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1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2. Zhongsun Mie joined Luan Yan of Jin, Hua Yuan of Song, Ning Zhi of Wey, an officer of Cao, an officer of Ju, an officer of Zhu, an officer of Teng, and an officer of Xue, in besieging Pengcheng in Song.
3. In summer, Han Jue of Jin led an army, and invaded Zheng. Zhongsun Mie joined Cui Shu of Qi, an officer of Cao, an officer of Zhu, and an officer of Qi, and halted, [with their forces], in Zeng.
4. In autumn, the Gongzi Renfu of Chu led a force, and made an incursion into Song.
5. In the ninth month, on Xinyou, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
6. The viscount of Zhu came to Lu on a court-visit.
7. In winter, the marquis of Wey sent the Gongsun Piao to Lu on a visit of friendly inquiries. So did the marquis of Jin send Xun Ying.
Title of this Book.—襄公, Duke Xiang.' Duke Xiang's name was Wu (午). He was the son of duke Cheng, and as we learn from the Zhuan after IX. 6, at the time of his accession was only 4 years old. His mother was not the daughter of Qi, of whose marriage with Cheng we have an account in his 14th year, but of a Si (姒), a lady of Qi, whose death appears in the 4th year. His posthumous title Xiang denotes—Successful in his conduct of affairs (因事有功曰襄).'
Xiang's 1st year synchronized with the 14th of king Jian (簡王); the 1st of Dao (悼) of Jin; the 10th of Ling (靈) of Qi; the 5th of Xian (獻) of Wey; the 20th of Jing of Cai; the 13th of Cheng (成) of Zheng; the 6th of Cheng (成) of Cao; the 27th of Cheng of Chen; the 65th of Huan of Qi; the 4th of Ping (平) of Song; the 5th of Jing (景) of Qin; the 19th of Gong (共) of Chu; and the 14th of Shoumeng of Wu (吳 壽 夢).
Par. 1. See on VIII. i. 1; et al.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'This year, in spring, on Jihai, there was the siege of Pengcheng. It did not now belong to Song;—the text calls it Song's retrospectively. At this time [the States] were punishing Yu Shi for Song, and therefore the city is called Song's, and moreover the text would not sanction the exaltation of a rebel. The language has respect to the wishes of Song [in the matter].
'Pengcheng surrendered to Jin, and the people of Jin took the five great officers of Song who were in it back with them, and placed them in Huqiu. The troops of Qi were not present at [the siege of] Pengcheng, which Jin thought was a ground for punishing [that State], and in the 2d month the eldest son of [the marquis of] Qi became a hostage in Jin.'
According to Zuoshi's own remarks in the above Zhuan, the 宋 before 彭 城 in this par. is Confucius' own,—an instance not of his pruning, but of his correcting pencil. But the reasons for his view are very shadowy. Chu had not taken Pengcheng from Song, and appropriated it to itself. King Gong had indeed placed Yu Shi in it, as a thorn in the side of Song, and had supplied him with a force to enable him to maintain his position, but he had not made him its ruler with the title of baron, or viscount, or any higher dignity. Nothing had occurred which should make the historiographers not speak of the city as Song's.
Par. 3. Zeng was a city of Zheng,—in the pres. Suizhou, dep. Guide. It must not be confounded with the State of Zeng, V. xiv. 2; et al. For 厥 Gongyang has 屈, and for 鄫 合.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 5th month, Han Jue and Xun Yan of Jin invaded Zheng, with the forces of [several of] the States, and entered its outer suburbs. They defeated its infantry near the Wei. At this time the armies of the [other] States were halting at Zeng, waiting for the army of Jin. When that came from Zheng, it made a junction with them, and made an incursion into Jiaoyi of Chu, and into Chen. The marquis of Jin and the marquis of Wey remained in Qi, to render any aid that might be needed.'
Zhao Pengfei says on this paragraph:——'Jin, as chief among the States, invaded Zheng many times. The reason why it thought it necessary to maintain its grasp of it with the forces of the other States was not the strength of Zheng, but the fear of Chu. Had there been no Chu to come to the help of Zheng, Jin might have penetrated to its outer suburbs with a small force. The manner in which it now took its measures in reference to Zheng may be pronounced prudent and skilful. With Han Jue alone attacking the capital of Zheng in front, and the soldiers of the five States ready to succour him in the rear, if the forces of Chu did not come forth, the single Han Jue was abundantly able to take the city; if they did come forth, the armies of the five States were sufficient to fight them without fear. These arrangements showed the care with which Jin made use of the other States, and did not lightly expose their people in battle. Therefore the sage by the terms "invaded" and "halted" indicated his admiration of its measures in dealing with the offending Zheng. Expositors, regarding only the statement in the next paragraph, that an army of Chu made an incursion into Song, say that the States halted at Zeng to save Song. But it was not till the autumn that Chu made that incursion;—how should the States have halted here beforehand with a view to save Song? Such a view shows no consideration of the order of the paragraphs. Moreover, Zeng was in the territory of Zheng;—would they have halted in Zheng to save Song?'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Zixin of Chu went to succour Zheng, and made an incursion on Lü and Liu of Song. Ziran of Zheng made an incursion into Song, and took Quanqiu.'
Por. 5. This was king Jian (簡). He was succeeded by his son, king Ling (靈).
Par. 6. Zuoshi says this visit was 'proper,' —to congratulate, I suppose, the child-marquis on his accession.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter Zishu of Wey, and Zhi Wuzi of Jin, came to Lu, with friendly inquiries; which was proper. On the accession of any prince, smaller States appeared [by their princes] at his court, and larger ones sent friendly missions;—for the continuance of their friendship, and cementing their good faith, to take counsel on affairs, and to repair deficiencies. These were the greatest of ceremonies.'
These courtesies to Lu, it must be supposed, were sent before the States had heard the news of the king's death, because after such an event there was an intermission for a time of those observances.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first month, there was the burial of king Jian.
2. An army of Zheng invaded Song.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Gengyin, [duke Cheng's] wife, the lady Jiang, died.
4. In the sixth month, on Gengchen, Gun, earl of Zheng, died.
5. An army of Jin, an army of Song, and Ning Zhi of Wey, made an incursion into Zheng.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, Zhongsun Mie had a meeting with Xun Ying of Jin, Hua Yuan of Song, Sun Linfu of Wey, an officer of Cao, and an officer of Zhu, in Qi.
7. On Jichou, we buried our duchess, Qi Jiang.
8. Shusun Bao went to Song.
9. In winter, Zhongsun Mie had a meeting with Xun Ying of Jin, Cui Shu of Qi, Hua Yuan of Song, Sun Linfu of Wey, an officer of Cao, an officer of Zhu, an officer of Teng, an officer of Xue, and an officer of Little Zhu, in Qi, when they proceeded to wall Hulao.
10 Chu put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Shen.
Par. 1. This burial, 5 months after death, was sooner than 'the rule' prescribed.
Par. 2. Acc. to Zuo, this 'invasion' was merely 'an incursion,' at the command of Chu.
[The Zhuan appends here:—'The marquis of Qi invaded Lai, the people of which sent Zheng Yuzi to bribe Su Shawei [Chief eunuch in Qi] with a hundred choice horses and as many oxen. On this the army of Qi returned. From this the superior man might know that duke Ling of Qi was indeed ling (A play on the meaning of the term as a posthumous epithet)].'
Par. 3. This was duke Cheng's wife proper, called the 'wife-mother (嫡 母)' of duke Xiang. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Mu Jiang [Duke Cheng's mother] had caused some fine jia trees to be chosen, to make for herself a coffin and a song lute. Ji Wenzi now took the coffin to bury Qi Jiang in. The superior man will pronounce this proceeding contrary to propriety. Propriety admits of nothing unreasonable. A wife should nourish her mother-in-law;—nothing could be more unreasonable than to take from the mother-in-law to supply the wife. The ode (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 9.) says,
"There is indeed a wise man;—I tell him good words, And he yields to them the practice of docile virtue." But Jisun in this showed himself not wise. And [Qi] Jiang was the duke's mother. The ode (Shi, IV. i. Bk. ii. ode IV.), says,
"With spirits and sweet spirits, To present to our deceased parents, And in supply for all ceremonies;—Very abundant is the blessing conferred upon us."' Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Cheng of Zheng was ill, and Zisi begged him to ease his shoulder upon Jin, but he said, "For the sake of Zheng, the ruler of Chu received an arrow in his eye. It was for me he underwent this, and for no other man. If I revolt from him, I cast away his efforts in our behalf and my own promise;—who in such a case would care for my friendship? It is for you, my officers, to save me from such a course." In autumn, in the 7th month, on Gengchen, Gun, earl of Zheng, died.'
In this last sentence of the Zhuan, Gengchen, the day of the earl's death, is said to have been in the 7th month, and not in the 6th as in the text. And the Zhuan must be correct, for Gengyin of par. 3 being in the 5th month, there cannot have been a Gengchen day in the 6th. Acc. to Du's scheme of the calendar, Gengchen was the 9th day of the 7th month.
There is no mention subsequently of the burial of the earl of Zheng; 'because,' acc. to Gao Kang, 'he had joined the party of Chu, and the other States therefore did not observe the usual measures at his funeral.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'At this time, Zihan [of Zheng] had charge of the State, Zisi was chief minister, and Ziguo was minister of War. All the other great officers wished to give in the adhesion of the State to Jin, but Zisi said, "The charge to us officers is not yet changed."'
Jin was now taking advantage of the death of the earl of Zheng to attack the State. The other officers wanted to submit to it, but Zisi held that the charge of the deceased earl, that they should adhere to Chu, was binding on them, till his successor should give them different instructions, and it was too early for him to have done so. To attack a State when suffering from the death of its ruler was contrary to the rule and practice of those times. The commentators have much to say on this point.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'This meeting at Qi was to consult in reference to Zheng. Meng Xianzi (Mie) proposed that they should fortify Hulao, to bring a pressure to bear on Zheng. Zhi Wuzi said, "Good. At the meeting in Zeng (the year before), you [mentioned] some remarks of the minister Cui which you had heard; and now he is not here. Neither have Teng, Xue, and Little Zhu come;—all in consequence of Qi's [disaffection], and to the grief of my ruler. I will report the thing to him, and we will ask Qi [to join in the fortification]. If it accede, and we give notice accordingly, the merit will be yours. If it do not accede, our business will lie in Qi. This proposal of yours is for the happiness of all the States. Not our ruler only is indebted to you for it."'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi made the wives of all his great officers of his own surname come to Lu to attend the funeral. He sent for the viscount of Lai also to come; but he was not present. On this account Yan Ruo walled Dongyang to exert a pressure on Lai.'
Par. 8. Shusun Bao,—see the Zhuan on VIII. xvi. 14. Zuo says:——'This friendly mission of Mushu (Bao) to Song was to open communications between it and the young marquis.'
Par. 9. Little Zhu;—see V. vii. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In winter there was a second meeting at Qi, when Cui Wuzi of Qi, and great officers of Teng, Xue, and little Zhu were all present, in consequence of the words of Zhi Wuzi [at the former meeting]. They then proceeded to fortify Hulao, and the people of Zheng tendered their submission [to Jin].' Hulao was a city which had belonged to Zheng, but was now held by Jin. It was in the pres. dis. of Sishui, dept. Kaifeng. The Kangxi editors say that the fortifying of this city was 'grasping Zheng by the throat, so that it could not look towards the south.'
Par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Shen of Chu was marshal of the right, and by means of the bribes which he received from many of the small States exercised a pressure on Zichong and Zixin till the people of Chu put him to death. Hence the language of the text, "Chu put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Shen."'
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, the Gongzi Yingqi of Chu led a force and invaded Wu.
2. The duke went to Jin.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Renxu, the duke and the marquis of Jin made a covenant in Changchu.
4. The duke arrived from Jin.
5. In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Shan, the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the viscount of Ju, the viscount of Zhu, and Guang, heir-son of Qi; and on Jiwei they made a covenant together at Jize.
6. The marquis of Chen sent Yuan Qiao to be present at the meeting.
7. On Wuyin, Shusun Bao, and the great officers of the various princes, made a covenant with Yuan Qiao of Chen.
8. In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.
9. In winter, Xun Ying of Jin led a force, and invaded Xu.
Par. 1. We have here the commencement of those hostilities between Chu and Wu, which did more than all the power of the northern States to repress the growth of Chu. Jin had fostered the jealousy and ambition of Wu, until Chu saw that the most prudent course for itself was to take the initiative in making war.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Zichong of Chu invaded Wu with an army selected for the purpose. He subdued Jiuzi, and proceeded as far as mount Heng. Thence he sent Deng Liao to make an incursion into the country, with a force of 300 men, wearing buff-coats lacquered as if made of strings, and 3,000, whose coats were covered with silk. The people of Wu intercepted and attacked him. Deng Liao himself was taken, and of the men who wore buff-coats looked as if made of strings only 80 escaped, and of the others only 300. Zichong had returned [to Ying]; and three days after he had drunk his arrival [in the ancestral temple], the people of Wu invaded Chu, and took Jia. Jia was a good city, as Deng Liao was a good officer of Chu. Superior men observed that what Zichong gained in this expedition was not equal to what he lost. The people of Chu on this account blamed Zichong, who was so much distressed, that he fell into mental trouble, and died.'
Parr. 2—4. Zuo says that this court-visit was made as being proper on the duke's accession to the State. Of course the child was in the hands of his ministers, and did as they directed him. His guide at this time was Zhongsun Mie. As the duke had gone to the capital of Jin, and the name of the place where the marquis and he covenanted is given, it is supposed by Du that the latter had courteously left the city, and met his young guest outside. Hence Yingda says that Changchu was a place near the wall of the capital of Jin.
The Zhuan says:——'At the covenant in Changchu, Meng Xianzi directed the duke, who bowed with his head to the ground. Zhi Wuzi said, "The son of Heaven is alive; and for your ruler to bow his head to the ground before him makes my ruler afraid." Xianzi replied, "Considering how our poor State stands there in the east, in proximity to our enemies, all our ruler's hope is in yours;—dare he but bow his head to the ground?"'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Qi Xi (see the Zhuan after VIII. xviii. 3) asked leave to resign his office on account of age. The marquis of Jin asked him about his successor, and he recommended Xie Hu, who was his enemy. Hu, however, died, as he was about to be appointed, and the marquis consulted Xi again. He replied, "Wu (his own son) may do." About the same time Yangshe Zhi died, and the marquis asked Xi who should take his place, when he replied, "Chi (Zhi's son) will do." Accordingly Qi Wu was appointed tranquillizer of the army of the centre, and Yangshe Zhi assistant to him.
The superior man will say that Qi Xi thus showed himself capable of putting forward good men. He recommended his enemy;—evidently no flatterer; he got his own son appointed;—but from no partiality; he advanced his subordinate;—but with no partizanship. One of the Books of Shang (Shu, V. iv. 14) says,
"Without partiality, and without deflection, Broad and long is the royal path;" —words which may be applied to Qi Xi. Xie Hu, was recommended; Qi Wu got his position; and Bohua (Yangshe Chi) got his office:—in the filling up of one office three things were accomplished. He was indeed able to put forward good men. Good himself, he could put forward those who were like him. The ode (Shi, II. vi. ode X. 4) says,
"They have the ability, And right is it their actions should show it;"—so was it with Qi Xi!'].
Par. 5 Jize was in Jin,—in the north east of the pres. dep. of Guangping, Zhili. The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the submission of Zheng, and wishing to cultivate the friendship of Wu, Jin proposed to call a meeting of the States, and therefore [the marquis] sent Shi Gai to inform Qi, saying, "My ruler has sent me, because of the difficulties of every year, and the want of preparation against evils that may arise, [to say that] he wishes to have an interview with his brethren, to consult about the case of States that are not in harmony with us, and begs your lordship to come to it. He has sent me to beg a convenant with you." The marquis of Qi wanted to refuse, but felt the difficulty of appearing to be among the discordant, and made a covenant [with Gai], beyond the Er. In the 6th month, the duke met duke Qing of Shan and the various princes; and on Jiwei they made a covenant together at Jize. The marquis of Jin sent Xun Hui to meet the viscount of Wu on the Huai, who, however, did not come [to the meeting].'
Most of the critics condemn this covenant on the ground that it was derogatory to the king to associate his representative, the viscount of Shan, in it. Du, however, and others think the viscount may have been specially commissioned to take part in it, to establish the leadership of duke Dao among the States. The heir-son of Qi was a hostage in Jin (see on i. 2), and was therefore present at the meeting.
Parr. 6, 7. Here is another proof that the power of Chu had received a check, and that the States which had adhered to it were now seeking the alliance of Jin. The Zhuan says: —'Zixin of Chu, being made chief minister of the State, was exorbitant in his desire [for bribes] from the small States. [In consequence], duke Cheng of Chen sent Yuan Qiao to the meeting [of the States], to seek for reconciliation and peace. The marquis of Jin made He Zufu inform the princes of it. In the autumn, Shusun Bao and the great officers of the [other] States made a covenant with Yuan Qiao;—on Chen's thus begging to tender its submission.' No stress is to be laid on the two 及 in p. 7, as Gu and Gong would do.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Yanggan, a brother of the marquis of Jin, having thrown the ranks into confusion at Quliang (near Jize), Wei Jiang (marshal of the army of the centre) executed his charioteer. The marquis was angry, and said to Yangshe Chi, "We assembled the States for our glory, and now this execution has been done on Yanggan; —the disgrace is extreme. You must put Wei Jiang to death without fail." Chi replied, "Jiang is not a man of double purpose. He will avoid no difficulty in the service of his ruler, and will evade no punishment due to any offence he may commit. He will be here to state his case; why should you send such an order about him?" When he had done, Wei Jiang arrived, gave a written statement to one of the [marquis's] attendants, and was about to fall upon his sword, but was stopped by Shi Fang and Zhang Lao. The marquis read the statement, which said, "Formerly, being in want of servants, you gave to me this office of marshal. I have heard that in a host submission to orders is the soldier's duty, and that when the business of the army may require the infliction of death, not to shrink from inflicting it is the officer's reverential duty. Your lordship had assembled the States, and I dared not but discharge my reverential duty. If your lordship's soldiers had failed in their duty, and your officers in theirs, the offence would have been extreme. I was afraid that the death which I should incur would also extend to Yanggan; I do not dare to escape from the consequences of guilt, for I was unable to give the necessary instructions previously, and proceeded to use the axe. My offence is heavy, and I dare not shrink from accepting the due, so as to enrage your mind. Allow me to return, and die at the hands of the minister of Crime."
The duke ran out barefoot, saying, "I spoke out of my love for my brother; you punished in accordance with military law. I was not able to instruct my brother, which made him violate your great orders;—that was my fault; do not you render it still heavier. Let me presume to request this of you." The marquis [now] considered that Wei Jiang was able by his use of punishments to aid [in the govt. of] the people. When then they returned from the service, he gave him a feast of ceremony, and made him assistant-commander of the new army]. Zhang Lao was made marshal of the army of the centre, and Shi Fu was made scout-master.'
There follows another brief notice:——'The Gongzi Heji, minister of War of Chu, made an incursion into Chen, because of the revolt of that State].'
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Xu adhered to Chu, and was not present at the meeting in Jize. In winter Zhi Wuzi of Jin led a force, and invaded Xu.'
1. In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's third month, Wu, marquis of Chen, died.
2. In summer, Shusun Bao went to Jin.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Wuzi, [duke Cheng's] wife, the lady Si, died.
4. There was the burial of duke Cheng of Chen.
5. In the eighth month, on Xinhai, we buried our duchess, Ding Si.
6. In winter, the duke went to Jin.
7. A body of men from Chen laid siege to the capital of Dun.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the army of Chu, in consequence of the revolt of Chen, was still in Fanyang. Han Xianzi was troubled about it, and said in the court [of Jin], "When king Wen led on the revolted States of Yin to serve Zhou, he knew the time. It is different now with our course. Alas!" In the 3d month, duke Cheng of Chen died; and when the people of Chu, who were then about to invade Chen, heard of the event, they stayed their movement. Nevertheless, the people of Chen would not hearken to Chu's commands. When Zang Wuzhong heard of it, he said, "Chen, thus refusing to submit to Chu, is sure to perish. When a great State behaves with courteous consideration, not to submit to it would be deemed blameworthy in [another] great State; how much more must it be deemed so in a small one!" In summer, Peng Ming of Chu made an incursion into Chen, because of the want of propriety which Chen had manifested.' The Kangxi editors are indignant at the remarks which Chu's persistence in attacking Chen elicited from the two statesmen of Jin and Lu. Now, they think, was the time to have taken the field in force against Chu.
Par. 2. Zuoshi thinks this visit of Bao to Jin was in return for that of Xun Ying in the 1st year; but that courtesy of Jin had been already more than responded to. We do not know what now took Bao to Jin.
The Zhuan says:——'Mushu went to Jin, in return for the friendly mission of Zhi Wuzi. The marquis gave him an entertainment; and when the bells gave the signal, [there were sung] three pieces of the Sixia, but he made no bow in acknowledgment. The musicians then sang the first three pieces in the first Book of the Greater odes of the kingdom; but neither did he bow in acknowledgment of these. They sang finally the first three pieces in the 1st Book of the Minor odes, in acknowledgment of which he bowed three times. Han Xianzi sent the internuncius Ziyuan to him, saying, "You have come by the command of your ruler to our poor State. We have received you with the ceremonies appointed by our former rulers, adding the accompaniment of music. Where the honour was the greatest, you overlooked it; and where it was the least, you acknowledged it:—I presume to ask by what rules of propriety you were guided." The envoy replied, The first three pieces were those proper to an occasion when the son of Heaven is entertaining a chief among the princes; I did not presume to seem as if I heard them. The second three were those proper to the music at an interview between two princes; I did not presume to appear as if I had to do with them. But in the first of the last three, your ruler was complimenting mine;—I could not but presume to acknowledge the compliment. In the second, your ruler was cheering me for the toil of my embassy;—I dared not decline deeply to acknowledge [his kindness]. In the third, your ruler was instructing me, and telling me to be prosecuting my inquiries among the good. I have heard that to inquire about goodness is [the proper] questioning; to inquire about relative duties is [the proper] seeking for information; to inquire about propriety is [the proper] deliberation; to inquire about governmental affairs is [the proper] consultation; to inquire about calamities is [the proper] devising:——thus I obtained five excellent instructions, and I dared not but deeply to acknowledge [the favour]."'
Parr. 3, 5. Here Gongyang makes the surname of the lady to have been 弋 and not 姒. It is plain from the Zhuan that she was the mother of duke Xiang. The death of duke Cheng's wife—Qi Jiang—appears in the second year. The Si could only have been a concubine; yet she appears here as if she had been his wife, and was buried as such. The Kangxi editors cannot help calling attention to this impropriety, and they suppose that the entries were made just to call attention to it! The whole thing is the more remarkable, as it appears from the Zhuan that it was not thought necessary at first to bury Ding Si with any distinguished ceremonies at all. It says:——'In autumn, Ding Si died, and [it was proposed] that her coffin should not be carried into the ancestral temple on occasion of her interment; that there should be no [double] coffin; and that the subsequent ceremony of lamentation should be omitted. The artificer Qing said to Ji Wenzi, "You are our chief minister, and in making the funeral rites of the duchess thus incomplete, you are not doing your duty to our ruler. When he is grown up, who will receive the blame?"
'Before this, Jisun had planted for himself six jia trees in the Pu orchard outside the east gate. Qing asked him for some trees [to make the coffin], and when he gave a half assent, the other used the jia in that orchard, without Jisun's forbidding him. The superior man will say, "Might not what we find in an [old] book, that he who is guilty of many breaches of propriety will find his conduct recoil upon himself, be spoken of Jisun?" ' The funeral must have been hurried on.
Par. 4. The State of Chen had revolted from Chu, and was now on the side of Jin. Lu in consequence, as one of the northern party, now sent an officer to be present at the burial of the marquis.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'The duke now went to Jin, to receive its orders (as to the services to be rendered to the leading State). The marquis of Jin entertained him, and the duke requested that Zeng might be attached to Lu. The marquis not agreeing to this, Meng Xianzi said, "Our ruler in Lu is in proximity to your adversaries, and wishes to serve your lordship firmly, without failing in any of the requirements of your officers. Zeng contributes no levies to your minister of War. Your officers are continually laying their commands on our poor State, which being of small dimensions is liable to fail in discharging them, and may be charged with some offence. Our ruler therefore wished to borrow the assistance [of Zeng]." On this the marquis assented to the application.'
Par. 7. Dun,—see V. xxv. 5. It was one of the many small States acknowledging the supremacy of Chu. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Chu made Dun watch for opportunities in Chen, and attack it or make inroads into it. In consequence, the people of Chen laid siege to its principal city.'
[The Zhuan gives here a long narrative about Jin and the Rong. 'Jiafu, viscount of Wuzhong (a tribe of the Hill Rong) sent Meng Le to Jin, and through Wei Zhuangzi (Wei Jiang) presented a number of tiger and leopard skins, begging that Jin would agree to be in harmony with the various tribes of the Rong. The marquis said, "The Rong and Di know nothing of affection or friendship, and are full of greed. The best plan is to attack them." Wei Jiang said, "The States have only recently declared their submission to Jin, and Chen has recently sought our friendship. They will all be watching our course. If that be one of kindly goodness, they will maintain their friendship with us; if it be not, they will fall off and separate from us. If we make a toilsome expedition against the Rong, and Chu [in the mean time] invade Chen, we shall not be able to relieve that State;—we shall be throwing Chen away. The States also will be sure to revolt from us;—shall we not be acting an impolitic course, if we lose the States, though we gain the Rong? And in the Book of Instructions of Xia (Shu, III. iii. 2) mention is made of "Yi, prince of Qiong." The marquis said, "What about the prince Yi?" He replied, "Formerly, when the princes of Xia were in a decaying State, prince Yi removed from Xu to Qiongshi, and took advantage of [the dissatisfaction of] the people to supersede the line of Xia. Relying [afterwards] on his archery, he neglected the business of the people, and abandoned himself to the pursuit of the beasts of the plains. He put away from him Wu Luo, Bo Yin, Xiong Kun, and Meng Yu, and employed Zhuo of Han. This Zhuo was a slanderous scion of the House of Boming, prince of Han, who cast him out. Yi, [prince of Qiong], received him, trusted him, and made him his chief minister. Zhuo then fell to flattering all inside the palace, and gave bribes to all outside it. He cajoled the people, and encouraged Yi in his fondness for hunting. He plied more and more his deceit and wickedness to take from Yi his kingdom, until inside and outside the palace all were ready to acknowledge him. Still Yi made no change in his ways; and as he was [on one occasion] on his return from the field, his own servants killed him, boiled him, and gave his flesh to his sons to eat. They could not bear to eat it, and all died in the gate of Qiong. Mi then fled to the State of Youge. Zhuo took to himself Yi's wife, and by her had Ao and Yi. Relying on his slanderous villanies and deceit, he displayed virtue in governing the people, and made Ao with an army extinguish the States of Zhenguan and Zhenxun. He then placed Ao in Guo (過), and Yi in Ge (戈). [In the meantime], Mi went from Youge, and collected the remnant of the people of those two States, with whom he extinguished Zhuo, and raised Shaokang to the throne. Shaokang extinguished Ao in Guo, and [his son], the sovereign Zhu, extinguished Yi in Ge: The princes of Qiong thus perished because they had lost the people. Formerly, in the times of our own Zhou, when Xin Jia was grand historiographer, he ordered each of the officers to write some lines reproving the king's defects. In the lines of the forester it was said,
'Wide and long Yu travelled about, When the nine regions he laid out, And through them led the nine-fold route. The people then safe homes possessed; Beasts ranged the grassy plains with zest. For man and beast sweet rest was found, And virtue reigned the empire round. Then took Yi Yi the emperor's place, His sole pursuit the wild beasts' chase. The people's care he quite forgot. Of does and stags alone he thought. Wars and such pastimes kings should flee; Soon passed the power of Xia from Yi. A forester, these lines I pen, And offer to my king's good men.' Such were the lines of the forester;—is there not matter of admonition in them?" At this time the marquis of Jin was fond of hunting, and therefore Wei Jiang took the opportunity to touch on the subject. The marquis then said, "Well then, will it not be our best plan to be on good terms with the Rong?" Jiang replied, "To be on good terms with the Rong has five advantages. The Rong and Di are continually changing their residence, and are fond of exchanging land for goods. Their lands can be purchased;—this is the first advantage. Our borders will not be kept in apprehension. The people can labour on their fields, and the husbandmen complete their toils;—this is the second. When the Rong and Di serve Jin, our neighbours all round will be terrified, and the States will be awed and cherish our friendship;—this is the third. Tranquillizing the Rong by our goodness, our armies will not be toiled, and weapons will not be broken;—this is the fourth. Taking warning from the sovereign Yi, and using only measures of virtue, the remote will come to us, and the near will be at rest;—this is the fifth." The marquis was pleased, and sent Wei Jiang to make a covenant with all the Rong. He also attended to the business of the people, and hunted [only] at the proper seasons.'
There is another narrative regarding Lu and Zhu:——'In winter, in the 10th month, a body of men from Zhu and another from Ju in vaded Zeng. Zangsun He succoured Zeng, and made an incursion into Zhu, when he was defeated at Hutai. The people of the State went to meet the dead [who were being brought back], and all had their hair tied up with sack cloth. It was now that this style commenced in Lu. The people sang these lines on the occasion:—
"The fox-fur robe of Zang, Caused our loss at Hutai. Our ruler a child; Our general a dwarf. O dwarf, O dwarf, You caused our defeat in Zhu!" ']
1. In his fifth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Jin.
2. In summer, the earl of Zheng sent the Gongzi Fa to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
3. Shusun Bao and Wu, heir-son of Zeng, went to Jin.
4. Zhongsun Mie and Sun Linfu of Wey had a meeting with Wu at Shandao.
5. In autumn, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
6. Chu put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Renfu.
7. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Zheng, the earl of Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earl of Xue, Guang, heir-son of Qi, an officer of Wu, and an officer of Zeng, in Qi.
8. The duke arrived from the meeting.
9. In winter, we went to guard Chen.
10. The Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force, and invaded Chen.
11. The duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, and Guang, heir-son of Qi, in relieving Chen.
12. In the twelfth month, the duke arrived from the relief of Chen.
13. On Xinwei, Jisun Hangfu died.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends here:——'The king sent Wangshu Chensheng to accuse the Rong to Jin. The people of Jin seized and held him prisoner, while Shi Fang went to the capital, to tell how Wangshu was playing double with the Rong.]
Par. 2. Zuoshi says:——'This mission of Ziguo of Zheng was to open communication between Lu and the new earl of Zheng' The new earl of Zheng had succeeded to that State in the duke's 2d year; be might have sent a mission to Lu before this, but through Zheng's long adherence to Chu, its intercourse with the northern States had become irregular. Fa was son of duke Mu, and was styled Ziguo. He was the father of the famous Zichan (子 産).
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Mushu (Bao) procured an interview with [the marquis of] Jin for the eldest son of [the viscount of] Zeng, in order to complete the attaching of Zeng [to Lu]. The style of the text, joining Shusun Bao and Wu of Zeng together, [without a conjunction between their names], exhibits the latter as a great officer of Lu.'
Par. 4. Shandao was in Wu. Gong and Gu make the name 善 稻, It appears to have been in the pres. Szechow (泗 州 ), dep. Fengyang, Anhui. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Wu sent Shouyue to Jin, to explain the reason of his not attending the meeting at Jize, and to ask for another opportunity of joining the alliance of the other States. The people of Jin proposed on his account to assemble the States, and made Lu and Wey have a meeting with Wu beforehand, and convey to it the time of the [general] meeting. On this account Meng Xianzi and Sun Wenzi had a meeting with Wu at Shandao.' The names of Zhongsun Mie and Sun Linfu are joined together like those of Shusun Bao and the prince of Zeng in the previous par., because they went to Wu by orders of Jin,—indeed, as its officers.
Par. 5. See on II. v. 7. Zuo adds here that the sacrifice was offered because of a prevailing drought.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Chu were inquiring into the cause of the revolt of Chen, and it was said, "It was in consequence of exorbitant demands upon it of our chief minister Zixin;" and on this they put him to death. The words of the entry show that it was his covetousness [which brought his fate on Renfu]. The superior man will say that king Gong of Chu here failed in his use of punishment. The ode (a lost ode) says—
"The great way is level and straight; My mind is exact and discriminating. In deliberating on things which are not good, We should collect the [wise] men to determine them." He himself did not keep faith, and he put others to death to gratify his resentment;—was it not hard to have to do with him? One of the Books of Xia (Shu, II. ii. 14) says, "When one's good faith is established, he can accomplish his undertakings."'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, on Bingwu, there was a covenant at Qi, the business being the presence of Wu at the meeting, and giving charge [to the States] about the guarding of Chen. Mushu, considering that to have Zeng attached to Lu was not advantageous, made a great officer of Zeng receive the charge [from Jin] at the meeting.' This last sentence would seem to be added to explain the presence of a representative of Zeng at the meeting. As attached to Lu, that State could not be separately represented at such a time; but Mushu thus publicly renounced the superiority which Lu had a short time obtained over it.
Par. 9. Not Lu alone sent forces to guard the territory of Chen; but the other States had also received orders from Jin at Qi to do the same. There must have been a gathering of troops from several of them.
Parr. 10, 11. Between 曹 伯 and 齊 the text of Gong and Gu adds 莒 子, 邾 子, 滕 子, 薛 伯. The Zhuan says:——'Zinang became chief minister of Chu, on which Fan Xuanzi said, 'We shall lose Chen. The people of Chu, having found the cause of its disaffection and made Zinang minister, are sure to change their ways with it. And they are rapid in their measures to punish. Chen is near to Chu;—is it possible that the people, distressed morning and night, should not go to it? It is not ours to hold command of Chen. Let us let it go, as our best plan." In winter, the States commenced to guard the territory of Chen, and Zinang invaded it. In the 11th month, on Jiawu. [Jin and its allies, all] met at Chengdi to relieve it.'
Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'When Ji Wenzi died, the great officers went to his coffining, and the marquis was present in his proper place. The steward had arranged the furniture of the house in preparation for the burial. There was not a concubine who wore silk, nor a horse which ate grain. There were no stores of money and gems, no valuable articles accumulated. The superior man hereby knows that Ji Wenzi was loyal to the ducal House. He acted as chief minister to three dukes, and yet he had accumulated nothing for himself;—is he not to be pronounced loyal?'
Wenzi was succeeded by his son Su (宿), known as Ji Wuzi (季 武 子),
1. In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Renwu, Gurong, earl of Qi, died.
2. In summer, Hua Ruo of Song came a fugitive to Lu.
3. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Huan of Qi.
4. The viscount of Teng came to Lu on a court-visit.
5. The people of Ju extinguished Zeng.
6. In winter, Shusun Bao went to Zhu.
7. Jisun Su went to Jin.
8. In the twelfth month, the marquis of Qi extinguished Lai.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says:——'When duke Huan of Qi died this spring, the announcement of his death was made with his name for the 1st time [on occasion of the death of a prince of Qi], the reason being that he and our dukes had covenanted together.' This canon is applicable in the case of the only previous notice which we have of the death of a prince of Qi, where no name is given;—see V. xxiii. 4. Generally, however, throughout the classic, it will not apply. E.g., in I. viii. 4, we have the name of the marquis of Cai in the record of his death, though duke Yin had never covenanted with him. Again, in VIII. xiv. 7, we have the death of an earl of Qin without his name, tho' in ii. 10 there is the record of a covenant made by Lu with Qin.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Hua Ruo of Song (a grandson of Hua Jiao, in the Zhuan on VII. xii. 5) and Yue Pei, were great companions when young, and when grown up they made sport together, and went on to revile one another. [Once], Zidang (Yue Pei), in a passion with the other, twisted his bow [string] about his neck in the court. Duke Ping saw the thing, and said, "It would be strange if a minister of War, who is dealt with thus in the court, were equal to his office." He then drove Ruo out of the State; and in summer he came, a fugitive, to Lu. Zihan, minister of Works, said, "To inflict different penalties on parties guilty of the same offence is improper punishment. What offence could be greater than [for Pei] to take it on himself [so] to disgrace [Ruo] in the court?" [Accordingly he proposed] also to drive out Zidang, who shot an arrow at his door, saying, "In a few days, shall you not be following me?" Zihan then became friendly with him as before.'
Par. 3. Lu had not before this sent an officer to attend the burial of a prince of Qi. The State was small and at a distance. But duke Huan had married a daughter of Lu, and Si,—Ding Si,—duke Xiang's mother, had been from Qi. These circumstances drew the States together more than had been the case before.
Par. 4. Zuo says that this visit of duke Cheng of Teng was the first on the part of Teng since duke Xiang's accession.
Par. 5. This calamity came upon Zeng, acc. to Zuoshi, 'through its trusting in bribes,'—bribes which it had paid to Lu for its protection. Nothing could be plainer than the statement here that Zeng was extinguished by Ju. Mention, however, is made, in the 4th year of duke Zhao, of Lu's taking Zeng, as if it had not been extinguished now. The language there can only be equivalent to 'Lu took from Ju what had formerly been Zeng.' Gongyang, however, suggests another view of the 'extinguished' in the text;—that Ju now superseded the Si line in Zeng by the son of a daughter of Zeng married to one of its scions. There is no necessity for this view, and no evidence of it.
Par. 6. Zuoshi says:——'In winter, Mushu went to Zhu, with friendly inquiries, and to cultivate peace;'—after the battle of Hutai, in the end of last year.
Par. 7. Su was the son of Hangfu, and had succeeded to his father as chief minister of Lu. It would seem that it was necessary for him to get the sanction of the leading State to his appointment. The Zhuan says:——'An officer of Jin came to Lu to inquire about [the loss of] Zeng, and to reprove us for it, saying, "Why have you lost Zeng?" On this, Ji Wuzi went to Jin to have an interview [with the marquis], and to hear his commands.'
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the marquis of Qi extinguished Lai, through its reliance on the bribes [which it had offered to Qi], (see the Zhuan after ii. 2). In the 4th month of the last year, when Ziguo of Zheng came on his friendly mission to Lu (see v. 2), Yan Ruo fortified Dongyang, and proceeded to lay siege to the capital of Lai. On Jiayin, he raised a mound round the wall, which was [gradually] brought close to the parapet. In the month [of this year] when duke Huan of Qi died, on Yiwei, Wang Jiao (see the Zhuan on VIII. xviii. 3), Zheng Yuzi (see the Zhuan after ii. 2), and the people of Tang attacked the army of Qi, which inflicted on them a great defeat, and entered Lai on Dingwei. Furou, duke Gong of Lai, fled to Tang. Zheng Yuzi and Wang Jiao fled to Ju, where they were put to death. In the 4th month, Chen Wuyu presented the most precious spoils of Lai in the temple of [duke] Xiang. Yan Ruo laid siege to Tang, and on Bingchen, in the 11th month, he extinguished it. Lai was removed to Ni. Gao Hou and Cui Shu superintended the laying out of its lands [anew]'.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, the viscount of Tan came to Lu on a court-visit.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, we divined a third time about the border sacrifice. The divination was adverse, and the victim was let go.
3. The viscount of Little Zhu came to Lu on a court-visit.
4. We walled Bi.
5. In autumn, Jisun Su went to Wey.
6. In the eighth month, there were locusts.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, the marquis of Wey sent Sun Linfu to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries; and on Renxu [the duke] made a covenant with him.
8. The Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force and besieged [the capital of] Chen.
9. In the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, and the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, in Wei.
10. Kunwan earl of Zheng [set out] to go to the meeting; but before he had seen the [other] princes, on Bingxu, he died at Cao.
11. The marquis of Chen stole away [from the meeting] to Chen.
Par. 1. See on p. 4 of last year.
Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3—. There, however, the divination had been tried 4 times, while here the tortoise-shell was only consulted a 3d time; and it is understood that to divine thrice was in accordance with rule. But on this occasion, as we learn from the Zhuan, the 3d divination was made after the equinox, when it was no longer proper to offer the border sacrifice. The Zhuan says:——'On this occasion, Meng Xianzi said, "From this time forth I know the virtue of the tortoise-shell and the milfoil. At this service we sacrifice to Houji, praying for a blessing on our husbandry. Hence the border sacrifice is offered at the season of Qizhe (the emergence of insects from their burrows; see on II. v. 7), and afterwards the people do their ploughing. Now the ploughing is done, and still we divined about the border sacrifice. It was right the divinations should be adverse.'
Par. 3. Like p. 1. See on p. 4 of last year.
Par. 4. Bi was the city belonging to the Ji or Jisun clan;—its name remains in the district so called, dep. of Yizhou. The old city was 20 li northwest from the pres. dis. city. Bi was granted originally by duke Xi to Ji You, the founder of the Ji clan;—see the Zhuan on V. i. 9. The Zhuan says:—-'Nan Yi was commandant of Bi, and Shuzhong Zhaobo was superintendent of workmen. Wishing to be on good terms with Ke [Wuzi] and to flatter Nan Yi, he proposed to him to ask that Bi might be fortified, saying that he would allot a great number of workmen for the undertaking. On this the Head of the Ji clan fortified Bi.'
This event deserved record, as illustrating the gradual increase of the power of perhaps the most influential family in Lu.
Par. 5. Zuoshi says this visit to Wey was in return for that of Zishu or Gongsun Piao in the duke's 1st year, to explain the delay that had taken place, and assure Wey that it was from no disaffection. Mao thinks it unreasonable to suppose that we have here the response to a visit seven years before; what really occasioned it, however, he cannot tell.
Par. 6. See II. v. 8; et al.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'In winter, in the 10th month, Han Xianzi announced his [wish to retire from duty on account of] age. [His son], Muzi (Han Wuji; see the Zhuan after VIII. xviii. 3), the Head of one of the branches of the ducal kindred, had an incurable disease; and when it was proposed to appoint him his father's successor, he declined [the office] saying, "The ode says (Shi, I. ii. ode VI. 1):—
'Might I not have been there in the early morning? I said, "There is too much dew on the path."' And another says (Shi, II. iv. ode VII. 4):—
'Doing nothing personally and by himself, The people have no confidence in him.' I have not the ability [for the place]; may I not decline it in favour of another? I would ask that Qi (his younger brother) may be appointed. He associated much with Tian Su, and may be pronounced a lover of virtue. The ode says (Shi, II. vi. ode III. v.):—
'Quietly fulfil the duties of your office, Loving the correct and upright. So shall the Spirits hearken to you, And increase your brilliant happiness.' A compassionate attendance to the business of the people is goodness. The rectification of one's-self is real rectitude. The straightening of others crookedness is real correctness. These three things in harmony constitute virtue. To him who has such virtue, the Spirits will listen, and they will send down on him bright happiness. Would it not be well to appoint such an one?"
'On Gengxu, [Han Xianzi] made [his son], Xuanzi appear in court before the marquis, and then retired from office himself. The marquis, considering [also] that Han Wuji was possessed of high virtue, appointed him director of the Heads of all the branches of the ducal kindred].'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Sun Wenzi came on a friendly mission; to acknowledge also the [satisfactory] language of Wuzi (on his mission to Wey in autumn); and to renew the covenant of Sun Huanzi (in the third year of duke Cheng; see VIII. iii. 13). When the duke was ascending the steps, he ascended them along with him, on which Shusun Muzi (Bao), who was directing the ceremonies, hurried forward, and said, "At meetings of the States, our ruler has never followed after yours; and now you do not follow after our ruler;—he does not know wherein he has erred. Be pleased, Sir, to be a little more leisurely." Sunzi made no reply, and did not change his deportment. Mushu said, "Sunzi is sure to perish. For a minister to play the part of a ruler, to do wrong and not change one's conduct, are the first steps to ruin. The ode says (Shi, I. ii. ode VII.);
'They have retired to their meals from the court; Easy are they and self-possessed.' It speaks of officers acting naturally as they ought to do; but he who assumes such an appearance of ease in a cross and unreasonable course is sure to be broken."'
Parr. 8, 9. For 鄬 Guliang has *. The place was in Zheng. The Zhuan says:—-'Zinang of Chu having laid siege to the capital of Chen, there was the meeting at Wei to succour it.' The meeting came to nothing, as we shall see, and thenceforth there was an end of any adherence to the northern States on the part of Chen.
Par. 10. For 髡 頑 Gong and Gu have 髡 原; and for 鄵 they have 操. Cao was in Zheng. The Zhuan says:——'When duke Xi of Zheng was [only his father's] eldest son, in the 16th year of duke Cheng he went with Zihan to Jin, and behaved improperly. He did the same in Chu, to which he had gone with Zifeng. In his first year, when he went to the court of Jin, Zifeng wished to accuse him to the marquis, and get him displaced, but Zihan stopped the attempt. When he was proceeding to the meeting at Wei, Zisi was with him as director, and to him also he behaved with impropriety. His attendants remonstrated, but he did not listen to them. They repeated their remonstrance, and he put them to death. When they got to Cao, Zisi employed some ruffians to kill the duke, and sent word to the States that he had died of fever. [His son], duke Jian, though but 5 years old, was raised to be earl."
Zhao Kuang and some other critics deny the account of the earl's murder which is given in the Zhuan (and also by Gong and Gu), and suppose from the language of the text, that he died a natural death. There can be no doubt, however, that the truth is to be found in the Zhuan.
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Chen were troubled by [the action of] Chu; and [while the marquis was absent at Wei], Qing Hu and Qing Yin proposed to the commander of Chu's army that they should send the Gongzi Huang to it, to be held as a prisoner This was agreed to and acted on; and the two Qing then sent to the marquis at the meeting, saying, "The people of Chu have seized and hold your brother Huang. If you do not at once come back, your ministers cannot bear to see the impending fate of our altars and ancestral temple. We fear there will be two plans [for the future in debate]." On this the marquis stole away back.'
1. In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Jin.
2. In summer, there was the burial of duke Xi of Zheng.
3. A body of men from Zheng made an incursion into Cai, and captured duke [Zhuang's] son, Xie.
4. Jisun Su had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the earl of Zheng, an officer of Qi, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Zhu, in Xingqiu.
5. The duke arrived from Jin.
6. A body of men from Ju invaded our eastern borders.
7. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
8. In winter, the Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force, and invaded Zheng.
9. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Gai to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
Par. 1. The duke was at the meeting of Wei the month before this, and now went on to Jin, without first returning to Lu. He went to Jin, says Zuoshi, 'on a court-visit, and to hear how often such visits, and visits of friendly inquiry, should be paid.' From the Zhuan after X.iii. 1, we learn that, when dukes Wen and Xiang of Jin led the States, the rule was that the other princes should appear in the court of Jin once in 5 years, and send a friendly mission once in 3 years. This rule had ceased to be observed, and duke Dao was now encouraged by his strength and success to regulate anew the relations between his own and other States.
Par. 2. The Kangxi editors observe that the classic, having given above the death of the earl of Zheng as it had been announced to Lu, —a natural death, and not a murder,—was now bound to give his burial. I suppose the burial is recorded, because it took place, and was at tended by an officer of Lu.
