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8. 成公

I. 元年

1. 元年，春，王正月，公即位。

2. 二月，辛酉，葬我君宣公。

3. 無冰。

4. 三月，作丘甲。

5. 夏，臧孫許及晉侯，盟于赤棘。

6. 秋，王師敗績于茅戎。

7. 冬，十月。

左傳曰，元年，春，晉侯使瑕嘉平戎于王，單襄公如晉拜成。劉康公徼戎，將遂伐之。叔服曰，背盟而欺大國，此必敗，背盟不祥，欺大國不義，神人弗助，將何以勝。不聽，遂伐茅戎。三月，癸未，敗績于徐吾氏。

為齊難故，作丘甲。

聞齊將出楚師。夏，盟于赤棘。

秋，王人來告敗。

冬，臧宣叔令脩賦繕完，具守備，曰，齊楚結好，我新與晉盟，晉楚爭盟，齊師必至，雖晉人伐齊，楚必救之，是齊楚同我也，知難而有備，乃可以逞。

II. 二年

1. 二年，春，齊侯伐我北鄙。

2. 夏，四月，丙戌，衛孫良夫帥師，及齊師戰于新築，衛師敗績。

3. 六月，癸酉，季孫行父，臧孫許，叔孫僑如，公孫嬰齊，帥師會晉郤克，衛孫良夫，曹公子首，及齊侯戰于鞍，齊師敗績。

4. 秋，七月，齊侯使國佐如師，己酉，及國佐盟于袁婁。

5. 八月，壬午，宋公鮑卒。

6. 庚寅，衛侯速卒。

7. 取汶陽田。

8. 冬，楚師，鄭師，侵衛。

9. 十有一月，公會楚公子嬰齊于蜀。

10. 丙申，公及楚人，秦人，宋人，陳人，衛人，鄭人，齊人，曹人，邾人，薛人，鄫人，盟于蜀。

左傳曰，二年，春，齊侯伐我北鄙，圍龍，頃公之嬖人盧蒲就魁，門焉，龍人囚之。齊侯曰，勿殺，吾與而盟無入而封。弗聽，殺而膊諸城上，齊侯親鼓，士陵城，三日，取龍，遂南侵，及巢丘。

衛侯使孫良夫，石稷，甯相，向禽，將侵齊，與齊師遇。石子欲還，孫子曰，不可，以師伐人，遇其師而還，將謂君何，若知不能，則如無出，今既遇矣，不如戰也。夏，有，石成子曰，師敗矣，子不少須，衆懼盡，子喪師徒，何以復命。皆不對，又曰，子國卿也，隕子，辱矣，子以衆退，我此乃止。且告車來甚衆，齊師乃止。次于鞠居，新築人仲叔于奚救孫桓子，桓子是以免。既，衛人賞之以邑，辭，請曲縣繁纓以朝，許之。仲尼聞之曰，惜也，不如多與之邑，唯器與名，不可以假人，君之所司也，名以出信，信以守器，器以藏禮，禮以行義，義以生利，利以平民，政之大節也，若以假人，與人政也，政亡，則國家從之，弗可止也已。

秋，七月，晉師及齊國佐盟于爰婁，使齊人歸我汶陽之田。

公會晉師于上鄍，三帥先路，三命之服。司馬，司空，輿帥，候正，亞旅，皆受一命之服。

八月，宋文公卒。始厚葬，用蜃炭，益車馬，始用殉，重器備，槨有四阿，棺有翰檜。君子謂華元，樂舉，于是乎不臣，臣，治煩去惑者也，是以伏死而爭，今二子者，君生則縱其惑，死又益其侈，是棄君於惡也，何臣之為。

九月，衛穆公卒。晉三子自役弔焉，哭于大門之外，衛人逆之，婦人哭於門內，送亦如之，遂常以葬。

楚之討陳夏氏也，莊王欲納夏姬。申公巫臣曰，不可，君召諸侯，以討罪也，今納夏姬，貪其色也，貪色為淫，淫為大罰，周書曰，明德慎罰，文王所以造周也，明德，務崇之之謂也，慎罰，務去之之謂也，若興諸侯，以取大罰，非慎之也，君其圖之。王乃止。子反欲取之，巫臣曰，是不祥人也，是夭子蠻，殺御叔，弒靈侯，戮夏南，出孔儀，喪陳國，何不祥如是，人生實難，其有不獲死乎，天下多美婦人，何必是。子反乃止。王以予連尹襄老，襄老死於邲，不獲其尸，其子黑要。烝焉，巫臣使道焉，曰，歸，吾聘女。又使自鄭召之，曰，尸可得也，必來逆之。姬以告王，王問諸屈巫，對曰，其信，知罃之父，成公之嬖也，而中行伯之季弟也，新佐中軍，而善鄭皇戌，甚愛此子，其必因鄭而歸王子，與襄老之尸，以求之，鄭人懼於邲之役，而欲求媚于晉，其必許之。王遣夏姬歸，將行，謂送者曰，不得尸，吾不反矣。巫臣聘諸鄭，鄭伯許之，及共王即位，將為陽橋之役，使屈巫聘于齊，且告師期，巫臣盡室以行。申叔跪從其父將適郢，遇之，曰，異哉，夫子有三軍之懼，而又有桑中之喜，宜將竊妻以逃者也。及鄭，使介反幣，而以夏姬行，將奔齊，齊師新敗，曰，吾不處不勝之國，遂奔晉，而因郤至，以臣于晉，晉人使為邢大夫。子反請以重幣錮之，王曰，止，其自為謀也則過矣，其為吾先君謀也，則忠，忠，社稷之固也，所蓋多矣，且彼若能利國家，雖重幣，晉將可乎，若無益于晉，晉將棄之，何勞錮焉。

晉師歸，范文子後入，武子曰，無為吾望爾也乎。對曰，師有功，國人喜以逆之，先入，必屬耳目焉，是代帥受名也，故不敢，武子曰，吾知免矣。郤伯見，公曰，子之力也夫。對曰，君之訓也，二三子之力也，臣何力之有焉。范叔見，勞之如郤伯，對曰，庚所命也，克之制也，爕何力之有焉。欒伯見，公亦如之，對曰，爕之詔也，士用命也，書何力之有焉。

宣公使求好于楚，莊王卒，宣公薨，不克作好，公即位，受盟于晉，會晉伐齊，衛人不行使于楚，而亦受盟于晉，從于伐齊，故楚令尹子重為陽橋之役，以救齊，將起師，子重曰，君弱，群臣不如先大夫，師衆而後可，詩曰，濟濟多士，文王以寕，夫文王猶用衆，况吾儕乎，且先君莊王，屬之曰，無德以及遠方，莫如惠恤其民，而善用之，乃大戶，已責，逮鰥，救乏，赦罪，悉師。卒盡行，彭名御戎，蔡景公為左，許靈公為右，二君弱，皆彊冠之。冬，楚師侵衛，遂侵我師于蜀，使臧孫往，辭曰，楚遠而久，固將退矣，無功而受名，臣不敢。楚侵及陽橋，孟孫請往賂之，以執斲，執鍼，織紝。皆百人，公衡為質，以請盟。楚人許平。

十一月，公及楚公子嬰齊，蔡侯，許男，秦右大夫說，宋華元，陳公孫寕，衛孫良夫，鄭公子去疾，及齊國之大夫，盟于蜀，卿不書，匱盟也，於是乎畏晉，而竊與楚盟，故曰匱盟。蔡侯，許男，不書，乘楚車也，謂之失位。君子曰，位其不可不慎也乎，蔡許之君，一失其位，不得列于諸侯，况其下乎，詩曰，不解于位，民之攸塈，其是之謂矣。

楚師及宋，公衡逃歸。臧宣叔曰，衡父不忍數年之不宴，以棄魯國，國將若之何，誰居，後之人必有任是夫，國棄矣。是行也，晉辟楚，畏其衆也。君子曰，衆之不可以已也，大夫為政，猶以衆克，况明君而善用其衆乎，大誓所謂商兆民離，周十人同者，衆也。

晉侯使鞏朔獻齊捷于周，王弗見，使單襄公辭焉，曰，蠻夷戎狄，不式王命，淫湎毀常，王命伐之，則有獻捷，王親受而勞之，所以懲不敬，勸有功也，兄弟甥舅，侵敗王畧，王命伐之，告事而已，不獻其功，所以敬親暱，禁淫慝也。今叔父克遂有功于齊，而不使命卿鎮撫王室，所使來撫余一人，而鞏伯實來，未有職司于王室，又奸先王之禮，余雖欲于鞏伯，其敢廢舊典以忝叔父，夫齊，甥舅之國也，而大師之後也，寕不亦淫從其欲，以怒叔父，抑豈不可諫誨。士莊伯不能對，王使委於三吏，禮之如侯伯克敵，使大夫告慶之禮，降于卿禮一等，王以鞏伯宴而私賄之，使相告之曰，非禮也，勿籍。

III. 三年

1. 三年，春，王正月，公會晉侯，宋公，衛侯，曹伯，伐鄭。

2. 辛亥，葬衛穆公。

3. 二月，公至自伐鄭。

4. 甲子，新宮災，三日哭。

5. 乙亥，葬宋文公。

6. 夏，公如晉。

7. 鄭公子去疾帥師伐許。

8. 公至自晉。

9. 秋，叔孫僑如帥師圍棘。

10. 大雩。

11. 晉郤克，衛孫良夫，伐廧咎如。

12. 冬，十有一月，晉侯使荀庚來聘，衛侯使孫良夫來聘。

13. 丙午，及荀庚盟，丁未，及孫良夫盟。

14. 鄭伐許。

左傳曰，三年，春，諸侯伐鄭，次于伯牛，討邲之役也。遂東侵鄭，鄭公子偃，帥師禦之，使東鄙覆諸鄤，敗諸丘輿，皇戌如楚獻捷。

夏，公如晉。拜汶陽之田。

許恃楚而不事鄭，鄭子良伐許。

晉人歸楚公子穀臣，與連尹襄老之尸於楚，以求知罃。於是荀首佐中軍矣，故楚人許之。王送知罃，曰，子其怨我乎。對曰，二國治戎，臣不才，不勝其任，以為俘馘，執事不以釁鼓，使歸即戮，君之惠也，臣實不才，又誰敢怨。王曰，然則德我乎。對曰，二國圖其社稷，而求紓其民，各懲其忿，以相宥也，兩釋纍囚，以成其好，二國有好，臣不與及，其誰敢德。王曰，子歸，何以報我。對曰，臣不任受怨，君亦不任受德，無怨無德，不知所報，王曰，雖然，必告不穀，對曰，以君之靈，纍臣得歸骨于晉，寡君之以為戮，死且不朽，若從君之惠而免之，以賜君之外臣首，首其請於寡君，而以戮於宗，亦死且不朽，若不獲命，而使嗣宗職，次及於事，而帥偏師以修封疆，雖遇執事，其弗敢違，其竭力致死，無有二心，以盡臣禮，所以報也。王曰，晉未可與爭，重為之禮而歸之。

>秋，叔孫僑如圍棘，取汶陽之田，棘不服，故圍之。

晉郤克，衛孫良夫，伐廧咎如。討赤狄之餘焉，廧咎如潰，上失民也。

冬，十一月，晉侯使荀庚來聘，且尋盟，衛侯使孫良夫來聘，且尋盟。公問諸臧宣叔曰，中行伯之於晉也，其位在三，孫子之於衛也，位為上卿，將誰先。對曰，次國之上卿，當大國之中，中當其下，下當其上大夫，小國之上卿，當大國之下卿，中當其上大夫，下當其下大夫，上下如是，古之制也，衛在晉，不得為次國，晉為盟主，其將先之。丙午，盟晉，丁未，盟衛，禮也。

十二月，甲戌，晉作六軍，韓厥，趙括，鞏朔，韓穿，荀騅，趙旃，皆為卿，賞鞍之功也。

齊侯朝於晉，將授玉，郤克趨進曰，此行也，君為婦人之笑辱也，寡君未之敢任。晉侯享齊侯，齊侯視韓厥，韓厥曰，君知厥也乎。齊侯曰，服改矣。韓厥登，舉爵曰，臣之不敢愛死，為兩君之在此堂也。

荀罃之在楚也，鄭賈人有將窴諸褚中以出，既謀之，未行，而楚人歸之，賈人如晉，荀罃善視之，如實出己，賈人曰，吾無其功，敢有其實乎，吾小人，不可以厚誣君子，遂適齊。

IV. 四年

1. 四年，春，宋公使華元來聘。

2. 三月，壬申，鄭伯堅卒。

3. 杞伯來朝。

4. 夏，四月，甲寅，臧孫許卒。

5. 公如晉。

6. 葬鄭襄公。

7. 秋，公至自晉。

8. 冬，城鄆。

9. 鄭伯伐許。

左傳曰，四年，春，宋華元來聘，通嗣君也。

杞伯來朝，歸叔姬故也。

夏，公如晉。晉侯見公，不敬。季文子曰，晉侯必不免，詩曰，敬之敬之，天維顯思，命不易哉，夫晉侯之命，在諸侯矣，可不敬乎。

秋，公至自晉。欲求成於楚，而叛晉。季文子曰，不可，晉雖無道，未可叛也，國大，臣睦，而邇於我，諸侯聽焉，未可以貳，史佚之志有之，曰，非我族類，其心必異，楚雖大，非吾族也，其肯字我乎。公乃止。

冬，十一月，鄭公孫申帥師疆許田，許人敗諸展陂，鄭伯伐許，取鉏任，冷敦，之田。晉欒書將中軍，荀首佐之，士爕佐上軍，以救許，伐鄭，取汜祭。楚子反救鄭，鄭伯與許男訟焉，皇戌攝鄭伯之辭。子反不能決也，曰，君若辱在寡君，寡君與其二三臣，共聽兩君之所欲，成其可知也，不然，側不足以知二國之成。

晉趙嬰通于趙莊姬。

V.五年

1. 五年，春，王正月，杞叔姬來歸。

2. 仲孫蔑如宋。

3. 夏，叔孫僑如會晉荀首于穀。

4. 梁山崩。

5. 秋，大水。

6. 冬，十有一月，己酉，天王崩。

7. 十有二月，己丑，公會晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，鄭伯，曹伯，邾子，杞伯，同盟于蟲牢。

左傳曰，五年，春，原，屏，放諸齊。嬰曰，我在，故欒氏不作，我亡，吾二昆其憂哉，且人各有能有不能，舍我何害。弗聽。嬰夢天使謂己祭余，余福女。使問諸士貞伯，貞伯曰，不識也。既而告其人曰，神福仁而禍淫，淫而無罰，福也，祭其得亡乎。祭之之明日，而亡。

孟獻子如宋。報華元也。

夏，晉荀首如齊逆女，故宣伯餫諸穀。

梁山崩。晉侯以傳召伯宗伯，宗辟重，曰，辟傳。重人曰，待我，不如捷之速也。問其所。曰，絳人也，問絳事焉。曰，梁山崩，將召伯宗謀之。問將若之何，曰，山有朽壤而崩，可若何，國主山川，故山崩川竭，君為之不舉，降服，乘縵，徹樂，出次，祝幣，史辭，以禮焉，其如此而已，雖伯宗，若之何。伯宗請見之。不可。遂以告而從之。

許靈公愬鄭伯于楚。六月，鄭悼公如楚訟，不勝，楚人執皇戌，及子國，故鄭伯歸，使公子偃請成於晉。秋，八月，鄭伯及晉趙同，盟于垂棘。

宋公子圍龜為質于楚而歸，華元享之，請鼓譟以出，鼓譟以復入，曰，習攻華氏，宋公殺之。

十一月，己酉，定王崩。

冬，同盟于蟲牢。鄭服也。諸侯謀復會，宋公使向為人辭以子靈之難。

VI. 六年

1. 六年，春，王正月，公至自會。

2. 二月，辛巳，立武宮。

3. 取鄟。

4. 衛孫良夫帥師侵宋。

5. 夏，六月，邾子來朝。

6. 公孫嬰齊如晉。

7. 壬申，鄭伯費卒。

8. 秋，仲孫蔑，叔孫僑如，帥師侵宋。

9. 楚公子嬰齊帥師伐鄭。

10. 冬，季孫行父如晉。

11. 晉欒書帥師救鄭。

左傳曰，六年，春，鄭伯如晉，拜成，子游相，授玉于東楹之東。士貞伯曰，鄭伯，其死乎，自棄也已，視流而行速，不安其位，宜不能久。

二月，季文子以鞍之功，立武宮。非禮也。聽于人以救其難，不可以立武，立武由己，非由人也。

取鄟。言易也。

三月，晉伯宗，夏陽說，衛孫良夫，甯相，鄭人，伊雒之戎，陸渾，蠻氏，侵宋，以其辭會也。師于鍼，衛人不保，說欲襲衛，曰，雖不可入，多俘而歸，有罪不及死，伯宗曰，不可，衛唯信晉，故師在其郊，而不設備，若襲之，是棄信也，雖多衛俘，而晉無信，何以求諸侯，乃止。師還，衛人登陴。

晉人謀去故絳，諸大夫皆曰，必居郇瑕氏之地，沃饒而近盬，國利君樂，不可失也。韓獻子將新中軍，且為僕大夫，公揖而入，獻子從公，立于寢庭，謂獻子曰，何如。對曰，不可，郇瑕氏土薄水淺，其惡易覯，易覯則民愁，民愁則墊隘，於是乎有沈溺重膇之疾，不如新田，土厚水深，居之不疾，有汾澮以流其惡，且民從教，十世之利也，夫山澤林盬，國之寶也，國饒，則民驕佚，近寶，公室乃貧，不可謂樂。公說，從之。

夏，四月，丁丑，晉遷於新田。

子叔聲伯如晉。命伐宋。

六月，鄭悼公卒。

秋，孟獻子，叔孫宣伯，侵宋。晉命也。

楚子重伐鄭。鄭從晉故也。

冬，季文子如晉。賀遷也。晉欒書救鄭，與楚師遇於繞角，楚師還，晉師遂侵蔡。楚公子申，公子成，以申，息，之師，救蔡，禦諸桑隧。趙同，趙括，欲戰，請于武子，武子將許之，知莊子，范文子，韓獻子，諫曰，不可，吾來救鄭，楚師去我，吾遂至于此，是遷戮也，戮而不已，又怒楚師，戰必不克，雖克不令，成師以出，而敗楚之二縣，何榮之有焉，若不能敗，為辱已甚，不如還也。乃遂還，於是軍師之欲戰者衆，或謂欒武子曰，聖人與衆同欲，是以濟事，子盍從衆，子為大政，將酌於民者也，子之佐十一人，其不欲戰者，三人而已，欲戰者可謂衆矣，商書曰，三人占，從二人，衆故也。武子曰，善鈞從衆，夫善，衆之主也，三卿為主，可謂衆矣，從之，不亦可乎。

VII.七年

1. 七年，春，王正月，鼷鼠食郊牛角，改卜牛，鼷鼠又食其角，乃免牛。

2. 吳伐郯。

3. 夏，五月，曹伯來朝。

4. 不郊猶三望。

5. 秋，楚公子嬰齊帥師伐鄭，公會晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，曹伯，莒子，邾子，杞伯，救鄭，八月，戊辰，同盟于馬陵。

6. 公至自會。

7. 吳入州來。

8. 冬，大雩。

9. 衛孫林父出奔晉。

左傳曰，七年，春，吳伐郯，郯成，季文子曰，中國不振旅，蠻夷入伐，而莫之或恤，無弔者也夫，詩曰，不弔昊天，亂靡有定，其此之謂乎，有上不弔，其誰不受亂，吾亡無日矣。君子曰，知懼如是，斯不亡矣。

鄭子良相成公以如晉，見，且拜師。

夏，曹宣公來朝。

秋，楚子重伐鄭，師于氾，諸侯救鄭，鄭共仲，侯羽，軍楚師，囚鄖公鍾儀，獻諸晉。八月，同盟于馬陵，尋蟲牢之盟，且莒服故也。晉人以鍾儀歸，囚諸軍府。

楚圍宋之役，師還，子重請取於申，呂，以為賞田，王許之。申公巫臣曰，不可，此申呂所以邑也，是以為賦，以御北方，若取之，是無申，呂也，晉，鄭，必至于漢。王乃止，子重是以怨巫臣。子反欲取夏姬，巫臣止之，遂取以行，子反亦怨之。及共王即位，子重，子反，殺巫臣之族，子閻，子蕩，及清尹弗忌，及襄老之子黑要，而分其室。子重取子閻之室，使沈尹，與王子罷，分子蕩之室，子反取黑要與清尹之室。巫臣自晉遺二子書，曰，爾以讒慝貪惏事君，而多殺不辜，余必使爾罷于奔命以死。巫臣請使於吳，晉侯許之，吳子壽夢說之，乃通吳於晉，以兩之一卒適吳，舍偏兩之一焉，與其射御，教吳乘車，教之戰陳，教之叛楚，寘其子狐庸焉，使為行人于吳，吳始伐楚，伐巢，伐徐，子重奔命。馬陵之會，吳入州來，子重自鄭奔命。子重，子反，於是乎一歲七奔命，蠻夷屬于楚者，吳盡取之，是以始大，通吳於上國。

衛定公惡孫林父。冬，孫林父出奔晉，衛侯如晉，晉反戚焉。

VIII. 八年

1. 八年，春，晉侯使韓穿來言汶陽之田，歸之于齊。

2. 晉欒書帥師侵蔡。

3. 公孫嬰齊如莒。

4. 宋公使華元來聘。

5. 夏，宋公使公孫壽來納幣。

6. 晉殺其大夫趙同，趙括。

7. 秋，七月，天子使召伯來賜公命。

8. 冬，十月，癸卯，杞叔姬卒。

9. 晉侯使士爕來聘。

10. 叔孫僑如會晉士爕，齊人，邾人，伐郯。

11. 衛人來媵。

左傳曰，八年，春，晉侯使韓穿來言汶陽之田，歸之于齊。季文子餞之，私焉，曰，大國制義，以為盟主，是以諸侯懷德畏討，無有貳心，謂汶陽之田，敝邑之舊也，而用師于齊，使歸諸敝邑，今有二命，曰，歸諸齊，信以行義，義以成命，小國所望而懷也，信不可知，義無所立，四方諸侯，其誰不解體，詩曰，女也不爽，士貳其行，士也罔極，二三其德，七年之中，一與一奪，二三孰甚焉，士之二三，猶喪妃耦，而况霸主，霸主將德是以，而二三之，其何以長有諸侯乎，詩曰，猶之未遠，是用大簡，行父懼晉之不遠猶而失諸侯也，是以敢私言之。

晉欒書侵蔡，遂侵楚，獲申驪。楚師之還也，晉侵沈，獲沈子揖，初從知范韓也。君子曰，從善如流，宜哉，詩曰，愷悌君子，遐不作人，求善也夫，作人斯有功績矣。是行也，鄭伯將會晉師，門于許東門，大獲焉。

聲伯如莒。逆也。

宋華元來聘。聘共姬也。

夏，宋公使公孫壽來納幣。禮也。

晉趙莊姬，為趙嬰之亡故，譖之于晉侯，曰，原，屏，將為亂，欒，郤，為徵。六月，晉討趙同，趙括，武從姬氏，畜于公宮，以其田與祁奚。韓厥言于晉侯曰，成季之勳，宣孟之忠，而無後，為善者其懼矣，三代之令王，皆數百年保天之祿，夫豈無辟王，賴前哲以免也，周書曰，不敢侮鰥寡，所以明德也。乃立武而反其田焉。

秋，召桓公來賜公命。

晉侯使申公巫臣如吳，假道于莒，與渠丘公立于池上，曰，城已惡。莒子曰，辟陋在夷，其孰以我為虞。對曰，夫狡焉思啟封疆，以利社稷者，何國蔑有，唯然，故多大國矣，唯或思或縱也，勇夫重閉，况國乎。

冬，杞叔姬卒。來歸自杞，故書。

晉士爕來聘。言伐郯也。以其事吳故。公賂之，請緩師。文子不可，曰，君命無貳，失信不立，禮無加貨，事無二成，君後諸侯，是寡君不得事君也，爕將復之。季孫懼，使宣伯帥師會伐郯。

衛人來媵，共姬。禮也。凡諸侯嫁女，同姓媵之，異姓則否。

IX. 九年

1. 九年，春，王正月，杞伯來逆叔姬之喪，以歸。

2. 公會晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，鄭伯，曹伯，莒子，杞伯，同盟于蒲。

3. 公至自會。

4. 二月，伯姬歸于宋。

5. 夏，季孫行父如宋致女。

6. 晉人來媵。

7. 秋，七月，丙子，齊侯無野卒。

8. 晉人執鄭伯，晉欒書帥師伐鄭。

9. 冬，十有一月，葬齊頃公。

10. 楚公子嬰齊帥師伐莒，庚申，莒潰，楚人入鄆。

11. 秦人白狄伐晉。

12. 鄭人圍許。

13. 城中城。

左傳曰，九年，春，杞桓公來逆叔姬之喪。請之也。杞叔姬卒，為杞故也，逆叔姬，為我也。

為歸汶陽之田，故諸侯貳于晉，晉人懼，會於蒲，以尋馬陵之盟。季文子謂范文子曰，德則不競，尋盟何為。范文子曰，勤以撫之，寬以待之，堅彊以御之，明神以要之，柔服而伐貳，德之次也。是行也，將始會吳，吳人不至。

二月，伯姬歸于宋。

楚人以重賂求鄭，鄭伯會楚公子成於鄧。

夏季文子如宋致女。復命，公享之，賦韓奕之五章。穆姜出于房，再拜曰，大夫勤辱，不忘先君，以及嗣君，施及未亡人，先君猶有望也，敢拜大夫之重勤。又賦綠衣之卒章而入。

秋，鄭伯如晉，晉人討其貳于楚也，執諸銅鞮。欒書伐鄭，鄭人使伯蠲行成，晉人殺之。非禮也。兵交，使在其間，可也。楚子重侵陳，以救鄭。

晉侯觀于軍府，見鍾儀，問之曰，南冠而縶者，誰也。有司對曰，鄭人所獻楚囚也。使稅之，召而弔之，再拜稽首，問其族，對曰，泠人也。公曰，能樂乎。對曰，先父之職官也，敢有二事。使與之琴，操南音。公曰，君王何如。對曰，非小人之所得知也。固問之。對曰，其為大子也，師保奉之，以朝于嬰齊，而夕于側也，不知其他。公語范文子。文子曰，楚囚，君子也，言稱先職，不背本也，樂操土風，不忘舊也，稱大子，抑無私也，名其二卿，尊君也，不背本，仁也，不忘舊，信也，無私，忠也，尊君，敏也，仁以接事，信以守之，忠以成之，敏以行之，事雖大，必濟，君盍歸之，使合晉楚之成。公從之，重為之禮，使歸求成。

冬，十一月，楚子重自陳伐莒，圍渠丘，渠丘城惡，衆潰，奔莒。戊申，楚入渠丘，莒人囚楚公子平，楚人曰，勿殺，吾歸而俘，莒人殺之，楚師圍莒，莒城亦惡，庚申，莒潰，楚遂入鄆，莒無備故也。君子曰，恃陋而不備，罪之大者也，備豫不虞，善之大者也，莒恃其陋，而不脩城郭，浹辰之間，而楚克其三都，無備也夫，詩曰，雖有絲麻，無棄菅蒯，雖有姬姜，無棄蕉萃，凡百君子，莫不代匱，言備之不可以已也。

秦人，白狄，伐晉。諸侯貳故也。

鄭人圍許，示晉不急君也，是則公孫申謀之曰，我出師以圍許，為將改立君者，而紓晉使，晉必歸君。

城中城。書時也。

十二月，楚子使公子辰如晉，報鍾儀之使，請脩好結成。

X. 十年

1. 十年，春，衛侯之弟，黑背，帥師侵鄭。

2. 夏，四月，五卜郊，不從，乃不郊。

3. 五月，公會晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，曹伯，伐鄭。

4. 齊人來媵。

5. 丙午，晉侯獳卒。

6. 秋，七月，公如晉。

7. 冬，十月。

左傳曰，十年，春，晉侯使糴茷如楚，報大宰子商之使也。

衛子叔黑背侵鄭。晉命也。

鄭公子班聞叔申之謀，三月，子如立公子繻。夏，四月，鄭人殺繻，立髡頑，子如奔許。欒武子曰，鄭人立君，我執一人焉，何益，不如伐鄭，而歸其君，以求成焉。晉侯有疾，五月，晉立大子州蒲以為君，而會諸侯伐鄭。鄭子罕賂以襄鐘，子然盟于修澤，子駟為質，辛巳，鄭伯歸。

晉侯夢大厲，被髮及地，搏膺而踊，曰，殺余孫不義，余得請于帝矣。壞大門，及寢門而入，公懼，入于室，又壞戶，公覺，召桑田巫，巫言如夢。公曰，何如。曰，不食新矣。公疾病，求醫于秦，秦伯使醫緩為之，未至，公夢疾為二豎子曰，彼良醫也，懼傷我，焉逃之。其一曰，居肓之上，膏之下，若我何，醫至，曰，疾不可為也，在肓之上，膏之下，攻之不可，達之不及，藥不至焉，不可為也。公曰，良醫也。厚為之禮，而歸之。六月，丙午，晉侯欲麥，使甸人獻麥，饋人為之，召桑田巫，示而殺之。將食，張，如廁，陷而卒，小臣有晨夢負公以登天，及日中，負晉侯出諸廁，遂以為殉。

鄭伯討立君者，戊申，殺叔申，叔禽。君子曰，忠為令德，非其人猶不可，况不令乎。

秋，公如晉，晉人止公，使送葬。於是糴茷未反。冬，葬晉景公，公送葬，諸侯莫在，魯人辱之，故不書，諱之也。

XI. 十有一年

1. 十有一年，春，王三月，公至自晉。

2. 晉侯使郤犨來聘，己丑，及郤犨盟。

3. 夏，季孫行父如晉。

4. 秋，叔孫僑如，如齊。

5. 冬，十月。

左傳曰，十一年，春，王三月，公至自晉。晉人以公為貳于楚，故止公，公請受盟，而後使歸。

郤犨來聘，且涖盟。聲伯之母不聘，穆姜曰，吾不以妾為姒。生聲伯而出之，嫁於齊管于奚，生二子而寡，以歸聲伯，聲伯以其外弟為大夫，而嫁其外妹於施孝叔，郤犨來聘，求婦於聲伯，聲伯奪施氏婦，以與之。婦人曰，鳥獸猶不失儷，子將若何。曰，吾不能死亡。婦人遂行，生二子於郤氏，郤氏亡，晉人歸之施氏。施氏逆諸河，沈其二子。婦人怒曰，己不能庇其伉儷而亡之，又不能字人之孤而殺之，將何以終。遂誓施氏。

