 濟 西 之 田。為 立 公 故,以 賂 齊 也。
宋 人 之 弒 昭 公 也,晉 荀 林 父 以 諸 侯 之 師 伐 宋,宋 及 晉 平,宋 文 公 受 盟 於
晉,又 會 諸 侯 於 扈,將 為 魯 討 齊,皆 取 賂 而 還。鄭 穆 公 曰,晉 不 足 與 也。遂 受 盟 於 楚。陳 共 公 之
卒,楚 人 不 禮 焉,陳 靈 公 受 盟 於 晉。秋,楚 子 侵 陳,遂 侵 宋,晉 趙 盾 帥 師救 陳,宋。
會 於 棐 林。以 伐 鄭 也,楚 蒍 賈 救 鄭,遇 於 北 林,囚 晉 解 揚,晉 人 乃 還。
晉 欲 求 成 於 秦,趙 穿 曰,我 侵 崇,秦 急 崇,必 救 之,吾 以 求 成 焉。冬,趙 穿 侵 崇,秦
弗 與 成。
晉 人 伐 鄭,以 報 北 林 之 役。於 是 晉 侯 侈,趙 宣 子 為 政,驟 諫 而 不 入,故 不 競 於
楚。 II. 二 年
1. 二 年,春,王 二 月,壬 子,宋 華 元 帥 師,及 鄭 公 子 歸 生 帥 師,戰 於 大
棘,宋 師 敗 績,獲 宋 華 元。
2. 秦 師 伐 晉。
3. 夏 晉 人,宋 人,衛 人,陳 人,侵 鄭。
4. 秋,九 月,乙 丑,晉 趙 盾 弒 其 君 夷 皋。
5. 冬,十 月,乙 亥,天 王 崩。
左 傳 曰,二 年,春,鄭 公 子 歸 生 受 命 於 楚,伐 宋。宋 華 元,樂 呂 御 之。二 月,壬 子,戰
於 大 棘,宋 師 敗 績,囚 華 元,獲 樂 呂,及 甲 車 四 百 六 十 乘,俘 二 百 五 十 人,馘 百 人。狂 狡 輅 鄭 人,鄭
人 入 於 井,倒 戟 而 出 之,獲 狂 狡。君 子 曰,失 禮 違 命,宜 其 為 禽 也,戎,昭 果 毅 以 聽 之,之 謂 禮,殺 敵
為 果,致 果 為 毅,易 之,戮 也。將 戰,華 元 殺 羊 食 士,其 御 羊 斟 不 與,及 戰,曰,疇 昔 之 羊,子 為 政,今 日
之 事,我 為 政。與 入 鄭 師,故 敗。君 子 謂 羊 斟,非 人 也,以 其 私 憾,敗 國 殄 民,於 是,刑 孰 大 焉,詩 所 謂
人 之 無 良 者,其 羊 斟 之 謂 乎,殘 民 以 逞。宋 人 以 兵 車 百 乘,文 馬 百 駟,以 贖 華 元 於 鄭,半 入,華 元
逃 歸,立 於 門 外,告 而 入,見 叔 牂,曰,子 之 馬 然 也。對 曰,非 馬 也,其 人 也。既 合 而 來 奔。宋 城,華 元 為
植,巡 功,城 者 謳 曰,睅 其 目,皤 其 腹,棄 甲 而 復,于 思 于 思,棄 甲 復 來。使 其 驂 乘,謂 之 曰,牛 則 有
皮,犀 兕 尚 多,棄 甲 則 那。役 人 曰,從 其 有 皮,丹 漆 若 何。華 元 曰,去 之,夫 其 口 衆 我 寡。
秦 師 伐 晉。以 報 崇 也。遂 圍 焦。
夏,晉 趙 盾 救 焦。遂 自 陰 地,及 諸 侯 之 師 侵 鄭,以 報 大 棘 之 役。楚 鬬 椒 救
鄭,曰,能 欲 諸 侯,而 惡 其 難 乎。遂 次 於 鄭,以 待 晉 師。趙 盾 曰,彼 宗 競 於 楚,殆 將 斃 矣,姑 益 其 疾。乃
去 之。
晉 靈 公 不 君,厚 斂 以 彫 牆,從 臺 上 彈 人,而 觀 其 辟 丸 也。宰 夫 胹 熊 蹯 不 熟,殺
之,寘 諸 畚,使 婦 人 載 以 過 朝,趙 盾,士 季,見 其 手,問 其 故 而 患 之。將 諫,士 季 曰,諫 而 不 入,則 莫 之
繼 也,會 請 先,不 入,則 子 繼 之。三 進,及 溜,而 後 視 之,曰,吾 知 所 過 矣,將 改 之。稽 首 而 對 曰,人 誰 無
過,過 而 能 改,善 莫 大 焉,詩 曰,靡 不 有 初,鮮 克 有 終,夫 如 是 則 能 補 過 者 鮮 矣,君 能 有 終,則 社 稷
之 固 也,豈 唯 羣 臣 賴 之,又 曰,衮 職 有 闕,惟 仲 山 甫 補 之,能 補 過 也,君 能 補 過,衮 不 廢 矣。猶 不
改,宣 子 驟 諫,公 患 之,使 鉏 麑 賊 之,晨 往,寢 門 闢 矣,盛 服 將 朝,尚 早,坐 而 假 寐,麑 退,歎 而 言 曰,不
忘 恭 敬,民 之 主 也,賊 民 之 主,不 忠,棄 君 之 命,不 信,有 一 於 此,不 如 死 也。觸 槐 而 死。秋,九 月,晉 侯
飲 趙 盾 酒,伏 甲 將 攻 之,其 右 提 彌 明 知 之,趨 登 曰,臣 侍 君 宴,過 三 爵,非 禮 也。遂 扶 以 下,公 嗾 夫
獒 焉,明 搏 而 殺 之,盾 曰,棄 人 用 犬,雖 猛 何 為。鬬 且 出,提 彌 明 死 之。初,宣 子 田 於 首 山,舍 于 翳
桑,見 靈 輒 餓,問 其 病,曰,不 食 三 日 矣。食 之,舍 其 半,問 之,曰,宦 三 年 矣,未 知 母 之 存 否,今 近 焉,請
以 遺 之。使 盡 之,而 為 之 簞 食 與 肉,寘 諸 橐 以 與 之。既 而 與 為 公 介,倒 戟 以 禦 公 徒,而 免 之,問 何
故,對 曰,翳 桑 之 餓 人 也。問 其 名 居,不 告 而 退,遂 自 亡 也。乙 丑,趙 穿 攻 靈 公 於 桃 園,宣 子 未 出 山
而 復,大 史 書 曰,趙 盾 弒 其 君,以 示 於 朝。宣 子 曰,不 然,對 曰,子 為 正 卿,亡 不 越 竟,反 不 討 賊,非 子
而 誰,宣 子 曰,嗚 呼,我 之 懷 矣,自 詒 伊 慼,其 我 之 謂 矣。孔 子 曰,董 狐,古 之 良 史 也,書 法 不 隱,趙 宣
子,古 之 良 大 夫 也,為 法 受 惡,惜 也 越 竟 乃 免。宣 子 使 趙 穿 逆 公 子 黑 臀 於 周,而 立 之,壬 申,朝 於
武 宮。
初,驪 姬 之 亂,詛 無 畜 羣 公 子。自 是 晉 無 公 族,及 成 公 即 位,乃 宦 卿 之 適 子,而
為 之 田,以 為 公 族,又 宦 其 餘 子,亦 為 餘 子,其 庶 子 為 公 行,晉 於 是 有 公 族,餘 子,公 行。趙 盾 請 以
括 為 公 族,曰,君 姬 氏 之 愛 子 也,微 君 姬 氏,則 臣 狄 人 也。公 許 之。冬,趙 盾 為 旄 車 之 族,使 屏 季 以
其 故 族, 為 公 族 大 夫。 III.三 年
1. 三 年,春,王 正 月,郊 牛 之 口 傷,改 卜 牛,牛 死,乃 不 郊。
2. 猶 三 望。
3. 葬 匡 王。
4. 楚 子 伐 陸 渾 之 戎。
5. 夏,楚 人 侵 鄭。
6. 秋,赤 狄 侵 齊。
7. 宋 師 圍 曹。
8. 冬,十 月,丙 戌,鄭 伯 蘭 卒。
9. 葬 鄭 穆 公。
左 傳 曰,三 年,春,不 郊 而 望。皆 非 禮 也。望,郊 之 屬 也,不 郊,亦 無 望,可 也。
晉 侯 伐 鄭,及 郔,鄭 及 晉 平,士 會 入 盟。
楚 子 伐 陸 渾 之 戎,遂 至 於 雒,觀 兵 於 周 疆。定 王 使 王 孫 滿,勞 楚 子,楚 子 問 鼎
之 大 小 輕 重 焉。對 曰,在 德 不 在 鼎,昔 夏 之 方 有 德 也,遠 方 圖 物,貢 金 九 牧,鑄 鼎 象 物,百 物 而 為
之 備,使 民 知 神 姦,故 民 入 川 澤 山 林,不 逢 不 若,魑 魅 罔 兩,莫 能 逢 之,用 能 協 於 上 下,以 承 天
休。桀 有 昏 德,鼎 遷 於 商,載 祀 六 百。商 紂 暴 虐,鼎 遷 於 周。德 之 休 明,雖 小,重 也,其 姦 囘 昏 亂,雖
大,輕 也,天 祚 明 德,有 所 底 止。成 王 定 鼎 於 郟 鄏,卜 世 三 十,卜 年 七 百,天 所 命 也,周 德 雖 衰,天 命
未 改,鼎 之 輕 重,未 可 問 也。
夏,楚 人 侵 鄭。鄭 即 晉 故 也。
宋 文 公 即 位 三 年,殺 母 弟 須,及 昭 公子,武 氏 之 謀 也。使 戴 桓 之 族,攻 武 氏 於 司
馬 子 伯 之 館,盡 逐 武 穆 之 族,武 穆 之 族,以 曹 師 伐 宋。秋,宋 師 圍 曹。報 武 氏 之 亂 也。
冬,鄭 穆 公 卒,初,鄭 文 公 有 賤 妾,曰 燕 姞,夢 天 使 與 己 蘭,曰,余 為 伯 鯈,余 而 祖
也,以 是 為 而 子,以 蘭 有 國 香,人 服 媚 之 如 是。既 而 文 公 見 之,與 之 蘭 而 御 之。辭 曰,妾 不 才,幸 而
有 子,將 不 信,敢 徵 蘭 乎。公 曰,諾。生 穆 公,名 之 曰 蘭。文 公 報 鄭 子 之 妃,曰 陳 媯,生 子 華,子 臧,子 臧
得 罪 而 出,誘 子 華 而 殺 之 南 里,使 盜 殺 子 臧 於 陳 宋 之 間。又 娶 於 江,生 公 子 士,朝 於 楚,楚 人 酖
之,及 葉 而 死。又 娶 於 蘇,生 子 瑕,子 俞 彌,俞 彌 早 卒,洩 駕 惡 瑕,文 公 亦 惡 之,故 不 立 也。公 逐 羣 公
子,公 子 蘭 奔 晉,從 晉 文 公 伐 鄭,石 癸 曰,吾 聞 姬 姞 耦,其 子 孫 必 蕃,姞,吉 人 也,后 稷 之 元 妃 也,今
公 子 蘭,姞 甥 也,天 或 啟 之,必 將 為 君,其 後 必 蕃,先 納 之,可 以 亢 寵。與 孔 將 鉏,侯 宣 多,納 之,盟 於
大 宮 而 立 之,以 與 晉 平。穆 公 有 疾,曰,蘭 死,吾 其 死 乎,吾 所 以 生 也。刈 蘭 而 卒。 IV.四 年
左 傳 曰,四 年,春,公 及 齊 侯 平 莒 及 郯,莒 人 不 肯,公 伐 莒 取 向。非 禮 也。平 國 以
禮,不 以 亂,伐 而 不 治,亂 也,以 亂 平 亂,何 治 之 有,無 治,何 以 行 禮。
楚 人 獻 黿 於 鄭 靈 公,公 子 宋 與 子 家 將 見,子 公 之 食 指 動,以 示 子 家,曰,他 日
我 如 此,必 嘗 異 味。及 入,宰 夫 將 解 黿,相 視 而 笑,公 問 之,子 家 以 告。及 食 大 夫 黿,召 子 公 而 弗 與
也,子 公 怒,染 指 於 鼎,嘗 之 而 出,公 怒,欲 殺 子 公,子 公 與 子 家 謀 先。子 家 曰,畜 老,猶 憚 殺 之,而 况
君 乎。反 譖 子 家,子 家 懼 而 從 之。夏 弒 靈 公,書 曰,鄭 公 子 歸 生 弒 其 君 夷。權 不 足 也。君 子 曰,仁 而
不 武,無 能 達 也。凡 弒 君 稱 君,君 無 道 也,稱 臣,臣 之 罪 也。鄭 人 立 子 良,辭 曰,以 賢 則 去 疾 不 足,以
順,則 公 子 堅 長。乃 立 襄 公,襄 公 將 去 穆 氏,而 舍 子 良。子 良 不 可,曰 穆 氏 宜 存,則 固 願 也,若 將 亡
之,則 亦 皆 亡,去 疾 何 為。乃 舍 之,皆 為 大 夫。
初,楚 司 馬 子 良 生 子 越 椒,子 文 曰,必 殺 之,是 子 也,熊 虎 之 狀,而 豺 狼 之 聲,弗
殺,必 滅 若 敖 氏 矣,諺 曰,狼 子 野 心,是 乃 狼 也,其 可 畜 乎。子 良 不 可,子 文 以 為 大 慼,及 將 死,聚 其
族 曰,椒 也 知 政,乃 速 行 矣,無 及 於 難。且 泣,曰,鬼 猶 求 食,若 敖 氏 之 鬼,不 其 餒 而。及 令 尹 子 文
卒,鬬 般 為 令 尹,子 越 為 司 馬,蒍 賈 為 工 正,譖 子 揚 而 殺 之,子 越 為 令 尹,已 為 司 馬,子 越 又 惡
之,乃 以 若 敖 氏 之 族,圄 伯 嬴 於 轑 陽 而 殺 之。遂 處 烝 野,將 攻 王,王 以 三 王 之 子 為 質 焉。弗 受,師
于 漳 澨。秋,七 月,戊 戌,楚 子 與 若 敖 氏,戰 於 皋 滸,伯 棼 射 王,汰 輈,及 鼓 跗,著 於 丁 寕,又 射,汰 輈,以
貫 笠 轂。師 懼,退,王 使 巡 師 曰,吾 先 君 文 王 克 息,獲 三 矢 焉,伯 棼 竊 其 二,盡 於 是 矣。鼓 而 進 之,遂
滅 若 敖 氏。初,若 敖 娶 於 邧,生 鬬 伯 比,若 敖 卒,從 其 母 畜 於 邧,淫 於 邧 子 之 女,生 子 文 焉,邧 夫 人
使 棄 諸 夢 中,虎 乳 之,邧 子 田,見 之,懼 而 歸,夫 人 以 告,遂 使 收 之。楚 人 謂 乳 穀,謂 虎 於 菟,故 命 之
曰 鬬 穀 於 菟,以 其 女 妻 伯 比,實 為 令 尹 子 文。其 孫 箴 尹 克 黃,使 於 齊,還 及 宋,聞 亂,其 人 曰,不 可
以 人 矣。箴 尹 曰,棄 君 之 命,獨 誰 受 之,君,天 也,天 可 逃 乎。遂 歸 復 命,而 自 拘 於 司 敗。王 思 子 文 之
治 楚 國 也,曰,子 文 無 後,何 以 勸 善。使 復 其 所,改 命 曰 生。
冬,楚 子 伐 鄭。鄭 未 服 也。 V.五 年
1. 五 年,春,公 如 齊。
2. 夏,公 至 自 齊。
3. 秋,九 月,齊 高 固 來 逆 叔 姬。
4. 叔 孫 得 臣 卒。
5. 冬,齊 高 固,及 子 叔 姬 來。
6. 楚 人 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,五 年,春,公 如 齊,高 固 使 齊 侯 止 公,請 叔 姬 焉。
夏,公 至 自 齊,書 過 也。
秋,九 月,齊 高 固 來 逆 女。自 為 也。故 書 曰 逆 叔 姬,卿 自 逆 也。
冬,來,反 馬 也。
楚 子 伐 鄭,陳 及 楚 平。晉 荀 林 父 救 鄭 伐 陳 VI.六 年
1. 六 年,春,晉 趙 盾,衛 孫 免,侵 陳。
2. 夏,四 月。
3. 秋,八 月,螽。
4. 冬,十 月。
左 傳 曰,六 年,春,晉 衛 侵 陳。陳 即 楚 故 也。
夏,定 王 使 子 服 求 后 於 齊。
秋,赤 狄 伐 晉,圍 懷 及 邢 丘,晉 侯 欲 伐 之,中 行 桓 子 曰,使 疾 其 民,以 盈 其 貫,將
可 殪 也,周 書 曰,殪 戎 殷,此 類 之 謂 也。
冬,召 桓 公 逆 王 后 於 齊。
楚 人 伐 鄭,取 成 而 還。鄭 公 子 曼 滿,與 王 子 伯 廖 語,欲 為 卿,伯 廖 告 人 曰,無 德
而 貪,其 在 周 易,豐 之 離,弗 過 之 矣。閒 一 歲,鄭 人 殺 之。 VII.七 年
1. 七 年,春,衛 侯 使 孫 良 夫 來 盟。
2. 夏,公 會 齊 侯 伐 萊。
3. 秋,公 至 自 伐 萊。
4. 大 旱。
5. 冬,公 會 晉 侯,宋 公,衛 侯,鄭 伯,曹 伯,于 黑 壤。
左 傳 曰,七 年,春,衛 孫 桓 子 來 盟 始 通,且 謀 會 晉 也。
夏,公 會 齊 侯 伐 萊。不 與 謀 也。凡 師 出,與 謀 曰 及,不 與 謀 曰 會。
赤 狄 侵 晉,取 向 陰 之 禾。
鄭 及 晉 平,公 子 宋 之 謀 也,故 相 鄭 伯 以 會。
冬,盟 於 黑 壤,王 叔 桓 公 臨 之,以 謀 不 睦。晉 侯 之 立 也,公 不 朝 焉,又 不 使 大 夫
聘 晉 人 止 公 於 會。盟 於 黃 父,公 不 與 盟,以 賂 免。故 黑 壤 之 盟 不 書,諱 之 也。 VIII.八 年
1. 八 年,春,公 至 自 會。
2. 夏,六 月,公 子 遂 如 齊,至 黃 乃 復。
3. 辛 巳,有 事 于 大 廟,仲 遂 卒 于 垂。
4. 壬午,猶 繹,萬 入,去 籥。
5. 戊 子,夫 人 嬴 氏 薨。
6. 晉 師,白 狄,伐 秦。
7. 楚 人 滅 舒 蓼。
8. 秋,七 月,甲 子,日 有 食 之,既。
9. 冬,十 月,己 丑,葬 我 小 君 敬 嬴。
10. 雨 不 克 葬,庚 寅,日 中 而 克 葬。
11. 城 平 陽。
12. 楚 師 伐 陳。
左 傳 曰,八 年,春,白 狄 及 晉 平。夏,會 晉 伐 秦。晉 人 獲 秦 諜,殺 諸 絳 市,六 日 而 蘇。
有 事 於 大 廟,襄 仲 卒 而 繹,非 禮 也。
楚 為 衆 舒 叛 故,伐 舒 蓼,滅 之,楚 子 疆 之,及 滑 汭,盟 吳,越,而 還。
晉 胥 克 有 蠱 疾,郤 缺 為 政。秋,廢 胥 克,使 趙 朔 佐 下 軍。
冬,葬 敬 嬴,旱,無 麻,始 用 葛 茀。
雨 不 克 葬。禮 也。禮,卜 葬 先 遠 日,辟 不 懷 也。
城 平 陽,書 時 也。
陳 及 晉 平,楚 師 伐 陳,取 成 而 還。 IX.九 年
1. 九 年,春,王 正 月,公 如 齊。
2. 公 至 自 齊。
3. 夏,仲 孫 蔑 如 京 師。
4. 齊 侯 伐 萊。
5. 秋,取 根 牟。
6. 八 月,滕 子 卒。
7. 九 月,晉 侯,宋 公,衛 侯,鄭 伯,曹 伯,會 于 扈。
8. 晉 荀 林 父 帥 師 伐 陳。
9. 辛 酉,晉 侯 黑 臀 卒 于 扈。
10. 冬,十 月,癸 酉,衛 侯 鄭 卒。
11. 宋 人 圍 滕。
12. 楚 子 伐 鄭,晉 郤 缺 帥 師 救 鄭。
13. 陳 殺 其 大 夫 洩 冶。
左 傳 曰,九 年,春,王 使 來 徵 聘,夏,孟 獻 子 聘 於 周,王 以 為 有 禮,厚 賄 之。
秋,取 根 牟。言 易 也。
滕 昭 公 卒。
會 於 扈。討 不 睦 也。陳 侯 不 會,晉 荀 林 父 以 諸 侯 之 師 伐 陳,晉 侯 卒 於 扈,乃 還。
冬,宋 人 圍 滕。因 其 喪 也。
陳 靈 公 與 孔 寕,儀 行 父,通 於 夏 姬,皆 衷 其 衵 服,以 戲 於 朝。洩 冶 諫 曰,公 卿 宣
淫,民 無 效 焉,且 聞 不 令,君 其 納 之。公 曰,吾 能 改 矣。公 告 二 子,二 子 請 殺 之,公 弗 禁,遂 殺 洩 冶。孔
子 曰,詩 云,民 之 多 辟,無 自 立 辟,其 洩 冶 之 謂 乎。
楚 子 為 厲 之 役 故,伐 鄭,晉 郤 缺 救 鄭,鄭 伯 敗 楚 師 於 柳 棼,國 人 皆 喜,唯 子 良
憂,曰,是 國 之 災 也,吾 死 無 日 矣。 X.十 年
1. 十 年,春,公 如 齊,公 至 自 齊。
2. 齊 人 歸 我 濟 西 田。
3. 夏,四 月,丙 辰,日 有 食 之。
4. 己 巳,齊 侯 元 卒。
5. 齊 崔 氏 出 奔 衛。
6. 公 如 齊。
7. 五 月,公 至 自 齊。
8. 癸 巳,陳 夏 徵 舒 弒 其 君 平 國。
9. 六 月,宋 師 伐 滕。
10. 公 孫 歸 父 如 齊,葬 齊 惠 公。
11. 晉 人,宋 人,衛 人,曹 人,伐 鄭。
12. 秋,天 王 使 王 季 子 來 聘。
13. 公 孫 歸 父 帥 師 伐 邾,取 繹。
14. 大 水。
15. 季 孫 行 父 如 齊。
16. 冬,公 孫 歸 父 如 齊。
17. 齊 侯 使 國 佐 來 聘。
18. 饑。
19. 楚 子 伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,十 年,春,公 如 齊,齊 侯 以 我 服 故,歸 濟 西 之 田。
夏,齊 惠 公 卒。崔 杼 有 寵 於 惠 公,高,國,畏 其 偪 也,公 卒 而 逐 之,奔 衛。書 曰 崔
氏。非 其 罪 也。且 告 以 族,不 以 名。凡 諸 侯 之 大 夫 違,告 於 諸 侯 曰,某 氏 之 守 臣 某,失 守 宗 廟,敢
告。所 有 玉 帛 之 使 者,則 告,不 然 則 否。
公 如 齊 奔 喪。
陳 靈 公 與 孔 寧,儀 行 父,飲 酒 於 夏 氏,公 謂 行 父 曰,徵 舒 似 女,對 曰,亦 似 君,徵
舒 病 之,公 出,自 其 廄 射 而 殺 之,二 子 奔 楚。
滕 人 恃 晉 而 不 事 宋,六 月,宋 師 伐 滕。
鄭 及 楚 平,諸 侯 之 師 伐 鄭,取 成 而 還。
秋,劉 康 公 來 報 聘。
師 伐 邾,取 繹。
季 文 子 初 聘 於 齊。
冬 子 家 如 齊。伐 邾 故 也。國 武 子 來 報 聘。
楚 子 伐 鄭。晉 士 會 救 鄭,逐 楚 師 於 潁 北,諸 侯 之 師 戍 鄭。
鄭 子 家 卒,鄭 人 討 幽 公 之 亂,斲 子 家 之 棺,而 逐 其 族,改 葬 幽 公,諡 之 曰 靈。 XI.十 有 一 年
1. 十 有 一 年,春,王 正 月。
2. 夏,楚 子,陳 侯,鄭 伯,盟 於 辰 陵。
3. 公 孫 歸 父 會 齊 人 伐 莒。
4. 秋,晉 侯 會 狄 於 欑 函。
5. 冬,十 月,楚 人 殺 陳 夏 徵 舒。
6. 丁 亥,楚 子 入 陳。
7. 納 公 孫 寕,儀 行 父 於 陳。
左 傳 曰,十 一 年,春,楚 子 伐 鄭,及 櫟。子 良 曰,晉 楚,不 務 德 而 兵 爭,與 其 來 者,可
也,晉 楚 無 信,我 焉 得 有 信。乃 從 楚。夏,楚 盟 於 辰 陵。陳 鄭,服 也。
楚 左 尹 子 重 侵 宋,王 待 諸 郔,令 尹 蒍 艾 獵 城 沂,使 封 人 慮 事,以 授 司 徒,量 功
命 日,分 財 用,平 板 榦,稱 畚 築,程 土 物,議 遠 邇,略 基 趾,具 餱 糧,度 有 司,事 三 旬 而 成,不 愆 於 素。
晉 郤 成 子 求 成 於 衆 狄,衆 狄 疾 赤 狄 之 役,遂 服 於 晉。秋,會 於 欑 函。衆 狄 服
也。是 行 也,諸 大 夫 欲 召 狄。郤 成 子 曰,吾 聞 之,非 德 莫 如 勤,非 勤 何 以 求 人,能 勤 有 繼,其 從 之
也,詩 曰,文 王 既 勤 止,文 王 猶 勤,况 寡 德 乎。
冬,楚 子 為 陳 夏 氏 亂 故,伐 陳,謂 陳 人 無 動,將 討 於 少 西 氏,遂 入 陳,殺 夏 徵
舒,轘 諸 栗 門。因 縣 陳,陳 侯 在 晉。申 叔 時 使 於 齊,反,復 命 而 退。王 使 讓 之 曰,夏 徵 舒 為 不 道,弒 其
君,寡 人 以 諸 侯 討 而 戮 之,諸 侯,縣 公,皆 慶 寡 人,女 獨 不 慶 寡 人,何 故。對 曰,猶 可 辭 乎。王 曰,可
哉。曰,夏 徵 舒 弒 其 君,其 罪 大 矣,討 而 戮 之,君 之 義 也,抑 人 亦 有 言 曰,牽 牛 以 蹊 人 之 田,而 奪 之
牛,牽 牛 以 蹊 者,信 有 罪 矣,而 奪 之 牛,罰 已 重 矣,諸 侯 之 從 也,曰,討 有 罪 也,今 縣 陳,貪 其 富 也,以
討 召 諸 侯,而 以 貪 歸 之,無 乃 不 可 乎。王 曰,善 哉,吾 未 之 聞 也,反 之 可 乎。對 曰,吾 儕 小 人,所 謂 取
諸 其 懷 而 與 之 也。乃 復 封 陳,鄉 取 一 人 焉 以 歸,謂 之 夏 州。故 書 曰,楚 子 入 陳,納 公 孫 寕,儀 行 父
於 陳,書 有 禮 也。
厲 之 役,鄭 伯 逃 歸,自 是 楚 未 得 志 焉。鄭 既 受 盟 於 辰 陵,又 徼 事 于 晉。 XII.十 有 二 年
1. 十 有 二 年,春,葬 陳 靈 公。
2. 楚 子 圍 鄭。
3. 夏,六 月,乙 卯,晉 荀 林 父 帥 師,及 楚 子 戰 於 邲,晉 師 敗 績。
4. 秋,七 月。
5. 冬,十 有 二 月,戊 寅,楚 子 滅 蕭。
6. 晉 人,宋 人,衛 人,曹 人,同 盟 於 清 丘。
7. 宋 師 伐 陳,衛 人 救 陳。
左 傳 曰,十 二 年,春,楚 子 圍 鄭,旬 有 七 日,鄭 人 卜 行 成 不 吉。卜 臨 於 大 宮,且 巷
出 車,吉,國 人 大 臨,守 陴 者 皆 哭,楚 子 退 師,鄭 人 脩 城,進 復 圍 之,三 月,克 之,入 自 皇 門,至 於 逵
路,鄭 伯 肉 袒 牽 羊 以 逆,曰,孤 不 天,不 能 事 君,使 君 懷 怒,以 及 敝 邑,孤 之 罪 也,敢 不 唯 命 是 聽,其
俘 諸 江 南,以 實 海 濱,亦 唯 命,其 翦 以 賜 諸 侯,使 臣 妾 之,亦 唯 命,若 惠 顧 前 好,徼 福 於