[The Zhuan adds here:——'The sons of previous earls of Zheng, in consequence of the death of duke Xi, were planning to take off Zisi, when he anticipated their movement. On Gengchen, in the 4th month, this summer, on some charge of guilt, he put to death Zihu, Zixi, Zihou, and Ziding. Sun Ji and Sun E (sons of Zihu) fled to Wey'].
Par. 3. Here and afterwards Guliang has, for 燮, 濕, which he interchanges with 溼 The Zhuan says:——'On Gengyin, Ziguo and Zi'er made an incursion into Cai, and captured its minister of War, duke [Zhuang's] son Xie. The people of Zheng were all glad, with the single exception of Zichan, who said, "There can be no greater misfortune to a small State than to have success in war while there is no virtue in its civil administration. When the people of Chu, come to punish us [for this exploit], we must yield to their demands. Yielding to Chu, the army of Jin is sure to come upon us. Both Jin and Chu will attack Zheng, which, within 4 or 5 years, will have no quiet." Ziguo (his father) was angry, and said to him, "What do you know? The expedition was a great commission of the State, and conducted by its chief minister. If a boy like you talk about it so, you will get into disgrace."'
Par. 4. Xingqiu was in Jin,—70 li to the south-east of the dis. city of Henei, dep. Huaiqing, Henan. The Zhuan says:——'In the 5th month, on Jiachen, [the marquis of Jin] held a meeting at Xingqiu; to give out his rules about the times for appearing at his court, and for friendly missions, when he made the great officers attend to receive his orders. [Our] Jisun Su, Gao Hou of Qi, Xiang Xu of Song, Ning Zhi of Wey, and a great officer of Zhu, were present. The earl of Zheng presented蟜 the spoils [of Cai] at the meeting, and so received the charge of Jin in person. The names of the great officers are not given, in deference to the marquis of Jin.' The Zhuan on the 1st par. says that the duke went to Jin to receive the instructions of that court about the relations between the States and it. He was not present, however, at Xingqiu; and the earl of Zheng was present only through his own forwardness, and wish to pay court to Jin. The marquis of Jin seems to have felt that, if he assembled the princes in person at Xingqiu, the proceedings would approximate too closely to a usurpation of kingly functions. Zuoshi's canon about the different 人 has little value.
Par. 5. Zuo says this invasion had reference to the defining the borders of the lands of Zeng. We can easily suppose that Lu had encroached, or was now endeavouring to encroach, on the west of what had been the territory of Zeng, supplying Ju with a casus belli.
Par. 6. See on v. 5.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——In winter, Zinang, of Chu invaded Zheng, to punish it for its raid on Cai. Zisi, Ziguo, and Zi'er wished to follow Chu. Zikong, Zijiao, and Zizhan, wished to [hold out, and] wait for Jin. Zisi said, "There is an ode (a lost ode) of Zhou which says,
'If you wait till the He becomes clear, The life of man is too short [for such a thing].' There are the decisions of the tortoise-shell, and various opinions of our counsellors; this is like making a net with conflicting views. The great families have many different plans, and the people are much divided. It is more and more difficult to conduct our affairs successfully. The people are in distress; let us for the time give way to Chu, to relieve our people. When the army of Jin arrives, we can also follow it. To wait the comer with reverent offerings of silks is the way for a small State. With cattle, gems, and silks, on our two borders, we can wait the approach of the stronger Power, and thus protect the people. The enemy will then do us no harm, and the people will not be distressed: —is not this a course that can be followed?"
'Zizhan said, "It is by good faith that a small State can serve a great one. If the small one do not observe good faith, war and disorder will be constantly coming on it, and the day of its ruin will not be distant. We are bound to faith [with Jin] by five meetings, and if we violate it, though Chu may help us, of what use will it be? With [Jin] that would befriend us you do not seek peace; with [Chu] that would make our State a border of its own you wish to [treat]:—this plan is not to be followed. We had better wait for Jin. Its ruler is intelligent; its four armies are all complete; its eight commanders are all harmonious: —it will not abandon Zheng. The army of Chu has come from far; its provisions will soon be exhausted; it must shortly retire:——why be troubled about it? According to what I have heard, no support is like good faith. Let us firmly hold out, to tire Chu, and let us lean on good faith, awaiting Jin:—is not this the course that should be followed? Zisi replied, "The ode (Shi, II. v. ode I. 3) says,
The counsellors are very many, And so nothing is accomplished. The words spoken fill the court, But who will take the responsibility of decision? We are as if we consulted [about a journey], without taking a step in advance, And therefore did not get on on the road.' Please let us follow Chu, and I will take the responsibility." Accordingly they made peace with Chu, and sent the king's son, Bopian to inform [the marquis of] Jin, saying, "Your lordship commanded our State to have its chariots in repair and its soldiers in readiness to punish the disorderly and remiss. The people of Cai were disobedient, and our people did not dare to abide quietly [looking on]. We called out all our levies to punish Cai, took captive Xie its minister of war, and presented him to your lordship at Xingqiu, And now Chu has come to punish us, asking why we commenced hostilities with Cai. It has burned all the stations on our borders; it has come insultingly up to our walls and suburbs. The multitudes of our people, husbands and wives, men and women, had no houses left in which to save one another. They have been destroyed with an utter overthrow, with no one to appeal to. If the fathers and elder brothers have not perished, the sons and younger brothers have done so. All were full of sorrow and distress, and there was none to protect them. Under the pressure of their destitution, they accepted a covenant with Chu, which I and my ministers were not able to prevent. I dare not but now inform you of it." Zhi Wuzi made the internuncius Ziyuan reply to Bopian, "Your ruler received such a message from Chu, and at the same time did not send a single messenger to inform our ruler, but instantly sought for rest under Chu:—it was your ruler's wish to do so; who would dare to oppose him? But our ruler will lead on the States and see him beneath his walls. Let your ruler take meas ures accordingly."
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'Fan Xuanzi (Shi Gai) came to Lu, on a friendly mission, and also to acknowledge the duke's visit [to Jin, in spring], and to give notice about taking the field against Zheng. The duke feasted him, on which occasion he sang the Biao you mei (Shi, I. ii. ode IX.), and Ji Wuzi (Jisun Su) rejoined, "Who will dare [not to obey your orders]? If you compare your ruler to a plum-tree, ours is to him as its fragrance, [a portion of the same plant]. Joyfully we receive your orders, and will obey them without regard to time." With this he sang the Jiao gong (Shi II. vii. ode IX.). When the guest was about to leave [the hall], Wuzi [also] sang the Tong gong (Shi, II. iii. ode I.), Xuanzi said, "After the battle of Chengpu, our former ruler, duke Wen, presented [the trophies of] his success in Hengyong (see the Zhuan on V. xxviii. 8), and received the red bow from king Xiang, to be preserved by his descendants. I have inherited the office held by my ancestor under that previous ruler, and dare not but receive your instructions?" The superior man considers that Xuanzi was acquainted with propriety.'
1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, there was a fire in Song.
2. In summer, Jisun Su went to Jin.
3. In the fifth month, on Xinyou, duke [Xuan's] wife, Jiang, died.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Guiwei, we buried our duchess Mu Jiang.
5. In winter, the duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, the viscount of Little Zhu, and Guang, heir-son of Qi, in invading Zheng. In the twelfth month, on Jihai, these princes made a covenant together in Xi.
6. The viscount of Chu invaded Zheng.
Par. 1. Gongyang has here 火 instead of 災, and we may doubt whether the canon of Zuoshi, that 災 denotes a calamity produced by Heaven is applicable to this passage. The Zhuan makes it clear that the event thus briefly chronicled was a fire which desolated the capital of Song. This is another instance of the record in the Chunqiu of the prodigies and calamities that occurred in Song. Acc. to Gong and Gu, such events in other States ought not to be mentioned in the Classic, but they make an exception in the case of Song, as being entitled to preëminence among the other States, because its princes were the representatives of the line of Shang, or because Confucius was descended from a family of Song! But calamities in other States are sometimes chronicled in the text;—e.g. X. xviii. 2. Du is, no doubt, correct in saying we have this record here, because an announcement of the event was sent from Song to Lu.
The Zhuan says:——'In the duke's 9th year, in spring, there was a fire in Song. Yue Xi (Zihan) was then minister of Works, and made in consequence [the following] regulations [for such an event]. He appointed the officer Bo to take charge of the streets where the fire had not reached. He was to remove small houses, and plaster over large ones. He was to set forth baskets and barrows for carrying earth; provide well-ropes and buckets; prepare water jars; have things arranged according to their weight; dam the water up in places where it was collected; have earth and mud stored up; go round the walls, and measure off the places where watch and ward should be kept; and signalize the line of the fire. He appointed Hua Chen to have the public workmen in readi ness, and to order the commandants outside the city to march their men from the borders and various stations to the place of the fire. He appointed Hua Yue to arrange that the officers of the right should be prepared for all they might be called on to do; and Xiang Xu to arrange similarly for the officers of the left. He appointed Yue Chuan in the same way to prepare the various instruments of punishment. He appointed Huang Yun to give orders to the master of the horse to bring out horses, and the chariot-master to bring out chariots, and to be prepared with buff-coats and weapons, in readiness for military guard. He appointed Xi Chuwu to look after the records kept in the different repositories. He ordered the superintendent and officers of the harem to maintain a careful watch in the palace. The masters of the right and left were to order the headmen of the 4 village-districts reverently to offer sacrifices. The great officer of religion was to sacrifice horses on the walls, and sacrifice to Pan'geng outside the western gate.
'The marquis of Jin asked Shi Ruo what was the reason of a saying which he had heard, that from the fires of Song it could be known there was a providence. "The ancient director of fire," replied Ruo, "was sacrificed to either when the heart or the beak of the Bird culminated at sunset, to regulate the kindling or the extinguishing of the people's fires. Hence the beak is the star Chunhuo, and the heart is Dahuo. Now the director of fire under Taotang (Yao) was Ebo, who dwelt in Shangqiu, and sacrificed to Dahuo, by fire regulating the seasons. Xiangtu came after him, and hence Shang paid special regard to the star Dahuo. The people of Shang, in calculating their disasters and calamities, discovered that they were sure to begin with fire, and hence came the saying about thereby knowing there was a providence." "Can the thing be certainly [known beforehand]?" asked the marquis, to which Ruo replied, "It depends on the ruler's course. When the disorders of a State have not evident indications, it cannot be known [beforehand]."'
Par. 2. Zuo says this visit of Ji Wuzi to Jin was in return for that of Fan Xuanzi to Lu in the end of last year.
Par. 3. This lady was the grandmother of duke Xiang. Her intrigue with Qiaoru, and her threats to duke Cheng, have appeared in different narratives of the Zhuan. It would appear that she had been put under some restraint, and confined in the palace appropriate to the eldest son and heir-apparent of the State. The Zhuan says:——'Mu Jiang died in the eastern palace. When she first went into it, she consulted the milfoil, and got the second line of the diagram Gen (艮, ䷳). The diviner said, 'This is what remains when Gen becomes Sui (隨, ䷐). Sui is the symbol of getting out; your ladyship will soon get out from this." She replied, "No. Of this diagram it is said in the Zhou yi, 'Sui indicates being great, penetrating, beneficial, firmly correct, without blame.' Now that greatness is the lofty distinction of the person; that penetration is the assemblage of excellences; that beneficialness is the harmony of all righteousness; that firm correctness is the stem of all affairs. The person who is entirely virtuous is sufficient to take the presidency of others; admirable virtue is sufficient to secure an agreement with all propriety. Beneficialness to things is sufficient to effect a harmony of all righteousness. Firm correctness is sufficient to manage all affairs. But these things must not be in semblance merely. It is only thus that Sui could bring the assurance of blamelessness. Now I, a woman, and associated with disorder, am here in the place of inferior rank. Chargeable more over with a want of virtue, greatness cannot be predicated of me. Not having contributed to the quiet of the State, penetration cannot be predicated of me. Having brought harm to myself by my doings, beneficialness cannot be predicated of me. Having left my proper place for a bad intrigue, firm correctness cannot be predicated of me. To one who has those four virtues the diagram Sui belongs;—what have I to do with it, to whom none of them belongs? Having chosen evil, how can I be without blame? I shall die here; I shall never get out of this."'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Duke Jing of Qin sent Shi Qian to beg the assistance of an army from Chu, intending to invade Jin. The viscount granted it, but Zinang objected, saying, "We cannot now maintain a struggle with Jin. Its ruler employs officers according to their ability, and his appointments do justice to his choice. Every office is filled according to the regular rules. His ministers give way to others who are more able than themselves; his great officers discharge their duties; his scholars vigorously obey their instructions; his common people attend diligently to their husbandry; his merchants, mechanics, and inferior employés know nothing of changing their hereditary employments. Han Jue having retired in consequence of age, Zhi Ying asks for his instructions in conducting the government. Fan Gai was younger than Zhonghang Yan, but Yan had him advanced and made assistant-commander of the army of the centre. Han Qi was younger than Luan Yan, but Yan and Shi Fang had him advanced, and made assistant commander of the 1st army. Wei Jiang had performed many services, but considering Zhao Wu superior to himself, he became assistant under him. With the ruler thus intelligent and his servants thus loyal, his high officers thus ready to yield their places, and the inferior officers thus vigorous, at this time Jin cannot be resisted. Our proper course is to serve it; let your Majesty well consider the case." The king said, "I have granted the request of Qin. Though we are not a match for Jin, we must send an army forth." In autumn, the viscount of Chu took post with an army at Wucheng, in order to afford support to Qin. A body of men from Qin made an incursion into Jin, which was suffering from famine, and could not retaliate.']
Par. 4. Here, as elsewhere, Gongyang has 缪 for 穆童. The duchess was buried sooner than the rule required.
Par. 5. Xi was in Zheng. It was the same place which, in the Zhuan on VIII. xvii. 2, is called Xitong (戲 童),—in the pres. dis. of Fanshui (氾 水), dep. Kaifeng. Acc. to Du there was no Jihai day in the 12th month, and we should read 十 有 一 instead of 十有 二. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, on the 10th month, the States invaded Zheng. On Gengwu, Ji Wuzi, Cui Shu of Qi, and Huang Yun of Song, followed Xun Ying and Shi Gai, and attacked the Zhuan gate. Beigong Kuo of Wey, an officer of Cao, and an officer of Zhu followed Xun Yan and Han Qi, and attacked [the gate] Shizhiliang. Officers of Teng and Xue followed Luan Yan and Shi Fang, and attacked the north gate. Officers of Qi and Ni followed Zhao Wu and Wei Jiang, and cut down the chesnut trees along the roads. On Jiaxu, the armies collected in Fan, and orders were given to the States, saying, "Look to your weapons that they be ready for service; prepare dried and other provisions; send home the old and the young; place your sick in Hulao; forgive those who have committed small faults:—we are going to lay siege to the capital of Zheng." On this the people of Zheng became afraid, and wished to make peace. Zhonghang Xianzi (Xun Yan) said, "Let us hold the city in siege, and wait the arrival of the succours from Chu, and then fight a battle with them. If we do not do so, we shall have accomplished nothing." Zhi Wuzi, however, said, "Let us grant Zheng a covenant, and then withdraw our armies, in order to wear out the people of Chu. We shall divide our 4 armies into 3, and [with one of them and] the ardent troops of the States, meet the comers:—this will not be distressing to us, while Chu will not be able to endure it. This is still better than fighting. A struggle is not to be maintained by whitening the plains with bones to gratify [our pride]. There is no end to such great labour. It is a rule of the former kings that superior men should labour with their minds, and smaller men labour with their strength."
'None of the States wished to fight; so they granted peace; and in the 11th month, on Jihai, they made a covenant together in Xi,—on the submission of Zheng. When they were about to covenant, the six ministers of Zheng, —the Gongzis, Fei (Zisi), Fa (Ziguo), and Jia (Zikong), and the Gongsuns, Zhe (Zi'er), Chai (Zijiao), and Shezhi (Zizhan), with the great officers and younger members of the ministerial clans, all attended the earl of Zheng. Shi Zhuangzi made the words of the covenant to this effect, "After the covenant of today, if the State of Zheng hear any commands but those of Jin, and incline to any other, may there happen to it according to what is [imprecated] in this covenant!" The Gongzi Fei rushed forward at this, and said, "Heaven has dealt unfavourably with the State of Zheng, and given it its place midway between two great States, which do not bestow on it the marks of favour which could be appreciated, but demand its adherence by violence. Thus its Spirits cannot enjoy the sacrifices which should be presented to them, and its people cannot enjoy the advantages of its soil. Its husbands and wives are oppressed and straitened, full of misery, having none to appeal to. After this covenant of today, if the State of Zheng follow any other but that which extends propriety to it and strength to protect its people, but dares to waver in its adherence, may there happen to it according to [the imprecations in] this covenant!" Xun Yan said, "Change [the conditions of] this covenant." Gongsun Shezhi said, "These are solemn words in which we have appealed to the great Spirits. If we may change them, we may also revolt from your great State." Zhi Wuzi said to Xianzi "We indeed have not virtue, and it is not proper to force men to covenant with us. Without propriety, how can we preside over covenants? Let us agree for the present to this covenant, and withdraw. When we come again, after having cultivated our virtue, and rested our armies, we shall in the end win Zheng. Why must we determine to do so today? If we are without virtue, other people will cast us off, and not Zheng only; if we can rest and be harmonious, they will come to us from a distance. Why need we rely upon Zheng?" Accordingly they covenanted [as related above], and the forces of Jin withdrew.
'The people of Jin had thus not got their will with Zheng, and they again invaded it with the armies of the States. In the 12th month, on Guihai, they attacked the [same] three gates, and persevered for five days at each (閏 月 ought to be 門 五 日). Then on Wuyin, they crossed [the Wei] at Yinban, and over ran the country. After halting at Yinkou, they withdrew. Zikong proposed to attack the army of Jin, saying that it was old and exhausted, and the soldiers were all bent on returning home, so that a great victory could be gained over it. Zizhan, however, refused to sanction such a movement.'
[The Zhuan here relates the capping of duke Xiang:——'The duke accompanied the marquis of Jin [back from Zheng], and when they were at the He and he was with the marquis at a feast, the latter asked how old he was. Ji Wuzi replied, "He was born in the year of the meeting at Shasui (see VIII. xvi. 8)." He is twelve then," said the marquis. "That is a full decade of years, the period of a revolution of Jupiter. The ruler of a State may have a son when he is fifteen. It is the rule that he should be capped before he begets a son. Your ruler may now be capped. Why should you not get everything necessary for the ceremony ready?" Wuzi replied, "The capping of our ruler must be done with the ceremonies of libation and offerings; its different stages must be defined by the music of the bell and the musical stone; it must take place in the temple of his first ancestor. Our ruler is now travelling, and those things cannot be provided. Let us get to a brother State, and borrow what is necessary to prepare for the ceremony." The marquis assented; so, when the duke had got as far as Wey on his return, he was capped in the temple of duke Cheng. They borrowed the bell and musical stone of it for the purpose;—as was proper.'
This capping of duke Xiang out of Lu was a strange proceeding, and was probably done in the wantonness of the marquis of Jin, amusing himself with the child. Mao supposes that it is kept out of the text, to conceal the disgrace of it.]
Par. 6. Here Chu is down again upon Zheng, because of its making the covenant with Jin. The Zhuan says:——he viscount of Chu invaded Zheng, and Zisi proposed to make peace with him. Zikong and Zijiao said, "We have just made a covenant with the [other] great State, and, while the blood of it is not dry on our mouths, may we break it?" Zisi and Zizhan replied, "At that covenant we said that we would follow the strongest. Here now is the army of Chu arrived, and Jin does not come to save us, so that Chu is the strongest;—we are not presuming to break the words of the covenant and oath. Moreover, at a forced covenant where there is no sincerity, the Spirits are not present. They are present only where there is good faith. Good faith is the gem of speech, the essential point of all goodness; and therefore the Spirits draw near to it. They in their intelligence do not require adherence to a forced covenant;—it may be broken." Accordingly they made peace with Chu. The Gongzi Pirong entered the city to make a covenant, which was done in [the quarter] Zhongfen. [In the meantime], the widow of [king] Zhuang of Chu died, and [king] Gong returned [to Ying], without having been able to settle [the affairs of] Zheng.'
[The Zhuan appends here a notice of the measures of internal reform in Jin:——'When the marquis of Jin returned to his capital, he consulted how he could give rest and prosperity to the people. Wei Jiang begged that he would confer favours on them and grant remissions. On this all the accumulated stores of the State were given out in benefits. From the marquis downwards, all who had such stores brought them forth, till none were left unappropriated, and there was no one exposed to the endurance of want. The marquis granted access to every source of advantage, and the people did not covet more than their proper share. In religious services they used offerings of silks instead of victims; guests were entertained with [the flesh of] a single animal; new articles of furniture and use were not made; only such chariots and robes were kept as sufficed for use. When this style had been practised for twelve months, a right method and order prevailed throughout the State. Then three expeditions were undertaken, and Chu was not able to contend [any more] with Jin].'
1. In his tenth year, in spring, the duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, the viscount of Little Zhu, and Guang, heir-son of Qi, in a meeting with Wu at Zha.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Jiawu, [Jin] went on [from the above meeting] to extinguish Biyang.
3. The duke arrived from the meeting.
4. The Gongzi Zhen of Chu, and the Gongsun Zhe of Zheng, led a force, and invaded Song.
5. An army of Jin invaded Qin.
6. In autumn, a body of men from Ju invaded our eastern borders.
7. The duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, Guang, heir-son of Qi, the viscount of Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in invading Zheng.
8. In winter, some ruffians killed the Gongzis Fei and Fa, and the Gongsun Zhe, of Zheng.
9. We [sent troops] to guard Hulao.
10. The Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force to relieve Zheng.
11. The duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.
Par. 1. Du says Zha was in the territory of Chu, and the Kangxi editors identify it with the pres. Jiakou (泇 口), in the dis. of Yi, dep. of Yanzhou. The one or the other must be wrong. The territory of Chu would thus have extended as far north as Lu. We may accept the statement of Du, and leave the question as to any more exact identification. The object of the meeting was, no doubt, to call forth the hostility of Wu to more active measures against Chu, so that that State should be obliged to relax its efforts to hold Zheng. The phrase 'a meeting with Wu (會 吳),' with out specifying the viscount himself or his representative on the occasion, has occasioned the critics a good deal of difficulty. The same style has occurred before, in VIII. xv. 10 and IX. v. 4, and we meet with it again, in xiv. 1. The most likely account that can be given of it is the remark, probably of Su Che, that only the name of the State is given because [to get the help of] that State was the object of the meeting (特 書 會 吳 以 吳 爲 會 故 也).
The Zhuan says:—-'The meeting at Zha was a meeting with Shoumeng, viscount of Wu. In the 3d month, on Guichou, Gao Hou of Qi came with his marquis's eldest son Guang, and had a previous meeting with the princes in Zhongli (see VIII. xv. 10), when they behaved disrespectfully. Shi Zhuangzi (Shi Ruo) said, "Gaozi, coming in attendance on his prince to a meeting of the States, ought to have in mind the protection of Qi's altars, and yet they both of them behave disrespectfully. They will not, I apprehend, escape an evil end." In summer, in the 4th month, on Wuwu, there was the meeting at Zha.'
Par. 2. Biyang was a small State, whose lords were viscounts, with the surname of Yun (妘). It was under the jurisdiction of Chu. Jin now led on the forces of the States from the meeting at Zha to attack it. Its principal town is said to have been 30 li to the south of the dis. of Yi, dep. Yanzhou. The Zhuan says:——'Xun Yan and Shi Gai of Jin asked leave to attack Biyang, and that it should be conferred on Xiang Xu of Song. Xun Ying said, "The city is small but strong. If you take it, it will be no great achievement; if you do not take it, you will be laughed at." They persisted in their request; and on Bingyin they laid siege to it, but could not overcome it.
'Qin Jinfu, the steward of the Meng family, drew after him a large waggon to the service. The people of Biyang having opened one of their gates, the soldiers of the States attacked it, [and had passed within]. Just then, the portcullis gate was let down, when He of Zou raised it up, and let out the stormers who had entered. Di Simi carried the wheel of a large carriage, which he covered with hides and used as a buckler. Holding this in his left hand, and carrying a spear in his right, he took the place of a body of 100 men. Meng Xianzi said, "To him we may apply the words of the ode (Shi, I. iii. ode XIII. 2), 'Strong as a tiger."' The besieged hung strips of cloth over the wall, by one of which Jinfu climbed up to the parapet, when they cut it. Down he fell, when they hung out another; and when he had revived, he seized it and mounted again. Thrice he performed this feat, and on the besieged declining to give him another opportunity he retired, taking with him the three cut pieces, which he showed all through the army for three days.
'The forces of the States were long detained at Biyang; and Xun Yan and Shi Gai went with a request to Xun Ying, saying, "The rains will soon fall and the pools gather, when we are afraid we shall not be able to return. We ask you to withdraw the troops." Zhi Bo, (Xun Ying) became angry, and threw at them the stool on which he was leaning, which passed between the two. "You had determined," said he, "on two things, and then came and informed me of them. I was afraid of confusing your plans, and did not oppose you. You have imposed toil on our ruler; you have called out [the forces of] the States; you have dragged an old man like myself here. And now you have no prowess to show, but want to throw the blame on me, saying, that I ordered the retreat of the troops, and but for that you would have subdued the place. Can I, thus old and feeble, sustain such a heavy responsibility? If in 7 days you have not taken it, I shall take yourselves instead of it." On this, in the 5th month, on Gengyin, Xun Yan and Shi Gai, led on their men to the attack of the city, themselves encountering [the shower] of arrows and stones. On Jiawu they extinguished it.
'The language of the text,—"They went on to extinguish Biyang," shows that they proceeded to attack it from the meeting [at Zha]. [The marquis of Jin] would then have given Biyang to Xiang Xu, but he declined it, saying, "If your lordship will still condescend to guard and comfort the State of Song, and by the gift of Biyang distinguish my ruler and increase his territory, all his ministers will be at ease;—what gift can be equal to this? If you insist on conferring it on me alone, then I shall have called out the States to procure a fief for myself,—than which there could not be a greater crime. Though I die, I must entreat you not to do so." Biyang accordingly was given to the duke of Song.
'The duke entertained the marquis of Jin in Chuqiu, and asked leave to use, [on the occasion, the music of] Sanglin (the music which had been used by the sovereigns of Shang). Xun Ying declined it, but Xun Yan and Shi Gai said, "Among the States, it is [only] in Song and Lu that we can see the ceremonies [of the kings]. Lu has the music of the grand triennial sacrifice, and uses it when entertaining guests and at sacrifices; is it not allowable that Song should entertain our ruler with the Sanglin?" The master of the pantomimes began indicating to them their places with the great flag, when the marquis became afraid, and withdrew to another apartment. When the flag was removed, he returned and finished the entertainment. On his way back [from Song], he fell ill at Zhuyong. They consulted the tortoise-shell [about his sickness], and [the Spirit of] Sanglin appeared. Xun Yan and Shi Gai wanted to hurry [back to Song], and to pray to it. Xun Ying, however, refused to allow them, and said, "I declined the ceremony. It was they who used it. If there indeed be this Spirit, let him visit the offence on them." The marquis got better, and took the viscount of Biyang back with him to Jin, and presented him in the temple of [duke] Wu, calling him an Yi captive. [The lords of] Biyang had the surname of Yun. [The marquis] made the historiographer of the Interior in Zhou select one from the family of the [old] House to continue [its sacrifices], whom he placed in Huo as its commandant;—which was proper.
'When our army returned, Meng Xianzi employed Qin Jinfu as the spearman on the right of his chariot. He had a son, Qin Pizi, who was a disciple of Zhongni.'
As Zuoshi here mentions Confucius, it may be added that it was the sage's father, Shuliang He, who performed the feat of strength with the portcullis of Biyang.
Par. 4. Song had been rewarded for its allegiance to Jin with Biyang, and now it has to pay the price to Chu. The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, Zinang of Chu and Zi'er of Zheng invaded Song, taking post [first] at Ziwu. On Gengwu they laid siege to the capital, and attacked the Tong gate.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:—'Xun Ying of Jin invaded Qin, to retaliate its incursion.' The incursion of Qin is related in the Zhuan after p. 3 of last year. Jin was then unable to retaliate in consequence of a famine, but its vengeance had not slumbered long. At this time Qin was in league with Chu, and the alliance between the States was drawn closer through the wife of king Gong being a sister of duke Jing of Qin.
[The Zhuan gives here a narrative, which is the sequel of that on p. 4:——'The marquis of Wey went to succour Song, and encamped with his forces at Xiangniu. Zizhan of Zheng said, "We must invade Wey. If we do not do so, we shall not be doing our part for Chu. We have offended against Jin, and if we also offend against Chu, what will be the consequence to our State?" Zisi said, "It will distress the State;" but Zizhan replied, "If we offend against both the great States, we shall perish. We may be distressed, but is that not better than perishing?" The other great officers all agreed with him, and Huang'er accordingly led a force and made an incursion into Wey,—[having received] orders from Chu.
'Sun Wenzi (Linfu) consulted the tortoise-shell about pursuing the enemy, and presented the indication he had obtained to Ding Jiang (the mother of the marquis of Wey), who asked what the corresponding oracle was. "It is this," said Wenzi. 'The indication being like a hill, a party go forth on an expedition, and lose their leader."' The lady observed, "The invaders lose their leader;—this is favourable for those who resist them. Do you take measures accordingly." The people of Wey then pursued the enemy, and Sun Kuai captured Huang'er at Quanqiu.'
[There follows the account of an invasion of Lu by Chu. which ought to be given in the text. Du observes that, as it involved no disgrace to Lu, he cannot account for the silence about it.—In autumn, in the 7th month, Zinang of Chu and Zi'er of Zheng invaded our western borders. On their return they laid siege to Xiao (a city of Song), and reduced it in the 8th month, on Bingyin. In the 9th month. Zi'er of Zheng made an in cursion on the northern border of Song. Meng Xianzi said, "Calamity must be going to be fall Zheng." The aggressions of its armies are excessive. Even Zhou could not endure such violent efforts, and how much less Zheng! The calamity is likely to befall the three ministers who conduct its government!"]
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Ju taking advantage of the States being occupied, invaded our eastern borders.' Wang Kekuan observes that this movement shows strikingly the daring of Ju, as its viscount had taken part in nearly all the covenants ordered by duke Dao of Jin. It shows how incomplete the harmony was which the leading State sought to establish among the others which acknowledged its supremacy.
Par. 7. This was the first of the three expeditions of Jin mentioned in the Zhuan at the end of last year, by which that State wore out Chu, and established its supremacy, for a time, over Zheng. The Zhuan says:——'The States invaded Zheng. Cui Shu of Qi came with Guang, the eldest son of the marquis, to the army early, and the prince therefore took precedence of Teng. On Jiyou, the whole army took post at Niushou.' The proper place of the heir-son of Qi was after all the princes, as in p. 1. If he had received, indeed, the appointment of the king as his father's successor, and were administering for him the govt. of the State, he would have been entitled to rank as an earl, according to the rules of Zhou. But he had not received such appointment, as we infer from the Zhuan on the 19th year. The precedence now given to him was probably brought about as Zuoshi says; but as we shall find that he continued to retain it, it is an instance of how the marquis of Jin took it upon him to override the standing statutes of the kingdom.
Par. 8. We have here the fulfilment of the prognostication in the Zhuan after p. 5. For 騑 Gong and Gu have 斐. We have in this par. the first occurrence of 盜 in the text, which I have translated "ruffians." Du Yu observes that, as the paragraph commences with that term, the rank of the murdered could not be mentioned in it. They were all ministers or great officers, and if their death had been by order or management of the State, the text would have been 鄭 殺, or 鄭 人，殺 其 大 夫, 云 云. If the murderers had been great officers, their names and rank, and those of their victims as well, would have been given. But being what they were in this case, their names were not admissible in the text, and consequently we have the persons murdered without any intimation of their rank. No stigma is fixed upon them by the omission, as Guliang thought, and as Cheng Yi, Hu An'guo, and many other critics have contended. The men may have deserved their fate, but no evidence of that can be drawn from the style of the text.
The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Zisi (the Gongzi Fei) had a quarrel with Wei Zhi, and when he was about to take the field against the army of the States, he reduced the number of the chariots [which Zhi wanted to contribute to the expedition]. He had another quarrel with Zhi about the captives whom he had taken, and kept him down, saying his chariots had been beyond the number prescribed by rule, and would not allow him to present his spoils [before the marquis].
'Before this also, Zisi, in laying out the ditches through the fields, had occasioned the loss of fields to the Si, Du, Hou and Zishi families; and these four, along with Wei Zhi, collected a number of dissatisfied individuals, and proceeded, with the adherents of the sons of the ruling House (killed in the 8th year by Zisi; see the Zhuan after viii.2) to raise an insurrection. At this time the govt. was in the hands of Zisi; Ziguo (the Gongzi Fa) was minister of War; Zi'er (the Gongsun Zhe) was minister of Works; and Zikong was minister of Instruction. In winter in the 10th month, on Wuchen, Wei Zhi, Si Chen, Hou Jin, Du Rufu, and Zishi Pu, led a band of ruffians into the palace, and early in the morning attacked the chief minister at the audience in the western palace. They killed Zisi, Ziguo, and Zi'er, and carried off the earl to the northern palace. Zikong had known of their design, and so escaped death. The word 'ruffians' in the text indicates that none of them were great officers.
'Zixi, the son of Zisi) hearing of the ruffians, left his house without taking any precautions, went to [his father's] corpse, and pursued them. When they had entered the northern palace, however, he returned, and began giving out their arms [to his followers]. Most of the servants and concubines had fled, and most of the articles of furniture and use were lost.
'Zichan (the son of Ziguo), hearing of the ruffians, set a guard at his gate, got all his officers in readiness, shut up his storehouses, carefully secured his depositories, formed his men in ranks, and, then went forth with 17 chariots of war. Having gone to [his father's] corpse, he proceeded to attack the ruffians, in the northern palace. Zijiao (the Gongsun Chai) led the people to his assistance, when they killed Wei Zhi and Zishi Pu. The majority of their followers perished, but Hou Jin fled to Jin, and Du Rufu, Si Chen, Wei Pian, and Si Qi fled to Song.
'Zikong (the Gongzi Jia) then took charge of the State, and made a covenant requiring that all in the various degrees of rank should receive the rules enacted by himself. The great officers, ministers, and younger members of the great families refusing obedience to this, he wished to take them off; but Zichan stopped him, and begged that for their sakes he would burn the covenant. He objected to do so, saying, "I wrote what I did for the settlement of the State. If I burn it because they all are dissatisfied, then the government is in their hands;—will it not be difficult to administer the affairs of the State?" Zichan replied, "It is difficult to go against the anger of them all; and it is difficult to secure the exclusive authority to yourself. If you insist on both these difficulties in order to quiet the State, it is the very way to endanger it. It is better to burn the writing, and so quiet all their minds. You will get what you wish, and they also will feel at ease;—will not this be well? By insisting on your exclusive authority, you will find it difficult to succeed; by going against the wishes of all, you will excite calamity:—you must follow my advice." On this Zikong, burned the writing of the covenant outside the Cang gate, after which the minds of all the others became composed.'
Par. 9. Hulao,—see ii. 9. The text would lead us to think that the keeping guard over Hulao was the action of Lu, and of Lu alone; whereas Jin had taken possession of that city, fortified it and now held it with the troops of its confederate States, as a strategical point against Zheng and Chu. Lu sent troops to guard it; and this alone the text mentions, but other States did the same. Originally it belonged to Zheng, but was not Zheng's now. Yet the text says—'Hulao of Zheng.' Du Yu and others see in this the style of Confucius writing retrospectively, expressing himself according to his knowledge of the purpose of Jin to restore the place to Zheng, when that State should really have broken with Chu. Hu An'guo, again, has his followers in maintaining that Confucius here assigned it to Zheng to mark his disapproval of Jin's ever taking it. The probability is that neither the one view nor the other is correct. The place properly belonged to Zheng; it was held against it by the confederates for a time; it was immmediately restored to it:—what more natural than to mention it as 'Hulao of Zheng,' without any intention either 'to praise or to blame.' The Zhuan says:——'The armies of the States fortified [afresh] Hulao, and guarded the country about. The army of Jin fortified Wu and Zhi; and Shi Fang and Wei Jiang guarded them. The text speaks of Hulao of Zheng, though it was not [now] Zheng's, indicating that it was to be restored to it. Zheng [now] made peace with Jin.'
Par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'Zinang of Chu came to succour Zheng. In the 11th month, the armies of the States made a circuit round Zheng, and proceeded south to Yangling. Still the army of Chu did not retire, [seeing which], Zhi Wuzi proposed that the confederates should withdraw, saying, "If we now make our escape from Chu, it will become arrogant, and can be fought with when in that mood. Luan Yan, said, "To evade Chu will be a disgrace to Jin. Our having assembled the States will increase the disgrace. We had better die. I will advance alone." On this the [whole] army advanced, and on Jihai it and the army of Chu were opposed to each other with [only] the Ying between them. Zijiao [of Zheng] said. "The [armies of the] States are prepared to march. and are sure not to fight. If we follow Jin, they will retire; if we do not follow it, they will retire. Chu is sure to besiege our city when they retire; but they will still do so. We had better follow Chu, and get its army to retire also." That night he crossed through the Ying, and made a covenant with Chu. Luan Yan wished to attack the army of Zheng, but Xun Ying said, "No. We cannot keep back Chu, neither can we protect Zheng. Of what offence is Zheng guilty? Our best plan is to leave a grudge against it, and withdraw. If we now attack its army, Chu will come to its help. If we fight, and do not conquer, the States will laugh at us. Victory cannot be commanded. We had better withdraw." Accordingly, on Dingwei the armies of the States withdrew, made an incursion into the northern borders of Zheng, and returned. The forces of Chu also withdrew.
Par. 11. [The Zhuan gives here a narrative about troubles at court:——'Wangshu Chensheng and Bo Yu had a quarrel about the govt. The king favoured, Bo Yu, when the other fled from the capital in a rage. The king recalled him when he had got to the He, and put the historiographer Jiao to death to please him. He would not enter [the capital]. however, and was allowed to remain [near the He]. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Gai to pacify the royal House, when Wangshu and Bo Yu maintained each his cause. The steward of Wangshu, and Xia Qin, the great officer of Bo Yu; pleaded in the court of the king, while Shi Gai listened to them. Wangshu's steward said, "When people who live in hovels, with wicker doors fitted to holes in the wall, insult their superiors, it is hard to be a man of superior rank." Xia Qin said, "When king Ping removed here to the east, there were seven families of us, who followed him, and on whom he was dependent for the victims which he used. He made a covenant with them over [the flesh of] a red bull, saying that from generation to generation they should hold their offices. If we had been people of such hovels, how could they have come to the east? and how could the king have been dependent on them? Now since Wangshu became chief minister, the govt. has been carried on by means of bribes, and punishments have been in the hands of his favourites. His officers have become enormously rich, and it is not to be wondered at if we are reduced to such hovels. Let your great State consider the case. If the low cannot obtain right, where is what we call justice?" Fan Xuanzi said, "Whom the son of Heaven favours, my ruler also favours; whom he disapproves, my ruler also disapproves." He then made Wangshu and Bo Yu prepare a summary of their case; but Wangshu could bring forward no evidence, and fled to Jin. There is no record of this in the text, because no announcement of it was made to Lu. Duke Jing of Shan then became high minister, to act as director for the royal House.']
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the king's first month, we formed three armies.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, we divined a fourth time about the border sacrifice. The result was unfavourable, and the sacrifice was not offered.
3. The Gongsun Shezhi of Zheng led a force, and made an incursion into Song.
4. The duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, Guang, heir-son of Qi, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in invading Zheng.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Jiwei, [the above princes] made a covenant together on the north of Bocheng.
6. The duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.
7. The viscount of Chu and the earl of Zheng invaded Song.
8. The duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, Guang, heir-son of Qi, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in invading Zheng. There was a meeting in Xiaoyu.
9. The duke arrived from the meeting.
10. The people of Chu seized and held Liang Xiao, the messenger of Zheng.
11. In winter, a body of men from Qin invaded Jin.
Par. 1. 作 must be taken here as in VIII. 1. 4, indicating an arrangement either altogether new, or modifying in a most important manner existing arrangements on the subject to which it refers. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Ji Wuzi wished to form 3 armies, and told Shusun Muzi (Bao) of his purpose, saying, "Let us make three armies, and each of us collect the revenue for the support of his army." Muzi replied, "When the demands [of Jin] come upon you, [according to this increased establishment], you will not be able [to meet them]." Wuzi, however, persisted in his request, till Muzi said, "Well, let us make a covenant." They covenanted accordingly at the gate of [duke] Xi's temple, the imprecatory sentences being repeated in the street of Wufu." In the 1st month they proceeded to the formation of the 3 armies, [the three clans] dividing the ducal prerogative [as it were] into three, and each of them taking one part to itself. The three chiefs broke up their own [establishments of] chariots. The Ji appointed that those who brought their followers and the amount of the military contribution of their families to him, should pay nothing more [to the State], and those who did not so enter his ranks should pay a double contribution. The Meng employed one half the sons and younger brothers in his service. The Shusun employed all the sons and younger brothers. [They had said that], unless they acted thus, they would not alter the old arrangements.'
It is to be wished that Zuoshi's narrative were more perspicuous and explicit;—see also the narrative under X. v. 1, when the new army, or that of the centre, was obliged to be discontinued. The arrangement for 3 armies which was now adopted was an important one, and marked an era in the history of Lu. It was originally a great State, and could furnish the 3 armies, which were assigned by the statutes of Zhou to a great State;—see the Zhou li, Bk. XXVIII. par. 3. But its power had gradually decayed; and as Jin rose to preëminence as the leading State of the kingdom, Lu sank to the class of the second-rate States (次 國), which furnished only two armies. The change from 3 to 2 seems to have taken place under Wen or Xuan. In this way Lu escaped some of the exactions of Jin, whose demands for military assistance were proportioned to the force which the States could furnish, and hence, in the Zhuan, Shusun Muzi objects to the formation of 3 armies on the ground that they would then be unable to meet the requirements of Jin. But up to this time, the armies of Lu, whether 3 or 2, had always belonged to the marquises, having been called forth by them as occasion required, and been commanded by their ministers according to their appointment. A great change now took place. The Heads of the three families, —the descendants of duke Huan, now not only claimed the command of the armies, but they claimed the armies as their own. Taking advantage of the youth of duke Xiang, their act was all but a parting of the State among themselves. They would henceforth be not only its ministers, but its lords, and the direct descendants of the duke of Zhou would be puppets in their hands. I must repeat the wish that we had fuller details of the formation of the three armies, and of the proceedings of the three chiefs. Du says that they added one army,—that of the centre, to the two already existing; but that is a very imperfect description of their act. The chariots which they broke up would be those belonging to themselves, for which they would now have no separate occasion, and which would go therefore to the formation of the third army. The text relates the event, as if it had proceeded from the duke, or by his authority.
Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Zheng were troubled about [their relations with] Jin and Chu, and all the great officers said, "Through our not following Jin, the State is nearly ruined. Chu is weaker than Jin, but Jin shows no eagerness in our behalf. If Jin were eager in our behalf, Chu would avoid it. What shall we do to make the army of Jin ready to encounter death for us? In that case Chu will not venture to oppose it, and we can firmly adhere to it." Zizhan said, "Let us commence hostilities against Song; the States are sure to come [to its help], when we will submit to them, and make a covenant. The army of Chu will then come, and we shall do the same with it. This will make Jin very angry. If it can then come quickly and resolutely [into the field], Chu will not be able to do anything against it, and we shall firmly adhere to Jin." The others were pleased with this proposal, and they made the officers of the borders commence a quarrel with Song, Xiang Xu of which retaliated with an incursion into Zheng, in which he took great spoil. Zizhan said, "We may now invade Song with an army. If we attack Song, the States are sure to attack us immediately. We will then hearken to their commands, and at the same time send notice to Chu. When its forces come, we shall further make a covenant with it; and by heavy bribes to the army of Jin, we shall escape [the vengeance of them both]." Accordingly, in summer, Zizhan (Shezhi) made an incursion into Song.'
Zizhan had formerly advocated the adherence of Zheng in good faith to Jin, while Zisi had been for adhering now to Jin and now to Chu, according to the pressure of the time. Zisi was now dead; and the commentators find great fault with Zizhan for the crooked course which he took to bring about the accomplishment of his own policy.
Par. 4. This is the second of Jin's great expeditions with the States of the north to break the power of Chu. The Zhuan says:——'In the fourth month, the States invaded Zheng. On Jihai, Guang, eldest son of [the marquis of] Qi, and Xiang Xu of Song, came first to its capital, and attacked the east gate. In the evening of that day, Xun Ying of Jin arrived in the western suburbs, from which he made an incursion to the old [capital of] Xu (see on VIII. xv. 11). Sun Linfu of Wey made an incursion on the northern borders of the State. In the 6th month, the States assembled at Beilin, and encamped in Xiang. Thence they took a circuit, and halted at Suo, after which they invested the capital, and made a [grand] display of their forces outside the south gate, and on the west crossed over the Jisui.'
Par. 5. Instead of 亳 Gong and Gu have 京. Bocheng was in Zheng, and, acc. to the Kangxi editors, must have been in the pres. district of Yanshi, dep. Henan. This is very doubtful. Du and nearly all the critics explain the 同 with reference to the presence of Zheng, and its joining in the covenant. No previous instance where the term has occurred exactly corresponds to this; and perhaps Dan Zhu is right in thinking that Zheng was not present. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Zheng [now] became afraid, and sought terms of accommodation. In autumn, in the 7th month, they made a covenant together in Bo. Fan Xuanzi said, "If we be not careful, we shall lose the States. Wearied as they have been by marching, and not [really] accomplishing anything, can they be but disaffected?" Accordingly, when they covenanted, the words were:——"All we who covenant together agree not to hoard up the produce of good years, not to shut one another out from advantages [that we possess], not to protect traitors, not to shelter criminals. We agree to aid one another in disasters and calamities, to have compassion on one another in seasons of misfortune and disorder, to cherish the same likings and dislikings, to support and encourage the royal House. Should any prince break these engagements, may He who watches over men's sincerity and He who watches over covenants, [the Spirits of] the famous hills and [of] the famous streams, the kings and dukes our predecessors, the whole host of Spirits, and all who are sacrificed to, the ancestors of our 12 (? 13) States with their 7 surnames:—may all these intelligent Spirits destroy him, so that he shall lose his people, his appointment pass from him, his family perish, and his State be utterly overthrown!'"
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Zinang of Chu had asked the assistance of troops from Qin; and Zhan, Qin's great officer of the right, led a force to follow the viscount of Chu, intending to invade Zheng. [In the meantime], the earl of Zheng met [the army of Chu], [made his submission], and on Bingzi invaded Song [along with it].'