夏，季文子如晉。報聘，且涖盟也。

周公楚惡惠襄之偪也，且與伯與爭政，不勝，怒而出，及陽樊，王使劉子復之，盟于鄄而入，三日，復出奔晉。

秋，宣伯聘於齊。以修前好。

晉郤至與周爭鄇田，王命劉康公，單襄公，訟諸晉。郤至曰，溫，吾故也，故不敢失。劉子，單子曰，昔周克商，使諸侯撫封，蘇忿生以溫為司寇，與檀伯達封于河，蘇氏即狄，又不能於狄，而奔衛，襄王勞文公，而賜之溫，狐氏，陽氏，先處之，而後及子，若治其故，則王官之邑也，子安得之。晉侯使郤至勿敢爭。

宋華元善於令尹子重，又善于欒武子，聞楚人既許晉糴茷成，而使歸復命矣。冬，華元如楚，遂如晉，合晉楚之成。

秦晉為成，將會于令狐，晉侯先至焉，秦伯不肯涉河，次于王城。使史顆盟晉侯于河東，晉郤犨盟秦伯于河西。范文子曰，是盟也，何益，齊盟，所以質信也，會所信之始也，始之不從，其何質乎。秦伯歸而背晉成。

XII. 十有二年

1. 十有二年，春，周公出奔晉。

2. 夏，公會晉侯，衛侯，于瑣澤。

3. 秋，晉人敗狄于交剛。

4. 冬，十月。

左傳曰，十二年，春，王使以周公之難來告，書曰，周公出奔晉，凡自周無出，周公自出故也。

宋華元克合晉楚之成。夏，五月，晉士爕會楚公子罷，許偃。癸亥，盟于宋西門之外，曰，凡晉楚無相加戎，好惡同之，同恤菑危，備救凶患，若有害楚，則晉伐之，在晉，楚亦如之，交贄往來，道路無壅，謀其不協，而討不庭，有渝此盟，明神殛之，俾隊其師，無克胙國。鄭伯如晉聽成，會于瑣澤，成故也。

狄人閒宋之盟，以侵晉，而不設備。秋，晉人敗狄于交剛。

晉郤至如楚聘，且涖盟，楚子享之，子反相，為地室而縣焉。郤至將登，金奏作於下，驚而走出。子反曰，日云莫矣，寡君須矣，吾子其入也。賓曰，君不忘先君之好，施及下臣，貺之以大禮，重之以備樂，如天之福，兩君相見，何以代此，下臣不敢。子反曰，如天之福，兩君相見，無亦唯是一矢以相加遺，焉用樂，寡君須矣，吾子其入也。賓曰，若讓之以一矢，禍之大者，其何福之為，世之治也，諸侯閒于天子之事，則相朝也，于是乎，有享宴之禮，享以訓共儉，宴以示慈惠，共儉以行禮，而慈惠以布政，政以禮成，民是以息，百官承事，朝而不夕，此公侯之所以扞城其民也，故詩曰，赳赳武夫，公侯干城，及其亂也，諸侯貪冒，侵欲不忌，爭尋常以盡其民，略其武夫，以為己腹心，股肱，爪牙，故詩曰，赳赳武夫，公侯腹心，天下有道，則公侯能為民干城，而制其腹心，亂則反之，今吾子之言，亂之道也，不可以為法，然吾子主也，至敢不從。遂入，卒事。歸以語范文子。文子曰，無禮，必食言，吾死無日矣夫，冬，楚公子罷如晉聘，且涖盟，十二月，晉侯及楚公子罷，盟于赤棘。

XIII. 十有三年

1. 十有三年，春，晉侯使郤錡來乞師。

2. 三月，公如京師。

3. 公，五月，公自京師，遂會晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，鄭伯，曹伯，邾人，滕人，伐秦。

4. 曹伯盧卒于師。

5. 秋，七月，公至自伐秦。

6. 冬，葬曹宣公。

左傳曰，十三年，春，晉侯使郤錡來乞師，將事不敬。孟獻子曰，郤氏其亡乎，禮，身之幹也，敬，身之基也，郤子無基，且先君之嗣卿也，受命以求師，將社稷是衛，而惰棄君命也，不亡何為。

三月，公如京師，宣伯欲賜，請先使，王以行人之禮，禮焉。孟獻子從，王以為介，而重賄之。公及諸侯朝王，遂從劉康公，成肅公，會晉侯伐秦。成子受脤於社，不敬，劉子曰，吾聞之，民受天地之中以生，所謂命也，是以有動作，禮義，威儀之則，以定命也，能者養之以福，不能者，敗以取禍，是故君子勤禮，小人盡力，勤禮莫如致敬，盡力莫如敦篤，敬在養神，篤在守業，國之大事，在祀與戎，祀有執膰，戎有受脤，神之大節也，今成子惰，棄其命矣，其不反乎。

夏，四月，戊午，晉侯使呂相絕秦，曰，昔逮我獻公，及穆公相好，戮力同心，申之以盟誓，重之以昏姻，天禍晉國，文公如齊，惠公如秦，無祿，獻公即世，穆公不忘舊德，俾我惠公，用能奉祀於晉，又不能成大勳，而為韓之師，亦悔於厥心，用集我文公，是穆之成也，文公躬擐甲冑，跋履山川，踰越險阻，征東之諸侯，虞，夏，商，周，之胤，而朝諸秦，則亦既報舊德矣，鄭人怒君之疆場，我文公帥諸侯及秦，圍鄭，秦大夫不詢于我寡君，擅及鄭盟，諸侯疾之，將致命于秦，文公恐懼，綏靜諸侯，秦師克還無害，則是我有大造于西也，無祿，文公即世，穆為不弔，蔑死我君，寡我襄公，迭我殽地，奸絕我好，伐我保城，殄滅我費滑，散離我兄弟，撓亂我同盟，傾覆我國家，我襄公未忘君之舊勳，而懼社稷之隕，是以有殽之師，猶願赦罪于穆公，穆公弗聽，而即楚謀我，天誘其衷，成王隕命，穆公是以不克逞志於我，穆襄即世，康靈即位，康公我之自出，又欲闕翦我公室，傾覆我社稷，帥我蝥賊，以來蕩搖我邊疆，我是以有令狐之役，康猶不悛，入我河曲，伐我涑川，俘我王官，翦我羈馬，我是以有河曲之戰，東道之不通，則是康公絕我好也，及君之嗣也，我君景公，引領西望曰，庶撫我乎，君亦不惠稱盟，利吾有狄難，入我河縣，焚我箕郜，芟夷我農功，虔劉我邊陲，我是以有輔氏之聚，君亦悔禍之延，而欲徼福于先君獻，穆，使伯車來命我景公，曰，吾與女同好棄惡，復修舊德，以追念前勳，言誓未就，景公即世，我寡君是以有令狐之會，君又不祥，背棄盟誓，白狄及君同州，君之仇讐，而我之昏姻也，君來賜命，曰，吾與女伐狄，寡君不敢顧昏姻，畏君之威，而受命于吏，君有二心於狄，曰，晉將伐女，狄應且憎，是用告我，楚人惡君之二三其德也，亦來告我曰，秦背令狐之盟，而來求盟于我，昭告昊天上帝，秦三公，楚三王，曰，余雖與晉出入，余唯利是視，不穀惡其無成德，是用宣之，以懲不壹，諸侯備聞此言，斯是用痛心疾首，暱就寡人，寡人帥以聽命，唯好是求，君若惠顧諸侯，矜哀寡人，而賜之盟，則寡人之願也，其承寕諸侯以退，豈敢徼亂，君若不施大惠，寡人不佞，其不能諸侯退矣，敢盡布之執事，俾執事實圖利之。秦桓公，既與晉厲公，為令狐之盟，而又召狄與楚，欲道以伐晉，諸侯是以睦於晉，晉欒書將中軍，荀庚佐之，士爕將上軍，郤錡佐之，韓厥將下軍，荀罃佐之，趙旃將新軍，郤至佐之，郤毅御戎，欒鍼為右。孟獻子曰，晉帥乘和，師必有大功。五月，丁亥，晉師以諸侯之師，及秦師戰于麻隧，秦師敗績，獲秦成差，及不更女父。曹宣公卒于師，師遂濟涇，及侯麗而還，迓晉侯于新楚，成肅公卒于瑕。

六月，丁卯，夜，鄭公子班自訾求入於大宮，不能，殺子印，子羽，反軍于市。己巳，子駟帥國人盟于大宮，遂從而盡焚之，殺子如，子駹，孫叔，孫知。

曹人使公子負芻守，使公子欣時，逆曹伯之喪。秋，負芻殺其大子，而自立也，諸侯乃請討之，晉人以其役之勞，請俟他年。冬，葬曹宣公，既葬，子臧將亡，國人皆將從之，成公乃懼，告罪，且請焉，乃反而致其邑。

XIV. 十有四年

1. 十有四年，春，王正月，莒子朱卒。

2. 夏，衛孫林父自晉歸于衛。

3. 秋，叔孫僑如如齊逆女。

4. 鄭公子喜帥師伐許。

5. 九月，僑如以夫人婦姜氏至自齊。

6. 冬，十月，庚寅，衛侯臧卒。

7. 秦伯卒。

左傳曰，十四年，春，衛侯如晉，晉侯強見孫林父焉，定公不可。夏，衛侯既歸，晉侯使郤犨送孫林父而見之。衛侯欲辭，定姜曰，不可，是先君宗卿之嗣也，大國又以為請，不許，將亡，雖惡之，不猶愈於亡乎，君其忍之，安民而宥宗卿，不亦可乎。衛侯見而復之。衛侯饗苦成叔，甯惠子相，苦成叔傲，甯子曰，苦成家其亡乎，古之為享食也，以觀威儀，省禍福也，故詩曰，兕觥其觩，旨酒思柔，彼交匪傲，萬福來求，今夫子傲，取禍之道也。

秋，宣伯如齊逆女。稱族，尊君命也。

八月，鄭子罕伐許，敗焉。戊戌，鄭伯復伐許，庚子，入其郛，許人平以叔申之封。

九月，僑如以夫人婦姜氏至自齊。舍族，尊夫人也，故君子曰，春秋之稱，微而顯，志而晦，婉而成章，盡而不汙，懲惡而勸善，非聖人，誰能脩之。

衛侯有疾，使孔成子，甯惠子，立敬姒之子衎，以為大子。冬，十月，衛定公卒，夫人姜氏既哭而息，見大子之不哀也，不內酌飲，歎曰，是夫也，將不唯衛國之敗，其必始于未亡人，烏呼，天禍衛國也，夫吾不獲鱄也，使主社稷。大夫聞之，無不聳懼。孫文子自是不敢舍其重器于衛，盡寘諸戚，而甚善晉大夫。

XV. 十有五年

1. 十有五年，春，王二月，葬衛定公。

2. 三月，乙巳，仲嬰齊卒。

3. 癸丑，公會晉侯，衛侯，鄭伯，曹伯，宋世子成，齊國佐，邾人，同盟于戚。

4. 晉侯執曹伯，歸于京師。

5. 公至自會。

6. 夏，六月，宋公固卒。

7. 楚子伐鄭。

8. 秋，八月，庚辰，葬宋共公。

9. 宋華元出奔晉，宋華元自晉歸于宋，宋殺其大夫山，宋魚石出奔楚。

10. 冬，十有一月，叔孫僑如會晉士爕，齊高無咎，宋華元，衛孫林父，鄭公子鰌，邾人，會吳于鍾離。

11. 許遷于葉。

左傳曰，十五年，春，會于戚。討曹成公也。執而歸諸京師，書曰晉侯執曹伯。不及其民也。凡君不道于其民，諸侯討而執之，則曰，某人執某侯，不然則否。諸侯將見子臧於王而立之。子臧辭曰，前志有之曰，聖達節，次守節，下失節，為君，非吾節也，雖不能聖，敢失守乎。遂逃奔宋。

夏，六月，宋共公卒。

楚將北師。子囊曰，新與晉盟而背之，無乃不可乎。子反曰，敵利則進，何盟之有。申叔時老矣，在申，聞之曰，子反必不免，信以守禮，禮以庇身，信禮之亡，欲免，得乎。楚子侵鄭，及暴隧，遂侵衛，及首止。鄭子罕侵楚，取新石，欒武子欲報楚，韓獻子曰，無庸，使重其罪，民將叛之，無民孰戰。

秋，八月，葬宋共公。於是華元為右師，魚石為左師，蕩澤為司馬，華喜為司徒，公孫師為司城，向為人為大司寇，鱗朱為少司寇，向帶為大宰，魚府為少宰。蕩澤弱公室，殺公子肥。華元曰，我為右師，君臣之訓，師所司也，今公室卑，而不能正，吾罪大矣，不能治官，敢賴寵乎。乃出奔晉。二華，戴族也，司城，莊族也，六官者，皆桓族也。魚石將止華元，魚府曰，右師反，必討，是無桓氏也。魚石曰，右師苟獲反，雖許之討，必不敢，且多大功，國人與之，不反，懼桓氏之無祀于宋也，右師討，猶有戌在，桓氏雖亡，必偏。魚石自止華元於河上，請討，許之，乃反，使華喜，公孫師，帥國人攻蕩氏，殺子山。書曰，宋殺大夫山，言背其族也。魚石，向為人，鱗朱，向帶，魚府，出舍於雎上，華元使止之，不可。冬，十月，華元自止之，不可，乃反。魚府曰，今不從，不得入矣，右師視速而言疾，有異志焉，若不我納，今將馳矣。登丘而望之，則馳聘而從之，則決睢澨，閉門登陴矣。左師，二司寇，二宰，遂出奔楚。華元使向戌為左師，老佐為司馬，樂裔為司寇，以靖國人。

晉三郤害伯宗，譖而殺之，及欒弗忌，伯州犂奔楚。韓獻子曰，郤氏其不免乎，善人，天地之紀也，而驟絕之，不亡何待。初，伯宗每朝，其妻必戒之曰，盜憎主人，民惡其上，子好直言，必及於難。

十一月，會吳于鍾離。始通吳也。

許靈公畏偪于鄭，請遷于楚。辛丑，楚公子申遷許于葉。

XVI. 十有六年

1. 十有六年，春，王正月，雨，木冰。

2. 夏，四月，辛未，滕子卒。

3. 鄭公子喜帥師侵宋。

4. 六月，丙寅，朔，日有食之。

5. 晉侯，使欒黶來乞師。

6. 甲午，晦，晉侯，及楚子，鄭伯，戰于鄢陵，楚子，鄭師，敗績。

7. 楚殺其大夫公子側。

8. 秋，公會晉侯，齊侯，衛侯，宋華元，邾人，于沙隨，不見公。

9. 公至自會。

10. 公會尹子，晉侯，齊國佐，邾人，伐鄭。

11. 曹伯歸自京師。

12. 九月，晉人執季孫行父，舍之于苕丘。

13. 冬，十月，乙亥，叔孫僑如出奔齊。

14. 十有二月，乙丑，季孫行父，及晉郤犨，盟于扈。

15. 公至自會。

16. 乙酉，刺公子偃。

左傳曰，十六年，春，楚子自武城，使公子成，以汝陰之田，求成于鄭，鄭叛晉，子駟從楚子盟于武城。

夏，四月，滕文公卒。

鄭子罕伐宋，宋將鉏，樂懼，敗諸汋陂，退舍於夫渠，不儆，鄭人覆之，敗諸汋陵，獲將鉏，樂懼。宋恃勝也。

衛侯伐鄭，至于鳴鴈，為晉故也。

晉侯將伐鄭，范文子曰，若逞吾願，諸侯皆叛，晉可以逞，若唯鄭叛，晉國之憂，可立俟也。欒武子曰，不可以當吾世而失諸侯，必伐鄭。乃興師，欒書將中軍，士爕佐之，郤錡將上軍，荀偃佐之，韓厥將下軍，郤至佐新軍，荀罃居守。郤犨如衛，遂如齊，皆乞師焉。欒黶來乞師，孟獻子曰，有勝矣。

戊寅，晉師起，鄭人聞有晉師，使告於楚，姚句耳與往。楚子救鄭，司馬將中軍，令尹將左，右尹子辛將右。過申，子反入見申叔時，曰，師其何如。對曰，德，刑，詳，義，禮，信，戰之器也，德以施惠，刑以正邪，詳以事神，義以建利，禮以順時，信以守物，民生厚而德正，用利而事節，時順而物成，上下和睦，周旋不逆，求無不具，各知其極，故詩曰，立我烝民，莫匪爾極，是以神降之福，時無災害，民生敦厖，和同以聽，莫不盡力，以從上命，致死以補其闕，此戰之所由克也，今楚內棄其民，而外絕其好，瀆齊盟，而食話言，奸時以動，而疲民以逞，民不知信，進退罪也，人恤所底，其誰致死，子其勉之，吾不復見子矣。姚句耳先歸，子駟問焉，對曰，其行速，過險而不整，速則失志，不整喪列，志失列喪，將何以戰，楚懼不可用也。五月，晉師濟河，聞楚師將至，范文子欲反，曰，我偽逃楚，可以紓憂，夫合諸侯，非吾所能也，以遺能者，我若羣臣輯睦，以事君多矣。武子曰，不可。六月，晉楚遇於鄢陵，范文子不欲戰。郤至曰，韓之戰，惠公不振旅，箕之役，先軫不反命，邲之師，荀伯不復從，皆晉之恥也，子亦見先君之事矣，今我辟楚，又益恥也。文子曰，吾先君之亟戰也，有故，秦，狄，齊，楚，皆彊，不盡力，子孫將弱，今三彊服矣，敵楚而已，唯聖人能外內無患，自非聖人，外寕必有內憂，盍釋楚以為外懼乎。甲午，晦，楚晨壓晉軍而陳，軍吏患之，范匄趨進曰，塞井夷竈，陳於軍中而疏行首，晉楚唯天所授，何患焉。文子執戈逐之，曰，國之存亡，天也，童子

楚師還，及瑕，王使謂子反曰，先大夫之覆師徒者，君不在，子無以為過，不穀之罪也。子反再拜稽首曰，君賜臣死，死且不朽，臣之卒實奔，臣之罪也，子重復謂子反曰，初隕師徒者，而亦聞之矣，盍圖之。對曰，雖微先大夫有之，大夫命側，側敢不義，側亡君師，敢忘其死。王使止之，弗及而卒。

戰之日，齊國佐，高無咎，至於師，衛侯出於衛，公出於壞隤，宣伯通於穆姜，欲去季，孟，而取其室，將行，穆姜送公，而使逐二子，公以晉難告，曰，請反而聽命。姜怒，公子偃，公子鉏，趨過，指之曰，女不可，是皆君也。公待於壞隤，申宮儆備，設守而後行。是以後，使孟獻子守於公宮。秋，會于沙隨，謀伐鄭也。宣伯使告郤犨曰，魯侯待於壞隤，以待勝者，郤犨將新軍，且為公族大夫，以主東諸侯，取貨於宣伯，而訴公於晉侯，晉侯不見公。

曹人請於晉曰，自我先君宣公即位，國人曰，若之何，憂猶未弭，而又討我寡君，以亡曹國社稷之鎮公子，是大泯曹也，先君無乃有罪乎，若有罪，則君列諸會矣，君唯不遺德刑，以伯諸侯，豈獨遺諸敝邑，敢私布之。

七月，公會尹武公，及諸侯，伐鄭，將行，姜又命公如初，公又申守而行，諸侯之師，次於鄭西，我師次於督揚，不敢過鄭。子叔聲伯使叔孫豹請逆於晉師，為食於鄭郊，師逆以至，聲伯四日不食以待之，食使者，而後食。諸侯遷于制田，知武子佐下軍，以諸侯之師侵陳，至於鳴鹿，遂侵蔡，未反，諸侯遷於潁上。戊午，鄭子罕宵軍之，宋，齊，衛，皆失軍。

曹人復請於晉，晉侯謂子臧反，吾歸而君，子臧反，曹伯歸，子臧盡致其邑與卿，而不出。

宣伯使告郤犨曰，魯之有季，孟，猶晉之有欒，范也，政令於是乎成，今其謀曰，晉政多門，不可從也，寕事齊楚，有亡而已，蔑從晉矣，若欲得志於魯，請止行父而殺之，我斃蔑也，而事晉，蔑有貳矣，魯不貳，小國必睦，不然，歸必叛矣。九月，晉人執季文子于苕丘。公還，待於鄆，使子叔聲伯請季孫於晉，郤犨曰，苟去仲孫蔑，而止季孫行父，吾與子國，親於公室。對曰，僑如之情，子必聞之矣，若去蔑與行父，是大棄魯國，而罪寡君也，若猶不棄，而惠徼周公之福，使寡君得事晉君，則夫二人者，魯國社稷之臣也，若朝亡之，魯必夕亡，以魯之密邇仇讐，亡而為讐，治之何及。郤犨曰，吾為子請邑。對曰，嬰齊，魯之常隸也，敢介大國，以求厚焉，承寡君之命，以請，若得所請，吾子之賜多矣，又何求。范文子謂欒武子曰，季孫於魯，相二君矣，妾不衣帛，馬不食粟，可不謂忠乎，信讒慝而棄忠良，若諸侯何，子叔嬰齊，奉君命無私，謀國家不貳，圖其身，不忘其君，若虛其請，是棄善人也，子其圖之。乃許魯平，赦季孫。

冬，十月，出叔孫僑如而盟之，僑如奔齊。

十二月，季孫及郤犨盟于扈，歸，刺公子偃，召叔孫豹於齊，而立之。

齊聲孟子通僑如，使立於高國之間，僑如曰，不可以再罪，奔衛，亦間於卿。

晉侯使郤至獻楚捷於周，與單襄公語，驟稱其伐。單子語諸大夫曰，溫季其亡乎，位於七人之下，而求掩其上，怨之所聚，亂之本也，多怨而階亂，何以在位，夏書曰，怨豈在明，不見是圖，將慎其細也，今而明之，其可乎。

XVII. 十有七年

1.十有七年，春，衛北宮括帥師，侵鄭。

2. 夏，公會尹子，單子，晉侯，齊侯，宋公，衛侯，曹伯，邾人，伐鄭。

3. 六月，乙酉，同盟于柯陵。

4. 秋，公至自會。

5. 齊高無咎出奔莒。

6. 九月，辛丑，用郊。

7. 晉侯，使荀罃來乞師。

8. 冬，公會單子，晉侯，宋公，衛侯，曹伯，齊人，邾人，伐鄭。

9. 十有一月，公至自伐鄭。

10. 壬申，公孫嬰卒于貍脤。

11.十有二月，丁巳，朔，日有食之。

12. 邾子貜且卒。

13. 晉殺其大夫，郤錡，郤犨，郤至。

14. 楚人滅舒庸。

左傳曰，十七年，春，王正月，鄭子駟侵晉虛滑。衛北宮括救晉，侵鄭，至於高氏。

夏，五月，鄭大子髡頑，侯獳，為質於楚，楚公子成，公子寅，戍鄭。公會尹武公，單襄公，及諸侯伐鄭，自戲童至於曲洧。

晉范文子反自鄢陵，使其祝宗祈，死，曰，君驕侈而克敵，是天益其疾也，難將作矣，愛我者唯祝我，使我速死，無及於難，范氏之福也。六月，戊辰，士爕卒。

乙酉，同盟于柯陵，尋戚之盟也。

楚子重救鄭，師于首止。諸侯還。

齊慶克通於聲孟子，與婦人蒙衣乘輦，而入于閎。鮑牽見之，以告國武子，武子召慶克而謂之，慶克久不出，而告夫人曰，國子謫我。夫人怒。國子相靈公以會，高，鮑，處守，及還，將至，閉門而索客。孟子訴之曰，高，鮑，將不納君，而立公子角，國子知之。秋，七月，壬寅，刖鮑牽，而逐高無咎，無咎奔莒，高弱以盧叛。齊人來召鮑國而立之。初，鮑國去鮑氏而來，為施孝叔臣，施氏卜宰，匡句，須吉。施氏之宰，有百室之邑，與匡句須邑，使為宰。以讓鮑國，而致邑焉。施孝叔曰，子實吉。對曰，能與忠良，吉孰大焉。鮑國相施氏忠，故齊人取以為鮑氏後。仲尼曰，鮑莊子之知不如葵，葵猶能衛其足。

冬，諸侯伐鄭。十月，庚午，圍鄭。

楚公子申救鄭，師于汝上。十一月，諸侯還。

初，聲伯夢涉洹，或與己瓊瑰，食之，泣而為瓊瑰，盈其懷。從而歌之曰，濟洹之水，贈我以瓊瑰，歸乎歸乎，瓊瑰盈吾懷乎。懼，不敢占也。還自鄭，壬申，至於貍脤，而占之曰，余恐死，故不敢占也，今衆繁，而從余三年矣，無傷也。言之，之莫而卒。

齊侯使崔杼為大夫，使慶克佐之，帥師圍盧。國佐從諸侯圍鄭，以難請而歸，遂如盧師，殺慶克，以穀叛，齊侯與之盟於徐關而復之。十二月，盧降，使國勝告難於晉，待命於清。

晉厲公侈，多外嬖，反自鄢陵，欲盡去羣大夫而立其左右胥童以胥克之廢也，怨郤氏，而嬖於厲公，郤錡奪夷陽五田，五亦嬖於厲公。郤犨與長魚矯爭田，執而梏之，與其父母妻子同一轅，既，矯亦嬖於厲公。欒書怨郤至，以其不從己而敗楚師也，欲廢之，使楚公子茷告公曰，此戰也，郤至實召寡君，以東師之未至也，與軍帥之不具也，曰此必敗，吾因奉孫周以事君。公告欒書，書曰，其有焉，不然，豈其死之不恤，而受敵使乎，君盍嘗使諸周而察之。郤至聘於周，欒書使孫周見之，公使覘之信，遂怨郤至。厲公田，與婦人先殺而飲酒，後使大夫殺。郤至奉豕，寺人孟張奪之，郤至，射而殺之。公曰，季子欺余。厲公將作難，胥童曰，必先三郤，族大多怨，去大族，不偪，敵多怨，有庸。公曰，然。郤氏聞之，郤錡欲攻公，曰雖死，君必危。郤至曰，人所以立，信，知，勇也，信不叛君，知不害民，勇不作亂，失茲三者，其誰與我，死而多怨，將安用之，君實有臣而殺之，其謂君何，我之有罪，吾死後矣，若殺不辜，將失其民，欲安，得乎，待命而已，受君之祿，是以聚黨，有黨而爭命，罪孰大焉。壬午，胥童，夷羊五，帥甲八百，將攻郤氏，長魚矯請無用衆，公使清沸魋助之，抽戈結衽，而偽訟者，三郤將謀於榭，矯以戈殺駒伯，苦成叔，於其位。溫季曰，逃威也。遂趨，矯及諸其車，以戈殺之，皆尸諸朝，胥童以甲劫欒書，中行偃，於朝，矯曰，不殺二子，憂必及君。公曰，一朝而尸三卿，余不忍益也。對曰，人將忍君，臣聞亂在外為姦，在內為軌，御姦以德，御軌以刑，不施而殺，不可謂德，臣偪而不討，不可謂刑，德刑不立，姦軌並至，臣請行。遂出奔狄。公使辭於二子，曰，寡人有討於郤氏，郤氏既伏其辜矣，大夫無辱，其復職位。皆再拜稽首，曰，君討有罪，而免臣於死，君之惠也，二臣雖死，敢忘君德。乃皆歸。公使胥童為卿。公遊於匠麗氏，欒書，中行偃，遂執公焉。召士匄，士匄辭。召韓厥，韓厥辭，曰，昔吾畜於趙氏，孟姬之讒，吾能違兵，古人有言曰，殺老牛，莫之敢尸，而况君乎，二三子不能事君，焉用厥也。

舒庸人以楚師之敗也，道吳人圍巢伐駕，圍釐虺，遂恃吳而不設備，楚公子橐師，襲舒庸，滅之。

閏月，乙卯，晦，欒書，中行偃，殺胥童，民不與郤氏，胥童道君為亂，故皆書曰，晉殺其大夫。

XVIII. 十有八年

1. 十有八年，春，王正月，晉殺其大夫胥童。

2. 庚申，晉弒其君州蒲。

3. 齊殺其大夫國佐。

4. 公如晉。

5. 夏，楚子，鄭伯，伐宋，宋魚石，復入于彭城。

6. 公至自晉。

7. 晉侯使士匄來聘。

8. 秋，杞伯來朝。

9. 八月，邾子來朝。

10. 築鹿囿。

11. 己丑，公薨于路寢。

12. 冬，楚人，鄭人，侵宋。

13. 晉侯使士魴來乞師。

14. 十有二月，仲孫蔑會晉侯，宋公，衛侯，邾子，齊崔杼，同盟于虛朾。

15. 丁未，葬我君成公。

左傳曰，十八年，春，王正月，庚申，晉欒書，中行偃，使程滑弒厲公，葬之於翼東門之外，以車一乘。使荀罃，士魴，逆周子於京師而立之。生十四年矣，大夫逆於清原，周子曰，孤始願不及此，雖及此，豈非天乎，抑人之求君，使出命也，立而不從，將安用君，二三子，用我今日，否亦今日，共而從君，神之所福也。對曰，羣臣之願也，敢不唯命是聽，庚午，盟而入，館於伯子同氏。辛巳，朝于武宮，逐不臣者七人。周子有兄而無慧，不能辨菽麥，故不可立。

齊為慶氏之難故，甲申，晦，齊侯使士華免，以戈殺國佐於內宮之朝，師逃於夫人之宮。書曰，齊殺其大夫國佐，棄命專殺，以穀叛故也。使清人殺國勝。國弱來奔，王湫奔萊，慶封為大夫，慶佐為司寇，既，齊侯反國弱，使嗣國氏，禮也。

二月，乙酉，朔，晉侯悼公即位於朝，始命百官，施舍，已責，逮鰥寡，振廢滯，匡乏困，救災患，禁淫慝，薄賦斂，宥罪戾，節器用，時用民，欲無犯時。使魏相，士魴，魏頡，趙武，為卿，荀家，荀會，欒黶，韓無忌，為公族大夫，使訓卿之子弟，共儉孝弟。使士渥濁為大傅，使修范武子之法，右行辛為司空，使修士蒍之法。弁糾御戎，校正屬焉，使訓諸御知義，荀賓為右，司士屬焉，使訓勇力之士時使。卿無共御，立軍尉以攝之。祁奚為中軍尉，羊舌職佐之。魏絳為司馬，張老為候奄，鐸遏寇為上軍尉，籍偃為之司馬，使訓卒乘，親以聽命，程鄭為乘馬御，六騶屬焉，使訓羣騶知禮。凡六官之長，皆民譽也，舉不失職，官不易方，爵不踰德，師不陵正，旅不偪師，民無謗言，所以復霸也。

公如晉。朝嗣君也。

夏，六月，鄭伯侵宋，及曹門外，遂會楚子伐宋，取朝郟。楚子辛，鄭皇辰，侵城郜，取幽丘，同伐彭城，納宋魚石，向為人，鱗朱，向帶，魚府焉。以三百乘戍之而還。書曰復入，凡去其國，國逆而立之，曰入，復其位曰復歸，諸侯納之曰歸，以惡曰復入。宋人患之，西鉏吾曰，何也，若楚人與吾同惡，以德於我，吾固事之也，不敢貳矣，大國無厭，鄙我猶憾，不然，而收吾憎，使贊其政，以閒吾釁，亦吾患也，今將崇諸侯之姦，而披其地，以塞夷庚，逞姦而攜服，毒諸侯而懼吳，晉，吾庸多矣，非吾憂也，且事晉何為，晉必恤之。

公至自晉，晉范宣子來聘，且拜朝也。君子謂晉於是乎有禮。秋，杞桓公來朝，勞公，且問晉故。公以晉君語之，杞伯於是驟朝於晉，而請為昏。

七月，宋老佐，華喜，圍彭城，老佐卒焉。

八月，邾宣公來朝。即位而來見也。

築鹿囿。書不時也。

己丑，公薨于路寢。言道也。

冬十一月，楚子重救彭城，伐宋，宋華元如晉告急，韓獻子為政，曰，欲求得人，必先勤之，成霸安疆，自宋始矣。晉侯師於台谷，以救宋，遇楚師於靡角之谷，楚師還。

晉士魴來乞師，季文子問師數於臧武仲，對曰，伐鄭之役，知伯實來，下軍之佐也，今彘季亦佐下軍，如伐鄭，可也。事大國，無失班爵，而加敬焉，禮也。從之。

十二月，孟獻子會于虛朾，謀救宋也。人辭諸侯，而請師以圍彭城，孟獻子請於諸侯，而先歸會葬。

丁未，葬我君成公。書順也。

BOOK VIII. DUKE CHENG.