厲,宣,桓,武,不 泯 其 社 稷,使 改 事 君,夷 於 九 縣,君 之 惠 也,孤 之 願 也,非 所 敢 望 也,敢 布 腹 心,君 實
圖 之。左 右 曰,不 可 許 也,得 國 無 赦。王 曰,其 君 能 下 人,必 能 信 用 其 民 矣,庸 可 幾 乎。退 三 十 里,而
許 之 平。潘 尪 入 盟,子 良 出 質。
夏,六 月,晉 師 救 鄭,荀 林 父 將 中 軍,先 縠 佐 之,士 會 將 上 軍,郤 克 佐 之,趙 朔 將
下 軍,欒 書 佐 之,趙 括,趙 嬰 齊,為 中 軍 大 夫,鞏 朔,韓 穿,為 上 軍 大 夫,荀 首,趙 同,為 下 軍 大 夫,韓 厥
為 司 馬。及 河,聞 鄭 既 及 楚 平,桓 子 欲 還,曰,無 及 於 鄭,而 勦 民,焉 用 之,楚 歸 而 動,不 後。隨 武 子
曰,善,會 聞 用 師,觀 釁 而 動,德,刑,政,事,典,禮,不 易,不 可 敵 也,不 為 是 征。楚 軍 討 鄭,怒 其 貳 而 哀 其
卑,叛 而 伐 之,服 而 舍 之,德 刑 成 矣,伐 叛,刑 也,柔 服,德 也,二 者 立 矣。昔 歲 入 陳,今 玆 入 鄭,民 不 罷
勞,君 無 怨 讟,政 有 經 矣。荊 尸 而 舉,商 農 工 賈,不 敗 其 業,而 卒 乘 輯 睦,事 不 奸 矣。薦 敖 為 宰,擇 楚
國 之 令 典,軍 行,右 轅,左 追 蓐,前 茅 慮 無,中 權,後 勁,百 官 象 物 而 動,軍 政 不 戒 而 備,能 用 典 矣。其
君 之 舉 也,內 姓 選 於 親,外 姓 選 於 舊,舉 不 失 德,賞 不 失 勞,老 有 加 惠,旅 有 施 舍,君 子 小 人,物 有
服 章,貴 有 常 尊,賤 有 等 威,禮 不 逆 矣。德 立 刑 行,政 成, 事 時,典 從,禮 順,若 之 何 敵 之,見 可 而 進,知
難 而 退,軍 之 善 政 也,兼 弱 攻 昧,武 之 善 經 也,子 姑 整 軍 而 經 武 乎,猶 有 弱 而 昧 者,何 必 楚,仲 虺
有 言曰,取 亂,侮 亡,兼 弱 也,汋 曰,於 鑠 王 師,遵 養 時 晦,耆 昧 也,武 曰,無 競 惟 烈,撫 弱 耆 昧,以 務 烈
所,可 也,彘 子 曰,不 可,晉 所 以 霸,師 武 臣 力 也,今 失 諸 侯,不 可 謂 力,有 敵 而 不 從,不 可 謂 武,由 我
失 霸,不 如 死,且 成 師 以 出,聞 敵 彊 而 退,非 夫 也,命 有 軍 師,而 卒 以 非 夫,唯 羣 子 能,我 弗 為 也,以
中 軍 佐 濟。知 莊 子 曰,此 師 殆 哉,周 易 有 之,在 師 之 臨 曰,師 出 以 律,否 臧 凶,執 事 順 成 為 臧,逆 為
否,衆 散 為 弱,川 壅 為 澤,有 律,以 如 己 也,故 曰 律 否 臧,且 律 竭 也,盈 而 以 竭,夭 且 不 整,所 以 凶
也,不 行 謂 之 臨,有 帥 而 不 從,臨 孰 甚 焉,此 之 謂 矣,果 遇 必 敗,彘 子 尸 之,雖 免 而 歸,必 有 大 咎,韓
獻 子 謂 桓 子 曰,彘 子 以 偏 師 陷,子 罪 大 矣,子 為 元 帥,師 不 用 命,誰 之 罪 也,失 屬 亡 師,為 罪 已
重,不 如 進 也,事 之 不 捷, 惡 有 所 分,與 其 專 罪,六 人 同 之,不 猶 愈 乎。師 遂 濟。楚 子 北 師 次 於 郔,沈
尹 將 中 軍,子 重 將 左,子 反 將 右,將 飲 馬 於 河 而 歸,聞 晉 師 既 濟,王 欲 還,嬖 人 伍 參 欲 戰,令 尹 孫
叔 敖 弗 欲,曰,昔 歲 入陳,今 玆 入 鄭,不 無 事 矣,戰 而 不 捷,參 之 肉 其 足 食 乎。參 曰,若 事 之 捷,孫 叔 為
無 謀 矣,不 捷,參 之 肉,將 在 晉 軍,可 得 食 乎。令 尹 南 轅 反 旆,伍 參 言 於 王 曰,晉 之 從 政 者 新,未 能
行 令,其 佐 先 縠,剛 愎 不 仁,未 肯 用 命,其 三 帥 者,專 行 不 獲,聽 而 無 上,衆 誰 適 從,此 行 也,晉 師 必
敗,且 君 而 逃 臣,若 社 稷 何。王 病 之,告 令 尹 改 乘 轅 而 北 之,次 于 管 以 待 之,晉 師 在 敖 鄗 之 間。鄭
皇 戌 使 如 晉 師,曰,鄭 之 從 楚,社 稷 之 故 也,未 有 貳 心,楚 師 驟 勝 而 驕,其 師 老 矣,而 不 設 備,子 擊
之,鄭 師 為 承,楚 師 必 敗。彘 子 曰,敗 楚 服 鄭,于 此 在 矣,必 許 之。欒 武 子 曰,楚 自 克 庸 以 來,其 君 無
日 不 討 國 人 而 訓 之,于 民 生 之 不 易,禍 至 之 無 日,戒 懼 之 不 可 以 怠,在 軍,無 日 不 討 軍 實 而 申
儆 之,于,勝 之 不 可 保,紂 之 百 克,而 卒 無 後,訓 之 以 若 敖,蚡 冒,篳 路 藍 縷,以 啟 山 林,箴 之 曰,民 生
在 勤,勤 則 不 匱,不 可 謂 驕,先 大 夫 子 犯 有 言 曰,師 直 為 壯,曲 為 老,我 則 不 德,而 徼 怨 於 楚,我 曲
楚 直,不 可 謂 老,其 君 之 戎,分 為 二 廣,廣 有 一 卒,卒 偏 之 兩,右 廣 初 駕,數 及 日 中,左 則 受 之,以 至
於 昏,內 官 序 當 其 夜,以 待 不 虞,不 可 謂 無 備,子 良,鄭 之 良 也,師 叔,楚 之 崇 也,師 叔 入 盟,子 良 在
楚,楚 鄭 親 矣,來 勸 我 戰,我 克 則 來,不 克 遂 往,以 我 卜 也,鄭 不 可 從。趙 括,趙 同,曰,率 師 以 來,唯 敵
是 求,克 敵 得 屬,又 何 俟,必 從 彘 子。知 季 曰,原 屏,咎 之 徒 也。趙 莊 子 曰,欒 伯,善 哉,實 其 言,必 長 晉
國。楚 少 宰 如 晉 師,曰,寡 君 少 遭 閔 凶,不 能 文,聞 二 先 君 之 出 入 此 行 也,將 鄭 是 訓 定,豈 敢 求 罪
於 晉,二 三 子 無 淹 久。隨 季 對 曰,昔 平 王 命 我 先 君 文 侯 曰,與 鄭 夾 輔 周 室,毋 廢 王 命,今 鄭 不
率,寡 君 使 羣 臣 問 諸 鄭,豈 敢 辱 候 人,敢 拜 君 命 之 辱。彘 子 以 為 諂,使 趙 括 從 而 更 之,曰,行 人 失
辭,寡 君 使 羣 臣 遷 大 國 之 跡 於 鄭,曰,無 辟 敵,羣 臣 無 所 逃 命。楚 子 又 使 求 成 於 晉,晉 人 許 之,盟
有 日 矣,楚 許 伯 御 樂 伯,攝 叔 為 右,以 致 晉 師,許 伯 曰,吾 聞 致 師 者,御 靡 旌,摩 壘 而 還。樂 伯 曰,吾
聞 致 師 者,左 射 以 菆,代 御 執 轡,御 下 兩 馬,掉 鞅 而 還。攝 叔 曰,吾 聞 致 師 者,右 入 壘,折 馘 執 俘 而
還。皆 行 其 所 聞 而 復,晉 人 逐 之,左 右 角 之,樂 伯 左 射 馬,而 右 射 人,角 不 能 進,矢 一 而 已,麋 興 於
前,射 麋 麗 龜 晉 鮑 癸 當 其 後,使 攝 叔 奉 麋 獻 焉,曰,以 歲 之 非 時,獻 禽 之 未 至,敢 膳 諸 從 者。鮑 癸
止 之,曰,其 左 善 射,其 右 有 辭,君 子 也。既 免,晉 魏 錡 求 公 族 未 得,而 怒,欲 敗 晉 師,請 致 師,弗 許,請
使,許 之,遂 往,請 戰 而 還,楚 潘 黨 逐 之,及 熒 澤,見 六 麋,射 一 麋 以 顧 獻,曰,子 有 軍 事,獸 人 無 乃 不
給 於 鮮,敢 獻 于 從 者。叔 黨 命 去 之,趙 旃 求 卿 未 得,且 怒 於 失 楚 之 致 師 者,請 挑 戰,弗 許,請 召
盟,許 之,與 魏 錡 皆 命 而 往。郤 獻 子 曰,二 憾 往 矣,弗 備 必 敗。彘 子 曰,鄭 人 勸 戰,弗 敢 從 也,楚 人 求
成,弗 能 好 也,師 無 成 命,多 備 何 為,士 季 曰,備 之 善,若 二 子 怒 楚,楚 人 乘 我,喪 師 無 日 矣,不 如 備
之,楚 之 無 惡,除 備 而 盟,何 損 於 好,若 以 惡 來,有 備 不 敗,且 雖 諸 侯 相 見,軍 衛 不 徹,警 也,彘 子 不
可,士 季 使 鞏 朔,韓 穿,帥 七 覆 於 敖 前,故 上 軍 不 敗。趙 嬰 齊 使 其 徒 先 具 舟 於 河,故 敗 而 先 濟。潘
黨 既 逐 魏 錡,趙 旃 夜 至 於 楚 軍,席 於 軍 門 之外,使 其 徒 入 之,楚 子 為 乘,廣 三 十 乘,分 為 左 右,右
廣,雞 鳴 而 駕,日 中 而 說,左 則 受 之,日 入 而 說,許 偃 御 右 廣,養 由 基 為 右,彭 名 御 左 廣,屈 蕩 為
右。乙 卯,王 乘 左 廣,以 逐 趙 旃,趙 旃 棄 車 而 走 林,屈 蕩 搏 之,得 其 甲 裳。晉 人 懼 二 子 之 怒 楚 師
也,使 軘 車 逆 之,潘 黨 望 其 塵,使 騁 而 告 曰,晉 師 至 矣。楚 人 亦 懼 王 之 入 晉 軍 也,遂 出 陳,孫 叔
曰,進 之,寕 我 薄 人,無 人 薄 我,詩 云,元 戎 十 乘,以 先 啟 行,先 人 也,軍 志 曰,先 人 有 奪 人 之 心,薄 之
也。遂 疾 進 師,車 馳 卒 奔,乘 晉 軍,桓 子 不 知 所 為,鼓 於 軍 中,曰,先 濟 者 有 賞。中 軍 下 軍 爭 舟,舟 中
之 指 可 掬 也,晉 師 右 移,上 軍 未 動。工 尹 齊,將 右 拒 卒,以 逐 下 軍,楚 子 使 唐 狡,與 蔡 鳩 居,告 唐 惠
侯,曰,不 穀 不 德 而 貪,以 遇 大 敵,不 穀 之 罪 也,然 楚 不 克,君 之 羞 也,敢 藉 君 靈,以 濟 楚 師。使 潘 黨
率 游 闕 四 十 乘 從 唐 侯 以 為 左 拒,以 從 上 軍。駒 伯 曰,待 諸 乎。 季 曰,楚 師 方 壯,若 萃 於 我,吾 師 必
盡,不 如 收 而 去 之,分 謗 生 民 不 亦 可 乎。殿 其 卒 而 退,不 敗。王 見 右 廣,將 從 之 乘,屈 蕩 尸 之 曰,君
以 此 始,亦 必 以 終,自 是 楚 之 乘 廣 先 左。晉 人 或 以 廣 隊 不 能 進,楚 人 惎 之,脫 扃,少 進,馬 還,又 惎
之,拔 旆 投 衡,乃 出,顧 曰,吾 不 如 大 國 之 數 奔 也。趙 旃 以 其 良 馬 二,濟 其 兄 與 叔 父,以 他 馬 反,遇
敵 不 能 去,棄 車 而 走 林,逢 大 夫 與 其 二 子 乘,謂 其 二 子 無 顧,顧 曰,趙 傁 在 後,怒 之,使 下,指 木
曰,尸 女 於 是,授 趙 旃 綏 以 免,明 日 以 表 尸 之,皆 重 獲 在 木 下,楚 熊 負 羈 囚 知 罃,知 莊 子 以 其
族,反 之,廚 武 子 御,下 軍 之 士 多 從 之,每 射,抽 矢 菆,納 諸 廚 子 之 房,廚 子 怒 曰,非 子 之 求,而 蒲 之
愛,董 澤 之 蒲,可 勝 既 乎。知 季 曰,不 以 人 子,吾 子 其 可 得 乎,吾 不 可 以 苟 射 故 也,射 連 尹 襄 老,獲
之,遂 載 其 尸,射 公 子 穀 臣,囚 之,以 二 者 還。及 昏,楚 師 軍 於 邲,晉 之 餘 師 不 能 軍,宵 濟,亦 終 夜 有
聲,丙 辰,楚 重 至 於 邲,遂 次 于 衡 雍,潘 黨 曰,君 盍 築 武 軍,而 收 晉 尸 以 為 京 觀,臣 聞 克 敵,必 示 子
孫 以 無 忘 武 功。楚 子 曰,非 爾 所 知 也,夫 文,止 戈 為 武,武 王 克 商,作 頌 曰,載 戢 干 戈,載 櫜 弓 矢,我
求 懿 德,肆 于 時 夏,允 王 保 之,又 作 武,其 卒 章 曰,耆 定 爾 功,其 三 曰,鋪 時 繹 思,我 徂 惟 求 定,其 六
曰,綏 萬 邦,屢 豐 年,夫 武,禁 暴,戢 兵,保 大,定 功,安 民,和 衆,豐 財 者 也,故 使 子 孫 無 忘 其 章,今 我 使
二國 暴 骨,暴 矣,觀 兵 以 威 諸 侯,兵 不 戢 矣,暴 而 不 戢,安 能 保 大,猶 有 晉 在,焉 得 定 功,所 違 民 欲 猶
多,民 何 安 焉,無 德 而 強 爭 諸 侯,何 以 和 衆,利 人 之 幾,而 安 人之 亂,以 為 己 榮,何 以 豐 財,武 有 七
德,我 無 一 焉,何 以 示 子 孫,其 為 先 君 宮,告 成 事 而 已,武,非 吾 功 也,古 者 明 王 伐 不 敬,取 其 鯨 鯢
而 封 之,以 為 大 戮,於 是 乎 有 京 觀,以 懲 淫 慝,今 罪 無 所,而 民 皆 盡 忠 以 死 君 命,又 何 以 為 京 觀
乎。祀 於 河,作 先 君 宮,告 成 事 而 還。是 役 也,鄭 石 制 實 入 楚 師,將 以 分 鄭,而 立 公 子 魚 臣,辛 未,鄭
殺 僕 叔,及 子 服。君 子 曰,史 佚 所 謂 毋 怙 亂 者,謂 是 類 也,詩 曰,亂 離 瘼 矣,爰 其 適 歸,歸 於 怙 亂 者
也 夫。
鄭 伯 許 男 如 楚。
秋,晉 師 歸,桓 子 請 死,晉 侯 欲 許 之。士 貞 子 諫 曰,不 可,城 濮 之 役,晉 師三 日 穀,文
公 猶 有 憂 色,左 右 曰,有 喜 而 憂,如 有 憂 而 喜 乎。公 曰,得 臣 猶 在,憂 未 歇 也,困 獸 猶 鬬,况 國 相
乎。及 楚 殺 子 玉,公 喜 而 後 可 知 也,曰,莫 余 毒 也 已。是 晉 再 克 而 楚 再 敗 也,楚 是 以 再 世 不 競,今
天 或 者 大 警 晉 也,而 又 殺 林 父 以 重 楚 勝,其 無 乃 久 不 競 乎,林 父 之 事 君 也,進 思 盡 忠,退 思 補
過,社 稷 之 衛 也,若 之 何 殺 之,夫 其 敗 也,如 日 月 之 食 焉,何 損 於 明。晉 侯 使 復 其 位。
冬,楚 子 伐 蕭,宋 華 椒 以 蔡 人 救 蕭,蕭 人 囚 熊 相 宜 僚,及 公 子 丙。王 曰,勿 殺,吾
退。蕭 人 殺 之,王 怒,遂 圍 蕭,蕭 潰。申 公 巫 臣 曰,師 人 多 寒,王 巡 三 軍,拊 而 勉 之,三 軍 之 士,皆 如 挾
纊,遂 傅 于 蕭,還 無 社 與 司 馬 卯 言,號 申 叔 展,叔 展 曰,有 麥 麴 乎。曰,無。有 山 鞠 窮 乎。曰,無。河 魚 腹
疾,奈 何。曰,目 于 眢 井 而 拯 之。若 為 茅 絰,哭 井 則 已。明 日,蕭 潰,申 叔 視 其 井,則 茅 絰 存 焉,號 而 出
之。
晉 原 縠,宋 華 椒,衛 孔 達,曹 人,同 盟 於 清 丘,曰,恤 病 討 貳。於 是 卿 不 書,不 實 其
言 也。宋 為 盟 故,伐 陳,衛 人 救 之。孔 達 曰,先 君 有 約 言 焉,若 大 國 討,我 則 死 之。 XIII. 十 有 三 年
1. 十 有 三 年,春,齊 師 伐 莒。
2. 夏,楚 子 伐 宋。
3. 秋,螽。
4. 冬,晉 殺 其 大 夫 先 縠。
左 傳 曰,十 三 年,春,齊 師 伐 莒。莒 恃 晉 而 不 事 齊 故 也。
夏,楚 子 伐 宋。以 其 救 蕭 也。君 子 曰,清 丘 之 盟,唯 宋 可 以 免 焉。
秋,赤 狄 伐 晉,及 清,先 縠 召 之 也。冬,晉 人 討 邲 之 敗,與 清 之 師,歸 罪 於 先 縠 而
殺 之,盡 滅 其 族。君 子 曰,惡 之 來 也,己 則 取 之,其 先 縠 之 謂 乎。
清 丘 之 盟,晉 以 衛 之 救 陳 也,討 焉。使 人 弗 去,曰,罪 無 所 歸,將 加 而 師。孔 達
曰,苟 利 社 稷,請 以 我 說,罪 我 之 由,我 則 為 政,而 亢 大 國 之 討,將 以 誰 任,我 則 死 之。 XIV. 十 有 四 年
1. 十 有 四 年,春,衛 殺 其 大 夫 孔 達。
2. 夏,五 月,壬 申,曹 伯 壽 卒。
3. 晉 侯 伐 鄭。
4. 秋,九 月,楚 子 圍 宋。
5. 葬 曹 文 公。
6. 冬,公 孫 歸 父 會 齊 侯 於 穀。
左 傳 曰,十 四 年,春,孔 達 縊 而 死。衛 人 以 說 于 晉,而 免。遂 告 於 諸 侯 曰,寡 君 有
不 令 之 臣 達,構 我 敝 邑 於 大 國,既 伏 其 罪 矣,敢 告。衛 人 以 為 成 勞,復 室 其 子,使 復 其 位。
夏,晉 侯 伐 鄭,為 邲 故 也。告 於 諸 侯,蒐 焉 而 還。中 行 桓 子 之 謀 也,曰,示 之 以
整,使 謀 而 來。鄭 人 懼,使 子 張 代 子 良 於 楚,鄭 伯 如 楚,謀 晉 故 也。鄭 以 子 良 為 有 禮,故 召 之。
楚 子 使 申 舟 聘 於 齊,曰,無 假 道 於 宋,亦 使 公 子 馮 聘 於 晉,不 假 道 於 鄭。申 舟
以 孟 諸 之 役 惡 宋,曰,鄭 昭,宋 聾,晉 使 不 害,我 則 必 死。王 曰,殺 女,我 伐 之。見 犀 而 行。及 宋,宋 人 止
之,華 元 曰,過 我 而 不 假 道,鄙 我 也,鄙 我,亡 也,殺 其 使 者,必 伐 我,伐 我,亦 亡 也,亡 一 也。乃 殺 之,楚
子 聞 之,投 袂 而 起,屨 及 於 窒 皇,劍 及 於 寢 門 之 外,車 及 於 蒲 胥 之 市。秋,九 月,楚 子 圍 宋。
冬,公 孫 歸 父 會 齊 侯 於 穀,見 晏 桓 子,與 之 言 魯 樂。桓 子 告 高 宣 子,曰,子 家 其
亡 乎,懷 於 魯 矣,懷 必 貪,貪 必 謀 人,謀 人,人 亦 謀 己,一 國 謀 之,何 以 不 亡。
孟 獻 子 言 于 公 曰,臣 聞 小 國 之 免 于 大 國 也,聘 而 獻 物,于 是 有 庭 實 旅 百,朝
而 獻 功,于 是 有 容 貌,采 章,嘉 淑,而 有 加 貨,謀 其 不 免 也,誅 而 薦 賄,則 無 及 也,今 楚 在 宋,君 其 圖
之。公 說。
XV. 十 有 五 年
1. 十 有 五 年,春,公 孫 歸 父 會 楚 子 于 宋。
2. 夏,五 月,宋 人 及 楚 人 平。
3. 六 月,癸 卯,晉 師 滅 赤 狄 潞 氏,以 潞 子 嬰 兒 歸。
4. 秦 人 伐 晉。
5. 王 札 子 殺 召 伯,毛 伯。
6. 秋 螽。
7. 仲 孫 蔑 會 齊 高 固 于 無 婁。
8. 初 稅 畆。
9. 冬,蝝 生。
10. 饑。
左 傳 曰,十 五 年,春,公 孫 歸 父 會 楚 子 于 宋。
宋 人 使 樂 嬰 齊 告 急 于 晉,晉 侯 欲 救 之。伯 宗 曰,不 可,古 人 有 言 曰,雖 鞭 之
長,不 及 馬 腹,天 方 授 楚,未 可 與 爭,雖 晉 之 彊,能 違 天 乎,諺 曰,高 下 在 心,川 澤 納 汙,山 藪 藏 疾,瑾
瑜 匿 瑕,國 君 含 垢,天 之 道 也,君 其 待 之。乃 止。使 解 揚 如宋,使 無 降 楚,曰,晉 師 悉 起,將 至 矣。鄭 人 囚
而 獻 諸 楚,楚 子 厚 賂 之,使 反 其 言,不 許,三 而 許 之,登 諸 樓 車,使 呼 宋 而 告 之,遂 致 其 君 命。楚 子
將 殺 之,使 與 之 言 曰,爾 既 許 不 穀 而 反 之,何 故,非 我 無 信,女 則 棄 之,速 即 爾 刑,對 曰,臣 聞 之,君
能 制 命 為 義,臣 能 承 命 為 信,信 載 義 而 行 之,為 利,謀 不 失 利,以 衛 社 稷,民 之 主 也,義 無 二 信,信
無 二 命,君 之 賂 臣,不 知 命 也,受 命 以 出,有 死 無 霣,又 可 賂 乎,臣 之 許 君,以 成 命 也,死 而 成 命,臣
之 祿 也,寡 君 有 信 臣,下 臣 獲 考,死 又 何 求,楚 子 舍 之 以 歸。夏,五 月,楚 師 將 去 宋,申 犀 稽 首 于 王
之 馬 前,曰,毋 畏 知 死,而 不 敢 廢 王 命,王 棄 言 焉。王 不 能 荅。申 叔 時 僕,曰,築 室 反 耕 者,宋 必 聽
命。從 之,宋 人 懼,使 華 元 夜 入 楚 師,登 子 反 之 牀,起 之 曰,寡 君 使 元 以 病 告,曰,敝 邑 易 子 而 食,析
骸 以 爨,雖 然,城 下 之 盟,有 以 國 斃,不 能 從 也,去 我 三 十 里,唯 命 是 聽。子 反 懼,與 之 盟 而 告 王,退
三 十 里,宋 及 楚 平。華 元 為 質,盟 曰,我 無 爾 詐,爾 無 我 虞。
潞 子 嬰 兒 之 夫 人,晉 景 公 之 姊 也,酆 舒 為 政 而 殺 之,又 傷 潞 子 之 目,晉 侯 將
伐 之。諸 大 夫 皆 曰,不 可,酆 舒 有 三 雋 才,不 如 待 後 之 人。伯 宗 曰,必 伐 之,狄 有 五 罪,雋 才 雖 多,何
補 焉,不 祀,一 也,耆 酒,二 也,棄 仲 章 而 奪 黎 氏 地,三 也,虐 我 伯 姬,四 也,傷 其 君 目,五 也,怙 其 雋
才,而 不 以 茂 德,玆 益 罪 也,後 之 人,或 者 將 敬 奉 德 義,以 事 神 人,而 申 固 其 命,若 之 何 待 之,不 討
有 罪,曰,將 待 後,後 有 辭 而 討 焉,毋 乃 不 可 乎,夫 恃 才 與 衆,亡 之 道 也,商 紂 由 之,故 滅,天 反 時 為
災,地 反 物 為 妖,民 反 德 為 亂,亂 則 妖 災 生,故 文 反 正 為 乏,盡 在 狄 矣。晉 侯 從 之。六 月,癸 卯,晉 荀
林 父 敗 赤 狄 於 曲 梁。辛 亥,滅 潞,酆 舒 奔 衛,衛 人 歸 諸 晉,晉 人 殺 之。
秋,七 月,秦 桓 公 伐 晉,次 於 輔 氏。壬 午,晉 侯 治 兵 於 稷,以 畧 狄 土,立 黎 侯 而
還。及 雒,魏 顆 敗 秦 師 於 輔 氏,獲 杜 囘,秦 之 力 人 也。初,魏 武 子 有 嬖 妾,無 子,武 子 疾,命 顆 曰,必 嫁
是。疾 病 則 曰,必 以 為 殉。及 卒,顆 嫁 之,曰,疾 病 則 亂,吾 從 其 治 也。及 輔 氏 之 役,顆 見 老 人 結 草 以
亢 杜 囘,杜 囘 躓 而 顛,故 獲 之。夜 夢 之,曰,余,而 所 嫁 婦 人 之 父 也,爾 用 先 人 之 治 命,余 是 以 報。
王 孫 蘇 與 召 氏,毛 氏,爭 政,使 王 子 捷 殺 召 戴 公,及 毛 伯 衛。卒 立 召 襄。
晉 侯 賞 桓 子 狄 臣 千 室,亦 賞 士 伯 以 瓜 衍 之 縣,曰,吾 獲 狄 土,子 之 功 也,微
子,吾 喪 伯 氏 矣。羊 舌 職 說 是 賞 也,曰,周 書 所 謂 庸 庸 祗 祗 者,謂 此 物 也 夫,士 伯 庸 中 行 伯,君 信
之,亦 庸 士 伯,此 之 謂 明 德 矣,文 王 所 以 造 周,不 是 過 也,故 詩 曰,陳 錫 哉 周,能 施 也,率 是 道 也,其
何 不 濟。
晉 侯 使 趙 同 獻 狄 俘 於 周,不 敬。劉 康 公 曰,不 及 十 年,原 叔 必 有 大 咎,天 奪 之
魄 矣。
初,稅 畝。非 禮 也。穀 出 不 過 藉,以 豐 財 也。
冬,蝝 生,饑,幸 之 也。
XVI. 十 有 六 年
1. 十 有 六 年,春,王 正 月,晉 人 滅 赤 狄 甲 氏,及 留 吁。
2. 夏,成 周 宣 榭 火。
3. 秋,郯 伯 姬 來 歸。
4. 冬,大 有 年。
左 傳 曰,十 六 年,春,晉 士 會 帥 師 滅 赤 狄 甲 氏,及 畱 吁,鐸 辰。三 月,獻 狄 俘,晉 侯
請 于 王,戊 申,以 黻 冕 命 士 會 將 中 軍,且 為 大 傅。於 是 晉 國 之 盜,逃 奔 于 秦。羊 舌 職 曰,吾 聞 之,禹
稱 善 人,不 善 人 遠,此 之 謂 也 夫。詩 曰,戰 戰 兢 兢,如 臨 深 淵,如 履 薄 冰,善 人 在 上 也,善 人 在 上,則