Par. 8. This is the third and last of the great expeditions of Jin against Chu. Xiaoyu was a place in Zheng, to the south of its capital, in the pres. Xuzhou (許 州). The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, the States, with all their armies, again invaded Zheng. They showed their forces outside the east gate of the city, on which the people of Zheng made the king's son, Bopian, offer their submission. On Jiaxu, Zhao Wu of Jin entered the city, and made a covenant with the earl; and in winter, in the 10th month, on Dinghai, Zizhan came out, and made a covenant with the marquis of Jin. In the 12th month, on Wuyin, there was a meeting in Xiaoyu. On Gengchen, [the marquis of Jin] released his Zheng prisoners, treated them all courteously, and sent them back. He [also] called in his scouting parties, and forbade raids and pillaging. [At the same time], he sent Shuxi to inform the [other] princes of these proceedings. The duke made Zangsun He return the following reply, "All we who have covenanted together [are here], because your great State found it necessary to punish a small one which had offended. Having obtained sufficient ground for your present course, you are ready to exercise forgiveness. My ruler has received your commands."
'The people of Zheng presented to the marquis of Jin the music-masters, Kui, Chu, and Juan; fifteen, each, of wide chariots and guard chariots with the buff-coats and weapons for them complete, and other war-chariots amounting altogether to a hundred; two sets of musical bells, with the large bells and musical stones belonging to them; and sixteen female musicians. The marquis gave one half [of these two last gifts] to Wei Jiang, saying, "It was you who taught me to harmonize the Rong and the Di, so as secure the adherence of the great States (see the long Zhuan at the end of the 4th year). In the space of 8 years, I have nine times asembled the States, and a harmony has prevailed among them like that of music. I beg to share the pleasure of these things with you." Wei Jiang declined the gifts, saying, "The harmonizing of the Rong and Di was the happy destiny of the State. The assembling of the States nine times within the space of eight years, and the princes all virtuously adhering, is to be ascribed to your lordship's powerful influence, and the labours of your various servants. What did I contribute to those results? What your servant wishes is that your lordship may enjoy your present pleasure and think about the future. The ode (Shi, II. vii. ode VIII. 4) says,
'To be delighted in are those princes, The guardians of the country of the Son of Heaven! To be delighted in are those princes; Around them all blessings collect. Discriminating and able are their attendants, Who also have followed them hither!' Now music helps the repose in virtue; righteousness is seen in the manner of occupying one's position; the rules of propriety are seen in one's practice; good faith maintains consistency; and benevolence makes one powerful in influencing others. When a prince has these qualities, then indeed he may be the guardian of the country, share in all blessings and emoluments, and attract people from a distance:——this is called music indeed. The Shu says (probably V. xv. 19 is intended), 'In a position of security, think of peril.' If you think thus, you will make preparation against the danger, and with the preparation there will be no calamity. I venture to offer you these admonitions." The marquis said, "Dare I but receive your commands in these instructions? But for you, however, I should not have known how to treat the Rong; I should not have been able to cross the He. To reward is a statute of the State, preserved in the repository of covenants; it may not be disused. Do you receive those things." It was thus that Wei Jiang first had bells and musical stones;—and it was right he should thus receive them.'
Par. 9. The canon laid down for entries like this is that, when the duke has been absent on more than one affair, the last shall be stated in the record of his return. It is so here. The duke left Lu to take part in the invasion of Zheng, which ended in the meeting at Xiaoyu; and it is said he arrived 'from the meeting.' In par. 6, however, it is said that he arrived 'from the invasion of Zheng,' though the event immediately preceding his return was the meeting and covenant at Bo. The commentators find 'praise and blame' in these variations of the style, but we may well believe that the historiographers made these entries, as the characters occurred to them, without regard to any different character of the transactions in which the duke had been engaged.
Par. 10. For 霄 Guliang has 宵. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Zheng had sent Liang Xiao, and the grand-superintendent Shi Chuo, to Chu, to give notice of their intended submission to Jin in the words, [as from the earl], "Out of regard to my altars, I am not able to cherish your lordship [as my superior]. If your lordship with gems and silks will come to a good understanding with Jin, or if by a display of prowess you will overawe it, this would be what I desire." The people of Chu seized and held the two officers. The text speaks of "the messenger," intimating that [Liang Xiao] was an ambassador.'
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'Two dignitaries of Qin, Bao and Wu, led a force and invaded Jin, in order to succour Zheng. Bao first entered the territory of Jin, and was met by Shi Fang, who slighted the forces of Qin, and did not make preparation against them. On Renwu, Wu crossed [the He] from Fushi, and, joining Bao, went on with him into Jin. On Jichou the armies of the two States fought at Li, when that of Jin received a great defeat;—in consequence of making light of Qin.'
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's third month, a body of men from Ju invaded our eastern borders, and laid siege to Tai.
2. Jisun Su led a force and relieved Tai, after which he went on to enter Yun.
3. In summer, the marquis of Jin sent Shi Fang to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, Cheng, viscount of Wu, died.
5. In winter, the Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force, and made an incursion into Song.
6. The duke went to Jin.
Parr. 1, 2 Tai was a city belonging to Lu, —in the pres. dis. of Bi, dep. Yizhou. Guliang has 邰. Yun is the same place mentioned in VI.xii.8, as then walled by duke Wen. In his time it belonged to Lu, but had subsequently been taken by Ju. Though Jisun Su now entered it, it does not appear to have remained in the possession of Lu.
The Zhuan says:——'This year, in spring, a body of men from Ju invaded our eastern borders, and laid siege to Tai. Ji Wuzi then relieved Tai, and went on to enter Yun, from which he took its bell to form a deep dish for the duke.' 遂 is used as heretofore, to denote the going on from the accomplishment of one thing to another not originally contemplated. Gong and Gu, however, remark that it was not competent for any one to do this but the ruler of the State himself, and hence the 遂 is here condemnatory of Jisun Su;—but see on III. xix. 3.
Par. 3. Zuo says that the object of Fang in this mission was to convey the acknowledgments of the marquis of Jin for the military services performed by Lu the previous year.
Par. 4. This viscount of Wu is better known by the name of Shoumeng, which we find in the 1st Zhuan on the 10th year. How he should have the two names of Shoumeng and Cheng is not easily explained. Fu Qian (服 虔) of the Han dynasty supposed that the double name of this and the other lords of Wu is merely an attempt to spell, or give the sound of, the native term, so that in reality 壽 夢 and 乘 are but one and the same name.
The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Shoumeng, viscount of Wu, died. The duke went to the Zhou temple (that of king Wen) to wail for him;—which was according to rule. On occasion of the decease of any prince, if he were of a different surname from the duke, he was wailed for outside on the city wall. If he were of the same surname, the wailing took place in the ancestral (i.e., the Zhou) temple; if he were descended from the same individual who bore that surname, in the temple of that [common] ancestor; if he were of some common branch family from that ancestor, in the paternal temple. Thus the princes of Lu mourned for the Jis generally in the Zhou temple; but for the lords of Xing, Fan, Jiang, Mao, Zuo, and Zhai, in the temple of the duke of Zhou.' Here for the 1st time the Chunqiu records the death of a lord of Wu. But there is no record of the burial; not that an officer of Lu may not have been present at it, but because, as in the case of the lords of Chu, the usurped title of king must have been introduced.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, Zinang of Chu, and Wudi, one of the dignitaries of Qin, invaded Song, and took post with their forces at Yangliang;—in retaliation for Jin's taking Zheng [from Chu].'
[The Zhuan here turns aside to a marriage negotiation on the part of the king—King Ling sought a queen from Qi. The marquis asked Yan Huanzi how he should reply, and that officer answered, "In the language of ceremony, issued by the former kings, we find that when the king applies for a queen to the prince of any State, the prince replies, 'Of daughters by my proper wife, I have so many; and of daughters by concubines I have so many.' If he have no daughter of his own, but has sisters and aunts, he says, 'Of so and so, who preceded me in this fief, there are so many daughters.' The marquis of Qi agreed to the proposed marriage, and the king sent Yin Li to settle the engagement.']
Par. 6. Zuo says, 'The duke went to Jin, to appear at its court, and to express his acknowledgments for the visit of Shi Fang.' Fang's visit was that in p. 3.
[The Zhuan here relates an incident, of which it is difficult to see the drift.—A daughter of the House of Qin had been married to [the viscount of] Chu. [This year], Zigeng (a son of king Zhuang, named Wu) minister of War to Chu, paid a friendly visit to Qin, to inquire after her mother in the viscountess's behalf. This was according to rule.']
1. In his thirteenth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Jin.
2. In summer, we took Shi.
3. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Gengchen, Shen, viscount of Chu, died.
4. In winter, we walled Fang.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'When the duke arrived from Jin, Meng Xianzi caused a record of his successful services to be made in the ancestral temple;—which was according to rule.' See the Zhuan on II. ii. 9 about the force of 至 in such paragraphs as this. Du Yu goes at length into the matter here:——Under the 2d year of duke Huan, the Zhuan says, "The duke arrived from Tang, and announced his doing so in the temple." Whenever the duke set out on a journey, he announced it in the ancestral temple. On his return, he drank in celebration of that in the temple; and when he put down the cup, he had his service recorded in the tablets:—this was the rule. In the 16th year of Huan, it says, "The duke came from the invasion of Zheng, and observed the ceremony of drinking on his arrival in the temple." It appears then (from those two passages and the present), that if any one of the three ceremonies,—the announcement in the temple, the drinking to celebrate the arrival, and the record in the tablets,—was observed, the notice of arrival was made; but if they were all neglected, there was no such notice.'
Par. 2. For 邿 Gongyang has 詩. Shi was a small State, near Lu,—in the present Jining (濟 寧) Zhou, dep. Yanzhou. It was now incorporated with Lu. The Zhuan says:-—'In summer, Shi was dismembered into three by disorders [which prevailed]. A force from Lu succoured Shi, and took the opportunity to take it.' Du observes on this, that, while the Zhuan speaks of 'a force from Lu,' the text does not use that term, intimating that the troops employed did not really amount to a 師, or 2,500 men. Zuoshi subjoins his canons regarding the force of several terms:——'"Taking (取)" is used, when the thing was done with ease; "extinguishing (滅)," when it required a large force; "entering (入)," when the territory was not retained.' There is difficulty found, however, in the application of these canons; and some critics, as Liu Chang, call them in question altogether.
[The Zhuan appends here a narrative about the affairs of Jin:——'Xun Ying and Shi Fang died, and the marquis of Jin assembled his troops in Mianshang that he might order and regulate them. He appointed Shi Gai to the command of the army of the centre, but Gai declined, saying, "Boyou (Xun Yan) is my senior. Formerly from my acquaintance with, and knowledge of, Zhi Bo, I was assistant-commander under him; but I cannot [be regarded as] superior [to Yan]. I beg you to follow [my advice, and appoint] Boyou." Xun Yan was then made commander of the army of the centre, and Shi Gai was assistant-commander under him. [The marquis] appointed Han Qi to the command of the 1st army; but he wished to decline in favour of Zhao Wu. The marquis, however, offered the command to Luan Yan, who also declined it, saying, "I am not equal to Han Qi, and as he wishes Zhao Wu to be above him, your lordship should hearken to him." Zhao Wu was then made commander of the 1st army, with Han Qi as assistant-commander. Luan Yan was continued as commander of the 3d army, and Wei Jiang was made assistant commander of it. Neither commander nor assistant-commander was appointed to the new army; but the marquis, finding it difficult to meet with proper men, ordered the officers of tens to lead their footmen and chariot-men, and all the other officers, to follow the 3d army;—which was right. On this, a great harmony prevailed among the people of Jin, and the States cultivated their friendly relations with it.
'The superior man will say, "Modesty is an essential point in the proprieties. Fan Xuanzi (Gai) having declined the command [offered to him], those below him did the same, and even Luan Yan, naturally forward, did not dare to act differently. The State of Jin was thus made tranquil, and the effect extended through several generations:—such was the force of a good example! Is not this a thing to be earnestly sought,—the good example of one man, securing the quiet and harmony of the people? The language of the Shu (V. xxvii. 13) is applicable to this;—'When the one man is good, all the people look to him as their dependence, and the repose of such a State will be perpetual.' Of the rise and prosperity of Zhou, the ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 7) says:—
'Take your pattern from king Wen, And the myriad regions will repose confidence in you;' showing a pattern of excellence. But in the decline of Zhou, the ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I. 2) says:—
'The great officers are unfair; I am made to serve; I alone am deemed worthy;' showing how [at that time] they would not yield to one another. In an age of good government, men in high stations prefer ability, and give place to those who are below them; and the lesser people labour vigorously at their husbandry to serve their superiors. In this way all the rules of propriety are observed both by high and low, and slanderers and evil men fall into disrepute and disappear. Such a state of things arises from their not quarrelling about superiority;—it is what we call a state of admirable virtue. But in an age of disorder, men in high stations proclaim their merit in order to impose their will on those who are below them, and the lesser people boast of their arts to encroach on their superiors. In this way the rules of propriety are observed by neither high nor low, and disorders and oppressions grow up together. Such a state of things arises from contentions about superiority; —it is what we call a state where virtue is all obscured. The ruin of a State is sure to result from it."'
Par. 3. This was king Gong (共 王). He was succeeded by his son Zhao, known as king Kang (康 王 昭). The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu was ill, and addressed his great officers, saying, "I, the unworthy, was called when young to preside over the altars. At the age of ten, I lost my father, and the dignity of the State fell to my lot before I had been trained by the instructions of the tutor and guardian. Thus it was that I lost my army at Yan (see VIII. xvi. 6), to the very great disgrace of our altars, and the very great sorrow of you. If by your influence I am able to preserve my head, and die a natural death, for the business of sacrifice and interment, whereby I shall take the place after my predecessors in the temple proper to me, I beg you will call me by such an epithet as Ling (靈) or Li (厲), according as you shall choose." They gave him no reply, till he had charged them five times, when they consented.
'In the autumn, he—king Gong—died, and Zinang was consulting about the posthumous epithet for him, when the great officers said, "We have his own charge about it." Zinang said, "His charge was marked by humble reverence. Why should we use any other epithet but that which is expressive of that quality? He came to the charge of this glorious State of Chu; he tranquillized, and got the dominion of, the Man and the Yi; his expeditions went rapidly forth along the sea of the south; and he subjected the great States. And yet he knew his errors;—may he not be pronounced humbly reverent (共)? Let us call him by the epithet of Gong." The great officers agreed.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Wu made a raid upon Chu. Yang Youji hurried away with a charge [to resist the enemy], followed by Zigeng with a [larger] force. Yang Shu said, "Wu is taking advantage of the death of our king, thinking we shall not be able to take the field. They are sure to slight us, and not use proper caution. Do you place three ambushments, and wait for the result of my measures, giving me leave to decoy them." Zigeng having agreed to this, a battle was fought at Yongpu, when the troops of Wu received a great defeat, and the Gongzi Dang was taken. The superior man will say, "Wu was unpitying;—[as] the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode VII. 6) says,
'Great Heaven has no compassion, And there is no end to the disorders.'" Par. 4. Fang,—see I. ix. 6. The city was granted, probably about this time, to the Zangsun family. The Zhuan says:——'This text shows the seasonableness of the proceeding [from the state of other business]. They had wished to wall the city earlier, but Zang Wuzhong begged to wait till the labours of husbandry were finished;—which was right.'
[The Zhuan here takes up the narrative under xi. 10:——'Liang Xiao of Zheng, and the grand-superintendent Shi Chuo, were still in Chu. Shi Chuo said to Zinang, "The ancient kings divined about their progresses for five years, year by year seeking for a favourable response. When they found that repeated so many times, then they set out. If such a response was not repeated, they cultivated their virtue with increased assiduity, and divined again. Now Chu cannot maintain its struggle with Jin; but what is the offence of [Zheng's] messenger? You here detain one of its high ministers, relieving its court of the pressure [of its ministers on one another], making the others more harmonious and adhere firmly to Jin, with a hatred of Chu;—what is the use of such a measure? If you send him back, and thus frustrate the object of his mission, he will resent the conduct of his ruler, and be at enmity with the great officers, so that they will begin to draw different ways;—would not this be a better course?" On this the people of Chu sent them both back].'
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Jisun Su, and Shu Lao, along with Shi Gai of Jin, officers of Qi, Song, and Wey, the Gongsun Chai of Zheng, and officers of Cao, Ju, Zhu, Teng, Xue, Qi, and Little Zhu, had a meeting with Wu in Xiang.
2. In the second month, on Yiwei, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, Shusun Bao joined Xun Yan of Jin, officers of Qi and Song, Beigong Kuo of Wey, the Gongsun Chai of Zheng, and officers of Cao, Ju, Zhu, Teng, Xue, Qi, and Little Zhu, in invading Qin.
4. On Jiwei, the marquis of Wey left his State, and fled to Qi.
5. A body of men from Ju made a raid upon our eastern borders.
6. In autumn, the Gongzi Zhen of Chu led a force and invaded Wu.
7. In winter, Jisun Su had a meeting with Shi Gai of Jin, Hua Yue of Song, Sun Linfu of Wey, the Gongsun Chai of Zheng, and officers of Ju and Zhu, in Qi.
Par. 1. The defeat of Wu by Chu is related in the Zhuan appended to par. 3 of last year. Zuoshi supposes that this meeting at Xiang (the Xiang in dis. of Huaiyuan; see on I.ii. 2) was held in consequence of an application from Wu to Jin for help; but, as Wu Cheng has remarked, the text, where representatives of Jin and the other States all go to meet Wu, would rather indicate that the meeting was called by Jin for its own purposes, to make use of Wu, instead of giving help to it.
Here and below, Gongyang has 蠆for 蠆. At this meeting we have two officers, both ministers, present on the part of Lu;—Jisun Su and Shu Lao (a son of Gongsun Yingqi, and grandson of Shuxi, mentioned VII. xvii. 7). There were always two officers sent by the States to those meetings, a principal and an assistant (一 正一 介), But the second was inferior in rank, and only the principal took part in conference. Lu departed from the ordinary rule in this case probably to flatter Jin, and Jin accepted the adulation by admitting two envoys to the meeting.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Wu announced to Jin the defeat [which it bad sustained from Chu], and a meeting was held at Xiang, to consult about measures against Chu; in the interest of Wu. Fan Xuanzi, however, pointed out Wu's act of misconduct, and sent away its representative. He [also] caused the Gongzi Wulou of Ju to be seized, because of Ju's interchanging communications with Chu. He wished [further] to seize Juzhi, viscount of the Rong, and accused him, himself, in the court [which had been established in Xiang], saying, "Come, you chief of the Jiang Rong! Formerly, the people of Qin drove Wuli, one of your ancestors, to Guazhou, when he came, clothed with rushes and forcing his way through briars and thorns, and threw himself on our ruler duke Hui, who cut off from Jin some poor lands, and gave them to you to afford you a subsistence. The States do not now yield to our ruler the service which they formerly did, because of reports leaking [out from Jin].—all through you. You must not be present at the business of tomorrow morning; if you are, I will cause you to be seized." The viscount replied, 'Formerly, the people of Qin, relying on their multitudes, and covetous of territory, drove out us Rong. Then [your] duke Hui displayed his great kindness; and considering that we Rong were the descendants of the [chief of the] four mountains (see the Shu, 1.11), and were not to be entirely cut off and abandoned, he gave us the lands on his southern border. The territory was one where jackals dwelt and wolves howled, but we Rong extirpated the briars and thorns from it, drove away the jackals and wolves, and considered ourselves his subjects, who should not make inroads on his State, nor rebel. Nor to the present day have we swerved from our allegiance. Formerly, when duke Wen and Qin invaded Zheng (see V. xxxv.), the people of Qin stealthily made a covenant with Zheng, and left some troops as a guard in its territory, which led to the battle of Yao (V. xxxiii. 3). There Jin met the enemy in front, and we Rong withstood him in the rear. That the army of Qin did not return to their State was owing to our services. As in the pursuit of a stag, the people of Jin took Qin by the horns, and we took it by the feet, and along with Jin, we laid it prostrate on the ground;—might we not expect to escape [such a charge as you bring against us]? From that time to the present, in all the expeditions of Jin we Rong have taken part, one after another, as they occurred, following its leaders, without ever daring to keep ourselves apart from them. And now when the troops of your officers have indeed committed some errors which are separating the States from you, you try to throw the blame on us. Our drink, our food, our clothes are all different from those of the Flowery States; we do not interchange silks or other articles of introduction with their courts; their language and ours do not admit of intercourse between us and them:—what evil is it possible for us to have done? Not to be present at the meeting will not be a grief to me." He then sang the Qing ying (Shi, II. vii. ode VI.), and withdrew. Xuanzi acknowledged his error, made the viscount be present at the business of the meeting, and proved himself "the gentle and harmonious superior" [of that ode].
'At this time Zishu Qizi (Shu Lao) was the assistant of Ji Wuzi and attended the meeting. From this time Jin made the contributions of Lu lighter, and gave more respect to its messengers.'
The above Zhuan is interesting, as showing how the chiefs of the various ruder tribes might be present at the meetings of the States, though there be no record of such a thing in the text.
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Wu: —'Zhufan, viscount of Wu, when the mourning [for his father] was [so far] completed (see the death of the former viscount, xii. 4), wished to raise his younger brother Zha to be lord of the State; but Zha declined the dignity, saying, 'When duke Xuan of Cao died (see VIII. xiii. 4, 6), the States and the people of Cao, disapproving of the new ruler, wished to raise Zizang in Xuan's room. Zizang, how ever, left Cao, and would not be [earl of it]. thus establishing the position of the [actual] ruler. Superior men say of him that he could maintain in purity his position. You are the rightful heir; who will dare to be false to you? I cannot possess the State in my position. Devoid as I am of ability, I wish rather to follow the example of Zizang, so as not to lose my purity." When the thing was still pressed upon him, he abandoned his house, and took to ploughing, on which his brother let him alone.']
Par. 2. This eclipse took place on the 8th of January, B.C. 558.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the great officers of the States followed the marquis of Jin to invade Qin, in return for the affair at Li (see on xi. 11). The marquis waited on the borders of the State, and sent his six ministers forward with the forces of the States. When the armies reached the King, they [were unwilling] to cross it; but Shuxiang (Yangshe Xi; the Shuxi of the Zhuan on xi. 8) having seen Shusun Muzi (Bao), the latter sang the Pao you ku ye (Shi, I. iii. ode IX), on which Shuxiang withdrew and prepared boats for crossing the stream. The men of Lu and Ju were the first to cross. Zijiao of Zheng, seeing Beigong Yizi of Wey, said to him, "If we take a side and do not adhere firmly to it, we shall bring on ourselves the greatest evils. What will be the consequences to our altars?" The other was pleased, and they united in advising the forces of the States to cross the Jing. This was done and the army then halted, but the people of Qin had put poison into the stream higher up, in consequence of which many of the soldiers died. Zijiao, minister of War of Zheng, led its forces forward, and was followed by those of the other States to Yulin.
'[When they were there], they still did not succeed in bringing Qin to terms, and Xun Yan issued an order that at cock-crow they should yoke their chariots, fill up the wells, level their furnaces, and look only at his horses heads, [and follow him]." Luan Yan said, "Such an order as this was never given out by the State of Jin. My horses' heads wish to go to the east;" and with this he turned back, followed by the third army. The historiographer of the Left said to Wei Zhuangzi (Wei Jiang), "Will you not wait for Zhonghang Bo (Xun Yan)?" but Zhuangzi said, "He ordered us to follow our leaders. Luan Bo is my leader; I will follow him, and in this way wait for the general." [On learning this], Boyou (Xun Yan) said, "I committed an error, and repentance for it will not now avail. We shall leave many prisoners in the hands of Qin." On this he commanded a great retreat; and the people of Jin called the whole affair "The campaign of changes and delays."
'Luan Zhen said, "This service was to repay the affair of Li, and it proves itself to be a failure;—to the disgrace of Jin. And there are two of us [he was a brother of Luan Yan) in the expedition;—can I but feel the disgrace?" He then dashed with Shi Yang against the army of Qin and was killed, Shi Yang [escaping and] returning. Luan Yan said to Shi Gai, "My brother did not wish to go forward, and your son invited him to do so. My brother died, while your son has returned. He is answerable for my brother's death, and if you do not drive him away, I will kill him." On this Shi Yang fled to Qin.
'Cui Shu of Qi, and Hua Yue and Zhong Jiang of Song, were engaged in this expedition, but their names do not appear in the text, because they were remiss. For the same reason they are not mentioned in the account of the meeting at Xiang. Beigong Kuo of Wey does not appear at that meeting, but he is mentioned here, because he was here more attentive to his duty.
'The earl of Qin asked Shi Yang which of the great officers of Jin would first go to ruin, and was answered, "Probably the Luan." "Because of their excessive arrogance?" asked the earl. "Yes," was the reply. "The arrogance and violence of Luan Yan are extreme, but still he may escape an evil end. The thing will happen to Ying." "Why so?" pursued the earl. Yang answered, "The good offices of Wuzi (Yan's father) to the people [have made them think of them] as the people of Zhou thought of the duke of Shao. If they loved the sweet pear tree [of the duke] (see the Shi, I. ii. ode v.), how much more must the people now regard the son [of Wuzi]! When Luan Yan dies, and the goodness of Ying does not extend to the people, the favours of Wuzi will be forgotten, and the wrongs done by Yan will be clearly seen, and then the doom will come." The earl was impressed with the wisdom of his remarks, appealed in his behalf to Jin, and got him restored to that State.' With this 'Expedition of changes and delays' the strife between Jin and Qin came to a long intermission. The two States were about equally matched. The resources of Jin were more fully developed, but they did not exceed those of its neighbour to such a degree as to enable it to maintain a permanent superiority over Qin.
Mao lays down canons about the names of some officers which are in the text, just the contrary of those laid down by Zuo;—showing how uncertain all such criticism is.
Par. 4. Gongyang has 衎, the marquis's name, after 衛 侯 . The Zhuan says:——'Duke Xian of Wey had given an invitation to Sun Wenzi (Sun Linfu) and Ning Huizi (Ning Zhi) to eat with him, and the two officers dressed themselves, and went to court accordingly. The duke, however, had sent them no [subsequent] summons [to the feast], even when the day was getting late, but was shooting wild geese in the park. Thither they followed him, when he spoke to them, without taking off his skin cap. They were offended, and Wenzi repaired to [his city of] Qi, from which he sent [his son] Sun Kuai to the court. The duke called for spirits to drink with Kuai, and ordered the chief music-master to sing the last stanza of the Qiao yan (Shi, II. v. ode IV.). That officer declined to do so, and his subordinate Cao asked leave to sing it. Before this, the duke had employed this Cao to teach a favourite concubine the lute, and he had whipped the lady, which so enranged the duke that he had given the musician 300 blows. It was in consequence of this that Cao wished to sing the stanza, that he might thereby enrage Sunzi, and obtain his own revenge upon the duke. The duke ordered him to sing the words, and further to intimate his meaning in them. Kuai was afraid, and told the whole thing to his father, who said, "The duke suspects me. If I do not take the initiative, I shall die." On this he brought his son also to Qi, and went [to the capital] to see Qu Boyu, and said to him, "You are well aware of the cruel oppressions of our ruler; I am very much afraid lest our altars be overthrown :—what is to be done?" Boyu replied, "The ruler's authority is supreme; who will dare to oppose him? And though we should oppose him, do we know that we should find a better?" And after this interview he left the State by the nearest gate on the borders.
'The duke then sent Zijiao, Zibo, and Zipi to make a covenant in Qiugong with Sunzi, who put them all to death. In the 4th month, on Jiwei, Zizhan fled to Qi; and the duke went to Juan, from which he sent Zihang to Sunzi, who put him also to death. The duke then left the State, and fled towards Qi, pursued by the Sun, who defeated his followers at the marsh of E. The people of Juan also took some of them prisoners. Yingong Tuo and Yugong Chai continued the pursuit of the duke. Tuo had learned archery from Chai, whose own instructor in the art had been the Gongsun Ding. Ding was now driving the duke's chariot, and Ziyu (Yugong Chai) said, "If I shoot, I do violence to my instructor; and if I do not shoot, I shall be killed;—had I not beter shoot in ceremony only?" Accordingly he shot twice, [merely] hitting the yoke over the horses' necks, and returned. [By and by] Yingong Tuo said, "He was your master, but I am farther removed from him," and there on he turned again in pursuit. The Gongsun Ding gave the reins to the duke, and sent an arrow through the upper part of Tuo's arm.
'Zixian followed the duke, who sent the director of prayers back from the borders of the State to announce his flight [in the ancestral temple], and to announce that he was free from guilt. [His father's proper wife], Ding Jiang said [on this], "If there be no Spirits, what is the use of such an announcement? If there be, they are not to be imposed upon;—guilty as he is, how can he announce that he is free from guilt? He neglected the great officers, and took counsel with his small officers;—that was one act of guilt. He treated with contempt the chief ministers of his father, who had been appointed tutor and guardian to him; that was a second. He was oppressive, as to a concubine, to me, who with towel and comb had served his father; that was a third. He might announce his flight; but nothing more; how could he announce that he was free from guilt?"
'The marquis [of Lu] sent Hou Chengshu on a visit of condolence to Wey, who said, "My ruler has sent me (Ji was Chengshu's name), having heard that your ruler was no longer watching over your altars, but had crossed your borders into another State. In such circumstances, how could he but send his condolences? Considering how he had covenanted with your ruler, he has sent me privately to you, the officers of Wey, to say, 'Your ruler showed no sympathy, and his ministers were not earnest and intelligent. He did not forgive [their offences], and they did not perform their duties. His excesses were increased, and they gave vent to their resentments. What is to be done in such a case?'" The people of Wey appointed Taishu Yi to reply to him, who said, "We officers, in our want of ability, offended our ruler. He did not proceed to punish us, but in grief has left the State, causing sorrow to your ruler. Mindful of the friendship between the former princes of Wey and Lu, your ruler has condescended to send his condolences to us, and to show us his great pity. We venture to acknowledge the condescension of his message; we thank him deeply for his great gift." When Housun returned, and reported the execution of his mission, he said to Zang Wuzhong, "The ruler of Wey will yet return, I apprehend, to his State. There is Taishu Yi to keep guard in it; there is his own brother Zhuan (Zixian), who has left it with him. With the former watching over his interests in the State, and the latter to build him up out of it, is it possible he should not be restored?"
'The people of Qi assigned Lai to the marquis as his residence, and when he returned to Wey, he took with him the provisions that were in it. Gu, commandant of the right, had followed the marquis on his flight, but afterwards stole away from him, and returned to Wey, where the people wished to put him to death. He pleaded, however, that he had not gone away at first with a good will, and that he might be compared to a robe of fox-skin with sleeves of lamb's fur. On this they forgave him, and raised Piao, a grandson of duke Mu to the vacant seat. To him Sun Linfu and Ning Zhi acted as chief ministers, awaiting his recognition by the States.
'While the marquis of Wey was in Lai, Zang He went to Qi, and paid him a visit of condolence, when he spoke in so violent a way, that, when He retired, he said to his followers that the marquis would not be able to enter the state again "His words," said he, "are dirt. His exile has wrought no change in him. How is it possible that he should return?' Zizhan and Zixian heard this, and visited He, when their discourse was so marked by right principle, that he said to his people, "The ruler of Wey is sure to return to his State. With the one of these officers to pull him forward, and the other to keep him back, though he wished not to enter it, he could not keep from doing so."'
The Kangxi editors observe on this paragraph:——'In the account of the exit of the marquis of Wey, the Chunqiu does not mention the traitors who drove him out, but ascribes his flight to himself. In consequence of this, Du Yu and Kong Yingda held that the style was condemnatory of the ruler, in which view they were followed by Hu An'guo. But this is not the idea of the text. There is no greater crime than the expulsion of a ruler by a minister; and is it to be supposed that the sage would indicate his condemnation of the ruler only? Wang Qiao and Yan Qilong have therefore both disputed this view.' This method of settling a point on the critic's a priori view of the author's character and intention will not pass current out of China. With the account in the text there has to be taken the statement of Ning Zhi on his deathbed, as given in the Zhuan at the end of the 20th year, that it was recorded in the tablets (策 書), of the States, that 'Ning Zhi drove out his ruler.' Mao contends that there were, besides those tablets, others (簡 書) in a different style, and that Confucius made his text from the latter. This distinction of tablets again is vehemently controverted; and even if it were granted, the point of real interest in regard to the merits of Confucius as a historian would not be affected by it.—We look for truth as to the things which he relates, and we do not get it. It is to be observed, however, that only in the case of the murder of a ruler is the name of the traitor given in the Chunqiu, and even not always then. Records of expulsions are in the style of the text here, with the addition generally of the name of the fugitive prince,—as in II. xv. 4. The omission of the name in the text, however, is not to be considered important.
[The Zhuan takes us now, in two narratives to Jin:—1st. 'When his armies returned from the invasion of Qin, the marquis of Jin disbanded the new army;—which was according to rule. The armies of a large State could only be half those of the Son of Heaven. Zhou had six armies, and the greatest of the States might have three. At this time, Zhi Shuo (知 朔, belonging to a branch of the Xun or Zhonghang clan) had died after the birth of [? his brother] Ying. Wuzi, [their father], also died when Ying was only six years old. Zhi Qiu (彘 裘, a brother of Fan Gai; belonging to the Fan or Shi clan) was also still young. Neither of them was competent for office. There was thus no leader for the new army, and it was given up.'
2d. 'The music-master Kuang being by the side of the marquis of Jin, the marquis said to him, 'Have not the people of Wey done very wrong in expelling their ruler?" Kuang replied, "Perhaps the ruler had done very wrong. A good ruler will reward the virtuous and punish the vicious; he will nourish his people as his children, overshadowing them as heaven, and supporting them as the earth. Then the people will maintain their ruler, love him as a parent, look up to him as the sun and moon, revere him as they do spiritual Beings, and stand in awe of him as of thunder;—could such a ruler be expelled? Now, the ruler is the host of the spirits, and the hope of the people. If he make the life of the people to be straitened and the spirits to want their sacrifices (Read 若 困 民 之生，匱 神 之 祀), then the hope of the people is cut off, and the altars are without a host;—of what use is he, and what should they do but send him away? Heaven, in giving birth to the people, appointed for them rulers to act as their superintendents and pastors, so that they should not lose their proper nature. For the rulers there are assigned their assistants to act as tutors and guardians to them, so that they should not go beyond their proper limits. Therefore the son of Heaven has his dukes; princes of States have their high ministers; ministers have [the Heads of] their collateral families; great officers have the members of the secondary branches of their families; inferior officers have their friends; and the common people, mechanics, merchants, police runners, shepherds, and grooms, all have their relatives and acquaintances to aid and assist them. These stimulate and honour those [to whom they stand in such a relation], when they are good, and correct them when they do wrong. They rescue them in calamity, and try to put away their errors. From the king downwards, every one has his father, elder brothers, sons and younger brothers, to supply [the defects] and watch over [the character of] his government. The historiographers make their records; the blind make their poems; the musicians recite their satires and remonstrances; the great officers admonish and instruct, and inferior officers report to these what they hear; the common people utter their complaints; the merchants [display their wares] in the market places; the hundred artificers exhibit their skilful contrivances. Hence in one of the Books of Xia (Shu III. iv. 3) it is said, "The herald with his wooden-tongued bell goes along the roads, proclaiming, "Ye officers, able to instruct, be prepared with your admonitions. Ye workmen engaged in mechanical affairs, remonstrate on the subject of your business." In the first month, at the beginning of spring, this was done.' It was done, lest remonstrances should not be regularly presented. Heaven's love for the people is very great;—would it allow the one man to take his will and way over them, so indulging his excessive desires and discarding the [kindly] nature of Heaven and Earth? Such a thing could not be."' The reader will not wonder that the Kangxi editors should condemn these radical sentiments of the music-master.]
Par. 5. Du says this was in retaliation for Lu's capture of Yun, in the 12th year. It was only a continuation of the aggressions of Ju, in defiance not only of Lu, but also of Jin.
Par. 6. Zuoshi says this attack was ordered by the viscount of Chu, in consequence of Wu's invasion of Chu the previous year, which ended with the battle of Yongpu (see the Zhuan after xiii. 3); adding, 'Zinang took post with his army at Tang, intending to attack Wu; and when Wu would not come forth, he with drew. He brought up the rear himself, and did not take precautions, thinking Wu could do nothing. A body of men, however, advancing through the defile of Gaozhou, intercepted and fell upon him where the troops of Chu could not help one another. They defeated Zinang, and took the Gongzi Yigu prisoner.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The king sent duke Ding of Liu to deliver the following charge to the marquis of Qi.—Formerly, our great kinsman (duke l'ae was fatherinlaw to king Wu; hence the 舅), [your ancestor], duke Tai, aided our ancient kings, and was as a limb to the House of Zhou, a tutor and guardian to the myriads of the people; and his services as the grand-tutor were recompensed with the distinction conferred on him by the eastern sea, descending to his posterity. That the royal House was not overthrown was owing to him. Now I give charge to you Huan to follow the rules of our [great] kinsman, and to continue the services of your ancestors, bringing no disgrace on them. Be reverent. Do not neglect my charge]!"'
Par. 7. Qi,—see VI. i. 9. This meeting had relation to the affairs of Wey, and from the presence at it of Sun Linfu, we can understood how its councils were likely to incline.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin consulted Zhonghang Xianzi (Xun Yan) about the affairs of Wey, when that minister replied, "Our best plan is to accede to its present circumstances, and settle it accordingly. Wey has a ruler. If we attack it, we may not succeed as we should desire, and we shall be troubling the States. The historiographer Yi said, 'Add stability to the heavy.' Zhonghui said, 'Deal summarily with States that are going to ruin, and take their States from the disorderly. To overthrow the perishing and strengthen what is being preserved, is the way in which to administer a State.' Let your lordship now settle Wey, and wait the time [for a different course]. In winter a meeting was held at Qi, to consult about the settlement of Wei. Fan Xuanzi borrowed from Qi its [banner with variegated] feathers and ox-tails, and did not return it; in consequence of which the people of Qi began to be disaffected.'
[The Zhuan appends here a short narrative about Chu:——'When Zinang of Chu returned from the invasion of Wu, he died. When he was about to die, he left word that Zigeng should fortify Ying. The superior man will say that Zinang was [indeed a] faithful [minister]. When his ruler died, he did not forget to make him remembered by a good name (see on xiii. 3); when he was about to die himself, he did not forget to defend the altars [of the State]. Ought he not to be pronounced faithful? To the faithful the people look. The words of the ode (Shi, II. viii. ode I. 1),
'If we could now go back to Zhou, These would be admiringly looked to by all the people," have respect to the faithfulness [of the officers spoken of].']
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, the duke of Song sent Xiang Xu to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries; [and] in the second month, on Jihai, [the duke] made a covenant with him at Liu.
2. Xia of Liu met the king's bride in Qi.
3. In summer, the marquis of Qi invaded our northern borders, and laid siege to Cheng. The duke went as far as Yu to relieve Cheng.
4. Jisun Su and Shusun Bao led a force and walled round the suburbs of Cheng.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Dingsi, the sun was eclipsed.
6. A body of men from Zhu invaded our southern borders.
7. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Guihai, Zhou, marquis of Jin, died.
Par. 1. Du observes that this mission of Xiang Xu was in return for that of Shusun Bao to Song in the duke's 2d year, and to renew the covenant at Bo in the 11th year. He says nothing about the situation of Liu, from which Yingda infers that it was a place near the capital, though outside it. For the duke to covenant at all with the messenger was below his dignity; to go outside the city to do it was still more unbecoming. Wan Chongzong (萬充宗; of the pres. dyn.) ingeniously supposes that 于劉 are an addition to the text occasioned by the next paragraph's beginning with 劉. The Zhuan says:——'Xiang Xu of Song came on a friendly mission; and to renew the [existing] covenant. Visiting Meng Xianzi, he reproved him about his house, saying, "I did not expect that a man of your great reputation would have so beautiful a house." Xianzi replied, "My elder brother did it, when I was in Jin. To have taken it down again would have been a great labour, and I did not wish to find fault with him."'
Par. 2. The negotiation for the king's marriage with a princess of Qi is related in the Zhuan appended to xii. 5. For the ceremonies in conveying a king's bride to Zhou, see on II. viii. 6. Those ceremonies appear not to have been correctly observed on the occasion here spoken of. The Liu Xia of the text is no doubt, the 'duke Ding of Liu,' mentioned in the Zhuan appended to par. 6 of last year. But his appearing by his name here shows, according to the rules for the use of titles, designations, and names, that he was not yet a high minister or duke of the court, and not even a great officer; yet here he is employed to receive the queen and convey her to Zhou,—a duty for which only a high minister was competent. What Zuoshi says on the subject is too brief to be intelligible:——'An officer, following duke Jing of Shan, met the queen in Qi. That a minister did not go on this duty was contrary to rule.'
[The Zhuan gives two narratives here about the affairs of Chu and of Zheng. 1st. 'The Gongzi Wu of Chu was made chief minister (in room of Zinang); the Gongzi Pirong, director of the Right; Wei Ziping, grand marshal; the Gongzi Tuoshi, marshal of the Right; the Gongzi Cheng, marshal of the Left; Qu Dao, the Mo'ao; the Gongzi Zhuishu, director of Remonstrances; Qu Dang, joint-director; Yang Youji, director of the palace stables;—and thus the people of the State were composed. The superior man will say that Chu was able to put the right men in the right offices. Such allotment of offices is an urgent necessity of a State; when it is done, the minds of the people have nothing more to desire. The words of the ode (Shi, I. i. ode III. 1),
"Alas! I think of the men, Who can be placed in all the offices," refer to the subject of being able to give offices to proper men. "All the offices" there refers to the occupancy of their places by the king, the dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, knights, the lords of the Dian, the Cai the Wey, and their great officers.'
2d. "After the insurrection of the Wei and Si families in Zheng (see on x. 8), the ruffians who escaped [took refuge] in Song, to which the people of Zheng, out of regard to Zixi, Boyou, and Zichan, sent a bribe of 160 horses, and the musicians Fa and Hui; and in the 3rd month, the Gongsun Hei also went [to Song] as a hostage. Zihan, [Song's] minister of Works, on this, delivered up Du (So 堵 is here, and should formerly have been, read) Rufu, Wei Pian, and Si Qi; but thinking well of Si Chen, he let him escape to the protection of Ji Wuzi [in Lu], who placed him in Bian. The people of Zheng reduced the other three men to pickle. The musician Hui was passing by the court of Song, and wished to make his water, when his guide told him it was the court. "But," said Hui, "there is no man there." "It is the court," replied the other; "how should there be no man there?" "It is impossible," said Hui, "there should be any man. If there were, would he have preferred [two] blind masters of licentious music to [simply gratifying] the ministers of a State of a thousand chariots? This is a proof that there can be no man there." When Zihan heard this, he made an urgent request, and returned [the musicians].']
Parr. 3, 4. Cheng,—see II. vi. 2. Yu was also in Lu, and the duke only advanced to it, fearing an encounter with Qi, which seems, however, to have withdrawn its troops, leaving to Su and Bao the opportunity of fortifying the place. 郛, we have seen, denotes 'the outer suburbs' extending beyond the 郭. We must suppose that the wall now reared was between the limits of the two, outside the 郭, on the inside of the 郛. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the marquis of Qi laid siege to Cheng, having become estranged from Jin. On this we fortified the suburbs of Cheng.' Cheng was the city of the Mengsun clan. That the Heads of the other two clans undertook to fortify it shows, it is understood, the alliance that existed between the three.
Par. 5. This eclipse took place May 23d, B.C. 557. The month is wrong;—it was really the 6th month intercalary. Even Du Yu saw that there was an error in the text.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, a body of men from Zhu invaded our southern borders, when we sent information of their doing so to Jin. Jin purposed to call a meeting [of the States], to punish Zhu and Ju, but the thing was stopped by the illness of the marquis. In winter duke Dao of Jin died, and no meeting [of the States] could be held.'
Par. 7. The marquis Zhou, or duke Dao, of Jin was a prince of great merit, though he is ranked as inferior to his predecessor, duke Wen, and to duke Huan of Qi. He was succeeded by his son Biao (彪), known as duke Ping.
[The Zhuan adds here three short narratives: —st. 'The Gongsun Xia of Zheng went to Jin, hurrying to the death-rites. Zijiao attended the funeral.' 2d. 'A man of Song found a gem, and presented it to Zihan, who would not receive it. The man said, "I showed it to a lapidary, who considered it to be valuable, and therefore I ventured to offer it to you." Zihan said, "What I consider valuable is not to be covetous; what you consider valuable is your gem. If you give it to me, we shall both lose what we consider to be valuable; we had better each keep his own." [The man] bowed his head to the earth, and said, "If a small man like me carry such a bi in his bosom, he cannot leave his village. I offer it as my means of asking [an escape from] death." Zihan on this placed the man in the street where he lived himself, and made a lapidary cut the gem for him, who in this way became rich, and was sent afterwards back to his place.' 3d. 'In the 12th month, the people of Zheng took away his wife from Du Gou, and sent her back to the Fan family [of Jin, to which she belonged.]
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, there was the burial of duke Dao of Jin.
2. In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the [new] marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Zhu and Ju, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in Chouliang. On Wuyin [their] great officers made a covenant.
3. The people of Jin seized the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, and carried them back [to Jin].
4. The marquis of Qi invaded our northern borders.
5. In summer, the duke came from the meeting.
6. In the fifth month, on Jiazi, there was an earthquake.
7. Shu Lao joined the earl of Zheng, Xun Yan of Qi [Jin?], Ning Zhi of Wey, and an officer of Song, in invading Xu.
8. In autumn, the marquis of Qi invaded our northern borders, and laid siege to Cheng.
9. We had a grand sacrifice for rain.
10. In winter, Shusun Bao went to Jin.
Par. 1. This interment was hurried on;—probably because of the urgency of public af fairs, that the new marquis might be able to attend the meeting in the next par.
Parr. 2, 3. Chouliang might be translated 'bridge or dam of Chou.' The place is referred to the present dis. of Jiyuan (濟源), dep. Huaiqing, near mount Yuan (原山), on the Baijian river (白澗水). The Zhuan says:——'On the burial of duke Dao, duke Ping took his place. Yangshe Xi (appears formerly as Shuxiang) was made [grand-]tutor; Zhang Junchen (son of Zhang Lao), marshal of the army of the centre; Qi Xi, Han Xiang, Luan Ying, and Shi Yang, great officers of the ducal kindred; and Yu Qiushu, charioteer to the duke, who changed his mourning, arranged all the offices, and offered the winter sacrifice in Quwo. Having carefully arranged for the keeping of the State, he descended [eastwards], and met the States at Chouliang. He ordered them to return the lands which they had taken from one another in their incursions; and on our account he seized duke Xuan of Zhu and duke Libi of Ju, charging them moreover with maintaining a friendly intercourse with Qi and Chu. The marquis feasted with the other princes in Wen, and made their great officers dance before them, telling them that the odes which they sang must be befitting the occasion. That sung by Gao Hou of Qi was not so, which enraged Xun Yan, so that he said, "The States are cherishing a disaffected spirit," and proposed that all the great officers should make a covenant with Gao Hou, who, however, stole away back to Qi. On this, Shusun Bao, Xun Yan of Jin, Xiang Xu of Song, Ning Zhi of Wey, the Gongsun Chai of Zheng, and a great officer of Little Zhu, made a covenant, engaging that they should together punish the State which did not appear at the court [of Jin].'