I. First year.

1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.

2. In the second month, on Xinyou, we buried our ruler, duke Xuan.

3. There was no ice.

4. In the third month, the Qiu and buff-coat ordinance was made.

5. In summer, Zangsun Xu and the marquis of Jin made a covenant in Chiji.

6. In autumn, the king's army was disgracefully defeated by the Maoujung.

7. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

Title of the Book.—成公,'Duke Cheng.' He was marquis of Lu for 18 years, from B. C. 589—72. His name was Heigong (黑肱). He was the son of duke Xuan by his wife, a daughter of the House of Qi, and known as Mu Jiang (穆姜). We have the account of Xuan's marriage with her in the 1st year of the last Book, and Heigong was, therefore, probably about 17 years old at his father's death. The posthumous title Cheng denotes 'Tranquillizer of the people, and Establisher of government 安民立政曰成

His first year synchronized with the 17th of king Ding (定王); the 10th of Jing (景) of Jin; the 9th of Qing (頃) of Qi; the 10th of Mu (穆) of Wey; the 2d of Jing (景) of Cai; the 15th of Xiang (襄) of Zheng; the 5th of Xuan (宣) of Cao; the 9th of Cheng (成) of Chen; the 47th of Huan of Qi; the 21st of Wen of Song; the 15th of Huan (桓) of Qin; and the 1st of Shen, king Gong (共王審), of Chu.

Par. 1. See on VI.i.l.

Par. 2. This interment seems to have been regular;—five months after the duke's death.

Par. 3. The 2d month of the Zhou year was the 12th month of Xia's,—the last month of the natural winter. The season must have been one of unusual warmth, which is the reason why we have the record.

[The Zhuan appends here:——'In the spring, the marquis of Jin sent Jia of Xia [See the Zhuan introduced at VI. xiii. 1] to make peace between the Rong and the king; and duke Xiang of Shan went to Jin to express [the king's] acknowledgment of the service. Duke Kang of Liu, however, wished to take advantage of the Rongs' being thrown off their guard and to attack them. Shufu said to him, "You will be violating the covenant, and doing despite to the great State;—you are sure to be defeated. To violate a covenant is inauspicious; to do despite to the great State is unrighteous. Neither Spirits nor men will help you in such a course; and how can you expect to conquer?" The duke did not listen to the warning, but proceeded to invade the Maorong; and in the 3d month, on Guiwei, he received a great defeat from the Xuwu tribe.']

Par. 4. Zuoshi says that this ordinance was made because of the [impending] difficulties with Qi; but of the nature of the ordinance he says nothing. Duke Xuan, in his 17th year, had attended the conference of Duandao, a principal object of which was the punishment of Qi, and had gone on to cultivate more than Lu had done for long the friendship of Jin. Qi, it was understood, contemplated an invasion of Lu, and Lu passed the ordinance in the text to increase its means of defence. So far the critics are agreed; but even Mao acknowledges that the nature of the ordinance has not been satisfactorily ascertained.

Qiu (丘 or 邱) is a territorial designation. Nine families occupied a jing (井; see on Mencius, III. Pt. I. iii. 13); 4 jing made a yi (邑); 4 yi made a qiu; and 4 qiu made a dian (甸). A dian contained 8 square li. The addition of a li on each side made a cheng (成). 甲. may be taken in the sense of 'a buff-coat or coat of mail' 'a soldier clad in a buff-coat;' 'a company of soldiers.'

Gong and Gu both take in the first of these senses; and think that the ordinance required the people in the qiu all to make buff-coats,—how many is not stated. But as Liu Chang observes, if this were the meaning, the text should be 丘作甲 and not 作丘甲.

Du Yu says:——'A qiu or 16 jing contributed 1 war-horse and 3 oxen; a dian or 64 jing contributed 1 war-chariot, 4 war-horses, 12 oxen, 3 mailed soldiers, and 72 footmen. The present ordinance levied the contribution of a dian from a qiu.' We cannot suppose that the ordinance in the text was so extreme and oppressive.

Hu An'guo, going on a conversation between Taizong of the Tang dynasty and his minister Li Jing (李靖), thought that whereas a qiu had formerly contributed 18 footmen, which formed 1 jia, the number was now increased to 25, the 4 qiu or the whole dian thus sending into the field 100 men along with its chariot. This view has been very generally followed; but recently, Wan Sida (萬斯大), of the period Kangxi, suggested the view that the ordinance had respect simply to the mailed soldiers of the chariot contributed by a dian, increasing their number from three,—the charioteer, the archer on the left, and the spearman or lancer on the right—to four, and leaving the number of the footmen unchanged. Sometimes there were 4 men, however, in the chariot as we learn from the Zhuan on the defeat of the Di at Xian, in the 11th year of duke Wen; and this he thinks was made the rule at this time in prospect of hostilities with Qi. See the 學春秋隨筆 in the 皇清經解, 卷五十七.

Par. 5. Zangsun Xu,—see the Zhuan on VII. xviii. 8. Chiji was in Jin; but its situation has not been more particularly determined. Zuoshi says:——'[Lu] had heard that Qi was about to come forth with an army of Chu, and in summer made this covenant with Jin.' Zhao Pengfei supposes, what is very likely, that the confederation against Qi, of which we have the issue in par. 3 of next year, was now agreed upon.

Par. 6. The Maorong (Gong and Gu have 貿戎) had their site in the southeast of the pres. dis. of Pinglu (平陸), Jiezhou, Shanxi. The defeat here sustained by the king's troops is that mentioned in the Zhuan after par. 3. Du Yu says it is recorded now, because it was only now, in the autumn, that it was announced to Lu.

Par. 7. [The Zhuan relates here:——'In winter. Zang Xuanshu [Zangsun Xu] gave orders that the military levies should be made, the walls all well repaired, and the instruments of defence provided, saying, "Qi and Chu are in bonds of friendship, and we have lately made a covenant with Jin. Jin and Chu are striving for the presidency of covenants. The army of Qi is sure to come [against us]; and though the people of Jin invade Qi, Chu will go to its relief:—thus both Chu and Qi will together attack us. When we see our difficulties and make preparation for them, they may be resolved." ']

II. Second year.

1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the marquis of Qi invaded our northern border.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingxu, Sun Liangfu of Wey led a force, and fought with the army of Qi at Xinzhu, when the army of Wey received a severe defeat.

3. In the sixth month, on Guiyou, Jisun Hangfu, Zangsun Xu, Shusun Qiaoru, and Gongsun Yingqi, led a force, and joined Xi Ke of Jin, Sun Liangfu of Wey, and the Gongzi Shou of Cao, [after which] they fought with the marquis of Qi at An, when the army of Qi received a severe defeat.

4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Qi sent Guo Zuo to the army [of the allies], which made a covenant with him on Jiyou at Yuanlou.

5. In the eighth month, on Renwu, Bao, duke of Song, died.

6. On Gengyin, Su, marquis of Wey, died.

7. We took the lands of Wenyang.

8. In winter, an army of Chu and an army of Zheng made an incursion into Wey.

9. In the eleventh month, the duke had a meeting with the Gongzi Yingqi of Chu in Shu.

10. On Bingshen, the duke made a covenant in Shu with an officer of Chu, an officer of Qin, an officer of Song, an officer of Chen, an officer of Wey, an officer of Zheng, an officer of Qi, an officer of Cao, an officer of Zhu, an officer of Xue, and an officer of Zeng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In the course of this invasion, the marquis of Qi laid siege to Long, when his favourite, Lupu Jiukui was made prisoner in attacking one of the gates. The marquis said, "Do not put him to death, and I will make a covenant with you, and not enter your borders." The people of Long did not listen to the request, but put their prisoner to death, and dismembered him on the top of the wall. The marquis beat the drum himself, while his soldiers strove to mount the wall; and in three days Long was taken. He then made an incursion southwards as far as Chaoqiu.' Du observes that he cannot account for the silence of the text about this capture of Long, and the subsequent incursion to Chaoqiu.

Par. 2. Xinzhu was in Wey,—20 li south of the pres. district city of Wei (魏縣), dep. Daming, Zhili. The 及 in the text has made some critics think that the battle was in consequence of an invasion of Qi by Wey, while its being fought in Wey looks as if it were in consequence of an invasion of that State by Qi. The Kangxi editors, observe that Sun Liangfu was indeed marching to invade Qi, when the army of that State, flushed with its successes in Lu, met him before he had left his own State, and defeated him. As he had given occasion, by his advance towards Qi, however, to the action, the 及 is used.

The Zhuan says:—-'The marquis of Wey sent Sun Liangfu, Shi Ji, Ning Xiang, and Xiang Qin, to lead an incursion into Qi, when they met with the army of that State. Shizi wished to retreat; but Sunzi said, "No. Here we are with an army invading Qi. If we retreat on meeting with its army, what shall be said of our ruler? If we knew that we could not [cope with it], we had better not have come forth. Since we have met it, our best plan is to fight." In summer, **** **** Shi Chengzi [Shi Ji; 成 was his posthumous title] said, "The army is defeated. If you do not wait a little [for reinforcements], I am afraid it will be entirely destroyed. If you lose all your men, what report will you have to give [to our ruler]" The other commanders could make no reply, and he continued, [addressing the general], "You are the chief minister of the State. Should we lose you, it will be a disgrace to it. Do you retire with the great body of the troops, while I remain here [to cover your retreat]." **** ***** By-and-by the approach of a great number of chariots was announced, and the army of Qi stayed its advance, halting at Juju.

'It was Zhongshu Yuxi, commandant of Xinzhu, who thus came to the relief of Sun Huanzi, and secured his escape. In consequence, the people of Wey would have rewarded Yuxi with a city, but he refused it, and asked that he might be allowed to have his suspended instruments of music disposed incompletely [like those of the prince of a State], and to appear at court with the saddle-girth and bridle-trappings of a prince;—which was granted to him.

'When Zhongni [Confucius] heard of this, he said, "Alas! it would have been better to give him many cities. It is only peculiar articles of use, and names, which cannot be granted to other [than those to whom they belong];—to them a ruler has particularly to attend. It is by [the right use of] names that he secures the confidence [of the people]; it is by that confidence that he preserves the articles [distinctive of ranks]; it is in those articles that the ceremonial distinctions of rank are hid; those ceremonial distinctions are essential to the practice of righteousness; it is righteousness which contributes to the advantage [of the State]; and it is that advantage which secures the quiet of the people Attention to these things is the condition of [good] government. If they be conceded where they ought not to be conceded, it is giving away the government to the recipients. When the government thus perishes, the State will follow it;—it is not possible to arrest that issue.'"

Par. 3. Du says that An was in Qi, and Guliang says that it was 500 li from the capital of that State. But so great a distance is irreconcileable with the account which we have in the Zhuan of the immediate advance of the victors after the battle to Yingqiu. An was probably the same place known previously by the name of Leihhea (歷下),—in the pres. dep. of Ji'nan. For 公子首 Gongyang has 公子手.

The Zhuan says:——'Sun Huanzi returned to Xinzhu; but instead of entering it, he went on immediately to Jin to beg the assistance of an army. [At the same time], Zang Xuanshu [Zangsun Xu] had gone to Jin for a similar purpose; and they both lodged with Xi Xianzi [Xi Ke; see the Zhuan on VII. xvi. 5], to whom the marquis granted [an army of] 700 chariots [for an expedition against Qi]. Xizi said, "This was the amount of the force at Chengpu [See the 28th year of duke Xi], where it triumphed through the wisdom of our duke and the cautious valour of his great officers, whose servant I am not fit to be." He then requested a force of 800 chariots, which was granted him. He himself commanded the army of the centre. Shi Xie [Fan Wenzi; see the 2d Zhuan appended to VII. xvii. 5], as assistant, had the command of the 1st army, and Luan Shu commanded the 3d; Han Jue [Han Xianzi; see account of the battle of Bi in the Zhuan on VII. xii. 3] being marshal of the host. And thus they proceeded to the relief of Lu and Wey. Zang Xuanshu met the army and guided its march, while Ji Wenzi [Jisun Hangfu] joined it with the forces [of Lu].

'When the army came to the territory of Wey, Han Xianzi being about to behead a man, Xi Xianzi hurried in his chariot to save the culprit; but before he arrived, the punishment was inflicted. Immediately he sent [the man's head] all round the host, saying to his charioteer, "I will thus share the reproach of the deed." The army followed that of Qi to Xin, and in the 6th month, on Renshen, it arrived at the foot of [mount] Miji. There the marquis of Qi sent a challenge to fight, saying [to Xi Ke], "You have condescended to come to my poor State with the army of your ruler; I will see you tomorrow morning with our poor levies." The other replied, "Jin is the brother of Lu and Wey. They came and told our ruler that your great State was venting its indignation, morning and evening, on their poor countries. He could not bear [to hear of their sufferings], and sent us, his ministers, to intercede for them with your great State, charging us that we should not remain with our host long in your territory. We can advance, but we cannot retreat. You need not trouble yourself to send [any further] message." The marquis said, "What they grant us is what I desire. If they had not granted it, I should have seen them all the same."

'Gao Gu of Qi entered the army of Jin, and with a stone struck down a man. He then took him, and, [leaving his own chariot], mounted that of the prisoner, tied a mulberry tree to it, and so exhibited himself round the entrenchments of Qi, crying out, "If any one wants valour, I will sell him what I have left to spare."

'On Guiyou, both the armies were drawn up in array at An. The charioteer of the marquis of Qi was Bing Xia, with Feng Choufu as spearman on the right. Xie Zhang was charioteer to Xi Ke, with Zheng Qiuhuan as spearman on the right. The marquis said, "Let me exterminate those, and then I will take my breakfast." With this he galloped forward, without having his horses covered with mail. Xi Ke was wounded by an arrow, till the blood ran down to his shoes, but he never let the sound of the drum cease. [At last], he said, "I am in pain." Zhanghou [Xie Zhang. 侯 was his designation] said, "At the first encounter one arrow pierced my hand, and another my wrist. But I broke them and continued my driving, till the left wheel is of a deep purple, not daring to speak of the pain. Do you, Sir, bear yours." Huan said, "From the first encounter, whenever we have come to difficult ground, I have got down and pushed the chariot along. You, Sir, have not known it because of your distress." Zhanghou said, "The eyes and ears of the army are on our flag and drum. It will advance or retire as our chariot does. While there is one man left to direct this chariot, we may achieve success. Why should you for your pain cause the failure of our ruler's great enterprize? When one dons his armour and takes his weapons, it is to go in the way of death; you are not in pain to death;—strive to combat with it." With this, he held the reins with his left hand, and with the right took the drumstick, and beat the drum. The trained horses urged on, unable to stop, followed by the army. The army of Qi received a great defeat; [and the marquis] was pursued thrice all round [the hill of] Huafuzhu.

'Han Jue had dreamt, [the night before], that Ziyu, [his father], said to him, "Avoid both the left and the right [of the chariot]." In consequence of this, he drove in the middle place, and pursued the marquis of Qi. Bing Xia said, "Shoot the driver; he is a superior man." The marquis said, "Since you call him a superior man, it would be contrary to rule to shoot him." He shot therefore the man on the left, who fell down below the chariot, and then the man on the right, who died in it. [Just then], Qiwu Zhang, who had lost his own chariot, came up to Han Jue, and asked that he would take him into his. He agreed to do so, but with his elbow moved him away first from the left and then from the right, and made him stand behind himself. [Soon after], he bent forward and adjusted the body of the spearman who had been on the right, [which gave an opportunity to] Feng Choufu and the marquis to change places. When the fugitives had nearly reached the spring of Hua, one of the outside horses was caught by a tree, and stopped. Choufu, [some time before], had been lying in a sleeping carriage, when a snake made its appearance beneath him, which he struck with his elbow. It bit him, and though he had concealed the wound, he was now unable to push the carriage on, and the pursuers came up. Han Jue went with a rope in his hand before the marquis's horses, bowed twice with his head to the ground, and then presented to him a cup, with a bi in it, saying, "My ruler sent us to intercede with you on behalf of Lu and Wey, charging us not to allow our army to enter deep into your lordship's territory. Unfortunately, I found myself thrown among the soldiers, and could not avoid my present position. I was afraid, moreover, that if I fled away so as to escape from it, I should disgrace both my own ruler and your lordship. And being now in the position of a soldier, I venture to tell you of my want of ability, and to undertake the office [of your charioteer], so supplying your present need." Choufu then made the marquis descend from the chariot, and go to the spring of Hua to fetch some water, when he was received into an attendant chariot by Zheng Zhoufu, Yuan Fei being the spearman on the right, and made his escape. Han Jue presented Choufu [as the marquis] to Xi Xianzi, who, [on discovering the fraud], was about to put him to death. The prisoner cried out, "Henceforth no one will take upon himself in his room the danger to which his ruler is exposed. One such person there is here; and will you put him to death?" Xizi said, "This man did not shrink from the risk of death to secure the escape of his ruler;—if I execute him, it will be inauspicious. I will forgive him as an encouragement to those who wish to serve their ruler." Accordingly, he spared his life, and in the meantime, the marquis, after his escape, thrice entered [the army of Jin], and thrice issued from it, looking for Choufu. Every time he hurried on at the head of his soldiers to stimulate those who wished to retire, and then he entered among the Di men, who presented their spears and their shields, covering him till he passed through them into the army of Wey, which allowed him to make his escape.

'The army then went through the pass of Xu, the marquis charging the commandants [of the cities] whom he saw to exert themselves to the utmost, as the army was defeated. [Some one] urged a woman to get out of the way, but she said, "Has the marquis escaped?" Being told he had, she said, "Has the commander of the vanguard escaped?" Being told again that he also had escaped, she said. "Since the marquis and my father have escaped, it does not matter so much;" and ran away. The marquis considered that she was a woman of propriety; and finding on inquiry that she was the wife of the superintendent of entrenchments, he gave him the city of Shiliu.

'The army of Jin pursued that of Qi, entering the country by [the city of] Qiuyu, and going on to attack Majing. The marquis sent Bin Meiren [Guo Zuo; but why he is thus designated here has not been fully explained] to offer [the invaders] the steamer and the musical stone of jade [which Qi had taken] from Ji, and the territory [of Wey and Lu, which it had taken]; and if this would not satisfy them, to ascertain what they wanted. Bin Meiren offered these bribes; but the general of Jin refused [to grant peace for them], and required that Qi should deliver up the daughter of Tongshu of Xiao as a hostage, and make the divisions of the fields in all the State run from east to west. The messenger replied, "The daughter of Tongshu of Xiao is no other than the mother of our ruler. Our States are of equal rank, and she is not inferior to the mother of the ruler of Jin. If you, in giving out your great commands to the States, say to them, 'You must pledge the mothers [of your rulers] with us as the proof of your good faith,' what will be the character of such a course in relation to the commands of the [former] kings? And moreover, it is to command men not to be filial. The ode (Shi, III. ii. ode II. 5) says:—

'For such filial piety unceasing, There will for ever be conferred blessing on you.' If you command the other princes to be unfilial, will you not be causing the fellows of your ruler to do what is not virtuous?

'The former kings, in laying out the boundaries and divisions of the land, examined the character of the ground so that the greatest benefit might be derived from it. Hence the ode (Shi, II. vi. ode VI. 1) says:—

'We have laid out the boundaries and smaller divisions, The south-lying and east-lying acres.' But now when you would lay out the fields of the other States, and say, 'Their divisions must all run only from east to west,' such an arrangement would be of advantage only to your war-chariots. There is no regard in it to the character of the ground;—is not this to disown the commands [and example] of the former kings?

'To go against the former kings is to be unrighteous;—how can [the State which does so] be lord of covenants? Jin is here in error. The kindly rule of the four [great] kings was seen in their establishment of virtue, and in their sympathy with and furtherance of the common wishes of all the people. The presidency of the five leaders of the States was signalized by their laborious cherishing of the States, and leading them to obey the commands of the kings. But now you seek to unite all the States for the gratification of your own limitless desires. The ode (Shi, IV. iii. ode IV. 4) says,

'Mildly he spread the rules of his government abroad, And all dignities became concentrated in him.' You indeed have not that mildness, and you throw away [from Jin] those dignities; but what harm can the [other] States receive from that?

'If you do not accede [to our request for peace], my ruler commissioned me to deliver this further message:—With the armies of your ruler you came to our poor State, and with our poor levies we gave largess to your followers. Through the terror inspired by your ruler, our troops were defeated and dispersed. If you, Sir, will kindly extend your favour to the fortunes of the State of Qi, and not destroy our altars, but allow the old friendship between your State and ours to be continued, then we shall not grudge giving up the precious things of our former rulers and the lands [which they had taken]. If you will not grant us this, then we will collect the fragments of our forces, and ask for another battle before the walls of our capital. Should we have the good fortune (to win it), we will still obey your orders. Should we not have that fortune, we shall much more not dare but listen to your commands."

Lu and Wey strongly urged [Xi Ke], saying, "Qi is angry with us. Those who have died in battle are the marquis's relatives and favourites. If you do not grant [his request for peace], his enmity to us will be extreme. And what can you be seeking for? You have got the most precious things of his State. We have also got our territory, and are relieved from our difficulties. Your glory is great, and between Qi and Jin, victory is the gift of Heaven; Jin cannot be sure of it." On this, the general of Jin agreed to grant peace, replying [to Bin Meiren], "We brought our chariots here, to make intercession for Lu and Wey. That we are now furnished with an answer which we can carry back to our ruler, is from the kindness of your ruler. We dare do nothing but listen to your commands." Qin Zheng then proceeded from the army to Lu to meet the duke."

Par. 4. Of Yuanlou (Guliang has 爰婁, and says it was 50 li from the capital of Qi), the site is not exactly determined. Zhang Qia says it was in the west of the pres. dis. of Linzi, dept. Qingzhou. Others find it in the dis. of Zichuan (淄⼮), dep. Ji'nan. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th month the army of Jin approached the capital of Qi. Guo Zuo made a covenant at Yuanlou, by which the people of Jin were required to return to us the lands of Wenyang.'

[The Zhuan adds here:——'The duke [of Lu] met the army of Jin at Shangming, and to each of its three commanders (Xi Ke, Shi Xie, and Luan Shu) he gave a carriage of leather, with the robes of a minister of three degrees. The marshal of the host, the superintendent of entrenchments, the master of the chariots, the master of the scouts, and the other great officers inferior to them, all received the robes of an officer of one degree.']

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month duke Wen of Song died. He was the first [duke of Song] to whom they gave an extravagant interment, using mortar made of [burnt] frogs [for the walls of the grave], with more than the usual number of [earthen] carriages and [straw] horses. For the first time men (? images of men) were interred with the corpse. The number of articles prepared for such an occasion was augmented. The outer coffin was made with 4 pillars, and the inner one was ornamented above and on the sides. The superior man will say:——"Hua Yuan and Yue Ju did not act on this occasion as ministers ought to do. It is the part of ministers to control the restless movements and remove the errors of their ruler, striving to do so even at the risk of their lives. These two officers, while their ruler was alive, allowed him to take the way of error; and when he was dead, they acted as if they were increasing his extravagance. They abandoned their ruler to wickedness, having nothing about them of the proper character of ministers."

Par. 6. The marquis of Wey must have died either during, or immediately after, his return from Qi. Gongyang gives his name * instead of 速. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, duke Mu of Wey died. The three generals of Jin, on their way from the campaign [in Qi], went [to the capital of Wey] to offer their condolences, and wept outside the great gate [of the palace]. The officers of Wey met them there, and the women wept inside the gate. The same rule was observed when the generals were escorted away;—and this became the regular method of condolence when there was to be an interment [in Wey].'

[The Zhuan appends here two long narratives:—1st, 'When Chu punished the Head of the Xia family in Chen [See VII. xi. 5, and read the Zhuan there and on ix. 13, x. 8] king Zhuang wanted to take [his mother], Xia Ji, to his harem; but Wuchen, duke of Shen, said to him, 'Do not do so. You called out the States to punish a criminal. If you now take Xia Ji to your harem, it will be through desire of her beauty. Such desire is lewdness, and lewdness is a great crime. One of the Books of Zhou [Shu, V. ix. 2] says, 'He illustrated virtue and carefully abstained from wickedness;'—it was thus that King Wen made Zhou [what it became]. 'He illustrated his virtue;'—that is, he did his utmost to exalt it. 'He carefully abstained from wickedness;'—that is, he did his utmost to put it away. If, having roused the States to this expedition, you go on to commit a great wickedness, that is not careful abstinence from it. Let your lordship well consider the matter." The king on this desisted from his purpose.

'Zifan then wished to take her; but Wuchen said to him, "She is a woman of evil omen. She brought [her brother] Ziman, to an early death; proved the death of [her husband] Yushu; occasioned the murder of the marquis Ling, the execution of [her son] Xia Nan, the expulsion of Kong and Yi, and the ruin of the State of Chen. What more inauspicious a woman could there be? Man's life is encompassed with difficulties;—is there any one who cannot [naturally] find death? There are many beautiful women in the world;—why must you have this one?" Zifan on this [likewise] gave up his purpose.

The king then gave her to the Lianyin, Xiang Lao, who died at the battle of Bi [In the 12th year of duke Xuan], though his body had not been found. His son Heiyao then had a connection with her; but Wuchen sent a message to her, saying, "Return [to Zheng], and I will make you regularly my wife." He further brought it about that they should send from Zheng to call her there, on the ground that the body [of her husband, Xiang Lao] could be found, and that she must come and meet it. [Xia] Ji informed the king of this message, who asked Qu Wu [Wuchen] about it. Wuchen replied, 'The thing is true. The father of Zhi Ying [A prisoner in Chu, since the battle of Bi] was a favourite with duke Cheng [of Jin], and is the youngest brother of Zhonghang Bo [Xun Linfu]. He has recently been made assistant-commander of the army of the centre, and is very friendly with Huang Xu of Zheng. He is much attached to this son, and is sure, through Zheng, to offer to restore our king's son [A prisoner, since the same battle, in Jin] and the body of Xiang Lao in exchange for him. The people of Zheng are afraid [of Jin] in consequence of the battle of Bi, and anxious to conciliate its favour, so that they will agree to the wishes of Zhi Ying's father." [On hearing this], the king sent Xia Ji back to Zheng, and as she was about to commence the journey, she said to those who were escorting her, "If I do not get the body [of my husband], I will not return here." [Thus she went to Zheng, and by and by], Wuchen made proposals of marriage with her to the earl of Zheng, who accepted them.

'After the accession of king Gong [in Chu] when he was arranging for the expedition to Yangqiao [In the winter of this year], he sent Qu Wu to go on a friendly mission to Qi, and to inform the marquis of the time of taking the field. Wuchen took all his family along with him, and was met by Shen Shugui, who was going to Ying in the suite of his father. Shugui said to him, 'How strange! You have the anxiety of all the armies of the State on your mind, and yet you are as bright as if proceeding to an encounter among the mulberry trees. You ought to be stealing a marriage with some lady!" When Wuchen got to Zheng, he sent his assistant in the mission back to Chu with the presents [he had received for Qi], and proceeded to go elsewhere with Xia Ji. He had been minded to fly to Qi, but as its army had sustained the recent defeat, he said, "I will not live in a State which is not victorious," and fled to Jin, where, by means of Xi Zhi, he obtained an appointment, and was made commandant of Xing. Zifan requested [the king of Chu to present large offerings [to Jin], and get him dismissed from its service; but the king said, "He has gone in the way in which he had planned for himself; but in the plans which he laid for my father he was loyal. Loyalty secures the stability of the altars, and may cover a multitude of offences. If he prove of advantage to it, moreover, would Jin listen to our request, though it were made with large offerings? If he do not prove of service, Jin will cast him off, without our having the trouble of seeking his dismissal.'"

