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10. 昭 公元 年
1. 元 年,春,王 正 月,公 即 位。
2. 叔 孫 豹 會 晉 趙 武,楚 公 子 圍,齊 國 弱,宋 向 戌,衛 齊 惡,陳 公 子 招,蔡
公 孫 歸 生,鄭 罕 虎,許 人,曹 人,於 虢。
3. 三 月 取 鄆。
4. 夏,秦 伯 之 弟 鍼 出 奔 晉。
5. 六 月 丁 巳,邾 子 華 卒。
6. 晉 荀 吳 帥 師 敗 狄 于 大 鹵。
7. 秋,莒 去 疾 自 齊 入 于 莒。
8. 莒 展 輿 出 奔 吳。
9. 叔 弓 帥 師 疆 鄆 田。
10. 葬 邾 悼 公。
11. 冬,十 有 一 月,己 酉,楚 子 麇 卒。
12. 楚 公 子 比 出 奔 晉。
左 傳 曰,元 年,春,楚 公 子 圍 聘 於 鄭,且 娶 於公 孫 段 氏,伍 舉 為 介,將 入 館,鄭 人 惡
之,使 行 人 子 羽 與 之 言,乃 館 於 外。既 聘,將 以 衆 逆,子 產 患 之,使 子 羽 辭 曰,以 敝 邑 褊 小,不 足 以
容 從 者,請 墠 聽 命。令 尹 命 大 宰 伯 州 犂 對 曰,君 辱 貺 寡 大 夫 圍,謂 圍,將 使 豐 氏 撫 有 而 室,圍 布
几 筵,告 於 莊 共 之 廟 而 來,若 野 賜之,是 委 君 貺 於 草 莽 也,是 寡 大 夫 不 得 列 於 諸 卿 也,不 寕 唯
是,又 使 圍 蒙 其 先 君,將 不 得 為 寡 君 老,其 蔑 以 復 矣,唯 大 夫 圖 之。子 羽 曰,小國 無 罪,恃 實 其 罪,將
恃 大 國 之 安 靖 己,而 無 乃 包 藏 禍 心 以 圖 之,小 國 失 恃,而 懲 諸 侯,使 莫 不 憾 者,距 違 君 命,而 有
所 壅 塞 不 行 是 懼,不 然,敝 邑,館 人 之 屬 也,其 敢 愛 豐 氏 之 祧,伍 舉 知 其 有 備 也,請 垂 櫜 而 入,許
之。正 月 乙 未,入 逆 而 出,遂 會 于 虢,尋 宋 之 盟 也。祁 午 謂 趙 文 子 曰,宋 之 盟,楚 人 得 志 於 晉,今 令
尹 之 不 信,諸 侯 之 所 聞 也,子 弗 戒,懼 又 如 宋,子 木 之 信,稱 於 諸 侯,猶 詐 晉 而 駕 焉,況 不 信 之 尤
者 乎,楚 重 得 志 於 晉,晉 之 恥 也,子 相 晉 國,以 為 盟 主,於 今 七 年矣,再 合 諸 侯,三 合 大 夫,服 齊 狄,寕
東 夏,平 秦 亂,城 淳 于,師 徒 不 頓,國 家 不 罷,民 無 謗 讟,諸 侯 無 怨,天 無 大 災,子 之 力 也,有 令 名
矣,而 終 之 以 恥 午 也 是 懼,吾 子 其 不 可 以 不 戒。文 子 曰,武 受 賜 矣,然 宋 之 盟,子 木 有 禍 人 之
心,武 有 仁 人 之 心,是 楚 所 以 駕 於 晉 也,今 武 猶 是 心 也,楚 又 行 僭,非 所 害 也,武 將 信 以 為 本,循
而 行 之,譬 如 農 夫,是 穮 是 蓘,雖 有 饑 饉,必 有 豐 年,且 吾 聞 之,能 信 不 為 人 下,吾 未 能 也,詩 曰,不
僭 不 賊,鮮 不 為 則,信 也,能 為 人 則 者,不 為 人 下 矣,吾 不 能 是 難,楚 不 為 患。楚 令 尹 圍 請 用 牲,讀
舊 書,加 於 牲 上 而 已,晉 人 許 之。三 月,甲 辰,盟。楚 公 子 圍 設 服 離 衛,叔 孫 穆 子曰,楚 公 子 美 矣,君
哉。鄭 子 皮 曰,二 執 戈 者 前 矣。蔡 子 家 曰,蒲 宮 有 前,不 亦 可 乎。楚 伯 州 犂 曰,此 行 也,辭 而 假 之 寡
君。鄭 行 人 揮 曰,假 不 反 矣。伯 州 犂 曰,子 姑 憂 子 皙 之 欲 背 誕 也。子 羽 曰,當 璧 猶 在,假 而 不 反,子
其 無 憂 乎,齊 國 子 曰,吾 代 二 子 愍 矣,陳 公 子 招 曰,不 憂 何 成,二 子 樂 矣,衛 齊 子 曰,苟 或 知 之,雖
憂 何 害。宋 合 左 師 曰,大 國 令 小 國 共,吾 知 共 而 已。晉 樂 王 鮒 曰,小 旻 之 卒 章 善 矣,吾 從 之。退
會,子 羽 謂 子 皮 曰,叔 孫 絞 而 婉,宋 左 師 簡 而 禮,樂 王 鮒 字 而 敬,子 與 子 家 持 之,皆 保 世 之 主
也,齊,衛,陳 大 夫,其 不 免 乎,國 子 代 人 憂,子 招 樂 憂,齊 子 雖 憂 弗 害,夫 弗 及 而 憂,與 可 憂 而 樂,與
憂 而 弗 害,皆 取 憂 之 道 也,憂 必 及 之,大 誓 曰,民 之 所 欲,天 必 從 之,三 大 夫 兆 憂,能 無 至 乎,言 以
知 物,其 是 之 謂 矣。
季 武 子 伐 莒,取 鄆。莒 人 告 於 會,楚 告 於 晉 曰,尋 盟 未 退,而 魯 伐 莒,瀆 齊 盟,請
戮 其 使。樂 桓 子 相 趙 文 子,欲 求 貨 於 叔 孫,而 為 之 請,使 請 帶 焉,弗 與,梁 其 踁 曰,貨 以 藩 身,子 何
愛 焉。叔 孫 曰,諸 侯 之 會,衛 社 稷 也,我 以 貨 免,魯 必 受 師,是 禍 之 也,何 衛 之 為,人 之 有 牆,以 蔽 惡
也,牆 之 隙 壞,誰 之 咎 也,衛 而 惡 之,吾 又 甚 焉,雖 怨 季 孫,魯 國 何 罪,叔 出 季 處,有 自 來 矣,吾 又 誰
怨,然 鮒 也 賄,弗 與 不 已。召 使 者 裂 裳 帛 而 與 之,曰,帶 其 褊 矣。趙 孟 聞 之 曰,臨 患 不 忘 國,忠 也,思
難 不 越 官,信 也,圖 國 忘 死,貞 也,謀 主 三 者,義 也,有 是 四 者,又 可 戮 乎。乃 請 諸 楚 曰,魯 雖 有 罪,其
執 事 不 辟 難,畏 威 而 敬 命 矣,子 若 免 之,以 勸 左 右,可 也,若 子 之 羣 吏,處 不 辟 污,出 不 逃 難,其 何
患 之 有,患 之 所 生,污 而 不 治,難 而 不 守,所 由 來 也,能 是 二 者,又 何 患 焉,不 靖 其 能,其 誰 從 之,魯
叔 孫 豹 可 謂 能 矣,請 免 之 以 靖 能 者,子 會 而 赦 有 罪,又 賞 其 賢,諸 侯 其 誰 不 欣 焉 望 楚 而 歸
之,視 遠 如 邇,疆 場 之 邑,一 彼 一 此,何 常 之 有,王 伯 之 令 也,引 其 封 疆,而 樹 之 官,舉 之 表 旗,而 著
之 制 令,過 則 有 刑,猶 不 可 壹,於 是 乎 虞 有 三 苗,夏 有 觀,扈,商 有 姺,邳,周 有 徐,奄,自 無 令 王,諸 侯
逐 進,狎 主 齊 盟,其 又 可 壹 乎,恤 大 舍 小,足 以 為 盟 主,又 焉 用 之,封 疆 之 削,何 國 蔑 有,主 齊 盟
者,誰 能 辯 焉,吳 濮 有 釁,楚 之 執 事,豈 其 顧 盟,莒 之 疆 事,楚 勿 與 知,諸 侯 無 煩,不 亦 可 乎,莒,魯,爭
鄆,為 日 久 矣,苟 無 大 害 於 其 社 稷,可 無 亢 也,去 煩 宥 善,莫 不 競 勸,子 其 圖 之。固 請 諸 楚,楚 人 許
之,乃 免 叔 孫,令 尹 享 趙 孟,賦 大 明 之 首 章,趙 孟 賦 小 宛 之 二 章,事 畢,趙 孟 謂 叔 向 曰,令 尹 自 以
為 王 矣,何 如。對 曰,王 弱,令 尹 疆,其 可 哉,雖 可 不 終,趙 孟 曰,何 故。對 曰,彊 以 克 弱 而 安 之,彊 不 義
也,不 義 而 彊,其 斃 必 速,詩 曰,赫 赫 宗 周,褒 姒 滅 之,彊 不 義 也,令 尹 為 王,必 求 諸 侯,晉 少 懦矣,諸 侯
將 往,若 獲 諸 侯,其 虐 滋 甚,民 弗 堪 也,將 何 以 終,夫 以 彊 取,不 義 而 克,必 以 為 道,道 以 淫 虐,弗 可
久 已 矣。
夏,四 月,趙 孟,叔 孫 豹,曹 大 夫,入 於 鄭,鄭 伯 兼 享 之。子 皮 戒 趙 孟,禮 終,趙 孟 賦
瓠 葉。子 皮 遂 戒 穆 叔,且 告 之。穆 叔 曰,趙 孟 欲 一 獻,子 其 從 之。子 皮 曰,敢 乎。穆 叔 曰,夫 人 之 所 欲
也,又 何 不 敢。及 享,具 五 獻 之 籩 豆 於 幕 下,趙 孟 辭,私 於 子 產 曰,武 請 於 冢 宰 矣。乃 用 一 獻。趙 孟
為 客。禮 終 乃 宴,穆 叔 賦 鵲 巢,趙 孟 曰,武 不 堪 也。又 賦 采 蘩,曰 小 國 為 蘩,大 國 省 穡 而 用 之,其 何
實 非 命。子 皮 賦 野 有 死 麕 之 卒 章,趙 孟 賦 常 棣,且 曰 吾 兄 弟 比 以 安,尨 也 可 使 無 吠 穆 叔,子
皮,及 曹 大 夫,興,拜,舉 兕 爵 曰,小 國 賴 子,知 免 於 戾 矣。飲 酒 樂,趙 孟 出 曰,吾 不 復 此 矣。
天 王 使 劉 定 公 勞 趙 孟 於 潁,館 於 雒 汭,劉 子 曰,美 哉 禹 功,明 德 遠 矣。微 禹,吾
其 魚 乎,吾 與 子 弁 冕 端 委,以 冶 民 臨 諸 侯,禹 之 力 也,子 盍 亦 遠 績 禹 功,而 大 庇 民 乎。對 曰,老 夫
罪 戾 是 懼,焉 能 恤 遠,吾 儕 偷 食,朝 不 謀 夕,何 其 長 也。劉 子 歸,以 語 王 曰,諺 所 謂 老 將 知 而 耄 及
之 者,其 趙 孟 之 謂 乎,為 晉 正 卿,以 主 諸 侯,而 儕 於 隸 入,朝 不 謀 夕,棄 神 人 矣,神 怒 民 叛,何 以 能