國 無 幸 民,諺 曰,民 之 多 幸,國 之 不 幸 也,是 無 善 人 之 謂 也。
夏,成 周 宣 榭 火。人 火 之 也。凡 火,人 火 曰 火,天 火 曰 災。
秋,郯 伯 姬 來 歸。出 也。
為 毛 召 之 難 故,王 室 復 亂,王 孫 蘇 奔 晉,晉 人 復 之。
冬,晉 侯 使 士 會 平 王 室,定 王 享 之,原 襄 公 相 禮,殽 烝,武 子 私 問 其 故,王 聞
之,召 武 子 曰,季 氏 而 弗 聞 乎,王 享 有 體 薦,晏 有 折 俎,公 當 享,卿 當 宴,王 室 之 禮 也。武 子 歸 而 講
求 典 禮,以 修 晉 國 之 法。
XVII. 十 有 七 年
1. 十 有 七 年,春,王 正 月,庚 子,許 男 錫 我 卒。
2. 丁 未,蔡 侯 申 卒。
3. 夏,葬 許 昭 公,葬 蔡 文 公。
4. 六 月,癸 卯,日 有 食 之。
5. 己 未,公 會 晉 侯,衛 侯,曹 伯,邾 子,同 盟 於 斷 道。
6. 秋,公 至 自 會。
7. 冬,十 有 一 月,壬 午,公 弟 叔 肸 卒。
左 傳 曰,十 七 年,春,晉 侯 使 郤 克 徵 會 於 齊,齊 頃 公 帷 婦 人 使 觀 之,郤 子 登,婦
人 笑 於 房。獻 子 怒,出 而 誓 曰,所 不 此 報,無 能 涉 河。獻 子 先 歸,使 欒 京 廬 待 命 于 齊,曰,不 得 齊
事,無 復 命 矣。郤 子 至,請 伐 齊,晉 侯 弗 許,請 以 其 私 屬,又 弗 許。齊 侯 使 高 固,晏 弱,蔡 朝,南 郭 偃
會。及 斂 盂,高 固 逃 歸。夏,會 於 斷 道,討 貳 也。盟 於 卷 楚,辭 齊 人,晉 人 執 晏 弱 於 野 王,執 蔡 朝 於
原,執 南 郭 偃 於 溫。苗 賁 皇 使,見 晏 桓 子,歸 言 於 晉 侯 曰,夫 晏 子 何 罪,昔 者 諸 侯 事 吾 先 君,皆 如
不 逮,舉 言 羣 臣 不 信,諸 侯 皆 有 貳 志,齊 君 恐 不 得 禮,故 不 出,而 使 四 子 來,左 右 或 沮 之,曰,君 不
出,必 執 吾 使,故 高 子 及 斂 盂 而 逃,夫 三 子 者 曰,若 絕 君 好,寕 歸 死 焉,為 是 犯 難 而 來,吾 若 善 逆
彼,以 懷 來 者,吾 又 執 之,以 信 齊 沮,吾 不 既 過 矣 乎,過 而 不 改,而 又 久 之,以 成 其 悔,何 利 之 有
焉,使 反 者 得 辭,而 害 來 者,以 懼 諸 侯,將 焉 用 之。晉 人 緩 之,逸。
秋,八 月,晉 師 還。范 武 子 將 老,召 文 子 曰,燮 乎,吾 聞 之,喜 怒 以 類 者 鮮,易 者 實
多,詩 曰,君 子 如 怒,亂 庶 遄 沮,君 子 如 祉,亂 庶 遄 已,君 子 之 喜 怒,以 已 亂 也,弗 已 者,必 益 之,郤 子
其 或 者 欲 已 亂 於 齊 乎,不 然,余 懼 其 益 之 也,余 將 老,使 郤 子 逞 其 志,庶 有 豸 乎,爾 從 二 三 子,唯
敬。乃 請 老,郤 獻 子 為 政。
冬,公 弟 叔 肸 卒。公 母 弟 也。凡 大 子 之 母 弟,公 在 曰 公 子,不 在 曰 弟。凡 稱 弟,皆
母 弟 也。
XVIII.十 有 八 年
1. 十 有 八 年,春,晉 侯,衛 世 子 臧,伐 齊。
2. 公 伐 杞。
3. 夏,四 月。
4. 秋,七 月,邾 人 戕 鄫 子 於 鄫。
5. 甲 戌,楚 子 旅 卒。
6. 公 孫 歸 父 如 晉。
7. 冬,十 月,壬 戌,公 薨 於 路 寢。
8. 歸 父 還 自 晉,至 笙,遂 奔 齊。
左 傳 曰,十 八 年,春,晉 侯,衛 大 子 臧,伐 齊,至 於 陽 穀,齊 侯 會 晉 侯 盟 於 繒,以 公
子 彊 為 質 於 晉,晉 師 還,蔡 朝,南 郭 偃,逃 歸。
夏,公 使 如 楚 乞 師,欲 以 伐 齊。
秋,邾 人 戕 鄫 子 于 鄫。凡 自 虐 其 君 曰 弒,自 外 曰 戕。
楚 莊 王 卒。楚 師 不 出,既 而 用 晉 師,楚 于 是 乎 有 蜀 之 役。
公 孫 歸 父 以 襄 仲 之 立 公 也,有 寵,欲 去 三 桓,以 張 公 室,與 公 謀 而 聘 於 晉,欲
以 晉 人 去 之。
冬,公 薨。季 文 子 言 于 朝 曰,使 我 殺 適 立 庶,以 失 大 援 者,仲 也 夫。臧 宣 叔 怒
曰,當 其 時,不 能 治 也,後 之 人 何 罪,子 欲 去 之,許 請 去 之。遂 逐 東 門 氏。子 家 還,及 笙 壇 帷,復 命 於
介,既 復 命,袒 括 髮,即 位 哭,三 踊 而 出,遂 奔 齊。書 曰,歸 父 還 自 晉。善 之 也。
|
|
BOOK VII. DUKE XUAN.I. First year.
1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Qi, to meet the
[duke's] bride.
3. In the third month, Sui arrived with the [duke's]
wife, the lady Jiang, from Qi.
4. In summer, Jisun Hangfu went to Qi.
5. Jin banished its great officer, Xu Jiafu, to Wey.
6. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in
Pingzhou.
7. Duke [Zhuang's] son, Sui, went to Qi.
8. In the sixth month, a body of men from Qi took the
lands of Jixi.
9. In autumn, the viscount of Zhu came to Lu on a
court-visit.
10. The viscount of Chu and an officer of Zheng made
an incursion into Chen, and went on to make one into Song.
11. Zhao Dun of Jin led a force to relieve Chen.
12. The duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the
marquis of Wey, and the earl of Cao, joined the army of Jin at Feilin,
and invaded Zheng.
13. In winter, Zhao Chuan of Jin led a force, and
made an incursion into Chong.
14. A body of men from Jin and one from Song invaded
Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Title of the Book.—Duke Xuan's rule lasted for 18
years, from B. C. 607 to 590. His name was Jie (接), or, according to
Sima Qian, Tui (倭). He was a son of duke Wen by his favourite concubine,
Jing Ying (敬嬴). His honorary title Xuan (宣) denotes—Fond of asking, and
universally informed (善 問 周 達 曰 宣).'
His first year synchronized with the fifth of king
Kuang (匡王); the 13th of Ling (靈) of Jin; the 1st of Yuan, duke Hui of Qi
(惠公元); the 27th of Cheng of Wey; the 4th of Wen (文) of Cai; the 20th of
Mu of Zheng; the 10th of Wen, (文) of Cao; the 6th of Ling (靈) of Chen;
the 29th of Huan of Qi; the 3d of Wen (文) of Song; the 1st year of Dao,
duke Kong (共公稻) of Qin, and the 6th of Zhuang (莊) of Chu.
Par. 1. This record of Xuan's accession is the same
as that in II. i. 1. His marquisate and Huan's were both the fruit of
murder, and, according to the canon for such a case, we should not have
the 即位. See on II. i. 1.
Parr. 2,3. The transactions recorded here were
hurried on 'contrary to all rule,' through the urgency of the duke's
circumstances, and his anxiety to make his ill-got position good by an
alliance with the powerful House of Qi. The Zhuan on p. 5 of last year
tells us how Sui had obtained the sanction of Qi to the coup which he
contemplated in Lu; and though it says nothing on p. 8, it is understood
that Hangfu, when he went to Qi, after the coup, obtained a contract of
marriage between the duke and a daughter of Qi; and now no time was lost
in the accomplishment of it. On 逆女, see I. ii. 5; and on the term 婦, see
V. xxv. 3. But I do not see how the canon about the appellation 婦, which
is there given, can apply here. Mao says, 'In her father's house the
lady was called 婦; on the way to the State where she was to be married,
she was called 婦; in that State she was called 夫人.
Zuoshi says:——'Sui is here (in p. 2) called "duke's
son,'—to do honour to the ruler's command; and in p. 3 only Sui,—to do
honour to the wife.' I confess that I do not clearly understand this.
Par. 4. The alliance with Qi had been accomplished,
but it was necessary the marquis should be acknowledged as the ruler of
Lu at a conference with one or more great States; and to effect this was
the object of Hangfu's mission. Zuoshi says:——'In summer Ji Wen went to
Qi, and with the offer of bribes begged [the marquis] to give [the duke]
a meeting.'
Par. 5. 放. may be translated 'banished,' but it
denotes 'banishment to a certain place, where the criminal must remain
(安 置 此地,不 得 他 適,曰 放).' After the affair at Hequ, Zhao Chuan and Xu
Jiafu, who was then assistant-commander of the 3d army, frustrated, as
the Zhuan relates [VI. xii. 7] the design of Zhao Dun to attack the army
of Qin while crossing the He. The crime had been allowed to slumber for
nearly 8 years, and is now visited on Xu Chen, but not on Zhao Chuan,
the leader in the offence. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin, to
punish him for his disobedience to orders, banished Xu Jiafu to Wey, and
appointed [his son], Xu Ke, to his command. Xian Xin fled to Qi.'
Par. 6. Pingzhou was in Qi, in the pres. dis. of
Laiwu (萊 蕪), dep. Tai'an. Zuo says the meeting was 'to establish the
duke's seat in Lu.'
Par. 7. Zuoshi here calls Sui-Dongmen Xiangzhong,'
i.e., Xiangzhong who lived near the eastern gate, where 東門 becomes a
sort of surname; and says he now went to Qi 'to express [the duke's]
acknowledgments for the settlement [of his position].' See on V. xxvi.
5.
Par. 8. Jixi tian,—see V. xxxi. 1. It seems a
strange action on the part of the marquis of Qi, after all the favours
he had done to duke Xuan, now to proceed to appropriate part of his
territory. We must suppose that the bribe mentioned in the Zhuan on p.
4, had only been offered and not paid, and that Qi lost no time in
securing it (if these lands were the bribe), or at least an equivalent
for it. The Zhuan says: —'These fields were taken, because of the
service in the establishment of the duke, in order to bribe Qi.'
Par. 9. All through the times of dukes Xi and Wen,
Zhu and Lu had been in bad relations. Perhaps the viscount of Zhu came
now to Lu, thinking the time was opportune for the healing of their
differences, in which, however, he was deceived;—see below in the 10th
year. Many critics think he made his visit through fear of Qi.
Par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'When the people of Song
murdered duke Zhao (VI. xvi. 7), Xun Linfu of Jin, with the armies of
[several other] States, invaded Song; but Song and Jin made peace (VI.
xvii. 1; the Zhuan); and duke Wen of Song was subsequently admitted to a
covenant with Jin. [Jin], moreover, assembled the States at Hu (VI. xv.
10), intending, in behalf of Lu, to punish Qi; but on that occasion as
well as the other, it took bribes and withdrew, [without doing
anything]. Duke Mu of Zheng [on this] said, "Jin is not worth having to
do with;" and he was thereafter admitted to a covenant by Chu. On the
death of duke Gong of Chen [In Wen's 12th year], the people of Chu did
not behave courteously, and duke Ling of Chen obtained a covenant from
Jin. The viscount of Chu, [therefore], now made an incursion into Chen,
and proceeded to make one into Song.'
Par. 11. Zuo says:——'To relieve Chen and Song.'
Par. 12. For 棐 Kungyang has 斐. Feilin was in
Zheng,—in the pres. dis. of Xinzheng, dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan
says:——'They met at Feilin to invade Zheng, but Wei Jia of Chu came to
its relief, met the allies at Beilin, and took Xie Yang of Jin prisoner;
on which the troops of Jin returned to their own State.'
Par. 13. In the Zhuan on VI. xvii. 4, we find Zhao
Chuan going to Zheng as a hostage. He had not remained there long, as
the peace between Jin and Zheng, patched up by the letter of Zijia of
Zheng, had soon come to an end.
Chong was a small State, acknowledging the
jurisdiction of Qin. Its territory aforetime had been the State of Feng
酆, in the pres. dis. of Hu 鄠, dep. Xi'an, Shaanxi. The Zhuan says:——'Jin
wanted to ask peace from Qin, when Zhao Chuan said, "I will make an
incursion into Chong, and Qin, urgent in its behalf, is sure to go to
its relief, when I can take the opportunity to ask for peace." He acted
accordingly, but Qin would not make peace with Jin.'
Par. 14. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin
invaded Zheng, to repay the affair at Beilin [See on p. 12]. At this
time the marquis of Jin was giving way to all extravagance, and Zhao
Xuan, in whose hands the government was, offered repeated remonstrances
without effect. In consequence of this, [Jin] could not make itself
strong against Chu. II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the
king's second month, on Renzi, Hua Yuan of Song, at the head of a force,
and duke [Wen's] son, Guisheng of Zheng, [also] at the head of a force,
fought at Daji, when the army of Song was shamefully defeated, and Hua
Yuan was made prisoner.