Gongyang and Guliang argue from the 2d par., where the princes meet but only the great officers covenant, that it supplies evidence of how the power of the States was being engrossed by the latter; and this view was followed by Hu An'guo and Zhu Xi. The Zhuan, however, supplies a better ground for the covenanting in this case being confined to the great officers.
Par. 4. Qi would seem to have now determined to set Jin at defiance.
Par. 7. Shu Lao,—see xiv. 1. The Zhuan says:——'The baron of Xu asked leave from Jin to remove his capital (see VIII. xv. 11, where Xu moves its capital to be near Chu, while now it wants to move back towards Jin). The States accordingly [assembled to] superintend the removal, which the great officers of Xu then refused to sanction. The commanders of Jin sent the princes back to their States; but Zijiao of Zheng, hearing that it was intended to invade Xu, kept in attendance on the earl, and followed the armies [which had been detained for the expedition]. Mushu (Shusun Bao), however, went back to Lu with the duke, while Qizi (Shu Lao) joined Xun Yan of Jin with a force. The text says that "he joined the earl of Zheng," the earl's rank requiring this style, [though in reality Xun Yan commanded in the expedition]. In summer, in the 6th month, they halted at Yulin; and on Gengyin they attacked [the capital of] Xu, halting at Hanshi.
'[Then] Xun Yan and Luan Yan of Jin led a force and invaded Chu, in return for the expedition [by Chu] to Yangliang of Song (see on xii. 5). The Gongzi Ge came with a force, and fought with that of Jin at Zhanfan, where he received a great defeat. The army of Jin then overran the country outside Chu's barrier wall, and returned to the attack of Xu, and thence back to Jin.'
According to this Zhuan, an invasion of Xu and an invasion of Chu were confusedly mixed up together, though the text only speaks of the former. Many critics contend that Xun Yan should appear before the earl of Zheng, as he, representing Jin, was director of all the forces; and Mao contends that the order of the names proves that the invasion of Xu was really from Zheng, and not from Jin;—contrary to the Zhuan.
Par. 8. Zuoshi has 郕 for 成. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the marquis of Qi laid siege to Cheng, when Meng Su, [styled] Ruzi, (a son of Meng Xianzi) came suddenly upon him. "This," said the marquis, "is a man of daring; let us leave the place, and so make his name famous." Su then shut up the ravine by the sea, and returned.'
Par. 10. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, Mushu went to Jin on a visit of friendly inquiries, and also to speak about Qi. The people of Jin said, "[The reason of our inaction is] that our ruler has not yet offered the di sacrifice (See on IV. ii. 2), and that the people have not yet rested [from their toils against Chu and Xu]. But for these things, we should not have dared to forget [your distress]." Mushu said, "Because the people of Qi morning and evening vent their indignation on our poor State, therefore we press our request [for help]. Such is the urgency of our distress, that in the morning we cannot be confident there will be the evening, and with necks outstretched we look to the west, and say, 'Perhaps [Jin] is coming.' When your officers have leisure, I am afraid the help may be too late." When he saw Zhonghang Xianzi (Xun Yan), he sang the Qifu (Shi, II. iv. ode I.); and Xianzi said, "I know my guilt. How dared I not to follow your officers, and along with them care for your altars, causing Lu to come to this distress?" When he saw Fan Xuanzi, he sang the last stanza of the Hong yan (Shi, II. iii. ode VII.) and Xuanzi said, "Here am I, Gai. Dare I allow the people of Lu to be scattered about?"
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Gengwu, Keng, viscount of Zhu, died.
2. A body of men from Song invaded Chen.
3. In summer, Shi Mai of Wey led a force, and invaded Cao.
4. In autumn, the marquis of Qi invaded our northern borders, and laid siege to Tao. Gao Hou of Qi invaded our northern borders, and laid siege to Fang.
5. In the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
6. Hua Chen of Song fled from that State to Chen.
7. In winter, a body of men from Zhu invaded our southern borders.
Par. 1. This was duke Xuan (宣公). He had been carried as a prisoner to Jin from the meeting at Chouliang in the previous year, but must have been liberated and returned to Zhu. He was succeeded by his son Hua (華), known as duke Dao (悼公). Gu makes the name 瞯.
Par. 2. The marquis of Chen, it was seen, stole away from the meeting of the northern States at Wey, in the 7th year; and from that time Chen had kept aloof from the northern alliance, and been confederate with Chu. It was this, no doubt, which led to the present action of Song against it. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Zhuang Zhao of Song invaded Chen, and took prisoner its minister of Instruction Ang;—through his making too light of [the force of] Song.'
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Sun Kuai (son of Sun Linfu) of Wey was hunting in Sui of Cao, and, while giving his horses drink near Chongqiu, broke the pitcher [of the well]. The people of Chongqiu shut their gate against him, and reviled him, saying, "You drove out your ruler; your father is a devil. How is it that, without taking these things to heart, you occupy yourself with hunting?" In summer, Shi Mai of Wey and Sun Kuai invaded Cao, and took Chongqiu. The people of Cao complained to Jin.'
Par. 4. Tao (Gongyang has 洮) is wrongly identified by Du with a Taoxu (桃虚), in the pres. dis. of Sishui, which was on the east of Lu. Its place is to be found in a Taoxiang (桃鄉), 40 li northeast of the district city of Wenshang. Zuoshi omits the 齊 be fore 高厚. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Qi having been disappointed of their aim in regard to us, in autumn the marquis invaded our northern border, and laid siege to Tao, while Gao Hou besieged Zang He in Fang. [In the meantime], an army advanced from the pass of Yang to Lüsong, to meet He [and bring him off]. Shuhe (Confucius' father) commandant of Zou, Zang Chou, and Zang Jia, led forth 300 men-at-arms, made a night attack on the army of Qi, escorted him [to Lüsong], and then returned themselves to the city. The army of Qi then left the place, but they had taken Zang Jian. The marquis of Qi sent Susha Wei to comfort him, and tell him that he should not die. Jian bowed his head to the ground, and said, "Thanks for the condescension of this message, but your ruler's gift is not complete. How is it that he sent his castrated minister (Wei was a eunuch) on a visit of courtesy to an officer?" On this he drove a stake into his wound, and died.'
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'On the death of Hua Yue of Song, [his brother] Hua Chen, despising the weakness of [Yue's son], Gaobi, employed some ruffians to kill his steward Hua Wu. There were six of them, and they did the deed with a long spear near the Lu gate, behind the house of the master of the Left, him of He. The master of the Left was afraid, and said to them, "The old man has committed no crime;" but they replied that Gaobi for some private reasons wanted to take Wu off. [Chen] then kept Wu's wife in confinement, and required her to give him her large bi. When the duke of Song heard of these things, he said, "Chen is not only tyrannizing over the members of his own House, but he is throwing the government of the State into great confusion;—he must be driven out." The master of the Left, however, said, "But Chen is also a minister. If the great ministers are [seen to be thus] insubordinate, it will be a disgrace to the State. You had better cover the matter up." Chen accordingly was let alone; but the master of the Left made himself a short whip, and, whenever he passed Hua Chen's gate, made his horses gallop. In the 11th month, the people were pursuing a mad dog, which ran into Chen's house. They followed it there, and Hua Chen, in terror, left the State and fled to Chen.'
Par. 7. Zuoshi says this movement of Zhu was in the interest of Qi.
[The Zhuan adds here two narratives:—1st. 'In Song, Huang Guofu, being grand-administrator, was building a tower for duke Ping. As the work interfered with the labours of harvest, Zihan requested that it might be deferred till that was finished. The duke, however, refused the request, and the builders sang:—
"The White of the Ze gate Laid on us this task. The Black in the city's midst Would comfort our hearts." Zihan, hearing of this, took a stick, and went round among them, and chastised those who were not diligent, saying, "We, the small people, all have our cottages where we can shut ourselves up, and escape the burning sun, and the wet, the cold and the heat. Now our ruler is building a single tower; if you do not quickly finish it, how can you be regarded as doing work?" On this the singers stopped. When some one asked Zihan the reason of his conduct, he said, "The State of Song is very small. To have them blessing one in it and cursing another, would lead to calamity." 2d. 'When Yan Huanzi of Qi died, [his son] Yan Ying had his unhemmed mourning clothes of coarse sackcloth. His headband and girdle were still coarser; he carried a bamboo stick for a staff; and wore grass shoes. He lived on congee, and occupied the mourning shed, sleeping on rushes, with a pillow of grass. His old servant said to him, "These are not the observances proper to a great officer;" but he replied, "Only a minister should do as the great officers [now do]."'
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, [a representative of] the White Di came to Lu.
2. In summer, the people of Jin seized Shi Mai, the messenger of Wey.
3. In autumn, an army of Qi invaded our northern borders.
4. In winter, in the tenth month, the duke joined the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, and laid siege with them to [the capital] of Qi.
5. Fuchu, earl of Cao, died in the army.
6. The Gongzi Wu of Chu led a force and invaded Zheng.
Par. 1. The White Di,—see on VII. viii. 6. This was the first time, acc. to Zuoshi, that they sought any intercourse with Lu; nor are they again mentioned in the classic. It is not said they came to the court of Lu (朝), because they knew nothing of the ceremonies current among the States of China. Comp. the language in V. xxix. 5.
Par. 2. It would appear that Shi Mai and Sun Kuai, who led the attack on Cao in the past year (see on xvii. 3), had now been sent on some commission to Jin; hence the name 行. Acc. to Zuoshi, they were both seized by Jin, but only Shi Mai appears in the text, it being a rule of the Chunqiu not to meation assistant commissioners at meetings, etc.:—see on xiv. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the people of Jin seized Shi Mai, the messenger of Wey, at Zhangzi, and they seized Sun Kuai at Tunliu;—both on account of [their invasion of] Cao.'
Par. 3. For 齊師 Guliang has 齊侯, These repeated attacks on the borders of Lu were intended, no doubt, to make it forsake the party of Jin, and embrace that of Qi.
Par. 4. The phrase 同圍 is peculiar to this par. 同會 occurs many times, but not 同圍 nor 同伐. The 同 must show here the special interest which Lu had in the expedition. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the marquis of Qi having invaded our northern border, Zhonghang Xianzi prepared to invade Qi. [Just then], he dreamt that he was maintaining a suit with duke Li (see on VIII. xviii. 2. Xianzi had taken a principal part in the murder of duke Li), in which the case was going against him, when the duke struck him with a spear on his head, which fell down before him. He took his head up, put it on his shoulders, and ran off, when he saw the wizard Gao of Gengyang. A day or two after, it happened that he did see this Gao on the road, and told him his dream, and the wizard, who had had the same dream, said to him, "Your death is to happen about this time; but if you have business in the east, you will there be successful [first]." Xianzi accepted this interpretation.
'When the marquis was proceeding to invade Qi, and was about to cross the He, Xianzi bound two pairs of gems together with a thread of red silk, and offered the following prayer, "Huan of Qi, relying on his defiles and trusting in his multitudes, has cast away the bonds of friendship, broken his covenants, and treated cruelly [the people,—] the lords of the Spirits. Your servant Biao is about to lead the States to punish him, and before Biao and behind Biao it is the business of me his officer to go. If the enterprise be crowned with success, there will then be no disgrace to you, O Spirits, and I, Yan, will not presume to recross this river. Do ye, O Spirits, decide in this case." He then dropt the gems into the river, and crossed it.
'In winter, in the 10th month, there was a meeting on the Lu side of the Ji, when [the States] renewed their engagement at Chouliang, and undertook together to invade Qi. The marquis of that State withstood them at Pingyin, where there was a dyke with a gate, in front of which he dug a moat a li wide. Susha Wei said to him, "If you cannot fight, our best plan will be to [abandon this, and] guard our defiles;" but the marquis would not listen to him. The soldiers of the States attacked the defences, and many of the men of Qi were killed. Fan Xuanzi told Xi Wenzi (an officer of Qi), saying, "I know you, and will not keep back the truth from you. Lu and Ju have asked to enter your State from their own territories with a thousand chariots, and liberty has been given to them to do so. If they enter, your ruler is sure to lose his State. You had better consult for the emergency." Zijia (the above Xi Wenzi) reported this to the marquis, who was frightened at the intelligence. When Yan Ying heard of this, he said, "Our ruler before had no courage, and now he has got this news;—he cannot long hold out."
'The marquis of Qi ascended mount Wu to look at the army of Jin. The commanders of it had made the marshals examine all the difficult places in the hills and marshes, and set up flags in them at some distance from one another, even though there were no troops occupying them. They also sent forward their chariots with flags, only the man on the left being real, and the one on the right a figure. These were followed by carts, dragging branches after them. When the marquis saw all this, he was awed by the multitude, and returned, with all his insignia taken down.
'On Bingyin, the last day of the moon, the army of Qi withdrew during the night. The music-master Kuang told the marquis of Jin of it, saying, "The crows are cawing joyfully. The army of Qi must have retreated." Xing Bo told Zhonghang Bo of it, saying, "I hear the neighing of horses retreating. The army of Qi must be withdrawing." Shuxiang announced to the marquis, saying, "There are crows on the wall. The army of Qi must have retreated." On Dingmao, the 1st day of the month, the army of Jin entered Pingyin, and went on in pursuit of the army of Qi. Susha Wei placed several large carriages together to stop up a defile, and wished to bring up the rear; but Zhi Chuo and Guo Zui said to him, 'For you to bring up the rear of the army would be a disgrace to Qi. Please go on in front." Accordingly they took his place in the rear; and Wei killed a number of horses in the narrowest part of the way to shut it up [against them]. [Soon after], Zhou Chuo of Jin came up, and shot Zhi Chuo in the shoulder, two arrows lodging, one on each side of his neck, crying out, "Stop, and you shall be kept a prisoner in the army. If you do not stop, I will shoot you through your heart." The other looked round, and said to him, "Make me an oath [to that effect]." "I swear to you by the sun," replied Zhou Chuo, and with this he unstrung his bow, and bound his hands behind him him self. His spearman Ju Bing also laid aside his weapon, and bound Guo Zui. Both of them were bound in the same way with their buff-coats on, and sat down at the foot of the drum of the army of the centre. The men of Jin wanted to pursue the fugitives who were making for the capitals, while Lu and Wey asked leave to attack the [various] defiles.
'On Jimao, Xun Yan and Shi Gai, with the army of the centre, reduced Jingzi. On Yiyou, Wei Jiang and Luan Ying, with the third army, reduced Shi. Zhao Wu and Han Qi, with the first army, invested Lu, and could not take it; but in the 12th month, on Wuxu, they arrived at Qinzhou, and cut down the [fields of] southernwood about the Yong gate [of the capital]. Fan Yang made an attack on that gate, and his charioteer, Zhui Xi, killed a dog in it with a spear, while Meng Zhuangzi hewed down the xun trees about it, to make lutes for our duke. On Jihai they burned the Yong gate, with the western and southern suburbs. Liu Nan and Shi Ruo led the armies of the States, and burned down the bamboos and other trees about the Shen pond. On Renyin they burned the eastern and northern suburbs, while Fan Yang attacked the Yang gate, and Zhi [Zhou] Chuo that on the east. There his outside horse on the left turned wildly round, but Chuo with his switch [quietly] numbered [the nails at the top of] the leaves of the gate.'
'The marquis of Qi had the horses put to his chariot, intending to flee to Youtang, when his eldest son and Guo Rong laid hold of them, saying, "The haste and vehemence of the enemy only show in what a hurry they are. They will [soon] retire. What have you to fear? And moreover, as the lord of the altars, you should not be lightly moved. If you are, the multitudes will fall off from you. You must remain here, and await the result." The marquis was notwithstanding going to drive on, when his eldest son drew his sword, and cut the traces, on which he stopped. On Jiachen, the allies made an incursion eastwards to the south of the Wei and to the Yi.'
Par. 5. 'In the army;'—i.e., during the expedition against Qi. Gong and Gu foolishly suppose that the notice indicates the author's pity;—it is simply a record of the event.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'Zikong (the Gongzi Jia) wanted to remove all the great officers. Intending to revolt from Jin, and that he might raise an army of Chu, and so remove them, he sent and informed Zigeng (the Gongzi Wu, chief minister of Chu), who, however, declined to move in the affair. The viscount of Chu heard of it, and sent Yi, the commandant of Yangtun, with this message to Zigeng, "The people say that I, occupying my position as lord of the altars, and not going out to war, will die without following the rules [of our former kings]. It is now 5 years since I succeeded to my father, and during that time our troops have not [once] gone forth. People may well suppose that I am indulging myself, and forgetful of the inheritance of my fathers. Do you take the case into consideration, and consider what should be done." Zigeng sighed, and said to himself, "Does the king think that I am seeking my own ease? I acted as I did for the benefit of the State." He then saw the messenger, bowed himself to the ground and said, "The States are now in friendly harmony with Jin, but I will make trial of their feeling. If I find an attempt feasible, the king can follow me. If I do not, I will withdraw with the army. In this way no harm will be incurred, and the king will have no disgrace." 'Accordingly, Zigeng led out an army, and marshalled it at Fen. At this time Zijiao, Boyou, and Zizhang were in attendance on the earl of Zheng in the invasion of Qi, while Zikong, Zizhan, and Zixi, had charge of the State. These two other officers were aware of the scheme of Zikong, carefully completed their watch, and brought the people within the outer defences, so that Zikong did not dare to have any meeting with the army of Chu, which had now entered the State, and was halting at Yuling. The master of the Left raised a wall at Shangji, after which he crossed the Ying, and halted at Zhanran. Wei Ziping and the Gongzi Ge led thence a body of light-armed troops, and made incursions on Bi, Hua, Xumi, Xianyu, and Yongliang, going round by the right of mount Mei, and extending their raid to the northeast of Zheng, as far as Chonglao. When they returned, Zigeng made an attack on the Chun gate, passed two nights at the foot of the wall, and then withdrew, crossing the river at the foot of [the hill] Yuchi. Heavy rains then overtook him, and many of the soldiers suffered so from cold that the followers of the camp nearly all perished.'
'The army of Jin having heard of this expedition of Chu, the music-master Kuang said [to the marquis], "It will do no harm. I was singing a northern air and a southern, and the latter was not strong, and gave the notes of many deaths. Chu will accomplish nothing." Dongshu [also] said to him, "The course of Heaven lies now mainly in the northwest. The time is unfavourable to a southern expedition. It will have no success." Shuxiang said, "All depends on the virtue of the ruler."'
1. In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the princes made a covenant in Zhuke.
2. The people of Jin seized and held the viscount of Zhu.
3. The duke arrived from the invasion of Qi.
4. We took the lands of Zhu as far as from the Kuo water.
5. Jisun Su went to Jin.
6. There was the burial of duke Cheng of Cao.
7. In summer, Sun Linfu of Wey led a force and invaded Qi.
8. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Xinmao, Huan, marquis of Qi, died.
9. Shi Gai of Jin led a force to make an invasion into Qi, and had arrived at Gu, when he heard of the death of the marquis, on which he returned.
10. In the eighth month, on Bingchen, Zhongsun Mie died.
11. Qi put to death its great officer, Gao Hou.
12. Zheng put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Jia.
13. In winter there was the burial of duke Ling of Qi.
14. We walled round our western suburbs.
15. Shusun Bao had a meeting with Shi Gai of Jin in Ke.
16. We walled Wucheng.
Par. 1. Zhuke (Gongyang has 阿 for 柯) was in Qi,—in the pres. dis. of Changqing (長清), dep. Ji'nan. We see from the Zhuan that it was also called Duyang. The princes in the text are those who had been engaged in the campaign against Qi. The Zhuan says:——'The princes returned from the country about the Yi (see the Zhuan on xviii. 4, at the end), and made a covenant in Duyang, to the effect that the great States should make no raids on the small.' The news from Zheng of its being invaded by Chu had rendered it necessary to give up further operations against Qi.
Par. 2. 'They seized,' says Zuoshi, 'duke Dao of Zhu, because he had invaded us (see xvii. 8).' His father had been seized for the same reason in the duke's 16th year; and we are astonished both at the persistent hostility of Zhu and Ju to Lu in defiance of Jin, and at Lu's inability to defend itself.
Par. 3. The critics have much to say on its being stated here that the duke came from the 'invasion,' and not from the siege of the capital of Qi; but the truth seems simply to be that the siege was merely an incident of the invasion.
Par. 4. The Guo ran through Zhu, and flowing along the south of Lu, fell into the Si (泗),—in the pres. dis. of Yutai. Comp. VIII. ii. 7; but the phrase,—'lands of Zhu,' would indicate that they had never belonged to Lu, though the Zhuan seems to say so. It is a continuation of that on par. 2, and says:——'They then halted near the Si, and defined the boundary of our lands, taking those of Zhu from the Kuo water, and giving them (歸之) back to us. The marquis of Jin then returned before (his army) to his capital, and the duke gave an entertainment to the six generals of Jin in the Pu orchard, giving to each of them the robes of a minister of three degrees; while to the controller of the army, the marshal, the superintendent of entrenchments, the master of carriages, and the scoutmaster, he gave the robes of an officer of one degree (see the Zhuan after VIII ii. 4). On Xun Yan he further conferred a bundle of silks, a bi, and 4 horses, followed by the tripod which Lu had received from Shoumeng of Wey [Wu?].
'Xun Yan was now suffering from an ulcer, which grew upon his head; and after crossing the He as far as Zhuyong, he was quite ill, and his eyes protruded. The great officers who had returned before him all came back, and Shi Gai begged an interview with him which he did not grant. He then begged to know who should be his successor, and Yan said, "My son by the daughter of Zheng." In the 2d month, on Jiayin, he died with his eyes protruding, and his teeth firmly closed. Xuanzi (Shi Gai), washed [his face], and stroked it, saying, "Shall I not serve Wu (Yan's son) as I have served you?" but still he stared. Luan Huaizi (Ying) said, "Is it because he did not complete his undertaking against Qi?" And he also stroked [his face], saying, "If you are indeed dead, let the He witness if I do not carry on your undertaking against Qi!" The eyes of the corpse then closed, and the [customary] gem was put between the teeth. When Xuanzi left the apartment, he said, "I am but a shallow creature (with reference to what he had said to the corpse)."
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Ji Wuzi went to Jin, to give thanks for the expedition [against Qi], when the marquis entertained him. Fan Xuanzi, who was [now] principal minister, sang the Shu miao (Shi, II. viii. ode III.). Ji Wuzi rose up, bowed twice with his head to the ground, and said, "The small States depend on your great State as all the kinds of grain depend on the fattening rains. If you will always dispense such a cherishing influence, the whole kingdom will harmoniously unite under you, and not our poor State only!" He then sang the Liu Yue (Shi, II. iii. ode III.).'
Par. 7. Sun Linfu had a reason for attacking Qi, because Kan, whom he had driven from Wey, had taken refuge there. It would appear, however, that Jin also took part in this expedition. The Zhuan says:——'Luan Fang of Jin led a force, and followed Sun Wenzi in an incursion into Qi.' Luan Fang was sent on this expedition, it is supposed, through the influence of Luan Ying, to fulfil the oath which he had sworn to the corpse of Xun Yan.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Ji Wuzi had a bell, toned to the second note of the chromatic scale, cast from the weapons which he had acquired in Qi, and had the services performed by Lu engraved upon it. Zang Wuzhong said to him, "This is contrary to rule. What should be engraved [on such articles] is—for the son of Heaven, his admirable virtue; for the prince of a State, a record of his services estimated according to the season in which they have been performed; for a great officer, his deeds worthy of being mentioned. And such deeds are the lowest degree [of merit so commemorated]. If we speak of the time [of this expedition], it very much interfered with [the husbandry of] the people;—what was there in it worthy of being engraved? Moreover, when a great State attacks a small one, and takes the spoils to make an article, the regular furniture [of the ancestral temple], it engraves on it its successful achievement to show them to posterity, at once to manifest its own bright virtue, and to hold up to condemnation the offences of the other. But how should anything be made of our getting the help of others to save ourselves from death? A small State, we were fortunate against a great one; but to display our spoils in this manner, so as to excite its rage, is the way to ruin.']
Par. 8. For 環 Gongyang has 媛. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi had married Yanyi, a daughter of Lu, but she bore him no son. Her niece, Zongsheng, however, bore him Guang, who was declared his eldest son and successor. Among his concubines were two daughters of Song, Zhong Zi and Rong Zi. The latter was his favourite, and when Zhong Zi bore a son Ya, the child was given to Rong Zi, who begged that he might be made successor to his father. The marquis agreed to this; but the child's mother objected, saying, "To abrogate in his favour the regular order [of succession] will be inauspicious. It is hard, moreover, to interfere with the other princes. Since Guang was declared your successor, he has been numbered among them; and now to displace him without any cause is to take it on yourself to degrade a prince. Your lordship will be sure to repent of incurring, in such a difficult matter, the charge of doing what is inauspicious." The marquis replied that the thing rested entirely with himself, and sent Guang away to the east. At the same time he appointed Gao Hou grand-tutor to Ya, whom he declared to be his successor, with Susha Wei as assistant-tutor.
'When the marquis was ill, Cui Shu privately brought Guang back to the capital; and when the marquis became very ill, Zhu raised Guang to be his successor. Guang then put Rong Zi to death, and exposed her body in the court,—which was contrary to rule. A wife should not be subjected to the [ordinary] punishments; and if it be necessary to punish her, the thing should not be done in the court or the market place.
'In summer, in the 5th month, on Renchen, the last day of the moon, duke Ling of Qi died. Duke Zhuang (Guang) took his place, and seized Ya on the mound of Goudou. As he held that the substitution of him in his own place had been owing to Susha Wei, Wei fled to Gaotang, and held it in revolt.'
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'Shi Gai of Jin was making an incursion into Qi, and had got as far as Gu, when he heard of the death of the marquis and returned;—which was according to rule.' Gu,—see III. vii. 4, et al.
[The Zhuan says:——'In the 4th month, on Dingwei, the Gongsun Chai of Zheng died, and the news of his death was sent to the great officers of Jin. Fan Xuanzi (Shi Gai) spoke to the marquis about how well Chai had behaved in the invasion of Qin, on which the marquis made a request to the king, and obtained for him the posthumous gift of a carriage, which was used at the performance of his [funeral] rites.']
Par. 10. Zhongsun Mie, or Meng Xianzi, had long sustained an important position in Lu. He was succeeded by his son Su (速), or Meng Zhuangzi (莊子).
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 8th month, Cui Shu of Qi killed Gao Hou in Salan, and took to himself all his property. The text, in ascribing his death to the State, intimates that he had followed his ruler in his abandoned blindness to what was right.'
Par. 12. For 嘉 Gongyang has 喜. The Zhuan says.—-'Zikong of Zheng, in his government of the State, acted on his own exclusive authority, to the distress of the people. At the punishment of the troubles in the western palace (see on x.8), and in the attempt [of Chu] on the Chun gate (in the year before this), he had acted criminally; but he guarded himself with his own men-at-arms, and with those of the families of Zige and Ziliang. On Jiachen, Zizhan and Zixi attacked him at the head of the people, put him to death, and divided his property between themselves. The text ascribes his death to the State because of the exclusive authority which he had arrogated. Ziran and Zikong were sons [of duke Mu] by [a daughter of Song],—Song Zi; and Shi Zikong was his son by [a daughter of Ch'in], Gui Gui. Gui Gui's rank was inferior to Song Zi's, but they were fond of each other. Shi Zikong was also on friendly terms with them. Ziran died in the 4th year of Xi (the 6th year of duke Xiang of Lu), and Shi Zikong in Jian's (duke Muh's) first year, (Xiang's 8th year); and the minister of Instruction Kong looked after the households of Zige and Ziliang. The three families indeed were as one, and hence they came together to trouble. Zige and Ziliang fled to Chu, where the former became director of the Left. The people of Zheng made Zizhan manager of the State, with Zixi as administrator of the government, and Zichan a high minister.'
Par. 13. [The Zhuan appends here:—-'Qing Feng of Qi laid siege to Gaotang, but could not reduce it. In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis joined the siege; and seeing [Susha] Wei on the top of the wall, he called out to him. Wei came down, and the marquis asked him if he was well prepared for defence. He replied that he was not, and the marquis bowed to him, when he ascended the wall again. Hearing that the army [of the marquis] was coming [to the siege, Wei] gave out food to the men of Gaotang; but [two officers of Qi], Zhi Chuo and Gonglou [Hui?], agreed to bring the soldiers by night up the wall by means of cords (the text here is probably defective). Wei was made pickle of in the army.']
Par. 14. This was done, says Zuo, 'through fear of Qi.'
Par. 15. This Ke is different from the place in. Qi of the same name, and was probably in Wey,—in the pres. dep. of Daming. The Zhuan says:——'Qi and Jin concluded a peace, and made a covenant in Dasui. In consequence, Mushu had a meeting with Fan Xuanzi in Ke. Having an interview with Shuxiang, he sang the 4th stanza of the Zai chi (Shi, I. iv. ode X.). Shuxiang said, "I dare not but receive your command."
Par. 16. Wucheng was a city of Lu,—90 li to the southwest of the pres. dis. city of Bi, dep. Yizhou.
The Zhuan says:——'On his return to Lu, Mushu said, 'Qi is not yet [reconciled to us]; we must not dismiss our apprehensions." Accordingly we fortified Wucheng.'
[The Zhuan adds here:——'On the death of Shi Gongzi (Shi Mai) of Wey, [his son], Daozi manifested no grief. Kong Chengzi said, "Here is a case of the falling tree tearing up its roots. Daozi will certainly not long possess his ancestral temple."']
1. In the [duke's] twentieth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Xinhai, Zhongsun Su had a meeting with an officer of Ju, and made a covenant [with him] in Xiang.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Gengshen, the duke had a meeting with the marquises of Jin and Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, when they made a covenant in Chanyuan.
3. In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.
4. Zhongsun Su led a force and invaded Zhu.
5. Cai put to death its great officer, duke [Zhuang's] son Xie. His brother, Lü, fled to Chu.
6. Huang, the younger brother of the marquis of Chen, fled from that State to Chu.
7. Shu Lao went to Qi.
8. In winter, in the tenth month, on Bingchen, the sun was eclipsed.
9. Jisun Su went to Song.
Par. 1. Here, and afterwards, Gongyang has 遫 for 速. As to the individual, see on par. 10 of last year. Xiang,—see on I. ii. 2. The Zhuan says:——'We were [now] at peace with Ju, and Meng Zhuangzi had a meeting with an officer of Ju, and made a covenant in Xiang,—in consequence of the covenant at Duyang (see on xix. 1).'
Par. 2. Chanyuan was a river, called also the 浮水, and gave its name to the city in the text,—5 li northwest from the pres. Kaizhou (開 州), dep. Daming. It belonged to Wey. This meeting and covenant were to celebrate the good understanding which now existed between Jin and Qi (齊成故也).
Par. 4. This shows strikingly the little value of those covenants. Lu, moreover, might have been satisfied with the lands of Zhu which had been assigned to it after the expedition against Qi.
The Zhuan says:——'Troops from Zhu had repeatedly attacked us, and we had not been able to retaliate in consequence of the business of the States; but this autumn, Meng Zhuangzi did so, and invaded Zhu.'
Parr. 5,6. For 燮 Guliang has 濕. This Xie and Lü were sons of duke Zhuang of Cai, and brothers consequently of duke Wen, whose father had been present at the meeting of Jiantu in the 28th year of duke Xi. The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Xie of Cai wished to carry that State over to Jin, on which the people put him to death, and his full brother Lü fled to Chu.'
Par. 6. Gong and Gu have 光 instead of 黄. The Zhuan says:——'Qing Hu and Qing Yin, being afraid of the pressure on them of the Gongzi Huang, accused him to Chu, saying that he was confederate in the design of the minister of war of Cai (Xie of the last par.). The people of Chu thought this was sufficient ground for reprimanding Huang, who therefore fled to that State, [to clear himself]. At an earlier period, duke Wen of Cai had wished to serve Jin, saying, "My predecessor took part in the covenant of Jiantu. Jin should not be abandoned; and moreover, its rulers and we are brethren." Through fear of Chu, however, he died without being able to carry his purpose into effect (in the 17th year of duke Xuan). After this, the people of Chu laid their requirements on Cai without regard to any rule, and the Gongzi Xie wished to carry out the design of the former ruler for the benefit of the State; but, unable to effect his purpose, he died. The text in p. 5, that "Cai put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Xie," intimates that his wishes did not coincide with those of the people. And the account in this, that "Huang, the younger brother of the marquis of Chen, left the State, and fled to Chu," intimates that his flight was from no crime of his. When Huang was about to flee, he cried out in the capital, "Those Qings, in violation of what is right, are seeking to monopolize the government of Chen, tyrannizing over their ruler, and getting his relatives out of the way. If within 5 years they are not exterminated, there can be no Heaven.'"
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Qizi (Shu Lao) went [now] for the 1st time on a friendly mission to Qi;—which was proper.' It was to be hoped that the animosity which had so long prevailed between Qi and Lu would now give place to friendly sentiments.
Par. 8. This eclipse took place at noon, on the 25th August, B.C. 552.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, Ji Wuzi went to Song, to return the friendly visit of Xiang Xu (see xv. 1). Chushi Duan met him to conduct him to an entertainment, where he sang the 7th and last stanzas of the Changdi, (Shi, II. i., ode IV.). The people of Song gave him large gifts; and when he returned, and gave in the report of his mission, the duke entertained him. He then sang the last stanza of the Yu li (Shi, II. ii. ode III.). The duke responded with the Nan shan you tai (Shi, II. ii. ode VII.), at which Wuzi left his place, and said, "I am not worthy [of such praise].'"
[The Zhuan calls the reader here to a narrative about Wey:——'Ning Huizi of Wey was ill, and called to him his son, Daozi, "I trespassed," said he to him, "against my ruler (See on xiv. 4), and subsequent repentance was of no avail. My name is in the tablets of the States, to the effect that 'Sun Linfu and Ning Zhi drove out their ruler.' If the ruler re-enter, that may hide my crime; and if you can so hide it, you are my son. If you cannot do so, and I continue to exist as a Spirit, I will starve in that condition, and will not come to partake of your sacrifices." Daozi made him a promise, and soon afterwards he died].'
1. In his Twenty-first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Jin.
2. Shuqi of Zhu came a fugitive to Lu, with [the cities of] Qi and Lüqiu.
3. In summer, the duke arrived from Jin.
4. In autumn, Luan Ying of Jin fled from that State to Chu.
5. In the ninth month, on Gengxu, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
6. In winter, in the tenth month, on Gengchen, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
7. The earl of Cao came to the court of Lu.
8. The duke had a meeting with the marquises of Jin and Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, and the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, in Shangren.
Par. 1. The duke now went to Jin, 'to make his acknowledgments,' says Zuoshi, 'for the expedition [against Qi], and for his receiving the lands of Zhu (xviii. 4; xix. 4).' Wang Kekuan bitterly contrasts the duty thus, and on other occasions, paid by the princes of Lu to the leading State, and their general neglect of the duty they owed to the king.
Par. 2. Shuqi was a great officer of Zhu, possessed of the cities in the text. Rebelling against his govt. and unable to maintain himself against it, he fled to Lu, surrendering to it the cities in question. Had he not so thrown himself on Lu, the text would have been— 邾庶其以漆閭丘叛. Comp. X. v. 4, xxxi. 6. Of course it was wrong in Lu to receive, as it did, such a fugitive. Both the cities were in the northern part of the pres. dis. of Zou, dept. Yanzhou. The Zhuan says:——'Shuqi of Zhu having come as a fugitive, and surrendering to Lu his cities of Qi and Lüqiu, Ji Wuzi gave him to wife the [widowed] aunt and sister of the duke, and gave gifts to all his followers. On this Lu became pestered with a multitude of robbers, and [Jisun] Wuzi asked Zang Wuzhong why he did not deal effectually with them. "They cannot be so dealt with," was the reply. "I am not able to do it." Wuzi urged, "We have our four boundaries well defined; how is it that robbers cannot be put down? And you are the minister of Crime. Your chief business should be to remove all such criminals; how is it that you are unable to do so?" Wuzhong said, "You call the robbers of other States, and treat them with the greatest ceremony; how can I in such a case repress our own robbers? You are the principal minister of our State, and you bring into it robbers from abroad, and would have me put them away; how should I be able to do so? Shuqi stole from Zhu its cities, and came here with them, and you have given him to wife ladies of our ducal House, and have conferred on him [those] cities. To all his followers you have given gifts. Now, since to the great robber you have shown such ceremony, giving him our ruler's aunt and sister, and those great cities; and to the robbers of the next degree you have given runners, herdsmen, carriage-men and grooms, the least gifts being robes, swords, and girdles;—you thus reward robbers. To reward them, and at the same time put them away, should be a difficult thing, I think. I have heard this, that when men in high positions cleanse their hearts, treating others with an uniform consistency, and regulating their good faith by such laws that it is clearly demonstrated, then men can be properly ruled by them. For the way which their superiors take is that to which men [naturally] turn. When they do that which their superiors do not do, there are pains and penalties for them, which we may not presume not to inflict. If the people, however, do that which their superiors do as well, it is what is to be expected, and cannot be prevented. It is said in one of the Books of Xia, (Shu, II. ii. 10). ', Think whether this thing can be laid on this man. If you would put it away from this man, it depends on [putting] the thing [away from yourself]. When you name or speak of this thing, [let it be fit] for this man. Your sincerity must proceed from this, and be in this. Think, O emperor, of the work thus to be achieved." This tells how the result must come from one's own uniform endeavour. Let one's sincerity be uniform and undivided, and then successful results may be anticipated."
'Shuqi was not a minister, [though he is here named]. But coming with territory, of low rank as he was, it was necessary to record the thing as in the text, from the importance belonging to the territory.'
[The Zhuan gives here two narratives about the affairs of Qi and Chu:—1st. 'The marquis of 'Qi appointed Qing Zuo a great officer, and proceeded to further (see on xix. 8) measures against the partizans of his brother Ya. He seized the Gongzi Mai on the mound of Goudou. The Gongzi Chu fled to Lu, and Shuxun Huan to Yan.'
2d. 'In summer, Zigeng of Chu died, and the viscount wished to appoint Wei Ziping to his office of chief minister. Wei consulted Shen Shuyu. who said, "There are many favourites in the State, and the ruler is young. The administration will be impracticable." On this he declined the appointment, alleging that he was ill. The season being warm, he dug a hole in the ground, filled it with ice, and placed his bed over it; and there he lay, with two coverings stuffed with silk, and in a robe of fur, taking very little food. The viscount sent his physician to see him, who reported that he was very thin, but that there was yet no [irregular] motion of his pulse. Zinan (the Gongzi Zhuishu) was then made chief minister.']
Par. 4. Here is the verification of Shi Yang's prediction about the downfall of the Luan family towards the conclusion of the Zhuan on xiv. 3. The Zhuan here says:——'Luan Huanzi (Luan Yan, 欒黡) had married a daughter of Fan Xuanzi (Fan or Shi Gai, 士匄), who bore him Huaizi (the Ying of the text). Fan Yang (Xuanzi's son), because of his banishment [to Qin], had a grudge against the Luan family; and though he and Luan Ying were both great officers of the ducal kindred, they could not bear each other (see the Zhuan on xiv. 3). After the death of Huanzi, Luan Qi (his wife, Xuanzi's daughter) had an intrigue with the old [steward of the family], Zhou Bin, which had almost led to the ruin of the House. Huaizi was distressed about it; and his mother, afraid of his taking severe measures, accused him to Xuanzi, saying, "Ying is about to raise an insurrection on the ground that, since the death of his father Huan, the Fan family is monopolizing the government. 'My father,' he says, 'drove out Yang, but [Xuanzi], instead of being angry [with his son], rewards him with [additional] favour. He has also given him a similar office to mine, and throws the power into his hands. Since my father's death, [the family] is more wealthy. By that death they have got the monopoly of the government. I will die sooner than follow them.' Such are his designs; and afraid of his injuring you, my father, I dare not but tell them to you." Fan Yang confirmed what she said by his own testimony.
'Huaizi was fond of showing his liberality, and had thereby attached to himself many officers,—so many, that Xuanzi was afraid of them; and though he believed what was told him, [he hesitated to take action]. Huaizi, [moreover], was the [assistant-]commander of the 3d army. [At last], Xuanzi sent him to fortify Zhu, and thereby took occasion to drive him from the State, so that in the autumn he fled from it to Chu. Xuanzi then put to death Ji Yi, Huang Yuan, Jia Fu, Sikong Jing, Bing Yu, Dong Shu, Bing Shi, Shen Shu, Yangshe Hu, and Shuxiong; and imprisoned Bohua, Shuxiang, and Ji Yan. People said to Shuxiang, "Was it from want of wisdom that you let yourself be involved in this affair?" He replied, "Is this imprisonment not better than death? The ode says (Shi, II. vii. ode VIII. 5; but the quotation is doubtful),
'How easily, how happily, They complete their years!' Here is my wisdom." Yue Wangfu had an interview with Shuxiang, and said to him, "I will intercede for you;" but the prisoner gave him no answer, nor did he make him any acknowledgment when he went out. His friends all blamed Shuxiang for this; but he said "[My liberation] must be effected by the great officer Qi." When the steward of his house heard this, he said to him, "Whatever Yue Wangfu tells him, our ruler is sure to do. He offered to ask for your pardon, and you would not allow him to do so. It was more than the great officer Qi could accomplish, and yet you say that your liberation must come from him;—what is your meaning?" Shuxiang replied, "Yue Wangfu is but a parasite of our ruler;—what could he do? The great officer Qi recommended to office one not of his own family, though he was his enemy, nor did he fail to recommend his relative to it, though he was his own son (sec the Zhuan after iii. 4);—shall I alone be forgotten by him? The ode says (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 2),
'To an evident virtuous conduct All in the State render their obedient homage.' Such a manifestly virtuous man is Qi."
'The marquis of Jin asked about the guilt of Shuxiang from Yue Wangfu, who replied, "He would not abandon his relatives, and probably shares in their guilt." At this time Qi Xi was old, [and living in retirement]; but when he heard what was going on, he came, posting from stage to stage, to see Xuanzi, and said to him, "The ode says (Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode IV.),
'Your favours to me are unbounded, And my posterity shall preserve [our inheritance].' The Shu says (III. iv. 2), 'The sage, with their counsels and merit, ought clearly to be established and preserved.' Now in Shuxiang we have one whose counsels have seldom been in error, and whose kindly lessons have been unwearied. He is a strength to our altars. His posterity for ten generations should be pardoned [if they did wrong], for the encouragement of men of ability; and now for one offence [of his brother] he is not to get off with his life. It is an abandoning of our altars;—is there not a mistake in the matter? When Gun was put to death, Yu was raised to office. Yi Yin kept Taijia in confinement, and acted as minister to him; but in the end [the sovereign] had not a resentful look. Guan and Cai were put to death by the duke of Zhou, but he himself was the king's helper. Why are you now, on account of Hu (Shuxiang's brother), forgetting your duty to our altars? Do that which is good, and who is there that will not feel stimulated? But what is the use of putting many to death?" Xuanzi was pleased, and they went in the same carriage to speak with the marquis, so that Shuxiang was pardoned. Qi Xi then went home without seeing Shuxiang, who, on his part, sent no word to him of his being liberated, but went to court.
'At an earlier period, Shuxiang's mother, being jealous of the beauty of Shuhu's mother, did not allow her to be with their husband. Her sons all remonstrated with her, when she said, "Deep hills and great marshes produce the dragon and the serpent. Because of her beauty, I am afraid she may bring forth a dragon or a serpent that will bring calamity upon you. You are but a feeble clan, and in the State there are many great nobles. If unfriendly persons were setting them against you, would not your case be hard? On what [other] ground should I grudge her our husband's favours?" She then sent the lady to her husband's couch; and the result was the birth of Shuhu. He was remarkable for his beauty, courage, and strength, and became a favourite with Huaizi, and thus it was that the Yangshe clan became involved in [the present] difficulties.
'When Luan Ying was passing by Zhou, the people in its western borders plundered him, on which he complained to a messenger [from the king], saying, "I, Ying, a servant of the son of Heaven, belonging to another State, offended the king's servant, who is its guardian. Trying to escape from the consequences of my guilt, I have trespassed again in your borders. No where can I hide; nowhere can I fly; let me venture to set forth the question of my death. Formerly, Your Majesty's servant, [my grand- father], Shu, was able to contribute his strength to the royal House, and the king bestowed favours on him. His son Yan was not able to preserve and continue the services of Shu; and now, O great ruler, if you have not forgotten the zealous duty of Shu, then there will be a way of escape for me. If you have forgotten that, and think of the guilt of Yan, I am but the fragment of a doomed man. I will go [to the capital] and die under the hand of the officer Wei; I dare not go back. I have presumed to declare every thing;—it is for you, O great ruler, to issue your command." The king said, "To go on thus to wrong him as [Jin] has done would be acting worse than Jin." He then made the minister of Instruction prohibit all plundering of Luan Ying, and require the people to return what they had taken away. He also made the officer of escort conduct him through the Huanyuan pass."
Parr. 5, 6. The former of these eclipses took place at noon, on August 13th, B.C. 551. The record of the second is an error. There was on the day mentioned no eclipse of the sun; there could be none. How the error, and the similar one in the 24th year, originated, cannot be as certained. The critics have vexed themselves with the question in vain. See in the 'Explanations of the Classics by scholars of the present dynasty,' ch. 58, pp. 4,5, and ch. 297, p. 6; and what has been said in the section on eclipses in the prolegomena. Yang Shixun (楊士勛) the glossarist of Guliang, of the Tang dynas ty (in the 7th cent.), says:——'In this year, and the 24th year, we have the record of eclipses in successive months. According to modern chronologists such a thing could not be; but perhaps it did occur in ancient times!' See also the note by the Kangxi editors on the birth of Confucius, at the end of this year.
Par. 7. This earl—duke Wu (武公)—succeeded to the State of Cao, on the death of his father as related xviii. 5. He now came, as Zuoshi says, to Lu, 'to have a first interview with the duke.
Par. 8. Where Shangren was is not known. The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Shangren was to prevent Lwan [Ying] from being har boured anywhere. The marquises of Qi and Wey behaved disrespectfully at it, which made Shuxiang say, "These two princess are sure not to escape an evil end. These meetings and visits at courts are standard ceremonies; such ceremonies are the vehicles of government; it is through government that men's persons are guarded. When the ceremonies are dishonoured, government is lost; and when government is not firmly established, disorder must ensue."