2d. 'When the army returned to Jin, Fan Wenzi [Shi Xie; see the Zhuan on p. 3] was the last [of the generals] to enter the capital. Wuzi, [his father], said to him, "Have you not made me wait for you?" He replied, "The army has done good service, and the people are meeting it with joy. If I had entered first, I should have attracted to myself their eyes and ears, and received the fame which belongs to the commander-in-chief. On this account I did not dare [to enter sooner]." Wuzi said, "I know by this that he will keep out of danger."

'Xi Bo had an interview with the duke, who said to him, "The victory was due to you." He replied, "It was due to your lordship's instructions, and to the efforts of all your officers. No peculiar merit belonged to me." Fan Shu [Fan Wenzi] had an interview, and the duke complimented him in the same way, when he replied, "I got my appointment through [Xun] Geng [the commander of the 1st army. Shi Xie's was only a temporary appointment], and the dispositions were made by Ke. No peculiar merit belonged to me." When Luan Bo had an interview, the duke addressed him also in the same way, but he said, 'It was Xie who instructed me, and the soldiers obeyed their orders. No peculiar merit belonged to me.']

Par. 7. See on V. xxxi. 1. Jin had insisted on Qi's surrendering this territory to Lu; and Lu would seem to have now taken decisive measures to secure it.

Parr. 8,9,10. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Xuan had sent to ask the friendship [and aid] of Chu [See the Zhuan after VII. xviii. 3 and 5], but in consequence of his death and that of king Zhuang, Lu and Chu had not become allied. When duke Cheng succeeded to the State, he accepted a covenant with Jin, and joined that State in the invasion of Qi. [At the same time], the people of Wey had neglected to send any mission to Chu, and had also accepted a covenant with Jin, and followed it against Qi. Zichong, the chief minister of Chu, therefore, made the expedition of Yangqiao for the relief of Qi. When he was about to raise the army for the service, he said, "Our ruler is young, and we are not equal to the great officers of a former day. We shall require a large force in order to succeed. The ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 3) says,

'Numerous was the array of officers, And by them king Wen enjoyed repose.' If even king Wen employed a large force, much more must we do so! Moreover, our late ruler, duke Zhuang, gave an order saying, "When our virtue is not sufficient to reach to distant regions, our best plan is to show kindness and compassion to our own people, and use them well.'

'On this, he instituted a grand census from house to house, remitted taxes, was kind to the old and widowed, gave help to the needy, and pardoned offenders. He then raised all the forces of the State. The king's own troops also went. Peng Ming drove the king's chariot, having duke Jing of Cai on the left, and duke Ling of Xu on the right. These two princes were both young, and they were capped, notwithstanding, for the occasion.

'In winter the army of Chu made an incursion into Wey, and then into our territory, where it encamped at Shu. The duke wished to send Zangsun [Xuanshu] to it, but he declined, saying, "[The army of] Chu has come far, and been long on the way. It is sure to withdraw, and I do not dare to receive the fame of effecting such a service." Chu then advanced to Yangqiao, and Mengsun [Meng Xianzi, called also Zhongsun Mie] begged leave to go and bribe it [to retreat]. He took with him 100 mechanics, 100 female embroiderers, and as many weavers, with [the duke's son] Gongheng, as a hostage, and with them requested a covenant, when Chu agreed to make peace.

'In the 11th month, the duke, with king [Mu's] son, Yingqi of Chu, the marquis of Cai, the baron of Xu, Yue, great officer of the right, of Qin, Hua Yuan, of Song, Gongsun Ning of Chen, Sun Liangfu of Wey, the Gongzi Quji of Zheng, and a great officer, of Qi, made a covenant at Shu.'

Zuoshi adds:——'The names of the ministers of the different States are not given in the text, because this was an imperfect covenant. It may be called so, because they were at this time afraid of Jin, and made the covenant with Chu by stealth. The marquis of Cai and the baron of Xu are not mentioned, because they had occupied the carriage of [the viscount of] Chu, and might be said to have lost their rank. The superior man will say, "His rank is what a man must be careful of! When once the rulers of Cai and Xu had failed to assert their rank, they were not numbered with the princes of the States;—how much greater would be the consequence to men of inferior station! What the ode (Shi, III. ii. ode V. 4) says,

'Not being idle in their stations, They secure the repose of the people,' may be applied to a case like this." '

Shu was a place belonging to Lu,—in the west of the dis. of Tai'an, dep. of the same name. The Kangxi editors observe that the 公子 in p. 9 before 嬰齊 is the first time that any scion of the House of Chu is thus designated; that the precedence given to Chu and Qin in p. 10 shows the power of those States; and that Zuoshi is right in the reason which he assigns for the absence of Cai and Xu in the enumeration.

[The Zhuan gives here the two following narratives:—1st, 'When the army of Chu reached Song [on its return], Gongheng [See above in the last Zhuan] stole away from it, back to Lu. Zang Xuanshu said "Hengfu, in thus shrinking from the discomfort of a few years, has had no regard to the welfare of the State of Lu. How shall the State deal with the case? Who will sustain the consequences? Hereafter, the people will have to suffer them. The State has been abandoned." During this expedition, Jin avoided Chu through fear of the multitude of its army. The superior man will say, "Numbers cannot be dispensed with. Great officers, having the authority in their hands, could overcome by numbers;—how much more must an intelligent ruler who uses his numbers well do so! What 'The great Declaration' (Shu, III. i. Pt. ii. 6) says, about Shang's having millions of people, divided in heart and Zhou's having ten men united, illustrates the value of numbers (?)"']

2d. 'The marquis of Jin sent Gongshuo [Shi Zhuangbo 士莊伯 to Zhou with the prisoners and spoils of Qi, but the king would not see him, and made duke Xiang of Shan decline [the offerings], saying, "When any of the wild tribes, south, east, west or north, do not obey the king's commands, and by their dissoluteness and drunkenness are violating all the duties of society, the king gives command to attack them. Then when the spoils taken from them are presented, the king receives them in person, and rewards their punishers;—thus curbing the disrespectful, and encouraging the meritorious. When States, ruled by princes of the same surname with the royal House, or by princes of other surnames, are doing despite to the king's rules, he gives command to attack them. Then an announcement is made of the service performed, but no trophies of it are presented:—[the king] in this way showing his respect for his relatives and friends, and preventing rude license [in the punishment]. Now my uncle [of Jin], having obtained a victory over Qi, yet has not sent any of his ministers commissioned by me to guard and comfort the royal House. The messenger whom he has sent to comfort me, the One man, is this Kungpih, whose office gives him no introduction to the royal House, which is contrary to the rules of the former kings. Though I wish to receive Gongbo, yet I do not dare to disgrace my uncle by setting at naught the old statutes. And Qi is a State ruled by princes of another surname, descendants of the grand-tutor [of king Wen]. Granting that its ruler rudely indulged his own desires so as to excite the anger of my uncle, would it not have been sufficient to remonstrate with him, and instruct him?"

'To this speech Shi Zhuangbo could make no reply, and the king entrusted the entertaining of him to his three [principal] ministers. They treated him with the ceremonies due to the great officer of a president of the States, announcing his ruler's conquest of his enemies,—a degree lower than the ceremonies proper to a high minister. The king also gave him an entertainment, and presented him privately with gifts, making the director of the ceremonies say to him, "This is contrary to rule. Do not make a record of it.'"]

III. Third year.

1. In his third year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and the earl of Cao, in invading Zheng.

2. On Xinhai there was the burial of duke Mu of Wey.

3. In the second month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.

4. On Jiazi the new temple took fire, when we wailed for it three days.

5. On Yihai there was the burial of duke Wen of Song.

6. In Summer, the duke went to Jin.

7. Quji, duke [Mu's] son, of Zheng led an army, and invaded Xu.

8. The duke arrived from Jin.

9. In autumn, Shusun Qiaoru led an army, and laid siege to Ji.

10. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.

11. Xi Ke of Jin, and Sun Liangfu of Wey, invaded the Qianggaoru.

12. In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Jin sent Xun Geng to Lu on a friendly mission; and the marquis of Wey sent Sun Liangfu on the same.

13. On Bingwu we made a covenant with Xun Geng, and on Dingwei we made one with Sun Liangfu.

14. Zheng invaded Xu.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. This par. shows how the weaker States oscillated between the two great ones of Jin and Chu, making covenants with them, and immediately after breaking them, according as the pressure came from them. Lu, Song, Wey, and Cao had all been parties with Zheng to the covenant at Shu, in which the presidency of Chu was acknowledged, only two months before this; yet here they are, at the summons of Jin, banded together with it, and invading Zheng. The Zhuan says:—-In the 3d year, in spring, the States [mentioned] invaded Zheng, when their armies halted at Boniu; the object being to avenge the battle of Bi [? Sufficient reasons for the attack of Zheng may be found without going back so far as that battle]. A detachment then proceeded eastwards into the country, which was met by duke [Mu's] son, Yan, who defeated it at Qiuyu, having previously placed an ambuscade at Man in the eastern borders. Huang Xu proceeded to Chu with the trophies of this victory.'

As the last earl of Cao and the marquis of Wey were both unburied, their successors should not be mentioned here by their titles, but simply as 衛子 and 曹子, according to the analogy of 宋子 in V. ix. 2. Why this 'violation of rule,' as Du calls it, is committed here, we cannot tell. The failure of the enterprise is also kept back.

Par. 2. Gongyang has 繆 for 穆. The interment took place a month behind the proper time. The delay was probably occasioned by the expedition against Zheng.

Par. 4. By 新宮, 'the new temple,' we are to understand the temple or shrine-house of duke Xuan. So Gongyang says expressly— 宣公之宮, and Guliang has, to the same effect,—禰宮. The three years of mourning for him had been completed, and his Spirit-tablet had been solemnly and regularly inducted into the shrine-house proper to it [See on IV. ii. 2], when thus, shortly after, it took fire. It was according to rule for duke Cheng and his ministers to wail 3 days on such an occurrence.

Par. 5. The extravagant interment given to duke Wen is described on p. 5 of last year. Perhaps it was in the same spirit that the funeral was delayed, as if he had been emperor, till the 7th month after his death.

Par. 6. Zuoshi says that the duke now went to Jin to make his acknowledgments for the lands of Wenyang, which Jin had compelled Qi to restore to Lu.

Par. 7. Quji was the name of Ziliang (子良), a son of duke Mu of Zheng, who appears, very creditably to himself, in the Zhuan on VII.iv.3. Zuo says that he now invaded Xu, because that State, relying on the protection of Chu, would not serve Zheng. It will be remembered how the earl of Zheng extinguished, or nearly so, the State of Xu in the 11th year of duke Yin. The young prince of Xu recovered his patrimony in the 15th year of duke Huan; after which the text records sundry invasions of Xu by Zheng, till the 6th year of duke Xi, when Chu laid siege to its capital, and Zheng was obliged to cease from troubling Xu in deference to that stronger power. For some reason or other, Zheng now thought fit to revive its ancient claims.

Par. 8. [The Zhuan introduces here the following narrative, a sequel partly to the first introduced after par. 5 of last year:——'The people of Jin restored the Gongzi Guchen and the body of the Lianyin, Xiang Lao, asking that Zhi Ying might be sent to Jin in exchange for them. At this time Xun Shou, [Zhi Ying's father], was assistant-commander of [Jin's] army of the centre, and on that account Chu agreed to the exchange. When the king was sending Zhi Ying away, he said to him, "Do you feel resentment against me?" Ying replied, "Our two States were trying the appeal to battle, when I, through my want of ability, proved unequal to the duties of my position, became a prisoner, and, lost my left ear. That your servants did not take my blood to smear their drums with [See Mencius, I. Pt. I. vii.4], and that you now send me back to Jin to be punished there, is your kindness. I have to blame only my own want of ability; —against whom should I feel resentment?" "Then," continued the king, "do you feel grateful to me?" "Our two States," was the reply, "consulting for the [security of] their altars, and seeking to relieve the toils of their people, are curbing their anger, and exercising a mutual forgiveness. Each is giving up its prisoner, to establish the good understanding between them. The good of the two States is what is contemplated; there is no special reference to my [good]:—to whom should I presume to be grateful?" The king went on to ask, "When you return to Jin, how will you repay me?" Ying replied, "I have nothing for which to feel resentment, and your lordship has nothing for which to demand gratitude. Where there is no resentment and no gratitude, I do not know what is to be repaid." "Yes," urged the king, "but you must give me an answer." Ying then said, "If, through your lordship, I, your prisoner, get back with my bones, to Jin, should my ruler there order me to execution, in death I will remember your kindness. If by your kindness I escape that fate, and am delivered to [my father] Shou, who is not a minister of Chu, then should he request permission from our ruler, and execute me in our ancestral temple, I will still in death remember your kindness. If he should not obtain permission to inflict such a doom, but I be appointed to the office hereditary in my family; and should troubles then arise, and I be leading a troop to look after the borders of Jin, and meet with your officers, I will not presume to avoid them. I will do my utmost, even to death, and with an undivided heart discharge my duty as a servant [of Jin]:—it is thus I will repay you." The king said, "Jin is not to be contended with." He then treated Ying with exceeding courtesy, and sent him back to Jin.']

Par. 9. Zuo observes that when Lu took or received from Qi the lands of Wenyang, the city of Ji refused its submission, and in consequence Shusun Qiaoru now laid siege to it, and, we must suppose, took it. According to this, Ji was in the territory of Wenyang. It is referred to the pres. dis. of Feicheng, dep. Tai'an.

Par. 10. See on II. v. 7.

Par. 11. The tribe of Qianggaoru is mentioned in the last Chuen on V. xxiii., where we also learn that the surname of the chief was 槐. Gongyang gives the name with a 將 instead of 廧, and Guliang with a 牆. Zuoshi says that the reason for the expedition was that the Qianggaoru were a remnant of the Red Di. He adds, 'When it is said, "The Qianggaoru dispersed," we are to understand that the chief had lost his hold on the people.'

Par. 12, 13. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Jin sent Xun Geng to Lu on a friendly mission, and to renew the covenant [between Lu and Jin] [That made at Chiji, in Cheng's 1st year]. The marquis of Wey [also] sent Sun Liangfu on a similar mission, and to renew the covenant between Lu and Wey [That in the 7th year of duke Xuan]. The duke consulted Zang Xuanshu saying, "The station of Zhonghang Bo (Xun Geng) in Jin is that of a minister of the 3d degree, while Sunzi is in Wey its minister of the 1st degree. With which shall I covenant first?" Xuanshu replied, "A minister of the 1st degree in a second-rate State corresponds to one of the 2d degree in a great State; its 2d degree corresponds to the great State's 3d; and its 3d degree to the great State's great officers of the highest class. In a small State, the minister of the 1st degree corresponds to a great State's of the lowest; the 2d degree to the great State's highest class of great officers, and the 3d degree to the second class. These are the relations of high and low [as concerns ministers and great officers], fixed by ancient rule. Now Wey, as compared with Jin, cannot be regarded as a State of the 2d degree; and Jin is lord of covenants:—give the precedence to it." [Accordingly], on Bingwu a covenant was made with Jin, and on Dingwei, with Wey;—which was right.'

Par. 14. [We have here three narratives appended in the Zhuan:—1st. 'In the 12th month, on Jiaxu, Jin constituted six armies [See the Zhuan at the end of V. xxviii.]. Han Jue, Zhao Kuo, Gong Shuo, Han Chuan, Xun Zhui, and Zhao Zhan, were all made high ministers,—in reward for their services at An.' 2d. 'The marquis of Qi paid a court-visit to Jin. When he was about to deliver his symbol of jade, Xi Ke ran forward and said, "This visit is on account of the laughter of your lordship's women, and the disgrace thereby inflicted [on me] [See the Zhuan on VII.xvii.5]; our ruler dare not accept this ceremony." When the marquis of Jin was feasting him of Qi, the latter looked [stedfastly] at Han Jue, who said, "Does your lordship know me?" "Your clothes are different," was the reply [See the account of the battle of An, p.3 of last year]. Han Jue ascended the steps with a cup of spirits, and said, 'I did not presume not to risk my life, in order that your lordships might meet in this hall.'"

3d. 'When Xun Ying was [a prisoner] in Chu, a merchant of Zheng formed a plan to convey him out of it in a bag of clothes. The plan was not carried out; but when Chu had restored Ying, the merchant went to Jin, where Ying treated him as well as if he had really delivered him. The merchant said, "I did not do the service, and dare I receive this treatment as if I had done it? I am but a small man, and must not for my own advantage impose on a superior man." He then went to Qi.']

IV. Fourth year.

1. In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, the duke of Song sent Hua Yuan to Lu on a friendly mission.

2. In the third month, on Renshen, Jian, earl of Zheng, died.

3. The earl of Qi paid a courtvisit to Lu.

4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jiayin, Zangsun Xu died.

5. The duke went to Jin.

6. There was the burial of duke Xiang of Zheng.

7. In autumn, the duke arrived from Jin.

8. In winter, we walled Yun.

9. The earl of Zheng invaded Xu.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Before this time, in all the period of the Chunqiu, Song had sent no friendly mission of inquiry to Lu. It had sent no response even to the mission of the Gongzi Sui in Wen's 11th year. There was probably some reason for Hua Yuan's visit more than what Zuoshi assigns,—that it was to open communication with Lu on the part of the new duke of Song (通嗣君).

Par. 2. On Du Yu's scheme of the calendar, Renshen was the 28th day of the 2d month.

Par. 3. This earl of Qi was married to a daughter of Lu, of whose return to her native State, divorced, we read in the 1st par. of next year. Zuo says the visit he now paid to the court of Lu was in preparation for that event; —to explain, that is, the reasons which made it advisable. On the 伯, see on VI. xii. 2.

Par. 4. Xu had been an important officer of Lu. He was succeeded by his son, He (紇), known as Zangsun Wuzhong (武仲).

Parr. 5,7. The Zhuan says;—'When the marquis of Jin saw the duke, he did not behave to him with respect. Ji Wenzi [Jisun Hangfu] said, "The marquis of Jin is sure not to escape [a violent death]. The ode (Shi, IV.i. [iii.] III.) says,

'Let me be reverent, let me be reverent. Heaven's method is clear;—Its appointment is not easily preserved.' The appointment of the marquis of Jin depends on the States; ought he not to treat them with respect?" In autumn, when the duke came [back] from Jin, he wished to seek for a friendly understanding with Chu, and to revolt from Jin; but Ji Wenzi said to him, 'You should not do so. Though Jin has behaved unreasonably, we should not revolt from it. The State is large; its ministers are harmonious; and it is near to us. The [other] States receive its orders. We may not yet cherish disaffection to it. The work of the historiographer Yi says, 'If he be not of our kin, he is sure to have a different mind.' Although Chu be great, its ruler is not akin to us;—will he be willing to love us?" On this, the duke desisted from his purpose.'

Par. 6. There were troubles, probably, in Zheng, which occasioned this hasty interment of duke Xiang.

Par. 8. 鄆—Gongyang has 運. Du thinks that the duke walled Yun, as a precautionary measure against Jin, having it in mind to revolt from it. If this be a correct guess, then the Yun here must have been on the west of Lu, and a different place from the Yun in VI.xii. 8, which was fortified against any attempts of Ju from the east. But acc. to Du, on XI.x.4 there was a Yun in the district of Wenyang; and I agree with the Kangxi editors in approving the view of Dai Xi (戴溪; Song dyn., towards the end of the 12th cent.) that this was the city in the text, and that Lu now fortified it, simply to strengthen itself, without reference to Jin. The Zhuan on p. 7 says that the duke had desisted from his purpose to brave that power.

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 4th month, Gongsun Shen of Zheng led a force, and endeavoured to lay out the boundaries of the fields of Xu, [which Zheng had taken in its recent inroads]. The people of Xu defeated him at Zhanpi, when the earl of Zheng invaded that State [himself], and took the lands of Juren and Lingdun. Luan Shu of Jin, in command of the army of the centre, with Xun Shou, as assistant-commander, and Shi Xie, assistant-commander of the 1st army, in order to relieve Xu, made an invasion of Zheng, and took Fanzhai. Zifan of Chu then came to the relief of Zheng; and the earl of Zheng and the baron of Xu sued each other [before him], Huang Xu pleading the case of the earl. Zifan could not determine the matter in dispute, and said, "If you two princes will go before my ruler, then he and some of his ministers will hear together what you want to prove, and the merits of your case can be known. If you will not do so, then I (Zifan's name was 側) do not feel myself able to ascertain the merits of it." '

The critics dwell on the incongruousness of the earl of Zheng's being so styled, and of his engaging himself in the invasion of Xu, before the year in which his father died was expired.

[The Zhuan adds here:——'In winter, Zhao Ying [A younger, or the youngest, brother of Zhao Dun, the great minister of Jin in duke Wen's time] had an intrigue with Zhao Zhuangji (Zhuangji was the wife of Zhao Shuo, or Zhao Zhuangzi, the son of Zhao Dun).']

V. Fifth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the third daughter [of duke Wen, who had been married to the earl] of Qi, came back to Lu.

2. Zhongsun Mie went to Song.

3. In summer, Shusun Qiaoru had a meeting with Xun Shou of Jin in Gu.

4. [A part of] mount Liang fell down.

5. In autumn, there were great floods.

6. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jiyou, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.

7. In the twelfth month, on Jichou, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the earl of Cao, the viscount of Zhu, and the earl of Qi, when they made a covenant together in Chonglao.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. See on the 3d par. of last year. Comp. also VII.xvi.3. where we have a similar record concerning another daughter of Lu. The 叔姬 in the text could not be a daughter of duke Cheng who was now only about 21 years old. Nor is it likely she was a daughter of duke Xuan, for his eldest daughter's marriage appears 4 years after this. The remarks of Hu An'guo on this passage are, perhaps, worth translating:——'The Chunqiu is careful in recording the marriages and divorces of the daughters of Lu, because the relation of husband and wife is the greatest bond of society. When a son is born, the parents wish to get him a wife, and for a daughter they wish to get a husband. This is characteristic of all parents; and if they cannot select a proper wife and a proper husband, then the lot of husband and wife is bitter, and occasion is given to lewdness and evil. The royal laws attach great importance to this matter; it lies at the root of the human relations; and the Classic is careful in recording it, as a warning to future ages.'

[The Zhuan continues the brief narrative at the end of last year:——'This spring, [Ying's brothers], he of Yuan (Zhao Tong), and he of Ping (Zhao Kuo), banished him to Qi. He said to them, "While I am here, I can prevent the House of Luan from rising [against us]; if I be gone, you, my brothers, will have to be sorry [for your step]. Every body has what he can do, and what he cannot do. What harm will your letting me alone do?" His brothers would not listen to him.

'Ying dreamt that Heaven sent [a Spirit] to say to him, "Sacrifice to me, and I will bless you." He sent and asked Shi Zhenbo [Shi Wozhuo] about the dream, who said he did not know its meaning. Afterwards, however, he [Probably Zhenbo] told it to one of his followers, who said, "Spirits bless the virtuous, and send calamity on the lewd. When one guilty of lewdness escapes without punishment, he is blessed. Is his banishment to be a consequence of the sacrifice?" The day after he sacrificed [to that Spirit], he went into exile.']

Par. 3.'This visit to Song,' says Zuoshi, 'was the return for Hua Yuan's visit to Lu,' in the spring of last year. It will be remembered that Zhongsun Mie is often mentioned as Meng Xianzi.

Par. 4. Gu,—see III. vii. 4. It was in Qi. Zuoshi says that Xun Shou (Gong has 秀 instead of 首) had gone to Qi to meet the bride [Probably for his ruler], and therefore Xuanbo (Qiaoru) [met him at Gu] with a supply of provisions for his journey.'

Par. 5. Mount Liang was in Jin,—90 li to the northeast of the pres. dis. city of Hancheng, dep. Xi'an, Shaanxi;—see on the Shu, III.i. Pt.i.4. The Zhuan says:——'When a part of mount Liang fell, the marquis of Jin sent couriers to call Bozong to him. Bozong met a waggon, which he told to get out of the way to make room for his fast carriage. The waggoner said, "You will make more speed by taking a short road than by waiting for me." Bozong asked him what place he was of, and he replied, "Of Jiang." He then asked what was taking place there. "Mount Liang has fallen," said the man, "and [the marquis] is calling Bozong to consult about what is to be done." "And what do you think should be done?" pursued the officer. "When a mountain becomes disintegrated, it falls down; what can be done?" was the reply. "However, [each] State presides over [the sacrifices to] the hills and rivers in it; therefore when a mountain falls or a river becomes dry, the ruler in consequence does not have his table fully spread, does not appear in full dress, rides in a carriage without any ornament, hushes all his music, lodges outside the city, makes the priest prepare offerings, and the historiographer write a confession of his faults, and then does sacrifice [to the hills and rivers]. This is what the ruler has to do; what else can he do, even with the advice of Bozong?" Bozong wished to introduce the man at court, but he refused. However, he told what he had heard from him, and gave counsel accordingly.'

[The Zhuan gives here two narratives:—1st. 'Duke Ling of Xu accused the earl of Zheng in Chu [See the Zhuan on p. 9 of last year]; and in the 6th month, duke Dao of Zheng went to Chu to reply. He did not succeed, however, and the people of Chu seized and held Huang Xu, and [duke Mu's son], Ziguo. On this account, when the earl of Zheng returned, he sent the Gongzi Yan to ask for peace with Jin. In autumn, in the 8th month, the earl of Zheng and Zhao Kuo of Jin made a covenant at Chuiji.' 2d, 'Weigui, duke [Wen's] son, of Song, returned from being a hostage in Chu. Hua Yuan made a feast for him, when he asked [duke Gong] that he might leave his palace amid drums and clamour, and return to it in the same style, saying, "I will practise how to attack the Hua family." On this the duke of Song put him to death.']

Par. 6. This was king Ding (定王). Somehow this par. has got transposed in the Zhuan, and follows the next. No remark is made on it which is contrary to Zuoshi's practice, and has set Du Yu conjecturing that the par. is an interpolation.

Par. 7. Chonglao was in Zheng,— 3 li north from the present dis. city of Fengqiu (封丘), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says: —'In winter, the States [mentioned] made a covenant together at Chonglao;—on occasion of the submission [to Jin] of Zheng. They were consulting about another meeting, when the duke of Song made Xiang Weiren decline on his part, on account of the difficulties about Ziling [The Weigui in the 2d narrative after par. 5].'

On 同 see III.xvi.4. It here much perplexes the critics. The famous Cheng Yi interprets it of the parties thus meeting with one accord, neglectful of the duties incumbent on them upon the king's death!

VI. Sixth year.

1. In his sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from the meeting [at Chonglao].

2. In the second month, on Xinsi, we set up a temple to [duke] Wu.

3. We took Zhuan.

4. Sun Liangfu of Wey led a force, and made an incursion into Song.

5. In summer, in the sixth month, the viscount of Zhu came to Lu on a court-visit.

6. Gongsun Yingqi went to Jin.

7. On Renshe, Fei, earl of Zheng, died.

8. In autumn, Zhongsun Mie and Shusun Qiaoru led a force, and made an incursion into Song.

9. The Gongzi Yingqi of Chu led a force, and invaded Zheng.

10. In winter, Jisun Hangfu went to Jin.

11. Luan Shu of Jin led a force and relieved Zheng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. [The Zhuan introduces here:——'This spring, the earl of Zheng went to Jin to pay his acknowledgments for the peace [to which Jin had admitted him], Ziyou [The Gongzi Yan in the 1st Zhuan after p. 5 of last year] attending him. He delivered his mace of jade on the east of the eastern pillar [of the hall], on which Shi Zhenbo (Shi Wozhuo) said, "The death of the earl of Zheng cannot be far off." He quite forgets himself. His eyes roll about, he walks rapidly, and does not rest in his place. We may well conclude that he will not live long.']

Par. 2. Zuoshi appears to take 武宮 as meaning 'a palace of victory,' or 'a temple of war.' The Zhuan is:——'In the 2d month, Ji Wenzi, on account of the victory at An, set up a temple of War;—which was contrary to rule. [A State] dependent on others to save it in its distress cannot establish a character for prowess. The establishment of that must proceed from itself, and not from others.' Du compares this with the proposal, which the viscount of Chu rejected, after the battle of Bi, that he should rear a monument of his triumph. It is better, with most of the critics, to take 武 in the sense of 武公, 'duke Wu,' an earlier marquis of Lu, from 825 to 815, B. C., who had been distinguished for his military successes. They were flushed, no doubt, at this time, in Lu with the victory at An, and in the spirit of military enterprise, they resolved to add to the ancestral temple a shrine to this duke Wu, replacing in it his Spirit-tablet that had long been removed, thereafter to continue undisturbed. This temple or shrine-house became Lu's 武世室.

Par. 3. Zhuan was a small State, attached to Lu, referred by some to the northeast of the pres. dis. of Tancheng (郯城), dep. Yizhou (沂州). Lu now extinguished its sacrifices, and incorporated it with itself. Zuoshi thinks the brief record in the text intimates the ease with which the thing was accomplished.

Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In the 3d month, Bozong and Xiayang Yue of Jin, Sun Liangfu and Ning Xiang of Wey, an officer of Zheng, the Rong of Yi and Luo [See the Zhuan after V.xi.2], those of Luhun [See the Zhuan after V.xxii.2] and the Manshi, made an incursion into Song,—because [the duke] had declined to attend the meeting [proposed at Chonglao]. When their army was at Qian, the people of Wey were not maintaining any guard, and Yue wished to make a dash upon its capital], saying, "Although we may not be able to enter it, yet we shall bring back many prisoners, and our offence will not be deemed a mortal one." Bozong, however, said, "No. Wey is trusting Jin; and therefore, though our army is in the outskirts of the city, it has made no preparations against an attack. If we make a dash upon it, we abandon our good faith. Though we should take many prisoners, yet having lost our faith, how could Jin seek the leading of the States?" Yue then gave up his purpose. When the army returned, the people of Wey manned their parapets.'

Since the nature of the attack on Song was as here described in the Zhuan, it is not easy to understand why the text should simply attribute it to Wey. Nor can we account for the sudden purpose of Yue of Jin to attack Wey.