2. An army of Qin invaded Jin.
3. In summer, a body of men from Jin, one from Song,
one from Wey, and one from Chen, made an incursion into Zheng.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Yichou, Zhao Dun
of Jin murdered his ruler, Yigao.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, on Yihai, the king
[by] Heaven's [grace] died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Daji was in Song,—at a bend in the west of
the pres. Suizhou (睢州), dep. Guide. Some refer it to a place, not far
from this, in the dis. of Ningling. The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d month of
this year, Gongzi Guisheng of Zheng received orders from Chu to invade
Song. Hua Yuan and Yue Lü of Song met him; and on Renzi of the 2d month
they fought at Daji. when the army of Song received a disgraceful
defeat, Hua Yuan being made prisoner, and Yue Lü captured [Yue Lü was
probably put to death as well, for so only can we make a distinction
between 囚 and 獲. [The army of Zheng also took] 460 chariots of war, 250
men, and the left ears of 100. Kuang Jiao engaged a man of Zheng, who
jumped into a well, from which the other brought him out with the end of
his spear,—[only] to be captured by him. The superior man will say that
Kuang Jiao transgressed the rule of war, and was disobedient to orders,
deserving to be taken. What is called the rule of war is to be having
ever in the ears that in war there should be the display of boldness and
intrepidity. To slay one's enemy is boldness, and to show the utmost
boldness is intrepidity; and he who does otherwise deserves death.
'When the battle was impending, Hua Yuan slaughtered
sheep to feed the soldiers, and did not give any to Yang Zhen, his
charioteer. When the battle came on, Zhen said, "In the matter of the
sheep yesterday, you were the master; in the business of today, I am the
master." With this he drove with him into the army of Zheng, which
caused the defeat. The superior man will say that Yang Zhen did very
wrong. For his private resentment he brought defeat on his State, and
destruction on [many of] the people. No crime could deserve greater
punishment. May we not regard the words of the ode, about "people
without conscience (Shi, II. vii., ode IX. 4)," as applicable to Yang
Zhen? He occasioned the death of many to gratify his own feeling.
'The people of Song ransomed Hua Yuan from Zheng
with 100 chariots of war and 400 piebald horses. When the half of them
had been sent, he made his escape back to Song; and when he arrived at
the capital, he stood outside the gate, and announced himself before he
entered. When he saw Shuzang [The designation of Yang Zhen], he said to
him, "It was the horses that did so;" but the other replied, "It was not
the horses; it was myself." Having given this answer, he fled to Lu.
'Song was repairing the wall of its capital, and
Yuan had the superintendence of the work. As he was going a round of
inspection, the builders sang, [as he passed],
"With goggle eyes and belly vast, The buff-coats
left, he's back at last. The whiskers long, the whiskers long, Are here,
but not the buff-coats strong." Yuan made [one of] them ride with him in
his carriage, and said to him, "Bulls still have skins; rhinoceroses and
wild bulls still are many. The throwing away the buff-coats was not such
a great thing." The workman said, "There may be the skins, but what
about the red varnish for them?" Hua Yuan said, "Go away. Those men have
many mouths, and I am alone."
Parr. 2, 3. The Zhuan says:——'The army of Qin
invaded Jin, in return for the attack of Chong [P.13 of last year], and
besieged Jiao. In summer, Zhao Dun of Jin relieved Jiao; and then, going
on from Yindi, he proceeded, along with the armies of [several] States,
to make an incursion into Zheng, in order to repay the action at Daji.
Dou Jiao of Chu [came to] relieve Zheng, saying, "Can we wish to get the
adherence of the States, and shrink from the difficulties in the way of
doing so?" He halted therefore in Zheng to wait for the army of Jin.
Zhao Dun said, 'Jiao's clan is so strong in Chu, that it is likely to
come to ruin. Let us for a time [give way, and] increase its malady." He
accordingly withdrew before it.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Jin conducted
himself in a way unbecoming a ruler. He levied heavy exactions, to
supply him with means for the carving of his walls, and shot at people
from the top of a tower to see how they tried to avoid his pellets.
Because his cook had not done some bears' paws thoroughly, he put him to
death, and made some of his women carry his body past the court in a
basket. Zhao Dun and Shi Ji [Hui, of whose return from Qin we have an
account in the Zhuan after VI. xiii. 2] saw the man's hands, [appearing
through the basket], and asked about the matter, which caused them
grief. [Dun] was about to go and remonstrate with the duke, when Shi Ji
said to him, "If you remonstrate and are not attended to, no one can
come after you. Let me go first; and if my remonstrance do not prevail,
you can come after." Accordingly, Hui entered the palace, and advanced,
through the first three divisions of it, to the open court before the
hall, before he was seen by the duke, who then said, "I know my errors,
and will change them." Hui bowed his head to the ground, and replied,
"Who is without errors? But there can be no greater excellence than for
a man to reform and put them away. There are the words of the ode (Shi,
III. iii. ode I. 1.),
'All have their [good] beginnings, But few are able
to carry them out to the end.' From them we see that few are able to
mend their errors. If your lordship can carry out your purpose to the
end, the stability of the altars will be made sure, and not your
ministers only will have reliance on you. Another ode (Shi, III. i. ode
VI. 6) says,
'The defects in the king's duties Only Zhong Shanfu
can repair.' [showing how that minister] could mend the errors of the
king. If your lordship can repair your faults, your robe will never
cease to be worn."
Notwithstanding this interview, the marquis made no
change in his conduct, and [Zhao] Xuan made repeated remonstrances, till
the marquis was so vexed that he employed Xu Ni to kill him. This Ni
went to Xuan's house very early in the morning, but the door of the
bedchamber was open, and there was the minister in all his robes ready
to go to court. It being too early to set out, he was sitting in a sort
of half sleep. Ni retired, and said, with a sigh, "Thus mindful of the
reverence due to his prince, he is indeed the people's lord. To murder
the people's lord would be disloyalty, and to cast away from me the
marquis's command will be unfaithfulness. With this alternative, before
me, I had better die;" and with these words he dashed his head against a
cassia tree, and died.
'In autumn, in the 9th month, the marquis called
Zhao Dun to drink with him, having first concealed soldiers who should
attack him. Dun's retainer, who occupied the place on the right in his
chariot, Timi Ming, got to know the design, and rushed up to the hall,
saying, "It is contrary to rule for a minister in waiting on his ruler
at a feast to go beyond three cups." He then supported his master down
the steps. The marquis urged on an immense dog which he had after them,
but Ming smote the brute and killed him. "He leaves men, and uses dogs!"
said Dun. "Fierce as the creature was, what could it do?" [In the
meantime, the soldiers who were concealed made their appearance, but]
Dun fought his way out, Timi Ming dying for him.
'Before this, once when Xuan was hunting on mount
Shou, he rested under a shady mulberry tree, and noticed one, Ling Zhe,
lying near in a famishing condition. Xuan asked what was the matter with
him, and he said that he had not eaten for three days. When food was
given him, however, he set the half of it apart; and when asked why he
did so, he said, "I have been learning abroad for three years, and do
not know whether my mother is alive or not. Here I am not far from home,
and beg to be allowed to leave this for her." Zhao Dun made him eat the
whole, and had a measure of rice and meat put up for him in a bag, which
was given to him. This man was now present among the duke's soldiers,
but, turning the head of his spear, he resisted the others, and effected
the minister's escape. Dun asked him why he thus came to his help, and
he replied, "I am the famishing man whom you saw at the shady mulberry
tree;" but when further asked his name and village, he made no answer,
but withdrew, disappearing afterwards entirely.
'On Yichou, Zhao Chuan attacked [and killed] duke
Ling in the peach garden, and Xuan, who was flying from the State, but
had not yet left its hills behind him, returned to the capital. The
grand historiographer wrote this entry,—"Zhao Dun murdered his ruler,"
and showed it in the court. Xuan said to him, "It was not so;" but he
replied, "You are the highest minister. Flying from the State, you did
not cross its borders; since you returned, you have not punished the
villain. If it was not you who murdered the marquis, who was it?" Xuan
said, "Ah! the words (? Shi, I. iii. ode VIII. 1),
'The object of my anxiety Has brought on me this
sorrow,' are applicable to me."
'Confucius (?) said "Dong Hu was a good
historiographer of old time:—his rule for writing was not to conceal.
Zhao Xuan was a good great officer of old time:—in accordance with that
law he accepted the charge of such wickedness. Alas! if he had crossed
the border, he would have escaped it."
'Xuan then sent Zhao Chuan to Zhou to meet duke
[Wen's] son Heitun, whom he raised to the marquisate. On Renshen, Heitun
presented himself in the temple of duke Wu [the first marquis of Jin].
The words of Confucius quoted above by Zuoshi are
nowhere else to be found. Perhaps Zuo had heard them from the sage, or
they had been reported to him. Some even think that he put his own view
here into the sage's lips to give it more weight. Dun's conduct in
employing the real murderer to go to Zhou for duke Ling's successor
cannot be justified; but on the whole, the reader will probably conclude
that he received hard measure, first from the historiographer of Jin,
and then from the sage as the compiler of the Chunqiu.
[The Zhuan appends here a further narrative about
the affairs of Jin:——'At the time of the troubles occasioned by Li Ji
[See the Zhuan on V.iv. 8, et al.], an oath was taken [in Jin] that they
would not maintain in the State any of the sons of their marquises; and
from that time they had no families in it which were branches of the
ruling house. When duke Cheng [The above Heitun], however, succeeded to
the State, he gave offices to the eldest sons by their wives of the high
ministers, and assigned them lands, so that they should form the
branch-families of his House. He gave offices also to the other sons of
the ministers by the same mothers, and recognized them by that
designation [as the Heads of their families]. Their sons by concubines
were made leaders of the duke's columns [of chariots]. Thus Jin came to
have ducal families, other sons, and leaders of the duke's columns. Zhao
Dun begged that [his half-brother] Kuo might be made [Head of] their
branch of the ducal families, saying, "He was the loved son of our
ruler's (duke Wen's) daughter, and but for her I should have been a Di
[See the Zhuan at the commencement of V. xxiv.]." The duke granted his
request. In winter, Dun declared himself head of the flags-men of the
chariots, and caused Ji of Ping [The above Kuo], to whom he surrendered
all his old adherents, to be made the great officer of their one among
the ducal families.]' III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the bull for the border sacrifice received some
injury in its mouth. It was changed, and the tortoise-shell consulted
about the [other] bull. That died, and so the border sacrifice was not
offered.
2. Still [the duke] offered the sacrifices to the
three objects of Survey.
3. There was the burial of king Kuang.
4. The viscount of Chu invaded the Rong of Luhun.
5. In summer, a body of men from Chu made an
incursion into Zheng.
6. In autumn, the Red Di made an incursion into Qi.
7. An army of Song laid siege to [the capital] of
Cao.
8. In winter, in the tenth month, on Bingxu, Lan,
earl of Zheng, died.
9. There was the burial of duke Mu of Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1, 2. See on V. xxxi. 3—. The border
sacrifice, here, however, was probably that at the winter-solstice to
Heaven. Guliang and other critics think that the characters,—牛 之 口 傷,
indicate that the bull had itself become ill, without receiving any
external injury (緩 辭 也, 傷 自 牛 作 也). Du say that the creature is here
called 牛, and not 牲 or 'victim,' because the day for the sacrifice had
not yet been divined for. Zuoshi says:——'The giving up the border
sacrifice, and yet offering those to the objects of Survey, were both
contrary to rule. The latter were adjuncts of the former, and, if it
were not offered, they might be omitted.' He does not say how the giving
up the border sacrifice in the circumtances mentioned in the text was
'contrary to rule.' Mao thinks the fault was in giving it up so
suddenly, without divining for another victim; but then he contends that
the sacrifice was that offered at the beginning of summer, like the one
in V. xxxi.
Par. 3. This burial must have been hurried on for
some reason which we do not know. King Kuang was succeeded by his
brother, king Ding (定 王).
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The marquis of Jin
invaded Zheng, and penetrated as far as Yan. Zheng then made peace with
Jin, and Shi Hui entered its capital, and made a covenant.]
Par. 4. The Rong of Luhun were a tribe of the Little
Rong (小戒), whose original seat lay in the extreme west of the present
Gansu; but, as related under the 22d year of duke Xi, they were removed
by Qin and Jin to Yichuan,—in the north of the pres. dis. of Song (嵩 縣),
dep. Henan; which brought them within the reach of Chu. They were also
called the Yin Rong (陰 戎). For 渾 Gong has 賁; and both he and Gu omit the
(之) before 戎. The Zhuan says:—-'The viscount of Chu invaded the Rong of
Luhun and then went on as far as the Luo, where he reviewed his troops
on the borders of Zhou. King Ding sent Wangsun Man [See the former
mention of him in the Zhuan on V.xxxiii. 1] to him with congratulations
and presents, when the viscount asked about the size and weight of the
tripods. Man replied, "[The strength of the kingdom] depends on the
[sovereign's] virtue, and not on the tripods. Anciently, when Xia was
distinguished for its virtue, the distant regions sent pictures of the
[remarkable] objects in them. The nine pastors sent in the metal of
their provinces, and the tripods were cast, with representations on them
of those objects. All the objects were represented, and [instructions
were given] of the preparations to be made in reference to them, so that
the people might know the sprites and evil things. Thus the people, when
they went among the rivers, marshes, hills, and forests, did not meet
with the injurious things, and the hill-sprites, monstrous things, and
water-sprites, did not meet with them [to do them injury]. Hereby a
harmony was secured between the high and the low, and all enjoyed the
blessing of Heaven. When the virtue of Jie was all-obscured, the tripods
were transferred to Shang, for 600 years. Zhou of Shang proved cruel and
oppressive, and they were transferred to Zhou. When the virtue is
commendable and brilliant, the tripods, though they were small, would be
heavy; when it gives place to its reverse, to darkness and disorder,
though they were large, they would be light. Heaven blesses intelligent
virtue;—on that its favour rests. King Cheng fixed the tripods in Jiaru,
and divined that the dynasty should extend through 30 reigns, over 700
years. Though the virtue of Zhou is decayed, the decree of Heaven is not
yet changed. The weight of the tripods may not yet be inquired about."'
Par. 5. The reason of this incursion was, says
Zuoshi, 'because Zheng had joined the party of Jin.' See the Zhuan
appended to par. 3. The utter mercenariness of Ling of Jin had alienated
Zheng from it; but the earl seems to have hasted, on his death, again to
join the side of the north against Chu.
Par. 6. This is the first appearance of the Red Di
in the classic. They are supposed to have been so called, because they
wore clothes of a red colour, as the White Di preferred white. There
were many tribes of them,—the Lushi (潞 氏), Keahshe (甲 氏), etc. Their
seats were in the pres. dep. of Lu'an (潞 安), Shanxi.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Three years after the
accession of duke Wen of Sung, he put to death his full brother, Xu, and
the son of duke Zhao, because of the schemes of the Head of the Wu clan
about them. He then made the clans of Dai and Huan attack Wushi in the
court-house of Zibo, the minister of War, and drove out of the State the
clans of Wu and Mu. They [fled to Cao], and with an army from it invaded
Song. In autumn, an army of Song laid siege to the capital of Cao, in
return for the disorders occasioned by the officer Wu.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, duke Mu of
Zheng died. [His father], duke Wen, had a concubine of mean position,
who was called Yan Ji [As belonging to the House of the southern Yan],
who dreamt that Heaven sent and gave her a lan flower, saying, "I am
Bochou [The founder of that House]; I am your ancestor. This shall be
[the emblem of] your child. As the lan is the most fragrant flower of a
State, so shall men acknowledge and love him." After this, when duke Wen
saw her, he gave her a lan flower, and lay with her. She wished to
decline his approaches, saying, "I am but a poor concubine, and should I
be fortunate enough to have a son, I shall not be believed. I will
venture to prove it by this lan." The duke agreed, and she bore a son,
[who became] duke Mu, and named him Lan.
'Now duke Wen had had an intrigue with Chen Gui, the
wife of [his uncle] Zi[yi], and she bore to him Zihua and Zizang, the
latter of whom for some offence left the State. His father by a
deception put Zihua to death in Nanli [See the 3d Zhuan after V. xvi.
4], and he made some ruffians kill Zizang between Chen and Song [See the
1st narrative in the Zhuan after V. xxiv. 2].
'Wen also took a wife from the House of Jiang, who
bore him Shi; but he having gone to the court of Chu, was poisoned
there, and died on his way back at She.
'He also took a wife from the House of Su, who bore
him Xia, and Yumi. Yumi died early; and both his father and Xie Jia
hated Xia, so that he was not appointed to succeed to the State. The
duke then drove out all his own and his predecessors' sons, when Lan
fled to Jin, from which he attended duke Wen in his invasion of Zheng
[See the Zhuan on V. xxx. 5]. Shi Gui said, "I have heard that when Ji
(姞) and Ji (姞) make a match, their descendants are sure to be numerous.
The Jis (姞) are lucky;—the great wife of Houji was one. Now, the duke's
son Lan is the child of a Ji. Heaven has perhaps opened the way for him.
He must become our ruler, and his descendants will be numerous. Let us
take the lead in receiving him, and we shall enjoy the greatest favour."
Accordingly, with Kong Jiangchu and Hou Xuanduo, he received Lan, and
brought him to Zheng, when they made a covenant with him in the grand
temple, and had him appointed successor to the State;—thereby obtaining
peace from Jin.
'When duke Mu was ill, he said, "When the lan die,
I will die. It is by them I live." When they cut the lan, he died.'
Par. 9. Something must have hurried on this burial,
but the critics cannot tell what. For 穆 Kungyang has
繆. IV. Fourth year.
1. 四 年,春,王 正 月,公 及 齊 侯 平 莒 及 郯,莒 人 不 肯,公 伐 莒 取 向。
1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the duke and the marquis of Qi [tried to] reconcile Ju and Tan.
The people of Ju were not willing [to be reconciled], and the duke
invaded Ju and took Xiang.
2. 秦 伯 稻 卒。
2. Dao, earl of Qin, died.
3. 夏,六 月,乙 酉,鄭 公 子 歸 生 弒 其 君 夷。
3. In summer, in the sixth month, on Yiyou, duke
[Wen's] son, Guisheng of Zheng, murdered his ruler, Yi.
4. 赤 狄 侵 齊。
4. The Red Di made an incursion into Qi.
5. 秋,公 如 齊。
5. In autumn, the duke went to Qi.
6. 公 至 自 齊。
6. The duke arrived from Qi.
7. 冬,楚 子 伐 鄭。
7. In winter, the viscount of Chu invaded Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Tan was a small State, of the same surname
as Ju [Si, 巳] which has left its name in the dis. of Tancheng 郯 城), dep.
Yizhou. Xiang is, no doubt, that mentioned in I. ii. 2. Zuoshi says that
the duke acted wrongly, in now attacking Ju. 'States must be reconciled
by the rules of propriety, and not by disorder. To attack Ju, without
regulating [the difference by those rules], was creating disorder. By
disorder to attempt to reconcile disorder, left no room for the [proper]
regulation; and without such regulation, how could any rule of propriety
be carried out?'
Par. 3. Yi was the eldest son of duke Mu, who died
in the 10th month of the last year. He enjoyed his earldom, therefore,
but a very short time. The Zhuan says:——"A large turtle had been
presented from Chu to duke Ling of Zheng. Gongzi Song and Zijia were
going [soon after] to have an audience of the duke, when Zigong's [The
Gongzi Song] forefinger began to move. He showed it to Zijia, saying,
"On other occasions, when my finger has done this, I have been sure to
taste [soon] some extraordinary dish." When they entered the palace, the
cook was about to cut up the turtle, and they looked at each other, and
laughed. The duke [saw it, and] asked the reason, which Zijia told him.
When the duke, however, was feasting the [other] great officers on the
turtle, he invited Zigong, but did not give him any. Zigong was angry,
dipped his finger into a dish, tasted the turtle, and went out, which so
enraged the duke that he wished to kill him. Zigong then consulted with
Zijia about their first killing the duke; but Zijia said, "Even an
animal which you have long kept about you, you shrink from killing; how
much more should you shrink from killing your ruler!" The other turned
round, and threatened to bring a charge against Zijia, who then agreed,
through fear, to let him take his course; and Zigong murdered duke Ling
in the summer.
'The text says that Guisheng murdered his ruler,
because his power was not sufficient [to prevent the deed, as it ought
to have been]. The superior man may say that a man who is benevolent,
but has not prowess, cannot carry out his benevolence. In cases of the
murder of a prince, when he is mentioned [by name], it indicates that he
was without principle (?), and the mention of the name of the minister
indicates his guilt.
'The people of Zheng wanted to raise Ziliang [A son
of duke Mu by a concubine] to be earl, but he declined the dignity,
saying, "If it is to be given to the worthiest, I, Quji am not fit to
receive it. If it is to be given according to natural order, my brother
Jian is the oldest." On this [Jian, known as] duke Xiang was appointed.
He wished to drive away all the sons of duke Mu excepting Ziliang, who
remonstrated against the proposed measure, saying, "The sons of Mu
should all be allowed to remain, and this is what I wish. If you banish
them, then I will go into banishment with the rest;—what should I do,
[remaining here alone]?" On this the duke let them alone, and they all
became great officers.'
The Kangxi editors reject from their text all the
remarks of his own, which Zuoshi has interjected in the above Zhuan,
seeing in them only matter for question and condemnation. Guisheng
certainly was more blameworthy for his share in the murder of his ruler
than Zhao Dun for his part in the murder of Ling of Jin.
Par. 4. See on p. 6 of last year.
Parr. 5, 6. [The Zhuan gives here a long narrative
relating to Chu, 'Before this, Ziliang, the minister of War in Chu, had
a son born to him,—Ziyue Jiao. [When] Ziwen [Ziliang's elder-brother]
[saw the child], he said 'You must put him to death. He has the
appearance of a bear or a tiger, and the voice of a wolf. If you do not
kill him, he will cause the extinction of our Ruo'ao family. There is
the common saying, 'A wolf-like child will have an evil heart.' This is
a wolf, and should he be brought up in your family?" Ziliang rejected
this proposal,—to the great grief of Ziwen, who collected all his
family, when he was about to die, and said to them, "When Jiao is
entrusted with the govt., do you quickly leave the State, so as to avoid
the misfortunes he will occasion." He then wept, and said, "If ghosts
must be seeking for food, will not those of our Ruo'ao clan be
famished?" When Ziwen, who was the chief minister of Chu, died, the
office was given to Dou Ban [Ziwen's son, designated Ziyang]. Ziyue was
then minister of War, and Wei Jia minister of Works. The latter made a
false charge against Ziyang and procured his death, when Ziyue was made
chief minister, and Jia himself became minister of War, but was hated by
Ziyue, who, with the help of all the branches of the Ruo'ao clan,
imprisoned him—Boying—in Liaoyang, and put him to death. Jiao then took
up his quarters in Zhengye, and threatened to attack the king, who
offered to place the sons of his three predecessors (Wen, Cheng, and Mu)
with him as hostages. The other, however, would not receive them, and
encamped with his army on the banks of the Zhang.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount of Chu
and the Ruo'ao fought at Gaohu. Bofen [Jiao] shot an arrow at the king,
which skirted the curved pole of his chariot, reached the frame of the
drum in it, and hit the metal jingle. A second arrow skirted in the same
way the curvature of the pole, and then pierced the bamboo screen above
the wheel. The troops became frightened and retired. The king made it be
circulated through the army, that when the former ruler, king Wen,
subdued Xi, he had got three [great] arrows, two of which had been
stolen by Bofen, but had now been both discharged. He then made the
drums be beaten again, and urged his men on, so that he [gained a
complete victory, and] extinguished the clan of Ruo'ao.