久,趙 孟 不 復 年 矣,神 怒 不 歆 其 祀,民 叛,不 即 其 事,祀 事 不 從,又 何 以 年。
叔 孫 歸,曾 夭 御 季 孫 以 勞 之,旦 及 日中,不 出。曾 夭 謂 曾 阜 曰,旦 及 日 中,吾 知 罪
矣,魯 以 相 忍 為 國 也,忍 其 外,不 忍 其 內,焉 用 之。阜 曰,數 月 於 外,一 旦 於 是,庸 何 傷,賈 而 欲 贏,而
惡 嚻 乎。阜 謂 叔 孫 曰,可 以 出 矣,叔 孫 指 楹 曰,雖 惡 是,其 可 去 乎。乃 出 見 之。
鄭 徐 吾 犯 之 妹 美,公 孫 楚 聘 之 矣,公 孫 黑 又 使 強 委 禽 焉。犯 懼,告 子 產。子 產
曰,是 國 無 政,非 子 之 患 也,唯 所 欲 與。犯 請 於 二 子,請 使 女 擇 焉。皆 許 之。子 皙 盛 飾 入,布 幣 而
出。子 南 戎 服 入,左 右 射,超 乘 而 出。女 自 房 觀 之,曰,子 皙 信 美 矣,抑 子 南 夫 也,夫 夫 婦 婦,所 謂 順
也。適 子 南 氏。子 皙 怒,既 而 櫜 甲 以 見 子 南,欲 殺 之,而 取 其 妻,子 南 知 之,執 戈 逐 之,及 衝,擊 之 以
戈。子 皙 傷 而 歸,告 大 夫 曰,我 好 見 之,不 知 其 有 異 志 也,故 傷。大 夫 皆 謀 之,子 產 曰,直 鈞,幼 賤,有
罪,罪 在 楚 也。乃 執 子 南 而 數 之 曰,國 之 大 節 有 五,女 皆 奸 之,畏 君 之 威,聽 其 政,尊 其 貴,事 其
長,養 其 親,五 者 所 以 為 國 也,今 君 在 國,女 用 兵 焉,不 畏 威 也,奸 國 之 紀,不 聽 政 也,子 皙 上 大
夫,女 嬖 大 夫,而 弗 下 之,不 尊 貴 也,幼 而 不 忌,不 事 長 也,兵 其 從 兄,不 養 親 也,君 曰,余 不 女 忍
殺,宥 女 以 遠,勉 速 行 乎,無 重 而 罪。五 月,庚 辰,鄭 放 游 楚 於 吳。將 行 子 南,子 產 咨 於 大 叔,大 叔
曰,吉 不 能 亢 身,焉 能 亢 宗,彼 國 政 也,非 私 難 也,子 圖 鄭 國,利 則 行 之,又 何 疑 焉,周 公 殺 管 叔 而
蔡 蔡 叔,夫 豈 不 愛,王 室 故 也,吉 若 獲 戾,子 將 行 之,何 有 於 諸 游。
秦 后 子 有 寵 於 桓,如 二 君 於 景。其 母 曰,弗 去,懼 選。癸 卯,鍼 適 晉,其 車 千 乘。書
曰 秦 伯 之 弟 鍼 出 奔 晉,罪 秦 伯 也。后 子 享 晉 侯,造 舟 於 河,十 里 舍 車,自 雍 及 絳,歸 取 酬 幣,終 事
八 反。司 馬 侯 問 焉,曰,子 之 車 盡 於 此 而 已 乎。對 曰,此 之 謂 多 矣,若 能 少 此,吾 何 以 得 見。女 叔 齊
以 告 公,且 曰,秦 公 子 必 歸,臣 聞 君 子 能 知 其 過,必 有 令 圖,令 圖,天 所 贊 也。后 子 見 趙 孟,趙 孟
曰,吾 子 其 曷 歸。對 曰,鍼 懼 選 於 寡 君,是 以 在 此,將 待 嗣 君。趙 孟 曰,秦 君 何 如,對 曰,無 道。趙 孟
曰,亡 乎。對 曰,何 為,一 世 無 道,國 未 艾 也,國 於 天 地,有 與 立 焉,不 數 世 淫,弗 能 斃 也。趙 孟 曰,天
乎。。對 曰,有 焉。趙 孟 曰,其 幾 何。對 曰,鍼 聞 之,國 無 道,而 年 穀 和 熟,天 贊 之 也,鮮 不 五 稔 趙 孟 視 蔭
曰,朝 夕 不 相 及,誰 能 待 五。后 子 出 而 告 人 曰,趙 孟 將 死 矣,主 民 翫 歲 而 愒 日,其 與 幾 何。
鄭 為 游 楚 亂 故,六 月,丁 巳,鄭 伯 及 其 大 夫 盟 於 公 孫 段 氏。罕 虎,公 孫 僑,公 孫
段,印 叚,游 吉,駟 帶,私 盟 於 閨 門 之 外,實 薰 隧。公 孫 黑 強 與 於 盟,使 大 史 書 其 名,且 曰 七 子。子 產
弗 討。
晉 中 行 穆 子 敗 無 終,及 羣 狄 于 大 原。崇 卒 也。將 戰,魏 舒 曰,彼 徒 我 車,所 遇 又
阨,以 什 共 車,必 克,困 諸 阨,又 克,請 皆 卒,自 我 始。乃 毀 車 以 為 行。五 乘 為 三 伍,荀 吳 之 嬖 人,不 肯
即 卒,斬 以 徇,為 五 陳 以 相 離,兩 於 前,伍 於 後,專 為 右 角,參 為 左 角,偏 為 前 拒,以 誘 之。翟 人 笑
之,未 陳 而 薄 之,大 敗 之。
莒 展 輿 立,而 奪 羣 公 子 秩,召 去 疾 於 齊。秋,齊 公 子 鉏 納 去 疾。
展 輿 奔 吳。
叔 弓 帥 師 疆 鄆 田。因 莒 亂 也。於 是 莒 務 婁,瞀 胡,及 公 子 滅 明,以 大 厖,與 常 儀
靡,奔 齊。君 子 曰,莒 展 之 不 立,棄 人 也 夫,人 可 棄 乎,詩 曰,無 競 維 人,善 矣。
晉 侯 有 疾,鄭 伯 使 公 孫 僑 如 晉 聘,且問 疾。叔 向 問 焉,曰,寡 君 之 疾 病,卜 人 曰,實
沈 臺 駘 為 祟,史 莫 之 知,敢 問 此 何 神 也。子 產 曰,昔 高 辛 氏 有 二 子,伯 曰 閼 伯,季 曰 實 沈,居 於 曠
林,不 相 能 也,日 尋 干 戈,以 相 征 討,后 帝 不 臧,遷 閼 伯 於 商 丘,主 辰,商 人 是 因,故 辰 為 商 星。遷 實
沈 于 大 夏,主 參,唐 人 是 因,以 服 事 夏 商,其 季 世 曰 唐 叔 虞,當 武 王 邑 姜 方 震 大 叔,夢 帝 謂 已,余
命 而 子 曰 虞,將 與 之 唐,屬 諸 參 而 蕃 育 其 子 孫。及 生,有 文 在 其 手,曰 虞,遂 以 命 之。及 成 王 滅
唐,而 封 大 叔 焉,故 參 為 晉 星,由 是 觀 之,則 實 沈,參 神 也。昔 金 天 氏 有 裔 子 曰 昧,為 玄 冥 師,生 允
格,臺 駘,臺 駘 能 業 其 官,宣 汾 洮,障 大 澤,以 處 大 原,帝 用 嘉 之,封 諸 汾 川,沈,姒,蓐,黃,實 守 其 祀,今
晉 主 汾 而 滅 之 矣,由 是 觀 之,則 臺 駘,汾 神 也,抑 此 二 者,不 及 君 身,山 川 之 神,則 水 旱 癘 疫 之
災,於 是 乎 禜 之,日 月 星 辰 之 神,則 雪 霜 風 雨 之 不 時,於 是 乎 禜 之,若 君 身,則 亦 出 入 飲 食 哀 樂
之 事 也,山 川 星 辰 之 神,又 何 為 焉。僑 聞 之,君 子 有 四 時,朝 以 聽 政,晝 以 訪 問,夕 以 脩 令,夜 以 安
身,於 是 乎 節 宣 其 氣,勿 使 有 所 壅 閉 湫 底,以 露 其 體,茲 心 不 爽,而 昏 亂 百 度,今 無 乃 壹 之,則 生
疾 矣。僑 又 聞 之,內 官 不 及 同 姓,其 生 不 殖,美 先 盡 矣,則 相 生 疾,君 子 是 以 惡 之,故 志 曰,買 妾 不
知 其 姓,則 卜 之,違 此 二 者,古 之 所 慎 也,男 女 辨 姓,禮 之 大 司 也,今 君 內 實 有 四 姬 焉,其 無 乃 是
也 乎,若 由 是 二 者,弗 可 為 也 已,四 姬 有 省 猶 可,無 則 必 生 疾 矣。叔 向 曰,善 哉,肸 未 之 聞 也,此 皆
然 矣。叔 向 出,行 人 揮 送 之,叔 向 問 鄭 故 焉,且 問 子 皙。對 曰,其 與 幾 何,無 禮 而 好 陵 人,怙 富 而 卑
其 上,弗 能 久 矣。晉 侯 聞 子 產 之 言,曰 博 物 君 子 也,重 賄 之。
晉 侯 求 醫 於 秦,秦 伯 使 醫 和 視 之。曰,疾 不 可 為 也,是 謂 近 女 室,疾 如 蠱,非 鬼
非 食,惑 以 喪 志,良 臣 將 死,天 命 不 祐。公 曰,女 不 可 近 乎。對 曰,節 之,先 王 之 樂,所 以 節 百 事 也,故
有 五 節,遲 速 本 末 以 相 及,中 聲 以 降,五 降 之 後,不 容 彈 矣,於 是 有 煩 手 淫 聲,慆 堙 心 耳,乃 忘 平
和,君 子 弗 聽 也,物 亦 如 之,至 於 煩,乃 舍 也 已,無 以 生 疾,君 子 之 近 琴 瑟,以 儀 節 也,非 以 慆 心
也,天 有 六 氣,降 生 五 味,發 為 五 色,徵 為 五 聲,淫 生 六 疾,六 氣,曰,陰,陽,風,雨,晦,明,也,分 為 四 時,序
為 五 節,過 則 為 菑,陰 淫 寒 疾,陽 淫 熱 疾,風 淫 末 疾,雨 淫 腹 疾,晦 淫 惑 疾,明 淫 心 疾,女 陽 物 而 晦
時,淫 則 生 內 熱 惑 蠱 之 疾,今 君 不 節 不 時,能 無 及 此 乎。出 告 趙 孟,趙 孟 曰,誰 當 良 臣。對 曰,主 是
謂 矣,主 相 晉 國,於 今 八 年,晉 國 無 亂,諸 侯 無 闕,可 謂 良 矣,和 聞 之,國 之 大 臣,榮 其 寵 祿,任 其 大
節,有 菑 禍 興 而 無 改 焉,必 受 其 咎,今 君 至 於 淫 以 生 疾,將 不 能 圖 恤 社 稷,禍 孰 大 焉,主 不 能
禦,吾 是 以 云 也。趙 孟 曰,何 謂 蠱。對 曰,淫 溺 惑 亂 之 所 生 也,於 文 皿 蟲 為 蠱,穀 之 飛,亦 為 蠱,在 周
易 女 惑 男,風 落 山,謂 之 蠱,皆 同 物 也。趙 孟 曰,良 醫 也。厚 其 禮 而 歸 之。
楚 公 子 圍 使 公 子 黑 肱,伯 州 犁,城 犫,櫟,郟,鄭 人 懼,子 產 曰,不 害,令 尹 將 行 大