'Zhi Qi, Zhonghang Xi, Zhou Chuo, and Xing Kuai, all fled [from Jin] to Qi, being partizans of the Luan family. Yue Wangfu said to Fan Xuanzi, "Why not bring back Zhou Chuo and Xing Kuai who are men of daring courage?" "They are braves of the Luan family," replied Xuanzi. "What should I gain?" Wangfu said "Be to them what the Luan was, and they will also be your braves."
'Duke Zhuang of Qi, at his audience [one day], pointed to Zhi Chuo and Guo Zui, and said, "These are my heroes." Zhou Chuo said, "If your lordship thinks them heroes, who may not presume to be reckoned a hero? But unworthy as I am, after the service at Pingyin, (See on xviii.4), I crowed before them both." Duke Zhuang having instituted an order of bravery, Zhi Chuo and Guo Zui wished to belong to it. Zhou Chuo said, "In the attack on the eastern gate, my outside horse on the left turned wildly round in the gate, and I know the number of the boards in it;—can I be allowed for this to belong to the order?" The duke said, "You were acting for the ruler of Jin." "But I am newly become your servant," replied the other. "As to those two, they are like beasts, whose flesh I will eat, and then sleep upon their skins.'"
[The Kangxi editors give here the following note on the birth of Confucius:——'According to the Zhuan of Gongyang. Confucius was born in the 11th month of Xiang's 21st year, on the day Kangtsze; and according to that of Kuh lëang, he was born on Gengzi, in the 10th month of this year. The "Historical Records," however, give his birth, as in the 22d year of Xiang. In the preface to his " Collected Comments" on the Analects, Zhu Xi, using the " History of the Kong family," thus defers to the authority of the "Historical Records," while Song Lian (Ming dynasty), in his "Discussion of the month and year of Confucius' Birth and Death," vehemently maintains the authority of Gong and Gu. He adduces, however, no incontestible evidence of their correctness, merely saying that the " Historical Records" contain many errors, and that the statement of Gong and Gu, handed down from one man to another, is to be relied upon, as having been supported by proofs. Xia Hongji says, "Confucius was born in the 22d year of Xiang, and lived to the 16th year of Ai, so that he was then 73 years old. The account in the 'Historical Records' is correct. The month as given by Gongyang is wrong;—how can we place implicit confidence in him? Song Lian, following Gong and Gu, makes the sage to have been 74 years old, which seems a strange thing to hear of." This view of Xia's is the best. The prolegomena to the " General Mirror of History" observe, moreover, that in the 21st year of Xiang the sun was twice eclipsed, which does not appear a proper year for the sage to be born in;—and this consideration is not without its reasonableness! Confucius was born in a Gengxu year, and died in a Renxu;—such is the account that has long obtained. Giving a paramount authority to Zhu Xi, and comparing with him the statements of Xia and the prolegomena to the "General Mirror," we may assume that the "Historical Records" are not in error in this matter.
'The year of the sage's birth ought be noticed in connection with the Chunqiu, but there is no article in the Zhuan of Zuoshi on Xiang's 22d year, to which it could be annexed; we have therefore preserved here the statements of Gong and Gu, and discussed them in this note.' see the proleg. to Vol. I., p. 59].
1. In his twenty-second year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from the meeting.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Xinyou, Shu Lao died.
4. In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquises of Jin and Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in Shasui.
5. The duke arrived from the meeting.
6. Chu put to death its great officer Zhuishu.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan introduces here:——'This spring, Zang Wuzhong was going to Jin, and was passing by [the city of] Yu Shu (=Shu of Yu), when it rained. Shu was then in the city, and about to set to drinking. He said, "What occasion is there for employing a sage? I will do nothing but drink. Travelling thus in the rain, what sageness can he be possessed of?" When Mushu (Shusun Bao) heard of this, he said, "[This Yu Shu] is not fit to be sent on any mission. Carrying himself so proudly to our messenger, he is one of the vermin of the State." He then ordered that his contribution to the State should be doubled].'
Par. 2. [We have here in the Zhuan the following narrative about the relations of Jin and Zheng:——'In summer, the people of Jin summoned [the earl of] Zheng to appear at their court, when the people of Zheng employed the Shaozheng, Gongsun Qiao (Zichan), to reply, which he did as follows:——"In the 9th year of duke Dao, the last ruler of Jin (the 9th year of Xiang), our ruler succeeded to the State; and eight months after, our late great officer, Zisi (the Gongzi Fei, 騑), followed him to the presence of your ministers in your court. They did not behave courteously to him, on which he was afraid and took his departure; and in the 6th month of his second year we went to the court of Chu. In conscquence of this, Jin made the campaign of Xi (See on ix. 5). But Chu was still strong, and repeated its courteous treatment of our State. We wished to follow your ministers, but were afraid they would find great matter of offence in our conduct. Jin, we thought, will say that we do not respond respectfully to courtesy; and on this account we did not dare to separate from Chu.
'In our ruler's 4th year, in the 3d month, our late great officer Jiao (Gongsun Chai) attended him to Chu, to see what course it would be proper for us to adopt; and on this Jin made the campaign of Xiaoyu (See on xi. 8). Then it said that our State was near to that of Jin, and that they were like plants which had the same fragrance;—why then should they presume to be in unequal relations? At this time Chu did not shew strength, and our ruler brought forth all the productions of the State, and added to them the vessels of his ancestral temple, that he might enter into a common covenant. He then led his servants to follow your ministers, and was present in your court at the end of the year. On his return, he punished Zihou and Shi Yu, who were inclined towards Chu.
'The year after [the meeting at] Chouliang (See xvi. 2), Zijiao being old, Gongsun Xia attended our ruler to your court, when he had an audience at the summer sacrifice, and assisted in holding the offerings of flesh. When two years had intervened, hearing that your ruler was about to pacify the States of the east, he again went to your court in the 4th month, to ascertain the time for the enterprize. Between his appearances at your court, there has been no year in which he has not sent a mission of friendly inquiries, there has been no service in which he has not taken his share. Through the orders of your great State coming not at regular times our State has been wearied and distressed; at any time some unlooked for requirement might come; every day are we careful not to give offence;—how should we dare to forget our duty ? If your great State will grant us stable rest morning and evening, our ruler will be found in your court, without your having to condescend to send him any order to appear. But if you do not have pity on our distress, and fill your mouth with complaints against us, shall we not then be unable to endure your commands? You will be clipping our territory, and we shall become enemies to each other. This is what our State is afraid of; how dare we be unmindful of your ruler's order? We thus lay the case before his ministers; let them consult about it as its importance requires.']
Par. 3. See on xiv. 1. Shu Lao was succeeded in the position of great officer by his son Gong (叔弓), known as Zishu Jingzi (子叔敬子).
[The Zhuan returns here to the affairs of Luan Ying of Jin:——'In autumn, Luan Ying went from Chu to Qi, on which occasion Yan Pingzhong said to the marquis of Qi, "At the meeting of Shangren, you received the command of Jin [not to harbour Luan]; if you now receive him, where will be the use of that meeting? It is by good faith that a small State serves a large one. If its good faith be lost, it cannot stand. Let your lordship consider it." The marquis would not listen to him, and Pingzhong withdrew, and told Chen Wenzi, saying, "Rulers should hold fast good faith, and their subjects reverent obedience. It is the rule of Heaven that high and low should all observe true-heartedness, good faith, honesty, and reverence. Our ruler is throwing himself away;—he cannot continue long.'
We have then another narrative about an officer of Zheng:——'In the 9th month, the Gongsun Heigong of Zheng called to him the steward of his house, and his kinsmen who took part with him in his ancestral temple, and told them to support [his son] Duan in his place, requiring them to diminish the number of his officers and the style of his sacrifices. A single sheep would be sufficient at the seasonal services, and a sheep and a pig at the grand sacrifice once in 3 years. Retaining a sufficient number of towns to supply these sacrifices, he gave all the rest back to the duke, saying, "I have heard that when one is born in an age of disorder, the best thing for him is to be able to be poor. When the people have nothing to require from him, his family will endure longer than the families of others. Reverently and dutifully," [said he to his son], "serve your ruler, and the officers, [his ministers]. Your life will depend on your reverence and caution, and not on your riches." On Jisi, Bozhang (Heigong) died. The superior man will say that he was wise in the cautions which he gave. What the ode says (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 5),
'Be careful of your duties as a prince; Be prepared for the dangers that may arise,' was exemplified by Zizhang of Zheng.']
Par. 4. Gong and Gu have here 滕子 after 邾子. Shasui,—see VIII. xvi. 8. The Zhuan says:——'This meeting at Shasui was to take further measures to prevent the harbouring of Luan [Ying]. He was still in Qi, and Yanzi said, "Calamity is about to develop it self. Qi will attack Jin. There is ground for us to cherish apprehension."
Par. 6. See the Zhuan after par. 4 of last year. The Zhuan here says:——'Guan Qi of Chu was a favourite of Zinan the chief minister, and while his emolument was yet but small, his teams of horses were numbered by tens. The people were distressed about it, and the king determined to punish the minister. Zinan's son, Qiji, was charioteer to the king, who would fall a weeping whenever he saw him. Qiji said to him, "You have thrice wept at the sight of me;—let me ask whose crime makes you do this." The king said, "You know the inefficiency of the chief minister. The State is about to punish him; and can you abide in your office after that?" "If I were to abide after my father has been put to death," replied the charioteer, "how could you employ me? But to commit the great crime of disclosing what you have said is what I will not do." After this the king put Zinan to death in the court, and caused the four limbs of Guan Qi to be torn from each other by chariots in four different directions. Zinan's servants then asked Qiji to beg leave to remove his father's body from the court. "It is for you," he said to them, "[to teach me how] to observe the duties that should obtain between a ruler and his minister." After three days, he begged the body which the king granted to him; and when it was buried, his followers asked him if he was going to leave the State. "I was a party," he said, "to the death of my father;—to what State should I go?" "Well then," they asked again, "will you continue to be a servant of the king?" He replied, "To have abandoned my father, and yet to serve his enemy, is what I cannot bear to do." Immediately after, he strangled himself.
'[The king] then again appointed Wei Ziping to be chief minister. The Gongzi Yi was made [grand-]marshal. and Qu Jian was made the Mo'ao. The favourites of Weizi were eight men, all of whom, though having no emoluments, were possessed of many horses. One day [after his appointment], being at court, he spoke to Shen Shuyu, who gave him no answer, and withdrew. Weizi followed him, and he threw himself among a crowd. When he was still followed, Yu returned to his house, whither the other went to see him, when he had retired from the court. "Thrice," said Weizi, "you snubbed me in the court. You have frightened me, and I have felt that I must come and see you. Please tell me my errors; why should you be so indignant with me?" "I was afraid," replied Shuyu, "lest I should not escape [the impending fate]; how should I dare to tell you?" "What do you mean?" asked the minister. The other said, "Lately, Guan Qi was the favourite of Zinan. Zinan was dealt with as a criminal, and Guan Qi was torn in pieces by chariots. Is there not reason for me to be afraid?" [Weizi] then drove home himself, but was not able to keep the road. When he arrived, he said to his favourites, "I have seen my master Shen Shu. It may be said of him that he can give life to the dead, and flesh to the [bare] bones. With a master who knows me as he does I am satisfied; but I had rather drop the acquaintance of one who does not do so." He then dismissed the eight men, and afterwards the king was satisfied with him.'
[The Zhuan appends the narrative of a strange and melancholy event in Zheng:——'In the 12th month, You Fan of Zheng was proceeding to Jin; and before he crossed the boundaries of the State, he met with a man and the bride whom he was conducting to his house. You Fan took the lady from him by force, and lodged her in a city [that he was passing]. On Dingsi, her husband attacked Ziming (You Fan), and killed him, and then went away with his [recovered] wife. Zizhan set aside Liang (Fan's son), and made Taishu (Fan's younger brother) Head of the family, saying, "A minister of the State is only second to the ruler, and a lord of the people. He must not be allowed to act disorderly. I have taken it on me to set aside another who is like Ziming." He also sought for the man who had lost his wife, made him return to his place, and would not allow the You family to resent what he had done, saying to them, "Do not make more manifest the wickedness [of Ziming]."]
1. In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Guiyou the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
2. In the third month, on Jisi, Gai, earl of Qi, died.
3. In summer, Biwo of Zhu came a fugitive to Lu.
4. There was the burial of duke Xiao of Qi.
5. Chen put to death its great officers, Qing Hu and Qing Yin.
6. Huang, the younger brother of the marquis of Chen, returned from Chu to Chen.
7. Luan Ying of Jin again entered Jin, and entered Quwo.
8. In autumn, the marquis of Qi invaded Wey, and took the opportunity to invade Jin.
9. In the eighth month, Shusun Bao led a force to relieve Jin, and halted at Yongyu.
10. On Jimao Zhongsun Su died.
11. In winter, in the tenth month, on Yihai, Zangsun He fled to Zhu.
12. The people of Jin put to death Luan Ying.
13. The marquis of Qi fell upon Ju by surprise.
Par. 1. This eclipse was visible at sunrise on the 30th December, B.C. 550.
Par. 2. Earl Gai is known as duke Xiao. Zuoshi says, 'This spring, duke Xiao of Qi died, and the widow of [duke] Dao of Jin went into mourning for him (She was his sister). Duke Ping, however, did not discontinue his usual music;—which was contrary to propriety. The rules of propriety require that such music should be intermitted on [the death of the ruler of] a neighbouring State.'
Par. 3. For 畀我 Gong and Gu have 鼻我. We are to suppose that Biwo was a partizan of Shuqi of xxi. 3, and came to Lu in the same way that the other had done.
Parr. 5, 6. For the circumstances in which the prince Huang had fled to Chu see the Zhuan on xx. 6. The Zhuan here says:——'The marquis of Chen went to [the court of] Chu, when the Gongzi Huang accused the two Qing to Chu, the people of which summoned them to it. [Instead of going themselves], they sent Qing Le, who was put to death. The Qing clan upon this held the capital of Chen in revolt. In summer, Qu Jian (the Mo'ao of Chu; see the Zhuan on p. 6 of last year) went with the marquis of Chen, and laid siege to it. The people were then repairing the wall, and one of the frame-planks falling down, [the Qing] put the builder to death. The workmen then agreed together that they should kill their overseers, and proceeded to put to death Qing Hu and Qing Yin. The people of Chu reinstated the Gongzi Huang. The superior man will pronounce that the Qing acted unrighteously, and that such a course cannot be indulged in [with safety]. As it is said in the Shu (V. ix. 23), 'The [favour] of Heaven is not constant.'
The death of the two Qing serves to illustrate the latitude with which the statements of a State putting its officers to death may be interpreted. Confucius' text in itself gives no inkling of the real nature of the transaction here. Du Yu contends that the 忿 is a mere connective, and must have no stress laid upon it. Acc. to a canon on the use of the conjunction, Qing Hu would be the proper criminal, involving Yin in the consequences of his guilt. But acc. to the Zhuan here and xx. 6, they were equally criminal. Like all the other similar canons, this breaks down here and in other places. Comp., e.g., VI. ix. 7.
Par. 7. Luan Ying, it will be remembered, had found shelter in Qi;—see the Zhuan introduced at par. 3 of last year.
The Zhuan says:——'[The marquis of] Jin being about to marry one of his daughters to [the viscount of] Wu, the marquis of Qi ordered Xi Guifu to escort the appointed ladies of his House to accompany her, taking the opportunity to place Luan Ying and his followers in enclosed carriages, and to convey them to Quwo. Ying had an interview at night with [the commandant of that city] Xu Wu, and told him [his plans]. "The thing," said Wu, "is impracticable. Who can raise up him whom Heaven is overthrowing? You are sure to perish [in this attempt]. I do not grudge death [in your cause], but I know the enterprize will not succeed." Ying replied, "Granted, but if through your help I go to my death, I will not regret it. I may not have Heaven on my side, but you will be free from blame." Xu Wu agreed to his request, and, having concealed him, invited the [principal] men of Quwo to a banquet. When the music struck up, he said to them, "If now we had got here the young Luan, what would you do ?" "If we had our lord here," they replied, "we should think dying for him to be no death." With this all sighed, and some wept. As the cup went round, he put the same question again, and they all said, "Only give us our lord, and there will be no swerving from our purpose." On this Ying came forward, and saluted them all round.
'In the 4th month, Ying led on the men-at-arms from Quwo, and, depending on the help of Wei Xianzi, entered Jiang in the day time. Before this, Ying had been assistant-commander of the 3d army under Wei Zhuangzi. In consequence of this, Xianzi (Son of Zhuangzi) was secretly attached to Ying, and the latter depended on his help. But the Zhao clan were hostile to the Luan, because of the misfortunes of [the lords of] Yuan and Ping (See the Zhuan on VIII. viii. 6). The clans of Han and Zhao [likewise] were now on friendly terms. The Zhonghang clan were hostile to the Luan, because of what had occurred in the invasion of Qin (see on xiv.3); and Zhi Chuozi being young, his family was guided by the Zhonghang. Cheng Zheng was a favourite of the duke; and thus it was that only the Head of the Wei clan and the superin tendent of the duke's carriages favoured Luan Ying.
'Yue Wangfu was sitting with Fan Xuanzi, when word was brought to them that Ying had arrived. Xuanzi was afraid, but Huanzi (Wangfu) said to him, "Quickly support the marquis into the strong palace, and no harm will be sustained. The Luan have many enemies; and the government is in your hands. Luan Ying has come from without, and you are in your place;—your advantages are many. Since you have such advantages and the power, and hold moreover the handle of the people, what have you to fear? And has Ying any friends but the chief of the Wei clan, whom you may take by force? Disorder is to be repressed by prompt action for the exigency;—do not you be remiss [in taking it]."
'As they were in mourning at the duke's for their relative (the earl of Qi), Wangfu made Xuanzi put on mourning clothes and head band all blackened, and be pushed along in a lady's barrow by two females, and in this guise go to the duke, with whom he then proceeded to the strong palace.
'[At the same time], Fan Yang went to meet Wei Shu, whom he found with his carriages all drawn up and yoked, about to go to meet Luan Ying. Hurrying forward, Yang said to him, "Luan Ying with a body of rebels has entered the city. My father and the great officers are all at the ruler's, and have sent me to meet you. Allow me to take the third place in your carriage and to hold the strap." With this, he sprang into the carriage, brandishing his sword in his right hand, and with his left hand holding the strap, while he ordered them to gallop along. As they issued from the gate, the driver asked where he should go to. "To the duke's," cried Yang. Xuanzi met Wei Shu at the steps, took him by the hand, and promised him Quwo.
'[Xuanzi] had a slave Fei Bao, one of those entered in the red book (Book of criminals). The strongest of Luan Ying's followers was Du Rong, of whom all the people were afraid. Fei Bao said to Xuanzi, "If you will burn the red book, I will kill Du Rong." Xuanzi joyfully said to him, "I swear by the sun, that if you kill Du Rong, I will beg our ruler to burn it." Accordingly he sent Bao forth, and shut the gate behind him. Du Rong came to pursue him, and Bao waited for him, concealed behind a low wall. Then, when Rong had jumped over it, Bao killed him with a blow from behind.
'The followers of Fan were all behind the tower, and the Luan swarmed up to the duke's gate. "The arrows reach the ruler's house," said Xuanzi to Yang; "do your utmost, though you die." Yang led on his men with his sword drawn, and the Luan withdrew. He was then pursuing them in his father's chariot, as if he were the commander-in-chief, when he was met by Luan Le. "Get out of my way," [cried Yang], "O Le. Though I die, I will dispute with you in heaven." Le discharged an arrow at him, and missed; and when he had got another on the string, his carriage was overturned by the root of a cassia-tree, when some one drew him from underneath with the hook of his spear, and cut off his arms, so that he died. Luan Fang was wounded, and Ying fled to Quwo, where the troops of Jin laid siege to him.'
Of the two statements in the text, that 'Ying entered Jin again, and entered Quwo,' the second is to be understood of Ying's retreating to Quwo, after his attempt upon the capital of the State was defeated. Gongyang is in error, as the Kangxi editors point out, in referring it to Ying's first entrance into Quwo, and then advancing from it to the capital. The use of 入 is somewhat peculiar. Mao says:——'入 is used instead of 叛 (rebelled), because in the first instance he entered and then rebelled,—he had not rebelled before he entered; and in the second instance, he entered after he had rebelled,—he did not enter, and then hold the city in rebellion!' He compares xxx. 7 and VIII.xviii. 5.
Par. 8. The Kangxi editors remark that the invasion of Jin by Qi, following here the account of Luan Ying's attempt, makes it plain that Ying had been aided and instigated by Qi; but it is from the Zhuan and not from the text that we learn this. Wey had attacked Qi at the command of Jin in the 19th year, and the marquis would now first wreak his vengeance on it. The invasion of Jin being so much the greater undertaking, the critics hesitate, needlessly, it seems to me, to apply here the usual canon as to the significance of 遂.
The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the marquis of Qi invaded Wey. The van of the army was commanded by Wangsun Hui, with Gu Rong as charioteer, and Shao Yang as spearman. The next column was commanded by Ju Heng, with Cheng Zhi as charioteer, and Fuzhi, [son] of Shen Xianyu, as spearman. [In the centre], Cao Kai was charioteer to the marquis, and Yan Furong was spearman. The supporting force was commanded by Xing Gong, with Shang Zhideng as charioteer, and Lu Pugui as spearman. In the left wing, Xiang Pi commanded, with Lao Cheng as charioteer and Lang Qushu as spearman; in the right, Hou Zhao, with Shang Ziju as charioteer, and Huan Tiao as spearman. The army of the rear was commanded by Xia Zhiyukou with Shang Ziyou as charioteer, and Cui Ru as spearman, Zhuyong Zhiyue being in the same chariot.
'The intention being to go on from Wey to attack Jin, Yan Pingzhong said, "The marquis means, in the confidence of his courage and strength, to attack the president of covenants. It will be well for the State if he do not succeed. If there be success without virtue, grief will [soon] come to him." Cui Shu remonstrated with the marquis, saying, "Do not [invade Jin]. I have heard that when a small State takes advantage of the troubles of a great one to do it further injury, it is sure to have to bear the blame. Let your lordship consider it." But remonstrance was of no use.
'[After this] Chen Wenzi saw Cui Wuzi and said to him, "What is to be done with reference to our ruler?" "I remonstrated with him," was the reply, "and he would not listen to me. If we are all brought to straits by his taking advantage of the [present] distress of the president of covenants, what difficulty will there be in dealing with him? Forbear saying anything for the present." Wenzi retired, and said to his people, "Shall Cuizi die peacefully? He speaks of the marquis's conduct as very bad; and his own will go beyond it. He will not have a peaceful death. When a man condemns his ruler in a righteous way, he still does so to his own damage; how much more must he do so, when he has wickedness in his mind!"
'The marquis accordingly invaded Jin, and took Zhaoge. He then divided his forces into two bodies; entered the pass of Meng; ascended the hill of Taihang; formed an entrenched camp at Xingting; placed garrisons in Pi and Shao; raised a mound at Shaoshui:—all in retaliation for the affair at Pingyin (See on xviii. 3). He then withdrew, and was pursued by Zhao Sheng with the troops of Dongyang, when Yan Li was taken prisoner.'
Par. 9. For 雍榆 Gong and Gu have 雍渝. The place belonged to Jin, and was 18 li southwest from the pres. dis. city of Jun (濬縣), dep. Weihui, Henan. Zuoshi says that the action of the commander was 'proper.' Why it should be 'proper' to halt, it is difficult to understand, though it was no doubt proper in Lu to send an expedition to the relief of Jin. Gongyang and Yingda think the halting was to get orders from the marquis of Jin; while the Kangxi editors condemn it as an evidence of weakness. But see the reference to the expedition in the 國語, II. iii. art. 7.
Parr. 10, 11. It will be found from the Zhuan that there was a connection between these two events:——'Ji Wuzi had no son by his wife proper. Of [his other sons], Gongmi was the eldest, but he loved Daozi, and wished to make him his successor. Consulting Shen Feng on the subject, he said to him, "I love both Mi and He (Daozi), but I wish to select the abler of the two, and make him my successor." Shen Feng hurried away home, and intended to leave the State with all his family. Another day he consulted him again, and Feng replied, "If it must be so, I will get my carriage ready and leave the State;" upon which he desisted from his purpose. Consulting Zang He about it, however, that minister said, "Invite me to drink with you, and I will appoint him for you." Accordingly Ji gave a feast to all the great officers, with Zang He as the principal guest. When he had sent the pledge cup round, Zangsun ordered two mats to be placed in the northern part of the hall. He then took a new cup, and washed it, called for Daozi, and went down the steps to meet him, while the great officers all rose up. When the general cup was going round, he also called for Gongchu (Gongmi), and made him take a place after Daozi. Jisun lost colour [on seeing what was done].
'[After this], Wuzi appointed Gongchu to be the superintendent of his stud, but he was indignant, and would not come forth. Min Zima visited the young man, and said to him, "You ought not to behave so. Happiness and misery have no gate by which they must enter; each man calls the one or the other for himself. A son should be distressed lest he should not be filial, and not about his proper place. Reverence and honour your father's command; what invariableness attaches [to the order of succession]? If you maintain your filial reverence, you may become twice as rich as the Head of the Ji family; but if you play a villainous and lawless part, your misery may be double that of one of the lowest of the people." Gongchu took this advice, showing a reverent obedience to his father early and late, and sedulously filled his office. Jisun was delighted, and made himself be invited by him to a feast, to which he went, carrying with him all the apparatus for it and leaving it there. In this way Gongchu became rich, and [by-and-by] he went forth, and became administrator of the Left to the duke.
'Mengsun hated Zangsun, and Jisun liked him. Mengsun's charioteer, Zou Fengdian liked [his master's son] Jie, and said to him, "If you will follow my advice, you will become your father's successor." After he had urged this several times, Jie agreed to it; and when Zhuangzi was ill, Fengdian said to Gongchu, "If you will secure the succession of Jie, I will be an enemy to Zangsun." Gongchu then said to his father, "Ruzi Zhi (the elder brother of Jie) ought indeed to succeed to his father, but if we raise Jie to the place, we shall truly show ourselves stronger than Zangsun." Jisun gave him no reply; and on Jimao, when Mengsun died, Gongchu took Jie, and placed him at the side of the door (In the chief mourner's place). Jisun came to the house, entered the apartment, and wept. When he was going out, he said, "Where is Zhi ?" Gongchu replied, "Jie is here." "But Zhi is the elder," said Jisun. "What have we to do with the elder?" was the reply. "We only require the abler. And his father so commanded." Jie was hereupon declared successor to Meng Zhuangzi, and Zhi fled to Zhu.
'When Zangsun entered the apartment [of the dead], he wept very sore, with many tears. When he went out, his charioteer said to him, "Mengsun hated you, and yet you thus lament him. If Jisun were to die, how would you bear it ?" Zangsun answered him, "The love of Jisun produced in me a feverish eruption. The hatred of Mengsun was like a medical stone to me. The good eruption was not so beneficial as the painful stone, which brought me to life again, while the eruption increased its venom more and more. Now that Mengsun is dead, my exile is not distant." The [new] Head of the Meng family then shut his gate, and sent word to Jisun that Zangsun was about to raise a disturbance, and would not allow him to bury his father. Jisun did not believe it; but when Zangsun heard it, he took precautionary measures. In winter, in the 10th month, Mengsun was about to prepare the grave, and borrowed labourers from Zangsun, who ordered the superintendent of them to render his assistance; and when they were clearing the road at the east gate, he went him self with some men-at-arms to see them. Mengsun sent also information of this to Jisun, who was angry, and gave orders to attack Zang. In consequence, on Yihai, Zang He cut down the barrier at the Lu gate, made his escape, and fled to Zhu.
'[He's father], Zang Xuanshu had married a lady of Zhu, who bore to him Jia and Wei, and then died. He then raised to her place her niece, [who had come with her to the harem],—a daughter of the younger sister of Mujiang (The mother of duke Cheng). This lady bore He, who grew up in the duke's palace; and being the object of the duchess Jiang's love, he was made successor to his father. When that took place, his [half-] brothers Jia and Wei left the State and lived in Zhu. Wuzhong [now] sent word from Zhu to Jia of what had befallen him, and sent him a large tortoise, saying, "Through my want of ability, I have lost the change of our ancestral temple, and I venture to tell you of my pitiable case. My offence, however, is not of a character that should lead to the extinction of our sacrifices. Do you present to the duke this large tortoise, and ask to be permitted to continue them;—and it may be granted." Jia replied, "What has happened is the misfortune of our family, and not through any fault of yours. I have received your commands." He then bowed twice, and received the tortoise, which he entrusted to [his brother] Wei to present with the request which had been suggested. But Wei preferred the request in his own behalf. Zangsun went to Fang (the city of the Zang clan), and sent a message from it to the duke, saying, "It was not in my power to do any harm;—it was my wisdom which failed me (Referring to his going with the men-at-arms to see the workmen). I do not presume to make any request for myself. But if you allow the maintenance of the sacrifices to my ancestors, and do not forget the merits of my two predecessors, shall I not leave this city?" Upon this Zang Wei was made Head of the family;—and Zang He surrendered Fang, and fled to Qi. Some of his people said to him, "Will they make a covenant with reference to us?" "They have nothing to allege in doing so," said He. It was determined, however, to do so, and Jisun called the historiographer of the Exterior, and asked him how, in dealing with the case of a guilty minister, the covenant should be headed. The historiographer replied, "In the covenant about the minister Dongmen, it was said, 'Let no one act like Dongmen Sui, who disregarded the order of the duke, putting to death the rightful heir, and raising the son of a concubine in his place.' In the covenant about the minister Shusun, it was said, 'Let no one act like Shusun Qiaoru, who wished to set aside the regular order of the State, and overthrow our ducal House.' Jisun said, "The guilt of Zangsun is not equal to that of either of these." Meng Jiao suggested that the covenant should be grounded on his violence to the gate in breaking down the barrier. Jisun adopted the suggestion, and the covenant ran—"Let no one act like Zangsun He, who violated the rules of the State, and broke through the gate, cutting down the barrier." When Zangsun heard these terms, he said, "There is a man in the State. Who was it ? Was it not Meng Jiao ?"'
Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin reduced Quwo, and took Luan Ying, when they put to death all the members and the partizans of the Luan clan, Luan Fang making his escape, and flying to Song. In the text there is no mention of Ying's being "a great officer of Jin," because he had come [against it] from another State.' Comp. the account of the death of Liang Xiao in xxx. 7.
Par. 13. The Zhuan says:——'When the marquis of Qi returned from Jin, without entering [his capital], he fell on Ju by surprise, and attacked the gate of Juyu. A wound in the thigh obliged him to retire; but next day he resolved to renew the fight, and fixed on Shoushu as the place of engagement. [In the mean time] Qi Zhi and Hua Xuan passed during the night in their armour through a defile near Juyu, and reached the suburbs of the capital city. Next day, before the marquis, they met with the viscount of Ju at Puhoushi, who offered them large bribes to induce them not to fight to the death, and begged them to make a covenant with him. Hua Zhou (Hua Xuan) replied, "If, coveting your bribes, we should cast away our orders, your lordship would hate us. If before mid-day we could forget the orders which we received at dawn, wherewith should we serve any ruler?" On this the viscount himself beat the drum, and urged on his men to attack them, when Qi Liang (Qi Zhi) was taken prisoner. After this the people of Ju made submission.
'When the marquis of Qi was returning home, he met the wife of Qi Liang in the suburbs, and sent an officer to present to her his condolences. But she declined them, saying, "If Zhi committed any offence, why should you condescend to send me any message? If he escaped committing any offence, there is the cottage of his father. I cannot listen to any condolences in the fields." The marquis then sent his condolences to her house.'
[We have here a narrative about Zangsun He in Qi:——'The marquis of Qi was intending to make a grant of lands to Zangsun He, when at an audience which He had with him, he spoke with him about his invasion of Jin. He replied, "You say you accomplished much, and let it be so; but your lordship was like a rat. Now a rat lies hid in the day-time, and moves about at night. It does not have its holes in bed-chambers nor in ancestral temples:—from its fear of men. Now your lordship heard of the troubles in Jin, and began your movements. If it had been quiet, you would have served it. If you were not a rat in this, what were you ?"
'After this, the marquis did not give him any lands. Zhongni said, "It is hard to be wise. There was the wise Zang Wuzhong, and yet he was not allowed to remain in Lu. And there was reason for it. He did what was not accordant with right, and did not act on the principle of reciprocity. One of the Books of Xia (Shu II. ii. 10) says, 'When you think of anything, be found yourself in that thing,' meaning that one's conduct should be accordant with right, and his actions on the principle of reciprocity."']
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fourth year, in spring, Shusun Bao went to Jin.
2. Zhongsun Jie led a force and made an incursion into Qi.
3. In summer, the viscount of Chu invaded Wu.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Jiazi, the first day of the moon, the sun was completely eclipsed.
5. Cui Shu of Qi led a force and invaded Ju.
6. There were great floods.
7. In the eighth month, on Guisi, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
8. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in Yiyi.
9. In winter, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of Cai and Chen, and the baron of Xu, invaded Zheng.
10. The duke arrived from the meeting [at Yiyi].
11. Qian Yijiu of Chen fled from that State to Chu.
12. Shusun Bao went to the capital.
13. There was a great famine.
Par. 1. The object of this was probably, as Du says, to congratulate the marquis of Jin on the quelling of the Luan revolt. The Zhuan says, 'When Mushu (Bao) went to Jin, Fan Xuanzi met him, and asked the meaning of the saying of the ancients, "They died but suffered no decay," and, before he had replied, went on to say, "Anciently, the ancestor of the Xuan, anterior to the time of Yu (Shun), was the prince of Tao and Tang (Yao; see on the Shu, III. iii. 7). In the time of Xia, their ancestors were the Yulong (see the Zhuan after X. xxix. 4). In the time of Shang, they were the [lords of] Shiwei. In the beginning of Zhou, they were the [lords of] Tang and Du. When Jin obtained the presidency of covenants, we became the [lords of] Fan.—Is this what is meant by the saying?" Mushu said, "According to what I have heard, this is what is called 'hereditary dignity,' but it is not that 'not decaying.' There was a former great officer of Lu, called Zang Wenzhong, the excellence of whose words was acknowledged after his death. This may be what the saying intended. I have heard that the highest meaning of it is when there is established [an example of] virtue; the second, when there is established [an example of] successful service; and the third, when there is established [an example of wise] speech. When these examples are not forgotten with length of time, this is what is meant by the saying—They do not decay." As to the preservation of the surname and the giving off clan branches, by which the ancestral temples are preserved, and the sacrifices continued without interruption from age to age, where is the State, in which we have not that? The preservation of the greatest dignity cannot be called that freedom from decay.'
[There follows here the following narrative:——'Fan Xuanzi was chief minister of Jin, and the offerings required from the different States became [constantly] more heavy, so that the people of Zheng were distressed about it. In the 2d month [of this year], the earl of Zheng was going to Jin, and Zichan entrusted to Zixi a letter for Fan Xuanzi, in which he said, "The administration of the government of Jin is in your hands. The neighbouring States all about do not hear of any display of admirable virtue, but they hear of the great offerings which are required from them;—and this perplexes me. I have heard that to a superior man presiding over a State there is no trouble about the want of gifts, but his difficulty is lest he should not be obtaining a good name.
'"Now, when the offerings of the different princes are largely accumulated in your duke's house, those princes will become alienated from him. And if you, my master, put your confidence in these things, the State of Jin will become alienated from you. If the States become alienated from it, Jin will go to ruin, and if Jin become alienated from you, your family will go to ruin. In what a fatal course are you proceeding! Of what use would the gifts be then?
'A good name is the carriage in which virtue is conveyed about; and virtue is the [sure] foundation of a State. When there is a foundation, there is no crumbling to ruin;—is not this then of paramount importance? With virtue there is joyful satisfaction, a satisfaction that is permanent. The ode (Shi, II. ii. ode VII. 1) says,
'Objects of joyful complacency are these officers, The foundations of my State; —with reference to the effect of admirable virtue. [And another ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 7) says],
'God is with you, Have no doubts in your heart;' —with reference to the effect of a good name Strive with all your heart to make your virtue illustrious, and a good name will then carry the fame of it abroad; and in this way the remote will come to you and the near will repose in you. Had you not better cause men to say of you that you nourish them, than to say that you take from them to nourish yourself? The elephant has tusks to the destruction of its body;—because of their use as gifts." Xuanzi was pleased, and made the offerings [required from the States] lighter.
'On this visit, the earl of Zheng appeared at the court of Jin, on account of the great offerings which were required, and to ask leave to invade Chen. He bowed with his head to the ground [before the marquis], and when Xuanzi wished to decline such an act of homage, Zixi, who was in attendance on the earl, said, "Through its reliance on the great State [of Chu], Chen exercises an insolent oppression of our poor State. On this account our ruler asks leave to call it to accouut for the offence;—how dare he but bow his head to the earth ?"']
Par. 2. The appointment of Jie to be successor to his father as a minister of Lu and head of the Zhongsun clan, is given in the Zhuan on par. 10 of last year. He is known as Meng Xiaobo (孟孝伯). Zuoshi observes that the incursion in the text was made in behalf of Jin. Gongyang gives his name as 羯,褐, and 偈.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the viscount of Chu invaded Wu with a naval squadron; but through the neglect of the rules of war, it returned without accomplishing anything.'
Parr. 4, 7. The former of these eclipses is correctly recorded. It took place, and was total, about 1 h. 15 m. p. m., on June 12th, B.C. 548. The record of the second is a mistake, for which we cannot account any more than for the similar mistake in xxi. 6.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi being under apprehension because of his invasion of Jin, wished to have an interview with the viscount of Chu, who sent Wei Qijiang to Qi on a friendly visit, and to be informed as to the time of meeting. The marquis was sacrificing at the altar of the land, and inspected his munitions of war, that the visitor might see them. This made Chen Wenzi remark that there would soon be rebellion in Qi. "I have heard," said he, "that when weapons are not kept in their place, a prince will bring his own clans against himself."
'In autumn, having heard that Jin was contemplating an expedition against him, the marquis sent Chen Wuyu after Wei Qijiang to Chu, to put off the meeting, and to beg the assistance of an army. Cui Shu escorted him with a force, and took the opportunity to invade Ju, making an incursion to Jiegen.'
It was stated in the Zhuan on the last par. of last year that Ju and Qi had made peace. We have here another instance of the little value of truces between the States of those days.
Par. 6. See II. i. 5, et al. From the Zhuan on next par. it appears that this flood extended beyond Lu.
Par. 8. Yiyi,—see on V. i. 3; and III. xxxii. 7. 'This meeting,' says Zuo, 'was with the intention of attacking Qi; but in consequence of the floods, the purpose was not carried out,' Here, as always, instead of 夷儀, Gongyang has 陳儀. Recent critics are severe on Zuo, for throwing the failure of this meeting on 'the floods;' and what is said in the Zhuan on the next par. gives some colour to their strictures.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, the viscount of Chu invaded Zheng, in order to relieve Qi, and attacked the eastern gate of its capital. He then halted at the marsh of Ji, while the States returned [from Yiyi] to relieve Zheng. The marquis of Jin ordered Zhang Ge and Fu Li to flout the army of Chu, when they begged Zheng to supply them with a charioteer. The people of Zheng consulted the tortoise-shell about the matter, and it was indicated that the appointment of Yuan Shequan would be fortunate. Zitaishu admonished him that he should not put himself on an equality with the officers of the great State; but he replied, "Whether they belong to a populous State or a small one, those above me are of the same degree." "Not so," said Taishu. "Small hillocks have no fir trees nor cypresses on them."
'The two officers sat in their tent, while Yuan Shequan waited outside. They took their food first, and then gave to him. They made him precede them in a wide war-chariot, while they followed in an easy one. It was not till they approached the army of Chu that they entered his carriage, and then they squatted on a cross board at the back, playing a couple of lutes. When they came quite near, Yuan dashed on without telling them. They took their helmets from the bowcase and put them on; and when they entered the entrenchments, they descended from the carriage, seized each a man and dashed him to the ground, seized each another, and carried him off under his arm. The chariot had drawn off out of the entrenchments, without waiting for them; but they sprang into it, took their bows, and began shooting. When they had got off, they resumed their squatting, playing upon their lutes. "Gongsun," said they [to their charioteer], "being in the same carriage, we are brothers; why did you act twice without consulting us?" "The first time," he replied, "I was thinking of nothing but entering [the camp]; just now I was afraid." What a hasty temper Gongsun has!" responded they, laughing.
'The viscount of Chu withdrew from the marsh of Ji and returned, when he sent Wei Qijiang with a force to escort Chen Wuyu [to Qi].
'The people of Wu, in consequence of the naval attack on them by Chu (par. 3), invited the people of Shujiu to join them, and they agreed to revolt from Chu. The viscount was then with his army in Huangpu, and sent Shou, commandant of Shen, and Shi Qili to reprove them. The viscount of Shujiu met the two officers reverently, and assured them there was no such thing, requesting also to be allowed a covenant. When they returned with this report to the king, he [still] wanted to attack the place; but Weizi said, "No. They say they are not revolting, and they ask us to impose a covenant on them. If you now go on to attack them, you are attacking the guiltless. Let us return for a time, and give the people rest, to wait for the issue. If the issue be that they show no disaffection, we have nothing more to ask of them. If after all they do revolt, they will have no excuse, and we can take successful action." Accordingly [the army of Chu] returned.'
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Chen were taking further measures against the partizans of the Qing (See xxiii. 5); and Qian Yijiu fled from it to Chu.
Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Qi had [for the king] rebuilt the wall of Jia (The Jiaru of the Zhuan on VII. iii. 4). Mushu went to Zhou on a mission of friendly inquiries, and to congratulate the court on the rebuilding of the wall. The king admired his courteous deportment, and gave him a great carriage.'
The floods mentioned in par. 6 had extended to the capital, and the wall of the king's city had been thrown down. Qi had rebuilt it, wishing, in its differences with Jin, to conciliate the king's favour. The critics observe that this was the first mission which Xiang had sent to the court, though he had been 5 times to Jin, since his accession, and been 13 times present at meetings of the States.
Par. 13. There was a 饑 twice in the time of duke Xuan;—see VII. x. 18, xv. 10. Here we have the record of a great ji.' Guliang says here:——'When one of the [five] grains does not ripen, there is said to be a yan (隒, a deficiency); when two, a ji (饑); when three, a jin (饉); when four, a kang (康); when the whole five, a great qin (侵), or a great ji. In a great qin the rules were that the king should not have two dishes at once, nor plaster his towers and terraces; that he should discontinue his archery feasts, and leave the road in the archery ground uncared for; that different offices should be maintained, but nothing done in them; and that the Spirits should be prayed to, but no sacrifices offered.'
According to the rules of government, duke Xiang should have been prepared for such a season with the accumulations of eight years' superabundance; but it is assumed to have come on the State without any such provision for it.
[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative:——'The marquis of Jin had appointed a favourite, called Cheng Zheng, to be assistant-commander of the third army. When Gongsun Hui, the messenger of Zheng, was at Jin on a friendly mission, Cheng Zheng, asked him, saying, "I venture to inquire what is the meaning of descending the steps [to meet a guest]" Ziyu (Hui) was not able to reply; but on his return he told Ranming of the circumstance. Ranming said, "He is going to die, or he is going to become a fugitive. Men of high rank know to be apprehensive; being apprehensive, they think of showing humility; and so there are those steps. They are simply emblematic of condescending to others; what is there to be asked about them? To desire to descend, when one has ascended high, is the part of a wise man; Cheng Zheng is not capable of it. Is he to be banished for something? Or if not, is he out of his mind with some perplexity, and feeling the sorrow of approaching death?"']
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, Cui Shu of Qi led a force and attacked our northern borders.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Yihai, Cui Shu of Qi murdered his ruler Guang.
3. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in Yiyi.
4. In the sixth month, on Renzi, Gongsun Shezhi of Zheng led a force, and entered [the capital of] Chen.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jisi, the States made a covenant together in Chongqiu.
6. The duke arrived from the meeting.
7. The marquis of Wey entered into Yiyi.
8. Qu Jian of Chu led a force, and extinguished Shujiu.
9. In winter, Gongsun Xia of Zheng led a force, and invaded Chen.
10. In the twelfth month, E, viscount of Wu, invaded Chu, and died in an attack on one of the gates of Chao.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This was in retaliation for the expedition of Meng Xiaobo (See par. 2 of last year). The duke was distressed about it, and [was going to] send information to Jin, when Meng Gongchuo said to him, "Cuizi has a greater object in his mind. He is not set on troubling us; he is sure to return back soon:—why need you be distressed? His coming this time is without injuring us, and he does not treat the people with severity. It is very different from other invasions." The army of Qi returned empty-handed.'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The wife of the commandant of Tang of Qi was an elder sister of Dongguo Yan, who was a minister of Cui Wuzi. When the commandant died, Yan drove Wuzi [to his house] to offer his condolences. Wuzi then saw Tang Jiang (The wife of the commandant), and, admiring her beauty, wished Yan to give her to him for his wife. Yan said, "Husband and wife should be of different surnames. You are descended from [duke] Ding, and I from [duke] Huan; the thing cannot be." Wuzi consulted the milfoil about it, and got the diagram Kun (䷮; 困), which then became the diagram Daguo (䷛; 大過); which the diviners all said was fortunate. He showed it to Chen Wenzi, but he said, "The [symbol for] a man [in Kun] is displaced by that for wind [in Daguo]. Wind overthrows things. The woman ought not to be married. And moreover, [upon Kun] it is said, 'Distressed by rocks; holding to brambles; he enters his palace and does not see his wife. It is evil (see the Yi, on the third line of Kun)' 'Distressed by rocks;'—in vain does one attempt to go forward. 'Holding by brambles;'—that in which trust is placed wounds. 'He enters his palace and does not see his wife; it is evil:'—there is nowhere to turn to." Cuizi replied, "She is a widow; —what does all this matter? Her former husband bore the brunt of it." So he married her. Afterwards duke Zhuang had an intrigue with her, and constantly went to Cui's house. [On one occasion] he took Cui's hat and gave it to another person; and when his attendants said that he should not do so, he remarked. "Although he be not Cuizi, should he therefore be without a hat?"
'Cuizi [was enraged] by these things; and because the duke took occasion [of its troubles] to invade Jin, thinking that Jin would be sure to retaliate, he wished to murder the duke in order to please that State. He did not, however, find an opportunity, till the duke had whipt one of his attendants, called Jia Ju, whom notwithstanding he kept near him. This man then watched the duke for Cuizi.