[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative about Jin:——'The people of Jin were consulting about leaving [their capital at] old Jiang; and the great officers all said, "We must occupy the site of the [former] Xunxia. The soil is rich and fruitful, and it is near the salt marsh. There is profit in it for the people, and enjoyment for the ruler. Such a site is not to be lost." [At this time] Han Xianzi [Han Jue] commanded the new army of the centre, and was also high chamberlain. The marquis bowed to him to follow him, which he did to the court before the State chamber; and as they stood there, the marquis asked his opinion on the subject. Xianzi replied, "At Xunxia the soil is thin and the water shallow. The evil airs about it are easily developed. This will make the people miserable. In their misery they will become feeble and distressed; and then we shall have swollen legs, and all the diseases generated by damp. The site there is not like that of Xintian, where the soil is good and the water deep. It may be occupied without fear of disease. There are the Fen and the Kuai to carry away the evil airs; and the people, moreover, are docile. It offers advantages for ten generations. Mountains, marshes, forests, and salt-grounds are indeed most precious to a State; but when the country is rich and fruitful, the people grow proud and lazy. Where a capital is near such precious places, the ruling House becomes poor;—such a site cannot be called enjoyable." The marquis was pleased, and followed the suggestion. In summer, in the 4th month, on Dingchou, Jin removed its capital to Xintian.']

Parr. 6, 8. Gongsun Yingqi was the son of Shuxi, whose death is mentioned in VII. xvii.8. He was the grandson (公孫) of duke Wen. He is known as Zishu Shengbo (子叔聲伯). The Zhuan says:——'Zishu Shengbo went to Jin, and got orders [for Lu] to invade Song. In autumn, Meng Xianzi and Shusun Xuanbo made an incursion into Song, according to the orders of Jin.'

Par. 7. Du observes that in this death of the earl of Zheng—duke Dao—we have the fulfilment of Shi Zhenbo's words in the Zhuan after par. 1.

Par. 9. Zuoshi says, 'Zichong of Chu invaded Zheng, because Zheng was [now] following the party of Jin.'

Par. 10. Zuo says the object of this visit was to congratulate Jin on the transference of its capital. Zhao Pengfei, however, thinks it was to tell Jin of the submission of Song, as in p. 5 of next year we find that State again confederate with Jin against Chu.

Par. 11. Gongyang has 侵 instead of 救; —evidently an error. The Zhuan says:——'Luan Shu of Jin [marched] to relieve Zheng, and at Raojiao, met with the army of Chu which retired from the State. The army of Jin then proceeded to make an incursion into Cai, to the relief of which came the Gongzis, Shen and Cheng, with the forces of Shen and Xi, which took up their position at Sangsui. Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo wished to risk a battle, and begged Wuzi [Luan Shu] to do so. He was about to accede to their request, when Zhi Zhuangzi [Xun Shou], Fan Wenzi [Shi Xie], and Han Xianzi [Han Jue] remonstrated, saying, "Do not. We came to relieve Zheng, and when the army of Chu moved away from us, we came on here. Thus we have transferred the scene of our attack; and if we go on to attack the army of Chu, shall enrage it, and be sure to lose any battle. Even should we conquer, it will not be well. We came out with all our hosts; and should we defeat the forces of two districts of Chu, what glory will there be in the achievement? But should we not be able to do so, the disgrace will be extreme. Our best plan is to return." Upon this, the army returned to Jin. At this time nearly all the leaders of the army wished to fight, and some one said to Luan Wuzi, "The sages found the way to success in the agreement of their wishes and those of the multitude. Why not [now] follow the multitude? You are commander-in-chief, and should decide according to the views of the people. Of your eleven assistant commanders there are only three who do not wish to fight; —those who wish to fight may be pronounced a great majority. One of the Books of the Shang shu (Shu, V.iv.24) says, 'When three men obtain and interpret the indications and symbols, two [consenting] are to be followed;'—the two being the majority." Wuzi said, "[To follow] the best is as good as to follow the multitude. The best are the lords of the multitude. Such are the three high ministers [who advise against fighting];—they may be called a majority. Am I not doing also what is proper in following them?"

VII. Seventh year.

1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the king's first month, some field mice ate the horns of the bull for the border sacrifice. It was changed, and another divined for; but the mice again ate its horns, on which the bull was let go.

2. Wu invaded Tan.

3. In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Cao came to Lu on a court-visit.

4. There was no border sacrifice, but still we offered the sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.

5. In autumn, the Gongzi Yingqi of Chu led a force and invaded Zheng. The duke joined the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscount of Ju, the viscount of Zhu, and the earl of Qi, in relieving Zheng; and in the 8th month, on Wuchen [these princes] made a covenant together in Maling.

6. The duke arrived from the [above] meeting.

7. Wu entered Zhoulai.

8. In winter, there was a great sacrifice for rain.

9. Sun Linfu of Wey fled from that State to Jin.

COMMENTARY

Parr. 1, 4. Coupling these two paragraphs together, as it would seem we ought to do, we must conclude that the border sacrifice referred to was not that at the winter solstice, but that in the spring, as in V.xxxi.3, and that the bulls whose horns were injured were those which were being fed for that somewhat distant ceremony. Many critics contend that the sacrifice was that of the solstice;—see the 春秋大, 事表，卷十五. But par. 4 is fatal to that view.

The xi 鼷 is described as the smallest of all mice. The wound of its bite is said to be poisonous, and I have heard the same affirmed in Scotland of the bite of the harvest mouse. At the same time, the pain may not be felt immediately, and hence it is called 'the mouse of the pleasant mouth (甘口鼠).' Liu Xiang and a host of critics dwell upon the event as a mysterious figuring of the state of things in Lu, where the ruling family was coming more and more into contempt, and mean men were usurping the power of the State. Zhao Pengfei speaks the views of others, saying that the thing was from Heaven thus intimating its dissatisfaction with Lu's usurpation of the border sacrifice. Some more sensibly see in the narrative only the record of a remarkable fact,—though we must believe that it was superstition which prompted the undue regard which was paid to such occurrences.

On 猶三望, see on V.xxxi.5. The offering of these sacrifices in the 5th month was an irregularity, which might be recorded and so animadverted on.

Par. 2. This is the first mention of Wu in the text, and in the Zhuan it is only once before mentioned,—on VII.viii.7. Its lords were viscounts, descended from Taibo, the celebrated, self-denying, son of king Tai, of whose virtue Confucius speaks in the Analects, VIII.i. The 1st capital of the State was called Meili (梅里), in the pres. dis. of Wuxi (無錫), dep. Changzhou (常州), Jiangsu. Afterwards, at a time subsequent to the present, the capital was removed to a place in the pres. dep. of Suzhou. It will be seen immediately that at this time the States of the north still regarded Wu as wild and uncivilized. The simple 吳 of the text is supposed to be expressive of contempt; but there is no real ground for such a view. Tan,—see VII.iv.1.

The Zhuan says:——'Wu invaded Tan, and Tan submitted to the terms of peace [which it imposed]. Ji Wenzi said, "The Middle States do not array their multitudes, and the wild tribes of the south and east enter and attack them, while there is none to pity the sufferers. [Tan] has no comforter.' It is of such a case that the ode (Shi, II.iv. ode VII.6) speaks,

'O unpitying great Heaven, There is no end to the disorders.' When the highest State offers no condolence, what one is not liable to similar injury? We shall perish, and that soon." The superior man will say, "That he knew to be thus apprehensive was a proof that he would not perish."

[The Zhuan here adds:——'Ziliang of Zheng attended duke Cheng of Zheng on a visit to Jin, that he might, [on his accession to the State], be introduced [to the marquis], and to give thanks for the army [of relief, of the past year.']

Par. 3. Zuoshi observes that this was duke Xuan.

Par. 5. Maling was in Wey,—50 li to the southeast of the pres. dept. city of Daming. The Zhuan says:——'This autumn, Zichong of Chu invaded Zheng, and encamped with his army at Fan, when the States came to relieve it. Gong Zhong, and Hou Yu of Zheng assaulted the army of Chu, and took prisoner Zhongyi, duke of Yun, whom they presented to Jin. 'In the 8th month, the [assembled] States made a covenant together at Maling, renewing the covenant at Chonglao [In the 5th year], and recognizing the submission of Ju [to Jin]. The people of Jin took Zhongyi back with them, and kept him a prisoner in the arsenal.'

Par. 7. Zhoulai was a city belonging to Chu,—30 li north of the pres. city of Shouzhou (壽州), dep. Fengyang, Anhui. Immediately on its appearance on the scene of the Chunqiu, Wu becomes the antagonist of Chu, and the balance of power among the States is sensibly affected. The Zhuan says:——'After the siege of [the capital of] Song by Chu [in the 14th year of duke Xuan], when the army returned, Zichong requested that he might receive certain lands of Shen and Lü as his reward, to which the king consented. Wuchen, duke of Shen, however, represented the impropriety of the grant, saying, "It is these lands which make Shen and Lü the States they are. From them they derive the levies with which they withstand the States of the North. Take them away, and there will be no Shen and Lü. Jin and Zheng are sure to come as far as the Han." On this the king gave up all thought of the partition, but the resentment of Zichong against Wuchen was excited.

'When Zifan wished to take Xia Ji to his harem, Wuchen interfered to prevent him, though he afterwards married her himself, and left Chu [See the Zhuan after p. 6 of the 2d year]. In consequence of this, Zifan also resented Wuchen's conduct; and when king Gong succeeded to his father, these two ministers put to death Ziyan, Zidang, and Fuji, commandant of Qing, the kinsfolk of Wuchen, destroying also their families. They put to death in the same way Heiyao, the son of Xiang Lao, and then divided the property of their victims among themselves [and their friends]. Zichong took the property of Ziyan, and made the commandant of Shen and the king's son Pi divide that of Zidang, while Zifan took all that had belonged to Heiyao and the commandant of Qing. Wuchen then sent them a letter from Jin, saying, "You have served your ruler with slanderous malice and covetous greed, and have put to death many innocent persons. I will cause you to be weary with running about on service till you die."

'After this, Wuchen obtained leave from the marquis of Jin to go on a mission to Wu, the viscount of which, Shoumeng, was pleased with him. In this way he opened a communication between Wu and Jin. He went to Wu with a hundred choice chariotmen, and he left a fourth of them [This passage is obscure] with some archers and charioteers, who taught the men of Wu how to ride in chariots, and how to form the order of battle, leading them on to revolt from Chu. He [also] left his son, Huyong, to be minister of Wu in its communications with other States. Wu then began to attack Chu, invading Chao and Xu, to the relief of which Zichong was obliged to hurry. After the meeting at Maling, when Wu entered Zhoulai, Zichong hurried there from Zheng. Thus it was that he and Zifan in one year flew about on seven different commissions. The tribes of the south and east which belonged to Chu were all taken by Wu, which now began to have much communication with the superior States [of the north].'

Par. 8. See on II.v.7, et al.

Par. 9. This Sun Linfu was the son of Sun Liangfu, the chief minister of Wey. The city held by the family as Qi, which Linfu would appear to have surrendered to Jin. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ding of Wey hated Sun Linfu, who left the State this winter, and fled to Jin. The marquis went to Jin, which restored Qi to Wey.' We shall find hereafter this Linfu a great trouble to Wey.

VIII. Eighth year.

1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, the marquis of Jin sent Han Chuan to Lu, to speak about the lands of Wenyang, which were [in consequence] restored to Qi.

2. Luan Shu of Jin led a force, and made an incursion into Cai.

3. Gongsun Yingqi went to Ju.

4. The duke of Song sent Hua Yuan to Lu on a friendly mission.

5. In summer, the duke of Song sent Gongsun Shou to Lu, to present his marriage-offerings.

6. Jin put to death its great officers, Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo.

7. In autumn, in the seventh month, the son of Heaven sent the earl of Shao to confer on the duke the symbol [of investiture].

8. In winter, in the tenth month, on Guimao, [duke Wen's] third daughter, [who had been married to the earl] of Qi, died.

9. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Xie to Lu on a friendly mission.

10. Shusun Qiaoru joined Shi Xie of Jin, an officer of Qi, and an officer of Zhu, in invading Tan.

11. An officer came from Wey, with ladies of that State to accompany to her harem [the bride of the duke of Song.]

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. After the battle of An, Jin had required Qi to restore to Lu the lands of Wenyang, and Lu had taken possession of them, as related in p. 7 of 2d year; but now, to gratify Qi, Jin exerts its authority and obliges Lu to restore the territory to it. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion, Ji Wenzi made a feast to Han Chuan on the way, as he was leaving, and then privately said to him, "Your great State, by its righteous decisions, maintains its claim to preside over covenants; and on this account the [other] States cherish its favours and dread its punishments, without any thought of disaffection. As to the lands of Wenyang, they were an old possession of our poor State, and after the expedition against Qi you caused it to restore them to us. Now you give a different command, requiring us to restore them to Qi. Good faith in the doing what is right, and righteousness in the carrying out its orders:—these are what the small States hope [from Jin], and for these they cherish it. But if your good faith is not to be seen, and your righteousness is not to be found, which of all the States will not separate from you? The ode (Shi, I.vi. ode IV.4) says,

'I am not different, But you are double in your ways. It is you, Sir, who observe not the perfect rule, Thus changeable in your conduct.' Here in the space of 7 years, you give us [Wenyang] and you take it away;—what greater changeableness could there be? The gentleman [in the ode], by his changeableness, lost [the affections of] his wife; what must not the prince who assumes to be the leader of the States lose? He is to employ the influence of virtue; but when he changes about, how can he long retain [the attachment of] the States? The ode (Shi, III.ii.ode X. 1) says,

'Your plans do not reach far, And therefore I strongly admonish you.' Apprehensive lest Jin, by the want of a far-reaching foresight, should lose the States, I have ventured privately thus to speak to you." '

Par. 2. In the Zhuan on p. 11 of the 6th year we have the troops of Jin making an incursion into Cai, which was relieved by Chu, when Jin withdrew from the field. Jin now again attacks Cai, and goes on to enter Chu. The Zhuan says:——'Luan Shu of Jin made an incursion into Cai, and went on to an inroad into Chu, when he captured [the great officer], Shen Li. After the army of Chu withdrew [from Raojiao, in the 6th year], the troops of Jin made an incursion into Shen, and captured its viscount, Ji. This was through [Luan Shu's] continuing to take the advice of Zhi, Fan, and Han. The superior man will say, "He followed the wise and good, as on the course of a stream, and right it was [he should be so successful]." The ode (Shi, III.i. ode V.3) says,

'Our amiable, courteous prince Extensively used the [good] men.' [So did king Wen], seeking for the wise and good; and he who uses such is sure to accomplish much."

'During this expedition, the earl of Zheng was going to join the army of Jin, when he attacked the eastern gate of [the capital of] Xu, and got great spoil.'

Par. 3. Zuoshi says:——'Shengbo went to Ju, to meet his bride.' The case is analogous to that of the Gongsun Ci in V.v.3. See the Zhuan there.

Par. 4. Zuoshi would assign to 聘 here a more definite meaning than usual. He says the object of Hua Yuan's visit to Lu was to arrange about a marriage between the eldest daughter of duke Xuan and the duke of Song (聘共姬). This may have been—probably was—the object of the minister's visit, but the 聘 alone gives no intimation of it.

Par. 5. Zuoshi says this proceeding was according to rule. Princes of States observed only two ceremonies preliminary to their marriage;—the contract and the offerings or presents of silk. They did not themselves appear in the negotiations, being subject to the general rule that marriages should be made by the parents. Of course when a prince was not married till after his accession, there could be no father living to get his wife for him; and, as the duke of Song appears here sending Gongsun Shou with the offerings, Mao observes that his mother also must have been dead.

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'Zhao Zhuangji of Jin, because of the banishment of Zhao Ying [See the Zhuan at the end of the 4th year, and after p. 1 of the 5th] slandered [his brothers] to the marquis of Jin, saying, "[The lords of] Yuan and Ping are intending to raise rebellion, and [the chiefs of] the Luan and Xi [clans] can attest the fact." In the sixth month, [therefore], Jin put to death Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo. Wu [the son of Zhao Shuo] was brought up by [his mother Zhuang], the lady Ji, in the ducal palace [and so escaped]; but the marquis gave the lands [of the Zhao family] to Qi Xi. Han Jue represented to him, saying, "Thus, notwithstanding the services of Chengji [Zhao Cui] and the loyalty of Xuanmeng [Zhao Dun], they are left without any posterity;—this is enough to make good servants of the State afraid. The good kings of the three dynasties preserved for several hundred years the dignity conferred by Heaven;—there were bad kings among them, but through the wisdom and virtue of their predecessors, they escaped [the extinction of their sacrifices]. In one of the Books of Zhou (Shu, V.ix.4) it is said, "He did not dare to show any contempt to the widower and widows;—it was thus that [king Wen] displayed his virtue." On this [the marquis] appointed, Wu [the representative of the Zhao family], and restored to him its lands.

A different account of the disasters of the Zhao family and its narrow escape from extinction is given by Sima Qian;—see the Historical Records, Book XXXIII. The 'History of the various States,' Book LVII., embellishes the story, and makes a tale of romantic interest out of it.

Par. 7. For 賜 Gong and Gu have 錫; but it seems impossible to establish any distinction between the meaning of those terms. They are both applied to a gift from a superior to an inferior (皆上予下之辭). Perhaps, as the Kangxi editors think, 賜 is more appropriate where the gift is one of favour, and 錫, where it is according to established conventions. The reader will observe the use of 天子 for the king, instead of 天王 which we have hitherto found. Zuoshi tells as that the earl of Shao in the text was duke Huan. As to the symbol sent to duke Cheng, see on VI.i.5. In duke Wen's case, however, it was sent at the proper time, immediately after he succeeded to his father. Here it comes 'late,' as Du Yu says (未綏也).

[The Zhuan adds here:——'The marquis of Jin sent Wuchen, duke of Shen, on a mission to Wu. Having asked leave to pass through Ju, he was standing with duke Quqiu above the city-moat, and said to him, "The wall is in a bad condition." The viscount of Ju replied, "Ju is a poor State, lying among the wild tribes of the east; who will think of taking any measures against me?" Wuchen said, "Crafty men there are who think of enlarging its boundaries for the advantage of the altars of their State;—what State is there which has not such men? It is thus that there are so many large States. Some think [there may be such dangers]; some let things take their course. But a brave man keeps the leaves of his door shut;—how much more should a State do so!']

Par. 8. See v.1. Zuoshi says the record of her death was made, because she had come back from Qi.

Parr. 9, 10. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion, Shi Xie spoke about [Lu's] invading Tan, because it was rendering service to Wu. The duke offered him bribes, and begged that the expedition might be delayed. Wenzi [Shi Xie], however, refused, saying, "My ruler's command admits of no alteration. If I fail in my faith, I cannot stand [in Jin]. Gifts cannot be admitted among the ceremonies due to me. The business cannot be done to please both my ruler and you. If your lordship come after the other princes, my ruler will not be able to serve you [any more]." Xie was about to return with the duke's request to Jin, when Jisun became afraid, and sent Xuanbo with a force to join in the invasion of Tan.'

Par. 11. See on I.vii.1. The bride of the duke of Song—known as Gong Ji—was famous, it is said, for her worth; and the States contended for the privilege of sending their daughters to accompany her to the harem. The canon which Zuoshi lays down, that such attendant ladies must be of the same surname as the bride, and not of a different surname, was broken down, we shall see, in her case.

IX. Ninth year.

1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the earl of Qi came to Lu, to meet the coffin of duke Wen's third daughter, and took it back with him to Qi.

2. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the earl of Cao, the viscount of Ju, and the earl of Qi, when they made a covenant together in Pu.

3. The duke arrived from the meeting.

4. In the second month, duke [Xuan's] eldest daughter went to her home in Song.

5. In summer, Jisun Hangfu went to Song, to celebrate the completion of the above lady's union with the duke of Song.

6. An officer came from Jin with ladies of that State to go to the harem [of Son].

7. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Bingzi, Wuye, marquis of Qi, died.

8. The people of Jin seized and held the earl of Zheng, and Luan Shu of Jin led a force and invaded Zheng.

9. In winter, in the eleventh month, there was the burial of duke Qing of Qi.

10. The Gongzi Yingqi of Chu led a force and invaded Ju. On Gengshen the people of Ju dispersed, and the troops of Chu entered Yun.

11. A body of men from Qin and the white Di invaded Jin.

12. A body of men from Zheng laid siege to [the capital of] Xu.

13. We walled Zhongcheng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'The earl of Qi came thus to meet the coffin, because we had asked him to do so. The record [In p. 8 of last year] that "Shu Ji of Qi died" is because of [the relation the lady had sustained in] Qi; this record of the earl's meeting her [coffin], is because of [the relation she had sustained to] us.' Gongyang says that Qi was compelled by Lu to take the divorced wife's coffin back to Qi and bury it there. The Kangxi editors observe that this account and Zuoshi's are quite reconcileable.

Par. 2. Pu,—see II.iii.2. The Zhuan says: —'Because of the restoration of the lands of Wenyang [See p. 1 of last year], all the States became disaffected to Jin. The people of Jin were afraid, and called a meeting at Pu to renew the covenant of Maling [See VII.5]. Ji Wenzi said to Fan Wenzi, "Since your virtue is not strong, of what use is the renewal of covenants?" The other replied, "By diligence in encouraging [the States], by generosity in our treatment of them, by firm strength in withstanding [our enemies], by appealing to the intelligent Spirits to bind [our agreements], by gently dealing with those who submit, and by punishing the disaffected, we exhibit an influence only second to that of virtue." At this meeting it was intended that Wu should for the first time meet [with the other States]; but no officer from Wu came to it.'

Par. 4. The duke of Song ought now to have sent a high minister to meet his bride. It is supposed that he sent an officer of inferior rank, and therefore we have the bare record of the bride's going to Song.

[The Zhuan adds here:——'The people of Chu sought by bribes to recover the adherence of Zheng, and the earl of Zheng had a meeting with the Gongzi Cheng of Chu in Deng.]

Par. 5. The phrase 致女 here is difficult to translate. See on II.iii.9, where the Zhuan has 致夫人,—the phrase equivalent to that in the text, when the lady spoken of is a bride or young wife in Lu. After being married three months, the young wife was introduced into the ancestral temple, and appeared before the parents of her husband, or their shrines; and the marriage was then considered complete. This was the solemn proclamation that she was the wife, and she could not after this be sent back to her parents, excepting there were proper grounds for divorcing her. A message from her parents at this time was called 致. It was the finishing and crowning act of her nuptials.

The Zhuan says:——'When Ji Wenzi returned to Lu [Song] and reported the execution of his commission, the duke entertained him, and the minister sang the 5th stanza of the Hanyi (Shi, III. iii. ode VII.). Mu Jiang [The bride's mother, the widow of duke Xuan] then came out from her chamber, and bowed twice to him, saying, "This laborious journey you undertook mindful of our late marquis, and of his son and heir, and of me, his relict:—this was what he even still would expect from you. Let me thank you for your very toilsome service." She then sang the last stanza of the Lüyi (Shi, I. iii. II.), and went in.'

Par. 6. Zuoshi says this was according to rule. See on p. 11 of last year.

Par, 8. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the earl of Zheng went to Jin, the people of which, to punish him for his disaffection, and inclining to Chu [See the Zhuan after p. 4], seized him in Tongti. Luan Shu then invaded Zheng, which sent Bojuan to go and obtain peace. The people of Jin, however, put him to death, which was contrary to rule;—during hostilities messengers may go and come between the parties. Zichong of Chu made an incursion into Chen, in order to relieve Zheng.'

[The Zhuan introduces here:——'The marquis of Jin was surveying the arsenal, when he observed Zhongyi [See the Zhuan on VII. 5], and asked about him saying, 'Who is that bound there, and wearing a southern cap?" The officer in charge said, "It is the Chu prisoner, whom the people of Zheng delivered to us." The marquis made them loose his bonds, called him, and spoke comfortingly to him. The man bowed twice before him, with his head to the ground, and the marquis asked him about his family. "We are musicians," said he, "Can you play?" "Music," said he, "was the profession of my father. Dared I learn any other?" The marquis made a lute be given to him, which he began to touch to an air of the south. He was then asked about the character of the king of Chu, but he answered that that was beyond the knowledge of a small man like himself. The marquis urging him, he replied, "When he was prince, his tutor and his guardian trained him; and in the morning he was to be seen with Yingqi, and in the evening with Ce. I do not know anything else about him."

'The duke repeated this conversation to Fan Wenzi, who said, "That prisoner of Chu is a superior man. He told you of the office of his father, showing that he is not ashamed of his origin. He played an air of his country, showing that he has not forgotten his old associations. He spoke of his king when he was prince, showing his own freedom from mercenariness. He mentioned the two ministers by name, doing honour to your lordship. His not being ashamed of his origin shows the man's virtue; his not forgetting his old associations, his good faith; his freedom from mercenariness, his loyalty; and his honouring your lordship, his intelligence. With virtue to undertake the management of affairs, good faith to keep it, and loyalty to complete it, he is sure to be competent to the successful conduct of a great business. Why should not your lordship send him back to Chu, and make him unite Jin and Chu in bonds of peace?" The marquis followed this counsel, treated Zhongyi with great ceremony, and sent him back to Chu to ask that there might be peace between it and Jin.']

Par. 10. The Yun (Gongyang has 運) mentioned here is difft. from that in IV.8; but it is probably the same as that which appears in VI.xii 8, as being walled by duke Wen. This was in the possession,—now of Ju, and now of Lu. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 11th month, Zichong of Chu went on from Chen, and invaded Ju. He laid siege to Quqiu, the walls of which were so badly built, that the people all dispersed, and fled to Ju, the troops of Chu entering Quqiu on Wushen. The people of Ju made the Gongzi Ping of Chu a prisoner, and put him to death, notwithstanding that the enemy begged them not to do so, and promised, if they would spare him, to restore their captives. The army of Chu then laid siege to the city of Ju, whose walls were in the same condition as those of Quqiu; and on Gengshen the people dispersed. Chu went on to enter Yun, for Ju had made no preparations against an enemy. A superior man will say, "To trust to one's insignificance and make no preparations against danger is the greatest of offences; while to prepare beforehand against what may not be foreseen is the greatest of excellences. Ju trusted to its insignificance, and did not repair its walls, so that in the course of twelve days, Chu subdued its three chief cities. This result was all from the want of preparation.' The ode [It is now lost] says,

'Though you have silk and hemp, Do not throw away your grass and rushes. Though your wife be a Ji or a Jiang, Do not slight your sons of toil. All men Have their vicissitudes of want.' This shows that preparation ought never to be intermitted."

Par. 11. In VII. viii. 6, we found the White Di confederate with Jin against Qin; here they are leagued with Qin against Jin;—because,' says Zuoshi, 'of the general disaffection of the States to Jin.'

Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Zheng laid siege to Xu, to show Jin that they were not urgent about their earl, [whom it was keeping a prisoner]. The plan proceeded from Gongsun Shen, who said, "If we send out a force to besiege Xu, and make as if we would appoint another ruler, taking our time to send a messenger to Jin, that State is sure to send back our ruler."

Par. 12. Du Yu, Mao, and others, think Zhongcheng was the name of a city of Lu, which is the most natural interpretation of the phrase. Others think the meaning is that the duke now repaired the wall of the capital, or the walls of the cities generally. See on XI. vi. 6. All that Zuoshi says is that the thing was done at the proper season.

[The Zhuan adds here:——'In the 12th month, the viscount of Chu sent the Gongzi Chen to Jin, in return for the mission of Zhongyi, asking that the two States should cultivate friendship and knit the bonds of peace.']

X. Tenth year.

1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, Heibei, younger brother of the marquis of Wey, led a force and made an incursion into Zheng.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, we divined a fifth time about the border sacrifice. The result was unfavourable, and we did not offer the sacrifice.

3. In the fifth month, the duke joined the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and the earl of Cao, in invading Zheng.

4. An officer came from Qi with ladies of that State to go to the harem [of Song].

5. On Bingwu, Nou, marquis of Jin, died.

6. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke went to Jin.

7. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan introduces here:——'In the 10th year, in spring, the marquis of Jin sent Di Fa to Chu, in return for its mission of the grand-administrator, Zishang (See the Zhuan at the end of last year)']

Par. 1. Zuoshi says that this expedition of Zishu Heibei was undertaken by command of Jin.

Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3. There, however, and in other passages, the idea of the sacrifice is abandoned after a 4th unfavourable divination, while here a 5th was attempted. Mao thinks that during the 3d month, which was the proper season for this sacrifice, the shell had then been consulted on the 3 xin days in it; and that it was still possible to divine twice in the 4th month, before the equinox. Wu Cheng says that the shell had been consulted once in the last decade of the 2d month, thrice in the 3d month, and once again in the 1st decade of the 4th month;—a pertinacity which was very disrespectful to the Spirits. These differing views of really great scholars show how vague is the knowledge which can now be gleaned of this and other ancient practices.

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'When the Gongzi Ban of Zheng heard of the scheme of Shu Shen [See the Zhuan on par. 12 of last year], he set up the Gongzi Ru. In summer, in the 4th month, the people of Zheng killed Ru, and set up Kunwan, Ziru [The Gongzi Ban] fleeing to Xu. Luan Wuzi then said, "Since the people of Zheng have set up [another] earl, he whom we hold is but a common man. Of what use is it [to keep him]? We had better invade Zheng, restore its ruler, and thereon seek for peace." [At that time] the marquis of Jin was ill, and the State raised his eldest son, Zhoupu, to his place, and assembled the other States to invade Zheng. Zihan [A son of duke Mu] bribed [Jin] with the bell [from the temple] of [duke] Xiang. Ziran [Another son of duke Mu] made a covenant with the States at Xiuze; Zisi [A 3d son of Mu] became a hostage [in Jin]; and the earl returned to Zheng.'

According to this Zhuan, the marquis of Jin in the text was not the real marquis, but his son, whom, when upon his death-bed, he had caused to be declared marquis in his room. Many critics have been much stumbled by this account, and call Zuoshi's statement in question. The Kangxi editors reject it and say, 'Not long after this expedition, the marquis of Jin died. Because the text does not say that "he died when with the army (卒於師)," to meet the exigency of the text, Zuoshi introduced the account of his son's being raised to the marquisate, while he was still alive. But the lessons of the Chunqiu were intended for 10,000 ages;—could it have recognized the succession of a son while the father was yet alive, giving him his title? The former critics have all disputed this matter.' Mao, it may be observed, accepts Zuoshi's statement without question.

Par. 4. Zuoshi makes no remark on this paragraph. It is in contradiction of his canon at the end of the 8th year, that the ladies, the attendants of a bride to her harem, must not be of a different surname from herself. The ladies of Wey (VIII.11), and those of Ji (IX. 6), were all Jis like the daughter of Lu, but here are Jiangs claiming to join her company as well. Then the prince of a State was understood to be provided at once with nine partners,—the wife proper, and eight attendants; but in this case the duke of Song was provided with twelve. There has been no end of speculation and discussion on the text, without any satisfactory conclusion. The thing may have been 'contrary to rule,' but the fact remains. There is nothing in the text to indicate that the action of Qi was not as proper as that of Wey and Jin.