事,而 先 除 二 子 也,禍 不 及 鄭,何 患 焉,冬,楚 公 子 圍 將 聘 於 鄭,伍 舉 為 介,未 出 竟,聞 王 有 疾 而
還,伍 舉 遂 聘。十一 月,己 酉,公 子 圍 至,入 問 王 疾,縊 而 弒 之,遂 殺 其 二 子 幕,及 平 夏。右 尹 子 干 出 奔
晉,宮 廐 尹 子 皙 出 奔 鄭。殺 大 宰 伯 州 犂 於 郟,葬 王 於 郟,謂 之 郟 敖。使 赴 於 鄭,伍 舉 問 應 為 後 之
辭 焉,對 曰,寡 大 夫 圍,伍 舉 更 之 曰,共 王 之 子 圍 為 長,子 干 奔 晉,從 車 五 乘,叔 向 使 與 秦 公子 同
食,皆 百 人 之 餼。趙 文 子 曰,秦 公 子 富。叔 向 曰,底 祿 以 德,德 鈞 以 年,年 同 以 尊,公 子 以 國,不 聞 以
富,且 夫 以 千 乘 去 其 國,彊 禦 已 甚,詩 曰,不 侮 鰥 寡,不 畏 彊 禦,秦,楚,匹 也,使 后 子 與 子 干 齒,辭
曰,鍼 懼 選,楚 公 子 不 獲,是 以 皆 來,亦 唯 命,且 臣 與 羇 齒,無 乃 不 可 乎,史 佚 有 言 曰,非 羇 何 忌。楚
靈 王 即 位,薳 罷 為 令 尹,薳 啟 彊 為 大 宰。鄭 游 吉 如 楚,葬 郟 敖,且 聘 立 君,歸,謂 子 產 曰,具 行 器
矣,楚 王 汰 侈,而 自 說 其 事,必 合 諸 侯,吾 往 無 日 矣,子 產 曰,不 數 年,未 能 也。
十 二 月,晉 既 烝,趙 孟 適 南 陽,將 會 孟 子 餘。甲 辰,朔,烝 於 溫,庚 戌 卒。鄭 伯 如 晉
弔,及 雍 乃 復。 二 年
1. 二 年,春,晉 侯 使 韓 起 來 聘。
2. 夏,叔 弓 如 晉。
3. 秋,鄭 殺 其 大 夫 公 孫 黑。
4. 冬,公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復,季 孫 宿 如 晉。
左 傳 曰,二 年,春,晉 侯 使 韓 宣 子 來 聘。且 告 為 政 而 來 見,禮 也。觀 書 於 大 史
氏,見 易 象 與 魯 春 秋,曰,周 禮 盡 在 魯 矣,吾 乃 今 知 周 公 之 德,與 周 之 所 以 王 也。公 享 之,季 武 子
賦 綿 之 卒 章,韓 子 賦 角 弓。季 武 子 拜 曰,敢 拜 子 之 彌 縫 敝 邑,寡 君 有 望 矣。武 子 賦 節 之 卒 章。既
享,宴 於 季 氏,有 嘉 樹 焉,宣 子 譽 之。武 子 曰,宿 敢 不 封 殖 此 樹,以 無 忘 角 弓。遂 賦 甘 棠。宣 子 曰,起
不 堪 也,無 以 及 召 公,宣 子 遂 如 齊 納 幣,見 子 雅,子 雅 召 子 旗,使 見 宣 子,宣 子 曰,非 保 家 之 主
也,不 臣,見 子 尾,子 尾 見 彊,宣 子 謂 之,如 子 旗。大 夫 多 笑 之,唯 晏 子 信 之,曰,夫 子,君 子 也,君 子 有
信,其 有 以 知 之 矣。自 齊 聘 於 衛,衛 侯 享 之,北 宮 文 子 賦 淇 澳,宣 子 賦 木 瓜。
夏,四 月,韓 須 如 齊 逆 女,齊 陳 無 宇 送 女,致 少 姜。少 姜 有 寵 於 晉 侯,晉 侯 謂 之
少 齊。謂 陳 無 宇 非 卿,執 諸 中 都,少 姜 為 之 請 曰,送 從 逆 班,畏 大 國 也,猶 有 所 易,是 以 亂 作。
叔 弓 聘 於 晉。報 宣 子 也。晉 侯 使 郊 勞,辭 曰,寡 君 使 弓 來 繼 舊 好,固 曰 女 無 敢
為 賓,徹 命 於 執 事,敝 邑 弘 矣,敢 辱 郊 使,請 辭。致 館,辭 曰,寡 君 命 下 臣 來 繼 舊 好,好 合 使 成,臣 之
祿 也,敢 辱 大 館。叔 向 曰,子 叔 子 知 禮 哉,吾 聞 之 曰,忠 信,禮 之 器 也,卑 讓,禮 之 宗 也,辭 不 忘 國,忠
信 也,先 國 後 己,卑 讓 也,詩 曰,敬 慎 威 儀,以 近 有 德,夫 子 近 德 矣。
秋,鄭 公 孫 黑 將 作 亂,欲 去 游 氏 而 代 其 位,傷 疾 作 而 不 果,駟 氏 與 諸 大 夫 欲
殺 之。子 產 在 鄙,聞 之,懼 弗 及,乘 遽 而 至,使 吏 數 之 曰,伯 有 之 亂,以 大 國 之 事,而 未 爾 討 也,爾 有
亂 心 無 厭,國 不 女 堪,專 伐 伯 有,而 罪 一 也,昆 弟 爭 室,而 罪 二 也,薰 隧 之 盟,女 矯 君 位,而 罪 三
也,有 死 罪 三,何 以 堪 之,不 速 死,大 刑 將 至。再 拜 稽 首 辭 曰,死 在 朝 夕,無 助 天 為 虐。子 產 曰,人 誰
不 死,凶 人 不 終,命 也,作 凶 事,為 凶 人,不 助 天,其 助 凶 人 乎。請 以 印 為 褚 師,子 產 曰,印 也 若 才,君
將 任 之,不 才,將 朝 夕 從 女,女 罪 之 不 恤,而 又 何 請 焉,不 速 死,司 寇 將 至。七 月,壬 寅,縊,尸 諸 周 氏
之 衢,加 木 焉。
晉 少 姜 卒。公 如 晉,及 河,晉 侯 使 士 文 伯 來 辭 曰,非 伉 儷 也,請 君 無 辱。公 還,季
孫 宿 遂 致 服 焉。叔 向 言 陳 無 宇 於 晉 侯 曰,彼 何 罪,君 使 公 族 逆 之,齊 使 上 大 夫 送 之,猶 曰 不
共,君 求 以 貪,國 則 不 共,而 執 其 使,君 刑 己 頗,何 以 為 盟 主,且 少 姜 有 辭。冬,十 月,陳 無 宇 歸。十 一
月,鄭 印 叚 如 晉 弔。 三 年
1. 三 年,春,王 正 月,丁 未,滕 子 原 卒。
2. 夏,叔 弓 如 滕。
3. 五 月,葬 滕 成 公。
4. 秋,小 邾 子 來 朝。
5. 八 月,大 雩。
6. 冬,大 雨 雹。
7. 北 燕 伯 欸 出 奔 齊。
左 傳 曰,三 年,春,王 正 月,鄭 游 吉 如 晉,至 少 姜 之 葬,梁 丙 與 張 趯 見 之,梁 丙
曰,甚 矣 哉,子 之 為 此 來 也。子 大 叔 曰,將 得 已 乎,昔 文 襄 之 霸 也,其 務 不 煩 諸 侯,令 諸 侯 三 歲 而
聘,五 歲 而 朝,有 事 而 會,不 協 而 盟,君 薨,大 夫 弔,卿 共 葬 事,夫 人,士 弔,大 夫 送 葬,足 以 昭 禮,命
事,謀 闕 而 已,無 加 命 矣,今 嬖 寵 之 喪,不 敢 擇 位,而 數 於 守 適,唯 懼 獲 戾,豈 敢 憚 煩,少 姜 有 寵 而
死,齊 必 繼 室,今 玆 吾 又 將 來 賀,不 唯 此 行 也。張 趯 曰,善 哉,吾 得 聞 此 數 也,然 自 今,子 其 無 事
矣,譬 如 火 焉,火 中,寒 暑 乃 退,此 其 極 也,能 無 退 乎,晉 將 失 諸 侯,諸 侯 求 煩 不 獲。二 大 夫 退,子 大
叔 告 人 曰,張 趯 有 知,其 猶 在 君 子 之 後 乎。
丁 未,滕 子 原 卒。同 盟,故 書 名。
齊 侯 使 晏 嬰 請 繼 室 於 晉,曰,寡 君 使嬰 曰,寡 人 願 事 君,朝 夕 不 倦,將 奉 質 幣,以
無 失 時,則 國 家 多 難,是 以 不 獲,不 腆 先 君 之 適,以 備 內 官,焜 燿 寡 人 之 望,則 又 無 祿,早 世 隕
命,寡 人 失 望,君 若 不 忘 先 君 之 好,惠 顧 齊 國,辱 收 寡 人,徼 福 於 大 公,丁 公,照 臨 敝 邑,鎮 撫 其 社
稷,則 猶 有 先 君 之 適,及 遺 姑 姊 妹 若 而 人,君 若 不 棄 敝 邑,而 辱 使 董 振 擇 之,以 備 嬪 嬙,寡 人 之
望 也。韓 宣 子 使 叔 向 對 曰,寡 君 之 願 也,寡 君 不 能 獨 任 其 社 稷 之 事,未 有 伉 儷,在 縗 絰 之 中,是
以 未 敢 請,君 有 辱 命,惠 莫 大 焉,若 惠 顧 敝 邑,撫 有 晉 國,賜 之 內 主,豈 惟 寡 君,舉 羣 臣 實 受 其 貺
其 自 唐 叔 以 下,實 寵 嘉 之。既 成 昏,晏 子 受 禮,叔 向 從 之 晏,相 與 語,叔 向 曰,齊 其 何 如。晏 子 曰,此
季 世 也,吾 弗 知,齊 其 為 陳 氏 矣,公 棄 其 民,而 歸 於 陳 氏,齊 舊 四 量,豆,區,釜, 鍾,四 升 為 豆,各 自 其
四,以 登 於 釜,釜 十 則 鍾,陳 氏 三 量,皆 登 一 焉,鍾 乃 大 矣,以 家 量 貸,而 以 公 量 收 之,山 木 如 市,弗
加 於 山,魚 鹽 蜃 蛤,弗 加 於 海,民 參 其 力,二 入 於 公,而 衣 食 其 一,公 聚 朽 蠹,而 三 老 凍 餒,國 之 諸
市,屨 賤 踊 貴,民 人 痛 疾,而 或 燠 休 之,其 愛 之 如 父 母,而 歸 之 如 流 水,欲 無 獲 民,將 焉 辟 之,箕
伯,直 柄,虞 遂, 伯 戲,其 相 胡 公 大 姬,已 在 齊 矣。叔 向 曰,然,雖 吾 公 室,今 亦 季 世 也,戎 馬 不 駕,卿 無
軍 行,公 乘 無 人,卒 列 無 長,庶 民 罷 敝,而 宮 室 滋 侈,道 殣 相 望,而 女 富 溢 尤,民 聞 公 命,如 逃 寇
讐,欒,郤,胥,原,狐,續,慶,伯,降 在 皁 隸,政 在 家 門,民 無 所 依,君 日 不 悛,以 樂 慆 憂,公 室 之 卑,其 何 日
之 有,讒 鼎 之 銘 曰,昧 旦 丕 顯,後 世 猶 怠,况 日 不 悛,其 能 久 乎。晏 子 曰,子 將 若 何。叔 向 曰,晉 之 公