'Before this, Ruo'ao [Ruo'ao was viscount of Chu
from B.C. 789 to 763] took to his harem a daughter of the House of Yun,
who bore to him Dou Bobi [See the Zhuan at the beginning of II. xiii.]
but, on his father's death, this son followed his mother, and was
brought up in Yun. He had an intrigue with a daughter of the viscount of
Yun, the fruit of which was a son, afterwards styled Ziwen. Her mother
caused the child to be thrown away in the [marsh of] Meng. There a
tigress suckled him. The thing was seen by the viscount of Yun, when
hunting; and when he returned home in terror, his wife told him the
whole affair, on which he sent for the child and had it cared for. The
people of Chu called suckling gou, and a tiger they called wutu; hence
the child was named Gouwutu [See his first appearance in the Zhuan after
III.xxx.2, where he is called Gouwutu instead of Gouwutu], and his
mother was married to Bobi. The child subsequently became the chief
minister of Chu, Ziwen. His grandson, Kehuang, was minister of
Remonstrance, and was absent on a mission to Qi [when the above
rebellion took place]. He heard of it in Song, on his way back, when his
people said to him, "You must not enter the State." But he replied, "If
I abandon the king's commission, who will receive it? My ruler is
Heaven;—can Heaven be fled from?" He accordingly returned to Chu,
reported the discharge of his mission, and then delivered himself a
prisoner to the minister of Crime. The king thought of Ziwen's govt. of
Chu, and said, "If I leave Ziwen without any posterity, how shall I
encourage men to good?" He made Kehuang return to his office, and
changed his name to Sheng.'
Par. 7. Zuoshi says the reason of this invasion was
that Zheng had not yet submitted, notwithstanding that Chu had attacked
it in the summer of last year. V. Fifth year.
1. In his fifth year, in spring, the duke went to Qi.
2. In summer, the duke arrived from Qi.
3. In autumn, in the ninth month, Gao Gu of Qi came
to meet [his bride], the duke's second daughter.
4. Shusun Dechen died.
5. In winter, Gao Gu of Qi and the duke's second
daughter came to Lu.
6. A body of men from Chu invaded Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says that, on this visit, Gao Gu
[A minister of Qi] made the marquis of Qi detain the duke, and ask him
to give Gu his second daughter in marriage.
Part. 2. The Zhuan says that this entry shows how
the duke 'exceeded,' in the ceremony which is implied. What that
ceremony was has been described on II. ii. 9. Now on this occasion the
duke had been forcibly detained in Qi, and obliged to consent to marry
his daughter to a man of rank inferior to his own, compromising his own
character and that of his ancestors. But should he therefore have
refrained from the ceremony 'proper,' on his own safe return to his
State?
Par. 3. The Zhuan says that Gao Gu came himself to
meet his bride, but that we have not 逆 女, the lady being mentioned by
her designation, because the case was that of a minister meeting her for
himself. Du calls attention to there being on further entry about her
going to Qi (歸 于 齊), because such entries were only made when the
daughters of Lu married princes of States. Zuoshi does not have the 子
before 叔 姬. There can be no doubt as to its meaning here. Comp. VI. xii.
3; xiv. 12; xv. 11.
Par. 4. Du needlessly finds a reason for the day of
Dechen's death not being given. Dechen is often mentioned as Zhuangshu
(莊叔), Zhuang being his posthumous epithet. He was succeeded by his son
Qiaoru (僑 如; given from the Souman giant whose death is mentioned in the
Zhuan on VI. xi. 6), known as Xuanbo (宣伯).
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'They came to Lu in winter,
returning the horses:'—which needs explanation. On the marriage of a
lady to a great officer or a husband of higher rank, she was escorted to
her home with a carriage and horses;—one or many. Three days after, the
carriage was sent back, but the horses were detained for 3 months, in
case there should be need of them for the lady's return to her parents,
the experiment of marriage not proving satisfactory. If it did prove so,
then they also were sent back by a messenger. Here the husband himself
accompanies his wife on her visit to her parents, and takes charge of
the horses, to show his satisfaction with her. Still the critics all
insist on the impropriety of the lady's visit to Lu;—it was too early
for it, and the time had not come. Then, again, it was contrary to rule
for her on such an occasion to be accompanied by her husband.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'On this invasion, Chen and
Chu made peace, when Xun Linfu relieved Zheng, and invaded
Chen.' VI. Sixth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, Zhao Dun of
Jin and Sun Mian of Wey made an incursion into Chen.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, there were
locusts.
4. It was winter, the tenth month.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Sun Mian,—there was a clan with the surname
Sun in Wey, descended from a son of duke Wu, who died B. C. 757, a
little before the commencement of the period of the Chunqiu. Zuoshi says
here that the reason of this incursion by Jin and Wey was Chen's
adherence to Chu. The invasion of it by Xun Linfu the previous winter
had failed to alter Chen's policy.
Gongyang gives here in a long note an account of the
murder of duke Ling of Jin, substantially the same as that in Zuoshi's
Zhuan on II. 4; and seems to think that the re-appearance of Zhao Dun in
this par. is a sort of condoning him for his connection with the deed.
Par. 2. See on I. vi. 3. [The Zhuan introduces two
brief notices:——'In summer, king Ding sent Zifu to ask a queen for him
from Qi.' 'In autumn, the Red Di invaded Jin, when they besieged Huai
and Xingqiu The marquis of Jin wished to invade their country [in
return], but the officer Huan of the middle column said to him, "Let
[their chief first] make his people hate him [for his incessant
warfare], filling up the measure of his practices, and then he may be
utterly destroyed. The language in one of the Books of Zhou,—Exterminate
the great Yin (Shu, V. ix. 4),' is applicable to this kind of people."']
Par. 3. See II. v. 8.
Par. 4 [The Zhuan appends here:—1st, 'In winter,
duke Huan of Shao met the king's bride in Qi.' 2d, 'A body of men from
Chu invaded Zheng, took conditions of peace, and returned to Chu.' 3d,
'Gongzi Manman of Zheng spoke to the king's son Boliao, [who was serving
in Zheng], about his wish to become a high minister. Boliao told another
person, saying, "The case of one who covets [a high position] without
the proper virtue appears from the Zhou yi, and is like the diagram
Feng's (䷶) becoming Li (䷝). [Manman] will not live beyond the time
thereby indicated." After the interval of a year, the people of Zheng
put Manman to death.'] VII. Seventh year.
1. In his seventh year, in spring, the marquis of Wey
sent Sun Liangfu to Lu, to make a covenant [with the duke].
2. In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Qi in
invading Lai.
3. In autumn, the duke arrived from the invasion of
Lai.
4. There was great drought.
5. In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, and the
earl of Cao, in Heirang.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says that this mission of the
officer Huan 桓 was the posthumous title of Sun Liangfu] was the first
intercourse between Wey and Lu since the duke's accession, and that the
object was to consult about the duke's attending a meeting to be called
by Jin. For these purposes a friendly mission of inquiry (聘) would have
been sufficient; but it is to be understood that Wey was acting in the
interest of Jin, the new ruler of which wished to assert what he
considered his claim to be the leader of the States. Duke Xuan had,
since his accession, been a devoted adherent of Qi, and had stood aloof
from Jin; and now Wey required from him the engagement of a covenant, to
clear itself with Jin, should the duke after all not attend the meeting.
Par. 2. Lai was a small State, held by Jiangs, with
the title of viscount,—in the pres. dis. of Huang (黃 縣), dep. Dengzhou,
Shandong. Zuoshi here gives his canon regarding the use of 及 and 會, in
the case at least of military expeditions, saying that the 會 here
implies that Lu had not been a party in planning the expedition:——In all
military expeditions, where Lu had previously acted in the planning of
them, 及 is used; where it had not done so, we have 會.' The Kangxi
editors accept the canon with a slight reservation.
Par. 4. See on V. xxi. 3. Du observes here that 'the
sacrifice for rain had had no effect, or perhaps it had not been
offered.' [The Zhuan appends:——'The Red Di made an incursion into Jin,
and cut down and carried off the growing grain of Xiangyin'].
Par. 5. Heirang was in Jin,—40 li northwest from the
pres. dis. of Qinshui, dep. Zezhou, Shanxi.
The Zhuan says:——'Peace had been brought about
between Zheng and Jin by means of the counsels of Gongzi Song, who
therefore now attended the earl of Zheng, as his assistant, to this
meeting. In winter, a covenant was made at Heirang, when the king's
uncle, the duke of Huan, was present, to consult on the case of
discordant States. On the accession of the marquis of Jin, [in the
duke's 2d year], the duke had not paid a court-visit to him, nor had he
since sent any great officer to Jin with friendly inquiries. The people
of Jin therefore now detained him at the meeting, and when the covenant
was made at Huangfu [i. q. Heirang], he did not take part in it. He got
away to Lu, however, by means of bribes; and the text does not mention
the covenant at Heirang, to conceal the duke's disgrace in connection
with it.' VIII. Eighth year.
1. In his eighth year, in spring, the duke arrived
from the meeting [at Heirang].
2. In summer, in the sixth month, duke [Zhuang's]
son, Sui, went to Qi. When he had got to Huang, he returned.
3. On Xinsi, there was a sacrifice in the grand
temple; and Zhong Sui died at Chui.
4. On Renwu, the sacrifice was repeated for the next
day; but when the pantomimes entered, they put away their flutes.
5. On Wuzi, [duke Wen's] wife, the lady Ying, died.
6. An army of Jin and the White Di invaded Qin.
7. A body of men from Chu extinguished Shuliao.
8. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Jiazi, the sun
was totally eclipsed.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, on Jichou, we [had
arranged to] bury our duchess, Jing Ying.
10. Because of rain the interment was not effected;
but on [the next day] Gengyin, at mid-day, it was completed.
11. [The duke] walled Pingyang.
12. An army of Chu invaded Chen.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. See on V. 1, 2. The Zhuan has here an entry,
which terminates very strangely, and which the Kangxi editors do not
give, looking on it, no doubt, as incredible:——'This spring, the White
Di made peace with Jin, and in the summer they joined it in an invasion
of Qin. The people of Jin caught a spy of Qin, and put him to death in
Jiang, in the market place, but on the 6th day he came alive again!'
Par. 2. Huang,—see II. xvii. 1. Guliang seems to
take 復 in the sense of 復 命, 'reported the execution of his mission,'
which is evidently incorrect. The meaning must be that given in the
translation. From the mention of Sui's death in the next par., we must
conclude that, when he got to Huang, he felt himself too ill to proceed
farther, and began to retrace his steps to Lu. The critics are hard upon
him for doing so. Du says it was 'contrary to rule,' for, having
received his ruler's commission, he should have gone on till he died,
and arranged that his corpse should be carried to the capital of Qi!
Parr. 3,4. Chui was in Qi,—somewhere in the borders
of the pres. dis. of Pingyin (平陰), dep. Yanzhou. The phrase 有事=有
祭事,'there was a sacrifice.' This is certain from the usage in the
Chunqiu;-comp. 大 事 in VI.ii.6, and 有 事, in X.xv.2. But what particular
sacrifice is intended in the text is a matter of controversy. Yingda and
many other critics think it was the Di (禘) sacrifice;—see on V.viii.4.
Wu Cheng and others hold that it was merely the summer seasonal
sacrifice. The discussion of this question is not important to the
elucidation of the text.
The sacrifice was offered on Xinsi, and that same
day the Gongzi Sui died at Chui. The two events are chronicled together,
though it is not likely the news of Sui's death reached Lu before the
offering of the sacrifice. It reached it, however, before the following
day, when the previous sacrifice was repeated;—see the note on the name
of the 9th Book in the 4th part of the Shu. That repetition was
comparatively unimportant, and the news of Sui's death should have
prevented it. Hence Zuoshi says that it was 'contrary to rule,' and we
have the same decision regarding it, as from Confucius himself, in the
Li ji, II., Pt.II.ii. 20.
In p.4, 萬 is the name for the pantomimic performers
at the sacrifice. There were civil pantomimes (文舞)) and martial
pantomimes (武舞); and the term 萬 was used to cover them both. Here we are
to think only of the civil. The martial pantomimes carried in their
right hand an axe, and in the left a shield; the civil carried in their
right a pheasant's feather, and in their left a flute, on which they
played. The flutes were put away on this occasion, their sound being
thought inconsistent with the feelings which the news of Sui's death
should produce. It remains only to speak of the characters 仲 遂 in p.3,
the former of which has occasioned the critics great trouble. The 公子 of
p. 2 give place here, it will be seen, to 仲, which was only Sui's
designation as having been the second among his brothers. It became the
surname of his descendants; and the simplest way of accounting for its
employment here is to suppose, with Mao, that duke Xuan at once gave it
to his deceased relative and minister as the clan-name (氏) of himself
and his posterity.
Par. 5. This was duke Xuan's mother. Though only a
concubine of duke Wen, she appears here as his wife,—raised to that rank
by her son. Gu and Gong have 熊 instead of 嬴, making the lady thereby to
have been of the House of Chu, and not of that of Qin.
Par. 6. See on III. 6. This is the first appearance
of the white Di in the Classic. See the Zhuan at the commencement of
this year.
Par. 7. 蓼 is with Gongyang 鄝. Shuliao was a small
State,—in the pres. dis. of Lujiang (盧江), dep. Luzhou, Anhui. The other
Shu States were near to it. Du Yu says erroneously that Shu and Liao
were two States. The Zhuan says:——'Chu, because the various Shu States
had revolted from it, attacked Shuliao and extinguished it. The viscount
of Chu laid out anew its boundaries, as far as the banks of the Hua,
took a covenant from Wu and Yue, and returned [to Ying].'
Par. 8. 既=盡, 'completely,' as in II.iii.4. There is
an error in the text in the record of this eclipse. It was total about
half past 3 o'clock in the afternoon of Sept. 12, B. C. 600, thus
corresponding to the 1st day of the tenth moon, which would on that year
be Jiazi (甲子), as in the text. Wang Tao supposes that the 七 in the text
should be 十, and would cast out the 秋, transferring the 冬 from the next
par. to the head of this. But in that way we should have no entry in
this year under the season of autumn;—which is contrary to the rule of
the classic. Perhaps we should read 秋七月 as a paragraph, simply saying—It
was autumn, the 7th month.' Then this par. will begin 冬十月 which
characters must be removed from p. 9, the day 己丑 of which would still be
in the tenth month,—the 26th day of it.
[The Zhuan appends here:—Xu Ke of Jin had an
illness which unsettled his mind. Xi Que became chief minister of the
State. In autumn Xu Ke was discharged from his office, and Zhao Shuo was
appointed assistant-commander of the 3d army.']
Parr. 9,10. Gong and Gu for 敬嬴 have 頃熊. But 頃 as a
posthumous title is evidently wrong. 敬 so used denotes—Day and night
reverently attentive to duty (日夜敬事曰敬).'
Zuoshi records that, at this burial, there being no
flax in consequence of drought, they first used ropes made of the fibres
of the dolichos, to draw the bier. As the burial did not take place till
the day after Jichou, we must understand 己丑葬 as in the translation. That
day had been determined on for the ceremony, after consulting the
tortoise-shell, according to the rule mentioned in the Li ji, I. Part I.
v. 23, that the day should be determined at least ten days before. At
the interment of a person of rank, however, the number of persons
employed and observances to be attended to was so great, that we can
easily understand how the business would be stopt by rain, though such
delay was not allowed in the case of the burial of a common person.
Zuoshi says:——'Not to complete the burial because of the rain was
according to rule. The rule required that the tortoise-shell should be
consulted about an interment on a distant day, [not less than ten days],
before it took place, to avoid the charge of not being affectionately
solicitous in the case of such a duty.' The Kangxi editors, however,
strongly condemn the delay in the interment, thinking, with Gong and Gu,
that it was occasioned by the want of sufficient care and diligence in
making the necessary preparations, even after the day had been fixed so
long before.
Par. 11. Pingyang was 4 li to the northwest of the
pres. dis. city of Xintai (新泰), dept. Ji'nan. Zuoshi says the record was
made to show the seasonableness of the undertaking.
Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'Chen and Jin had made
peace. An army of Chu, [therefore], invaded Chen, took terms of
submission from it, and returned.' IX. Ninth year.
1. In his ninth year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the duke went to Qi.
2. The duke arrived from Qi.
3. In summer, Zhongsun Mie went to the capital.
4. The marquis of Qi invaded Lai.
5. In autumn, [we] took Genmou.
6. In the eighth month, the viscount of Teng died.
7. In the ninth month, the marquis of Jin, the duke
of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, and the earl of Cao, had
a meeting in Hu.
8. Xun Linfu of Jin led the armies [of the above
States], and invaded Chen.
9. On Xinyou, Heitun, marquis of Jin, died in Hu.
10. In winter, in the tenth month, on Guiyou, Zheng,
marquis of Wey, died.
11. A body of men from Song laid siege to [the
capital of] Teng.
12. The viscount of Chu invaded Zheng; [and] Xi Que
of Jin led a force, and relieved it.
13. Chen put to death its great officer Xie Ye.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1, 2. Zuoshi says nothing on these two parr.
Fan Ning, Sun Fu, and other critics, remark on the duke's throwing on
one side the mourning for his mother, and going away to Qi; but we have
seen that during all his rule the duke was reduced to a miserable
subserviency to that State.
Par. 3. This Zhongsun Mie was the grandson of
Gongsun Ao, whose name occurs so often in Books V. and VI. Of course he
was the great-grandson of Qingfu, who died, or was obliged rather to
strangle himself, in the 2d year of duke Min. Mie's posthumous title was
Xian (獻), He was 孟獻子;—see the Zhuan on VI.xv.4.
The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the king had sent to Lu
demanding from the duke a mission of friendly inquiries. In summer,
[therefore], Meng Xian went on such a mission to Zhou, and the king,
considering that he conducted it according to the rules of propriety,
gave him rich gifts.' Du observes that the king's previous mission is
not mentioned in the text, as a gentle condemnation of the king's
conduct.
Par. 4. Lai,—see p. 3 of last year.
Par. 5. Acc. to Du Yu, Genmou was a State belonging
to one of the Yi or wild tribes of the east;—in the south of the pres.
dis. of Yishui (沂水), dep. Yizhou. This identification is better than
that of Gongyang, who would make it out to be a town of Zhu (邾婁之邑).
Zuoshi thinks the 'took' (取) denotes the ease with which the capture was
made. More likely is the opinion of Wang Kekuan (汪克寬), that the term is
a gentle one for 'extinguished,' partially concealing the lawlessness of
Lu.
Par. 6. This was duke Zhao (昭公) of Teng. See on
I.vii.2; but in Yin's time the lords of Teng were marquises. They had
now descended two steps, and were only viscounts.
Parr. 7—. Hu—see III.xxiii. 10, et al. Du, in
assigning the situation of Hu, always says it belonged to Zheng.
Gongyang, however, here says it belonged to Jin; and the Kangxi editors
adduce the Bamboo books, under the reign of king Zhending, to show that,
though the place originally belonged to Zheng, it ultimately became a
possession of Jin. At this time, however, it still belonged to Zheng.
The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Hu was to punish
discordant States. The marquis of Chen did not attend it [See on p. 12
of last year], and Xun Linfu, with the armies of the States, invaded
Chen; but, on the death of the marquis of Jin at Hu, he returned.'
Acc. to Du, there was no Xinyou day in the 9th
month. Guiyou in next par. was the 16th of the 10th month; and Xinyou
therefore must have been the 6th.
Par. 10. In this attack of Teng, Song, says Zuoshi,
took advantage of the death of the viscount in the 8th month.
Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu,
because of the affair at Li [What affair this was is not known. Du finds
it in connection with the 2d Zhuan at the end of the 6th year], invaded
Zheng, which was relieved by Xi Que of Jin. The earl of Zheng defeated
an army of Chu at Liufen, to the joy of all the people. Ziliang,
however, was sad, and said, "This [victory] will prove a calamity to the
State. We shall die before very long."'
Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Chen, with
[his two ministers] Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu, all had an intrigue with
Xia Ji [A daughter of the House of Zheng, surnamed Ji, the widow of an
officer of Chen, surnamed or designated Xia], and each of the three of
them wore an article of her under clothing, with which they made game
with one another in the court. Xie (Gong and Gu have 泄 for 洩) Ye
remonstrated with the duke, saying, 'When ruler and ministers thus
proclaim their lewdness, the people have nothing good to imitate. The
report of such things is not good;—let your lordship put that article
away." The duke said he would change his conduct, but he told the other
two what Xie Ye had said; and when they asked leave to kill him, he did
not forbid them. Ye thereon was killed. Confucius said, "The words of
the ode, (Shi, III.ii. ode X. 6),
'When the people have many perversities Do not you
set up your own perversity before them,' are applicable to the case of
Xie Ye."'
This cannot be the decision of Confucius upon the
fate of Xie Ye, though we find it expanded in the Jia yu 家 語, Bk. XIX.
(the 子路初見). X. Tenth year.
1. In his tenth year, in spring, the duke went to Qi.
The duke arrived from Qi,
2. The people of Qi restored to us the lands of Jixi.
3. In summer, in the the fourth month, on Bingchen,
the sun was eclipsed.
4. On Jisi, Yuan, marquis of Qi, died.
5. The Head of the Cui family of Qi left the State,
and fled to Wey.
6. The duke went to Qi.
7. In the fifth month, the duke arrived from Qi.
8. On Guisi, Xia Zhengshu of Chen murdered his ruler,
Pingguo.
9. In the sixth month, an army of Song invaded Teng.
10. Gongsun Guifu went to Qi, to the burial of duke
Hui of Qi.
11. A body of men from Jin, one from Song, one from
Wey, and one from Cao, invaded Zheng.
12. In autumn, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent
his youngest brother to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
13. Gongsun Guifu led a force to invade Zhu, and
took Yi.
14. There were great floods.
15. Jisun Hangfu went to Qi.
16. In winter, Gongsun Guifu went to Qi.
17. The marquis of Qi sent Guo Zuo to Lu on a
mission of friendly inquiries.
18. There was famine.
19. The viscount of Chu invaded Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1,2. This was now the 4th time that the duke
had repaired to the court of Qi. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the duke
went to Qi; and the marquis of Qi, in consideration of the submission
and service of the duke, restored the lands of Jixi.' Those lands were
taken by Qi, it will be remembered, in the duke's first year, being the
price which Lu paid for Qi's support of the duke's usurpation.
Par. 3. This eclipse was visible at sunrise, on the
26th February, B. C. 598. Bingchen was the 1st day of the moon.
Parr. 4,5. The Cui family or clan was one of the
most powerful in Qi. It was descended from a son of one of the ancient
princes of the State,—duke Ding (丁公), who died B. C. 1052. To that son
the lands of Cui had been assigned, and Cui became the surname of his
descendants. We have met with a Cui Yao, who was present at the battle
of Chengpu, in the 28th year of duke Xi. The head of the clan at this
time was, acc. to Zuoshi, Cui Shu (崔杼), and it is to him the text
refers. We find him (?) long after this, in IX.xxv.2. in Qi again, and
murdering his ruler.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, duke Hui of Qi died.
Cui Shu had been a favourite with him; and [the ministers], Gao and Guo,
being afraid of Cui's exercising a pressure upon them, drove him
out;—when he fled to Wey. The language of the text,—'The Head of the Cui
family,' shows that he was not driven out for any fault of his (?);
moreover, the announcement was made to Lu about him as the Head of his
clan, and not by his name. When a great officer of any State fled from
it, or was banished, the announcement of it ran,—"Our subject, so and
so, Head of the clan so and so, has failed to maintain the charge of his
ancestral temple; and we presume to announce the fact." Such
announcement was made to other States in the case of one who had been
sent with the mission-jade aud offerings of silk (i.e., on missions of
friendly inquiries) to them; but not in the case of other officers.'
The reason why we have 崔氏 here, and not 崔杼, if
indeed the officer was really Zhu, need not be anxiously sought.
Zuoshi's canon about it is inadmissible; so is Gongyang's, that it is to
condemn the principle and the practice in Qi of hereditary offices (世卿);
and so is Guliang's, that it indicates that the clan, as well as the
individual, was driven from the State.