'In summer, in the 5th month, on account of the affair at Juyu (See on xxiii. 13) the viscount of Ju came to the court of Qi, and on Jiaxu the duke entertained him in the north suburbs. Cuizi gave out that he was ill, and did not go to see the affair. Next day the duke went to ask for him, and went after the lady Jiang, who entered into a chamber, and passed out of it by a side door along with Cuizi, while the duke patted a pillar and sang. [In the meantime], his attendant Jia Ju stopped all the duke's followers, entered [the house himself], and shut the door. Men-at-arms made their appearance, and the duke, ascending a tower, begged them to let him off. They would not do so, and he then begged to make a covenant; but neither would they agree to this. He begged [finally] to be allowed to kill himself in the ancestral temple; but they again declined, all saying, "Your lordship's servant Shu is very ill, and cannot receive your commands. And this is near the duke's palace. We are watchmen, [and have to take] an adulterer. We can know nothing of two commands." The duke then attempted to get over a wall, when they shot and wounded him in the thigh; and as he fell backwards, they murdered him. Jia Ju, Zhou Chuo, Bing Shi, Gongsun Ao, Feng Ju, Duo Fu, Xiang Yi, and Lü Yin, all died at the same time.
'The priest Tuofu had been sacrificing in Gaotang, and when he came to report the execution of his commission, he was killed at Cui's house, before he could take off his cap. Shen Kuai should have been superintending the fishermen, but he retired [from that duty], and said to his steward, "You can make your escape with your family. I will die [here]." The steward replied, "If I made my escape, I should be acting contrary to your righteous course." So he went with him, and they both died. Cuizi also put to death Zong Mie in Pingyin.
'Yanzi stood outside the gate of Cui's house. His people said to him, "Will you die ?" "Was he my ruler only?" replied he. "Why should I die?" "Will you leave then?" "Is his death my crime? Why should I flee?" "Will you [now] go back to your house?" "Our ruler is dead. Where should I go back to? Is it the business of the ruler of the people to merely be above them? The altars of the State should be his chief care. Is it the business of the minister of a ruler merely to be concerned about his support? The nourishment of the altars should be his object. Therefore when a ruler dies or goes into exile for the altars, the minister should die or go into exile with him. If he die or go into exile for his seeking his own ends, who, excepting his private associates, would presume to bear the consequences with him? Moreover, when another man murders his ruler, how can I die with him? how can I go into exile with him? of what use would it be for me to return home?" When the gate was opened, he went into the house, pillowed the corpse upon his thigh, and wept. He then rose, gave three leaps up, and went out. People advised Cuizi to put him to death, but he said, "The people look up to him. Let him alone, and it will conciliate them."
'Lu Pugui fled to Jin, and Wang He fled to Ju. After Shusun Xuanbo (Shusun Qiaoru; see VIII. xvi. 13) took up his residence in Qi, Shuxun Huan introduced his daughter to duke Ling, with whom she became a favourite, and she bore him a son, [who now became] duke Jing. On Dingchou, Cui Shu raised him to the State, and became his chief minister, Qing Feng being minister of the Left. They made a covenant with the people of the State in the temple of Taigong, which began, "If we do not adhere to Cui and Qing," when Yanzi looking up to heaven, sighed and broke in with, "If I do not adhere to those who are faithful to the ruler and seek the good of the altars, may God witness it!" With this he smeared his lips with the blood.
'On Xinsi, the [new] duke and the great officers made a covenant with the viscount of Ju.
'The grand historiographer wrote [in his tablets]—Cui Shu murdered his ruler;"—for which Cuizi put him to death. Two of his brothers did the same after him, and were also put to death. A third wrote the same, and was let alone. The historiographer in the south, hearing that the grand historiographer and his brothers had died in this way, took his tablets and set out [for the court]; but learning on his way that the record was made, he returned.
'Lüqiu Ying wrapped up his wife in a curtain, put her into a carriage, and then got into it with Shen Xianyu, and quitted the capital. Xianyu pushed the lady out of the carriage, saying [to Ying], "You could not correct the ruler in his blindness, nor save him in his peril, nor die with him in his death, and yet you know how to conceal your wife here:—who will receive you ?" Coming to a narrow pass, they thought of resting in it, but Ying said, "Cui and Qing will be pursuing us!" The other replied, "Here it will be one to one. Who can frighten us?" They rested accordingly, and [Shen] slept with his head upon the reins. [In the morning], he fed their horses and then ate, himself yoked their carriage, and issued from the pass. When they had done so, he said to Ying, "Now urge on the horses to their speed. The multitudes of Cui and Qing could not [here] be withstood." In this way they came flying to Lu.
'Cuizi placed the coffin of duke Zhuang in the northern suburbs, and on Dinghai he buried it in the village of Shisun. There were [only] 4 plumes to the carriage; travellers were not warned out of the way; and there were [but] seven inferior carriages in the procession, without any men at arms.'
The Kangxi editors speak strongly against the conduct of Yan Ying, as described in the above Zhuan, and condemn his principle that, when a ruler dies in pursuing his own selfish ends, only his parasites can be expected to die with him. They would have a blind, unreasoning loyalty override every other consideration of duty.
Par. 3. Yiyi;—see the 8th par. of last year. The object of this meeting was to arrange for the invasion of Qi; but it was prevented in the manner described in the Zhuan:——'The marquis of Jin crossed the Pan, and assembled the States at Yiyi, [intending] to invade Qi, in retaliation for the campaign of Zhaoge (See on xxiii. 8). The people of Qi, however, wished to please Jin by [the death of] duke Zhuang, and sent Xi Chu to beg for peace. Qing Feng [also] went to the army [of Jin], with rows of men and women, and bribed the marquis with vessels from the ancestral temple and instruments of music. The six commanders [of Jin's armies], with the five [civil] officers and the thirty leaders, the great officers of the three armies, the superintendents of the different departments, and the multitude of officers, and those who had remained at home in charge of the State, all received gifts. The marquis granted peace, and sent Shuxiang to inform the princes that he had done so. The duke [of Lu] sent Zifu Huibo to reply, "That your lordship thus pardons the guilty, in order to give rest to our small States, is your kindness. I have heard your command."
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The marquis of Jin sent Wei Shu and Yuan Mo to meet the marquis of Wey (Who was a refugee in Qi; see xiv. 4), intending to make Wey give him Yiyi. Cuizi, however, detained the marquis's family, as a means of asking for Wulu [from Wey].']
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, the marquis of Chen had joined the viscount of Chu in invading Zheng (Par. 9 of last year), when the army of Chen had closed up the wells and cut down the trees along the ways by which they passed. The people of Zheng resented this conduct; and [now], in the 6th month, Zizhan and Zichan invaded Chen with a force of 700 chariots, dug through the wall [of the capital] in the night time, and entered it. The marquis of Chen fled with his eldest son, Yanshi, to the tombs. Meeting with the minister of War, Huanzi [on the way], he asked him to take them in his carriage, but he replied that he was inspecting the wall. [By-and-by], they met with Jia Huo, who was in a carriage with his mother and wife, but he put them down, and gave the carriage to the marquis. "You may leave your mother," said the marquis; but Huo declined doing so, saying that it would not be auspicious. He and his wife then supported his mother, fled to the tombs, and made their escape.
'Zizhan ordered the army not to enter the palace, and took post himself with Zichan to keep the gate of it. The marquis made the minister of War, Huanzi, present to them the vessels of the ancestral temple, while he himself, in mourning, and carrying the tablet from the altar of the land, caused a multitude of the men and women in separate ranks, and bound, to wait with him in the court [for their victors]. Zizhan then was introduced to him, carrying a cord in his hand, bowed to him twice with his head to the ground, and went forward, holding a cup of spirits, which he presented to him. Zimei (Zichan) entered, declared the number of his prisoners, and went out. [The two commanders] then made the [principal] priest sprinkle the altar of the earth, restored to the minister of Instruction [his lists of] the people, to the minister of War his seal, and to the minister of Works [his charts of] the ground; and returned to Zheng.'
Gao Kang well remarks, that of all the 'entrances' into cities or States mentioned in the Chunqiu, there is none where the hostilities were conducted so courteously as by Zizhan and Zichan.
Par. 5. Du Yu observes that there must be an error in the month here, for the day 已巳 must have been the 12th of the 7th month. The covenanting States must be those in par. 3. Chongqiu was in Qi, most probably in the dis. of Liaocheng (聊城), dep. Dongchang. Zuoshi says the covenant was made with reference to the peace which had been granted to Qi.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'Zhao Wenzi was [now] chief minister [of Jin], and gave orders to make the offerings required from the States lighter, and to behave to them with greater courtesy. Mushu had an interview with him, when he said, "Hostile movements may henceforth be had recourse to somewhat less." Cui and Qing of Qi have come [but] recently into the government of that State, and will wish to cultivate good relations with the rest of the States. I (Wu-武—was Zhao's name) know the chief minister of Chu. If I behave with respectful courtesy to him, and set him the example of polite communications, in order to give repose to the States, hostile measures may be obviated."]
Par. 7. This was duke Xian (獻公, 衎), who had been driven from Wey in Xiang's 14th year. Yiyi had been the capital of Xing, and on the extinction of that State by Wey, in the 25th year of duke Xi, it had of course belonged to it. The purpose of the marquis of Jin, mentioned in the Zhuan appended to par. 3, was now carried out. The Chunqiu at this point recognizes "two marquises" of Wey, the one in par. 5 being Piao (剽), who had been raised to the State on the expulsion of Kan.
Par. 8. Shujiu; —see on VII. viii. 7. It was the last of the Shu States, which Chu allowed to maintain a half sort of independence. The extinction of it here is the sequel of the narrative in the Zhuan on par. 9 of last year.—'Wei Ziping of Chu having died, Qu Jian became chief minister [in his room], with Qu Dang as the Mo'ao. The people of Shujiu in the end revolted, and the chief minister of Chu, Zimu [Qu Jian], proceeded to attack it. When he got to Licheng, a body of men from Wu came to its assistance. Zimu made a hurried march with the army of the right, and got before the rest of it to the city; but Zijiang, Xi Huan, Zijie, Zipian, and Ziyu, withdrew with the army of the left. The men of Wu thus occupied a position between the two bodies for seven days. Zijiang said [to Zimu], "Ere long it will be raining, and we shall be reduced to such a straitness of ground, that we must be made prisoners. Our best plan is to fight soon. Allow us with our troops here to make a feint, while you have your army drawn up in order to wait for the result. If we are successful, you will advance. If we have to fly, you will still see what is best to be done. In this way we can escape; otherwise, we are sure to fall prisoners to Wu." Zimu agreed to the plan, and the five men with their soldiers made an onset upon the troops of Wu, which fled. Going up a hill to look, however, and seeing that the [main] army of Chu was not supporting their pursuers, they turned and drove those before them, till they approached their army. Then the fugitives were joined by the rest of the army that had been prepared for the occasion, and the troops of Wu received a great defeat. The siege of Shujiu was then prosecuted, the people dispersed, and in the 8th month, Chu extinguished the State.'
Par. 9. For 夏 Gongyang has 囆. The Zhuan says:——'Zichan of Zheng [went] to Jin to report the victory [over Chen], and wore for the occasion his military attire. An officer (晉人; see below) asked what had been the offence of Chen, when Zichan replied, "In former times, Efu of Yu was chief potter to Zhou, and with his art did service to our first king [Wu], who, in consequence of the profit which he derived from him in the supply of vessels, and his being the descendant of the spiritual and intelligent [Shun], gave his own eldest daughter, Taiji, in marriage to [his son], duke Hu, and invested him with Chen, thus completing the number of the 'three honoured States.' Thus the princes of Chen originated with our Zhou, and to the present time their dependence has been on it. In the troubles which occurred [after the death of] duke Huan (see on II. v. 1, 6; vi. 4). the people of Cai wanted to raise to the State a prince of Chen whose mother was a daughter of Cai, when our ruler duke Zhuang placed Wufu in the marquisate. The people of Cai killed him, and then we and they appointed and maintained duke Li. The succeeding dukes, Zhuang and Xuan, both owed their dignity to us. In the troubles occasioned by the Xia family (see VII. x. 8; i. 5), duke Cheng was obliged to flee, but he owed his entrance [again] into his State to us, as [your] ruler knows.
'"Now Chen has forgotten its great obligations to Zhou, and makes no account of our great kindness to it, and has cast away [all consideration of] the affinity between us. Relying on the multitudes of Chu, it has behaved with a cruel insolence to our State, with a determination which could not have been anticipated. On this account we made last year the announcement to you on the subject (See the Zhuan after par. 1); and before we had received your explicit commands, [Chen and Chu had invaded us, and] attacked our east gate. The troops of Chen stopped up the wells and cut down the trees along the roads by which they marched. We were greatly afraid in the consciousness that we were not strong, and were ashamed of the disgrace thus done to Taiji. But Heaven moved our breasts and put it into our hearts; and Chen was made to acknowledge its offence, and surrender itself to us. And now we presume to report to you our success."
'The officer of Jin [further] asked why they encroached upon a small State. Zichan replied, "It was the command of the former kings, that, wherever there was guilt, it should in every case be punished. And moreover, the domain of the son of Heaven was fixed at 1000 li square, and that of the States at 100 li, and less according to a scale. But your great State now contains several times the amount of the king's domain. If you did not encroach upon small States, how have you reached this extent of territory?"
'The officer asked once more "Why do you appear in martial attire?" Zichan replied, "Our former rulers, Wu and Zhuang, were high ministers of the kings Ping and Huan. After the battle of Chengpu (In He's 28th year), [your] duke Wen issued his orders that princes should all resume their old offices, and [specially] charged our duke Wen in martial attire to help the king; and therein he reported [to the court] the victory over Chu. [I am now in that attire], because I do not dare to neglect the king's command." Shi Zhuangbo was not able to ask any more questions, and reported what had passed to Zhao Wenzi, who said, "His speeches are reasonable. To go against them would be inauspicious;" and accordingly he received Zichan.
'In winter, in the 10th month, Zizhan attended the earl of Zheng to Jin to acknowledge its acceptance of his service against Chen. Zixi again invaded Chen, when the two States made peace.
'Zhongni said, "An ancient book says, 'Words are to give adequate expression to one's ideas; and composition, to give adequate power to the words.' Without words, who would know one's thoughts; without elegant composition of the words, they will not go far. Jin was the leading State, and but for Zichan's well-composed speeches would not have acknowledged Zheng's entrance into Chen as good service. Zichan took great pains with his speeches." '
The notice in the text of the invasion of Chen, after what is told in par. 4. is strange, and Mao ventures to say that this was not properly an invasion, but an expedition to make a covenant of peace.
[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative about affairs in Chu:——'Wei Yan was made [grand] marshal of Chu, and Zimu (The chief minister) commissioned him to regulate the levies [of the State], and make a schedule of its weapons and buff-coats. On Jiawu, Wei Yan set about describing the [different] lands; measuring the forests; defining the meres; marking out the higher lands and the downs; distinguishing the poor and salt tracts; enumerating the boundaries of flooded districts; raising small banks on the plains between dykes; assigning the wet low grounds for pasturage; dividing the wide rich plains into jings (see Mencius, III.i.ch. III.13); determining the levies according to the income of each; assigning the [contribution of] carriages and of horses; and of footmen; with the number of buff-coats and shields. When he had completed his task, he delivered the result to Zimu. All this was proper.']
Par. 10. For 遏 Gong and Gu have 謁. Chao,—see VI.xii.4. The Zhuan says:——'Zhufan (The viscount of Wu,) now invaded Chu in return for its naval expedition (xxiv. 3), and attacked the gate of Chao. Niu Chen of that place said, "The king of Wu is daring and reckless. If we open the gate, he will attack it himself, and I shall have an opportunity to shoot him dead. Let him once die, and our boundaries will have a little rest." His advice was taken. The viscount attacked the gate, and Niu Chen shot him from behind a low wall, so that he died.'
This is the first occurrence in the text of 門 as a verb signifying to attack a gate (攻 門 曰 門. The character has often occurred in the Zhuan in this sense.
[We have now four narratives in the Zhuan: -—st. 'The viscount of Chu wanted to reward Zimu on account of his extinction of Shujiu, but that minister refused the reward, saying, "It was all the merit of our late great officer Weizi. The reward was given [accordingly] to Wei Yan.'
2d. 'Cheng Zheng of Jin died, and Zichan then learned for the first time [what] Ranming [had said about him] (See the Zhuan at the end of last year). He therefore now consulted him about the practice of government, and Ranming replied, "The people should be looked on as one's children; and when a bad man is seen, he should be taken off as a hawk pursues a sparrow." Zichan, full of joy, repeated his words to Zitaishu, saying, "Formerly I had seen only Mie's (Ranming's name) face, but now I see his heart." Taishu then asked Zichan about government, and got the reply, "Government is like the work of husbandry. You must think of it day and night, thinking of what is to be done first, and how the end is to be accomplished. Then labour at it morning and evening; but in what you do, do not go beyond what you have thought over;—just as the husbandmen keep within their dividing banks. In this way you will commit few errors." '
3d. 'Duke Xian of Wey opened a communication from Yiyi with Ning Xi, who agreed to his proposals (See the Zhuan at the end of the 20th year). When Taishu Wenzi heard of it, he said, "Ah! as it is said in the ode (Shi, II. v. ode III. 8),
'My person is rejected; Of what use is it to think of subsequent things? Ningzi may be said not to think of the future. Is what he is contemplating to be done? It cannot be done. The superior man, when he does anything, thinks of what will be the end of it, and whether it can be repeated. It is said in the Shu, (V. xvii. 6), 'Be careful of the beginning and reverent of the end; then in the end you will have no distress.' The ode (Shi, III.iii.ode VI. 4) says,
'Never idle, day nor night, In the service of the one man.' Ningzi is now dealing with his ruler not so carefully as if he were playing at chess. How is it possible for him to escape disaster? If a chess-player lifts his man without a definite object, he will not conquer his opponent; how much more must this be the case when one would put a ruler down without a definite object! He is sure not to escape ruin. Alas that by one movement a family whose Heads have been ministers for 9 generations should be extinguished!"
4th. 'In the year of the meeting at Yiyi, (This belongs to the 24th year), the people of Qi walled Jia (for the king). In the 5th month, Qin and Jin made a peace, Hanqi of Jin going to Qin to make a covenant, and Boju of Qin going to Jin to make one. The peace thus concluded, however, was not firmly knit.']
1. In the [duke's] twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Xinmao, Ning Xi of Wey murdered his ruler Piao.
2. Sun Linfu of Wey entered Qi, and held it in revolt.
3. On Jiawu, Kan, marquis of Wey, returned to his dignity in that State.
4. In summer, the marquis of Jin sent Xun Wu to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
5. The duke had a meeting with an officer of Jin, Liang Xiao of Zheng, an officer of Song, and an officer of Cao, in Chanyuan.
6. In autumn, the duke of Song put to death his heir-son Cuo.
7. The people of Jin seized and held prisoner Ning Xi of Wey.
8. In the eighth month, on Renwu, Ning, baron of Xu, died in Chu.
9. In winter, the viscount of Chu, the marquis of Cai, and the marquis of Chen, invaded Zheng.
10. There was the burial of duke Ling of Xu.
[The Zhuan introduces here the narrative of an occurrence in Jin, which probably took place in the 1st month of this year:——"'This spring, Qian, a younger brother of the earl of Qin, went to Jin, to cultivate the good relations [into which the States had recently entered] (See the 4th narrative at the end of last year). Shuxiang gave orders to call the internuncius Ziyuan, when another, Zizhu, said, "I ought to go in [this time]." Thrice he said so, but Shuxiang gave him no answer, on which he became angry, and said, "His order and rank are the same as mine. Why do you [thus] degrade me in the court?" He then with his hand on his sword followed Shuxiang, who said to him, "Qin and Jin have been in unfriendly relations for a long time. If today's affair be successfully concluded, it will be a matter of relief for the State. Should it not be so, the bones of our soldiers will lie on the field. Ziyuan gives the words of the two States without any private admixture of his own, while you are continually changing them. Those who serve our ruler treacherously, I have power to keep back." And with this he shook his robe and followed him, till some parties came and separated them. Duke Ping said, "Jin cannot be far from being well governed! That about which my ministers quarrel is great." The music-master Kuang said, "I am afraid the duke's House will be reduced low. The ministers do not contend together with their minds, but quarrel with their strength; they do not make virtue their object, but strive to be [thought] excellent. When such selfish desires are rampant, can it escape being reduced low?" ']
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Xian of Wey wanted to send ["his brother] Zixian [to the capital] on the subject of his restoration, but Zixian declined the mission; and when [their mother], Jing Si, tried to force him to go, he replied, "The ruler will not keep his word. I am afraid I shall not escape the consequences." She said, "It may be so, but go on my account;" and he then agreed to go. Before this, the duke had opened a communication with Ning Xi, who said, "Zixian must come here. If he do not do so, the attempt is sure to be defeated." It was on this account that the duke [now] sent Zixian, who, not having succeeded in getting a [contrary] command from Jing Si, [went and] told Ning Xi the duke's message, "If I return, the government shall be in your hands, and the sacrifices in mine." Ning informed Qu Boyu [of the negotiation], and that officer said, "I would not listen to the matter of the ruler's expulsion (See the Zhuan on xiv. 4); dare I listen to his entrance again?" and he immediately went away, and left the State by the nearest gate upon the borders.
'Ning then told Gu, the administrator of the Right, who said, "Do not. You [Nings] will have been criminals in the case of two rulers. Who under heaven will bear you?" But Daozi (Xi) replied, "I received a charge [to do this] from my father (See the Zhuan at the end of the 20th year), and I cannot swerve from it." Gu then said, "Let me go [first] to Yiyi and see the duke." He accordingly did so, had an interview, and told Xi on his return, "The ruler has been long in sorrow abroad, even for 12 years; but there is no sadness in his looks, nor generosity in his speech. He is the same man that he was. If you do not abandon the enterprize, the day of your death is not distant." Daozi urged, "There is Zixian." "And what will be the advantage of Zixian?" replied Gu. "At the most he will have to go into exile;—what can he do for us?" Daozi replied, "Notwithstanding that, I cannot abandon the thing."
'[At this time], Sun Wenzi was in Qi; and [his son] Sun Jia was on a friendly mission to Qi, leaving [only] Sun Xiang in charge [at the capital]. In the 2d month, on Gengyin, Ning Xi and Gu, administrator of the Right, made an unsuccessful attack on [the house of] the Suns, but wounded Boguo (Xiang). Ningzi left the city and lodged [with his family] in the suburbs (To be ready for flight), but Boguo died [of his wound]; and while they were lamenting during the night in his house, the people called for Ning Xi, when he and Gu again attacked it, and took it. On Xinmao, [Xi] put to death Zishu (Piao; the marquis de facto), and his eldest son Jiao.
'The words of the text, "Ning Xi murdered his ruler Piao," show how the crime belonged to Ning Xi.'
Par. 2. Linfu was already in Qi, and did not need to enter it. The par. must be read as a whole, without any stop at 戚, the emphasis being on the concluding 以 叛. According to Zuo, Linfu now also transferred his allegiance to Jin. He says:——'Sun Linfu [now] went [over] to Jin with Qi. The words of the text, "entered into Qi to revolt" are condemnatory of his crime. The emolument of a minister (In this case derived from the revenues of Qi) really belongs to the ruler. When righteous relations obtain between them, the minister comes forward and discharges his duties. When such relations do not obtain, he should retire with his single person. If he assert a right to his emolument in order to meet his necessities, he deserves death.'
Par. 3. 復 歸,—see II. xv. 5, et al. The Zhuan here is a continuation of the two preceding:——'On Jiawu, the marquis of Wey entered the capital. The words, "returned to his dignity," intimate that it was the State which restored him (?). Of the great officers who met him at the borders, he took the hands, and spoke with them. To those who met him [afterwards] on the road, he bowed, [saluting them with his hands]. To those [who were waiting] at the gate, he only nodded. When he arrived, he sent to reprove Taishu Wenzi, saying, "While I have been [thus] long in sorrow outside, one and another officer let me hear, morning and evening, what was passing in Wey. It was only you who were not for me. The ancients had a saying, 'Do not be angry where you ought not to be angry.' I have reason to be angry [with you]." Wenzi replied, "I know my offences. In my incompetency I was not able to carry a halter and tether, and follow you to play the part of a herd and a groom;—this is my first offence. There were you who had left the State, and there was he who was in it; I was not able to play a double part, and keep up a communication between the outside and inside of the State;—this is my second offence. With these two offences, I dare not forget my duty to die." He was then leaving the State by the nearest barrier-gate, when the duke sent and stopped him.
[The Zhuan appends here two narratives:——1st. 'The people of Wey made an incursion into the eastern borders of Qi, when Sun Linfu complained of them to Jin, which sent a garrison to Maoshi. Zhi Chuo (He had fled from Qi to Wey) attacked the place, and killed 300 of the garrison. Sun Kuai pursued him, but did not dare to attack him, on which [his father] Wenzi said to him, "You are not equal to that devil." In consequence of this [Kuai] resumed the pursuit, and defeated the enemy at Yu, Yong Chu capturing Zhi Chuo. [Sunzi] again sent a complaint to Jin.'
2d. 'The earl of Zheng was rewarding the good service done in entering the capital of Chen, and in the third month, on Jiayin, he feasted Zizhan, and gave him a first [-class] carriage, and the robes of a minister of three degrees, along with 8 cities. He [also] gave Zichan a second [-class] carriage, and the robes of a minister of two degrees, along with 6 towns. Zichan declined the towns, saying, "The rule is that from the highest rank downwards the amount of gifts conferred should diminish by two each rank; and my place is only the 4th. The merit, moreover, belonged to Zizhan. I dare not assume that I ought to be rewarded. Allow me to decline the towns." The earl, however, pressed them upon him, and he accepted three. Gongsun Hui said, "Zichan will yet administer the government [of Zheng]; while declining [the earls's favours], he did not fail in courtesy].
Par. 4. Xun Wu was a son of Xun Yan, and appears as the Zhonghang Muzi (中 行 穆 子). The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin, in consequence of [the complaints of] Sun Linfu, called out the States, intending to punish Wey. This summer, Zhonghang Muzi came to Lu on a friendly mission, and called the duke [to the meeting].
[We have here the following narrative with reference to Zheng:——'The viscount of Chu, and an officer of Qin, made an incursion into Wu, as far as Yulou; but hearing that Wu was prepared for them, they returned, and proceeded to make an incursion into Zheng. In the 5th month they arrived at Chengjun, the garrison of which was commanded by Huang Jie, who went out and fought with the army of Chu. He was defeated, and taken prisoner, by Chuanfeng Xu, with whom, however, king [Gong's] son Wei disputed the right of his possession. They referred their claims to Bo Zhouli, who said. "Let us ask the prisoner." Accordingly he set Huang Jie [before them], and said to him, "These disputants are both men of high degree; you must know which of them [is in the right]." Then holding up his hand, he said, "That gentleman is Wei, a son of our king [Gong], and the honourable brother of our ruler." Holding it down, he said, " This gentlemman is Chuanfeng Xu, director of the district outside our wall of defence. Which of them took you?" The prisoner said, "It was when I met with the king's son that I became weak." Xu was enraged at this, took his spear, and pursued Wei, but could not overtake him. The people of Chu then took Huang Jie back with them. They had also made prisoner Yin Jinfu, who had been associated with Huang Jie in guarding of the city, and him they presented to Qin.
'The people of Zheng received property from Yin's family, with which to ask that he might be restored to them; and Zitaishu who had the superintendence of the government-manifestoes, agreed to make application for them [to Qin]. Zichan said to him, "You will not get him. [Qin] received him as a trophy of Chu, and if it should take property for him from Zheng, it would not deserve to be called a State. It will not do so. If you say, 'We acknowledge your lordship's diligent service for the State of Zheng. If it had not been for your lordship's kindness, the army of Chu would still have been at the foot of the wall of our capital;—that will succeed.'" The other did not take his counsel, and a messenger proceeded to Qin, but there they would not give up [their prisoner]. Zitaishu then changed the money into offerings of silk, took the counsel of Zichan, and obtained [Jinfu's release].'
Par. 5. Chanyuan,see xx. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, the duke had a meeting with Zhao Wu of Jin, Xiang Xu of Song, Liang Xiao of Zheng, and an officer of Cao, in Chanyuan,—to [arrange for] the punishment of Wey. They defined the boundaries of the lands of Qi, and took 60 [towns] belonging to Yishi in the western borders of Wey, and gave them to the Sun. Zhao Wu is not mentioned in the text,—out of honour to the duke (?); nor is Xiang Xu,—because he arrived late. [The representative of Zheng] arrived before that of Song, and so has a place before him in the list.
'At this meeting the marquis of Wey [also] made his appearance, [but he was not admitted to it]. The people of Jin seized Ning Xi and Beigong Yi, and sent Ru Qi back with them to [Jin], before doing anything else about them. The marquis of Wey then went to Jin, where he was seized, and given in charge to Shi Ruo as a prisoner. In autumn, in the 7th month, the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng went to Jin in the interest of the marquis of Wey. The marquis entertained them at the same time, and sang the Jia le (Shi, III. ii. ode V.). Guo Jingzi was in attendance on the marquis of Qi, and sang the Lu xiao (Shi, II. ii. ode IX.). Zizhan was in attendance on the earl of Zheng, and sang the Ziyi (Shi, I. vii. ode I.). Shuxiang instructed the marquis to acknowledge [the compliment paid by] the two princes, and then said, "My ruler ventures to thank the ruler of Qi for the rest which he secures to the ancestral tablets of our former princes. He ventures also to thank the ruler of Zheng for his unswerving adherence."
'Guozi made Yan Pingzhong say privately to Shuxiang, "The ruler of Jin displays his brilliant virtue to the States, compassionating their distresses, repairing their defects, correcting their errors, and relieving their troubles. In this way he is the lord of covenants; but how is it that he has now in the behalf of a subject seized the ruler?" Shuxiang told this to Zhao Wenzi, who reported it to the marquis. The marquis explained to him the offence of the marquis of Wey (The slaughter of the garrison of Maoshi; see the first narrative appended to par. 3), and made Shuxiang inform the two princes of it. Guozi on this sang the Pei zhi rou (A lost ode), and Zizhan sang the Jiang Zhongzi xi (Shi, I. vii. ode II.). After this the marquis granted the return of the marquis of Wey. Shuxiang said, "Of the [descendants of the] seven sons of duke Mu of Zheng, the Han will be the last to perish. Zizhan is moderate and single-hearted."'
Par. 6. Guliang has 座 for 痤. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Rui, minister of Instruction in Song, had a daughter born to him, who was so red and hairy, that he made her be thrown away under a bank. A concubine belonging to the harem of Gong Ji (The duke of Song's mother) found her, and took her to the palace, where she was named Qi (Castaway). As she grew up, she became beautiful; and one evening, when duke Ping paid the customary visit to his mother, and was detained by her to supper, he saw the young lady, and looked at her intently. His mother in consequence introduced her to his bed. She became a favourite with him, and bore a son called Zuo (左; not the Zuo in the text), who was ugly but winning. [The duke's] eldest son, Cuo, was beautiful, but quarrelsome. [Xiang Xu) of He, the master of the Left, was afraid of him, and hated him. The head of the eunuchs, Huiqiang Yili, was his master in the palace, but had no favour with him.
'This autumn, a visitor from Chu, who was going on a friendly mission to Jin, passed by [the capital of] Song, and as the prince knew him, he asked leave to go out and give him an entertainment in the country. The duke commissioned him to go, when Yili asked leave to follow him. "Does he not hate you?" asked the duke. The eunuch replied, "When a small man like me serves a superior man like him, though hated, he does not presume to keep far from him, and though loved he does not presume to keep too near him. I will respectfully wait for his commands;—dare I have a double mind? There may be people to supply his outer wants, but there are none to supply his inner. Please allow me to go." The duke sent him after the prince. But when he arrived at the place, he took the blood of an animal as if for a covenant, placed a writing [on the vessel containing it], to attest what he meant to say, and then hurried away and told the duke that the prince was going to raise an insurrection, and had made a covenant with the visitor from Chu. "He is my [eldest] son," said the duke; "what more does he want?" "He wishes your speedy [death]," was the reply. The duke sent to see [the place], and certainly there was [the prearranged evidence]. He then asked his wife, and the master of the Left, who both declared that they had heard of the thing. On this he imprisoned the prince, who said, "None but Zuo can get me off." He called his brother, and sent him to intercede for him, saying, "If you do not come by midday, I shall know that I must die." The master of the Left heard of the arrangement, and kept up a [ceaseless] talk with the brother, till it was past time, and the prince strangled himself, after which his brother was declared successor to his father. By-and-by the duke ascertained that the prince had not been guilty, and boiled Yili.
'[One day], the master of the Left saw a man exercising the horses of [the duke's] lady, and asked him [whose they were]. "They belong," said the man, "to the duchess." "Who is the duchess?" asked the other; "how is it that I do not know?" The groom went home and told the lady, who thereupon sent to the master a piece of jade, followed by some embroidered silk, and a horse. The messenger said, "The ruler's concubine Qi has sent me to present these things." The master of the Left made him say "The duchess" instead, then bowed twice with his head to the ground, and received the gifts.'
Par. 7. The seizure was made at the meeting in Chanyuan; but Du Yu supposes that the announcement of it to the States was not made till after the return of the officers of Jin from that place, and hence it is entered here as taking place in the autumn. From the account which we have of the death of Xi in Wey in the next year, we must suppose that Jin released him when it released the marquis of that State, of the seizure of whom the text makes no mention.
[The Zhuan appends here two narratives:——1st. 'When the earl of Zheng returned from Jin, he sent Zixi to that State on a mission of friendly inquiries, and to make the following speech:——"My ruler came and troubled your ministers, so that he is afraid he must have incurred the charge of offending you, and has sent me to apologize for his want of intelligence,' The superior man will say that he knew well how to serve a great State.'
2d. 'Before this, Wu Can of Chu and Zizhao, the grand-master of Cai, were friends, and Can's son Wu Ju was [also] attached to [Zizhao's son], Shengzi. Wu Ju married [? a daughter of] king [Gong's son, Mou, who was duke of Shen, and obliged to flee from the State. The people of Chu said that he had been escorted away by Wu Ju, who then fled to Zheng, intending to continue his flight from thence to Jin. Shengzi was going at the time on a mission to Jin, and met him in the suburbs of Zheng. They spread some jing branches on the ground, ate together, and talked about [whether Ju could] return [to Chu]. Shengzi said, "Go your way now. I will be sure to procure your return."
'When Xiang Xu of Song was trying to reconcile Jin and Chu, Shengzi was sent to communicate with Jin; and on his return, he went to Chu. The chief minister, Zimu, talked with him, and asked about things in Jin. He asked him also whether the great officers of Jin or those of Chu were the superior. "The high ministers of Jin," replied Shengzi, "are not equal to those of Chu, but the great officers are superior. Every one of them has the abilities of a minister. And like the wood of the qi and the zi, like skins and leather, they go from Chu. The materials are Chu's, but the using of them is Jin's." "And is Jin alone," asked the minister, "without its clans [connected with its ruling House], and its families in the relation of affinity?" "It has these," the other replied, "but it makes much use of the materials supplied to it by Chu. I (His name was Guisheng, 歸 生) have heard this, that the skilful administration of a State is seen in rewarding without error and punishing without excess. If rewards be conferred beyond what is proper, there is a danger of some reaching bad men; and if punishments be inflicted in excess, there is a danger of some reaching good men. If unfortunately mistakes cannot be avoided, it is better to err in the matter of rewards than of punishments. It is better that a bad man get an advantage than that a good man be lost. If there be not good men, the State will follow them [to ruin]. The words of the ode (Shi, III. iii. ode X. 5),
'Men there are not, And the kingdom is sure to go to ruin,' are descriptive of the consequences of there being no good men. And so in one of the Books of Xia it is said, 'Rather than put to death an innocent person, you run the risk of irregularity;' indicating the fear that should be entertained of losing the good. In the sacrificial odes of Xia [Shang] (Shi, IV. iii. V. 4) it is said,
'He erred not in rewarding or punishing; He dared not to be idle. So was his appointment established over the States, And his happiness was made grandly secure.' '"It was thus that Tang obtained the blessing of Heaven. The ancient rulers of the people encouraged themselves in rewarding, and stood in awe of punishing, and their compassion for the people was untiring. They rewarded in spring and summer; they punished in autumn and winter. Thus it was that when they were going to reward, they increased the number of their dishes, and in doing so they gave abundantly [to their ministers]:—showing us by this how they rejoiced in rewarding. But when they were going to punish, they would not take a full meal, and at the same time silenced their music:——showing us by this how they shrank from punishing. Early they rose and went to sleep late; morning and evening they were occupied with the government:—showing us how anxious they were for [the welfare of the people. These three things are the great points of propriety [in a government]; and where there is such propriety, there will be no such thing as overthrow.
'"Now in Chu there are many wrongful punishments, through which its great officers fly from it, and die everywhere in the other States, to which they become counsellors to the injury of Chu; and this error cannot be cured:—this is what I mean by saying that [Chu] cannot use its materials. In the insurrection raised by Ziyi (See the Zhuan after V. xiv. 7), the duke of Xi fled to Jin, the people of which placed him in the rear of their chariots, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of Raojiao (See the Zhuan on VIII. vi. 11), Jin was going to retreat, when he said, 'The army of Chu is excitable, and may be easily dispersed. If you beat many drums all at once, and attack it by night, it will be sure to retire.' The commanders of Jin took his advice, and the army of Chu dispersed in the night. [The army of] Jin in consequence made an incursion into Cai, surprised Shen, and took its ruler captive (See the Zhuan on VIII. viii. 2), defeated the armies of Shen and Xi at Sangsui, captured Shen Li, and returned to its own State. On this Zheng no [longer] ventured to turn its face to the south, and Chu lost [its influence with] the States [of the north]:—all was the doing of the duke of Xi.
'"The uncle and brother of Yongzi slandered him, and your ruler and the great officers did not accept his explanations. On this he fled to Jin, where they gave him [the city of] Chu, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of Pengcheng (See VIII. xviii. 5), Chu and Jin met in the valley of Mijiao; and the army of Jin was about to fly, when Yongzi sent orders through it, saying, 'Let the old and the young return home. Send back single sons and the sick. Where there are two soldiers of one family, let one of them return. Select your weapons, and examine your carriages. Feed your horses, and take a good meal. When the army has been marshalled, burn your resting places. Tomorrow we shall fight.' [Immediately after], they sent off those who were to return, and let loose their Chu prisoners. [In consequence], the army of Chu disappeared in the night; Jin obliged Pengcheng to surrender and restored it to Song; and carried Yu Shi, back with its army to Jin. That Chu lost the Yi States of the east, and the death of Zixin (See v. 6), were both the doing of Yongzi.
'"Zifan had a contention with Ziling about Xia Ji (See the 1st narrative in the Zhuan after VIII. ii. 6), and injuriously defeated his intentions, so that Ziling fled to Jin, where they gave him [the city of] Xing, and employed him to direct their counsels. He made head for them against the Di of the north, brought about a communication between Wu and Jin, and made Wu revolt from Chu. He taught its people how to use carriages, to shoot, to drive, to make headlong charges, and to make incursions. He placed his son Hu Yong in Wu to direct its communications with other States. Wu then invaded Chao, took Jia, subdued Ji, and took Zhoulai. Chu was wearied with flying about at the instance of the various States, and still suffers the distress of it;—all through the doing of Ziling.
'"In the insurrection of the Ruo'ao (See the Zhuan at the end of VII. iv.) Fenhuang, the son of Bofen fled to Jin, where they gave him Miao, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of Yanling (VIII. xvi, 6), Chu came close up in battle array to the army of Jin, which was about to flee. Then Fenhuang of Miao said, 'The best troops of Chu are in their centre army, which contains only the royal clans. If we close up the wells, and level the cooking places, we can marshal our host to meet the enemy. Let Luan and Fan change their ranks in order to deceive them, and then Zhonghang, with the two Xi, will be sure to vanquish the two Mu. Collecting then on every side of them, and attacking the royal clans, we shall give them a great defeat.' The people of Jin followed his counsel, and the army of Chu was severely defeated. The king was wounded, and the army suffered as from a conflagration. Zifan died in consequence of the defeat (See VIII. xvi. 7). Zheng revolted, Wu put itself in motion, and Chu lost all the States;—through the doing of Miao Fenhuang." "This is all correct," said Zimu. "And there is now something worse than this," rejoined Shengzi, "Jiao Ju (? Ju of Jiao) married a daughter of Zimou, duke of Shen; and when Zimou was driven into exile for some offence, the great officers of your ruler said that Ju had sent him away. Ju became frightened and fled to Zheng, but kept looking with outstretched neck to the south, thinking that perhaps he might be forgiven. But you have not given him a thought, and now he is in Jin. There they mean to give him a district, considering that he is equal to Shuxiang. If he give them counsel to the injury of Chu, will it not be a matter of sorrow?" Zimu was afraid, and spoke on the subject to the king, who increased Ju's revenue and rank, and brought him back, Shengzi sending Jiao Ming to meet him.']
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Ling of Xu went to Chu, and begged that it would invade Zheng, saying that he would not return [to Xu] till the army was in motion; and in the 8th month, he died in Chu.' Xu's wish that Zheng should be invaded, dates from the invasion of Xu in xvi. 7.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu said, "If I do not invade Zheng, on what ground can I seek [the submission of] the States?" [Accordingly], in winter, in the 10th month, he invaded that State. The people of Zheng wished to resist him, but Zichan said, "Jin and Chu are about to become friends, and the States will be in harmony. The king of Chu has blindly erred therefore in this attack on us. Our best plan is to let him have his way and return. Things will then be easily settled. As to those small men whose nature it is to be moved to deeds of daring, and to like times of confusion, thereby gratifying their nature and seeking for fame, [their schemes] will not be for the advantage of the State;—why should we follow them?" Zizhan was pleased, and did not resist the enemy. In the 12th month, on Yiyou, [the troops of Chu] entered Nanli, and threw down the wall of it. They then crossed at [the ford of] Yueshi, and attacked the gate Shizhiliang, when nine men were captured by letting the port-cullis down. They [finally] crossed the Fan, and returned to Chu, after which [the viscount] buried duke Ling of Xu.'
Par. 10. [We have here three narratives:——1st. 'The people of Wey presented a daughter of their house to [the marquis of] Jin, on which he liberated the marquis of Wey. The superior man knows from this what a failure the government of duke Ping was.'
2d. 'Han Xuanzi went on a friendly mission to Zhou. The king sent to ask his business, when he said, "A [humble] officer of Jin, I wish to present the dues of the season to the subordinates of the prime minister. I have no other business." When the king heard his reply, he said, 'This Han will flourish and be great in Jin. In his speeches he does not fail to observe the old rules."'
3d. 'In the summer of the year that the people of Qi walled Jia (In the 24th year), Wu Yu of Qi fled to Jin, making over to it [the city of] Linqiu. [Afterwards], he surprised Yangjiao of Wey, and took it, and then took by surprise our Gaoyu. There was then a great rain, and he managed to enter by the drains, plundered the military store, mounted the wall, his men having armed themselves from the store, conquered and took the city. He also took a city from Song. At this time Fan Xuanzi was dead, and the States were not able to deal [with this marauder]; but when the government came into the hands of Zhao Wenzi, he was dealt with at last. Wenzi said to the marquis, "Jin is lord of covenants. If any of the States encroach on one another, we punish them, and make them restore the lands they have taken. Now all the cities of Wu Yu are of the kind for which punishment should in this way be inflicted. If we covet them, we are not fit to be lords of covenants. Let them be returned." The duke agreed and said, "Who is proper to be sent on such a mission?" Wenzi said, 'Xu Liangdai can execute it without any military force." The duke sent him on the duty.']
1. In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, in spring, the marquis of Qi sent Qing Feng to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
2. In summer, Shusun Bao had a meeting with Zhao Wu of Jin, Qu Jian of Chu, Gongsun Guisheng of Cai, Shi E of Wey, Kong Huan of Chen, Liang Xiao of Zheng, an officer of Xu, and an officer of Cao, in Song.
3. Wey put to death its great officer Ning Xi.
4. Zhuan, younger brother of the marquis of Wey, left the State, and fled to Jin.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Xinsi, Bao and the great officers of the States made a covenant in Song.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yihai, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
[There follows here the conclusion of the narrative at the end of last year:——'This spring, Xu Liangdai called all who had lost cities to come, prepared secretly with chariots and men, to receive their lands; he also called Wu Yu to come, prepared in the same way to receive investiture. Yu appeared accordingly with all his people, and Xu made the princes assume an appearance as if they were going to invest him [with the cities]. He then took the opportunity to seize Yu, and make prisoners of all his followers, after which he took all the cities, and returned them to their owners. This event made the States all well-affected to Jin].'
Par. 1. The object of this visit was to introduce, as it were, the new marquis of Qi to Lu. The Zhuan says:——'Qing Feng of Qi came to Lu on a friendly mission. His carriage was handsome, and Mengsun said to Shusun, "Is not Qing Ji's carriage handsome?" Shusun replied, "I have heard that when a man's robes are finer than befits him, he will come to an evil end. What is the use of the fine carriage?" Shusun gave the envoy an entertainment, at which he did not behave himself respectfully. The host sang with reference to him the Xiang shu, (Shi, I. iv. ode VIII.), but Qing Feng did not understand his meaning.'
Parr. 2,5. Here and afterwards, for 孔 奐, Gong has 孔瑗. By 'Song' we are to understand here the capital of that State. The Zhuan says:——'Xiang Xu of Song was on good terms with Zhao Wenzi [of Jin], and also with Zimu, the chief minister [of Chu]. Wishing to stop the [constant] wars of the States, and thereby get a name, he went to Jin, and told his object to Zhaomeng (Zhao Wu, or Wenzi), who consulted with the great officers upon it. Han Xuanzi said, "War is destructive to the people, an insect that eats up the resources [of a State], and the greatest calamity of the small States. If any one try to put an end to it, though we may think it cannot be done, we must sanction his proposal. If we do not, Chu will do so, and proceed to call the States together, so that we shall lose the presidency of covenants." They then agreed in Jin [to Xu's proposals]. He next went to Chu, where they also did the same.
He went to Qi, and there they were raising difficulties; but Chen Wenzi said, "Since Jin and Chu have agreed, how can we decline? And men will say that we refused to sanction the stoppage of wars, which will certainly make our people disaffected. Of what use will it be for us to decline?" So they agreed in Qi. He sent word [of his plan] to Jin which also agreed. He then sent word to all the smaller States, and arranged for a meeting at [the capital of] Song.