族 盡 矣,肸 聞 之,公 室 將 卑,其 宗 族 枝 葉 先 落,則 公 從 之,肸 之 宗 十 一 族,唯 羊 舌 氏 在 而 已,肸 又
無 子,公 室 無 度,幸 而 得 死,豈 其 獲 祀 初,景 公 欲 更 晏 子 之 宅,曰,子 之 宅 近 市,湫 隘 囂 塵,不 可 以
居,請 更 諸 爽 塏 者。辭 曰,君 之 先 臣 容 焉,臣 不 足 以 嗣 之,於 臣 侈 矣,且 小 人 近 市,朝 夕 得 所 求,小
人 之 利 也,敢 煩 里 旅。公 笑 曰,子 近 市,識 貴 賤 乎。對 曰,既 利 之,敢 不 識 乎。公 曰,何 貴 何 賤。於 是 景
公 繁 於 刑,有 鬻 踊 者,故 對 曰,踊 貴 屨 賤 既 已 告 於 君,故 與 叔 向 語 而 稱 之。景 公 為 是 省 於 刑 君
子 曰,仁 人 之 言,其 利 博 哉,晏 子 一 言 而 齊 侯 省 刑,詩 曰,君 子 如 祉,亂 庶 遄 已,其 是 之 謂 乎。及 晏
子 如 晉,公 更 其 宅,反 則 成 矣。既 拜,乃 毀 之,而 為 里 室,皆 如 其 舊,則 使 宅 人 反 之,且 諺 曰,非 宅 是
卜,唯 鄰 是 卜,二 三 子 先 卜 鄰 矣 違 卜 不 祥,君 子 不 犯 非 禮,小 人 不 犯 不 祥,古 之 制 也,吾 敢 違 諸
乎。卒 復 其 舊 宅。公 弗 許,因 陳 桓 子 以 請,乃 許 之。
夏,四 月,鄭 伯 如 晉,公 孫 段 相,甚 敬 而 卑,禮 無 違 者,晉 侯 嘉 焉,授 之 以 策,曰,子
豐 有 勞 於 晉 國,余 聞 而 弗 忘,賜 女 州 田,以 胙 乃 舊 勳。伯 石 再 拜 稽 首,受 策 以 出,君 子 曰,禮 其 人
之 急 也 乎,伯 石 之 汏 也,一 為 禮 於 晉,猶 荷 其 祿,况 以 禮 終 始 乎,詩 曰,人 而 無 禮,胡 不 遄 死,其 是
之 謂 乎,初,州 縣,欒 豹 之 邑 也,及 欒 氏 亡,范 宣 子,趙 文 子,韓 宣 子,皆 欲 之,文 子 曰,溫 吾 縣 也。二 宣
子 曰,自 郤 稱 以 別,三 傳 矣,晉 之 別 縣 不 唯 州,誰 獲 治 之。文 子 病 之,乃 舍 之。二 子 曰,吾 不 可 以 正
議 而 自 與 也。皆 舍 之。及 文 子 為 政。趙 獲 曰,可 以 取 州 矣。文 子 曰,退,二 子 之 言,義 也,違 義,禍 也,余
不 能 治 余 縣,又 焉 用 州,其 以 徼 禍 也。君 子 曰,弗 知 實 難,知 而 弗 從,禍 莫 大 焉,有 言 州 必 死。豐 氏
故 主 韓 氏,伯 石 之 獲 州 也,韓 宣 子 為 之 請 之,為 其 復 取 之 之 故。
五 月,叔 弓 如 滕,葬 滕 成 公。子 服 椒 為 介,及 郊,遇 懿 伯 之 忌,敬 子 不 入,惠 伯
曰,公 事 有 公 利,無 私 忌,椒 請 先 入。乃 先 受 館。敬 子 從 之。
晉 韓 起 如 齊 逆 女,公 孫 蠆 為 少 姜 之 有 寵 也,以 其 子 更 公 女,而 嫁 公 子。人 謂
宣 子,子 尾 欺 晉,晉 胡 受 之,宣 子 曰,我 欲 得 齊,而 遠 其 寵,寵 將 來 乎。
秋,七 月,鄭 罕 虎 如 晉,賀 夫 人,旦 告 曰,楚 人 日 徵 敝 邑,以 不 朝 立 王 之 故,敝 邑
之 往,則 畏 執 事,其 謂 寡 君 而 固 有 外 心,其 不 往,則 宋 之 盟 云,進 退 罪 也,寡 君 使 虎 布 之。宣 子 使
叔 向 對 曰,君 若 辱 有 寡 君,在 楚 何 害,脩 宋 盟 也,君 苟 思 盟,寡 君 乃 知 免 於 戾 矣,君 若 不 有 寡
君,雖 朝 夕 辱 於 敝 邑,寡 君 猜 焉,君 實 有 心,何 辱 命 焉,君 其 往 也,苟 有 寡 君,在 楚 猶 在 晉 也,張 趯
使 謂 大 叔 曰,自 子 之 歸 也,小 人 糞 除 先 人 之 敝 廬,曰,子 其 將 來,今 子 皮 實 來,小 人 失 望。大 叔
曰,吉 賤 不 獲 來,畏 大 國,尊 夫 人 也,且 孟 曰,而 將 無 事,吉 庶 幾 焉。
小 邾 穆 公 來 朝,季 武 子 欲 卑 之,穆 叔 曰,不 可,曹,滕,二 邾,實 不 忘 我 好,敬 以 逆
之,猶 懼 其 貳,又 卑 一 睦 焉,逆 羣 好 也,其 如 舊 而 加 敬 焉,志 曰,能 敬 無 災,又 曰,敬 逆 來 者,天 所 福
也,季 孫 從 之。
八 月,大 雩,旱 也。
齊 侯 田 於 莒,盧 蒲 嫳 見,泣 且 請 曰,余 髮 如 此 種 種,余 奚 能 為。公 曰,諾,吾 告 二
子,歸 而 告 之,子 尾 欲 復 之,子 雅 不 可,曰,彼 其 髮 短 而 心 甚 長,其 或 寢 處 我 矣,九 月,子 雅 放 盧 蒲
嫳 於 北 燕。
燕 簡 公 多 嬖 寵,欲 去 諸 大 夫,而 立 其 寵 人。冬,燕 大 夫 比,以 殺 公 之 外 嬖,公
懼,奔 齊。書 曰,北 燕 伯 欸 出 奔 齊。罪 之 也。
十 月,鄭 伯 如 楚,子 產 相,楚 子 享 之,賦 吉 日。既 享,子 產 乃 具 田 備,王 以 田 江 南
之 夢。
齊 公 孫 竈 卒,司 馬 灶 見 晏 子 曰,又 喪 子 雅 矣,晏 子 曰,惜 也,子 旗 不 免,殆 哉,姜
族 弱 矣,而 媯 將 始 昌,二 惠 競 爽,猶 可,又 弱 一 個 焉,姜 其 危 哉。 四 年
1. 四 年,春,王 正 月,大 雨 雹。
2. 夏,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,徐 子,滕 子,頓 子,胡 子,沈 子,小 邾 子,宋
世 子,佐 淮 夷,會 于 申。
3. 楚 人 執 徐 子。
4. 秋,七 月,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,許 男,頓 子,胡 子,沈 子,淮 夷,伐 吳。
5. 執 齊 慶 封 殺 之。
6. 遂 滅 賴。
7. 九 月,取 鄫。
8. 冬,十 有 二 月,乙 卯,叔 孫 豹 卒。
左 傳 曰,大 雨 雹,季 武 子 問 於 申 豐 曰,雹 可 禦 乎。對 曰,聖 人 在 上 無 雹,雖 有,不
為 災,古 者 日,在 北 陸 而 藏 冰,西 陸 朝 覿 而 出 之,其 藏 冰 也,深 山 窮 谷,固 陰 沍 寒,於 是 乎 取 之,其
出 之 也,朝 之 祿 位,賓 食 喪 祭,於 是 乎 用 之,其 藏 之 也,黑 牡 秬 黍,以 享 司 寒,其 出 之 也,桃 弧 棘
矢,以 除 其 災,其 出 入 也,時 食 肉 之 祿,冰 皆 與 焉,大 大 命 婦,喪 浴 用 冰,祭 寒 而 藏 之,獻 羔 而 啟
之,公 始 用 之,火 出 而 畢 賦,自 命 夫 命 婦,至 於 老 疾,無 不 受 冰,山 人 取 之,縣 人 傳 之,輿 人 納 之,隸
人 藏 之,夫 冰 以 風 壯,而 以 風 出,其 藏 之 也 周,其 用 之 也 徧,則 冬 無 愆 陽,夏 無 伏 陰,春 無 凄 風,秋
無 苦 雨,雷 出 不 震,無 菑 霜 雹,癘 疾 不 降,民 不 夭 札,今 藏 川 池 之 冰,棄 而 不 用,風 不 越 而 殺,雷 不
發 而 震,雹 之 為 菑,誰 能 禦 之。七 月 之 卒 章,藏 冰 之 道 也。
四 年,春,王 正 月,許 男 如 楚,楚 子 止 之,遂 止 鄭 伯,復 田 江 南,許 男 與 焉。使 椒
舉,如 晉 求 諸 侯,二 君 待 之。椒 舉 致 命 曰,寡 君 使 舉 曰,日 君 有 惠,賜 盟 於 宋,曰,晉 楚 之從,交 相 見
也,以 歲 之 不 易,寡 人 願 結 驩 於 二 三 君,使 舉 請 間,君 若 苟 無 四 方 之 虞,則 願 假 寵 以 請 於 諸
侯。晉 侯 欲 勿 許,司 馬 侯 曰,不 可,楚 王 方 侈,天 或 者 欲 逞 其 心,以 厚 其 毒,而 降 之 罰,未 可 知 也,其
使 能 終,亦 未 可 知 也,晉 楚 唯 天 所 相,不 可 與 爭,君 其 許 之,而 脩 德 以 待 其 歸,若 歸 於 德,吾 猶 將
事 之,況 諸 侯 乎,若 適 淫 虐,楚 將 棄 之,吾 又 誰 與 爭。公 曰,晉 有 三 不 殆,其 何 敵 之 有,國 險 而 多
馬,齊,楚,多 難,有 是 三 者,何 鄉 而 不 濟。對 曰,恃 險 與 馬,而 虞 鄰 國 之 難,是 三 殆 也,四 獄,三 塗,陽
城,大 室,荊 山,中 南,九 州 之 險 也,是 不 一 姓,冀 之 北 土,馬 之 所 生,無 興 國 焉,恃 險 與 馬,不 可 以 為
固 也,從 古 以 然,是 以 先 王 務 脩 德 音,以 亨 神 人,不 聞 其 務 險 與 馬 也,鄰 國 之 難,不 可 虞 也,或 多
難 以 固 其 國,啟 其 疆 土,或 無 難 以 喪 其 國,失 其 守 宇,若 何 虞 難,齊 有 仲 孫 之 難,而 獲 桓 公,至 今
賴 之,晉 有 里 平 之 難,而 獲 文 公,是 以 為 盟 主,衛,邢,無 難,敵 亦 喪 之,故 人 之 難,不 可 虞 也,恃 此 三
者,而 不 修 政 德,亡 於 不 暇,又 何 能 濟,君 其 許 之,紂 作 淫 虐,文 王 惠 和,殷 是 以 隕,周 是 以 興,夫 豈