Parr. 6,7. 'The duke,' says Zuoshi, 'hurried away to
Qi, to be present at the earliest ceremonies to the deceased marquis.'
After this he paid no more visits to Qi.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Chen, with
Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu, was drinking in the house of the Xia family
[See the Zhuan on the last par. of last year], when the duke said to
Hangfu, "Zhengshu [The son of Xia Ji, and Head of the family, as his
father was dead] is like you." "He is also like your lordship," was the
reply. Zhengshu [overheard these remarks, and] was indignant at them;
and when the duke was [trying to] escape [from the house] by the stable,
he shot, and killed him. The two officers fled to Chu.' This is a case
in which 'executed' would be a better rendering really of 弑 than
'murdered.'
Par. 9. The siege of the capital of Teng by Song in
the past year [p. 10] had, we may presume, been fruitless Now, again, as
the Zhuan says, 'the people of Teng, relying upon Jin, would not do
service to Song; and in the 6th month, an army of Song invaded Teng.'
Par. 10. Guifu was the son of Zhong Sui, and of
course was himself a Gongsun, 'grandson' of duke Zhuang. The burial of
duke Hui took place before the proper time. Hui Zhengxian observes that
when we consider how the head of the Cui clan was driven out of the
State immediately after the duke's death, how the burial was hastened,
and how his son is styled marquis (p. 17) before the year was expired,
there must have been troubles in Qi, of which we have not any record.
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'Zheng had made peace
with Chu [After the events related on p. 12 of last year]. The armies of
these States, [therefore], invaded Zheng, took from it terms of
submission, and returned.'
Par. 12. Gongyang says that 'the king's youngest
son' here introduced was the reigning king's full brother. His father
therefore was king Qing (頃王). The prince's descendants were dukes of
Liu, and the Zhuan here calls him 'duke Kang of Liu,' adding that his
visit was in return for that of Meng Xian to the court, in p. 3 of last
year.
Par. 13. Yi was a city of Zhu,—in the pres. dis. of
Zou (鄒 縣), dep. Yanzhou. But in the Zhuan on VI.xiii.3 the capital of
Zhu appears removed to Yi; and the taking of Yi would be equivalent to
extinguishing Zhu, which, we know, was not the case. On this account,
the Kangxi editors incline to adopt the reading of Gongyang,—of 蘱 for 繹.
Par. 14. See II.i. 5, et al.
Par. 15. Zuoshi says:——'Ji Wen went on a friendly
mission to Qi,—for the 1st time, since the accession of the new
marquis.'
Par. 16. Zuoshi says:——'In winter Zijia (Gongsun
Guifu's designation) went to Qi, with reference to our invasion of Zhu.'
Par. 17. Zuoshi says:——'Guo Wu's (武 was the
posthumous title of Guo Zuo) mission was in return for that of Ji Wen,
in p. 15.
Par. 18. Sun Fu defines the term 'famine' as
descriptive of the crops not coming to maturity, 'the five kinds of
grain not ripening (五穀不成).'
Par. 19. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu
invaded Zheng [See the reason on p. 11]. Shi Hui of Jin relieved it, and
drove the army of Chu to the north of the Ying. Zijia [The Gongzi
Guisheng] died, and the people proceeded to punish the authors of the
disorder in which duke You died. They broke open the coffin of Zijia,
and drove all the branches of the family from the State. They changed
the grave of duke You, and gave him the posthumous title of
Ling.' XI. Eleventh year.
1. It was the [duke's] eleventh year, the spring, the
king's first month.
2. In summer, the viscount of Chu, the marquis of
Chen, and the earl of Zheng, made a covenant in Chenling.
3. Gongsun Guifu joined an officer of Qi in invading
Ju.
4. In autumn, the marquis of Jin had a meeting with
the Di in Cuanhan.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, the people of Chu
put to death Xia Zhengshu of Chen.
6. On Dinghai, the viscount of Chu entered [the
capital of] Chen.
7. He restored Gongsun Ning and Yi Hangfu to Chen.
COMMENTARY
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the viscount
of Chu invaded Zheng [Because of the action in the Zhuan on par. 12 of
the 9th year], and advanced, as far as Li. Ziliang (Quji of the Zhuan on
IV. 3) said, "Jin and Chu make no effort to show kindness [to smaller
States], but keep struggling for the superiority;—there is no reason why
we should not take the side of the [first] comer. They have no
faith;—why should we show good faith?" Accordingly, Zheng accepted the
demands of Chu; and in summer, Chu took a covenant in Cheling, when Chen
and Zheng make their submission to it.'
Chenling was in Chen,—40 li to the northwest of the
dep. city of Chenzhou, Henan. Gu has 夷陵. This was the 2d time at which
the chief of Chu presided over a meeting of other princes. The 1st time
was in the 27th year of duke Xi.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'Zichong, minister of the
Left, of Chu, made an incursion into Song, while the king (i.e., the
viscount) waited at Yan. Wei Ailie, the chief minister, undertook the
walling of Yi, and appointed the border-warden to make the arrangements
and calculations for the business. He then gave these to the
superintendent of the work, who estimated the labour to be done, and the
number of days; gave out all the money that was necessary for it;
adjusted the frames, and provided the baskets and stampers, and other
articles for raising the walls; apportioned equally their tasks,
according to the distance of the labourers from the place; marked out
with his feet the foundations; supplied the provisions; and determined
the inspectors. The work was completed in 30 days, exactly in accordance
with the previous calculations.']
Par. 3. Notwithstanding the operations of Qi and Lu
against Ju in the duke's 4th year, that State, it would appear,
continued to maintain a hostile attitude, which led to the invasion in
the text.
Par. 4. We have here probably the issue of the
policy towards the Di, recommended to the marquis of Jin in the Zhuan
appended to VI. 4. The Zhuan says here:——'Xi Cheng [Xi Que] of Jin
sought for terms of peace from the Di; and all the rest of their tribes,
being, distressed and indignant at the services required from them by
the Red Di, made submission to Jin. The meeting this autumn was on the
occasion of their doing so. In regard to the marquis's going to them,
all the great officers wished to call [the chiefs of] the Di [to Jin],
but Xi Cheng said, "Where there is not virtue, the next best thing is to
show earnest diligence. Without such diligence, how can we seek for the
adherence of others? If we can show it, however, [success] will follow.
Let the marquis go to them.' It is said in the ode (Shi, IV. i. [iii.]
X.), 'King Wen did indeed labour earnestly.'
[If king Wen did so, how much more ought we, who are
of such inferior virtue!"'
Cuanhan was in the territory of the Di, but its site
has not been more exactly determined.
Parr. 5—. See IX. 13, and X. 8, with the Zhuan on
them. The Zhuan says here:——'In winter, the viscount of Chu, because of
the deed perpetrated by the head of the Xia family, invaded Chen,
publishing a notice to the people that they should make no movement, as
he wished to punish only the head of the Shaoxi 少西 was the name of the
grandfather of Zhengshu. His designation was Zixia]. Forthwith he
entered [the capital of] Chen, and put to death Xia Zhengshu, having him
torn in pieces by chariots [See the 1st Zhuan, appended to II. xviii. 3]
at the Li gate. He then proceeded to make Chen a district [of Chu].
'At this time, the marquis of Chen was in Jin; and
Shu of Shen had been sent [by the viscount] to Qi. When Shu returned, he
reported the discharge of his mission, and withdrew, [without saying
anything about the affairs of Chen]. The king sent to reprove him,
saying, "Xia Zhengshu acted very wickedly, murdering his ruler. With
[the forces of my own and] other-States I have punished and executed
him. The princes of those States and the dukes of our districts have all
congratulated me; what is the reason that you alone have offered no
congratulation?" "May I still explain myself?" replied Shu. "You may,"
said the king; and Shu continued, "The crime of Xia Zhengshu in
murdering his ruler was great, and you performed a righteous deed in
punishing and executing him. But the people have a saying, "He led his
ox through another man's field, and the ox was taken from him." Now he
that so led his ox to trample on another man's field indeed committed an
offence; but when his ox was taken from him, the punishment was too
severe. The princes followed you in this enterprise, saying it was to
punish a criminal; but now you have made Chen one of your districts,
desiring its riches. You called out the princes to punish an offender,
and you are sending them away after satisfying your covetousness;—does
not this seem improper?" The king replied, "Good! I had not heard this
view of the case! Can I still give Chen back?" "That," said Shu, "will
be an instance of what we small men call "Taking a thing from one's
breast and giving it [back].'"
'The viscount accordingly restored the State of
Chen; but from each of its villages he took a man, and carried them with
him to Chu, where he settled them in a place which he called Xiazhou.
Hence what the text says,—"The viscount of Chu entered Chen, and
restored Gongsun Ning, and Yi Hangfu," is worded to show how the
viscount observed the rules of propriety.'
The viscount of Chu did right in not appropriating
Chen to himself; but most western readers will form a very different
judgment from Zuoshi on his execution of Xia Zhengshu and his
restoration of the two villains, Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu. Here, as
elsewhere, Gongyang has 甯 for 寧..
[The Zhuan adds here:——'After the affair at Li [See
on IX. 12], the earl of Zheng made his escape home, and [the viscount
of] Chu was not able subsequently to obtain his desire. And though Zheng
accepted a covenant [from Chu] this year at Chenling, it kept trying to
strengthen itself by doing service to Jin.'] XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the duke's twelfth year, in spring, there was
the burial of duke Ling of Chen.
2. The viscount of Chu laid siege to [the capital of]
Zheng.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, on Yimao, Xun Linfu
of Jin led a force, and fought with the viscount of Chu at Bi, when the
army of Jin was disgracefully defeated.
4. It was autumn, the seventh month.
5. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Wuyin, the
viscount of Chu extinguished Xiao.
6. An officer of Jin, one of Song, one of Wey, and
one of Cao, made a covenant together at Qingqiu.
7. An army of Song invaded Chen, [but] a body of men
from Wey relieved it.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Twenty-two months had elapsed since the
death of duke Ling at the hands of Xia Zhengshu. We can hardly suppose
that his body had been unburied all that time. Perhaps the rites of
interment were now performed in a more regular and solemn manner, the
coffin being deposited in a new grave.
Par. 2. The Zhuan at the end of last year was
preparatory to this par., to supply the reason for the fresh invasion of
Zheng by Chu. We have here the following narrative:——'In spring, the
viscount of Chu had held the capital of Zheng in siege for 17 days, when
the people divined whether it would be well for them to accept
conditions of peace, but the answer was not favourable. They then
divined whether they should weep in the grand temple, and bring forth
their chariots into the streets [i.e., probably, to be ready for
removing where Chu might direct]; and the reply was favourable. The
people of the city then made a great weeping, and the keepers of the
parapets all cried aloud, so that the viscount of Chu withdrew his men,
till the people repaired the wall. He then advanced and renewed the
siege, when the place was reduced at the end of three months. He entered
the city by the Huang gate, and proceeded to the principal street, where
he was met by the earl of Zheng, with his flesh exposed, and leading a
sheep. "Uncared for by Heaven," said the earl, "I could not serve your
lordship, and aroused your anger, till it has been discharged upon my
city. The offence is all mine; and I dare do nothing now but wait for
your commands. If you carry us away to the south of the Jiang, to occupy
the land by the shores of the sea, be it so. If you take the State and
give it to some other as its ruler, to whom I shall be as in the
position of a handmaid, be it so. If you kindly regard former relations
of friendship between our States, and to obtain blessing from [the
kings] Li and Xuan, and from [the dukes] Huan and Wu, you do not
extinguish our altars, so that I may change my course, and serve your
lordship equally with the governors of the nine [new] districts [which
you have established], that will be your kindness, and it is my desire,
but it is what I do not dare to hope for. I have presumed to disclose to
you all my heart; your lordship will take your measures accordingly.'"
'His attendants urged the viscount not to grant [the
earl's request], urging that, having got the State, he ought not to
forgive him; but the king replied, "Since the ruler of Zheng can humble
himself thus, he must be able to secure the faith of his people; how can
I hope to obtain the State?" With this he retired 30 li, and granted
peace. Pan Wang entered the city and made a covenant; and Ziliang left
it to be a hostage [with Chu].'
Par. 3. Bi was in Zheng,—6 li to the east of
Zhengzhou, dep. Kaifeng.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 6th month, the
armies of Jin [marched to] relieve Zheng. Xun Linfu commanded the army
of the centre [In place of Xi Que], with Xian Hu as his assistant [In
room of Linfu]. Shi Hui commanded the first army, with Xi Ke as his
assistant [In room of Zhao Shuo]. Zhao Shuo commanded the 3d army, with
Luan Shu as his assistant. Zhao Kuo and Zhao Yingqi were the great
officers of the army of the centre; Gong Shuo and Han Chuan, those of
the 1st army; and Xun Shou and Zhao Tong, those of the 3d. Han Jue was
marshal of the host.
'When they reached the He, they heard that Zheng had
made peace with Chu, and Huanzi [Huan was Linfu's posthumous title]
wished to return, saying, "We are too late for the relief of Zheng; what
will be the use now of perilling the lives of our people? Let us wait
till Chu has retired, and then make a movement [against Zheng]."
'Wuzi of Sui (Shi Hui) approved of this view, and
said, "According to what I have heard, military enterprizes should be
undertaken only when there is an opportunity of prosecuting them with
advantage. An enemy who cultivates, without changing, kindness in his
virtue, justice in his punishments, the ordering of his government, the
right regulation of different affairs, and the statutes and rules of his
State, is not to be contended with; it is not against such an one that
we conduct punitive expeditions. Now when the army of Chu punished
Zheng, there was anger because of its double dealing, and compassion
when the earl humbled himself. When it revolted from him, [the viscount]
invaded it. When it submitted, he forgave it:——his kindness and justice
were established. There was the justice of punishment in the attack of
revolt; there was the kindness of virtue in the gentle dealing with
submission. Both these things were shown.
'[Again], last year Chu entered the capital of Chen,
and this year it entered that of Zheng; but its people have not
complained of the fatigue and toil, nor murmured against their ruler:
—showing how well its government is ordered. [Then], throughout Chu,
when its forces are called out according to its system, its travelling
merchants, husbandmen, mechanics, and stationary traders, have not their
several occupations injuriously interfered with, and the footmen and
chariotmen act in harmony with one another: —showing how collision is
avoided in its ordering of affairs.
'[Further], when Wei Ao became chief minister, he
selected the best statutes of Chu. When the army is marching, the
[footmen of the] right keep on either side of the chariot, and those of
the left go in quest of grass and rushes. The bearers of the standards
of the mao keep in advance, looking out anxiously that nothing occur for
which there is not preparation. The troops in the centre are ready to
act as occasion may require, while behind them is the strength of the
army. The different officers move according to the signals displayed,
and the ordering of the army is ready for any emergency, without special
orders for it being given. Thus is Chu able to carry out its statutes.
[Lastly], When the viscount of Chu raises
individuals to office, they are of the same surname with himself, chosen
from among his relatives, and of other surnames, chosen from the old
servants of the State. But offices are given with due respect to the
necessary qualifications, and rewards are conferred according to the
service performed, while at the same time additional kindness is shown
to the aged. Strangers receive gifts, and enjoy various exemptions.
Officers and the common people have different dresses to distinguish
them. The noble have a defined standard of honour; the mean have to
comport themselves according to different degrees. Thus are the rules of
propriety observed in Chu.
'Now why should we enter on a struggle with a State
which thus manifests kindness, carries out justice, perfects its
government, times its undertakings, follows its statutes, and observes
so admirably the rules of propriety? To advance when you see advance is
possible, and withdraw in face of difficulties, is a good way of moving
an army; to absorb weak States, and attack those that are wilfully
blind, is a good rule of war. Do you for the present order your army
accordingly, and follow that maxim. There are other States that are weak
and wilfully blind; why must you deal with Chu, [as if it were so]?
There are the words of Zhong Hui [Shu, IV. ii. 7], 'Take their States
from the disorderly, deal summarily with those that are going to ruin,
absorb the weak.' The Zhuo ode (Shi, IV. i. [iii.] VIII.) [also] says,
'Oh! powerful was the royal army, But he nourished
it in obedience to circumstances, while the time was yet dark;—the
king's object was to deal with the blind. [Again], in the Wu (She, IV.
i. [i] IX.) it is said,
'Irresistible was his ardour.' If you soothe [for a
time] the weak, and bring on the wilful blindness, aiming at ardour
[like that of Wu], you will pursue the proper course."
'Zhizi (Xian Hu) then said, "This counsel is not
good. Jin obtained the leadership of the States by the prowess of its
armies and the strength of its leaders. But now it is losing the States,
and its strength cannot be spoken of. If, when the enemy is before us,
we do not follow him, we cannot be said to have prowess. If we are to
lose our chief place among the States, the best thing we can do is to
die. Moreover, we marched out with our armies in array; if, because the
enemy is strong, we retire, we shall not be men. To begin with our
ruler's charge to a command in the army, and to end with not being a
man:—you all may play that part, but I will not do so." Upon this with
[the portion of] the army of the centre [under his command], he crossed
the He.
'Zhuangzi of Zhi (Xun Shou) said, "This army is in
great peril. The case is that indicated in the change of the diagram Shi
(師, ䷆) into Lin (臨, ䷒). (On Shi) it is said, 'A host must be led forth
according to the rules of service. If these be not good, there will be
be evil.' When the commanders all observe their proper harmony, the
rules are good; if they oppose one another, they are not. [The change of
☵ into ☱ indicates] the separation of the host producing weakness; it is
the stopping up of a stream so as to form a marsh. The rules of service
are turned into each one's taking his own way. Hence the words,—'the
rules become not good;'—they are as it were dried up. The full stream is
dried up; it is stopped and cannot have its course:—consequently evil
must ensue. Lin [moreover] is the name for what does not proceed. When a
commander does not follow the orders of his leader, what greater want of
ongoing could there be? and it is the case we now have. If we do meet
the enemy we are sure to be defeated; and the calamity will be owing to
Zhizi. Though he should now escape, yet, on his return to Jin, great
evil will await him."
'Han Xianzi (Han Jue) said to Huanzi, 'Zhizi with
his portion of the army has committed a grave offence. But you are
commander-in-chief;—whose offence is it that the generals do not obey
your orders? You have lost our subject State (Zheng); and if you lose
that army, your offence will indeed be heavy;—you had better advance. If
the affair do not prove successful, there will be others to share the
blame. Will it not be better for you to bear the blame as one of six
than to bear it alone?"
'The whole army then crossed the He. The viscount
of Chu was halting, with his army looking northwards, at Yan. The
governor of Shen commanded the centre; Zichong, the left; and Zifan, the
right. The viscount meant to water their horses at the He, and then
return to Chu. When he heard that the army of Jin had crossed, he wanted
to withdraw before it; but his favourite, Wu Can, wished to fight.
Sunshu Ao, the chief minister of Chu, did not wish [to fight], and said,
"Last year we entered Chen, and this year we have entered Zheng;—it
cannot be said that we have accomplished nothing. If we fight and do not
succeed, will the eating Can's flesh be sufficient to atone for the
result?" Can replied, "If the battle be gained, you will be proved to
have been incapable of planning. If it be lost, my flesh will be in the
army of Jin, and you will not get it to eat."
'The chief minister then turned his chariot to the
south, and ordered the great standard to be carried back. But Wu Can
said to the king, "Jin's chief minister is new, and cannot make his
commands obeyed. His assistant commander, Xian Hu, is violent and
headstrong, without any benevolence, and unwilling to obey the other's
commands. The generals of the three armies would each take the chief
controul, but not one of them can do so. In council there is no supreme
Head; whom can the multitudes follow? In this expedition Jin cannot fail
to be defeated. Moreover, if your majesty flee before a subject of Jin,
what becomes of the honour of our altars?" The king felt powerfully
these representations, and told the chief minister to change the course
of the chariots, and proceed northwards. He then halted at Guan to await
the army of Jin, which was between Ao and Qiao.
'[In the meantime], Huang Xu of Zheng came on a
mission to the army of Jin, saying, "Zheng has submitted to Chu only to
preserve its altars, and does not waver in its preference for your
State. The army of Chu is proud with repeated victories, and weary with
the length of its service. Nor does it make preparations for an
engagement. If you attack it, the army of Zheng will second you; and Chu
is sure to be defeated." Zhizi said, "The defeat of Chu, and the
securing the adherence of Zheng, both depend on this action. We must
agree to the envoy's proposal." Luan Wuzi (Luan Shu), however, urged,"
Since the time when Chu subdued Yong [See VI.xvi.6], its ruler has let
no day pass without training and instructing his people, saying, 'Ah!
the people's welfare is not easily secured. Calamity may come without a
day's warning. You must be cautious and apprehensive, never giving way
to idleness.' In the army [also], he has not been a day without looking
after the weapons, and admonishing the men, saying, 'Ah! victory cannot
be made sure of. There was Zhou, who, after a hundred conquests, yet
left none to succeed him.' He has also inculcated on them the examples
of Ruo'ao and Fenmao, who laboured in wooden carts and tattered hempen
clothes to bring the hills and forests under cultivation. He made this
proverb for them also, 'People's weal depends on diligence; with
diligence there is no want.' His army cannot be said to be elated. A
former great officer [of our State], Zifan, said, 'When an army has
right on its side, it is strong; when the expedition is wrong, the army
is weary and weak.' In this case we cannot plead our virtue, but are
bent on a quarrel with Chu. We are in the wrong, and Chu is in the
right;—its army cannot be said to be weary and weak. Its ruler's own
chariots are divided into two bodies of 15 each. To each of them are
attached 100 men, and an additional complement of 25 men. The body on
the right is harnessed early, and kept on duty till mid-day, when that
on the left takes its place till dusk. The officers in immediate
attendance on the ruler keep watch by turns during the night. Thus
provision is made against any surprise, and the army cannot be said to
be without preparation. Ziliang is the best man of Zheng and Shishu [Pan
Wang] is highly honoured in Chu. Shishu entered [the capital of Zheng]
and made a covenant; and Ziliang is [a hostage] with Chu. Chu and Zheng
are in friendly relations; and Zheng advises us to fight! If we conquer,
it will come to us; if we do not conquer, it will draw off. According as
I should divine, the counsel of Zheng is not to be followed."
'Zhao Kuo and Zhao Tong said, "We have led our host
thus far, seeking for the enemy. We have to conquer the enemy, and
recover our subject State;—what more do we wait for? We must follow
Zhizi.'
'Ji of Zhi [Zhuangzi; Xun Shou] said, "Yuan [Zhao
Tong] and Ping [Zhao Kuo are partizans of our evil counsellor [Zhizi]."
Zhao Zhuangzi [Chao Shuo] said, "Luan Bo [Wuzi; Luan Shu] has spoken
well! Let him make his words good, and he will take the chief command in
Jin."
'[After these discordant counsels], the
sub-administrator of Chu went to the army of Jin, and said, 'Our ruler,
when young, met with sorrowful bereavement, and was not able to
cultivate the accomplishments of learning. But he has heard that his two
predecessors [the kings Cheng and Mu] went backwards and forwards by
this path. His only aim has been to instruct and settle Zheng, without
seeking to give offence to Jin. You, the officers of Jin, should not
remain here long." Ji of Sui (Shi Hui) replied, "Long ago king Ping gave
charge to our former ruler, the marquis Wen, saying, 'Along with Zheng
support the House of Zhou, and do not disregard the king's charge.' Now
Zheng is showing no regard for it, and our ruler sent us to ask it the
reason; we do not presume to inflict any disgrace on you who have met
us. Let me acknowledge the condescension of your ruler in this message."
Zhizi thought this reply was fawning, and sent Zhao Kuo to follow the
envoy with a different one, saying, "Our messenger gave you a wrong
reply. Our ruler sent his servants to remove from Zheng every foot-print
of your great State, telling us not to evade any enemy. We will not
slink away from any commands you may lay on us."
'The viscount of Chu, however, sent another message
to ask for peace with Jin, which was agreed to on the part of Jin; and a
day was set for a covenant.