'In the 5th month, on Jiachen, Zhao Wu of Jin arrived at that city, and on Bingwu, Liang Xiao of Zheng arrived. In the 6th month, on Dingwei, the 1st day of the moon, they feasted Zhao Wenzi in Song, with Shuxiang as subordinate to him, when the marshal caused the dishes to be set forth with the meat in pieces upon them;—which was proper. Zhongni made [? me introduce here] this ceremony, because it afforded opportunity for many speeches. On Wushen, Shusun Bao, Qing Feng of Qi, Xu Wu of Chen, and Shi E of Wey arrived. On Jiayin, Xun Ying of Jin arrived, subsequent to the arrival of Zhao Wu. On Bingchen, duke Dao of Zhu arrived. On Renxu, the Gongzi Heigong of Chu arrived before [the prime minister], and settled the words [of the covenant] on the part of Jin. On Dingmao, Xiang Xu went to Chen, following Zimu, to settle the words on the part of Chu. Zimu said to him that he had to request that the States which followed Jin and Chu respectively should be required—those of the one side to appear at the court of the other. On Gengwu, Xiang Xu returned to report this to Zhaomeng, who said, "Jin, Chu, Qi, and Qin are equals; Jin can do nothing more with Qi than Chu can do with Qin. If Chu can make the ruler of Qin condescend to come to our capital, our ruler will earnestly request [the ruler of] Qi to go to Chu." On Renshen, the master of the Left (Xiang Xu) went to report this answer to Zimu, who despatched a courier to lay it before the king [of Chu]. The king said, "Leave Qi and Qin out, and let the other States be required to appear at both our courts.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, on Wuyin, the master of the Left arrived [from Chen]; and that night, Zhaomeng and Zixi (The Gongzi Heigong) made a covenant about the terms to be adopted. On Gengchen, Zimu arrived from Chen, and at the same time Kong Huan of Chen and Gongsun Guisheng of Cai. When the great officers of Cao and Xu were also arrived, they made an encampment with fences, Jin and Chu each occupying one side of it. Bo Su said to Zhaomeng, "The spirit of Chu is very bad. I fear there will be trouble;" but Zhaomeng replied, "We are on the left, and can turn and go into the city. What can they do to us?"'
On Xinsi they were about to covenant outside the western gate, when the men of Chu wore their armour under their outer clothes. Bo Zhouli said [to Zimu], "The multitude of the States are assembled here, and is it not undesirable [now] to show them our want of good faith? The States expect good faith from Chu, and on that account they come to [indicate] their submission to it. If we do not keep faith, we are throwing away that by which we must effect the submission of the States." He then earnestly begged that the armour might be put off; but Zimu said, "There has been no good faith between Jin and Chu for long. We have to do merely with getting the advantage. If we get our will, what is the use of having good faith?" The grand-administrator on this retired, and told [some people] that the chief minister would die in less than 3 years. "When he is seeking to get his will," he said "and casts away his faith, how can his will be got in that way? It is from the purpose in the mind that words come forth; it is by words that good faith is declared; and it is by good faith that the purpose in the mind is realized. The three are necessary in order to the stability of man. Having lost his good faith, how can he continue for three [years]?" Zhaomeng was troubled by the men of Chu wearing their armour, and told Shuxiang of it, who said to him, "What harm can it do? It will not do for even an ordinary man to violate his faith;—the end of it is sure to be his death. If they, at this meeting of the ministers of the States, commit a breach of faith, they will not be successful by it. He who is false to his word is sure to suffer for it. You need not be troubled about this. If they call men together by [assurances of] their good faith, and go on to accomplish their purpose by violating it, there will be none who will adhere to them. How can they injure us? And moreover, we have [the capital of] Song to depend on, to guard against any injury. Thus we should be able to resist to the death, and with Song doing the same, we should be twice as strong as Chu;—what are you afraid of? But it will not come to this. Having called the States together to put a stop to war, if they should commence hostilities to injure us, our advantage would be great. There is no ground for being troubled."
'Ji Wuzi sent to say to Shusun, [as if] by the duke's command, that Lu should be considered in the same rank as Zhu and Teng. But Qi had requested [that] Zhu [should be considered as attached to it], and Song had done the same in regard to Teng, so that neither of these States took part in the covenant. Shusun replied, "Zhu and Teng are like the private possessions of other States. We are a State among them. Why should we be put on the same footing as those? Song and Wey are [only] our peers." And accordingly he covenanted. On this account the text [of par. 5] does not give his clan-name, intimating that he had disobeyed orders.
'Jin and Chu disputed about the precedence [at the covenant]. On the side of Jin they said, "Jin certainly is the lord of covenants. No State has has ever taken precedence of it." On the side of Chu they said, "You have allowed that Jin and Chu are peers. If Jin always take the precedence, that is a declaration that Chu is weaker than it. And moreover, Jin and Chu have presided in turns over the covenants of the States for long. How does such presidency belong exclusively to Jin?" Shuxiang said to Zhaomeng, "The States acknowledge Jin because of the virtue [of its government], and not because it presides over their covenants. Let that virtue be your chief concern, and do not quarrel for the point of precedence. Moreover, at the covenants of the States, it is understood that the smaller States should superintend the instruments of the covenanting. If Chu will act this smaller part for Jin, is it not proper that it should do so?" Accordingly the precedence was given to Chu. The text, however, mentions Jin first, because of its good faith (?).
'On Renwu, the duke of Song entertained the great officers of Jin and Chu at the same time, Zhaomeng being the [chief] guest. When Zimu conversed with him, he was not able to reply to him [suitably], on which he made Shuxiang sit by him and maintain the conversation, when Zimu could not reply [suitably]. On Yiyou, the duke of Song and the great officers of the States covenanted outside the Meng gate. Zimu asked Zhaomeng of what kind had been the virtue of Fan Wuzi (Shi Hui), and was answered 'The affairs of his family were all well-regulated; in conversing [with his ruler] about the State, he concealed nothing; his officers of prayers set forth the truth before the Spirits, and used no speeches he could be ashamed of." When Zimu returned to Chu, he told this to the king, who said, "This was admirable! He was able to find favour both with Spirits and men. Right was it he should distinguish and aid five rulers of Jin, and make them the lords of covenants." Zimu also said to the king. "Well-deserved is the presidency of Jin. With Shuxiang to aid its ministers, Chu has no man to match him. We cannot contend with it." Xun Ying of Jin shortly went to Chu to ratify the covenant.
'The earl of Zheng entertained Zhaomeng [returning from Song] in Chuilong. Zizhan, Boyou, Zixi, Zichan, Zitaishu, and the two Zishi, were all in attendance on the earl. Zhaomeng said to them, "You seven gentlemen are all here with the earl, a [great] distinction and favour to me. Let me ask you all to sing, which will complete your ruler's beneficence, and likewise will show me your several minds. Zizhan then sang the Cao chong (Shi, I. ii. ode III.), and Zhaomeng said, "Good for a lord of the people, but I am not sufficient to answer to it." Boyou sang the Chun zhi ben ben (Shi, I. iv. ode V.), and Zhaomeng said, "Words of the couch should not go across the threshold; how much less should they be heard in the open country! This is what I cannot listen to." Zixi sang the 4th stanza of the Shu miao (Shi, II. iii. ode III.), and Zhaomeng said, "There is my ruler; how can I [accept this]?" Zichan sang the Xi sang (Shi. II. viii. ode IV.); and Zhaomeng said, "Allow me to accept the last stanza of that ode." Zitaishu sang the Ye you man cao (Shi. I. vii. ode XX.); and Zhaomeng said, "This is your kindness." Yin Duan (The 1st Zishi) sang the Xi shuai (Shi, I. x. ode I.); and Zhaomeng said, "Good! a lord who preserves his family! I have hope [of being such]." Gongsun Duan (the 2d Zishi) sang the Sang hu (Shi, II. vii. ode I.); and Zhaomeng said,
'While the cup passes round, they show no pride; Where should blessing and revenue go but to them?' If one can verify those words, though he should wish to decline blessing and revenue, would it be possible for him to do so?"
When the entertainment was ended, Wenzi (Zhaomeng) said to Shuxiang, 'Boyou will yet be put to death. We use poetry to express what is in our minds. He was calumniating his ruler in his mind; and though the earl would resent [the lines which indicated] that, he used them in honour of their guest. Can he continue long? He will be fortunate if exile precede his death." Shuxiang said, "Yes; and he is extravagant. The saying about not lasting five harvests is applicable to him." Wenzi added, "The rest of them will all continue for several generations; and the family of Zizhan will be the last to perish. Though his rank be high, he has not forgotten to be humble. Yin [Duan] is next to him. He can enjoy himself without wild indulgence. Using [his love of] pleasure to give rest to the people, and not exacting services from them to an excessive degree, is it not right he should long perpetuate his family?"
'[Xiang Xu], Song's master of the Left, asked that he might be rewarded, saying, "Please grant me some towns for arresting the occasion of death." The duke gave him sixty towns, and he showed the grant to Zihan, who said to him, "It is by their arms that Jin and Chu keep the small States in awe. Standing in awe, the high and low in them are loving and harmonious; and through this love and harmony they can keep their States in quiet, and thereby serve the great States. In this is the way of preservation. If they were not kept in awe, they would become haughty. That haughtiness would produce disorder; that disorder would lead to their extinction. This is the way of ruin. Heaven has produced the five elements which supply men's requirements, and the people use them all. Not one of them can be dispensed with;—who can do away with the instruments of war? They have been long in requisition. It is by them that the lawless are kept in awe, and accomplished virtue is displayed. Sages have risen to their eminence by means of them; and men of confusion have been removed. The courses which lead to decline or to growth, to preservation or to ruin, of blindness on the one hand, of intelligence on the other, are all to be traced to these instruments; and you have been seeking to do away with them:—is not your scheme a delusion? No offence can be greater than to lead the States astray by such a delusion. You have escaped without a great punishment, and yet you have sought for reward;—with an extreme insatiableness." With this he cut [to pieces the document], and cast it away. The master of the Left on this declined the towns, [in consequence of which] members of his family wished to attack the minister of Works (Zihan]. Xu, however, said to them, "I was on the way to ruin, when he preserved me. I could not have received a greater service;—and are you to attack him?"
'The superior man will say, "May we not consider [the lines (Shi, I. vii. ode VI. 2)],
"That officer In the country ever holds to the right," as applicable to Yue Xi (Zihan)? and [those other lines, (Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode II.)],
"How shall he show his kindness? We will receive [his favour],' as applicable to Xiang Xu!"'
I have thrown the Zhuan on these two paragraphs together, because they relate to the same transaction, the details of which extended over several months, and because we cannot reconcile the latter par and the narrative under it, without having recourse to the narrative under the second.
From the Zhuan under par. 2, we learn that the representatives of 14 States (Including Song), came to the capital of that State, as if to be present at the meeting; but the text mentions only 9 of them as taking part in it (Not including Song); but we learn also from it that the States of Qi and Qin were exempted from it because of its peculiar nature and their own greatness. Then from the narrative under par. 5, we learn that the States of Zhu and Teng were exempted because of their weakness, and through Qi and Song taking the opportunity to have them publicly declared as being respectively under their jurisdiction. Chu was willing, no doubt, to accede to the application of Qi and Song, because the power of Jin was thereby weakened.
With regard to the meeting and covenants themselves, they mark a revolution (大 變) in the kingdom. Heretofore, for more than a hundred years, one State had struggled to maintain a presidency over the others;—avowedly in the interest of the Zhou king. Qi first exercised it, and then Jin. Nearly all the time Chu had disputed their right and power; and now Jin was obliged to agree to a presidency divided between it and Chu, while both of them acknowledged their inability to control the great States of Qin and Qi. Evidently, the scheme of a presidential State had become an impracticability. A process of disorganization must go on, till some one Power should become supreme. An invigoration of Zhou was out of the question; and whether Jin, Chu, Qin or Qi was to found the dynasty of the future, the future only could show.
Again, as the power of the Zhou king had waned before the growth of the princes of the great States, the power of those princes was waning in the same way before the growing influence of their ministers and great officers. It might be expected, as actually occurred, that the great States would nearly all be broken up, or the Houses which now ruled them give place to others.
As to Xiang Xu, with whom the scheme of a general pacification to be secured by this covenant occurred, he appears to have been a restless dreamer, vain and selfish withal. The scheme itself was, as another officer of Song pronounced it, a delusion. The time had not come then in China to dispense with the arbitrament of arms, as, alas! it has not yet come in China, or anywhere else in the world.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Ning Xi of Wey assumed to himself the whole administration of the government, and the duke was vexed about it. Gongsun Mianyu asked leave to put Xi to death, but the duke said, "But for Ningzi, I should not have got to my present position, and I gave him my word. The issue [of any attempt], moreover, cannot be known, and I should only make a bad name [for myself]. Stop." The other replied, "I will kill him. Your lordship need know nothing about it." He then consulted with Gongsun Wudi and Gongsun Chen, and made them attack the Ning. They were unsuccessful, and both died. The duke said, "Chen was guilty of no crime; and [now] both he and his father have died through me." In summer, Mianyu again attacked the Ning, when he killed Ning Xi, and Gu, the administrator of the Right, and exposed their bodies in the court. [At that time], Shi E was about to go to take part in the covenant at Song. He had received his commission, and was coming out of the court. He threw a garment over [Xi's] body, pillowed it on his thigh and wept. It occurred to him that he would put it in a coffin, and then flee into exile, but he was afraid he should not escape. He said also to himself that he had received [the State's] commission, and so went on his way.'
Par. 4 For (鱄) Gong and Gu have (專). Zhuan was the Zixian of the narrative under xxvi. 1. The Zhuan says:—'Zixian said, "He who drove us out (Sun Linfu) has [merely] left the State, and he who received us back (Ning Xi) is dead. Without the clear [and right application of] rewards and punishments, how is it possible to deter [from evil] and to encourage [to good]? When the ruler has broken his faith, and there is no law in the State, is it not difficult [to carry on the government]? And it was really I who brought this about." With this he left the State to flee to Jin. The duke sent to stop him, but in vain. When he had got to the He, a second messenger came to stop him, whom he detained till he had made an oath [that he would not return]. He then took up his residence in Mumen, where he would never sit with his face towards Wey. The commandant of that city advised him to take office [in Jin], but he 'refused, saying, "If I took office, and failed in the business of it, I should be an offender; if I succeeded, I should [seem to] show that it was for the sake of office that I had left Wey:—to whom could I make my case clear? I must not stand in the court of any prince." And all his life he did not take office. The duke wore mourning for him all his life.
'The duke offered Mianyu 60 towns, but he refused them, saying. "It is only a high minister who has the complete number of 100 towns. If I would take these 60, I should in my low position be having the revenue of a higher one. The thing would be disorderly and irregular. I dare not hear of it. And moreover it was Ningzi's many towns which caused his death. I am afraid lest death should quickly overtake me." The duke pressed them upon him, when he accepted the half, and became the Junior-tutor. The duke wished to make him minister, but he declined the office, saying, "Taishu Yi does not waver in his fidelity, and can help you in [all] great affairs. Give the appointment to him." Wenzi accordingly was made minister.'
Par. 5. [The Zhuan appends here three narratives;—st. 'Before Cui Shu of Qi became a widower, he had two sons, Cheng and Jiang. After his marriage with Dongguo Jiang (See on xxv. 2), she bore to him Ming, and also brought into his family Tang Wujiu, her son by her former husband, who, with Dongguo Yan, took the management of Cui's family. In consequence of some disease which he had, Cui Cheng was degraded from his position [as the eldest son], and Ming appointed in his place, after which he begged that he might be put in possession till his old age of Cui. Cuizi granted him that city, but Yan and Wujiu would not give it to him, saying, "Cui is the ancestral city, and must be in the hands of the lord of the ancestral temple." Cheng and Jiang were enraged, and, having resolved to kill them, they told Qing Feng, saying, "You know all about our father. He follows [now] only Wujiu and Yan. None of our uncles or cousins of the clan can get him to listen to a word. The state of things, we are greatly afraid, will be injurious to him, and we presume to tell you of it." Qing told them to retire for a time, while he considered the matter, which he laid before Lupu Pie. Pie said, "He showed himself the enemy of his ruler, and Heaven perhaps is now going to abandon him; but why should you feel any distress at disorder in his House? The thinner Cui is, the thicker grows Qing."
When the sons of Cui came to Qing Feng another day, he said to them, "If it be profitable for your father, you can remove the two men; and if you get into difficulties, I will assist you." In the 9th month, on Gengchen, Cui Cheng and Cui Jiang killed Dongguo Yan and Tang Wujiu, while they were at the court of Cuizi. In a rage he issued from the gate, but his people were all scattered. He sought for men to get his carriage in readiness, but it could not be done. [At last] he got a groom to yoke a carriage for him, and with a eunuch to drive him, he went forth, saying to himself, "It will be fortunate for the Cui family, if only I perish." He then drove to see Qing Feng, who said, "The Cui and the Qing are one. Who dared to act thus? Allow me to punish them for you." He then sent Lupu Pie with a body of men-at-arms to attack the palace of Cui. It was held, however, by men behind the parapets, who made a successful resistance, till the people were sent to assist the assaulters. Pie then extinguished the House of Cui, killed Cheng and Jiang, and carried off all in the house, the wife of Cuizi having strangled herself. This done, he returned with a report to that officer, and then drove him back to his palace, where he found that he had nothing to come to, and strangled himself. Cui Ming laid him at night in his father' grave;—and on Xinsi he fled himself to Lu. Qing Feng took the administration of the State.'
2d. 'Wei Pi of Chu went to Jin to confirm the covenant, when the marquis entertained him. As he was leaving the feast, he sang the Ji zui (Shi, III. ii. ode III.). Shuxiang said, "Right is it that this Wei should perpetuate his family in Chu. Charged with his ruler's commission, he is not unmindful to show his intelligence. Zidang will yet have the government of his State. Active and intelligent in serving his ruler, and thereby able to nourish the people, to whom should the government go but to him?"
3rd. 'When Shen Xianyu came a fugitive to Lu, in consequence of the troubles occasioned by Cui Shu (See the Zhuan on xxv. 2), he hired a house for himself and servants in the suburbs, and there mourned for duke Zhuang. This winter, an officer from Chu came to invite him to that State. He went there accordingly, and became director of the Left.']
Par. 6. This eclipse took place on the 7th Oct. B.C. 545, and was visible in Lu in the morning; but that was the 12th cycle day of the text. The Zhuan is correct, therefore, in assigning the eclipse to the 11th month; but Zuoshi is in error when he goes on to say, "This was really the 9th month, through the error of the officers of the calendar. They had now omitted two intercalations." For the grounds which have been attempted to be made out for this remark, see on the 1st par. of next year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-eighth year, in spring, there was no ice.
2. In summer, Shi E of Wey fled from that State to Jin.
3. The viscount of Zhu came to the court of Lu.
4. In autumn, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
5. Zhongsun Jie went to Jin.
6. In winter Qing Feng of Qi came a fugitive to Lu.
7. In the eleventh month, the duke went to Chu.
8. In the twelfth month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
9. On Yiwei, Zhao, viscount of Chu, died.
Par. 1. This would seem to be an extraordinary phænomenon, according to the general rule for such entries in the text; but if intercalations had been omitted, so that the calendar was at least two months in advance of the proper time, then the first month of the Zhou year began at this time really in our October or perhaps September, when the absence of ice was quite natural. Hence to bring things right, and make the phænomenon extraordinary and ominous, Du Yu introduces in his scheme of the calendar two intercalary months, one immediately after the other at the end of the previous year! The Zhuan here says:——'There being no ice this spring, Zi Shen said, "This year there will be famine, it is to be feared, in Song and Zheng. The year [star] (Jupiter) [ought to be] in Xingji (Sagittarius-Capricorn), and it has licentiously advanced into Xuanxiao (Capricorn-Aquarius). Hence this ominous character of the season, the yin not being able to overcome the yang. The Snake is mounted on the Dragon. which contains the stars of Song and Zheng. Those States will have famine. The middle star in Xuanxiao is Xu. But Xiao denotes consumption and waste. The land empty, and the people with their resources consumed:—what can this mean but famine?"'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'In summer, the marquises of Qi, Chen, and Cai, the earls of north Yan and Qi, the viscounts of Hu and Shen, and the northern Di, went to appear at the court of Jin,—in accordance with the covenant of Song. When the marquis of Qi was about to go, Qing Feng said, "We took no part in the covenant. What have you to do with Jin?" Chen Wenzi said to him, "Business first and then gifts, is the rule. A small State, in serving a great one, before it has discharged the business [which is required], should first comply with its request [to go to it], in accordance with its wishes;—this [also] is the rule. Although we took no part in the covenant, dare we revolt from Jin? Let us not forget the covenant of Chongqiu (xxv.5). Do you advise the marquis to go."']
Par. 2. See the narrative under par. 3 of last year for the conduct of Shi E after the death of Ning Xi.
The Zhuan here says:——'The people of Wey were punishing the partizans of the Ning, and Shi E fled in consequence to Jin. In Wey they appointed his nephew, Pu, to take charge of the sacrifices of the Shi family;—which was according to rule.'
Par. 3. Zuoshi says that this appearance of duke Dao of Zhu at the court of Lu was 'the usual affair;' meaning that it was not in consequence of the covenant of Song, but a discharge of the usual duty which Zhu owed to that State.
Par. 4. "This," says Zuoshi, "was because of drought."
[The Zhuan appends here:——'When the marquis of Cai was returning from Jin (See the narrative after par. 1), he entered the capital of Zheng, where the earl entertained him, and he behaved disrespectfully. Zichan said, "The marquis of Cai will not escape an evil death. When he was passing this (On his way to Jin), our ruler sent Zizhan to go and compliment him outside the east gate, and then he carried himself arrogantly. I thought that he might still change his way; but now, when being feasted thus on his return, he is so remiss, such, it appears, is his nature. Ruler over a small State, and in his service of a great one thus so remiss and arrogant as to show that such is his nature, shall he die a natural death? If he do not escape an evil end, it will be sure to come from his son. He has played the ruler in a lustful and unfatherly way (He had debauched his son's wife), and I have heard that such persons always meet with calamity at the hand of their sons.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says:——'Meng Xiaobo [now] went to Jin to inform that court, that, in accordance with the covenant of Song, [the duke] was going to Chu.'
[We have here two narratives:—1st "When the marquis of Cai went to Jin, the earl of Zheng sent You Ji to Chu. When he had got to the Han, the people of Chu sent him back, saying, "According to the covenant of Song, your ruler ought to come in person; but here are you come. Our ruler says to you, 'Please return for the present. I will send a courier with all speed to ask Jin, and then lay the matter before you."' Zitaishu (You Ji) replied, "In the covenant of Song, your lordship's commands were for the benefit of the small States, and you also ordered us to seek the repose and stability of our altars, and the protection and comfort of our people, and thus by the observance of all proper rules we might enjoy the blessing of Heaven. These were your lordship's orders, and in accordance with them was the hope of our small State. On this account my ruler sent me with skins and silks, in consideration of the difficulties of the year (A famine), on a [merely] friendly visit to your ministers. But now I have their commands, saying, 'What have you to do with governmental matters? You must send your ruler. Let him leave his charge in his own State, travel over the hills and cross the streams, encounter the hoar-frost and the dew' This [only] will satisfy your lordship. The hope of our small State is in you, and we dare not but listen to your commands, though they are not in the engagements of the covenant, and will reflect on your lordship's virtue, and be disadvantageous to your ministers. This our small State was afraid of; but since it is not so, what labour is there from which we will shrink?" Zitaishu then returned and gave a report of his commission, saying to Zizhan, "The viscount of Chu will [soon] die. Instead of cultivating his government and virtue, he is blindly eager to command the States, and so gratify his ambition. If he wished to continue long, would it be possible for him to do so? The thing is contained in the Zhou yi. When the diagram Fu (復, ䷗) becomes Yi (頤, ䷚), we have, in reference to it, the words, 'Deceived as to return;—evil,' which we may well apply to the viscount of Chu. Wishing after all to obtain what he desired, and abandoning what was essential to that, there is no place to return to:——this is what is taught in those words, 'Deceived as to return.' Is it possible evil should not come? Let our ruler go. He will accompany the [viscount's] funeral, and come back,—thus satisfying the wish of Chu. It will not be ten years before Chu is not able to think about the States, and we shall then seek the repose of our people." Pi Zao said, "At this time the king of Zhou and the viscount of Chu will both die. The year-star has left its proper place, and is sojourning in its place for next year, to the injury of the tail of niao. Both Zhou and Chu may well hate this."'
2d. 'In the 9th month, You Ji of Zheng went to Jin, to inform that court, that the earl was going to the court of Chu in compliance with the covenant of Song. Zichan attended the earl to Chu, and [when they approached the capital of that State], he caused a booth to be erected [for the earl], without rearing any high structure. The servants of the mission said, "Anciently, when our great officers attended their rulers to any other State, they always reared a high structure; and from that time till now the practice has been followed. Is it not improper in you now to make this booth upon the grass?" Zichan told them, "When a great State goes to a small one, it rears a high structure. When a small State goes to a great one, it should only construct a booth. I have heard this:—When a great State visits a small one, it should do five good things;—be indulgent to its offences, pardon its errors and failures, relieve its calamities, reward it for its virtuous laws, and teach it where it is deficient. There is thus no pressure on the small State. It cherishes [the great] State's virtue and submits to it, fondly as one goes home. On this account a high structure is reared, to display the merit [of the great State], and to make it known to posterity, that they may not be idle in the cultivation of virtue. When a small State goes to a great one, it has five bad things to do. It must explain its trespasses, beg [forgivencess] for its deficiencies, perform its governmental services, contribute its proper dues, and attend to its seasonal commands. And not [only so]:—it has to double its various offerings, to felicitate [the great State] on its happiness, and show its condolence with it in its misfortunes. Now all these things are the sad fate of a small State. Why should it rear a high structure to display its sad fate? It is enough for it to do that which tells its posterity not to display their sad fate."]
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'Qing Feng of Qi was fond of hunting and drinking. He gave over the government to [his son] Qing She, and then removed with his harem and valuables to the house of Lupu Pie, with whom he drank, while they exchanged wives at the same time. For several days together, [the great officers] would have to go there, as he held his court in it. He gave orders that all the exiles who were held to be traitors should be restored on their application to him; and in this way he brought back Lupu Gui, who became minister to Zizhi (Feng's son She), and became such a favourite, that She gave him his own daughter to wife. Some of She's officers spoke to Gui about this, saying, "Husband and wife should be of different surnames; how is it that you have not avoided taking a wife descended from the same ancestor as yourself?" He replied, "[Another representative of] that ancestor (Meaning She) would not avoid me; how should I alone have avoided the thing? I am as if you break off from the whole ode one stanza of it, and sing it. I have taken what I desired to get; how should I have recognized the [common] ancestry?"
'Gui spoke [to She] about Wang He, and procured his return, who became a favourite as well as himself. She made them keep—one before and the other behind him, carrying spears as if guarding his bed.
'Every day two fowls were provided for the public meal at the palace, [under the superintendence of Qing Feng]. The cook one day stealthily changed them for ducks, and the servants who knew it took away the flesh, and served [the bones up] with the broth. Ziya and Ziwei were enraged [at the stinginess and insult]; and when Qing Feng reported that they were so to Lupu Pie, the latter said, "They are like beasts;—I will sleep upon their skins." He then made Xi Guifu tell Yan Pingzhong about the matter. Pingzhong said, "My numbers are not sufficient to be employed [on such a service] (Against Ziya and Ziwei), nor have I wisdom to help in such a plan; but I will not dare to speak a word about it. But there should be a covenant." Zijia (Xi Guifu) replied "Your words are enough. What is the use of a covenant?" He then spoke to Boguo Ziju whose answer was "Every one is able in some way to serve his ruler, but this is not in the range of my ability."
'Chen Wenzi said to [his son] Huanzi, "The overthrow [of the Qing] is approaching. What shall we get [out of their property]?" "The hundred carriages of wood that are in the Zhuang [street];" was the answer; and the father rejoined, "You can maintain a careful guard over yourself." Lupu Gui and Wang He consulted the tortoise-shell about attacking the Qing, and showed Zizhi the indication which they had got, saying, "A man was consulting the tortoise-shell about attacking his enemy, and we venture to present to you the indication." Zizhi observed, "He will be successful. I see the blood."
'In winter, in the 10th month, Qing Feng went to Lai to hunt, Chen Wuyu being in attendance upon him. On Bingchen, [Chen's father] Wenzi sent to call him home. He asked leave from Feng to return, saying that his mother was very ill. Feng consulted the' tortoise-shell, and showed him the indication, saying, "She is dead." [Wuyu] took the shell in his hand, and wept. He was then sent back, and when Qing Si heard of it, he said, "The calamity is about to commence;" and then urged Zijia (Feng's designation) to return immediately. "The calamity" said he, "will be sure to happen at the autumnal sacrifice. An immediate return may still prevent it." It was in vain, and Feng manifested no regret or change of purpose, which made Zixi (Qing Si) say, "We must fly. We shall be fortunate if we reach Wu or Yue." [In the meantime]. Chen Wuyu [was on his way back], and whenever he crossed a stream, he scuttled the boat, and destroyed the bridge.
'Lupu Jiang (Qing She's daughter) said to her husband, "You have some business in hand; and if you do not tell me what it is, it will not succeed." Gui then told her, when she said, "My father is self-willed. If some one do not ask him to stay at home, he will not come out. Let me go and ask him." "Very well," replied Gui.
'In the 11th month, on Yihai, was the autumnal sacrifice in the temple of Tai Gong, under the superintendence of Qing She. Lupu Jiang went and told him [of what was intended], and begged him to stay at home, but he would not listen to her, saying, "Who will dare [to make an attempt on me]?" and with this he went to the temple. Ma Ying was the personator of the dead, and Qing Xie had offered the first cup. Lupu Gui and Wang He were in attendance with their spears, and the men at arms of the Qing surrounded the palace. The grooms of the Chen and Bao families began to get up a play, and the horses of some of the Qing got frightened, on which [many of] the men at arms threw off their buffcoats, and secured them. They then fell drinking, and [were drawn off to] see the players to [the street of] Yuli, the followers of the Luan, the Gao, the Chen, and the Bao mixing themselves among them. [At this point], Ziwei struck one of the leaves of the door with a mallet, when Gui stabbed Zizhi from behind, and Wang He struck him with his spear. The blow cut off his left arm, but still he got hold [with the other] of a pillar of the temple, and shook it so that the rafters quivered. Then he hurled a stand and a vase, killed a man [with each of them], and died himself. [The conspirators] then killed Qing Sheng (Xie) aud Ma Ying. The duke was frightened, but Bao Guo said to him, "We are all acting in your interest." Chen Xuwu took the duke away, when he threw off his robes, and went to the inner palace.
'Qing Feng, on his way back from Lai, was met by parties who told him of the rising. On Dinghai he attacked the western gate unsuccessfully, after which he turned to the northern, which he took, and entered, proceeding to attack the inner palace. Unsuccessful there, he withdrew, and arranged his forces in the Yue [street]. There he challenged his enemies to battle, but they would not meet him. He then came to Lu a fugitive, and presented a chariot to Ji Wuzi, so beautiful and polished that men could see themselves in it. When Zhan Zhuangshu saw it, he said, "When the carriage is highly polished, its owner is sure to come to distress. It was right he should come to exile." Shusun Muzi gave Feng an entertainment, at which he scattered the sacrificial thank-offerings about. Muzi was displeased, and made the musicians sing for him the Mao chi (a lost ode), but he did not perceive the meaning.
'By-and-by the people of Qi sent to reproach [Lu for sheltering him], on which he fled to Wu, where Gouyu gave him [the city of] Zhufang. There he collected the members of his clan and settled them, becoming richer than he had been before. Zifu Huibo said to Shusun, "Heaven would seem to enrich bad men. Qing Feng is rich again." Muzi replied, "Riches may be called the reward of good men, and the ruin of bad men. Heaven will bring him to ruin. He will be destroyed utterly with all that are his.'
[Appended here, we have two narratives:—
1st. 'On Guisi, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died. No word was yet sent of the event, and therefore no record was made of it. This was according to rule.' See below on the last par.
2d. 'In the disorder occasioned by Cuizi, all duke [Zhuang's] sons had disappeared. Chu had gone to Lu; Shuxun Huan to Yan, and Jia to the hill of Goudou. Now that Qing Feng was driven into exile, they were all recalled, the furniture which they required supplied, and their cities restored to them. The duke conferred Beidian on Yanzi, in whose circuit there were 60 towns; but he would not receive it. Ziwei said to him, "Riches are what men desire; how is it that you alone do not desire them?" He replied, "The towns of the Qing were enow to excite men's desires, and hence he is now in exile. My cities are not enow to do that; but if I were to receive Beidian, they would be so, and the day of my exile would not be distant. Abroad, I should not have one town to preside over. My not receiving Beidian is not because I hate riches, but because I am afraid of losing my riches. Moreover, riches should be like pieces of cloth or silk, which are made up in lengths of a definite measurement, which cannot be altered. When the people have the means of sustentation abundant and conveniences of life, there must be the rectification of virtue (See the Shu, II. ii. 7) to act as a limit or border to them. Let them not become abandoned and insolent, and you have what may be called a protecting border to their advantages. If those go beyond that, ruin will ensue. My not coveting to have more than I have is what is called the protecting limit." The duke gave Beiguo Zuo 60 towns, and he received them. He gave [many] to Ziya, but he only accepted a few. He gave the same to Ziwei, and he accepted them, but afterwards returned some. The duke considered the conduct [of these two] a proof of their fidelity, and showed them favour.
'He liberated Lupu Pie and [banished him] to the northern borders. He sought for the body of Cui Shu, intending to take the head off, but could not find it. When Shusun Muzi heard of this he said, "They are sure to find it. King Wu had ten capable ministers; and did not Cui Shu have as many servants? Less than ten would not have been enow to bury him." By-and-by one of Cui's servants said, "Give me his bi which took the two arms to hold it, and I will give up his coffin." Thus they found [the body]. In the 12th month, on Yihai, the 1st day of the moon, the people of Qi removed duke Zhuang from his grave, and put him in proper grave-clothes into a new coffin in the grand chamber, and in the [old] coffin they exposed Cui Shu's body in the market place. The people could all still recognize it, and said, "This is Cuizi.']
Parr. 7, 9. The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the covenant of Song, the duke, and the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, and the baron of Xu, went to Chu. When the duke passed by [the capital of] Zheng, the earl was not in it, [but had already gone]. Boyou, however, came out on a complimentary visit to the banks of the Huang, and was not respectful. Mushu said, "If Boyou be not dealt with as an offender by Zheng, he will do that State great injury. Respectfulness is an essential thing for the people. If a man cast it away, how shall he keep [the family] he has received from his ancestors? It the people of Zheng do not punish him, they are sure to suffer through him. The duckweed and pondweed, gathered by the banks of shallows and marshes and about standing pools, placed in the ancestral temple, and superintended by the young and elegant ladies, [are accepted] because of the reverence [in the thing] (See the Shi, I. ii. ode IV.). When the duke had reached the Han, king Kang of Chu was dead, and he wished to return. Shuzhong Zhaobo said, "We are going for the sake of the State of Chu, and not on account of one man." Zifu Huibo said, "The superior man is solicitous about what is remote; smaller men act from the impression of what is near. Who has leisure to attend to the future, without considering the [present] hunger and cold? Let us return for the present." Shusun Muzi said, "Shuzhong is to be entirely followed. Zifu's opinion is that of one commencing his learning." Rong Chengbo [also] said, "He who considers the remote is the faithful counsellor." On this the duke went on.
'Xiang Xu said, "[Our journey was] on account of the one man, and not on account of Chu. Who can think of Chu, and not think of the [present] hunger and cold? Let us return for the present and rest our people. When they have settled the question of a new ruler, we can make the necessary preparations." On this the duke of Song returned.'
Par. 8. The king really died on Guisi, 21 days before Jiayin;—acc. to the 1st narrative after p. 6. Zuoshi says:——'An officer from the court came to announce the king's death. Being asked the day of it, he said it was Jiayin; and so it was recorded, to show the fault [of the late announcement] (?).'
If Jiayin was in the 12th month, Yiwei when the viscount of Chu died, separated from Jiayin by 41 days could not be in it. This is held to prove that there was an intercalary month at the end of this year, to which Yiwei belonged.
[There is appended here:——'Qu Jian of Chu died, and Zhao Wenzi wore mourning for him according to the rule for those who had covenanted together;—which was right.']
1. In his twenty-ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke was in Chu.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, the duke arrived from Chu.
3. On Gengwu, Kan, marquis of Wey, died.
4. A gate-keeper murdered Yuzhai, viscount of Wu.
5. Zhongsun Jie joined Xun Ying of Jin, Gao Zhi of Qi, Hua Ding of Song, Shishu Yi of Wey, Gongsun Duan of Zheng, and officers of Cao, Ju, Teng, Xue, and little Zhu, in walling [the capital of] Qi.
6. The marquis of Jin sent Shi Yang to Lu on a friendly mission.
7. The viscount of Qi came and made a covenant.
8. The viscount of Wu sent Zha to Lu on a friendly mission.
9. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was the burial of duke Xian of Wey.
10. Gao Zhi of Qi fled from that State to north Yan.
11. In winter, Zhongsun Jie went to Jin.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says this notice is intended to explain how the duke did not welcome in the new year by repairing to the shrines in the ancestral temple on the first day of it. But there is probably more significance in it. Both duke Xiang and duke Cheng had been absent from Lu at the time of the new year on visits to Jin; but the classic contains no par. like this in reference to those years. To be obliged to go to Chu was an indignity to the marquis of Lu; while there, he was obliged to submit to peculiar indignities; and during his absence Ji Wuzi had encroached upon his authority in the government of the State, so that he was even afraid to enter his capital on his return. All these things are hidden under the apparently innocent words of the text, in which many have traced the stylus of the sage himself The Zhuan says:——'The people of Chu required the duke to bring grave-clothes with his own hand [for king Kang]. He was troubled about it, but Mushu said to him, "Have all about the coffin sprinkled, and then take the grave-clothes there. They will be but so much cloth or silk set forth [at court]." Accordingly a sorcerer was employed, who first executed the sprinkling with a branch of a peach tree and some reeds. The people of Chu did not prevent him, but they afterwards regretted it.' We have here two notices about the burials of the princes of Qi and Chu:—
1st. 'In the 2d month, on Guimao, the people of Qi buried duke Zhuang in the northern suburbs.
2d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, at the burial of king Kang of Chu, the duke, with the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, and the baron of Xu, all accompanied it to the outside of the western gate, and the great officers of the States went to the grave. Jiao'ao (See at the end of the 1st year of duke Zhao) then took the vacant seat, and king [Gong's] son Wei became chief minister. Ziyu, the internuncius of Zheng, said, "This may be called incongruous. [Wei] will take the [king's] place, and flourish in his room. Beneath the pine and the cypress the grass does not flourish].'
Par. 2. The duke arrived from Chu, but it was with some hesitancy that he ventured to enter his own State again.
The Zhuan says:——'When the duke on his return had got [to the barrier-wall of Chu], Ji Wuzi had taken Bian, [and appropriated it to himself]. He sent, however, Gongye to [meet the duke, and] inquire after his welfare, sending a messenger after him, who overtook him, with a sealed letter [for the duke], in which it was said, "The officer in charge of Bian was intending to revolt. I led my followers to punish him, and have got the place. I venture to inform you of it." Gongye discharged his commission and withdrew; and when [the duke] came to his resting place, he learned that Ji Wuzi had taken Bian. "He wished to get it," said the duke, "and pretends that it was revolting. This makes me feel that I am treated very distantly." He then asked Gongye whether it would be safe for him to enter [the State]. "The State," replied Gongye, "is your lordship's; who will dare to resist you?" On which the duke gave him the cap and robes [of a minister]. That officer firmly declined them, and only received them after he was hard pressed to do so. The duke wished not to enter the State, till Rong Chengbo sang to him the Shi wei (Shi, I. iii. ode XI.), after which he took his way back to the capital. He arrived from Chu in the 5th month, and Gongye resigned the city which he held from Ji Wuzi, and never afterwards entered his house, saying that he would not be in the employment of such a deceiver of his ruler. If Jisun went to see him, he would speak of his business as in former days. If he did not go to see him, he never spoke of the affairs of the family. When he was ill, he assembled his servants, and said to them, "When I am dead, be sure and not put me in my coffin with my ministerial cap and robes. They were not a reward of virtue. And do not let the Ji bury me." '
Par. 3. [The Zhuan appends here:——'At the burial of king Ling, the highest ministers of Zheng being [otherwise] occupied, Zizhan proposed that Yin Duan should go [to the capital]. Boyou objected on the ground that Duan was too young; but Zizhan said, "Is it not better that a young man should go than that no one at all should go? The ode (Shi, II. i. ode II. 2) says,
'The king's business was not to be slackly performed; I had no leisure to kneel or to sit.' East, west, south and north, who dares to dwell at ease? We steadily serve Jin and Chu, in order to protect the royal House. The king's business must not be undischarged, but there is no regular rule as to the person." Accordingly, he sent Yin Duan to Zhou.']
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The people of Wu, in an invasion of Yue, took a prisoner, whom they made a door-keeper (I. e., after cutting off his feet), and then appointed him to the charge of the [viscount's] boat. The viscount, Yuzhai, was inspecting the boat [on one occasion], when the door-keeper murdered him with a knife."
There is no doubt as to the meaning of 閽 but how the murder should be the act of a 'door-keeper' seems to need some explanation. Both Gongyang and Guliang say that the person in question was 刑 人, 'mutilated,' and Guliang further says the mutilation consisted in his being a eunuch (寺). But we need not suppose this. Persons mutilated in their feet were in those times often employed as gate-keepers; and officers were so punished, and then that occupation was given to them. This must be the meaning, I think, of the 以 為 閽 in Zuoshi, and we can understand how the man should revenge himself by the murder of the viscount.
[We have here the following narrative:——'Zizhan of Zheng died, and [his son], Zipi, succeeded to his place. At this time the State was suffering from famine, and as the wheat crop was not yet ripe, the people were very badly off. Zipi then, [as if] by his father's command, presented each family with a zhong of millet, thereby winning the attachment of the people; and in consequence of this the government of the State regularly continued in the hands of the Han family, its chiefs being the highest minister.
'When Zihan, minister of Works in Song, heard what Zipi had done, he said, "As we are neighbours to [the State where such] good [is done], our people will expect the same from us." Song was also suffering from famine, and he begged duke Ping to lend [to the people] out of his public stores of grain, and made the great officers all lend in the same way. He himself kept no record of what he lent, [saying that he did it] for the great officers who had none. The consequence was that none in Song suffered from want. Shuxiang heard of it and said, "Many families will perish before the Han of Zheng, and the Yue of Song. They two are likely to have the chief sway in their States. The people will be attached to them. But in giving, and not considering it an act of virtue, the Yue has the advantage. His descendants will rise and fall along with Song." ']
Par. 5. For 世 叔 儀, Gongyang has 世 叔 齊; and both he and Guliang have 邾 人 after 莒人. The Zhuan says:——'The mother of duke Ping of Jin was a daughter of the House of Qi, in consequence of which he took the management of that State. In the 6th month, Zhi Daozi (Xun Ying) assembled the great officers of the States to fortify its capital. Meng Xiaobo (Zhongsun Jie) was among them; and from Zheng Zitaishu and Boshi (Gongsun Duan) went. The former of these visited Taishu Wenzi (Taishu of Wey), and spoke with him [about the undertaking]. "Very great" said Wenzi, "is this walling of Qi." Zitaishu said, "How is it that Jin has no thought about the wants of the States that are connected with the house of Zhou, and sets itself to protect this branch of Xia? We can well know from it how Jin has abandoned all us Ji (States of the 姬 of Zhou surname). But if it bandon them, who will remain attached to it? I have heard that to abandon one's own, and seek to strangers, is a proof of estrangement from virtue. The ode (Shi, II. iv. ode VIII. 12) says,
'They assemble their neighbours, And their kinsfolk are full of their praise.' As Jin does not play a neighbour's part, who will praise it?"
'Gao Zirong (Gao Zhi) of Qi and the minister of Instruction of Song (Hua Ding), visited Zhi Bo (Xun Ying), when Ru Qi was master of the ceremonies. When the guests were gone, the marshal Hou (Ru Qi) said to Zhi Bo, "Neither of those gentlemen will escape an evil end. Zirong is self-sufficient, and the minister of Instruction is extravagant. They are both men who will ruin their families." Zhi Bo said, "[As between them], how will it be?" The reply was, "Self-sufficiency brings its fate on more rapidly. Extravagance comes to ruin along with [the exhaustion of] its means; but other men deal ruin to self-sufficiency. In this case it will [soon] come." '
It was certainly ill-advised in the marquis of Jin to call out the States to an undertaking like the walling of Qi. The partiality displayed in it did much to shake the supremacy which Jin had maintained so long. Lu, and other States probably as well, were made to restore to Qi lands which they had taken from it.
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'The visit of Fan Xianzi (Shi Yang) was in acknowledgment of the walling of Qi. The duke entertained him, when Zhan Zhuangshu held the silks [presented to him], and three pairs of archers displayed their skill. The duke's own officers, however, were not sufficient to supply that number, and it was necessary to get some from one of the clans. That supplied Zhan Xia and Zhan Yufu, who formed one pair. Of the duke's officers, Gongwu Shaobozhong and Yan Zhuangshu formed a pair, and the other consisted of Zeng Gufu and Dang Shu.'
Par. 7. The marquis sent the marshal Ru Shuhou to Lu to manage the matter about the lands of Qi, when we did not restore all [that we had taken]. Dao, the marquis's mother, was indignant, and said that Qi (Shuhou) had taken bribes, and that if their former rulers could know it, they would not approve of his doing so. The marquis told this to Shuhou, who replied, "The princes of Yu, Guo, Jiao, Hua, Huo, Yang, Han, and Wei were Jis (姬), and Jin's greatness is owing to [its absorption of] them. If it had not encroached on the small States, where should it have found territory to take? Since the times of Wu and Xian, we have annexed many of them; and who can call us to account for the encroachments? Qi is a remnant of [the House of] Xia, and has assimilated to the wild tribes of the east. [The princes of] Lu are the descendants of the duke of Zhou, and are in most friendly relations with Jin; if we should confer all Qi on Lu, we should not be doing anything strange, so that there is nothing to make to do about [in the present matter]. In its relations with Jin, Lu contributes its dues without fail; its valuable curiosities are always arriving; its princes, ministers, and great officers come, one after another, to our court. Our historiographers do not cease recording; our treasury is not left empty a month. Let such a state of things alone. Why should we make Lu thin in order to fatten Qi? If, moreover, our former rulers could know of the case, would they not be angry with the lady, rather than find occasion to reprove me?"
'Duke Wen of Qi [now] came to Lu, and made a covenant (With reference to the restored lands). The text calls him viscount, in contempt for him (?).'
Par. 8. The Zha introduced here appears in an honourable way in the narrative appended to xiv. 1. The difficulties connected with his present mission will be touched on after the long narrative in the Zhuan:——'The Gongzi Zha of Wu, having come to Lu on a complimentary mission, visited Shusun Muzi, and was pleased with him. He said to him, however, "You will not, I am afraid, die a natural death! You love good men, and yet are not able to select such [for office]. I have heard that it is the object of a superior man, high in office, to select [good men]. You are a minister of Lu, and a scion of its House. You are entrusted with a great part of its government, and yet you are not careful in the men you raise to office;—how will you bear the consequences? Calamity is sure to come upon you." He then begged that he might hear the music of Zhou; and [the duke] made the musicians sing to him the [odes of the] Zhou Nan and the Shao Nan (Shi, I. i., ii.) [with all the accompaniments]. "Admirable!" he said; "here was the beginning and foundation [of king Wen's transforming influence], yet still it was not complete. Notwithstanding, there is [the expression of] earnest endeavour, without any resentment."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Bei, Yong, and Wey (Shi, I. iii. iv. v.) "Admirable!" he said. "How deep [was the influence]! Here are those who sorrow, and yet are not distressed." I hear [and I know]:—it was the virtue of Kangshu and duke Wu, which made these odes what they are,—the odes of Wey."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Wang (Shi, I. vi.) "Admirable!" he said. "Here is thought without fear, as befitted Zhou after its removal to the east!"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Zheng (I. vii.). He said, "Admirable! But the minutiæ in them are excessive, and the people could not endure them. It is this which will make Zheng the first to perish."