爭 諸 侯。乃 許 楚 使,使 叔 向 對 曰,寡 君 有 社 稷 之 事,是 以 不 獲 春 秋 時 見,諸 侯 君 實 有 之,何 辱 命
焉。椒 舉 遂 請 昏,晉 侯 許 之。楚 子 問 於 子 產 曰,晉 其 許 我 諸 侯 乎。對 曰,許 君,晉 君 少 安,不 在 諸
侯,其 大 夫 多 求,莫 匡 其 君,在 宋 之 盟,又 曰 如 一,若 不 許 君,將 焉 用 之。王 曰,諸 侯 其 來 乎。對 曰,必
來,從 宋 之 盟,承 君 之 歡,不 畏 大 國,何 故 不 來,不 來 者,其 魯,衛,曹,邾 乎,曹 畏 宋,邾 畏 魯,魯 衛 偪 於
齊,而 親 於 晉,唯 是 不 來,其 餘,君 之 所 及 也,誰 敢 不 至。王 曰,然 則 吾 所 求 者,無 不 可 乎。對 曰,求 逞
於 人,不 可,與 人 同 欲,盡 濟。
夏,諸 侯 如 楚,魯,衛,曹,邾,不 會,曹,邾,辭 以 難,公 辭 以 時 祭,衛 侯 辭 以 疾。鄭 伯 先
待 於 申,六 月 丙 午,楚 子 合 諸 侯 於 申,椒 舉 言 於 楚 子 曰,臣 聞 諸 侯 無 歸,禮 以 為 歸,今 君 始 得 諸
侯,其 慎 禮 矣,霸 之 濟 否,在 此 會 也,夏 啟 有 鈞 臺 之 享,商 湯 有 景 亳 之 命,周 武 有 孟 津 之 誓,成 有
岐 陽 之 蒐,康 有 酆 宮 之 朝,穆 有 塗 山 之 會,齊 桓 有 召 陵 之 師 ,晉 文 有 踐 土 之 盟,君 其 何 用,宋 向
戌。鄭 公 孫 僑,在 諸 侯 之 良 也,君 其 選 焉。王 曰,吾 用 齊 桓。王 使 問 禮 於 左 師。與 子 產,左 師 曰,小 國
習 之,大 國 用 之,敢 不 薦 聞。獻 公 合 諸 侯 之 禮 六。子 產 曰,小 國 共 職 ,敢 不 薦 守。獻 伯,子,男,會 公 之
禮 六。君 子 謂 合 左 師 善 守 先 代,子 產 善 相 小 國。王 使 椒 舉 侍於 後,以 規 過,卒 事 不 規,王 問 其 故,對
曰,禮,吾 未 見 者 有 六 焉,又 何 以 規 宋 大 子 佐 後 至,王 田 於 武 城,久 而 弗 見,椒 舉 請 辭 焉,王 使 往
曰,屬 有 宗 祧 之 事 於 武 城,寡 君 將 墮 幣 焉,敢 謝 後 見。徐 子,吳 出 也,以 為 貳 焉,故 執 諸 申。楚 子 示
諸 侯 侈,椒 舉 曰,夫 六 王 二 公 之 事,皆 所 以 示 諸 侯 禮 也,諸 侯 所 由 用 命 也,夏 桀 為 仍 之 會,有 緡
叛 之,商 紂 為 黎 之 蒐,東 夷 叛 之,周 幽 為 大 室 之 盟,戎 狄 叛 之,皆 所 以 示 諸 侯 汏 也,諸 侯 所 由 棄
命 也,今 君 以 汏,無 乃 不 濟 乎。王 弗 聽,子 產 見 左 師 曰,吾 不 患 楚 矣,汏 而 愎 諫,不 過 十 年,左 師
曰,然,不 十 年 侈,其 惡 不 遠,遠 惡 而 後 棄,善 亦 如 之,德 遠 而 後 興。
秋,七 月,楚 子 以 諸 侯 伐 吳。宋 大 子,鄭伯,先 歸,宋 華 費 遂,鄭 大 夫 從。
使 屈 申 圍 朱 方,八 月,甲 申,克 之,執 齊 慶 封,而 盡 滅 其 族。將 戮 慶 封,椒 舉 曰,臣
聞 無 瑕 者 可 以 戮 人,慶 封 惟 逆 命,是 以 在 此,其 肯 從 於 戮 乎,播 於 諸 侯 焉 用 之。王 弗 聽,負 之 釜
鉞,以 徇 於 諸 侯,使 言 曰,無 或 如 齊 慶 封,弒 其 君,弱 其 孤,以 盟 其 大 夫,慶 封 曰,無 或 如 楚 共 王 之
庶 子 圍,弒 其 君 兄 之 子 麇,而 代 之 以 盟 諸 侯,王 使 速 殺 之。
遂 以 諸 侯 滅 賴,賴 子 面 縛 銜 璧,士 袒,輿 櫬 從 之,造 於 中 軍。王 問 諸 椒 舉,對
曰,成 王 克 許,許 僖 公 如 是,王 親 釋 其 縛,受 其 璧,焚 其 櫬。王 從 之。遷 賴 於 鄢,楚 子 欲 遷 許 於賴,使 鬪
韋 龜,與 公 子 棄 疾,城 之 而 還。申 無 宇 曰,楚 禍 之 首,將 在 此 矣,召 諸 侯 而 來,伐 國 而 克,城 竟 莫
校,王 心 不 違,民 其 居 乎,民 之 不 處,其 誰 堪 之,不 堪 王 命,乃 禍 亂 也。
九 月,取 鄫,言 易 也,莒 亂,著 丘 公 立 而 不 撫 鄫,鄫 叛 而 來,故 曰 取 凡 克 邑,不 用
師 徒 曰 取。
鄭 子 產 作 丘 賦,國 人 謗 之 曰,其 父 死 於 路,己 為 蠆 尾,以 令 於 國,國 將 若 之
何,子 寬 以 告,子 產 曰,何 害,苟 利 社 稷,死 生 以 之,且 吾 聞 為 善 者 不 改 其 度,故 能 有 濟 也,民 不 可
逞,度 不 可 改,詩 曰,禮 義 不 愆,何 恤 於 人 言,吾 不 遷 矣,渾 罕 曰,國 氏 其 先 亡 乎,君 子 作 法 於 涼,其
敝 猶 貪,作 法 於 貪,敝 將 若 之 何,姬 在 列 者,蔡 及 曹 滕,其 先 亡 乎,偪 而 無 禮,鄭 先 衛 亡,偪 而 無
法,政 不 率 法,而 制 於 心,民 各 有 心,何 上 之 有。
冬,吳 伐 楚,入 棘,櫟,麻,以 報 朱 方 之 役。楚 沈 尹 射 奔 命 於 夏 汭,箴 尹 宜 咎 城 鍾
離,薳 啟 疆 城 巢,然 丹 城 州 來,東 國 水,不 可 以 城,彭 生 罷 賴 之 師。
初,穆 子 去 叔 孫 氏,及 庚 宗,遇 婦 人,使 私 為 食 而 宿 焉,問 其 行,告 之 故,哭 而 送
之。適 齊,娶 於 國 氏,生 孟 丙,仲 壬。蔓 天 壓 己,弗 勝,顧 而 見 人,黑 而 上 僂,深 目 而 豭 喙,號 之 曰 牛,助
余,乃 勝 之,旦 而 皆 召 其 徒,無 之,且 曰 志 之。及 宣 伯 奔 齊,饋 之,宣 伯 曰,魯 以 先 子 之 故,將 存 吾
宗,必 召 女,召 女 何 如,對 曰,願 之 久 矣。魯 人 召 之,不 告 而 歸,既 立,所 宿 庚 宗 之 婦 人 獻 以 雉,問 其
姓,對 曰,余 子 長 矣 能 奉 雉 而 從 我 矣 召 而 見 之,則 所 夢 也,未 問 其 名,號 之 曰 牛,曰 唯,皆 召 其
徒,使 視 之,遂 使 為 豎,有 寵,長 使 為 政。公 孫 明 知 叔 孫 於 齊,歸,未 逆 國 姜,子 明 取 之,故 怒 其 子,長
而 後 使 逆 之。田 於 丘 蕕,遂 遇 疾 焉。豎 牛 欲 亂 其 室 而 有 之,強 與 孟 盟,不 可。叔 孫 為 孟 鐘 曰,爾 未
際,饗 大 夫 以 落 之。既 具,使 豎 牛 請 日,入 弗 謁,出 命 之 日,及 賓 至,聞 鐘 聲,牛 曰,孟 有 北 婦 人 之 客
怒 將 往,牛 止 之。賓 出,使 拘 而 殺 諸 外,牛 又 強 與 仲 盟,不 可,仲 與 公 御 萊 書,觀 於 公,公 與 之 環,使
牛 入 示 之,入 不 示,出 命 佩 之,牛 謂 叔 孫,見 仲 而 何。叔 孫 曰,何 為。曰,不 見,既 自 見 矣,公 與 之 環 而
佩 之 矣。遂 逐 之,奔 齊,疾 急,命 召 仲,牛 許 而 不 召,杜 洩 見,告 之 飢 渴,授 之 戈,對 曰,求 之 而 至,又 何
去 焉。豎 牛 曰,夫 子 疾 病,不 欲 見 人。使 寘 饋 於 个 而 退,牛 弗 進,則 置 虛,命 徹,十 二 月,癸 丑,叔 孫 不
食,乙 卯,卒。牛 立 昭 子 而 相 之。公 使 杜 洩 葬 叔 孫,豎 牛 賂 叔 仲 昭 子,與 南 遺,使 惡杜 洩 於 季 孫 而 去
之,杜 洩 將 以 路 葬,且 盡 卿 禮。南 遺 謂 季 孫 曰,叔 孫 未 乘 路,葬 焉 用 之,且 冢 卿 無 路,介 卿 以 葬,不
亦 左 乎。季 孫 曰,然,使 杜 洩 舍 路。不 可,曰,夫 子 受 命 於 朝,而 聘 於 王,王 思 舊 勳 為 賜 之 路,復 命 而
致 之 君,君 不 敢 逆 王 命,而 復 賜 之,使 三 官 書 之,吾 子 為 司 徒,實 書 名,夫 子 為 司 馬,與 工 正 書
服,孟 孫 為 司 空,以 書 勳,今 死 而 弗 以,是 棄 君 命 也,書 在 公 府 而 弗以,是 廢 三 官 也,若 命 服,生 弗 敢
服,死 又 不 以,將 焉 用 之。乃 使 以 葬。季 孫 謀 去 中 軍,豎 牛 曰,夫 子 固 欲 去之。 五 年
1. 五 年,春,王 正 月,舍 中 軍。
2. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 屈 申。
3. 公 如 晉。
4. 夏,莒 牟 夷 以 牟 婁 及 防 兹 來 奔。
5. 秋,七 月,公 至 自 晉。
6. 戊 辰,叔 弓 帥 師 敗 莒 師 于 蚡 泉。
7. 秦 伯 卒。
8. 冬,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,許 男,頓 子,沈 子,徐 人,越 人,伐 吳。
左 傳 曰,五 年,春,王 正 月,舍 中 軍,卑 公 室 也,毀 中 軍 於 施 氏,成 諸 臧 氏 。初,作 三
軍,三 分 公 室,而 各 有 其 一,季 氏 盡 征 之,叔 孫 氏 臣 其 子 弟,孟 氏 取 其 半 焉,及 其 舍 之 也,四 分 公