'[In the meantime], Xu Bo of Chu drove Yue Bo, with
She Shu on the right of the chariot, to flout and provoke the army of
Jin. Xu Po said, "I have heard that when an army is flouted, the driver
urges his chariot, with the flag shaking, close to the entrenchments,
and then returns." Yue Bo said, "I have heard that the archer on the
left discharges a strong arrow, and then takes the reins, while the
charioteer descends, dusts the horses, and adjusts the martingales, and
then they return." She Shu said, "I have heard that the spearman on the
right enters the entrenchments, cuts off an ear, takes another man
prisoner, and returns." They all three did as they had heard, and were
returning, pursued by the men of Jin, who came after them like two
horns, from the left, and the right. Yue Bo shot the horses on the left,
and the men on the right, so that the pursuers could not advance. He had
but one arrow left, when a stag rose up before the chariot, which he
shot right in the hump. Bao Gui of Jin was right behind him, when he
made She Shu take the stag, and present it to the pursuer, saying, "It
is not the season of the year for such a thing, the time for presenting
animals has not arrived, but I venture to offer this to feast your
followers." Bao Gui stopped the pursuit, saying, "He on the left shoots
well; he on the right speaks well;—they are superior men." So they got
off. Wei Yi [A son of Wei Chou; see the Zhuan on V. xxvii., p. 4 and
xxviii., p. 4] of Jin had asked to be appointed among the ducal clans
[See the Zhuan at the end of the 2d year], and been refused. In his
resentment he wished to bring on the defeat of the army, and now asked
[the commander-in-chief] to allow him to flout the army [of Chu]. This
was refused; but his further request to be sent with a message to it was
granted; so he went, challenged Chu to battle, and was returning. Pan
Dang of Chu pursued him; but when Yi had got to the marsh of Ying, he
saw six stags, and shot one of them. Then turning round, he presented it
to Dang, saying, "Amid the business of the army, your hunters may have
failed to supply you with fresh meat, and I venture to present this for
your followers." On this Shudang gave orders to leave off the pursuit.
'Zhao Zhan [a son of Zhao Chuan] had asked to be
made a minister [in Jin], and been refused. He was angry, moreover, at
the escape of the party of Chu which had flouted the army, and begged to
be allowed to go and provoke a battle. This was refused, but he was
allowed to go and call Chu to a covenant. So he and Wei Yi both went to
the army of Chu on their several missions.
'Xi Xianzi [Xi Ke] said, "These two dissatisfied
spirits are gone. If we do not make preparations, we are sure to be
defeated." Zhizi said, "The people of Zheng advised us to fight, and we
do not dare to follow their counsel. Chu asked for peace, and we are not
able to come to terms with it. There is no acknowledged authority in the
army;—what can many preparations do?" Shi Ji [Shi Hui] said, "It is well
to be prepared. If those two enrage Chu, and its army come suddenly upon
us, we shall lose our army in no time. Our best plan is to make
preparations [for a battle]. If Chu do not make an attempt upon us, we
can remove our preparations, and make a covenant, without there being
any injury to a good understanding. If it do make an attempt, being
prepared for it, we shall not be defeated. Even in the case of an
interview between two princes, they take the precaution not to dispense
with a guard of troops."
'Zhizi [still] refused to agree to this proposal,
and Shi Ji sent Gong Shuo and Han Chuan to place 7 ambushments in front
of Ao. By this means the 1st army was saved from the defeat [which
ensued]. Zhao Yingqi sent a party to prepare boats at the He; and in
this way, though he shared in the defeat, he and his men were the first
to cross the river.
'When Pan Dang had driven away Wei Yi, Zhao Zhan
came that same night to the army of Chu; and having spread his mat
outside the gate of the camp, he sent his followers in. There were the
two bodies of the viscount's own chariots, drawn up on the right and
left. Those on the left had stood with the horses yoked from daybreak
till midday; and those on the left had then been similarly harnessed
until sundown. Xu Yan was charioteer to the king in the body on the
right, with Yang Youji as spearman; while Peng Ming performed the same
duty on the left, with Qu Dang as spearman.
'On Yimao, the king at the head of the chariots of
the left, drove out to pursue Zhao Zhan, who abandoned his chariot, and
ran into a wood, pursued by Qu Dang, who got his buff-coat and lower
garment. [Meanwhile], being afraid in the camp of Jin that the two
officers would enrage the army of Chu, they had sent some large chariots
to meet them. Pan Dang, seeing at a distance the dust raised by these,
sent a horseman with all speed to tell the king that the army of Jin was
advancing. The men of Chu, [on their side], were also afraid lest the
king should enter the army of Jin, and issued from their camp in order
of battle. Sun Shu said, "Let us advance. It is better that we set upon
them than let them set upon us. The ode says (Shi, II. iii. ode III.,
4),
'Ten large war chariots Led the van;'—the object
was to be beforehand with the enemy. The 'Art of War' [also] says,
'Anticipate your enemy, and you take away his heart.' Let us press on
them." Accordingly he hurried on the army. The carriages dashed along,
and the footmen seemed to fly; and so they fell on the army of Jin.
Huanzi did not know what he was doing, but ordered the drums to be
beaten in the army, crying out, "A reward to those who first recross the
river!" The army of the centre and the 3d army struggled for the boats,
till the fingers [of those trying to get in, and that were cut off by
those who had already got possession] could be taken up with both hands
at once. The other armies moved to the right of the 1st, which alone
held its place without moving. Qi, minister of Works [in Chu], led the
troops which had occupied the left front to pursue the 3d army [At the
same time], the viscount sent Tang Jiao and Cai Jiuju with a message to
the marquis Hui of Tang, saying, "All unworthy I am, and in my ambitious
desires I have encountered a great enemy. I acknowledge my offence; but
if Chu do not conquer, it will be your lordship's disgrace. I venture to
depend on your powerful influence to complete the victory of my army."
While sending this message, he ordered Pan Dang, with 40 of the chariots
of reserve, to follow the marquis of Tang, and to act on the left by
following the 1st army [of Jin]. Ju Bo, (Xi Ke) said, "Shall we await
their onset?" Ji of Sui replied, "The army of Chu is in the flush of its
might. If it now collect around us, we are sure to be destroyed. Our
best plan is to gather in our troops, and retreat. We shall share the
reproach of the other armies, but we shall save the lives of the
people." He then placed his own troops in the rear of the retreating
forces, and retired without being defeated.
'The king, seeing his own chariots of the right,
wished to continue the pursuit in one of them; but Qu Dang stopped him,
saying, "You began with this, and you must end with this." From this
time in Chu the chariots of the left got the precedence.
'[In the flight], a chariot belonging to Jin sank
in a rut, and could not proceed. A man of Chu told its occupant to take
out the frame for weapons. After this, it advanced a little, and then
the horses wanted to turn. The same man advised to take out the large
flag-staff, and lay it crosswise. When this was done, the carriage got
out of the hole, when its occupant turned round and said to his helper,
"We are not so accustomed to fly as the soldiers of your great State!"
'Zhao Zhan gave his two best horses to assist his
elder brother and his uncle, and was going back with the others, when he
met the enemy, and was unable to escape them. He abandoned his chariot
therefore, and ran into a wood. The great officer Feng was driving past
with his two sons, and [catching sight of Zhan], he told them not to
look round. They did so, however, and said, "The old great officer Zhao
is behind us." He was angry with them, and made them dismount, pointing
to a tree, and saying, "Let me find your bodies there." He then gave the
reins to Zhao Zhan, who thus made his escape. The other, next day, found
his sons' bodies at the spot which he had marked.
'Xiong Fuji of Chu took Ying of Zhi prisoner; and
when [Ying's father], Zhuangzi knew it, he returned to the battle-field
with the soldiers of his own clan, Wuzi of Chu [Wei Yi] acting as his
charioteer, and many soldiers of the 3d army following him. Whenever he
drew out an arrow, though it seemed to be strong, he placed it in the
quiver of Wuzi, till the latter was angry, and said, "Are you not
looking for your son? And do you grudge your arrows? Will it be possible
to exhaust the willows of the Dong marsh?" Zhuangzi replied, "If I do
not get some one's son, shall I be able to recover mine? I must not
shoot an arrow that I cannot be sure of." He then shot the Liayin, Xiang
Lao, killed him, and took the body into the carriage. Another arrow hit
the Gongzi Guchen, whom he made prisoner; and these two trophies
obtained, he returned to the army of Jin. When it was dusk, the army of
Chu encamped in Bi, while what remained of that of Jin could not encamp
anywhere, but kept crossing the He all the night, the noise of its
movements never ceasing.
'On Bingchen, the heavy waggons of Chu were brought
to Bi, and the viscount went on to Hengyong. Pan Dang said to him, 'Why
should your lordship not signalize your triumph by making a mound, and
collect in it the bodies of the Jinites so as to form a grand monument?
I have heard that succeessful battles should be shown to posterity, so
that the prowess of them may not be forgotten." The viscount said, "You
do not know what you are talking about. The character for 'prowess' is
formed by those for 'to stay' and 'a spear' (武=至 and 戈). When king Wu
had subdued Shang, he made the ode, which says (Shi, IV.i. [i.] VIII.),
'He has called in shields and spears; He has
returned to their cases bows and arrows. I will seek true virtue, And
display it throughout the great land, That as king I may indeed preserve
our appointment.' He also made the Wu (武; Shi, IV. i. [ii.] X.), of
which the last stanza says,
'So he firmly established his merit.' The 3d stanza
says (see Shi, IV. i. [iii.] X. This is not now a part of the Wu song),
'We wish to develope the purposes [of king Wen],
And go to seek the settlement of the kingdom.' The 6th stanza says (Shi,
IV. i. [iii.] IX.),
'He gave repose to all the States, And there ensued
several years of plenty.' Thus military prowess is seen in the
repression of cruelty, the calling in of the weapons of war, the
preservation of the great appointment, the firm establishment of one's
merit, the giving repose to the people, the harmonizing all [the
States], and the enlargement of the general wealth; and king Wu took
care by those stanzas that his posterity should not forget this. Now I
have caused the bones of the soldiers of two States to lie bleaching on
the earth:—an act of cruelty; I display my weapons of war to awe the
States:—thus unable to call them in. Cruel and not calling in the
weapons of war, how can I preserve the great appointment? And while
still the State of Jin remains, how can I firmly establish my merit?
There are many things by which I oppose what the people desire, and how
can they get repose from me? Without the practice of virtue, striving by
force for supremacy among the States, how can I produce harmony among
them? I have made my gain from the perils of others, and found my safety
in their disorders;—these things are my glory, but what enlargement of
the general wealth is there in them? Not one of the seven virtues
belonging to military prowess attaches to me;—what have I to display to
my posterity? Let us simply make here a temple for the tablets of my
predecessors, and announce to them our success. The merit of military
prowess does not belong to me.
'[Moreover], in ancient times, when the intelligent
kings punished disrespectful and disobedient States, they took the
greatest criminals among them, and buried them under a mound as the
greatest punishment. Thus it was that grand monuments were made for the
warning of the unruly and bad. But now when it is not certain to whom
the guilt can positively be ascribed, and the people have all with the
utmost loyalty died in fulfilling their ruler's commands, what grounds
are there for rearing a grand monument?"
'After this the viscount offered sacrifice at the
He, reared a temple for the tablets of his predecessors, announced to
them the successful accomplishment of his enterprise, and returned to
Chu.
'At this time, Shi Zhi of Zheng entered the army of
Chu, and proposed to divide Zheng into two States, and appoint the
Gongzi Yuchen over one of them. On Xinwei, Zheng put to death Pushu
(Yuchen) and Zifu (Shi Zhi). The superior man may say that what the
historiographer Yi remarked about not taking advantage of people's
troubles was applicable to such parties. The ode says (Shi, II. v. ode
X. 2),
'In such distress of disorder and separation,
Whither can I betake myself?' They betook themselves to those who would
have taken advantage of the trouble and disorder!'
Par. 4. [The Zhuan appends here:—1st, 'The earl of
Zheng and the baron of Xu went to Chu.' 2d, 'In autumn, the army of Jin
returned, and Huanzi (Xun Linfu) requested that he might be put to
death. The marquis was about to accede to the request, when Shi Zhenzi
[A member of the Shi clan. His name was 渥濁, Wozhuo] said, "Do not do so.
After the battle of Chengpu [In the 28th year of duke Xi], the army of
Jin fed for 3 days on the grain [of the enemy], but there was still
sorrow on the countenance of duke Wen. His attendants said to him, "On
an occasion of such joy you are still sorrowful; would you be joyful in
a time of sorrow?" The duke replied, "While Dechen is still alive, my
sorrow cannot cease. A wild beast in the toils will still fight; how
much more the chief minister of a State!" When Chu put Ziyu [Dechen] to
death, the joy of the duke could then be seen by all. He said, "There is
now none to embitter my peace." In fact [the death of Dechen] was a
second victory to Jin, and a second defeat to Chu; and through the time
of two rulers Chu could not again show itself strong. Now Heaven has, it
may be, given a great warning to Jin; but if you now proceed to put to
death Linfu, thereby giving a second victory to Chu, will not Jin be
reduced for a long time to a state of weakness? Linfu's service of his
ruler has been of this character, that, in an advance, his thought has
been how to display his loyalty, and, when obliged to withdraw, his
thought has been how to retrieve his errors;—he is a bulwark to the
altars of Jin, and on what ground can you put him to death? His defeat
is like an eclipse of the sun or moon; what injury does an eclipse do to
those bodies?" On this, the marquis of Jin ordered Huanzi to resume his
office.']
Par. 5. Xiao,—see V. xxx. 6. Du observes that there
was no Wuyin day in the 12th month of this year. Wuyin was the 9th day
of the 11th month. The Zhuan says:——'In winter the viscount of Chu
invaded Xiao, which Hua Jiao of Song, with a body of men from Cai,
endeavoured to relieve. The people of Xiao held as prisoners Xiongxiang
Yiliao and the Gongzi Bing. The king said, "Do not put them to death,
and I will retire." They put them to death, however, which enraged the
king, so that he laid siege to their city; when the people dispersed.
Wuchen, duke of Shen, said to the king, "Many of the soldiers are
suffering from the cold;" on which the king went round all the host,
comforting the soldiers and encouraging them, which made them feel as if
they were clad in quilted garments. They then approached Xiao, when Xuan
Wushe spoke with the marshal Mao, and asked him to call Shuzhan of Shen
to him. Shuzhan said, "Have you any wheaten cakes made with leaven?"
"No," said the other. "Have you any spirits made from the hill grass?"
"No," was the reply again. "What then will you do when your belly is
pained with the fish from the river?" asked Shuzhan. The other replied,
"Look into a dry well, and save me out of it." "If you place a band of
rushes on it," [said Shuzhan, "I will know it]. And when you hear the
sound of weeping near the well, it will be I."
'Next day, the people of Xiao dispersed. Shu of
Shen looked for the well, and there was the rushband at it. He then
wept, and brought out [his friend] Wushe.'
Par. 6. The Kangxi editors observe that here for
the first time we have the great officers of States covenanting together
about the affairs of their States. Qingqiu was in Wey, 70 li to the
southeast of the present Kaizhou, dep. Daming. Zhili. Zuoshi says:——'Hu
of Yuan (Xian Hu), Hua Jiao of Song, Da of Wey, and an officer of Cao,
covenanted together at Qingqiu, to the effect that they would
compassionate States which were in distress, and punish those that were
disaffected.' He adds, 'The names of the ministers are not recorded,
because they did not make their words good.'
Par. 7. Chen had taken the side of Chu, and was
therefore a 'disaffected State,' against which the States mentioned in
the preceding par. should have acted in common, whereas we have Wey
going to its help.
The Zhuan says:——'In accordance with the covenant,
Song invaded Chen, but the people of Wey went to its help. Kong Da said,
"Our former ruler had a treaty with Chen; if the great State [of Jin]
come to punish us [for helping it], I will die on account of the
affair." XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, an
army of Qi invaded Ju.
2. In summer, the viscount of Chu invaded Song.
3. In autumn, there were locusts.
4. In winter, Jin put to death its great officer,
Xian Hu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Gongyang has Wey (衛) here instead of Ju; but
the latter is no doubt the correct reading. Nowhere in the Chunqiu have
we any account of hostilities between Qi and Wey, whereas from the 4th
year of duke Xuan there seems to have been a state of chronic hostility
between Ju on the one part, and Lu and Qi on the other [See IV. 1; XI.
3]. Zuoshi says that the reason for the invasion in the text was because
Ju, depending on the protection of Jin, would not do service to Qi.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says:——'The viscount of Chu invaded
Song, because it had endeavoured to relieve Xiao. The superior man may
say that, in [the account of] the covenant of Qingqiu, Song might have
escaped [the disapprobation indicated by the suppression of the name of
its minister].'
Par. 3. Here again Gongyang has * for 螽.
Par. 4. For 縠 Guliang has 榖. Xian Hu deserved to
die, for the great defeat at Bi was mainly owing to his insubordination;
and he had since engaged in other nefarious plotting. The Zhuan
says:——'In autumn, the Red Di, at the invitation of Xian Hu, invaded
Jin, and advanced as far as Qing. In winter, Jin, to avenge the defeat
at Bi and this advance of the Di to Qing, laid the blame of both affairs
on Xian Hu, and put him to death, exterminating also all the branches of
his clan. The superior man may say that the maxim, "When evil comes on a
man, it has been brought on by himself," found an illustration in Xian
Hu.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'In consequence of the
covenant at Qingqiu, Jin sent to demand from Wey an account of its
relieving Chen. The messenger would not go away, and said, "If the
offence be not laid on some one, my mission will be followed up by an
army of attack." Kong Di said, "If it will be of advantage to the State,
please lay the blame on me. The ground of criminating me lies in the
fact that from me proceeded the movement which has excited the great
State to demand reparation? I will die for this
matter.'] XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Wey
put to death its great officer, Kong Da.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Renshen, Shou,
earl of Cao, died.
3. The marquis of Jin invaded Zheng.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, the viscount of Chu
laid siege to [the capital of] Song.
5. There was the burial of duke Wen of Cao.
6. In winter, Gongsun Guifu had a meeting with the
marquis of Qi at Gu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This is the sequel to the narrative at the
end of the last year. The Zhuan says:——'In the duke's 14th year, in
spring, Kong Da strangled himself, which the people of Wey represented
so as to satisfy Jin, and escape [further proceedings from that State].
They then announced the thing to the States, saying, "Our ruler had a
bad minister, Da, who brought our poor city into collision with the
great State. The minister has suffered for his crime, and we venture to
inform you of it." But considering the services which Da had performed
in pacifying [the State], they gave his son [a daughter of the marquis]
to wife, and made him continue in his father's position [as a great
officer].'
Par. 3. Zheng had acknowledged the supremacy of Chu,
after Jin's defeat at Bi; hence this invasion of it. It is strange the
Kangxi editors should find the sage's approval of the invasion in the
words of the text,—the marquis of Jin.' The marquis conducted the
expedition in person, and the fact is so stated. The right or wrong of
it is to be determined by other considerations.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the marquis of Jin
invaded Zheng, because of the defeat at Bi. He announced his doing so to
the various States, held a review of his troops, and returned. This was
by the counsel of Zhonghang Huanzi [Xun Linfu. Zhonghang here becomes
his surname. For the origin of the denomination, see the Zhuan at the
end of V. xxviii], who said, "Show them our array, and let them consult
about it, and come to us." The people of Zheng were afraid, and sent
Zizhang to take the place of Ziliang in Chu [See the Zhuan on XII. 2].
The earl also went to Chu, to consult about Jin; and the State,
considering with what propriety Ziliang had behaved [in formerly
declining the marquisate], recalled him.'
Par. 4. This invasion of Song and siege of its
capital was a further movement of Chu to weaken Jin. How it was brought
about is related in the Zhuan:——'The viscount of Chu sent Shen Zhou on a
friendly mission to Qi, telling him that he should go through Song
without asking a right of way. At the same time he sent the Gongzi Ping
on a friendly mission to Jin, without asking permission to pass through
Zheng. Shen Zhou, remembering how he had incurred the resentment of Song
in the affair at Mengzhu [See the Zhuan on VI. x. 6. 7. Zhou here is the
Wuwei there], said, "Zheng is clear-sighted, but Song is deaf. The
messenger to Jin will suffer no harm, but I am sure to meet with my
death." The king said, "If Song put you to death, I will invade it."
Zhou then introduced [his son], Xi, to the king, and went on his
journey.
'When he came to Song, they detained him there. Hua
Yuan said, "To pass through our State without asking our permission, is
to treat our State as if it were a border of Chu,—is to deal with it as
if Song were not a State. If we put to death its messenger, Chu is sure
to invade us, and Song will perish. In either case Song ceases to be a
State." Accordingly, Shen Zhou was put to death. When the viscount heard
of it, he shook down his sleeves and rose from his seat. His shoes were
brought to him when he had reached the threshold of his chamber; his
sword was brought to him outside the door of the chamber; and his
carriage reached him when he had got to the marketplace called Puxu. In
autumn, in the 9th month, he laid siege to the capital of Song.'
Par. 6. Gu,—see III. vii. 4, et al. Gongsun
Guifu,—see on X. 10. Wang Bao and other critics strongly condemn Guifu
as having been the first great officer who did according to his own
pleasure in the administration of the government of Lu. The Zhuan
says:——'At this meeting, when Guifu saw Yan Huanzi, he spoke with him
about the affairs of Lu, rejoicing [in his own position there]. Huanzi
told Gao Xuanzi [the Gao Gu of V. 3] about it, saying, "Zijia [The
designation of Guifu] is sure to come to ruin. He is all intent on [the
dignities of] Lu. Being so, he is sure to cherish a covetous ambition,
and then to be scheming against others. But when one schemes against
others, they will scheme against him; and when a whole State schemes
against a man, how can he escape going to ruin?'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Meng Xianzi [See the
Zhuan on VI. xv. 4] said to the duke, "I have heard that the way in
which a small State escapes [being incriminated by] a great one is by
sending to it friendly missions and making various offerings, on which
there are the hundred things set forth in the court-yard. Or if the
prince go himself to the court [of the great State] to show his
services, then he assumes a pleased appearance, and makes elegant and
valuable presents, even beyond what could be required of him. He acts
thus lest he should not escape [being incriminated]. If, after being
reprimanded, he present rich offerings, it is too late. Chu is now in
Song; let your lordship consider what should be done." The duke was
pleased.'] XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Gongsun
Guifu had an interview with the viscount of Chu in Song.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, the people of Song
made peace with the people of Chu.
3. In the sixth month, on Guimao, an army of Jin
extinguished the Lu tribe of the Red Di, and carried Ying'er, viscount
of Lu, back with it to Jin.
4. A body of men from Qin invaded Jin.
5. The king's son Zha put to death the earls of Shao
and Mao.
6. In autumn, there were locusts.
7. Zhongsun Mie had a meeting with Gao Gu of Qi in
Wulou.
8. For the first time an [additional] tithe was
levied from the acre.
9. In winter, the larvæ of locusts were produced.
10. There was famine.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. It is said at the end of the concluding
Zhuan of last year, that the duke was pleased with the suggestion of
Meng Xian that he should send a friendly mission to the viscount of Chu.
Here we are told how he proceeded to do so.
Par. 2. 宋 人 及 楚 人 平 = 宋 及 楚 平, 'Song made peace with
Chu.' In accounts of peace made between States, only the names of the
States are given, without the addition of 人 as here;—see X. vii. 1;
XI.x.1, et al. But no stress is to be laid on the 人 here, as if it
indicated the princes or ministers by whom the treaty peace was made.
The use of it is merely a variation of the usual style (史 異 辭 而);—see
the gloss of Yingda, in loc.