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin saw in a dream a great demon with dishevelled hair reaching to the ground, which beat its breast, and leaped up, saying. "You have slain my descendants unrighteously, and I have presented my request to God in consequence [This would be the Spirit of the founder of the Zhao clan]." It then broke the great gate [of the palace], advanced to the gate of the State chamber, and entered. The duke was afraid and went into a side-chamber, the door of which it also broke. The duke then awoke, and called for the witch of Sangtian, who told him everything which he had dreamt. "What will be the issue?" asked the duke. "You will not taste the new wheat," she replied.

'After this, the duke became very ill, and asked the services of a physician from Qin, the earl of which sent the physician Huan to do what he could for him. Before he came, the duke dreamt that his disease turned into two boys, who said, "That is a skilful physician; it is to be feared he will hurt us; how shall we get out of his way?" Then one of them said. "If we take our place above the heart and below the throat, what can he do to us?" When the physician arrived, he said, "Nothing can be done for this disease. Its seat is above the heart and below the throat. If I assail it [with medicine], it will be of no use; if I attempt to puncture it, it cannot be reached. Nothing can be done for it." The duke said, "He is a skilful physician," gave him large gifts, and sent him back to Qin.

'In the sixth month, on Bingwu, the marquis wished to taste the new wheat, and made the superintendent of his fields present some. While the baker was getting it ready, they called the witch of Sangtian, showed her the wheat, and put her to death. As the marquis was about to taste the wheat, he felt it necessary to go to the privy, into which he fell, and so died. One of the servants that waited on him had dreamt in the morning that he carried the marquis on his back up to heaven. The same at mid-day carried him on his back out from the privy, and was afterwards buried alive with him!'

[The Zhuan adds here:——'The earl of Zheng, punishing those who had set up other earls [in his place], on Wushen, put to death Shu Shen and [his brother] Shuh Qin [See the Zhuan on par. 12 of last year]. The superior man will say, "Loyalty, as a praiseworthy virtue, is still to be shown only to a proper object;—how much less should it be shown where it may not be deemed praiseworthy!" ']

Par. 6. The Zhuan says, 'When the duke this autumn went to Jin, they detained him there, and made him attend the burial of the marquis. At this time Di Fa had not returned from Chu [See the Zhuan at the beginning of the year]. In winter there was the burial of duke Jing which was followed by the duke. No other prince of a State was present, and the historiographers of Lu, because of the disgrace connected with the thing, did not record, but concealed it.'

Par. 7. Gongyang has not this par., and it may be doubted whether the editions of Guliang and Zuoshi before the Tang dynasty had it. See the note in loc., in Duan Yucai's 'Old Text of the Chunqiu.'

XI. Eleventh year.

1. In his eleventh year, in spring, in the king's third month, the duke arrived from Jin.

2. The marquis of Jin sent Xi Chou to Lu on a friendly mission; and on Jichou the duke made a covenant with him.

3. In summer, Jisun Hangfu went to Jin.

4. In autumn, Shusun Qiaoru went to Qi.

5. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The duke had thus been fully 8 months in Jin,—more than half a year away from his own State. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin, thinking that the duke had been inclining to the side of Chu, detained him, till he requested that he might be permitted to make a covenant with Jin, and then they sent him home.' The duke had gone to Jin, to offer his condolences on the death of duke Jing. They had charged him, we may suppose, with disaffection, and when he denied it, they wished to keep him a sort of prisoner, till they could learn from Di Fa, on his return from Chu. whether their suspicions were well grounded or not. He seems, however, to have got away before that officer returned.

Par. 2. For 犨, or without the 言, Gongyang has 州. Xi Chou was a first cousin of Xi Ke. 'He came to Lu,' says the Zhuan, 'on a friendly mission, and to make [on the part of Jin] the covenant [which the duke had requested.' It then proceeds to the following strange and melancholy narrative:——'The mother of Shengbo [The Gongsun Yingqi; see on VI. 6] had been without [the regular ceremony of] betrothal; and Mu Jiang [Duke Xuan's wife; sister-in-law, therefore, to this lady] said, "I will not acknowledge a concubine as my sister-in-law." After the birth of Shengbo, his father [Shuxi of VII. xvii. 8] sent away the mother, who was afterwards married to Guan Yuxi of Qi. She bore him two children, and was then left a widow, when she came back with the children to Shengbo. He got his half-brother made a great officer [of Lu], and married his half-sister to Shi Xiaoshu [A descendant of duke Hui of Lu]. When Xi Chou came on his friendly mission, he applied for a wife to Shengbo, who took this half-sister from Shi Xiaoshu, and gave her to him. She said [to her husband], "Even birds and beasts do not consent to lose their mates; what do you propose to do?" He said, "I am not able to die for you." On this she went [to Jin], where she bore two children to Xi. After his death, they sent her back from Jin to [her former husband] Shi, who met her at the He, and drowned in it her two children. She was angry, and said to him, "You could not protect me when I was your wife, and let me go away from you, and now you are not able to cherish another man's orphans and have killed them;—what death do you expect to die?" She then swore that she would not live again with him.'

Par. 3. Zuoshi says:——'Ji Wenzi went to Jin on a friendly mission in return for that of Xi Chou; and to make a covenant [on the part of Lu].' This second object of his mission is not mentioned in the text. Perhaps a covenant was not made after all; or the marquis of Jin did not make it in person, so that the historiographers of Lu purposely omitted to record it.

[The Zhuan introduces here:——'Chu, duke of Zhou, disliked the pressure of [the clans descended from the kings] Hui and Xiang, and he had a contention, moreover, about the chief place in the government with Boyu. Being worsted in this, he was angry and left the court, proceeding to Yangfan. The king sent the viscount of Liu to bring him back from there, with whom [also] he made a covenant in Juan, before he would enter [the capital]. Three days afterwards, however, he again fled to Jin.']

Par. 4. Zuoshi says of this visit that 'Xuanbo went on a friendly mission to Qi, to renew the former friendship between it and Lu.'

Par. 5. [Here we have three narratives in the Zhuan:—1st, 'Xi Zhi [A grandnephew of Xi Ke] had a contention with [the court of] Zhou about the lands of Hou. The king commissioned duke Kang of Liu and duke Xiang of Shan, to dispute the question with him in Jin. He urged that Wen was an old grant made to his family, and he dared not allow [any part of] it to be lost. The viscounts of Liu and Shan said, 'Formerly, when Zhou subdued Shang, it gave the various princes the territories which they should gently rule. Su Fensheng received Wen, and was minister of Crime, and his territory and that of the earl of Tan extended to the He. One of his descendants afterwards went among the Di, and when he could do nothing among them, he fled to Wey [See V.x.2].

'[By and by], King Xiang rewarded duke Wen with the gift of Wen [See the Zhuan after V. xxv.4.]. The families of Hu and Yang were the first to occupy it, and then it came to Xi. If you examine its history, it was a city held by an officer of the king;—how can Xi Zhi be allowed to have it? The marquis of Jin then insisted that Xi Zhi should not presume to contend about the place [any longer].'

2d, 'Hua Yuan of Song was on good terms with Zichong, the chief minister [of Chu], and also with Luan Wuzi [of Jin]. When he heard that the people of Chu had granted the peace proposed by Jin through Di Fa, and had sent that officer back to give such a report of his mission, he went this winter, first to Chu and then to Jin, to cement the good understanding of the two States.'

3d, 'Qin and Jin, having made peace, proposed to have a meeting at Linghu. The marquis of Jin came first to the place, but the earl of Qin was then unwilling to cross the He. He halted in Wangcheng, and made the historiographer Ke go and make a covenant with the marquis of Jin on the east of the river. Xi Chou of Jin [then went and] made a covenant with the earl on the west of it. Fan Wenzi said, "Of what use is this covenant? Two parties make a covenant to establish their good faith. But a meeting together is the first demonstration of that good faith; and if the first step be not taken to it, is it likely to be evidenced afterwards?" When the earl returned to Qin, he broke the [treaty of] peace with Jin.']

XII. Twelfth year.

1. In the [duke's], twelfth year, in spring, the duke of Zhou left and fled to Jin.

2. In summer, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin and the marquis of Wey in Suoze.

3. In autumn, a body of men from Jin defeated the Di at Jiaogang.

4. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. See the Zhuan after par. 3 of last year. The duke of Zhou fled to Jin, according to that, in the last year. Zuoshi supposes his flight is entered now, because it was not till this spring that it was communicated to Lu. He says:——'This spring, the king sent the news to Lu of the troubles connected with the duke of Zhou. The text says that "he went out and fled to Jin." Now the words "went out" are not applied in the case of parties leaving Zhou, but they are used here because the duke of Zhou outcast himself'

Zuoshi's meaning is this:—A fugitive might go out from one State to another; but the whole kingdom belonged to Zhou. The States were all Zhou. An officer might flee from one part of Zhou to another, but he could not go out from Zhou. It was proper in such a case to say simply—he fled to such and such a State;" —see X. xxvi. 1. In the text the proper style is departed from, because the duke of Zhou repeated his flight, after the king had recalled him, 'out-casting himself.'—After all, the canon may be called in question.

Par. 2. Gongyang has 沙澤 for 瑣澤. The place so denominated has not been ascertained. The Zhuan says:——'Hua Yuan of Song having succeeded in cementing the peace between Jin and Chu [See the 2d Zhuan at the end of last year], this summer, in the 5th month, Shi Xie of Jin had a meeting with the Gongzi Pi of Chu, and Xu Yan. They made a covenant on Guihai outside the west gate of [the capital of] Song, to the following effect:——"Chu and Jin shall not go to war with each other. They shall have common likings and dislikings. They shall together compassionate States that are in calamity and peril, and be ready to relieve such as are unfortunate. Jin shall attack any that would injure Chu, and Chu any that would injure Jin. Their roads shall be open to messengers that wish to pass with their offerings from the one to the other. They shall take measures against the disaffected, and punish those who do not appear in the royal court. Whoever shall violate this covenant, may the intelligent Spirits destroy him, causing defeat to his armies, and a speedy end to his possession of his State!" [After this], the earl of Zheng went to Jin, to receive [the conditions of] the peace, in consequence of its being [thus] established at the meeting in Suoze.'

This Zhuan has occasioned a good deal of speculation among the commentators. The text says nothing of the covenant between Jin and Chu, and the Zhuan says nothing of the presence of Lu and Wey in the meeting at Suoze. The Kangxi editors say that Zhao Kuang denies that there was such a covenant, while the frequent meetings between Xi Zhi and the Gongzi Pi of Chu show that it must have taken place. They suppose, therefore, that the sage, condemning and disliking the treaty between those Powers, here used his pruning knife, and cut away the record of it. They say further that Liu Chang denies the truth of the Zhuan's account of the meeting at Suoze, but they preserve that account themselves out of deference to the general authority of Zuoshi.

Par. 3. The situation of Jiaogang is, like that of Suoze, undetermined. The Zhuan says:——'A body of the Di took the opportunity of [Jin's being occupied with the] covenant in Song to make an inroad into it; but not having made preparations [against a surprise], they were defeated in the autumn at Jiaogang.'

[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative:——'Xi Zhi of Jin went to Chu on a friendly mission, and on the part of Jin to make a covenant. The viscount of Chu invited him to an enterainment, when Zifan, who directed the ceremonies, had caused an apartment to be made under ground, in which the instruments of music were suspended. When Xi Zhi was ascending the hall, the bells struck up [the signal for performance] underneath, which frightened him so that he ran out. Zifan said to him, "The day is wearing late; my ruler is waiting; be pleased, Sir, to enter." The guest replied, "Your ruler, mindful of the friendship between our former princes, extends his favour to my poor self, treating me with great ceremony, even to a complete band of music. If by the blessing of Heaven our two rulers have an interview, what can take the place of this? I dare not receive [such an honour]." Zifan said, "If by the blessing of Heaven our two rulers have an interview, they will have nothing but an arrow to give to each other; they will not be using music. My ruler is waiting; be pleased, Sir, to enter." The other said, "If it be an arrow that they mutually offer and decline, that will be the greatest of evils;—there will be no blessing in that. When good order prevails, the princes, in their intervals of leisure from the king's business, visit at one another's courts. Then there are the ceremonies of entertainment and feasting; those of entertainment being a lesson of reverence and economy, those of feasting a display of indulgent kindness [Comp. the Zhuan after VII. xvi. 3]. Reverence and economy are seen in the practice of ceremonies; indulgent kindness is seen in the arrangements of the government. When the business of government is perfected by ceremonies, then the people enjoy rest, and the officers receive orders about the business they have to perform in the morning [only], and not in the evening [as well]. It is in this way that the princes prove themselves the protectors of their people. Therefore the ode (Shi, I. i. ode VII. 1) says,

'That bold and martial man Is shield and wall to his prince.' But in a time of disorder, the princes are full of covetous greed, indulge their ambitious desires without shrinking, and for a few feet of territory will destroy their people, taking their martial officers and using them to carry out their hearts' purposes as arms and legs, as claws and teeth. Therefore the ode says (ibid., stanza 3),

'That bold and martial man Is the mind and heart of his prince.' When throughout the kingdom right ways prevail, the princes are shields and walls to the people, and repress [the selfishness of] their own hearts; but in a time of disorder, it is the reverse. Now your words, Sir, speak the ways of disorder, which cannot be taken as a pattern. But you are host here, and I will not presume to disobey you." He entered accordingly.

'When his business was over, and he returned, he told what had occurred to Fan Wenzi, who said, "With such want of propriety, they are sure to eat their words. Our death will be at no distant day." In winter, the Gongzi Pi of Chu went to Jin on a friendly mission, and to make a covenant on the part of Chu. In the twelfth month, the marquis of Jin covenanted with him in Chiji.']

XIII. Thirteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Jin sent Xi Qi to Lu, to beg the assistance of an army.

2. In the third month, the duke went to the capital.

3. In summer, in the fifth month, the duke, going on from the capital, joined the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao [Zheng?], an officer of Zhu, and an officer of Teng, in invading Qin.

4. Lu, earl of Cao, died in the army.

5. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Qin.

6. In winter, there was the burial of duke Xuan of Cao.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Jin was now calling out the troops of the States which adhered to it for the invasion of Qin, mentioned in the 3d par. It was right therefore that it should use the phrase 乞師, and 'beg the assistance of an army,' as it had not the authority of the king in the first place, for the expedition. The Zhuan says:—'When Xi Qi (The son of Xi Ke) came to Lu, he was not respectful in the execution of his mission. Meng Xianzi said, "This Xi will [soon] perish! Propriety is the stem of character, and respectfulness is its foundation. Xizi has not that foundation, and his ministry has come to him by inheritance. Having received a charge to ask for [the assistance of] an army, it must be for the defence of the altars [of Jin], and he carries himself rudely,—throwing away the charge of his ruler. What can happen to him but to perish [soon]?"

Par. 2. Though the duke now went to the capital, he only did so because it lay in his way, as he proceeded to join the army of Jin. It would appear, indeed, that the other princes did the same, it being, probably, part of Jin's policy in this way to get the king's sanction and the help of his troops to its enterprise against Qin. The Zhuan says:——'When the duke was going to the capital, Xuanbo [Shusun Qiaoru], wishing to obtain gifts [from the king], begged to be sent on beforehand. The king, however, received him [only] with the ceremonies due to an envoy. Meng Xianzi [Zhongsun Mie] came on in attendance [on the duke], and the king considered him to be the duke's director for the visit, and gave him large presents. The duke and the other princes had an audience of the king, and then followed duke Kang of Liu and duke Su of Cheng, to join the marquis of Jin in the invasion of Qin. When the viscount of Cheng received the flesh of the sacrifice at the altar of the land, his manner was not respectful. The viscount of Liu said, "I have heard that men receive at birth the exact and correct principles of Heaven and Earth, and these are what is called their appointed [nature]. There are the rules of action, propriety, righteousness, and demeanour, to establish this nature. Men of ability nourish those rules so as to secure blessing, while those devoid of ability violate them so as to bring on themselves calamity. Therefore superior men diligently attend to the rules of propriety, and men in an inferior position do their best. In regard to the rules of propriety, there is nothing like using the greatest respectfulness. In doing one's best, there is nothing like being earnestly sincere. That respectfulness consists in nourishing one's spirit; that earnestness, in keeping one's duties in life. The great affairs of a State are sacrifice and war. At sacrifices [in the ancestral temple], [the officers] receive the roasted flesh; in war they receive that offered at the altar of the land:—these are the great ceremonies in worshipping the Spirits. Now the viscount of Cheng by his lazy rudeness has cast from him his proper nature;—may we suppose that he will not return from this expedition?'"

See an account of this visit of duke Cheng to the king's court in the 國語, 周語二, Art. 9.

Par. 3. Guliang, after 五月, has 公至自京師,—evidently an error. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the marquis of Jin sent Xiang of Lü [Known as Lü Xuanzi (呂宣子), a son of Wei Yi (魏錡), who appears in the Zhuan on the battle of Bi] to declare the end of his friendly relations with Qin in the following terms:——"In former times, our duke Xian and your duke Mu were on terms of friendship, which they cultivated with all their might and with one mind, adding to it covenants and oaths, and cementing it by the affinities of marriage. When Heaven was afflicting Jin, our duke Wen went to Qi, and duke Hui went to Qin. When, through our evil fate, duke Xian left the world, duke Mu was not unmindful of their old friendship, and assisted our duke Hui, so that he presided over the sacrifices of Jin [See the 2d Zhuan at the end of V. ix]. But he could not complete his great service to Jin, and there ensued the battle of Han [See V. xv. 13]. Afterwards, however, he repented of this, and secured the accession of our duke Wen;—this was accomplished for us by Mu.

"Duke Wen then donned buff-coat and helmet, traversed the plains and crossed the streams, taking his way through the most dangerous defiles, and operated against the States of the east, held by descendants of Yu, Xia, Shang and Zhou, till he brought them all with him to the court of Qin:—this surely was enough to repay the old kindness [of duke Mu]. And when the people of Zheng had been angrily troubling your borders, our duke Wen led the other States and Qin, and laid siege to the capital of Zheng. Then the great officers of Qin, without consulting with our ruler, presumed to make a covenant with Zheng. The States were indignant at such conduct, and wished to risk the lives of their men against Qin. Duke Wen, however, afraid of the consequences, soothed and pacified them, so that the army of Qin effected its return, without suffering any injury. And thus we rendered the greatest service to your western State.

"Through our evil fate, duke Wen [also] left the world, and your Mu sent no message of condolence. Contemning duke Wen as dead, and slighting the youth of our duke Xiang, he assailed our territory of Yao, violated and broke off all friendship with us, attacked our city of Baocheng, cruelly extinguished our Bi, [the capital of] Hua [See V.xxxiii. 1], scattered and dispersed our brethren, broke the covenants that were between us, and would have overthrown our State. Then our duke Xiang was not unmindful of the former service which Mu had rendered [to his father]; but he was afraid lest our altars should be cast down, and there ensued the battle of Yao [See V. xxxiii. 3].

"[Our Xiang], even after this, wished to seek the forgiveness of duke Mu, but the duke would not listen to him. On the contrary he applied to Chu [See the 2d Zhuan after VI. xiv. 7], planning against us. But through the influence which Heaven exerts on men's minds, king Cheng lost his life [See VI.i. 10], and duke Mu did not succeed in carrying out his hostile intentions.

"When Mu and Xiang left this world, Kang and Ling succeeded to them. [Your] duke Kang was the son of a daughter of Jin, but he still wished to uproot and cut down our House, and to overturn our altars. He gave an army to a vile insect [The Gongzi Yong of Jin] to disturb our borders, in consequence of which we had the engagement at Linghu [See VI. vii. 5].

"Still persisting in his hostility, Kang entered our Hequ, invaded our Suchuan, captured our Wangguan, dismembered our Jima, in consequence of which we had the battle of Hequ [See VI. xii. 7].

"That the way eastward was thus rendered impracticable to Qin was through duke Kang's own rejection of our friendship. When your lordship succeeded to him, our ruler, duke Jing, looked to the west with outstretched neck, saying, 'Now, perhaps, Qin will have compassion on us!' But, unkindly, you would not respond to us with a covenant, and took advantage of our difficulties with the Di. You entered our Hexian, burned our Ji and Gao, cut down and destroyed the labours of our husbandmen, and killed the people of our borders, so that we had the gathering at Fushi [See on VII. xv. 4]. Then you also were sorry for the long continuance of our miserable hostilities; and wishing to obtain the blessing of the former rulers, Xian and Mu, you sent Boju with your commands to our duke Jing, saying that you and we should be friendly together, put away all evil feelings, and again cultivate the old kindliness, thinking of the services that had formerly passed between our rulers. Before an oath in accordance with these words could be taken, duke Jing left the world, and I [寡君, here, and elsewhere in the speech, should be 寡人] went to have a meeting with you at Linghu, when with an unhappy purpose you turned back, and rejected the covenant and oath [See the last Zhuan after XI. 5].

"The White Di and you are in the same province [Yongzhou]. They are your enemies, while between us and them there have been intermarriages. You sent your commands, saying that you and we should invade the Di. I then dared not consider our affinities with them, but, in awe of your majesty, I received the command from your messenger. You, however, with a double heart, represented to the Di that Jin was going to attack them; and though they responded to you, they came with indignation, and told us of your conduct. The people of Chu, hating your double-dealing, also came and told me saying, "Qin is violating the covenant of Linghu, and came to ask a covenant with us, plainly appealing to God in the great heavens, to the three dukes of Qin and the three kings of Chu, that notwithstanding all its communications with Jin, its only view had been to its own advantage. I, [the king of Chu], hating such want of virtue, declare it to you, that such insincerity may be punished." The princes of the States, having heard these things, are pained by them in heart and head, and are come to me. I will lead them to hear your commands, seeking only your friendship. If you will show a kind consideration for them, and, in compassion for me grant me a covenant, this is what I desire. I will then receive your wishes, quiet all the princes, and retire;—how should I dare to seek the confusion [of strife]? If you will not bestow on us your great kindness, I am a man of plain speech;—I cannot withdraw with the princes. I have presumed to declare all my mind to your servants, that they may consider what it will be best to do."

'Because duke Huan of Qin, after making the covenant of Linghu with duke Li of Jin, proceeded to call on the Di and Chu, wishing to persuade them to invade Jin, therefore the States rendered their friendly aid to the latter. Luan Shu commanded Jin's army of the centre, with Xun Geng under him; Shi Xie the 1st army, with Xi Qi under him; Han Jue the 3d army, with Xun Ying under him; Zhao Zhan the new army, with Xi Zhi under him. Xi Yi [Different from the Xi Qi above] drove the chariot of the commander-in-chief, and Luan Zhen was spearman on the right. Meng Xianzi said, "The generals of Jin and its chariot-men are harmonious; —this army will accomplish a great success."

'In the 5th month, on Dinghai, the army of Jin, with the armies of the States, fought with the army of Qin at Masui. The army of Qin received a great defeat. Cheng Chai of Qin was taken, and the Bugeng, Rufu. Duke Xuan of Cao died in the army, which then crossed the Jing, proceeded to Houli, and returned, meeting the marquis of Jin at Xinchu. Duke Su of Cheng [See the last Zhuan] died in Xia.'

The speech of Lü Xiang in this narrative is considered one of the masterpieces of Zuo Qiuming. And so it is, as regards the composition; but it is sadly disfigured by its misrepresentations and falsehoods. As between Jin and Qin, each State had its injuries from the other of which to complain; but the balance of right would have inclined rather on the side of Qin. The battle of Masui, however, was very important, and kept Qin shut up in the west for a long time afterwards.

[The Zhuan adds here:——"In the 6th month, on Dingmao, the Gongzi Ban [See on X.3.] of Zheng, [coming] from Zi, sought by night to enter the grand temple, and when he was not able to do so, killed Ziyin and Ziyu [sons of duke Mu]. He then returned, and took up a position with his followers in the market place. On Jisi, Zisi [another son of duke Mu] led the people to the temple and made a covenant with them, and afterwards burned the market place, killing Ziru [Ban], [his brother] Zimang, [his son] Sunshu, and [Zimang's son], Sunzhi.]

Par. 4. For 廬 Zuoshi has 盧. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Cao appointed the earl's son, Fuchu, to take charge [of the capital], and another son, Xinshi, to meet the coffin of the earl. In autumn, Fuchu put to death the earl's eldest son, and made himself earl. The princes begged to go and punish him, but Jin, in consequence of the fatigues of the service [in which they had been engaged], asked them to wait till next year.'

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, after the burial of duke Xuan, Zizang [the above Xinshi] was going to leave the State, and the people all wished to follow him. Duke Cheng (Fuchu) became afraid, acknowledged his offence, and begged [Zizang to remain]. The latter returned accordingly [to the capital], and surrendered his city [to the duke].'

XIV. Fourteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Zhu, viscount of Ju, died.

2. In summer, Sun Linfu of Wey returned from Jin to Wey.

3. In autumn, Shusun Qiaoru went to Qi, to meet the [duke's] bride.

4. The Gongzi Xi of Zheng led a force, and invaded Xu.

5. In the ninth month, Qiru arrived from Qi with the [duke's] wife, the lady Jiang.

6. In winter, in the tenth month, on Gengyin, Zang, marquis of Wey, died.

7. The earl of Qin died.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. We have the death of the viscount of Ju here recorded, but there is no subsequent record of his burial; for which the following reason is assigned.—The honorary title, with the style of 'duke,' is always given in mentioning the burials of princes. But the lords of Ju had no honorary titles assigned them after death, the State not being sufficiently advanced in civilization to have adopted that custom. Hence their burials are not recorded.—It may be added here that burials of the lords of Chu and Wu are not given in the Chunqiu, because they had usurped the style of king.

Par. 2. See the flight of Sun Linfu to Jin in VII. 9.

The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the marquis of Wey went to Jin, where the marquis of Jin insisted on introducing Sun Linfu to him; but he would not see him. In summer, when he returned to Wey, the marquis of Jin sent Xi Chou with Linfu, to procure him an interview there. The marquis wanted [still] to refuse, but [his wife], Ding Jiang, said, "Do not. He is the heir of the ministers of your predecessors, scions of your own House. The great State, moreover, makes intercession for him. If you do not grant its request, you will perish. Although you hate him, is it not better [to see him] than to perish? Be pleased to endure the mortification. Is it not proper to give repose to the people, and deal leniently with a minister so related to yourself?" [On this] the marquis granted Linfu an interview, and restored [his office] to him.

'The marquis [also] feasted Chengshu of Ku [Xi Chou], Ning Huizi directing the ceremonies. Chengshu behaved insolently, and Ningzi said, "He and his family are likely to perish [soon]! Among the ancients entertainments and feasts were used to see the demeanour [of the guests], and to judge of their prosperity or calamity [in the future]. Hence it is said in the ode (Shi, II. vii. ode I.4),

'There is the curved cup of rhinoceros horn, With the spirits in it, rich and soft. While it passes from one to another, they show no pride. All blessings must come to seek them.' Now he conducts himself with pride;—it is the way to bring on himself calamity.'"

Par. 3. The duke was now marrying a daughter of Qi. The preliminary steps have not been mentioned. Zuoshi says that Xuanbo now went to meet the lady, and that his clan-name is mentioned, to do honour to the duke's commission.

Par. 4. See on IV.9. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, Zihan of Zheng invaded Xu, and was defeated. On Wuxu the earl himself again invaded it, and penetrated to the outer suburbs of its capital, when Xu made peace by [surrendering] the territory with which [Zheng] had endowed Shu Shen.'

Par. 5. See on VII.i.3. The Kangxi editors argue against Guliang and other critics, who insist here that the duke ought to have met his bride in person. Zuoshi thinks that the minister is mentioned here without his clan-name, in deference to the lady, adding, 'The superior man will say, "The Chunqiu, in the appellations which it uses, is clear with an exquisite minuteness, distinct through obscurity, elegant by its gentle turns, and full without descending to be low, condemning what is evil, and encouraging what is good;—who but the sage could have compiled it as it is'"

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'When the marquis of Wey was ill, he made Kong Chengzi and Ning Huizi appoint Kan, his son by Jing Si, to be his successor. On his death in winter, in the 10th month, his wife, the lady Jiang, after she had done her weeping and lamentation, saw that Kan wore no appearance of sadness. She would not so much as drink, but sighed and said, "This fellow will not only prove the ruin of the State of Wey, but he will begin with me, his father's relict. Alas! Heaven is afflicting the State of Wey, and I could not bring it about that Zhuan [A brother of Kan] should preside over its altars!" When the great officers heard that she thus expressed herself, they were all filled with dread. After this Sun Wenzi would not venture to leave his articles of value in the capital, but deposited them all in Qi, and cultivated assiduously the friendship of the great officers of Jin.'

XV. Fifteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, there was the burial of duke Ding of Wey.

2. In the third month, on Yisi, Zhong Yingqi died.

3. On Guichou, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the earl of Cao, Cheng the heir-son of Song, Guo Zuo of Qi, and an officer of Zhu, when they made a covenant together in Qi.

4. The marquis of Jin seized the earl of Cao, and delivered him at the capital.

5. The duke arrived from the meeting [at Qi.]

6. In summer, in the sixth month, Gu, duke of Song, died.

7. The viscount of Chu invaded Zheng.

8. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Gong of Song.

9. Hua Yuan of Song left the State and fled to Jin. From Jin he returned to Song. Song put to death its great officer Shan. Yu Shi of Song fled to Chu.

10. In winter, in the eleventh month, Shusun Qiaoru joined Shi Xie of Jin, Gao Wujiu of Qi, Hua Yuan of Song, Sun Linfu of Wey, the Gongzi Qiu of Zheng, and an officer of Zhu, in having a meeting with Wu at Zhongli.