室,季 氏 擇 二,二 子 各 一,皆 盡 征 之,而 貢 於 公。以 書 使 杜 洩 告 於 殯 曰,子 固 欲 毀 中 軍,既 毀 之
矣,故 告。杜 洩 曰,夫 子 唯 不 欲 毀 也,故 盟 諸 僖 閎,詛 諸 五 父 之 衢。受 其 書 而 投 之,帥 士 而 哭 之,叔
仲 子 謂 季 孫 曰,帶 受 命 於 子 叔 孫 曰,葬 鮮 者 自 西 門。季 孫 命 杜 洩,杜 洩 曰,卿 喪 自 朝,魯 禮 也,吾
子 為 國 政,未 改 禮 而 又 遷 之,羣 臣 懼 死 不 敢 自 也。既 葬 而 行,仲 至 自 齊,季 孫 欲 立 之,南 遺 曰,叔
孫 氏 厚 則 季 氏 薄,彼 實 家 亂,子 勿 與 知,不 亦 可 乎。南 遺 使 國 人 助 豎 牛,以 攻 諸 大 庫 之 庭,司 宮
射 之,中 目 而 死,豎 牛 取 東 鄙 三 十 邑,以 與 南 遺。昭 子 即 位,朝 其 家 衆 曰,豎 牛 禍 叔 孫 氏,使 亂大
從,殺 適 立 庶,又 披 其 邑,將 以 赦 罪,罪 莫 大 焉,必 速 殺 之,豎 牛 懼,奔 齊,孟 仲 之 子,殺 諸 塞 關 之
外,投 其 首 於 寕 風 之 棘 上。仲 尼 曰,叔 孫 昭 子 之 不 勞,不 可 能 也,周 任 有 言 曰,為 政 者 不 賞 私
勞,不 罰 私 怨,詩 云,有 覺 德 行,四 國 順 之。初,穆 子 之 生 也,莊 叔 以 周 易 筮 之,遇 明 夷 之 謙。以 示 卜
楚 丘。曰,是 將 行,而 歸 為子 祀,以 讒 人 入,其 名 曰 牛,卒 以 餒 死,明 夷,日 也,日 之 數 十,故 有 十 時,亦 當
十 位,自 王 已 下,其 二 為 公,其 三 為 卿,日 上 其 中,食 日 為 二,旦 日 為 三,明 夷 之謙,明 而 未 融,其 當 旦
乎,故 曰 為 子 祀,日 之 謙 當 鳥,故 曰 明 夷 于 飛,明 之 未 融,故 曰 垂 其 翼,象 日 之 動,故 曰 君 子 于
行,當 三 在 旦,故 曰 三 日 不 食,離,火 也,艮,山 也,離 為 火,火 焚 山,山 敗,於 人 為 言,敗 言 為 讒,故 曰 有
攸 往,主 人 有 言,言 必 讒 也,純 離 為 牛,世 亂 讒 勝,勝 將 適 離,故 曰 其 名 曰 牛,謙 不 足,飛 不 翔,垂 不
峻,翼 不 廣,故 曰 其 為 子 後 乎,吾 子,亞 卿 也,抑 少 不 終。
楚 子 以 屈 伸 為 貳 於 吳,乃 殺 之。以 屈 生 為 莫 敖,使 與 令 尹 子 蕩 如 晉 逆 女。過
鄭,鄭 伯 勞 子 蕩 於 氾,勞 屈 生 於 菟 氏,晉 侯 送 女 於 邢 丘,子 產 相 鄭 伯,會 晉 侯 於 邢 丘。
公 如 晉,自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄,無 失 禮,晉 侯 謂 女 叔 齊 曰,魯 侯 不 亦 善 於 禮 乎。對
曰,魯 侯 焉 知 禮。公 曰,何 為,自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄,禮 無 違 者 ,何 故 不 知。對 曰,是 儀 也,不 可 謂 禮,禮 所
以 守 其 國,行 其 政 令,無 失 其 民 者 也,今 政 令 在 家,不 能 取 也,有 子 家 羈,弗 能 用 也,奸 大 國 之
盟,陵 虐 小 國,利 人 之 難,不 知 其 私,公 室 四 分,民 食 於 他,思 莫 在 公,不 圖 其 終,為 國 君,難 將 及
身,不 恤 其 所,禮 之 本 末,將 於 此 乎 在,而 屑 屑 焉 習 儀 以 亟,言 善 於 禮,不 亦 遠 乎。君 子 謂 叔 侯 於
是 乎 知 禮。
晉 韓 宣 子 如 楚 送 女,叔 向 為 介,鄭 子皮,子 大 叔,勞 諸 索 氏。大 叔 謂 叔 向 曰,楚 王
汰 侈 已 甚,子 其 戒 之。叔 向 曰,汰 侈 已 甚,身 之 災 也,焉 能 及 人,若 奉 吾 幣 帛,慎 吾 威 儀,守 之 以
信,行 之 以 禮,敬 始 而 思 終,終 無 不 復,從 而 不 失 儀,敬 而 失 威,道 之 以 訓 辭,奉 之 以 舊 法,考 之 以
先 王,度 之 以 二 國,雖 汰 侈,若 我 何。及 楚,楚 子 朝 其 大 夫 曰 ,晉,吾 仇 敵 也,苟 得 志 焉,無 恤 其 他,今
其 來 者,上 卿 上 大 夫 也,若 吾 以 韓 起 為 閽,以 羊 舌 肸 為 司 宮,足 以 辱 晉,吾 亦 得 志 矣,可 乎。大 夫
莫 對,薳 啟 彊 曰,可,苟 有 其 備,何 故 不 可,恥 匹 夫 不 可 以 無 備,况 恥 國 乎,是 以 聖 王 務 行 禮,不求 恥
人,朝 聘 有 珪,享 覜 有 璋,小 有 述 職,大 有 巡 功,設 机 而 不 倚,爵 盈 而 不 飲,宴 有 好 貨,飧 有 陪 鼎,入
有 郊 勞,出 有 贈 賄,禮 之 至 也,國 家 之 敗,失 之 道 也,則 禍 亂 興,城 濮 之 役,晉 無 楚 備,以 敗 於 邲,邲
之 役,楚 無 晉 備,以 敗 於 鄢,自 鄢 以 來,晉 不 失 備,而 加 之 以 禮,重 之 以 睦,是 以 楚 弗 能 報,而 求 親
焉,既 獲 姻 親,又 欲 恥 之,以 召 窛 讐,備 之 若 何,誰 其 重 此,若 有 其 人,恥 之 可 也,若 其 未 有,君 亦 圖
之。晉 之 事 君,臣 曰 可 矣,求 諸 侯 而 麇 至,求 昏 而 薦 女,君 親 送 之。上 卿 及 上 大 夫 致 之,猶 欲 恥
之,君 其 亦 有 備 矣,不 然,奈 何,韓 起 之下,趙 成,中 行 吳,魏 舒,范 鞅,知 盈,羊 舌 肸 之 下,祁 午,張 趯,籍
談,女 齊。梁 丙,張 骼,輔 躒,苗 賁 皇,皆 諸 侯 之 選 也,韓 襄 為 公 族 大 夫,韓 須 受 命 而 使 矣,箕 襄,邢
帶,叔 禽,叔 椒,子 羽,皆 大 家 也,韓 賦 七 邑,皆 成 縣 也,羊 舌 四 族,皆 彊 家 也,晉 人 若 喪 韓 起,楊 肸,五
卿,八 大 夫 輔 韓 須,楊 石 ,因 其 十 家 九 縣,長 轂 九 百,其 餘 四 十 縣,遺 守 四 千,奮 其 武 怒,以 報 其 大
恥,伯 華 謀 之,中 行 伯,魏 舒 帥 之,其 蔑 不 濟 矣,君 將 以 親 易 怨 ,實 無 禮 以 速 寇,而 未 有 其 備,使 群
臣 往 遺 之 禽,以 逞 君 心,何 不 可 之 有。王 曰,不 穀 之 過 也,大 夫 無 辱。厚 為 韓 子 禮,王 欲 敖 叔 向 以
其 所 不 知,而 不 能,亦 厚 其 禮。韓 起 反,鄭 伯 勞 諸 圉,辭 不 敢 見,禮 也。
鄭 罕 虎 如 齊,娶 於 子 尾 氏,晏 子 驟 見 之,陳 桓 子 問 其 故,對 曰,能 用 善 人,民 之
主 也。
夏,莒 牟 夷 以 牟 婁 及 防 玆 來 奔。牟 夷 非 卿 而 書,尊 地 也。
莒 人 愬 于 晉 ,晉 侯 欲 止 公,范 獻 子 曰,不 可,人 朝 而 執 之,誘 也,討 不 以 師,而 誘
以 成 之,惰 也,為 盟 主 而 犯 此 二者,無 乃 不 可 乎,請 歸 之,閒 而 以 師 討 焉,乃 歸 公。秋,七 月,公 至 自
晉。
莒 人 來 討,不 設 備。戊 辰,叔 弓 敗 諸 蚡 泉。莒 未 陳 也。
冬,十 月,楚 子 以 諸 侯 及 東 夷 伐 吳。以 報 棘,櫟,麻,之 役,薳 射 以 繁 揚 之 師,會 於
夏 汭,越 大 夫 常 壽 過 帥 師 會 楚 子 于 瑣。聞 吳 師 出,薳 啟 彊 帥 師 從 之,遽,不 設 備,吳 人敗 諸 鵲 岸。楚
子 以 馹 至 于 羅 汭,吳 子 使 其 弟 蹶 由 犒 師,楚 人 執 之,將 以 釁 鼓,王 使 問 焉,曰,女 卜 來 吉 乎。對
曰,吉,寡 君 聞 君 將 治 兵 於 敝 邑,卜 之 以 守 龜,曰,余 亟 使 人 犒 師,請 行 以 觀 王 怒 之 疾 徐,而 為 之
備,尚 克 知 之,龜 兆 告 吉,曰,克 可 知 也,君 若 驩 焉,好 逆 使 臣,滋 敝 邑 休 怠 而 忘 其 死,亡 無 日 矣。今
君 奮 焉,震 電 馮 怒,虐 執 使 臣,將 以 釁 鼓,則 吳 知 所 備 矣,敝 邑 雖 羸,若 早 修 完,其 可 以 息 師,難 易
有 備,可 謂 吉 矣,且 吳 社 稷 是 卜,豈 為 一 人,使 臣 獲 釁 軍 鼓,而 敝 邑 知 備,以 禦 不 虞,其 為 吉 孰 大
焉。國 之 守 龜,其 何 事 不 卜,一 臧 一 否,其 誰 能 常 之,城 濮 之 兆,其 報 在 邲,今 此 行 也,其 庸 有 報
志,乃 弗 殺。楚 師 濟 於 羅 汭,沈 尹 赤 會 楚 子,次 於 萊 山,薳 射 帥 繁 揚 之 師,先 入 南 懷,楚 師 從 之,及
汝 清,吳 不 可 入,楚 子 遂 觀 兵 於 坻 箕 之 山。是 行 也,吳 早 設 備,楚 無 功 而 還,以 蹶 由 歸。楚 子 懼
吳,使 沈 尹 射 待 命 于 巢,薳 啟 彊 待 命 于 雩 婁,禮 也。
秦 后 子 復 歸 於 秦,景 公 卒 故 也。 六 年
1. 六 年,春,王 正 月,杞 伯 益 姑 卒。
2. 葬 秦 景 公。
3. 夏,季 孫 宿 如 晉。
4. 葬 杞 文 公。
5. 宋 華 合 比 出 奔 衛。