The Zhuan relates:——'The people of Sung sent Yue
Yingqi to announce to Jin how hard they were pressed, and the marquis of
Jin wished to proceed to their relief. Bozong, however, said, 'No. The
ancients had a saying that, however long the whip was, it did not reach
the horse's belly. Heaven is now giving [the power] to Chu, and we
cannot contend against it. Strong as Jin is, can it resist Heaven? There
are the common sayings, 'The mind must determine how high or how low it
can go;' 'the rivers and meres receive [much] filth;' 'the hills and
thickets hide noxious things;' 'the finest gems have flaws;' 'princes of
States must [at times] take dirt in their mouths.' This is the way of
Heaven; let your lordship wait [for another opportunity]." The marquis
then desisted from his purpose, and sent Xie Yang to Song, to advise
[the duke] not to surrender to Chu, saying, "Jin is raising all its
forces, and they will [soon] be with you." The people of Zheng took him
prisoner, and delivered him to Chu, when the viscount offered him large
bribes to induce him to convey a message of a contrary character. He
refused at first, but finally agreed to do so. He was then mounted on a
turreted carriage; and having called the attention of the people of
Song, he delivered the message with which the marquis had entrusted him.
The viscount was going to put him to death, and sent him a message,
saying, "Why did you thus violate the promise which you made to me? I do
not break my faith with you;—it is you who have cast [our agreement]
away. Go quickly, and receive your punishment." Xie Yang replied, "I
have heard that when a prince gives out his command, it is a righteous
act which he discharges, and when a minister receives that command, he
is bound in fidelity to fulfil it. The faithful fulfilment of the
righteous command is beneficial to the State, and he who lays his plans
so that that benefit shall be secured for the defence of the altars is
the people's friend. The righteous command does not admit of two
fidelities; fidelity does not recognize two commands. When your lordship
tried to bribe me, you knew not the nature of a command. I came forth
with the command which I had received; and though I die, it has not
fallen to the ground. To die in fulfilling the command is my
happiness;—[it will be seen that] my prince had a faithful servant. I
have been able to accomplish my task;—though I die, what more should I
seek for?" [On hearing this reply], the viscount let him go to return
[to Jin].
'In summer, in the 5th month, the army of Chu was
about to withdraw from Song, when Shen Xi bowed with his head to the
ground before the king's horses, and said, "Though Wuwei [Shen Zhou,
Xi's father] knew it would cost him his life, he did not dare to decline
your majesty's commission; and your majesty is breaking your word!" The
king could not answer him. His charioteer, Shen Shushi, said, "If you
build houses here, and send half the army back to till the ground, Song
will receive your commands and submit to them." [The king followed the
counsel], and the people of Song were afraid, and sent Hua Yuan by night
into the army of Chu. He went up to the couch of Zifan, and roused him,
saying, "My master has sent me to inform you of our distress. In the
city we are exchanging our children and eating them, and splitting up
their bones for fuel. Notwithstanding, if you require us to make a
covenant with you under the walls, we will not do so, though our city
should be utterly overthrown. Withdraw from us 30 li, and then we will
accept your commands." Zifan was afraid, made a covenant with Yuan, and
informed the king, who retired 30 li, when Song and Chu made peace, Hua
Yuan remaining as a hostage with Chu. The words of their covenant were,
"We [of Chus] will not deceive you; do not you doubt us."'
Par. 3. 赤 狄 潞 氏;—see on III. 6. We see from this
par. that the chiefs of the Lu tribes had the title of viscount. The
Zhuan relates:——'The wife of Ying'er, viscount of Lu, was an elder
sister of duke King of Jin. The power of the tribe was in the hands of
Feng Shu, who put this lady to death, and injured one of the viscount's
eyes. The marquis of Jin wished to attack the tribe, but the great
officers all advised against such an undertaking, saying that Feng Shu
possessed three extraordinary endowments, and that Jin had better wait
for a future opportunity to deal with the Lushi. Bozong, however, said,
"We must attack them [now]. [That] Di is chargeable with five crimes,
and of what help will his many extraordinary endowments be to him? His
first crime is that he does not offer sacrifices; his second, that he is
given to drunkenness; his third, that he abandoned Zhong Zhang, and took
away the territory of the chief of Li; his fourth, that he dealt so
cruelly with the eldest daughter of our State; and his fifth, that he
injured the eye of his ruler. His reliance on his extraordinary
endowments, to the neglect of all virtue, only increases his guilt. His
successor will perhaps reverently addict himself to the cultivation of
virtue and righteousness, so as to serve both Spirits and men, thereby
strengthening his title to the country;—how will it be, if we should
wait for such an one? If we do not punish the present criminal, but say,
'Let us wait for his successor,' and then proceed to punish him, who may
have reasons to allege why he should not be touched at all, will not our
course be unreasonable? To rely on one's endowments and numbers is the
way to ruin;—Zhou of Shang followed it, and his utter ruin was the
consequence. When the seasons of heaven are reversed, we have
calamities; when the productions of the earth are reversed, we have
prodigious things; when the virtues of men are reversed, we have
disorders. It is those disorders which give rise to the calamities and
prodigious things, just as the character for correctness, when reversed,
produces that for failure [See the 說 文 解 字 注, in the 皇 清 經 解, Ch. 642, ,
art. 1). All these things are predicable of the Di."
'The marquis of Jin followed this counsel; and in
the 6th month, on Guimao, Xun Linfu defeated the Red Di at Quliang. On
Xinhai he extinguished Lu. Feng Shu fled to Wey, the people of which
sent him to Jin, where he was put to death.'
Par. 4. There had been no hostilities between Qin
and Jin, since the invasion of Jin mentioned in the duke's 2d year. We
do not know what led to the invasion in the text, though, from the Guo
yu, Bk. XIII. art. 1, we may suppose that Qin was jealous of Jin's
acquisition of the Lushi. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th month,
duke Huan of Qin invaded Jin, and halted with his army at Fushi. On
Renwu, the marquis of Jin led a body of troops and exercised them at Ji,
to secure the annexation of the territory of the Di. He then restored
the marquis of Li, and had got as far as Luo on his return, when Wei Ke
defeated the army of Qin at Fushi, taking prisoner Du Hui, who was
[known as] the strong man of Qin. Before this, [Wei Ke's father], Wei
Wuzi had a favourite concubine, who brought him no child. When he was
ill, he charged Ke that he should marry her to some one; but afterwards,
when he had become very ill, he told him that he must bury her alive in
his grave. After his father's death, Ke provided her with a husband,
saying, "When my father was so very ill, his senses were disordered; I
will follow the charge he gave when his mind was right." At the battle
of Fushi, he saw an old man who was making ropes of grass in the way of
Du Hui, against which the strong man tript, so that he fell and was
taken. In the night, Ke dreamt that the old man said to him, "I am the
father of the woman whom you provided with a husband. Because you
followed the charge which your father gave you when in his senses, I
have thus recompensed you."
Par. 5. 王 札 子 is simply =王 子 札, 'the king's son,
Zha.' Why the characters are so inverted it is difficult to say. What
the paragraph relates shows that the court of Zhou must have been in as
disorderly and lawless a condition as the courts of the difft. States.
Zha was probably a brother of the reigning king. The Zhuan
says:——'Wangsun (i. e., A grandson of some former king) Su had a
contention with the chiefs of Shao and Mao about the chief sway in the
government, and made the king's son Zijie [The designation of Zha) put
to death duke Dai of Shao and Wey, earl of Mao. Afterwards, Xiang of
Shao was appointed [in his father's place].'
Par. 6. [The Zhuan here relates:—1st, 'The marquis
of Jin rewarded Huanzi with the revenues of a thousand families with
which the Di ministers had been endowed, and he also rewarded Shi Bo
[The Shi Zhenzi of the 2d narrative appended to XII. 4] with the
district of Guayan, saying, "That I have got the territory of the Di is
all owing to you. But for you, I should have lost Boshi [Xun Linfu; See
the Zhuan just referred to]. Yangshe Zhi, speaking of these rewards,
said "The words in [one of] the Books of Zhou (Shu, V. ix. 4), 'He
employed the employable, and revered the reverend,' are applicable to
such a case as this. Shi Bo advised the employment of Zhonghang Bo. The
marquis confided in him, and followed his advice. This may be called a
case of 'intelligent virtue.' The virtue by which king Wen raised the
House of Zhou did not go beyond this. Hence the ode (Shi, III. i. ode
I.2) says,
'Vast were the gifts of Zhou,' and thus it was that
[king Wen] could perpetuate [his fortune]. It is impossible that he
should not succeed who follows this way.'" 2d. 'The marquis of Jin sent
Zhao Tong to present the spoils of the Di at the court of Zhou, where he
behaved disrespectfully. Duke Kang of Liu said, "In less than ten years
Shu of Yuan (Zhao Tong) will be sure to meet with great calamity. Heaven
has taken his wits away from him."']
Par. 7. Zhongsun Mie is the Meng Xianzi, with whom
we have met already. Gao Gu is the minister of Qi, whose marriage with
one of the duke's daughters is related in the 5th year. Du says that
Wulou was a town of Qi (杞邑); but Gongyang has 牟 for 無, and the place
would thus be the Moulou which Ju took from Qi in the 4th year of duke
Yin. We do not know what the two ministers met about, and need not
occupy ourselves with the conjectures of the critics.
Par. 8. Zuoshi says:——This enactment was contrary
to rule. The grain contributed by the people should not have exceeded
the tithe from the system of mutual dependence [See Mencius, III. Pt. I.
iii. 6], having respect to the enlargement of the people's wealth.' It
would appear then, acc. to this view, that, besides the produce of every
tenth acre, cultivated by the common labour of the farmers round it, and
the property of the State, duke Xuan now required another 10th from the
produce of the other 9 acres which every family cultivated for itself.
And this is probably correct. From the Analects, XII. ix. 3, we learn
that, in Confucius' time, two tenths of the produce of the land were
levied by the State, and it is most likely that we have in the text the
first imposition of the second of these. Gong and Gu, however, think
that the text only speaks of the abandonment of the ancient system of
the cultivation of the public tenth of the land by the common labour of
the husbandmen in the different plots around it, and the dividing it
among them, and then requiring from each family a tenth of the produce
of its allotment. The Kangxi editors merely say that Hu An'guo maintains
this view, while Zhu Xi preferred that of Du Yu, founded on Zuoshi's
remarks, without giving any opinion of their own.
Parr. 9,10. * is the name for the locust in the
grub or caterpillar state (始 生 曰 *, 大 曰 螽). I cannot understand the note
of Zuoshi on these paragraphs. He says: —'In winter the larvæ were
produced, and there was famine. The language shows thankfulness for the
luck.' Acc. to Du, his idea is that those larvæ were produced in the
winter when they could not do much harm; but the winter of Zhou was only
the natural autumn of the year. In the natural summer there had been a
plague of locusts; and now towards the end of autumn came these
caterpillars to devour what the locusts had left. There was no 'luck' to
be thankful for, but terrible calamity, and famine was the
consequence. XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, a body of men from Jin extinguished the Jia and
Liuyu tribes of the Red Di.
2. In summer, the archery-court of [king] Xuan at
Chengzhou was set on fire.
3. In autumn, the duke's eldest daughter, who had
been married to [the viscount of] Tan, returned to Lu [divorced].
4. In winter, there was a very plentiful year.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Jiashi and the Liuyu were, after the
Lushi, the principal tribes of the Red Di; the former having their site
in the pres. dis. of Jize (鶏 澤), dep. Guangping, Zhili, while that of
the second, was in the dis. of Tunliu (屯 留), dep. Lu'an, Shanxi. The
Zhuan mentions another tribe,—that of the Duochen, which appears to have
been a branch of the Liuyu. On the extinction of these tribes, all the
territory of the Red Di came into the possession of Jin.
The Zhuan says:——'In spring, Shi Hui of Jin led a
force, and extinguished the Jia tribe of the Red Di, and also the tribes
of Liuyu and Duochen. In the 3d month he presented the spoils of the Di
[to the king]. The marquis of Jin requested [the robes of appointment
for him] from the king, and on Wushen, with the apron and cap he
appointed Shi Hui to the command of the army of the centre, and also to
be grand-guardian. After this the thieves of Jin all fled into Qin.
Yangshe Zhi said, "I have heard that when Yu promoted good men, the bad
men all disappeared; and here is an instance of the same. The words of
the ode (Shi, II. v. ode II. 6).
'Be fearful and cautious, As if approaching a deep
abyss, As if treading on thin ice,' are descriptive of a good man in a
high situation. When that is the case, there are no people in the State
trusting to luck. 'When there are many people trusting to luck,' the
common saying goes, 'that is unlucky for the State.' That is applicable
to a time when there are no good men.'"
Par. 2. Gongyang has 謿 for 榭; and both Gong and Gu
have 災 for 火. Zuoshi says that in all accounts of fires, 火 denotes that
the fire was caused by men, and 災 that it was from Heaven. Chengzhou is
the same as Luoyang, the eastern or 'lower' capital of Zhou;—see the
Shu, V.xxiv. 1. Du defines 榭 by 講 武 屋, 'a house for the practice of
military exercises,' archery being specially intended. Gongyang and,
recently, Mao understand the term in the meaning of 'temple;' but the
other signification is ably vindicated by Yingda. 宣 is probably =宣 王,
though the meaning cannot be said to be well ascertained. Xuan was a
distinguished king, and might well have left a court or pavilion at
Chengzhou, called by his name.
Par. 3. Tan,—see IV. 1. When the duke's daughter was
married to the earl of Tan, we are not told. What is related in the 4th
year shows that there were friendly relations between Lu and Tan; but
Zuoshi says that the lady's coming back to Lu here was in consequence of
her being divorced, or sent away from Tan (出 也).
[The Zhuan appends here:—1st, 'In consequence of the
troubles about [the earls of] Shao and Mao [See p. 5 of last year], the
royal House was again thrown into confusion. Wangsun Su fled to Jin, by
which he was restored.' 2d, 'In winter, the marquis of Jin sent Shi Hui
to pacify the royal House, when king Ding feasted him, duke Xiang of
Yuan directing the ceremonies. The meat was brought in cut on the
platters. Wuzi (Shi Hui) privately asked the reason of this arrangement;
and when the king heard that he did so, he called him, and said, 'Mr. Ji
(季 was Hui's designation), have you not heard this;—when the king feasts
the princes, the animals are brought in, not cut up; but when he
entertains their ministers, the meat is served cut up on the platters.
This is the rule of the royal House." When Wuzi returned to Jin, he
examined all its statutes [affecting entertainments], to regulate
correctly its various rules.']
Par. 4. The critics cannot be content with accepting
this paragraph as the simple statement of a fact by way of contrast to
the suffering in the last quarter of the previous year; but cast about
to find some moral reason for the record. See on II. iii. 10, where we
have 有年 for 'a good year.' Here we have 大有年, 'a very good
year.' XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, in
the king's first month, on Gengzi, Xiwo, baron of Xu, died.
2. On Dingwei, Shen, marquis of Cai, died.
3. In summer there were the burials of duke Zhao of
Xu, and of duke Wen of Cai.
4. In the sixth month, on Guimao, the sun was
eclipsed.
5. On Jiwei, the duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Jin, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, and the viscount of Zhu,
when they made a covenant together in Duandao.
6. In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.
7. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Renwu, the
duke's younger brother, Shuxi, died.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1—. Ji Ben (季 本; Ming dynasty), says:——At this
time Xu and Cai were of the party of Chu. Their announcing the death of
their princes to Lu, and Lu's messages to them of condolence, show that
it also inclined to the same side.
Par. 4. Here for the second time there is a serious
error in these records of eclipses. The 1st day of the 6th month in this
year was Jiachen (甲 辰), the day after Guimao, and there was no eclipse
upon it. This was ascertained by Jiang Ji (姜 岌), of the eastern Jin
dynasty. He and the Buddhist priest Yihang (一 行) of the Tang dynasty,
made out an eclipse to have been possible on Yihai (乙 亥), the 1st day of
the 5th month; but that was in the southern hemisphere. There was one on
Xinwei, in the 11th month; but it was not visible in Lu. There was,
however an eclipse in Xuan's 7th year in the 6th month, when the day
Guimao was the new moon; and I have no doubt it is that which is entered
here by some displacement of the tablets.
Par. 5. Duandao was in Jin,—in the east of the pres.
Qinzhou (沁 州), Shaanxi. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the marquis of Jin
having sent Xi Ke to require the marquis of Qi to attend a meeting, duke
Qing placed his mother and her attendants [婦 人 simply=='his women']
behind a curtain so that they might see the envoy, [who had some bodily
defect]; and as he ascended the steps, they were heard laughing in their
apartment. Xianzi [The posthumous title of Xi Ke] was indignant, and
swore, "If I do not revenge this insult, may I not cross the He again!"
He then returned himself first to Jin, making Luan Jinglu wait behind
till he should have something to report from Qi, and charging him not to
bring him any word till he had got some charge against it. On his
arrival [at Jiang] he asked that Qi might be invaded, which the marquis
refused. He then begged leave to invade it with his own adherents, which
was also denied him.
'[By and by], the marquis of Qi sent Gao Gu, Yan
Ruo, Cai Zhao, and Nanguo Yan to the meeting which had been called; of
whom Gao Gu fled back to Qi from Lianyu. The meeting was held in summer
at Duandao, when it was resolved to punish the disaffected; and a
covenant was made at Juanchu, to which the officers of Qi were not
admitted. The people of Jin seized and held Yan Ruo in Yewang; Cai Zhao
in Yuan; and Nanguo Yan in Wen. Fenhuang of Miao [This was a son of Dou
Jiao of Chu, who had taken refuge in Jin, after the events related in
the Zhuan after VII. iv. 6] was sent to have an interview with Yan
Huanzi; and on his return, he said to the marquis of Jin, "What crime is
the officer Yan chargeable with? Formerly, the States all served your
predecessors, as if they could not be prompt enough in doing so. [Now],
they all say that the ministers of Jin do not treat them with good
faith, and, therefore, their minds are disaffected. The marquis of Qi
was afraid he would not be received courteously, and did not come to the
meeting, but sent four of his officers to attend it. Some of his
attendants tried to stop his doing so, saying, 'If your lordship does
not go out, Jin will seize and hold our messengers.' It was on this
account that Gaozi ran away at Lianyu. The three other officers,
however, said, 'That will destroy the friendship between our ruler and
Jin; we had rather die on our return [than do that].' On this account
they came on at the risk of all suffering. If we had received them well,
it would have been the way to encourage others to come to us. But have
we not done wrong in seizing and holding them so as to justify those who
tried to prevent their being sent? What advantage can we gain by long
persisting in the wrong, so as to make them regret that they came on? We
only supply him who fled back with an excuse for his conduct; and of
what use is it to frighten the States by injuring those who come to us?"
On this the people of Jin treated Yanzi gently, and allowed him to get
away.'
On the force of the 'together (同),' in the account
of this covenant, the critics seem to differ, some holding that it
indicates the 'common' purpose of the States to punish Qi, others their
common opposition to Chu. The Kangxi editors would extend the meaning to
both those objects.
[The Zhuan appends here:—1st, 'In autumn, in the 8th
month, the army of Jin returned.' 2d, 'Fan Wuzi [Shi Hui. At first he
was invested with Sui (隨), and is thence call Sui Wuzi; afterwards he
received the city of Fan, which became the surname of his descendants]
being about to withdraw from the public service on account of his age,
he called to him [his son] Wenzi, and said, "Xie [The son's name], I
have heard that they are few whose satisfaction or whose anger rests on
its proper object, while with many the feeling passes to other objects.
The ode (Shi, II. v. ode IV. 2) says,
'If the king were to be angry [with slanderers] The
disorder would probably be quickly abated. If he were to show his joy
[in the good], The disorder would probably quickly cease! Thus a
superior man's being either made pleased or angry leads to the stopping
of disorder. If that be not stopt, it goes on to increase. Perhaps Xizi
wishes to bring the disorder he is producing to an end by an invasion of
Qi. If he do not succeed in that, I am afraid he will increase the
disorder. I will declare myself too old, and let him obtain his wish,
which may perhaps lead to the dispersion [of the present evil]. Do you
follow the other officers, and be careful of your conduct." On this he
asked liberty to retire on the ground of his age, and Xi Xianzi became
the chief administrator of the government.']
Par. 7. Zuoshi says that Shuxi was a full brother of
the duke, and then he gives the following canon:——'All the full brothers
of the eldest son, while their father is alive, are called Gongzi
(duke's sons); and when he is dead, Gongdi (duke's brothers). The
appellation "younger brother" always denotes a full brother of the
ruling duke.' XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, the
marquis of Jin and Zang, heir-son of Wey, invaded Qi.
2. The duke invaded Qi.
3. It was summer, the fourth month.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, an officer of Zhu
murdered the viscount of Zeng in his capital.
5. On Jiaxu, Lü, viscount of Chu, died.
6. Gongsun Guifu went to Jin.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renxu, the duke
died in the State-chamber.
8. Guifu was returning from Jin; but when he got to
Sheng, he fled to Qi.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'When the invading armies
had reached Yanggu, the marquis of Qi had a meeting with the marquis of
Jin, when they made a covenant in Zeng, the former agreeing that his son
Jiang should go to Jin as a hostage. On this the army of Jin returned,
and Cai Zhao and Nanguo Yan made their escape back to Qi.'
Hu An'guo thinks this invasion of Qi was brought
about by Xi Ke, to gratify his resentment against that State. The Kangxi
editors argue that it was a public movement on the part of the marquis
of Jin to punish Qi, because its marquis had kept away from the meeting
at Duandao. Certainly the growth of the power of Chu was mainly owing to
Qi's standing aloof from Jin as the chief among the northern States.
Par. 3. [The Zhuan appends here:——'In summer, the
duke sent to Chu, to ask the assistance of an army;—wishing to invade
Qi.']
Par, 4. Guliang has 繒 for 鄫. Acc. to Zuoshi, 戕 is
the character employed to denote the murder of the prince of a State by
some one of another State, just as 弒 indicates that the perpetrator was
one of the prince's own subjects. Zeng,—see V.xiv.2. In V. xix. 4 we
have an account of a terrible outrage by the people of Zhu on a former
prince of Zeng. Wang Kekuan (汪 克 寬) thinks that by 邾 人 in the text we
should understand the 邾 子, 'the viscount of Zhu;' but this seems
inconsistent with the use of the character 戕. 邾 人, however, may
denote—'a party of men from Zhu.'
Par. 5. Here for the first time we have the death of
one of the viscounts of Chu recorded. His burial, however, is not
mentioned, and there would have been a difficulty in recording it, as
the deceased viscount must have then received the title which he claimed
of 'king.' The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the death of king Zhuang,
the army [The help of which Lu had asked] did not come forth. Afterwards
Lu availed itself of an army of Jin [See VIII. ii.2], in consequence of
which Chu had the meeting and covenant at Shu (VIII. ii. 10].'
Par. 6. The object of this visit is given in the
Zhuan:——'Gongsun Guifu was a favourite with the duke, whose elevation
was due to [Guifu's father], Xiangzhong. Wishing to remove the three
clans descended from duke Huan, and thereby increase the power of the
ducal House, he consulted with the duke, and went on a friendly mission
to Jin, hoping to accomplish his object by means of the people of Jin.'
Par. 7. See on III. xxxii. 4. Par. 8. The Zhuan
says:——'In winter, on the death of the duke, Ji Wenzi [Jisun Hangfu]
said in the court, "It was Zhong who made us kill the son of the proper
wife, and set up the son of another, so as to lose the great helper we
might have calculated on." Xuanshu [Zang Xu; son of Zang Wenzhong, or
Zangsun Chen in III.xxviii. 6], was angry, and said, "Why did you not
deal with him at the time? What offence is his son chargeable with? But
if you wish to send their clan away, allow me to do it." Accordingly he
drove the Dongmen clan out of the State. Zijia had then returned from
Jin as far as to Sheng. He there cleared a space of ground, and raised a
tent on it, where he delivered the account of his mission to his
assistant, [that it might be transmitted to Lu]. Having done so, he took
off his upper garment, bound his hair up with sackcloth, went to the
place for it and wept, gave three leaps, and left the tent. He then fled
to Qi. The style of the paragraph,—"Guifu returned from Jin," is
commendatory of him.' For 笙 Gong and Gu have 檉. The place was in
Lu.
|