11. Xu removed its capital to She.

COMMENTARY

Par. 2. This Zhong Yingqi was a difft. person from the Gongsun Yingqi of VIII. 3, and other places. They were both duke's grandsons; but the latter was a grandson of duke Wen, the former of duke Zhuang. The 仲 in the text has occasioned the commentators endless and needless difficulty. The death of duke Zhuang's son, Sui, appears in VII. viii. 3 as the death of Zhong Sui, from which it seemed a plain inference that duke Xuan had given him, on the news of his death, the surname or clan-name of 仲; and here accordingly his son Yingqi is so surnamed. Gongyang, however, thought that Yingqi was the first to get the surname of Zhong. He was not the oldest son of Sui;—the oldest son was Gongsun Guifu of VII. xviii. 6, et al. From the Zhuan on VII. xviii. 8, we learned that the other great families of Lu combined, on the death of duke Xuan, against the Zhong or Dongmen family, and Guifu, the Head of it, fled to Qi. Gongyang says that the people of Lu, grieved that Guifu should be left without a representative in the State, obtained from duke Cheng the recognition of his brother Yingtqi as such. He then became his brother's successor, and virtually his son, and their father became his (Yingqi's) grandfather; and so by a rule of surnames, 仲, which was Sui's designation, became his surname! This view is followed by Du Yu and many others, while Mao rejects it with great scorn, ridiculing the idea of Yingqi's being at once the son and the grandson of the Gongzi Sui.

Parr. 3,4. In par. 4, for the single 歸, Gongyang has 歸之. Qi,—see VI.i.9. As the death of the duke of Song appears in the 6th par., we may presume that he was ill at the time of this meeting, and that therefore his son attended it in his room. Zuoshi says that the object of the meeting was 'to punish duke Cheng of Cao [See his crime in the Zhuan on XIII. 4].' Jin, which would call the meeting, must have concealed this from Cheng. Zuo then gives a very doubtful canon to explain its being said that the marquis of Jin (晉侯), and not the people of Jin (晉人), seized the culprit, saying that when a ruler has dealt with his people without any regard to what was right, and the States punish and seize him, then we read that 'the people of such and such a State seized him,' but if his wickedness has not extended to his people, it is said, 'the ruler of such and such a State seizes him.' Liu Chang has sufficiently exploded this clumsy rule. Zuo adds from his tablets:——'The princes wished to introduce Zizang [the earl's brother; see on XIII. 6] to the king, and have him appointed earl, but he refused, saying, "It is contained in books of an earlier time, that a sage is equal to the duties of all positions; that a man of the second class maintains the duty of his position; and that one of the lowest class fails in the duty of his. It is not my position to be ruler. Although I cannot attain to the sage, dare I fail to maintain [what is my duty]?" He then withdrew secretly, and fled to Song.'

Par. 6. Zuo says:——'In summer, in the 6th month, duke Gong of Song died.

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Chu being about to send an expedition to the north, Zinang [the Gongzi Zhen, son of king Zhuang] said, "Is it not improper thus to violate the covenant, which we made so recently with Jin?" Zifan replied, "When we can gain an advantage over our enemies, we must advance, without any consideration of covenants." Shushi of Shen was then old and living in Shen. When he heard of Zifan's speech, he said, "Zifan will certainly not escape an evil end. Good faith is seen in the maintenance of propriety, and propriety is a protection to the person. If a man put away both good faith and propriety, though he wish to avoid an evil end, can he do so?"

'The viscount made an inroad into Zheng as far as Baosui, and then went on to overrun Wey, as far as Shouzhi, [while, in the meantime], Zihan of Zheng made an inroad into Chu, and took Xinshi. Luan Wuzi wished to repay Chu [for this expedition], but Han Xianzi said, "You need not do so. Let the king go on, aggravating his offences, till the people revolt from him. Without the people, who will fight for him?" '

Parr. 8, 9. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 8th month, there was the burial of duke Gong of Song. At this time Hua Yuan was master of the Right, and Yu Shi master of the Left; Dang Ze was minister of War; Hua Xi, minister of Instruction; Gongsun Shi, minister of Works; Xiang Weiren, grand minister of Crime, and Lin Zhu, the assistant minister; Xiang Dai, the grand administrator, and Yu Fu, the assistant. Dang Ze, seeing the weakness of the ducal House, killed duke [Wen's] son, Fei, on which Hua Yuan said, "I am master of the Right. It belongs to me as such to inculcate the duties between ruler and ministers. When the ducal House is now thus humbled, if I cannot deal with the wrong, my crime will be great. I am unable to discharge the duties of my office, and dare I rely on the favour [of the duke]?" With this, he left the State, and fled to Jin.

'The two Hua were descended from duke Dai; the minister of Works from duke Zhuang; and the other six ministers were all sprung from duke Huan. Yu Shi was going to stop Hua Yuan, when Yu Fu said, "If the master of the Right return, he is sure to set about punishing, and the clan of Huan will perish." Yu Shi said, "If the master of the Right get to return, although we should allow him to punish, he will certainly not dare to do so. His services, moreover, have been many and great, so that the people of the State are all with him. If he do not return, I am afraid that the Huans will not be allowed to maintain their sacrifices in Song. Should he set about punishing, there is [Xiang] Xu. It is only a small portion of the Huans that will perish." [On this] Yu Shi went himself and stopped Hua Yuan at the He. Yuan said that he must be allowed to punish, and when this was granted, he returned, and made Hua Xi and Gongsun Shi lead the people to attack the Dang family, when they put to death Zishan [Dang Ze]. When it is said in the text that "Song put to death its great officer Shan," the style intimates that he was rebelling against the ducal House of which he was a scion.

'[After this], Yu Shi, Xiang Weiren, Lin Zhu, Xiang Dai, and Yu Fu, went out [from the capital] and halted near the Sui. Hua Yuan sent to stop them, but they refused to stop. In winter, in the 10th month, he went to them himself, but returned with the like result. Yu Fu said, "If we do not now [immediately] follow him, we shall not be able to enter [the capital] again. His glances were rapid and his words also;—his purposes towards us were hostile, as if he would not receive us again. He will now be driving off rapidly." They ascended a mound and saw [that Yuan was doing so], on which they took to their chariots, and hurried after him. The waters of the Sui, however, had been let out on the country, the gates of the city were shut, and the parapets were manned. The master of the Left, the two ministers of Crime, and the two administrators, were obliged to flee to Chu. Yuan then appointed Xiang Xu master of the Left, Lao Zuo minister of War, and Yue Yi minister of Crime, thus quieting the people.'

Gong and Gu give 宋殺其大夫山 and 宋魚石出奔楚 as distinct paragraphs. The integrity of the whole of the paragraph, indeed, has been called in question. The text says that Hua Yuan had fled to Jin and that he returned to Song from Jin, whereas, acc. to the Zhuan, he was brought back to Song before he reached Jin. The double occurrence of 宋華元, and the use of 宋 five times in so short a space, certainly look suspicious. See Mao in loc.

[The Zhuan adds here about Jin:——'The three Xi [Chou, Zhi, and Qi] of Jin injured Bozong slandering him and procuring his death, and also that of Luan Fuji, on which [Zong's] son Bo Zhouli fled to Chu. Han Xianzi said, "Those Xi will not escape an evil end! Good men are appointed for government by Heaven and Earth. If destroying in this way one and another of them be not sufficient to ruin those who do so, what [greater offence] is to be waited for?" Whenever Bozong went to court, his wife had been accustomed to say to him, "Thieves are angry with the master [they want to rob], and the people hate their superiors. You are fond of straightforward speaking, but it will bring you into difficulties." ']

Par. 10. Zhongli belonged to Chu,—in the pres. dis. of Fengyang, dep. Fengyang, Anhui. 'This,' says Zuo, 'was the first instance of communication between the States of the north and Wu.'

Par. 11. She,—see Analects, VII. xviii. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Xu, dreading the [constant] pressure of Zheng, asked leave of Chu to remove its capital [into its territory]. Accordingly, on Xinchou, the Gongzi Shen of Chu removed Xu's chief city to She.'

XVI. Sixteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, it rained, and the trees became encrusted with ice.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Xinwei, the viscount of Teng died.

3. Duke [Mu's] son, Xi, of Zheng led a force, and made an inroad into Song.

4. In the sixth month, on Bingyin, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

5. The marquis of Jin sent Luan Yan to Lu, to ask the assistance of an army.

6. On Jiawu, the last day of the moon, the marquis of Jin fought with the viscount of Chu and the earl of Zheng at Yanling, when the viscount of Chu and the army of Zheng received a great defeat.

7. Chu put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Ce.

8. In autumn, the duke [went to have] a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the marquis of Wey, Hua Yuan of Song, and an officer of Zhu, in Shasui; [but the marquis of Jin] would not see him.

9. The duke arrived from the meeting.

10. The duke went to join the viscount of Yin, the marquis of Jin, Guo Zuo of Qi, and an officer of Zhu, in invading Zheng.

11. The earl of Cao returned from the capital.

12. In the ninth month, the people of Jin seized Jisun Hangfu, and lodged him in Tiaoqiu.

13. In winter, in the tenth month, on Yihai, Shusun Qiaoru fled to Qi.

14. In the twelfth month, on Yichou, Jisun Hangfu and Xi Chou of Jin made a covenant in Hu.

15. The duke arrived from the meeting.

16. On Yiyou we put to death the duke's half-brother, Yan.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The critics bring all their powers of interpretation into the field to find the moral and political significance of this phænomenon in the State of Lu and of the kingdom generally; —very needlessly. We have simply the record of a striking fact;—it had rained heavily, and immediately after came a severe frost, so that the ice lay on and hung from the trees. Gong and Gu both explain the text by saying, 雨而木冰, "There was rain, and the trees became all over ice.'

[The Zhuan adds here:——'In spring, the viscount of Chu sent the Gongzi Cheng from Wucheng to seek for peace with Zheng by the offer of the lands of Ruyin. [On this], Zheng revolted from Jin, and Zisi went to the viscount, and made a covenant in Wucheng.']

Par. 2. Zuo tells us this was duke Wen (文公). He had held Teng 10 years, and was succeeded by his son Yuan (原),—duke Cheng (成公).

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Zihan of Zheng invaded Song, and was defeated at Zhuobi by Jiang Chu and Yue Ju. [The conquerors then] retired and halted at Fuqu, where they were not on their guard. The men of Zheng [consequently] overthrew and defeated them at Zhuoling, taking both the leaders;—as Song had been relying on its previous victory.'

The above attack by Zheng on Song was probably at the instigation of Chu. The return for it was not long in coming, for the Zhuan adds:——'The marquis of Wey invaded Zheng, and advanced as far as Mingyan;—in behalf of Jin.'

Par. 4. This eclipse, visible at noon, took place on the 1st May, B. C. 574.

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin was going to invade Zheng. Fan Wenzi said, "To satisfy my desires, all the States would revolt from Jin, and then Jin might be satisfied [Wenzi saw great evils in Jin itself, which he thought could only be kept in check by apprehensions from without, and their removal was necessary in his view to the prosperity of the State]. If only Zheng revolt from it, the sorrow of Jin will not have to be waited for long." Luan Wuzi said, "We must not in my time lose the States. We must invade Zheng." On this the armies were called out. Luan Shu commanded that of the centre, with Shi Xie as assistant; Xi Qi the 1st army, with Xun Yan as assistant; Han Jue, the 3d; Xi Zhi acted as assistant-commander of the new army, Xun Ying remaining and keeping guard in Jin. Xi Chou went to Wey, and then on to Qi, to ask the assistance of their armies. Luan Yan came to Lu to ask the aid of an army from it. Meng Xianzi said, "He will be victorious.'"

Par. 6. Yanling was in Zheng. The name remains in the dis. so called, in the dep. of Kaifeng. There had been a State of Yan, which was extinguished and incorporated with Zheng by duke Wu.

The Zhuan says:——'On Wuyin, the armies of Jin commenced their march; and Zheng, hearing of their approach, sent word to Chu, Yao Gou'er going with the messenger. The viscount of Chu marched to the relief of Zheng. The minister of War [Zifan] commanded the army of the centre; the chief minister [Zichong] commanded on the left, and Zixin, minister of the Right, on the right. As they passed by Shen, Zifan entered the city, to see Shen Shushi [see on XV. 7], and asked him what he thought of the expedition. The other replied, "Virtuous goodness, punishments, religion, righteousness, propriety, and good faith, all are the appliances of war. Virtuous goodness appears in the exercise of kindness; punishment in the correction of what is wrong, religion in the service of the Spirits; righteousness in the establishment of what is beneficial; propriety in doing things at the proper times; and good faith in the watchful keeping of everything. [When these things obtain], the people live well off, and their virtue is correct; all movements are with advantage, and affairs are rightly ordered; the seasons are all accorded with, and everything is prosperous; harmony prevails between superiors and inferiors; all movements are made without insubordinate opposition; whatever the superiors require is responded to; everyone knows his duty. Hence it is said in the ode (Shi, IV. i. [i.] X.),

'Thou didst establish [and nourish] the multitudes of our people,—The immense gift of thy goodness.' In consequence of this, [in that ancient time], the Spirits sent down their blessing, and the seasons all passed without calamity or injury. The wants of the people were abundantly supplied, and with consenting harmony they received the orders of their superiors. They all did their utmost to obey those orders, and would devote themselves to death to supply the places of any that were lacking. This was the way to secure victory in battle. But now [the government of] Chu abandons the people in the State itself, and it breaks off its friendships with other States; it irreligiously violates its covenants, and eats its words; it moves in the season when it ought not to do so, and wearies its people to gratify [its ambition]. The people have lost their confidence in its good faith; let them advance or retire, they will be held guilty. When men are thus anxious about what will come to them, who will be prepared to go to the death? Do you, Sir, do your utmost, but I shall not see you again." Yao Gou'er returned [to Zheng] before the messenger, and Zisi asked him [about the army of Chu]. He replied, "Its march is rapid, and it passes through dangerous passes without order. The rapidity of its march leads to the want of proper thought, and its neglect of order disorganizes its ranks. Without thought and with its ranks disordered, how can it fight? I am afraid that Chu will be of no use to us."

'In the 5th month, the army of Jin crossed the He, and heard of the approach of that of Chu. Fan Wenzi wished that they should return, and said, "If we make as if we were avoiding Chu, it may lighten [our own] sorrow. We cannot unite the States in allegiance to Jin. Let us leave that to some one who can unite and hold them all. If we, the ministers of Jin, can harmoniously serve our ruler, we may be well content." Wuzi refused to take this counsel; and in the 6th month, Jin and Chu met at Yanling. [Then] Fan Wenzi did not want to fight, but Zi Zhi said to him, "At the battle of Han [See V. xv. 13], duke Hui could not marshal his troops; at the battle of Ji [See V. xxxiii. 8], Xian Zhen [died, and] could not return with an account of his commission; at the battle of Bi [See VII. xii. 3], Xun Bo could not return by the way he had advanced. These battles were all to the disgrace of Jin;—you, Sir, are yourself acquainted with the history of our former rulers. If we now avoid Chu, it will be an additional disgrace." Wenzi replied, "There was reason for the frequent battles of our former rulers. [In their times], Qin, the Di, Qi, and Chu were all powerful enemies; and if they had not exerted their strength, their descendants would have been reduced to weakness. But now three of those strong ones have submitted, and we have only to cope with Chu. It is only a sage ruler who can safely be without trouble either from abroad or within his State. Excepting under a sage ruler, when there is quietness abroad, sorrow is sure to spring up at home; why should we not leave Chu to be an occasion of apprehension to us from abroad?"

'On Jiawu, the last day of the month, the army of Chu came close up to that of Jin, and drew up in order of battle. The officers of Jin were perplexed by this movement, when Fan Gai [A lad, son of Wenzi] ran forward, and said, "Stop up the wells, and level the cooking places, marshal the army within the encampment, and make room for the heads of the columns to issue. Between Jin and Chu victory must be the gift of Heaven;—what necessity is there for being perplexed?" Wenzi took a lance and chased [his son], saying, "The preservation or ruin of the State depends on Heaven; what does a boy like you know?" Luan Shu said, "The army of Chu is full of levity. Let us keep firm within our entrenchments, and in 3 days it will be sure to withdraw. If we then attack it, we shall get the victory." Xi Zhi said, "Chu affords us six advantages, which should not be lost:—the two ministers [commanding it] hate each other; the king's soldiers are old; the army of Zheng is marshalled, but not in good order; the wild tribes of the south are there, but their forces are not marshalled; the army of Chu has been marshalled without regard to its being the last day of the month; there was a clamour during the marshalling, and there is still more now that it is effected, each man looking behind him, without any heart for fighting. The old soldiers cannot be good; and with them to violate the day which Heaven requires men to stand in awe on,—we shall surely conquer."

'The viscount of Chu got up on a carriage with a lookout on it to survey the army of Jin; and Zichong sent the grand-administrator, Bo Zhouli [See the Zhuan after p. 9 of last year] to wait behind him. The king said, "There are men running to the left and to the right. What does that mean?" "They are calling the officers," replied Zhouli. "They are all collected in the army of the centre." "They are met to take counsel." "They are pitching a tent." "It is reverently to divine before the Spirit-tablets of Jin's former rulers," "They are removing the tent." "The commands of the marquis are about to be given forth." "There is a great clamour, and there are clouds of dust." "They are shutting up the wells and levelling the cooking places in order to form their ranks." "They had mounted their carriages, and now the men on the left and right descend, with their weapons in their hands." "It is to hear the speech of the general." "Will they fight?" "I cannot yet tell." "They had [again] mounted their carriages, and [again] those on the left and right descend." "It is to pray in reference to the battle." Zhouli [also] told the king about the marquis's own men.

'[At the same time], Miao Fenhuang [A fugitive from Chu, a son of Dou Jiao; see the Zhuan after VII. iv. 6], was by the side of the marquis of Jin, and told him about the king's own men. On both sides [the armies] said, "There is an officer of our State [with the enemy], and their number is great, not to be resisted." Miao Fenhuang said to the marquis, "The best soldiers of Chu are in the army of the centre, which is made up of clans descended from the kings of Chu. Divide your best soldiers and attack the left and right armies of Chu, and then bring all your three armies together against the king's men; in this way you will inflict on Chu a great defeat." The marquis consulted the milfoil about it when the diviner said, "The result is fortunate. The diagram found is fu (䷗), which indicates that the southern State is reduced to extremity; its great king is shot, and hit in his eye. If this,—the State reduced to extremity and its king wounded—does not intimate defeat, what would you wait for?

'The marquis accordingly [determined to fight]. In front of his entrenchments there was a slough, and to avoid it the chariots separated, some going to the left, and some to the right. Yi of Bu (Xi Yi) was charioteer to the marquis, and Luan Zhen was spearman on the right. Peng Ming drove king Gong of Chu, with Pan Dang on the right. Shi Shou drove duke Cheng of Zheng, with Tang Gou on the right. Luan [Wuzi] and Fan [Wenzi], with their clansmen, advanced on either side of the marquis, whose carriage sank in the slough. Luan Shu came to take him into his, but Zhen said, "Retire, Shu. You have the great charge from the State, and how can you take it on you [to abandon it for another]? Moreover, to encroach on the office of another is presumption; to abandon your own office is an act of disrespect; to leave your own game is treachery. Here are three offences, which you must not incur." [With these words] he dragged [the carriage of] the marquis out of the slough.

'On Guisi, Dang, [the son] of Pan Wang and Yang Youji had set buff-coats and shot at them, their arrows going through seven at once. [The spectators] took [the proof of their skill and strength] to show it to the king, saying, "Since you have two officers like these, you need not be anxious about the battle." The king, however, was angry, and said [to the archers], "You are a great disgrace to the State. Tomorrow morning, your archery will be found the art that will cause your death."

'Yi of Lü [Wei Yi] dreamt that he discharged an arrow at the moon, and hit it, but that, on retiring, he got into the mire. An interpreter told him, "[Princes of] the surname Ji are represented by the sun; those of other surnames, by the moon. Your dream must respect the king of Chu,—you shall shoot and hit him; but the getting into the mire, as you retired, shows that you will also die." In the battle, accordingly, Yi shot king Gong in the eye. The king called for Yang Youji, and gave him two arrows, that he might shoot Lü Yi. [The first] hit him in the neck, so that he fell dead on his quiver, and Youji returned the other arrow, and reported the execution of his commission.

'Xi Zhi three times met the viscount's soldiers; and whenever he saw the viscount, he dismounted from his chariot, took off his helmet, and ran like the wind. The viscount sent Xiang, minister of Works, to salute him, and present him with a bow, saying, "In a time of so much business and excitement as the present, that man with the gaiters of red leather shows himself a superior man. [Say that] I am afraid lest, running as he does when he recognizes me, he should hurt himself." When Xi Zhi saw the stranger, he took off his helmet, received his message, and then said, "I, Zhi, the minister of another State, following my ruler to the wars, by the powerful influence of your ruler find myself among the buffcoats and helmets. I do not dare to kneel in acknowledgment of your message, but I venture to say how the condescension of it from your ruler makes me feel not at ease. In consequence of present circumstances, I will venture with my hands to the ground to salute his messenger." And thus he saluted the messenger three times, and then withdrew.

'Han Jue of Jin was pursuing the earl of Zheng, when his charioteer, Du Hunluo, said to him, "Let us make haste after him. His driver often looks round, and has not his mind upon his horses. He can be overtaken." Han Jue, however, said, "I ought not a second time to disgrace the ruler of a State [See the account of the battle of An in the 2d year];" and desisted from the pursuit.

'Xi Zhi [then] pursued the earl, and the spearman on his right, Fu Hanhu, said to him, "Let some runners get before and intercept him, and I will get into his chariot from behind, capture him, and descend." Xi Zhi said, "He who injures the ruler of a State gets punished;" and also gave up the pursuit. Shi Shou [The earl's charioteer; see above] then said, "it was only because duke Yi of Wey would not take down his flag, that he was defeated at Ying [See on IV. ii. 7. The present passage Shows that we should there read 去其旗" and he put the earl's flag into the quiver. Tang Gou [the spearman] said to Shi Shou, "You are by our ruler's side. Our defeat is great. I am not so important as you. Do you make your escape with the earl, and let me remain here." And there he died.

'The army of Chu drew near to a dangerous pass, and Shushan Ran said to Yang Youji, "Notwithstanding the king's command, it being for the State, you must shoot." Youji shot two arrows, each of which killed its man. Shushan Ran seized a man, and hurled him against the cross bar in front of his chariot which was broken by the force; and the army of Jin, [seeing such archery and such strength], stopped its pursuit, having made a prisoner of Fa, a son of the viscount of Chu.

'Luan Zhen, seeing the flag of Zichong, made a request to the marquis, saying, "The people of Chu say that flag is the signal flag of Zichong. That then is Zichong. Formerly, when I was sent on a mission to Chu, he asked me in what the valour of Jin was seen. I told him it was seen in our love of orderly arrangement, and when he asked in what besides, I said, in our love of being leisurely. Now his State and ours have engaged in battle, without any messenger having gone from us;—that is not what can be called orderly arrangement. And if in the time of action I eat my words, that cannot be called acting leisurely. Allow me to send a drink to him." The marquis granted the request, and Zhen then sent a messenger with a vessel of spirits to Zichong, and to say for him self, "My ruler, through want of other officers, has employed me to be in attendance on him with my spear, so that I cannot in person dispense bounty to your followers, and have sent So-and-So with a drink to you in my room." Zichong said, "This must be in consequence of what he said to me in Chu;—do I not remember his words?" He then received the vessel and drank, let the messenger go, and resumed the beating of his drum.

'It was morning when the fighting began, and when the stars appeared, it was not over. Zifan ordered the officers of the army to examine the wounded, to supply from the reserves the place of those who had fallen, to repair the buff-coats and weapons, to inspect the chariots and horses, and that all should take a meal at cock-crow, so as to be ready for orders. On the side of Jin they were troubled about these arrangements, and Miao Fenhuang went round the host, saying, "Review the reserves, and supply the place of the fallen; feed your horses and sharpen your weapons; maintain the same array, and strengthen your ranks; take a meal in your tents, and repeat your prayers;—tomorrow we will resume the engagement." At the same time they let go some of their prisoners.

'When the king heard this, he called Zifan to him to consult, but Zifan's servant, Guyang, had supplied him with spirits till he was now drunk, and not able to see. The king said, "Heaven is defeating Chu. We must not remain here." He withdrew accordingly during the night, and Jin entered the camp of Chu, and found grain in it sufficient for three days. Fan Wenzi stood before the marquis's horses, and said, "With your lordship so young, and your officers so wanting in ability, however did we attain to this? Let your lordship beware [of being lifted up]. It is said in one of the Books of Zhou (Shu, V. ix, 23) that 'the appointments of Heaven are not constant,' indicating that it is virtue [which secures them]."

Par. 7. See on V. xxviii. 6. The remarks made there on Dechen's death are applicable here to that of Zifan. He is called the Gongzi, being a son of duke Mu. The Zhuan says:——'The army of Chu returned, and when it had got as far as Xia, the king sent a messenger to Zifan saying, "When a former great officer of our State [Dechen] caused the overthrow of his army, the ruler was not present. Do not consider [the present disaster] as your fault;—the guilt of it belongs to me." Zifan bowed twice, with his head to the ground, and said, "The king grants me death, and I will die without shrinking from it. My soldiers did really flee, and I feel that the guilt is mine." [At the same time], Zichong sent a message to Zifan, saying, "You have heard the case of him who formerly lost his army; why should you not consider and act accordingly?" He replied, "Though there had not been such a case, dare I do anything but approve of your command [thus conveyed]? Having lost our ruler's army, dare I forget to die?" The king sent to stop him from his purpose, but, before the messenger arrived, he had died [by his own hand].'

Par. 8. Shasui was in Song,— li to the west of the pres. dis. city of Ningling (寕陵), dep. Guide, Henan. If we translate 會 by 'had a meeting,' as in other cases, then the beginning and ending of the par. would not agree. The duke was disgraced, say the critics, by the marquis of Jin; and if there had been reason for the disgrace, then Confucius would have concealed it, as his duty to his native State required him to do. But as in this case Lu was in the right and Jin in the wrong, the text does not shrink from intimating the disgrace!

The Zhuan says:——'On the day of the battle, Guo Zuo and Gao Wujiu of Qi reached the army [of Jin]; the marquis of Wey commenced his march [to join it] from his capital; and the duke proceeded from Huaitui. Xuanbo [Shusun Qiaoru] had an intrigue with Mu Jiang [the duke's mother], and wanted to make away with Ji and Meng [Jisun Hangfu or Ji Wenzi, and Meng Xianzi or Zhongsun Mie] and appropriate their property. When the duke was commencing his march, Mu Jiang escorted him, and urged him to drive out those two ministers; but he represented to her his difficulties with Jin, and begged [that the matter might be in abeyance] till his return, when he would hear her commands. She was angry; and the duke's two half brothers Yan and Chu [just then] hurrying past, she pointed to them, and said, "If you refuse, either of these may be our ruler." The duke waited at Huaitui, renewing his orders for a careful watch to be maintained in the palace, and appointed officers to guard [the city]. After this he marched, but the delay made him too late [for the battle]. He had appointed Meng Xianzi to keep guard in the palace.

'The meeting in autumn at Shasui was to take measures for the invasion of Zheng. Xuanbo sent information to Xi Chou that the duke had waited in Huaitui, till he should see which side conquered. [Now] Xi Chou commanded the new army, and was president of [his branch of] the ducal relatives, with the management of the States of the east. He took bribes from Xuanbo, and accused the duke to the marquis of Jin, who consequently refused to see him.'

Par. 9. [The Zhuan appends here:——'The people of Cao made a petition to Jin, saying, "Since our last ruler, duke Xuan, left the world, our people have been saying, 'How is it that our sorrows do not ever come to an end?' And now you have further punished our present ruler, so as to send into exile his brother [See on XV. pp. 3, 4], the guardian of the altars of Cao [See on p. of last year]? Thus you are greatly destroying Cao. Is it not because our former ruler was chargeable with offences? If [our present one] be guilty, yet he had taken his place in an assembly [of the States]. Your lordship is chief and leader of the States, because the punishments you have inflicted have not been contrary to virtue;—how is it that your dealings with our poor State should be the single exception to this? We venture thus privately to set forth our case.'"]

Par. 10. The viscount of Yin was a noble and minister of the royal court, his city of Yin being, probably, in the pres. dis. of Yiyang (宜陽), dep. of Henan. That Jin should call out a minister of Zhou to accompany it in the invasion of another State shows how low the royal authority was now reduced.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 7th month, the duke joined duke Wu of Yin and the States in an invasion of Zheng. When he was about to set out, Mu Jiang laid her commands on him in the same way as before, while he also repeated his arrangements for keeping guard, and went his way. The armies of the other States halted on the west of Zheng, and our army halted at Duyang, not daring to pass through that State. Zishu Shengbo [The Gongsun Yingqi] sent Shusun Bao [brother of Qiaoru] to ask a party from the army of Jin to come and meet us, saying he would remain without eating, in the borders of Zheng, till it arrived. When the party did come to meet us, Shengbo had been waiting for it 4 days without eating anything; and then he gave food to Bao's messenger [also], before he ate himself. The States then removed [with their forces] to Zhitian. Zhi Wuzi (Xun Ying) was acting as the assistant-commander of the 3d army; and with it and some forces of the States, he made an incursion into Chen, as far as Minglu. Thence he went on into Cai; and before he returned, the States had removed to Yingshang. There, on Wuwu, Zihan of Zheng attacked them in the night, and the leaders of the armies of Song, Qi, and Wey all got separated from them.'

Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Cao again begged Jin [to return to them their earl]. The marquis said, "If Zizang return, I will send back your ruler." Zizang did return [from Song] [See on p. 4 of last year], and then the earl returned to Cao. Zizang surrendered [to his brother] his city and his office of minister, and did not leave [his house to engage in the public service].'

Par. 12. We must understand that Jisun Hangfu was in attendance on the duke in the invasion of Zheng. Tiaoqiu was a city of Jin, but its situation is not known. Gongyang has 招丘.

The Zhuan says:——'Xuanbo [Qiaoru] sent word to Xi Chou, saying, "Ji and Meng are in Lu what Luan and Fan are in Jin;—by them is all the action of the govt. determined. Now they have consulted together, and say, "The govt. of Jin issues from many gates; Jin is not to be followed. We had better serve Qi or Chu. [In any wise] we can only perish; we will not follow Jin.' If you wish to get your will in Lu, let me ask you to detain Hangfu, and put him to death. I will [here] cut off Mie, and serve Jin with an unwavering fidelity. When Lu does not waver in its adherence to Jin, the smaller States are sure to agree in their service. If you do not do as I request, when he returns, he is sure to revolt from you." In the 9th month, the people of Jin seized and held Ji Wenzi in Tiaoqiu.