6. 秋,九 月,大 雩。
7. 楚 薳 罷 帥 師 伐 吳。
8. 冬,叔 弓 如 楚。
9. 齊 侯 伐 北 燕。
左 傳 曰,六 年,春,王 正 月,杞 文 公 卒。弔 如 同 盟,禮 也。
大 夫 如 秦。葬 景 公。禮 也。
三 月,鄭 人 鑄 刑 書,叔 向 使 詒 子 產 書曰,始 吾 有 虞 於 子,今 則 已 矣,昔 先 王 議 事
以 制,不 為 刑 辟,懼 民之 有 爭 心 也,猶 不 可 禁 禦,是 故 閑 之 以 義,糾 之 以 政,行 之 以 禮,守 之 以 信,奉
之 以 仁,制 為 祿 位,以 勸 其 從,嚴 斷 刑 罰,以 威 其 淫,懼 其 未 也,故 誨 之 以 忠,聳 之 以 行,教 之 以
務,使 之 以 和,臨 之 以 敬,涖 之 以 彊,斷 之 以 剛,猶 求 聖 哲 之 上,明 察 之 官,忠 信 之 長,慈 惠 之師,民 於
是 乎 可 任 使 也,而 不 生 禍 亂,民 知 有 辟,則 不 忌 於 上,竝 有 爭 心,以 徵 於 書,而 徼 幸 以 成 之,弗 可
為 矣,夏 有 亂 政 而 作 禹 刑,商 有 亂 政,而 作 湯 刑,周 有 亂 政,而 作 九 刑,三 辟 之 興,皆 叔 世 也,今 吾
子相 鄭 國,作 封 洫,立 謗 政,制 參 辟,鑄 刑 書,將 以 靖 民,不 亦 難 乎,詩 曰,儀 式 刑 文 王 之 德,日 靖 四
方,又 曰,儀 刑 文 王,萬 邦 作 孚,如 是 何 辟 之 有,民 知 爭 端 矣,將 棄 禮 而 徵 於 書,錐 刀 之 末,將 盡 爭
之,亂 獄 滋 豐,賄 賂 竝 行,終 子 之 世,鄭 其 敗 乎,肸 聞 之,國 將 亡,必 多 制,其 此 之 謂 乎。復 書 曰,若 吾
子 之 言,僑 不 才,不 能 及 子 孫,吾 以 救 世 也,既 不 承 命,敢 忘 大 惠 士 文 伯 曰,火 見,鄭 其 火 乎,火 未
出 而 作 火,以 鑄 刑 器,藏 爭 辟 焉,火 如 象 之,不 火 何 為。
夏,季 孫 宿 如 晉。拜 莒 田 也。晉 侯 享 之,有 加 籩,武 子 退,使 行 人 告 曰,小 國 之 事
大 國 也,苟 免 於 討,不 敢 求 貺,得 貺,不 過 三 獻,今 豆 有 加,下 臣 弗 堪,無 乃 戾 也。韓 宣 子 曰,寡 君 以
為 驩 也,對 曰,寡 君 猶 未 敢,况 下 臣,君 之 隸 也,敢 聞 加 貺,固 請 徹 加,而 後 卒 事,晉 人 以 為 知 禮,重
其 好 貨。
宋 寺 人 柳 有 寵,大 子 佐 惡 之,華 合 比 曰,我 殺 之。柳 聞 之,乃 坎 用 牲 埋 書,而 告
公 曰,合 比 將 納 亡 人 之族,既 盟 於 北 郭 矣。公 使 視 之,有 焉。遂 逐 華 合 比,合 比 奔 衛,於 是 華 亥 欲 代
右 師,乃 與 寺 人 柳 比,從 為 之 徵,曰,聞 之 久 矣。公 使 代 之。見 於 左 師,左 師 曰,女 夫 也 必 亡,女 喪 而
宗 室,於 人 何 有,人 亦 於 女 何 有,詩 曰,宗 子 維 城,毋 俾 城 壞,毋 獨 斯 畏,女 其 畏 哉。
六 月,丙 戌,鄭 災。
秋,九 月,大 雩。旱 也。
徐 儀 楚 聘 於 楚,楚 子 執 之。逃 歸。懼 其 叛 也,使 薳 洩 伐 徐。吳 人 救 之。令 尹 子 蕩
帥 師 伐 吳,師 於 豫 章,而 次 於 乾 谿,吳 人 敗 其 師 於 房 鍾,獲 宮 廐 尹 棄 疾。子 蕩 歸,罪 於 薳 洩 而 殺
之。
冬,叔 弓 如 楚。聘,且 弔 敗 也。
十 一 月,齊 侯 如 晉,請 伐 北 燕 也。士 匄 相 士 鞅 逆 諸 河,禮 也。晉 侯 許 之,十 二
月,齊 侯 遂 伐 北 燕,將 納 簡 公,晏 子 曰,不 入,燕 有 君 矣,民 不 貳,吾 君 賄,左 右 諂 諛,作 大 事 不 以
信,未 嘗 可 也, 七 年
1. 七 年,春,王 正 月,暨 齊 平。
2. 三 月,公 如 楚。
3. 叔 孫 舍 如 齊,涖 盟。
4. 夏,四 月,甲 辰 朔,日 有 食 之。
5. 秋,八 月,戊 辰,衛 侯 惡 卒。
6. 九 月,公 至 自 楚。
7. 冬,十 有 一 月,癸 未,季 孫 宿 卒。
8. 十 有 二 月,癸 亥,葬 衛 襄 公。
左 傳 曰,七 年,春,王 正 月,暨 齊 平。齊 求 之 也。癸 巳,齊 侯 次 於 虢,燕 人 行 成,曰,敝
邑 知 罪,敢 不 聽 命,先 君 之 敝 器,請 以 謝 罪。公 孫 皙 曰,受 服 而 退,俟 釁 而 動,可 也。二 月,戊 午,盟 於
濡 上,燕 人 歸 燕 姬,賂 以 瑤 罋,玉 櫝,斝 耳。不 克 而 還。
楚 子 之 為 令 尹 也,為 王 旌,以 田,芋 尹無 宇 斷 之,曰,一 國 兩 君,其 誰 堪 之。及 即
位,為 章 華 之 宮,納 亡 人 以 實 之,無 宇 之 閽 入 焉。無 宇 執 之,有 司 弗 與,曰,執 人 於 王 宮,其 罪 大
矣。執 而 謁 諸 王。王 將 飲 酒,無 宇 辭 曰,天 子 經 畧,諸 侯 正 封,古 之 制 也,封 畧 之 內,何 非 君 土,食 土
之 毛,誰 非 君 臣,故 詩 曰,普 天 之 下,莫 非 王 土,率 土 之 濱,莫 非 王 臣,天 有 十 日,人 有 十 等,下 所 以
事 上,上 所 以 共 神 也,故 王 臣 公,公 臣 大 夫,大 夫 臣 士,士 臣 皁,皁 臣 輿,輿 臣 隸,隸 臣 僚,僚 臣 僕,僕
臣 臺,馬 有 圉,牛 有 牧,以 待 百 事,今 有 司 曰,女 胡 執 人 於 王 宮,將 焉 執 之,周 文 王 之 法 曰,有 亡 荒
閱,所 以 得 天 下 也,吾 先 君 文 王,作 僕 區 之 法,曰,盜 所 隱 器,與 盜 同 罪,所 以 封 汝 也,若 從 有 司,是
無 所 執 逃 臣 也,逃 而 舍 之,是 無 陪 臺 也,王 事 無 乃 闕 乎,昔 武 王 數 紂 之 罪,以 告 諸 侯,曰,紂 為 天
下 逋 逃 主,萃 淵 藪,故 夫 致 死 焉,君 王 始 求 諸 侯,而 則 紂,無 乃 不 可 乎,若 以 二 文 之 法 取 之,盜 有
所 在 矣。王 曰,取 而 臣 以 往,盜 有 寵,未 可 得 也。遂 赦 之。
楚 子 成 章 華 之 臺,願 與 諸 侯 落 之。大 宰 薳 啟 彊 曰,臣 能 得 魯 侯。薳 啟 彊 來 召
公,辭 曰,昔 先 君 成 公,命 我 先 大 夫 嬰 齊 曰,吾 不 忍 先 君 之 好,將 使 衡 父 照 臨 楚 國,鎮 撫 其 社
稷,以 輯 寕 爾 民,嬰 齊 受 命 於 蜀,奉 承 以 來,弗 敢 失 隕,而 致 諸 宗 祧,曰,我 先 君 共 王,引 領 北 望,日
月 以 冀,傳 序 相 授,於 今 四 王 矣,嘉 惠 未 至,唯 襄 公 之 辱 臨 我 喪,孤 與 其 二 三 臣,悼 心 失 圖,社 稷
之 不 皇,况 能 懷 思 君 德,今 君 若 步 玉 趾,辱 見 寡 君,寵 靈 楚 國,以 信 蜀 之 役,致 君 之 嘉 惠,是 寡 君
既 受 貺 矣,何 蜀 之 敢 望,其 先 君 鬼 神,實 嘉 賴 之,豈 唯 寡 君,君 若 不 來,使 臣 請 問 行 期,寡 君 將 承
質 幣,而 見 於 蜀,以 請 先 君 之 貺。公 將 往,夢 襄 公 祖。梓 慎 曰,君 不 果 行,襄 公 之 適 楚 也,夢 周 公 祖
而 行,今 襄 公 實 祖,君 其 不 行。子 服 惠 伯 曰,行,先 君 未 嘗 適 楚,故 周 公 祖 以 道 之,襄 公 適 楚 矣,而
祖 以 道 君,不 行 何 之。三 月,公 如 楚,鄭 伯 勞 於 師 之 梁,孟 僖 子 為 介,不 能 相 儀,及 楚,不 能 答 郊 勞。
夏,四 月,甲 辰 朔,日 有 食 之。晉 侯 問 於 士 文 伯 曰,誰 將 當 日 食。對 曰,魯 衛 惡
之,衛 大 魯 小。公 曰,何 故。對 曰,去 衛 地 如 魯 地,於 是 有 災,魯 實 受 之,其 大 咎,其 衛 君 乎,魯 將 上
卿。公 曰,詩 所 謂 彼 日 而 食,于 何 不 臧 者,何 也。對 曰,不 善 政 之 謂 也,國 無 政,不 用 善,則 自 取 謫 於
日 月 之 災,故 政 不 可 不 慎 也,務 三 而 已,一 曰 擇 人,二 曰 因 民,三 曰 從 時。
晉 人 來 治 杞 田,季 孫 將 以 成 與 之,謝息 為 孟 孫 守,不 可。曰,人 有 言 曰,雖 有 挈 缾
之 知,守 不 假 器,禮 也,夫 子 從 君,而 守 臣 喪 邑,雖 吾 子 亦 有 猜 焉。季 孫 曰,君 之 在 楚,於 晉 罪 也,又
不 聽 晉,魯 罪 重 矣,晉 師 必 至,吾 無 以 待 之,不 如 與 之,閒 晉 而 取 諸 杞,吾 與 子 桃,成 反 ,誰 敢 有
之,是 得 二 成 也,魯 無 憂 而 孟 孫 益 邑,子 何 病 焉。辭 以 無 山,與 之 萊 柞,乃 遷 於 桃,晉 人 為 杞 取 成。
楚 子 享 公 於 新 臺,使 長 鬣 者 相,好 以大 屈,既 而 悔 之,薳 啟 彊 聞 之,見 公,公 語
之,拜 賀。公 曰,何 賀。對 曰,齊 與 晉 越,欲 此 久 矣,寡 君 無 適 與 也,而 傳 諸 君,君 其 備 禦三 鄰,慎 守 寶
矣,敢 不 賀 乎。公 懼,乃 反 之。