They sang to him the [odes of] Qi (I. viii.). He said, "Admirable! How loudly sound these odes of a great State! It was Taigong who made such an object of distinction by the east sea. The destinies of this State are not to be measured."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Bin (I. xv.). He said, "Admirable! [Their sound] is grand. They are expressive of enjoyment without license,—as befitted the duke of Zhou in the east!"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Qin (I. xi.). He said, "Here are what we call the sounds of the cultivated States! Qin was able to become one of these, and so is great, very great. Was it not because it occupies the old seat of Zhou?"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Wei (I. ix.). He said, "Admirable! What harmony! There is grandeur and delicacy, like a dangerous defile yet easily traversed! To this let there be added the aids of virtue, and [Wei] should produce intelligent lords."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Tang (I. x.). He said, "How expressive of thought and deep [anxiety]! Did not Tang possess the people that came down from [the rule of the prince of] Tao and Tang? But for that how should there have been here an anxiety so far-reaching? But for the remaining influence of his excellent virtue, who could have produced anything like this?"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Chen (I. xii.). He said, "A State without [proper] lords!—how can it continue long?" On [the music of] Kuai and Cao (I. xiii. xiv.), he made no remarks.
'They sang to him the [odes of the] Xiao Ya, (Shi, II.). He said, "Admirable! Here is thoughtfulness, but no disaffection; resentful feeling, but not the expression of it. Is there not indicated some decay in the virtue of Zhou? But still there were the people that had come down from the early kings."
'They sang to him the [odes of the] Da Ya (Shi, III.). He said, "How wide! How harmonious and pleasant! Amid all the winding [of the notes], the movement is straightonward. Is there not here the virtue of king Wen?"
'They sang to him the Sacrificial Odes (Shi, IV.). He said, "This is perfect! Here are straight-forwardness without rudeness; winding but no bending; nearness without pressure; distance without estrangement; changes without license; repetitions without satiety; disconsolateness without deep sorrow; joy without wild indulgence; the use of resources without their ever failing; wide [virtue] without display; beneficence without waste; appropriation without covetousness; conservation without obstruction; and constant exercise without any dissipation. The five notes are harmonious; the [airs of the] eight winds are equally blended; the parts [of the different instruments] are defined; all is maintained in an orderly manner; the complete virtue [of Zhou and Shang and of Lu] appears united here."
'When he saw the dancers with the ivory pipes, and those with the southern flageolets, he said, "Admirable! And still we must regret [that Wen's sway was not universal]."
'When he saw the dancers of the Dawu (the dance of king Wu), he said, "Admirable! Zhou was now complete! Here is the witness of it!"
'When he saw the dancers of the Shaohu (The dance of Tang of Yin), he said, "The magnanimity of the sage! and still there was something to be ashamed of [in Tang];—his position was hard [even] for a sage."
'When he saw the dancers of the Daxia (the music of Yu), he said, "Admirable! Zealous labour without any assumption of merit!—who but Yu could have accomplished this?"
'When he saw the dancers of the Shaoxiao (the music of Shun), he said, "Virtue was here complete. This is great. It is like the universal overshadowing of heaven, and the universal sustaining of the earth. The most complete virtue could add nothing to this. Let the exhibition stop. If there be any other music, I shall not presume to ask to hear it."
'Zha had come out to pay complimentary visits, to introduce the new ruler of Wu to the other princes; so he now went on to Qi, where he was pleased with Yan Pingzhong, and said to him, "Quickly return [to the State] your towns and your share in the government. If you are without towns and charge, you will escape the troubles [that are coming]. The government of Qi will come into the hands of the right person; but until that happens, its troubles will not cease." Yanzi on this resigned his share in the government and his towns through Chen Huanzi; and in this way he escaped the troubles of Luan and Gao.
'[From Qi] Zha went on to Zheng, where he visited Zichan, as if they had been old acquaintances, presenting him with a sash of the plain, white silk [of Wu], and receiving from him a robe of the grass-cloth [of Zheng]. He said to Zichan, "The [acting] chief minister of Zheng is extravagant, and troubles will [soon] arise. The government is sure to fall to you, and you must be careful to observe the rules of propriety in the conduct of it. If you are not so, the State will go to ruin."
'He went on to Wey, where he was pleased with Qu Yuan, Shi Gou, Shi Qiu, the Gongzi Jing, Gongshu Fa, and the Gongzi Zhao, and said, "There are many superior men in Wey, and it will not yet have any sorrows."
'From Wey he went to Jin, and [on the way] was going to pass the night in Qi. Hearing the sound of bells in it, however, he said, "This is strange! I have heard that he who strives, and does so not virtuously, is sure to be executed. It is because he offended against his ruler that he is here. If to live in apprehension were not enough for him, why should he go on to have music? He lives here like a swallow which has built its nest in a tent. When his ruler is still in his coffin in the ancestral temple, is it a time to have music?" With this he left the place; but when [Sun] Wenzi heard his words, he never afterwards listened to a lute all his life.
'Arrived at Jin, he was pleased with Zhao Wenzi, Han Xuanzi, and Wei Xianzi, and said, "The [rule of the] State of Jin will be concentrated in the families of these three." He was pleased [also] with Shuxiang; and when he was going away, he said to him, "You must do your best. Your ruler is extravagant, and there are many [deemed to be] good men [about the court]. The great officers are wealthy, and the government will come into their families. You love what is straightforward, and will take thought how to escape yourself from calamities [that are coming]."'
There is considerable difficulty in connexion with this mission of Jizha. Acc. to Zuoshi, it was to open communications between the new ruler of Wu and the other princes. But the former ruler of Wu was murdered only in the 5th month; and that same month, Zha must have been despatched;—a thing irreconcileable with the properties of China. Du Yu supposes that he was sent away by Yuzhai before his murder, and went on his mission, without hearing of it. But as the news of that event soon reached Lu, it could not but also reach him. This is one of those questions which cannot be satisfactorily solved, and which there is therefore little use in discussing.
In his history of Wu, (Historical Records, Bk XXXI.) Sima Qian gives Yuzhai 17 years of rule, and a natural death, so that the Chunqiu and his Work here contradict each other.
Par. 10. This is the first appearance of North Yan in the classic. It was a Qi State, held by the descendants of Shih, the duke of Shao famous in the Shu, as earls, or acc. to Sima Qian, marquises. Its capital was Ji (蓟), in the pres. dis. of Daxing, one of the districts in which Beijing is. There is still a Jizhou in the dep. of Shuntian.
The Zhuan says—-'In autumn, in the 9th month, Gongsun Chai and Gongsun Zao of Qi drove the great officer Gao Zhi to north Yan. He went from the capital on Yiwei. The words of the text, that he left the State and fled, are condemnatory of him (?). He was fond of assuming the merit of anything that was done, and acting on his own authority; and hence trouble came upon him.'
Par. 11. This visit was, acc. to Zuoshi, in return for that to Lu of Fan Shu (Shi Yang) in the summer.
[We have here two narratives:
1st. 'In consequence of the troubles about Gao Zhi, [his son] Gao Shu held [the city of] Lu in revolt. In the 10th month, on Gengyin, Lüqiu Ying led a force, and invested Lu, when Shu said that he would surrender it, if they agreed that the Gao family should continue to have its representative. The people then appointed to that position Yan the great-grandson of Jingzhong (The Gao Xi in the Zhuan in III. ix. 6), out of their esteem for Jingzhong. In the 11th month, on Yimao, Gao Shu surrendered Lu, and fled to Jin, where they walled Mian, and placed him in it.'
2d. 'Boyou of Zheng wished to send Gongsun Hei on a mission of Chu, but he declined to go, saying, 'Chu and Zheng are now offended with each other;—to send me there is to kill me." Boyou urged that such missions were hereditary in his family; but he replied, "When it is possible, we go; when there are difficulties, we do not;—what hereditary duty is there in the case?" Boyou wanted to force him to go, which enraged him—Zixi—so that he arranged to atack the family of Boyou; but the great oficers reconciled them. In the 12th month, on Jisi, the great officers made a convenant with the Boyou, when Pi Chen said, 'How long will this covenant be adhered to? The ode (Shi, II. v. ode IV. 3) says,
'The superior is continually making covenants, And the deisorder is thereby increased.' The present is the way to prolong disorder; our misery will not yet cease. It will take 3 years before we are relieved from it." Ranming said, "To whom will the govt. go?" and Chen replied, "It is the rule of Heaven that good men should take the place of bad. To whom should it go but to Zichan? His elevation will not be out of order, but what is due to his position. His elevation as a good man will be approved by all. Heaven is destroying Boyou, and has taken away his reason. When Zixi is dead, Zichan cannot escape being chief minister. Heaven has long been afficting Zheng, and will make Zichan give it rest. Through him the State may still be settled; if it be not so, it will go to ruin."']
1. In the [duke's] thirtieth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the viscount of Chu sent Wei Pi to Lu on a mission of friendly inquiries.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, Ban, heir-son of Cai, murdered his ruler Gu.
3. In the fifth month, on Jiawu, there was a fire in [the palace of] Song, [in which] the eldest daughter [of our duke Cheng], [who had been married to duke Gong] of Song, died.
4. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] put to death his younger brother, Ningfu.
5. The king's son Xia fled to Jin.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, Shu Gong went to the burial of Gong Ji of Song.
7. Liang Xiao of Zheng fled from that State to Xu. From Xu he entered [again] into [the capital of] Zheng, when the people of Zheng put him to death.
8. In winter, in the tenth month, there was the burial of duke Jing of Cai.
9. Officers of Jin, Qi, Song, Wey, Zheng, Cao, Ju, Zhu, Teng, Xue, Qi, and Little Zhu, had a meeting at Chanyuan, in consequence of the calamity of fire in Song.
Par. 1. For 罷 Gongyang has 頗. This visit from Chu was to open communications between the court of Lu, and the new ruler of Chu, whose accession is mentioned in the Zhuan in the last par. of the 28th year. The Zhuan here says:——'Mushu asked the envoy how king [Gong's] son was going on in his government, and was answered, "We little men eat, and receive instructions as to the business to be done by us, always apprehensive lest we do not fulfil our duties aright, and do not escape being charged with some transgression; how can we have anything to do with taking knowledge of the government?" Mushu pressed for a more definite reply, but did not obtain it, on which he said to the great officers, "The chief minister of Chu is going to make a coup d'etat, and Zidang (Wei Pi) will take a part in it. He is aiding him, and conceals the matter."
[There are appended here three narratives:—
1st. 'Zichan attended the earl of Zheng on a visit to Jin, when Shuxiang asked him how [it was going to go] with the government of Zheng. He replied, "Whether I can see it, or cannot see it, the thing will be determined this year. Si (The Gongsun Hei, Zixi;—see the Zhuan at the end of the last year) and Liang (Boyou) were quarrelling, and I do not know the issue. If the issue were come, and I see it, then [what you ask about] may be known." Shuxiang said, "Have they not been reconciled?" "Boyou," answered Zichan, "is extravagant and self-willed; and Zixi likes to be above others. The one of them cannot be below the other. Although they were reconciled, they are still gathering evil against one another; and it will come to a head at no [distant] day." '
2d. 'In the 2d month, on Guiwei, the [dowager] marchioness Dao of Jin entertained all the men who had been engaged in the walling of Qi. Belonging to the district of Jiang was a childless old man who went and took his place at the feast. Some who were present doubted about his age, and would have him tell it. He said, "A small man like me does not know how to keep a record of the years. Since the year of my birth, which began on a Jiazi, the 1st day of the moon (The Xia year, not the Zhou), there have been 445 Jiazi, and today is the 20th day of the cycle now running (20 days=1/3 of 60)." The officers [of the feast] ran to the court to ask [the year of his birth]. The music-master Kuang said, "It was the year when Shuzhong Huibo of Lu had a meeting with Xi Chengzi in Chengkuang (See VI. xi. 2). In that year, the Di invaded Lu, and Shusun Zhuangshu defeated them at Xian, taking their giants Qiaoru, Hui, and Bao, after whom he named his sons. It is 73 years ago." The historiographer Zhao said, "The character hai (亥, anciently, in the seal character ) is composed of two at the head and sixes in the body of it. If you take the two and place it alongside the sixes of the body (), you get the number of the man's days." Shi Wenbo said, "Then they are 26,660."
'Zhaomeng asked the commandant of the district, and found that it belonged to his own jurisdiction, on which he called the [old] man, and apologized for the error [that had been committed]. "In my want of ability," said he, "and occupied with [all] the great business of our ruler, through the many subjects of anxiety in connection with the State of Jin. I have not been able to employ you, [as you ought to be employed], but have made you be occupied with earth and plaster too long. It was my fault, and I apologize for my want of ability." He then made the man an officer, and wanted him to assist in the government. The man declined this on the ground of his age, when he gave him some lands, and made him keeper of the marquis's wardrobe. He also made him one of the [land] masters for the district of Jiang, and degraded the commissary [who had employed him].
'At this time the commissioner of Lu (Zhongsun Jie) was in Jin, and he told this circumstance to the other great officers on his return. Ji Wuzi observed, "Jin is not to be slighted. With Zhaomeng as [the chief of its] great officers, and Boxia (Shi Wenbo) as his assistant; with the historiographer Zhao, and the music-master Kuang, to refer to; and with Shuxiang and Ru Qi, as tutor and guardian to its ruler, there are many superior men in its court. It is not to be slighted. Our proper course is to exert ourselves to serve it."
3d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, on Jihai, the earl of Zheng made a covenant with his great officers. The superior man can know from this that the troubles of Zheng were not yet at an end'].
Par. 2. See the remarks of Zichan in the narrative appended to xxviii. 4. The Zhuan here says:——'The marquis Jing of Cai had taken a wife for his eldest son from Chu, and debauched her. The son [now] murdered the marquis.' 迬 is also found 翭.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Some one called out in the grand temple of Song. "Ah! ah! come out, come out." A bird [also] sang at the altar of Bo, as if it were saying, "Ah! Ah!" On Jiawu there occurred a great fire in Song, when duke [Cheng's] eldest daughter who had been married to the ruler of Song, died;—through her waiting for the instructress of the harem. The superior man may say that Gong Ji acted like a young lady, and not like a woman of years. A girl should wait for the instructress [in such a case]; a wife might act as was right in the case.'
The lady of Lu who died in this fire was the same whose marriage occurred in the 9th year of duke Cheng, so that she must now have been not less than 60, and might very well have made her escape from the flames without being exposed to the charge of immodesty. Zuoshi's remark to the charge may well excite a smile. A superior woman might dispense with the help of the duenna in a case of fire. The critics are wroth with Zuoshi for the modified reflection which he makes on the lady, who covered herself, they say, with imperishable glory (足 以 風 勵 千 古).
Par. 4. For 佞 夫 Gongyang has 年 夫. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, after king [Jian's] son Dan Ji's death, his son Kuo was going to have an audience of [his brother] king [Ling] and sighed. Qianqi, son of the duke of Shan, who was the king's charioteer, was passing through the court, and heard the sign, with the words, "Ah! this shall be mine;" so he went in, and reported the thing to the king, saying, "You must put him to death. He shows no sorrow [for his father's death], and has great ambitions. His looks are fierce, and he lifts his feet high,—his thoughts elsewhere. If you do not kill him, he will do hurt." The king replied, "He is a boy; what does his knowledge extend to?"
'When king Ling died, Dan Kuo wished to raise his brother Ningfu to the throne, that prince knowing nothing of it; and on Wuzi he laid siege to Wei, and drove out Cheng Qian, who fled to Pingzhi. In the 5th month, Yin Yanduo, Liu Yi, Shan Mie, Gan Guo, and Gong Cheng, put Ningfu to death. Kuo, Xia, and Liao fled to Jin. The text says that "The king put his younger brother to death," thereby condemning the king.'(!)
Par. 5. This Xia must have been another son of king Ling, and a brother of Ningfu. His flight is mentioned in the preceding narrative. We have here simply 奔, 'fled,' and not 出 奔, 'went out and fled,' because all the kingdom was Zhou.
[We have here the following narrative:——In the 6th month, Zichan of Zheng went to Chen to superinted the business of a covenant. When he reported the execution of his commission, he said to the great officers, "Chen is a doomed State, with which we should have nothing to do. [Its government] is collecting rice and millet, and repairing the walls of its capital and suburbs, relying on these two things, without doing anything for the comfort of the people. The ruler is too weak to stand to anything; his brothers and cousins are extravagant; his eldest son is mean; the great officers are proud; the government is in the hands of many families:——in this condition, and so near to the great State [of Chu] can it avoid perishing? It will perish within ten years."']
Par. 6. Guliang omits the 宋 before 共 Shu Gong was a son of Shu Lao, mentioned xiv. 1, et al. The lady has the name of Gong, being so called from the posthumous title of her husband. The sad death which had overtaken her, and what was considered her heroic conduct in it, made Lu pay her this extraordinary honour.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Boyou of Zheng, in his fondness for drinking, made a chamber under ground, where he would drink all night, with bells beating around him. [On one occasion], when parties came to wait on him in the mooning, [his debauch] was not over; and when they asked where he was, the servants told them that he was in the valley, on which they all retired, and went their different ways. After this he repaired to the [earl's] court, and again insisted that Zixi should go to Chu (See the 2d narrative at the end of last year). Then on his return home, he fell to drinking.
'On Gengzi, Zixi, with the men-at-arms of the Si family, attacked and burned his house, when he fled (=was carried off by his servants) to Yongliang, only becoming aware of what had happened, when he awoke. He then fled to Xu.
'The great officers collected to take counsel [as to what should be done]. Zipi said, "We read in the Book of Zhonghui (Shu, IV. ii. 7), 'Take what they have from the disorderly, and deal summarily with those who are going to ruin. Overthrow the perishing, and strengthen what is being preserved:'—this will be profitable for the State. The founders of the Han, Si, and Feng families were the sons of one mother. Boyou [belongs to a different mother, and] is so excessively extravagant that he could not escape [his fate]." People said that Zichan would take the part of the right and help the strong. Zichan, however, said, "How should I be made a partizan? It is hard to know who should die for the miseries and troubles of the State. Suppose I took my stand with these, the strong and upright, would troubles not arise? I must be allowed to occupy my proper place."
'On Xichou, Zichan shrouded those belonging to Boyou's household who had died, and placed them in their coffins for burial; and then, without having taken part in the counsels [of the other officers], proceeded to leave. Yin Duan and Zipi followed him, to stop him, but [the majority] said, "Why should you detain a man who will not act along with us?" Zipi replied, "He has behaved properly to the dead; how much more will he do so to the living!" With this he went himself and induced him to remain."
'On Renyin, Zichan entered the capital, and, on Guimao, Zishi (Yin Duan); and both accepted a covenant with Zixi. On Yisi, the earl and the great officers made a covenant in the grand temple, and they bound [also] the people of the State, outside the gate Shizhiliang. When Boyou heard that they had made a covenant in Zheng with reference to himself, he was enraged; and when he heard that Zipi's men-at-arms had not been present at the attack on him, he was glad, and said, "Zipi is for me." On Guichou, early in the morning, he entered the city by the drain at the Mu gate; by means of Jie, the master of the horse, procured arms from the repository of Xiang; and proceded to attack the old north gate. Si Dai led the people to attack him; and both parties called out for Zichan. "You are both," said Zichan, "my brethren, and since things have come to this pass, I will follow him whom Heaven favours." Boyou then died in the Sheep-market. Zichan covered him with a shroud, pillowed his body on his thigh, and wept over it. He then had it dressed and put into a coffin, which was deposited in the house of an officer of Boyou, who lived near to the market, burying it afterwards in Doucheng.
'The head of the Si family wanted to attack Zichan, but Zipi was angry with him, and said, "Propriety is the bulwark of a State. No misfortune could be greater than to kill the observer of it." On this the other desisted from his purpose.
'At this time You Ji, who had been on a mission to Jin, was returning; but when he heard of the troubles, he did not enter the capital. Entrusting to his assistant-commissioner the report of his mission, in the 8th month, on Jizi, he fled to Jin. Si Dai pursued him as far as Suanzao, and there Ji made a covenant with him,—Zishang,—dropping two batons of jade into the He, in attestation of his sincerity. He then sent Gongsun Xi into the city to make a covenant with the great officers, after which, on Jisi, he returned himself, and took his former position.
'The text simply says that "The people of Zheng put to death Liang Xiao," not designating him a great officer of the State, because he entered it from abroad.
'After the death of Zijiao (Gongsun Chai; in the 19th year) when he was about to be buried, Gongsun Hui and Pi Zao came together early in the morning to be present. As they passed the gate of Boyou's house, there were some weeds growing on the top of it; and Ziyu (Gongsun Hui) said, "Are those weeds still there?" At this time the year-star was in Xianglou; and when that reached the meridian, it was morning. Pi Zao pointed to that constellation, and said, "The year-star may still complete a revolution, but it will not arrive at this point where it now is. When Boyou died, the year-star was in the mouth of Juzi; and the year after, it again reached Xianglou.
'Pu Zhan had followed Boyou, and died along with him. Yu Jie left the State and fled to Jin, where he became commandant of Jin. At the meeting of Jize. Yue Cheng of Zheng had fled to Chu, and thence gone to Jin. Yu Jie sought his help, and they were friendly. He served Zhao Wenzi, and spoke with him about invading Zheng; but that could not be done, in consequence of the covenant of Song. Zipi made Gongsun Chu master of the horse.'
Par. 8. [The Zhuan appends here:——'The Gongzi Wei of Chu put to death the grand-marshal Wei Yan, and took to himself all his property. Shen Wuyu said, "The king's son (Wei) is sure not to escape an evil death. Good men are the reliance of the State. As chief minister of the State, he ought to promote and support the good, but he oppresses them,—to the calamity of the State. The marshal moreover stands in as close proximity to the chief minister as his own side, and is the four limbs of the king. [Thus the king's son] has destroyed the reliance of the people, removed his own side, and injured the king's limbs:—there could be nothing worse or more inauspicious than this. How is it possible he should escape an evil death?" ']
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the fire in Song, the great officers of the States assembled to consult about making contributions for the benefit of that State. In winter, Shusun Bao joined Zhao Wu of Jin, Gongsun Chai of Qi, Xiang Xu of Song, Beigong Tuo of Wey, Han Hu of Zheng, and a great officer of Little Zhu, in a meeting at Chanyuan; but the issue was that no contributions were made to Song. On this account the names of the parties who met are not given.
'The superior man will say that good faith is a thing about which men should be most careful. The ministers who met at Chanyuan are not recorded because they did not keep good faith, and their rank and names were all thrown on one side;—such is the declaration of the evil of the want of faith. The ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 1) says,
|"King Wen ascends and descends|
|In the presence of God."|
There is the declaration of [the value of] good faith. Another ode (One of those which are lost) says,
|"Be wisely careful as to your conduct;|
|Let nothing be done in hypocrisy."|
That is spoken of the want of good faith. The words of the text that such and such men met at Chanyuan, and that it was on account of the calamity of Song, is condemnatory of them [all]. The great officer of Lu is not mentioned,—to conceal [the shame of that State] (?).
[There is here a narrative about Zichan in the government of Zheng;—-'Zipi of Zheng wished to resign the government of that State to Zichan, who declined it, saying, "The State is small, and is near to [a great one]; the clans are great, and many [members of them] are favourites [with our ruler]. The government cannot be efficiently conducted." Zipi replied, "I will lead them all to listen [to your orders], and who will dare to come into collision with you? With your ability presiding over its administration, the State will not be small. Though it be small, you can with it serve the great State, and the State will enjoy ease." On this Zichan undertook the government. Wishing to employ the services of Boshi (Gongsun Duan), he conferred on him a grant of towns. Zitaishu said, "The State is the State of us all; why do you make such a grant to him alone?" Zichan replied, "It is hard for a man not to desire such things; and when a man gets what he desires, he is excited to attend to his business, and labours to compass its success. I cannot compass that; it must be done by him. And why should you grudge the towns? Where will they go?" "But what will the neighbouring States think?" urged Zitaishu. "When we do not oppose one another," was the reply, "but act in harmony, what will they have to blame? It is said in one of our own Books, 'In order to giving rest and settlement to the State, let the great families have precedence.' Let me now for the present content them, and wait for that result." After this Boshi became afraid, and returned the towns; but in the end, [Zichan] gave them to him. And now that Boyou was dead, he sent the grand historiographer to Boshi with the commission of a minister. It was declined, and the historiographer withdrew, when Boshi requested that the offer might be repeated. On its being so, he again declined it; and this he did three times, when at last he accepted the tablet, and went to the court to give thanks for it. All this made Zichan dislike the man, but he made him take the position next to himself.
'Zichan made the central cities and border lands of the State be exactly defined, and enjoined on the high and inferior officers to wear [only] their distinctive robes. The fields were all marked out by their banks and ditches. The houses and jing were divided into fives, responsible for one another. The great officers, who were faithful and temperate, were advanced to higher dignities, while the extravagant were punished and taken off. Feng Juan, in prospect of a sacrifice, asked leave to go a-hunting, but Zichan refused it, saying, "It is only the ruler who uses venison. The officers use in sacrifice only the domestic animals." Zizhang was angry, withdrew, and got his servants ready, intending to attack Zichan, who thought of flying to Jin. Zipi, however, stopped him, and drove out Feng Juan, who fled to Jin. Zichan begged his lands and villages from the duke, got Juan recalled in three years, and then restored them all to him, with the income which had accrued from them.
'When the government had been in Zichan's hands one year, all men sang of him,
|"We must take our clothes and caps, and hide them all away;|
|We must count our fields by fives, and own a mutual sway.|
|We'll gladly join with him who this Zichan will slay."|
But in three years the song was,
|""'Tis Zichan who our children trains;|
|Our fields to Zichan owe their gains.|
|Did Zichan die, who'd take the reins?"']|
1. In the [duke's] thirty-first year, it was spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Xinsi, the duke died in the Chu palace.
3. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Guisi, the [duke's] son Ye died.
4. On Jihai, Zhongsun Jie died.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, the viscount of Teng came to be present at the [duke's] interment.
6. On Guiyou, we buried our ruler, duke Xiang.
7. In the eleventh month, the people of Ju murdered their ruler, Mizhou.
Par. 1. [We find here in the Zhuan the two following narratives:—
1st. 'This spring, in the 1st month, when Mushu returned from the meeting [at Chanyuan], he visited Meng Xiaobo, and said to him,"Zhaomeng will [soon] die. His language was irrelevant, not becoming in a lord of the people. And moreover, though his years are not yet 50, he keeps repeating the same thing like a man of 80 or 90:—he cannot endure long. If he die, the government, I apprehend, will fall into the hands of Hanzi. You had better speak to Jisun, so that he may establish a good understanding [with Hanzi], who is a superior man. The ruler of Jin will lose his [control of the] government. If we do not establish such an understanding, so that [Hanzi] may be prepared to act in behalf of Lu, then when the government [of Jin] comes to be with the great officers, and Hanzi turns out to be weak, we shall find those officers very covetous, and their demands upon us will be insatiable. We shall find [also] that neither Qi nor Chu is worth our adhering to it, and Lu will be in a perilous case." Xiaobo observed, "Man's life is not long; who can keep from that irrelevancy? The morning may not be followed by the evening; of what use would it be to establish that good understanding?" Mushu went out from the interview, and said to a friend, "Mengsun will [soon] die. I told him of the irrelevancy of Zhaomeng, and his own language was still more irrelevant." He then spoke [himself] to Jisun about the affairs of Jin, but [that minister] did not follow [his counsel].
'When Zhao Wenzi died, the ducal House of Jin was reduced to a low State. The government was ruled by the ambitious families. Han Xuanzi was chief minister, but could not deal with the cases of the States. Lu was unable to endure the requirements of Jin, and slanderous charges against it multiplied, till [at last] there came the meeting of Pingqiu (See below in the 13th year of duke Zhao).
2d. 'Ziwei of Qi hated Lüqiu Ying; and, wishing to put him to death, he made him lead a force, and attack Yangzhou. We went to ask the reason of such an expedition; and in summer, in the 5th month, Ziwei put Lüqiu Ying to death, to satisfy our army. Gonglou Sa, Sheng Zao, Kong Hui, and Jia Yin, fled from Qi to Ju. All the sons of the previous dukes were driven out.']
Par. 2. Duke Xiang was thus still a young man when he died, being only in his 35th year. The history of his rule much belies his name of Xiang, for the conduct of affairs during it was the reverse of sucessful.
On his visit to Chu, the duke had admired its palaces, and erected one on his return after their pattern, giving to it the name of that State.
The Zhuan says:——'When the duke built the Chu palace, Mushu said, "We read in the Great Declaration (Shu, V. i. Pt. i. 11), 'What a man desires, Heaven is sure to gratify him in.' Our ruler's desire is for Chu, and therefore he has made this palace. If he do not again go to Chu, he is sure to die here. [Accordingly], in the Chu palace he did die, on Xinsi, in the 6th month.
'Shuzhong Dai (The Shuzhong Zhaobo of the Zhuan on vii. 4) stole [on this occasion] the large bi, giving it [first] to his charioteer, who put it in his breast, and afterwards getting it from him again. In consequence of this he was deemed an offender [by the people].'
Par. 3. Comp the 子 般 卒 in III. xxxii. 5. But the death of duke Zhuang's son was a death of violence, and should have been so described, while the death of Ye in the text was from disease.
The Zhuan says:——'[On the duke's death], Ye, his son by Jing Gui, a lady of the house of Hu, was appointed his successor, and lived in the mansion of Jisun; but in autumn, in the 9th month, on Guisi, having been pining away, he died. Jisun then declared the succession to be in the Gongzi Chou, the duke's son by Qi Gui, the cousin of King Gui, [who had accompanied her to the harem]. Mushu was dissatisfied with the choice, and said, "When the eldest son [by the wife] dies, his own younger brother should have the succession. And if he have no own brother, then the eldest of his father's other sons [by concubines]. When there are two of the same age, the worthier should be chosen; where they do not differ in regard to their righteousness, the tortoise-shell should be consulted:—this was the ancient way. [Ye] was not the heir as being the wife's son, and it was not necessary to appoint the son of his' mother's cousin. This man, moreover, has shown no grief in his mourner's place; in the midst of the sorrow he has looked pleased. He is what may be pronounced 'a man without rule', and it is seldom that such an one does not occasion trouble. If indeed he be appointed marquis, he is sure to give sorrow to the family of Ji." Ji Wuzi would not listen to his remonstrance, and the issue was that Chou was appointed. By the time of the burial, he had thrice changed his mourning, and the flaps of his coat looked quite old. At this time, he—duke Zhao—was 19 years old, and he still had a boy's heart, from which a superior man could know that he would not go on well to the end.'
Par.4. This was Meng Xiaobo. He was succeeded by his son Jue (貜), known as Meng Xizi (孟 僖 子), as Head of the Zhongsun clan, and minister.
Par. 5. This is the first instance we have of the lord of another State coming in person to Lu to the funeral of one of its marquises. It was an innovation on the rules which regulated the intercommunion of the States. Chen Fuliang (陳 傅 良; Song dyn.) says:--'At the second burial of duke Hui, the marquis of Wey came and was present, but duke Yin did not see him (See the 2d narrative after I. i. 5); for, in the beginning of the Chunqiu period, Lu still held fast the rules of propriety. On the death of duke Jing of Jin, duke Cheng went to present his condolences (VIII. x. 6). By that time Lu had been brought low, and they detained him in Jin, and made him attend the burial. None of the other princes were present, and the people of Lu felt the disgrace, for up to that time no prince of another State had been present at the funeral of the president of the States even. At the burial of king Kang of Chu, the duke [of Lu], with the marquis of Chen, the earl of Zheng, and the baron of Xu, had attended it to the outside of the west gate. Thus the princes of the kingdom had been present at the funeral of [a lord of] Chu; and now the viscount of Teng came to the funeral of duke Xiang. In the end of the Chunqiu period, it became a sort of allowable thing for one prince to be present at the funeral of another, but to hurry away to the ceremonies immediately following after death was still too great a breach of rule." The rule was, according to the old regulations, that on the death of any prince, the other States should immediately despatch an officer to express their condolences, and then despatch a great officer to attend the funeral. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Cheng of Teng came to be present at the burial, but he behaved rudely, while at the same time he shed many tears. Zifu Huibo said, 'The ruler of Teng will [soon] die. Rude in his place [of mourning.] and yet showing an excessive grief, here is a premonition in the place of death:—must he not [soon] follow [our duke]?"
Par. 6. [We have here the following narrative:——'In the month of duke [Xiang's] funeral, Zichan attended the earl of Zheng on a visit to Jin. The marquis, on the pretence of the death of our duke, did not immediately give the earl an interview, on which Zichan made all the walls about their lodging-house be thrown down, and brought in their carriages and horses. Shi Wenbo went to complain of the proceeding, and said, "Through want of proper attention in our State to the government and the administration of the penal laws, robbers have become quite rife. For the sake, however, of the princes of the States and their retinues, who condescend to come to him, our ruler has made his officers put in good repair the reception-houses for guests, raising high their gates, and making strong the walls around, that they might be free from anxiety [on account of the robbers]. And now you have thrown these down, so that, though your followers may be able to guard you, how will it be in the case of other guests? Our State, as lord of covenants, has to keep the walls of those houses in good repair, with the tops of them safely covered to, be in readiness for its visitors; and if all were to throw them down, how should we be able to respond to the requirements on us? My ruler has sent me to ask what you have to say in the matter." Zichan replied, "Through the smallness of our State, and its position between great States, whose demands upon it come we know not when, we do not dare to dwell at ease, but collect all the contributions due from us, and come to consult about the business of the times. It has happened now that your ministers are not at leisure, and we have not obtained an interview with the marquis, nor have we received any instructions, so that we might know when we should do so. We did not dare, [without a previous interview], to send in our offerings, nor did we dare to leave them exposed. If we should send them in [without that interview], they would be [but the regular] appurtenances of your ruler's treasuries:—without the display of them at it, we dare not send them in. If we should leave them exposed, then we were afraid that, through the sudden occurrence of [excessive] heat or rain, they might decay or be injured by insects, and our State be chargeable with a heavy offence.
"'I have heard that when duke Wen was lord of covenants, his own palace was low and small, and he had no prospect-towers or terraces; —that he might make the reception-houses for the princes the more lofty and large. The chambers were as large as his own, and the repositories and stables belonging to them were kept in good order. The minister of Works saw at the proper seasons that the roads were made in good condition. The plasterers in the same way did their duty on the apartments. Then when the visiting princes arrived, the foresters supplied the torches for the courtyards; the watchmen made their rounds about the buildings; the followers of the guests were relieved of their duties by men supplied for the purpose; there were menials, herdsmen, and grooms, to see what might be required of them to do; and the officers belonging to the various departments had the articles which they had to prepare for the guests ready for supply. The duke did not detain his guests. and yet there was nothing neglected. He shared with them their sorrows and joys. He examined any business [they had to lay before him], teaching them where their knowledge was deficient, and compassionating them where in anything they fell short. Guests [then] came to Jin as if they were going home; —what calamity or distress had they to think of? They did not have to fear robbers, or to be troubled about the heat or the damp.
"'But now the palace of Tongdi extends over several li, and the princes have to occupy what seem the houses of menials. The gates will not admit their carriages, and they cannot be taken over the walls. Robbers move about openly, and there is no defence against the evil influences [of heat and damp]. No time is fixed for the guests to have an interview, and they have no means of knowing when they will be summoned to it. If we are further required not to throw down the walls, we shall have nowhere to deposit our offerings, and may lie open to the charge of a grave offence. Allow me to ask what charge you have to give us. Although your ruler has to mourn the death of [the duke of Lu], that is also an occasion of sorrow to our State. If we shall be permitted to present our offerings, and to depart after repairing the walls, it will be a kindness on the part of your ruler;—shall we presume to shrink from performing the labour diligently?"
'Wenbo reported the result of his commission, and Zhao Wenzi said, "It is true. We are verily wanting in virtue. That we cause the princes to take up their residences within walls only fit for very inferior officers is our crime." Shi Wenbo was then sent to apologize for the want of attention. The marquis saw the earl, and showed him more than ordinary courtesy. He entertained him liberally, sent him away with proofs of his friendship, and built reception-houses for the princes. Shuxiang said, "Thus indispensable is the gift of speechmaking! Zichan has that gift, and all the States are under obligations to him. On no account may speeches be dispensed with. The words of the ode (Shi, III. ii. ode X. 2),
|'Let your words be in harmony with the right,|
|And the people will agree with them.|
|Let your words be gentle and kind,|
|And the people will be settled,'|
show that the author knew this."
'Zipi of Zheng sent Yin Duan to Chu, to report how [the earl] had gone to Jin:——which was proper.']
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Libi of Ju had two sons, Quji and Zhanyu. He first declared that the succession would be in Zhanyu, and then disannulled that arrangement. He was tyrannical, and the people were distressed by their sufferings. In the 11th month, Zhanyu, with the help of the people, attacked and murdered him, and then took his place. Quji fled to Qi, to which State his mother belonged, while Zhanyu was the son of a daughter of the, House of Wu. The text, in saying that the people of Ju murdered their ruler, Maizhuchu, shows that he was a criminal(?)."
[There follow here five narratives:——1st. 'The viscount of Wu sent Qu Huyong (The son of Wuchen; see on VII. vii. 5) on a complimentary mission to Jin, to keep the way [between the two States] open. Zhao Wenzi asked him, "Has Jizi of Yan and Zhoulai (Jizha) really become your ruler? At Chao you lost Zhufan (See xxv. 10); a door-keeper killed Daiwu (See xxix.4):—it would seem as if Heaven had been opening [the way] for him. How is it?" The envoy replied, "He has not been appointed our ruler. That was the fate of the two kings, and not any opening [of the way] for Jizi. If you speak of Heaven's opening the way, I should say it was for our present ruler, who has succeeded [to his brother]. He has great virtue, and takes [wise] measures.
Virtuous, he does not lose the [attachment of the] people. Taking [wise] measures, he does not err in [the conduct of] affairs. By this attachment of the people, and by his orderly conduct of affairs, Heaven has opened the way for him. The rulers of the State of Wu must be the descendants of this ruler,—yes, to the end. Jizi is one who maintains his purity. Although he might have had the State, he refused to be ruler."'
2d. 'In the 12th month, Beigong Wenzi attended duke Xiang of Wey on a visit to Chu, undertaken in compliance with the covenant of Song; and as they passed by [the capital of] Zheng, Yin Duan went out to comfort them under the toils of the journey, using the ceremonies of a complimentary visit, but the speeches appropriate to such a comforting visit. Wenzi entered the city, to pay a complimentary visit [in return]. Ziyu was the internuncius. Feng Jianzi and Zitaishu met the guest. When the business was over, and [Wenzi] had gone out [again], he said to the marquis of Wey, "Zheng observes the proprieties. This will be a blessing to it for several generations, and save it, I apprehend, from any inflictions from the great States. The ode says (Shi, III. iii. ode III. 5),
|'Who can hold anything hot?|
|Must he not dip it [first] in water?'|
The rules of propriety are to government what that dipping is to the consequences of the heat. With the dipping to take away the heat, there is no distress." Zichan, in the administration of his government, selected the able and employed them. Feng Jianzi was able to give a decision in the greatest matters. Zitaishu was handsome and accomplished. Gongsun Hui told what was doing in the States round about, and could distinguish all about their great officers, their clans, surnames, order, positions, their rank whether noble or mean, their ability or the reverse; and he was also skilful in composing speeches. Pi Chen was a skilful counsellor;—skilful when he concocted his plans in the open country, but not when he did so in the city. When the State was going to have any business with other States, Zichan asked Ziyu what was doing round about, and caused him to compose a long speech. He then took Pi Chen in his carriage into the open country, and made him consider whether the speech would suit the occasion or not. Next he told Feng Jianzi, and made him give a decision in the case. When all this was done, he put the matter into the hands of Zitaishu to carry it into effect, replying to the visitors [from the other States]. In this way it was seldom that any affair went wrong. This was what Beigong Wenzi meant in saying that Zheng observed the proprieties.' Comp Ana. XIV. ix.
3d.' 'A man of Zheng rambled into a village school, and fell discoursing about the conduct of the government.
'[In consequence], Ranming proposed to Zichan to destroy [all] the village schools; but that minister said, "Why do so? If people retire morning and evening, and pass their judgment on the conduct of the government, as being good or bad, I will do what they approve of, and I will alter what they condemn;—they are my teachers. On what ground should we destroy [those schools]? I have heard that by loyal conduct and goodness enmity is diminished, but I have not heard that it can be prevented by acts of violence. It may indeed be hastily stayed for a while, but it continues like a stream that has been dammed up. If you make a great opening in the dam, there will be great injury done,—beyond our power to relieve. The best plan is to lead the water off by a small opening. [In this case] our best plan is to hear what is said, and use it as a medicine." Ranming said, "From this time forth I know that you are indeed equal to the administration of affairs. I acknowledge my want of ability. If you indeed do this, all Zheng will be benefited by it, and, not we two or three ministers only."
'When Zhongni heard of these words, he said, "Looking at the matter from this, when men say that Zichan was not benevolent, I do not believe it."
4th. 'Zipi wanted to make Yin He commandant of his city. Zichan said, "He is young, and I do not know that he can be so employed." "He is honest and careful," replied Zipi. "I love him. He does not go against me. Let him go and learn, and he will by-and-by know all the better how to rule." Zichan objected, "When a man loves another, he seeks to benefit him; but when you, in your love for [this man], wish to confer a post on him, it is as if you would employ a man to cut before he is able to handle a knife;—the injury done to him must be great. 'If your love for a man only issues in your injuring him, who will venture to seek your love? You are the main support of the State of Zheng. If the main support be broken, the rafters will tumble down. I shall be crushed beneath them, and I must therefore speak out all my mind. If you have a piece of beautiful embroidered silk, you will not employ a [mere] learner to make it up. A great office and a great city are what men depend on for the protection of their persons; and you will employ a [mere] learner to undertake them!—are they not much more important than your beautiful embroidery? I have heard that a man must first learn, and then enter on the conduct of government; I have not heard that one is to learn in the exercise of that conduct. If you do indeed do this, you are sure to do injury. Take the case of hunting:—when a man is accustomed to shoot and to drive, his hunting will be successful. If he have never mounted a chariot nor shot nor driven, he will be utterly unsuccessful; and amid his fear lest he should be overturned, what leisure will he have to think of the game?" Zipi said, 'Good. I have shown myself unintelligent. I have heard that what the superior man makes it a point to know is the great and the remote, while the small man is concerned to know the small and the near. I am a small man. The garment which fits to my body I know and am careful about, but the great office and the great city, on which my body depends for protection, were far off and slighted by me. But for your words, I should not have known [my error]. On a former day I said that if you governed the State and I governed my family, and so preserved myself, it would do. Henceforth I know that I am insufficient even for this, and must be allowed even in the rule of my family to act as I shall be instructed by you." Zichan said, "Men's minds are different just as their faces are. How should I presume to say that your face must be as mine? But if [I see] that which makes my mind, as we say, uneasy, I will tell you of it." Zipi, impressed with his faithfulness, entrusted to him the government, and thus it was that Zichan was able to conduct the affairs of Zheng.'
5th. 'When the marquis of Wey was in Chu, Beigong Wenzi, perceiving the carriage and display of the chief minister Wey, said to the marquis, "The [pomp] of the chief minister is like that of the ruler; he must have his mind set on some other object. But though he may obtain his desire, he will not hold it to the end. The ode (Shi, III. iii. ode I. 1) says,
|'All have their beginning,|
|But there are few that can secure the end.'|
The difficulty is indeed with the end. The chief minister will not escape [an evil death]." The marquis said, "How do you know it?" Wenzi replied, "The ode (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 2) says,
|'Let him be reverently careful of his dignified manner,|
|And he will be the pattern of the people.'|
But the chief minister has no dignified manner [such as becomes him], and the people have no pattern in him. Let him, in whom the people find no pattern, be placed above them, yet he cannot continue to the end." "Good!" said the duke. "What do you mean by a dignified manner?" The reply was, "Having majesty that inspires awe, is what we call dignity. Presenting a pattern which induces imitation is what we call manner. When a ruler has the dignified manner of a ruler, his ministers fear and love him, imitate and resemble him, so that he holds [firm] possession of his State, and his fame continues through long ages. When a minister has the dignified manner of a minister, his inferiors fear and love him, so that he can keep [sure] his office, preserve his clan, and rightly order his family. So it is with all classes downwards, and it is by this that high and low are made firm in their relations to one another. An ode of Wey (Shi, I. iii. ode 1.3) says,
|'My dignified manner is mixed with ease,|
|And cannot be made the subject of remark;'|
showing that ruler and minister, high and low, father and son, elder and younger brother, at home and abroad, in great things and small, all have a dignified manner [which is proper to them]. An ode of Zhou (Shi, III. ii. ode III.4) says,
|'Your friends assisting at the service|
|Have done so in a dignified manner,'|
showing that it is the rule for friends, in their instruction of one another, to exhibit a dignified manner. One of the books of Zhou says, 'The great States feared his strength, and the small States cherished his virtue,' showing the union of awe and love. An ode (Shi, III. i. ode VII. 7) says,
|'Unconscious of effort,|
|He accorded with the example of God;'|
showing the union of imitation and resemblance.
'Zhou imprisoned king Wen for 7 years, and then all the princes of the kingdom repaired to the place of his imprisonment, and on this Zhou became afraid, and restored him [to his State]. This may be called an instance of how [king Wen] was loved. When he invaded Chong, on his second expedition, [the lord of that State] surrendered and acknowledged his duty as a subject. All the wild tribes [also] led on one another to submit to him. These may be pronounced instances of the awe which he inspired. All under heaven praised his meritorious services with songs and dances, which may be pronounced an instance of their taking him as a pattern. To the present day, the actions of king Wen are acknowledged as laws, which may be pronounced an instance of his power to make men resemble himself. The secret was his dignified manner. Therefore when the superior man, occupying a high position, inspires awe; and by his beneficence produces love; and his advancing and retiring are according to rule; and all his intercourse with others affords a pattern; and his countenance and steps excite the gaze [of admiration]; and the affairs he conducts serve as laws; and his virtuous actions lead to imitation; and his voice and air diffuse joy; and his movements and doings are elegant; and his words have distinctness and brilliance: —when thus he brings himself near to those below him, he is said to have a dignified manner."']
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