'The duke, returning [from the expedition], waited in Yun, while he sent Zishu Shengbo to ask Jin to liberate Jisun. Xi Chou said to him, "If you will take off Zhongsun Mie, and we detain [here] Jisun Hangfu, I will be more friendly with your State than with our own ducal House." Shengbo replied, " You must have heard all about Qiaoru. If you take away Mie and Hangfu, it will be a great casting away of Lu, and will involve my ruler in guilt [towards you]. But if you will not cast Lu away, but bestow on it your favour as a blessing of the duke of Zhou, so that my ruler can [continue to] serve yours, then these two men are the ministers on whom Lu's altars depend. Destroy them in the morning, and in the evening Lu is lost to you, for it lies near to the States that are hostile to you. If it be once lost to you and become hostile, how can you remedy such an issue?" Xi Chou urged, "I will ask a city for you." The other replied, " I am but an ordinary underling of Lu; dare I seek to become great through your great State? I have received my ruler's order to present to you this request. If I obtain it, your gift will be great; what more should I seek for?"

'Fan Wenzi said to Luan Wuzi, "Jisun has been minister to two marquises of Lu, yet his concubines have never worn silk, and his horses have not fed on grain. If we believe the slanderous and bad, and cast away the loyal and good, how shall we appear to the States? Zishu Yingqi has discharged his ruler's commission without any selfishness. He consulted for his State, without swerving from his purpose; consideration for himself did not make him forget his ruler. If we deny his request, we shall be abandoning a good man. You ought to take measures accordingly." [On this], they, agreed to peace with Lu, and liberated Jisun.'

Par. 13. On the liberation of Ji Wenzi, the scale turned against Qiaoru. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th month, [the people drove] away Shusun Qiaoru, and [the great officers] entered into a covenant regarding him. He fled to Qi.'

Par. 14. The Zhuan says:——'In the 12th month, Jisun and Xi made a covenant in Hu. [Jisun] then returned to Lu, and put to death the duke's half brother Yan [see on p. 8]. [Lu subsequently] called Shusun Bao from Qi, and made him the representative [of the Shusun family];—see in the 2d year of next Book.' Hu,—see III. xxiii. 10.

Par. 15. [The Zhuan gives here two narratives:—1st, 'Sheng Mengzi [the mother of the marquis of Qi, a daughter of the House of Song; the eldest daughter by a concubine] began an intrigue with Qiaoru, and gave him a position between that of Gao and Guo. He said, however, " I must not be charged with such an offence a second time," and fled to Wey, where also his position was between that of its ministers.' 2d, 'The marquis of Jin sent Xi Zhi to Zhou to present the spoils of Chu; and there, in talking with duke Xiang of Shan, he frequently boasted of his services. The viscount of Shan said to the great officers of the court, "Ji of Wen [Xi Zhi; see the Zhuan at the end of the 11th year] will come to an evil end! His position is below that of seven others, and he seeks to hide the merit of those above him. When resentments gather round a man, there is the root of all disorder. How can he who excites many resentments and prepares the steps of disorder continue in a high position? One of the Books of Xia (Shu, III.iii.5) says,

'Should resentment be waited for till it appears? It must be cared for before it is seen; showing how cautious we should be in small things, but now he publishes what must occasion resentment. Can that end well?'"]

Par. 16. The execution of Yan is ascribed in the Zhuan on p. 14 to Ji Wenzi, while here it would appear to be the action of the duke. The duke, no doubt, ordered it under the direction of the minister. The critics are puzzled to account for the execution of Yan, while his brother Chu was spared [See on p. 8], and they vex themselves also with the force of the ? [See on V. xxviii. 2].

XVII. Seventeenth year.

1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, Beigong Kuo of Wey led a force, and made an incursion into Zheng.

2. In summer, the duke joined the viscount of Yin, the viscount of Shan, the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, in invading Zheng.

3. In the sixth month, on Yiyou, they made a covenant together in Keling.

4. In autumn, the duke arrived from his meeting [with the other princes].

5. Gao Wujiu of Qi fled to Ju.

6. In the ninth month, on Xinchou, we offered the border sacrifice.

7. The marquis of Jin sent Xun Ying to Lu to ask the assistance of an army.

8. In winter, the duke joined the viscount of Shan, the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, an officer of Qi, and an officer of Zhu, in invading Zheng.

9. In the eleventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.

10. On Renshen, Gongsun Yingqi died in Lishen.

11. In the twelfth month, on Dingsi, the sun was eclipsed.

12. Jueju, viscount of Zhu, died.

13. Jin put to death its great officers, Xi Qi, Xi Chou, and Xi Zhi.

14. The people of Chu extinguished Shuyong.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This year, in spring, in the king's 1st month, Zisi of Zheng made an incursion into [the districts of] Xu and Hua in Jin, when Beigong Kuo of Wey, to relieve Jin, made an incursion into Zheng, as far as Gaoshi.' For (括). Gongyang has 結. Beigong Kuo is also known as Beigong Yizi (北宮懿子). Du says he was a great-grandson of duke Cheng of Wei. Many of the critics insist upon a canon here regarding the use of 侵, that it is used instead of 伐 when the invasion was made by a State at the command of the larger one whose superiority it acknowledged. The canon is without foundation, and would only mystify the text.

Par. 2. See on par. 10 of last year. In VI. xiv. 11, et. al., we have 'the earl of Shan;' here ' the viscount.' The title had been reduced. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 5th month, Kunwan, the eldest son of the earl of Zheng, and Hou Nou, became hostages in Chu, and the two Gongzis of Chu, Cheng and Yin, came to guard the territory of Zheng. The duke joined duke Wu of Yin, duke Xiang of Shan, and [the forces of] other States, in invading Zheng, from Xitong to Quwei.'

[The Zhuan introduces here:——'When Fan Wenzi returned from Yanling, he made the priest of his ancestral temple pray that he might die, saying, "Our ruler is haughty and extravagant, and, by this victory over his enemies, Heaven is increasing his disease. Troubles will soon arise. Let him that loves me curse me, so that I may soon die, and not see those troubles;—that will be my happiness.' In the 6th month, on Wuchen, Shi Xie [Wenzi] died.' Du says that he committed suicide (自裁); but I do not know on what authority.]

Par. 3. Du says that Keling was in the west of Zheng. Nothing more is known of it. The object of the covenant, acc. to Zuoshi, was to renew that of Qi in the past year. The parties to the covenant were of course the princes and ministers mentioned in the former par. The omission of them here is unimportant, though many crities dwell on it, as intended to conceal the part taken in the covenant by the representatives of the king.

Par. 4. The duke returned so soon, the coalition having been foiled. The Zhuan says:——'Zichong of Chu relieved Zheng, and took post with his army at Shouzhi, on which [the armies of] the States returned.'

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Qing Ke of Qi had an intrigue with Sheng Mengzi [See the 1st Zhuan after p. 14 of last year], and was carried through a street leading to the palace in a carriage along with a woman, himself disguised as a woman. Bao Qian [A great-grandson of Bao Shuya of duke Huan's time] saw him, and told Guo Wuzi [Guo Zuo], who sent for Ke, and spoke to him. Ke [in consequence] for a long time kept in his house, but he informed the duchess that Guozi had been reproving him, which enraged her When duke Ling went to join [the other princes], Guozi attended him, while Gao and Bao remained in charge of the capital. When he was returning, before his arrival, these officers kept the gates of the city shut, and made inquisition for strangers [who might attempt to enter]. On this Mengzi accused them, saying that they had meant not to admit the duke, but to appoint duke Qing's son, Jiao, in his room, and that Guozi was privy to their design. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Renyin, [duke Ling] caused Bao Qian's feet to be cut off, and drove out Gao Wujiu, who fled to Ju. [His son], Gao Ruo held [their city of] Lu against the State; and the people of Qi called Bao Guo [Qian's brother] from Lu, and appointed him the Head of his family.

'Before this, Bao Guo had left the Bao family in Qi, and come to Lu, where he became a servant to Shi Xiaoshu [See the Zhuan on XI. 2]. Shi was consulting the tortoise-shell about a steward, and Kuang Juxu was indicated for the appointment. Now the steward of the Shi family had a town of 100 houses, which was assigned to Kuang Juxu. He, however, declined the appointment in favour of Bao Guo, and gave the town up to him. Shi Xiaoshu said, "The divination gave a favourable response for you." Kuang replied, "And what could be a greater proof of its being favourable than my giving the office to a faithful, good man?" Bao Guo served the Shi family faithfully, and therefore the people of Qi now chose him to be the representative of the Bao family. Zhongni said, "The wisdom of Bao Zhuangzi (Bao Qian) was not equal to that of a sunflower. Though but a flower, it is able to protect its roots!'.—This certainly is not like one of Confucius' remarks; and the critics unanimously agree in protesting against the ascription of it to him.

Par. 6. The 9th month of Zhou was the 7th of Xia, when there ought to have been no border sacrifice. The use of 用 before 郊 is singular, and has given rise to much speculation. Many critics, after Gongyang, would make a canon, that 用 is always used to indicate disapprobation of that to which it is applied (用者不宜用也). Some, especially Liu Chang, think that it indicates the use of a human victim at this sacrifice, and the Kangxi editors have needlessly given an elaborate refutation of that view. Mao thinks the text is defective.

Parr. 7,8,9. Foiled in its previous expedition, Jin makes another attempt, equally unsuccessful, to regain its authority over Zheng. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, the States invaded Zheng; and in the 10th month, on Gengwu, they laid siege to its capital. Gongzi Shen of Chu came to its relief, and took post, with his army, on the Ru, on which [the forces of] the States withdrew.

Par. 10. For 脤 Gongyang has 軫, and Guliang has 蜃. Where Lishen was has not been ascertained. There is a difficulty about the day Renshen, which cannot have been in the 11th month of this year. Renshen is only two days after Gengwu, when, according to the last Zhuan, the allies laid siege to the capital of Zheng;—some time in the 10th month. Calculating back from Dingsi, as the 1st day of the 12th month, we must conclude likewise that the 11th month contained no Renshen day. The critics, since Gong and Gu and their earliest editors, make Renshen to have been the 15th day of the 10th month; but this is in conflict with the '11th' month of the previous paragraph. Du says that 'the day is wrong (日誤), meaning that either the 壬 or the 申 is wrong;—in the 11th month of this year there were the days 壬辰, 壬寅 and 壬子, and also丙申 and 戊申.

The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Shengbo (the Gongsun Yingqi) dreamt that he was crossing the Huan, when some one gave him a qiong gem and a fine pearl, which he ate. He then fell a-crying, and his tears turned to qiong gems and fine pearls, till his breast was filled with them. After this he sang:—

"Crossing the waters of the Huan, They gave me a pearl and a gem. Home let me go! Home let me go! My breast with pearls and gems is full." [When he awoke], he was afraid and did not venture to have the dream interpreted. Returning [now] from Zheng, on Renshen he arrived at Lishen, and had the dream interpreted, saying, "I was afraid it indicated my death, and did not venture to have it interpreted. Now the multitude with me is great, and the dream has followed me three years. It cannot hurt me to tell it." He did so; and in the evening of that day he died.'

[The Zhuan here returns to the affairs of Qi in p. 5:'— The marquis of Qi sent Cui Shu [See the Zhuan on VII. x. 5.] as great officer in command, with Qing Ke under him, to lead a force and besiege Lu. Guo Zuo was then with the States at the siege of the capital of Zheng, but leave was asked and obtained for him to return to Qi, on account of the difficulties of the State. He then went to the army at Lu, and put Qng Ke to death, revolting also from the marquis in [his own city of] Gu. The marquis made a covenant with him at Xuguan, and restored him. In the 12th month, Lu surrendered, and the marquis sent Guo [Zuo's son] Sheng to inform Jin of the troubles, having charged him to wait [for his further] orders in Qing.']

Par. 11. This eclipse took place 17th Oct., B. C. 573, and was visible in Lu in the morning.

Par. 12. This was duke Ding. He had been viscount of Zhu for 40 years. As from the 7th year of Cheng we find the troops of Zhu, when engaged in expeditions with other States, always led by an officer or minister, we may presume that Jueju was too old to take the field in person.

Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Li of Jin was extravagant, and had many favourites besides the ladies of his harem. When he returned from Yanling, he wished to put out of their situations all the great officers, and to appoint in their room the individuals who were always about him. One of his favourites was Xu Tong, who cherished resentment against the Xi family, because of the dismissal from office of [his father] Xu Ke [See the Zhuan after VII. viii. 8]. Another of them was Yiyang Wu, from whom Xi Qi had taken away some fields. A third was Jiao of Changyu. with whom, at a former time, Xi Chou had had a quarrel about some fields; and Chou had also seized and handcuffed him, and bound him with his parents, wife, and children to one of the thills of a carriage.

'[These three were all enemies of the Xis, and] Luan Shu also resented the conduct of Xi Zhi, who had opposed him, thereby leading to the defeat of the army of Chu [When Luan Shu wished that the army of Jin should keep within its entrenchments, Zhi insisted that they should go forth and fight which brought on the battle of Yanling.] He wanted to procure Zhi's dismissal from office, and got Fa, the son of the viscount of Chu [who had been taken prisoner], to inform the duke, saying, "My ruler was really called to that battle [of Yanling] by Xi Zhi, on the ground that the eastern armies had not arrived, and that the commanders of your own difft. armies were not all there. He said, "We are sure to be defeated, and I will then raise Sunzhou [A great-grandson of duke Xiang of Jin] to the rule of Jin, and serve you?" The duke told this to Luan Shu, who said, "It is the truth. If it were not so, how should he have been so regardless of death [in the battle], and have received a message from the enemy? Why should not your lordship try the thing by sending him on a mission to Zhou, and examining his conduct there?" [Accordingly], Xi Zhi went on a friendly mission to Zhou, where Luan Shu had sent word to Sunzhou to see him. This was spied out by an agent of the duke, who concluded that the whole charge against him was true, and cherished resentment against Xi Zhi.

'When the duke was hunting, he would let his women shoot and drink first, and then make the great officers come after them. [Once], Xi Zhi was bringing [to the duke] a boar [which he had shot], when Mengzhang, the chief of the ennuchs, snatched it away, and was shot to death by Xi Zhi in consequence, [irritating] the duke, [who] said, "Jizi despises me."

'When duke Li wanted to take action against [the great officers], Xu Tong said to him, "You must begin with the three Xi. Their clan is large, but they have many enemies. Removing so large a clan will relieve you of pressure, and your action will be easy against those who have so many enemies." The duke approved of this plan. The Xi heard of it, and Qi proposed to attack the duke, saying, "Though we may die, he will be put in peril." Xi Zhi, however, said, "The things which set a man up are fidelity, wisdom, and valour. A faithful man will not revolt against his ruler; a wise man will not injure the people; a valiant man will not raise disorder. If we lose those three qualities, who will be with us? If by our death we increase the number of our enemies, of what use will it be? When a ruler puts a minister to death, what can the latter say to him? If we are really guilty, our death comes late; if he put us to death, being innocent, he will lose the people, and have no repose afterwards, however much he may wish it. Let us simply wait our fate. We have received emoluments from our ruler, and by means of them have collected a party; but what offence could be greater than if with that party we should strive against his order [for our death]?

'On Renwu, Xu Tong and Yiyang Wu wished to lead eight hundred men-at-arms to attack the Xi; but Jiao of Changyu begged leave [to attempt their death] without using many followers, and the marquis sent Qing Feitui with him to help him. Taking their spears and tucking up their skirts, they pretended to have some dispute together, [and went on to where the three Xi were]. These had planned to take counsel together in the archery hall, and there Jiao with his spear killed Jubo (Xi Qi) and Chengshu of Ku (Xi Chou), where they were sitting. Ji of Wen said, "Let me flee from the danger," and ran off. Jiao, however, overtook his carriage, killed him with his spear, took his body and those of the two others, and exposed them in the court. In the meantime Xu Tong with the men-at-arms seized Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan (Xun Xianzi) in the court, and Jiao asked that they might be put to death, or sorrow would come to the marquis. The marquis, however, said. " I have exposed the corpses of three ministers in one morning, and I cannot bear to add more to them." Jiao replied, "They will bear to deal with you. I have heard that disorder occasioned by another State is hostility, while that which takes its origin within the State is treason. Hostility is to be met with virtue; treason with punishment. When you put [your enemy] to death without showing [any leniency], it cannot be said there is virtue in such a course; when your ministers exercise a pressure on you, and you do not cut them off, it cannot be said that there is punishment. There being neither virtue nor punishment, hostility and treason will come together. I beg to be allowed to leave the State." Accordingly he fled to the Di.

'The duke then sent to the two officers that they were at liberty to go, saying, "I have punished the Xi, and they have suffered for their guilt. No disgrace is intended you. Resume your offices and places." The two bowed twice with their heads to the ground, and replied, "Your lordship has punished the guilty; and that you have further granted us an escape from death,—this is your kindness. Till death we shall not forget it." They then went to their homes.

'The duke made Xu Tong a high minister; and [not long after], he was rambling and enjoying himself in the neighbourhood of the family of Jiangli, when Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan seized and kept him prisoner. They called Shi Gai to join them, but he refused. They called Han Jue, but he also refused, saying, "Formerly I was brought up in the Zhao family; and during the slanders of Meng Ji [See the Zhuan on VIII.6], I declined to use my sword. There is a saying of the ancients, that "no one likes to preside at the slaying of an old ox;" how much less would one do so at the slaying of a ruler! You, gentlemen, are not able to serve our ruler; what use could you make of me?'"

Par. 14. The State of Shuyong was near that of Shuliao;—see on VII. viii. 7. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Shuyong, in consequence of the defeat of the army of Chu [at Yanling], led the people of Wu to besiege Chao, to attack Jia, and to besiege Li and Hui. Trusting in Wu, they made no preparations against Chu, and the Gongzi Tuoshi surprised their city, and extinguished their State.'

[The Zhuan adds here:——'In the intercalary month, on Yimao, the last day of it, Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan put to death Xu Tong. The people were not for the [three Xi], and Xu Tong had led on his ruler to commit disorder; and the text therefore says in both cases that "Jin put its great officers to death.'"]

XVIII. Eighteenth year.

1. In the duke's [eighteenth] year, in spring, in the king's first month, Jin put to death its great officer, Xu Tong.

2. On Gengshen, Jin murdered its ruler, Zhoupu.

3. Qi put to death its great officer, Guo Zuo.

4. The duke went to Jin.

5. In summer, the viscount of Chu and the earl of Zheng invaded Song; [when] Yu Shi of Song again entered Pengcheng.

6. The duke arrived from Jin.

7. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Gai to Lu on a mission of friendly enquiries.

8. In autumn, the earl of Qi paid a court-visit to Lu.

9. In the eighth month, the viscount of Zhu paid a court-visit to Lu.

10. We enclosed the deer park.

11. On Jichou, the duke died in the state-chamber.

12. In winter, a body of men from Chu and one from Zheng made an incursion into Song.

13. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Fang to ask the help of an army.

14. In winter, in the twelfth month, Zhongsun Mie had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the viscount of Zhu, and Cui Shu of Qi, when they made a covenant together in Xucheng.

15. On Dingwei, we buried our ruler, duke Cheng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The death of Xu Tong, as related in the last Zhuan, took place in the 12th month, intercalary, of the last year. It appears now, acc. to Du, because it was only now announced to Lu. Jin followed the calendar of Xia, instead of that of Zhou.

Par. 2. See the Zhuan on par. 13 of last year. The Zhuan here says:——'This spring, in the 1st month, on Gengshen, Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan made Cheng Hua murder duke Li, whom they buried outside the east gate of Yi, with a single carriage in attendance. They then sent Xun Ying and Shi Fang to the capital to meet Zhouzi, and declared him duke Li's successor. Zhouzi was [only] 14 years old; but when the great officers met him in Qingyuan, he said, "At first, I had no wish to arrive at this estate; and [now], though I have arrived at it, is it not to be ascribed to Heaven? When men seek a ruler, it is to have one who shall give out his orders. If, when they have called him to the head of the State, they do not follow his orders, what use have they for him? If you mean to obey me, say so today; if not, say so today. If you will reverently follow your ruler, then the Spirits will bless us." They replied, "It is your servants' desire. We dare not but hearken to your commands." He then made a covenant with them on Gengwu, and entered [the capital], lodging in the house of Bo Zitong. On Xinsi he presented himself in the temple of [duke] Wu, and banished seven men, who were unworthy to be ministers.

Zhouzi had a brother who was devoid of intelligence, so that he could not distinguish beans from wheat, and consequently could not be made marquis.'

The Kangxi editors enter here again on the subject which they discussed on VI. xvi. 7. The murder of duke Li is ascribed to Jin, while it was really the work of two of the great officers of the State. Guliang thought the style of the record intimated that the ruler had been very bad. The general view of the critics is, that the style of the entry does in a measure distribute the guilt of the murder among the people, to whom Li was an object of abhorrence. The editors denounce this attempt to screen the deed of the two rascal ministers, and share their guilt among the people. The entry is given in consequence of the nature of the announcement from Jin, where there was now no inflexible historiographer like Dong Hu, who recorded the guilt of Zhao Dun. The announcement must have concealed the real criminals by attributing the deed to other parties; but the Chunqiu would not so cover the guilt, and therefore attributed the deed to the State itself, that so curiosity might be excited, inquiry made, and the true criminals not escape from the net!' It is impossible to lay down any 'canons,' or offer any satisfactory explanation of the phraseology in cases like the present. We have the 13th par. of last year, and the first three paragraphs of this year, all occupied with executions or murders that cannot be judged of by the same standard, and yet the record of them is identical.

Par. 3. See the Zhuan on par. 5 of last year, and that after par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'Because of the troubles about Qing [Ke] in Qi, on Jiashen, the last day of the moon, the marquis of Qi made the judge Hua Mian kill Guo Zuo with a spear, at an audience which he gave him in the inner palace, there being soldiers concealed in the palace of the marchioness. The language of the text, "Qi put to death its great officer Guo Zuo," is because he had paid no respect to his ruler's charge, and had taken it on himself to kill [Qing Ke], and had held Gu in rebellion. [At the same time], the marquis made the people of Qing kill Guo Sheng. Guo Ruo [A younger brother of Sheng] then fled to Lu, and Wang Jiao to Lai. Qing Feng was made a great officer, and Qing Zuo minister of Crime [Both these were sons of Ke]. After this the marquis recalled Guo Ruo, and appointed him heir and representative of the Guo family;—which was according to rule.'

[The Zhuan continues here the narrative in that on p. 2:——'In the 2d month, on Yiyou, on the 1st day of the moon, duke Dao [Sunzhou] of Jin took the place of Li in the court, and for the first time gave their charges to the various officers. He bestowed [favours], remitted [burdensome requirements], and forgave debts due to the govt.]; he extended his kindness to the solitary and to widows; he redressed the cause of officers who had been dismissed from employment, and of those who had been kept back; he delivered the needy and distressed; he relieved the sufferers from calamity and misfortune; he laid prohibitions on dissoluteness and wickedness; he lightened taxes; he dealt gently with offenders; he employed the people at the proper times, endeavouring not to interfere with the seasons. He appointed Wei Xiang, Shi Fang, Wei Jie, and Zhao Wu, to be high ministers; Xun Jia, Xun Hui, Luan Yan, and Han Wuji, to be great officers over the different branches of the ducal kindred, requiring them to teach the sons and younger brothers of the ministers the duties of reverence, economy, filial piety, and fraternal submission. He appointed Shi Wozhuo [Shi Zhenzi] to be grandmaster, requiring him to revise and revive the laws of Fan Wuzi; and Youhang Xin to be minister of Works, requiring him to revise and revive the laws of Shi Wei. Jiu of Bian was principal charioteer, with all the head grooms under him, and was required to instruct all the charioteers in the principles of righteousness. Xun Bin was principal spearman on the right, with all the other spearmen under him, and was required to instruct those strong men-at-arms in the service at any time required of them. Ministers [Being generals] were not allowed a special charioteer, his duty being discharged by one of the ordinary officers. Qi Xi was tranquillizer of the army of the centre, with Yangshe Zhi under him; Wei Jiang was marshal, and Zhang Lao was scout-master. Duo Ekou was tranquillizer of the 1st army, with Ji Yan as marshal, and was required to teach the soldiers and chariot-men to aid one another in obeying the commands which they received. Cheng Zheng was chief equerry. with the grooms of the six studs under him. whom he was required to instruct in the rules of propriety. The chiefs of all the six official departments were the objects of the people's praise. Not one was unequal to the office to which he was raised; no one interfered with the duties of another's department. Their dignities did not surpass their virtues. The assistant-commanders did not trench on the authority of the generals, nor did their subordinates press upon them. No word of dissatisfaction or reviling was heard among the people, and thus the place of Jin as the leader of the other States was restored.']

Par. 4, 6. 'The duke,' says Zuoshi, 'went to Jin, to appear at the court of the new ruler'

Par. 5. Pengcheng was in the pres. dis. of Tongshan (銅山), dep. Suzhou, Jiangsu. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 9th month, the earl of Zheng made an incursion into Song, and proceeded as far as the outside of the Cao gate. He then joined the viscount of Chu who was invading Song, and they took Zhaojia. Zixin of Chu and Huang Chen of Zheng made an incursion to Chenggao, and took Youqiu. They then joined in attacking Pengcheng. in which they placed Yu Shi, Xiang Weiren, Lin Zhu. Xiang Dai. and Yu Fu [See the Zhuan on XV., pp. 8.9.], left 300 chariots to guard the country, and returned. The text says that [Yu Shi] "again entered" [Pengcheng]. Now, in the case of parties who have left their State, when the State sends and meets them [to bring them back], they are said "to enter it." When they have the places which they formerly held restored to them, they are said "to be restored again." When they are re-instated by the prince of another State, they are said "to be restored." When their restoration is effected by violence, they are said "to enter again."

'The people of Song were afflicted by these proceedings, but Xi Chuwu said, "Why be afflicted? If the people of Chu had regarded those wicked men as we do, [and dealt with them] so as to do us a favour, then we should have served Chu without daring to waver in our adherence. Then that great State, in its insatiable ambition would have treated us as a border of its own, and still been angry [that our State was not larger]. This would have been a cause [for affliction]. Or if in another way it had received those objects of our detestation, and made them help it in its measures, so as to spy out the opportunities which we might afford it [to attack us], this also would have been an affliction. But now, Chu has exalted these traitors to their prince, and apportioned to them a part of our territory, so as to stop the plain route [of communication between Jin and Wu];—it has satisfied the traitors' wishes, and will thereby separate from itself its own adherents; it has poisoned the States against itself, and filled with apprehension Wu and Jin. Our course becomes much easier. This should be no sorrow to us. And for what have we served Jin? It will be sure to pity us.'"

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'When the duke arrived from Jin, Fan Xuanzi (Shi Gai) came to Lu with friendly inquiries, and to acknowledge the duke's visit to the court of Jin. The superior man will say that in this Jin behaved with propriety.'

Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The earl of Qi now came to congratulate the duke on the accomplishment of his journey, and to ask about Jin. The duke in consequence told him all about the [new] marquis. The earl on this went off quickly on a courtvisit to Jin, and begged an alliance of marriage with it.

[There is a note here about Song:——'In the 7th month, Lao Zuo of Song and Hua Xi laid siege to Pengcheng, when the former died.']

Par. 9. Zuoshi says this visit was made by duke Xuan of Zhu, on occasion of his succeeding to the State, to have an interview with duke Cheng.

Par. 10. Zuoshi says this entry is made because of the unseasonableness of the proceeding.

Par. 11. See VII. xviii. 7; et al.'The record,' says Zuo,'shows that he died where he should have done.'

Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, Zichong of Chu came to relieve Pengcheng, and invaded Song. Hua Yuan of Song went to Jin to report the urgency of their distress. Han Xianzi was then Jin's chief minister, and said, "If we wish to win men, we must first be earnest in their behalf. To establish our leadership, and secure our strength, we must begin with Song." The marquis of Jin then took post with an army at Taigu, to relieve Song, and [his generals] met with the army of Chu in the valley of Mijiao. It withdrew before them.'

Par. 13. For 魴 Gong has 彭. The Zhuan says:——'When Shi Fang asked for the help of an army, Ji Wenzi asked Zang Wuzhong what should be its numbers. Zang replied, "In the expedition against Zheng, Zhibo [Xun Ying] came to us, the assistant-commander of the 3d army. Now Zhi Ji [Shi Fang, a son of Shi Hui] is in the same position. Send the same number of troops which we did to the invasion of Zheng. In serving a great State, we must not fail to observe the rank aud titles of its envoys, and to be very respectful." Ji Wenzi followed this counsel.'

Par. 14. Xucheng was probably in Song; but its situation is not known. The Zhuan says:——'In the 12th month, Meng Xianzi [Mie] joined [the other commanders] in Xucheng, to consult about the relief of Song. The people of Song declined the presence of the princes, and begged the service of their armies to besiege Pengcheng. Meng Xianzi asked leave of the princes, and returned to Lu, to be present at the duke's burial."

Par. 15. 'This entry,'says Zuoshi, 'intimates that everything [about the death, burial, and succession] was natural and proper.'


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Published by The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, © Copyright 2003 by Anne Kinney and the University of Virginia

8. 成 公

I. 元 年

II. 二 年

III. 三 年

IV. 四 年

V.五 年

VI. 六 年

VII.七 年

VIII. 八 年

IX. 九 年

X. 十 年

XI. 十 有 一 年

XII. 十 有 二 年

XIII. 十 有 三 年

XIV. 十 有 四 年

XV. 十 有 五 年

XVI. 十 有 六 年

XVII. 十 有 七 年

XVIII. 十 有 八 年

BOOK VIII. DUKE CHENG.

I. First year.

II. Second year.

III. Third year.

IV. Fourth year.

V. Fifth year.

VI. Sixth year.

VII. Seventh year.

VIII. Eighth year.

IX. Ninth year.

X. Tenth year.

XI. Eleventh year.

XII. Twelfth year.

XIII. Thirteenth year.

XIV. Fourteenth year.

XV. Fifteenth year.

XVI. Sixteenth year.

XVII. Seventeenth year.

XVIII. Eighteenth year.

8. 成公

I. 元年

II. 二年

III. 三年

IV. 四年

V.五年

VI. 六年

VII.七年

VIII. 八年

IX. 九年

X. 十年

XI. 十有一年

XII. 十有二年

XIII. 十有三年

XIV. 十有四年

XV. 十有五年

XVI. 十有六年

XVII. 十有七年

XVIII. 十有八年