鄭 子 產 聘 於 晉,晉 侯 有 疾,韓 宣 子 逆 客,私 焉 曰,寡 君 寢 疾,於 今 三 月 矣,竝 走
羣 望,有 加 而 無 瘳,今 夢 黃 熊 入 於 寢 門,其 何 厲 鬼 也。對 曰,以 君 之 明,子 為 大 政,其 何 厲 之 有,昔
堯 殛 鯀 於 羽 山,其 神 化 為 黃 熊,以 入 于 羽 淵,實 為 夏 郊,三 代 祀 之,晉 為 盟 主,其 或 者 未 之 祀 也
乎。韓 子 祀 夏 郊,晉 侯 有 間,賜 子 產 莒 之 二 方 鼎。子 產 為 豐 施 歸 州 田 於 韓 宣 子,曰,日 君 以 夫 公
孫 段 為 能 任 其 事,而 賜 之 州 田,今 無 祿 早 世,不 獲 久 享 君 德,其 子 弗 敢 有,不 敢 以 聞 於 君,私 致
諸 子。宣 子 辭,子 產 曰,古 人 有 言 曰,其 父析 薪,其 子 弗 克 負 荷,施 將 懼 不 能 任 其 先 人 之 祿,其 况 能
任 大 國 之 賜,縱 吾 子 為 政 而 可,後 之 人 若 屬 有 疆 埸 之 言,敝 邑 獲 戾,而 豐 氏 受 其大 討,吾 子 取
州,是 免 敝 邑 於 戾。而 建 置 豐 氏 也,敢 以 為 請。宣 子 受 之,以 告 晉 侯,晉 侯 以 與 宣 子,宣 子 為 初
言,病 有 之,以 易 原 縣 於 樂 大 心。
鄭 人 相 驚 以 伯 有,曰 伯 有 至 矣。則 皆走,不 知 所 往。鑄 刑 書 之 歲 二 月 ,或 夢 伯
有 介 而 行,曰,壬 子,余 將 殺 帶 也,明 年,壬 寅,余 又 將 殺 段 也。及 壬 子,駟 帶 卒,國 人 益 懼。齊 燕 平 之
月,壬 寅,公 孫 段 卒,國 人 愈 懼。其 明 月,子 產 立 公 孫 洩,及 良 止 以 撫 之,乃 止。子 大 叔 問 其 故,子 產
曰,鬼 有 所 歸,乃 不 為 厲,吾 為 之 歸 也。大 叔 曰,公 孫 洩 何 為。子 產 曰,說 也,為 身 無 義 而 圖 說,從
政,有 所 反 之,以 取 媚 也,不 媚 不 信,不 信,民 不 從 也。及 子 產 適 晉,趙 景 子 問 焉,曰,伯 有 猶 能 為 鬼
乎。子 產 曰,能,人 生 始 化 曰 魄,既 生 魄,陽 曰 魂,用 物 精 多,則 魂 魄 強,是 以 有 精 爽,至 於 神 明,匹 夫
匹 婦 強 死,其 魂 魄 猶 能 馮 依 於 人,以 為 淫 厲,況 良 霄,我 先 君 穆 公 之 冑,子 良 之 孫,子 耳 之 子,敝
邑 之 卿,從 政 三 世 矣,鄭 雖 無 腆,抑 諺 曰,蕞 爾 國,而 三 世 執 其 政 柄,其 用 物 也 弘 矣,其 取 精 也 多
矣,其 族 又 大,所 馮 厚 矣,而 強 死,能 為 鬼,不 亦 宜 乎。
子 皮 之 族,飲 酒 無 度,故 馬 師 氏 與 子皮 氏 有 惡,齊 師 還 自 燕 之 月,罕 朔 殺 罕
魋,罕 朔 奔 晉。韓 宣 子 問 其 位 於 子 產,子 產 曰,君 之 羈 臣,苟 得 容 以 逃 死,何 位 之 敢 擇,卿 違,從 大
夫 之 位,罪 人 以 其 罪 降,古 之 制 也,朔 於 敝 邑,亞 大 夫 也,其 官,馬 師 也,獲 戾 而 逃,唯 執 政 所 寘
之,得 免 其 死,為 惠 大 矣,又 敢 求 位。宣 子 為 子 產 之 敏 也,使 從 嬖 大 夫。
秋,八 月,衛 襄 公 卒。晉 大 夫 言 於 范 獻 子 曰,衛 事 晉 為 睦,晉 不 禮 焉 ,庇 其 賊
人,而 取 其 地,故 諸 侯 貳,詩 曰,鶺 鴒 在 原,兄 弟 急 難,又 曰,死 喪 之 威,兄 弟 孔 懷,兄 弟 之 不 睦,於 是
乎 不 弔,况 遠 人,誰 敢 歸 之,今 又 不 禮 於 衛 之 嗣,衛 必 叛 我,是 絕 諸 侯 也。獻 子 以 告 韓 宣 子,宣 子
說,使 獻 子 如 衛 弔,且 反 戚 田。衛 齊 惡 告 喪 於 周,且 請 命,王 使 成 簡 公 如 衛 弔,且 追 命 襄 公,曰,叔
父 陟 恪,在 我 先 王 之 左 右,以 佐 事 上 帝,余 敢 忘 高 圉 亞 圉。
九 月,公 至 自 楚。孟 僖 子 病 不 能 相 禮,乃 講 學 之,苟 能 禮 者 從 之。及 其 將 死
也,召 其 大 夫 曰,禮,人 之 幹 也,無 禮,無 以 立,吾 聞 將 有 達 者,曰 孔 丘,聖 人 之 後 也,而 滅 於 宋,其 祖
弗 父 何,以 有 宋 而 授 厲 公,及 正 考 父 佐 戴,武,宣,三 命 茲 益 共,故 其 鼎 銘 云,一 命 而 僂,再 命 而
傴,三 命 而 俯,循 牆 而 走,亦 莫 余 敢 侮,饘 於 是,鬻 於 是,以 餬 余 口,其 共 也 如 是,臧 孫 紇 有 言 曰,聖
人 有 明 德 者,若 不 當 世,其 後 必 有 達 人,今 其 將 在 孔 丘 乎,我 若 獲 沒,必 屬 說 與 何 忌 於 夫 子,使
事 之,而 學 禮 焉,以 定 其 位 故 孟 懿 子,與 南 宮 敬 叔,師 事 仲 尼。仲 尼 曰,能 補 過 者,君 子 也,詩 曰,君
子 是 則 是 效,孟 僖 子 可 則 效 已 矣。
單 獻 公 棄 親 用 羇,冬,十 月,辛 酉,襄,頃 之 族,殺 獻 公 而 立 成 公。
十 一 月,季 武 子 卒。晉 侯 謂 伯 瑕 曰,吾 所 問 日 食,從 矣,可 常 乎。對 曰 ,不 可,六 物
不 同,民 心 不 壹,事 序 不 類,官 職 不 則,同 始 異 終,胡 可 常 也,詩 曰,或 燕 燕 居 息,或 憔 悴 事 國,其 異
終 也 如 是。公 曰,何 謂 六 物。對 曰,歲 時 日 月 星 辰,是 謂 也。公 曰,多 語 寡 人,辰 而 莫 同,何 謂 辰。對
曰,日 月 之 會 是 謂 辰,故 以 配 日。
衛 襄 公 夫 人 姜 氏,無 子,嬖 人 婤 姶 生 孟 縶,孔 成 子 夢 康 叔 謂 己 立 元 ,余 使 羇
之 孫 圉,與 史 苟,相 之。 朝 亦 夢 康 叔 謂 己,余 將 命 而 子 苟,與 孔 烝 鉏 之 曾 孫 圉,相 元 史 朝 見
成子,告 之 夢,夢 協。晉 韓 宣 子 為 政 ,聘 於 諸 侯 之 歲,婤 姶 生 子,名 之 曰 元,孟 縶 之 足 不 良,弱 行,孔
成 子 以 周 易 筮 之,曰,元 尚 享 衛 國,主 其 社 稷。遇 屯。又 曰,余 尚 立 縶,尚 克 嘉 之。遇 屯 之 比 以 示 史
朝,史 朝 曰,元 亨,又 何 疑 焉,成 子 曰,非 長 之 謂 乎,對 曰,康 叔 名 之,可 謂 長 矣,孟 非 人 也,將 不 列 於
宗,不 可 謂 長,且 其 繇 曰,利 建 侯,嗣 吉 何 建,建 非 嗣 也,二 卦 皆 云,子 其 建 之,康 叔 命 之,二 卦 告
之,筮 襲 於 夢,武 王 所 用 也,弗 從 何 為,弱 足 者 居,侯 主 社 稷,臨 祭 祀,奉 民 人,事 鬼 神,從 會 朝,又 焉
得 居,各 以 所 利,不 亦 可 乎。故 孔 成 子 立 靈 公。十 二 月,癸 亥,葬 衛 襄 公。
1. 八 年,春,陳 侯 之 弟 招 殺 陳 世 子 偃 師。
2. 夏,四 月,辛 丑,陳 侯 溺 卒。
3. 叔 弓 如 晉。
4. 楚 人 執 陳 行 人 干 徵 師,殺 之。
5. 陳 公 子 留 出 奔 鄭。
6. 秋,蒐 于 紅。
7. 陳 人 殺 其 大 夫 公 子 過。
8. 大 雩。
9. 冬,十 月,壬 午,楚 師 滅 陳,執 陳 公 子 招,放 之 于 越,殺 陳 孔 奐。
10. 葬 陳 哀 公。
左 傳 曰,八 年,春,石 言 於 晉 魏 榆,晉 侯 問 於 師 曠 曰,石 何 故 言。對 曰,石 不 能
言,或 馮 焉,不 然,民 聽 濫 也,抑 臣 又 聞 之 曰,作 事 不 時,怨 讟 動 於 民,則 有 非 言 之 物 而 言,今 宮 室
崇 侈,民 力 彫 盡,怨 讟 竝 作,莫 保 其 性,石 言 不 亦 宜 乎。於 是 晉 侯 方 築 虒 祁 之 宮,叔 向 曰,子 野 之
言,君 子 哉,君 子 之 言,信 而 有 徵,故 怨 遠 於 其 身,小 人 之 言,僭 而 無 徵,故 怨 咎 及 之,詩 曰,哀 哉 不
能 言,匪 舌 是 出,唯 躬 是 瘁,哿 矣 能 言,巧 言 如 流,俾 躬 處 休,其 是 之 謂 乎,是 宮 也 成,諸 侯 必 叛,君
必 有 咎,夫 子 知 之 矣。
陳 哀 公 元 妃 鄭 姬,生 悼 大 子 偃 師,二 妃 生 公 子 畱,下 妃 生 公 子 勝。二 妃 嬖,留
有 寵,屬 諸 司 徒 招 與 公 子 過。哀 公 有 廢 疾,三 月,甲 申,公 子 招,公 子 過,殺 悼 大 子 偃 師,而 立 公 子
畱。
夏,四 月,辛 亥,哀 公 縊。
叔 弓 如 晉。賀 虒 祁 也。游 吉 相 鄭 伯 以 如 晉,亦 賀 虒 祁 也。史 趙 見 子 大 叔,曰,甚
哉 其 相 蒙 也,可 弔 也,而 又 賀 之。子 大 叔 曰,若 何 弔 也,其 非 唯 我 賀,將 天 下 實 賀。
干 徵 師 赴 於 楚,且 告 有 立 君,公 子 勝 愬 之 於 楚,楚 人 執 而 殺 之,公 子 畱 奔
鄭。書 曰,陳 侯 之 弟 招 殺 陳 世 子 偃 師,罪 在 招 也。楚 人 執 陳 行 人 干 徵 師,殺 之,罪 不 在 行 人 也。
秋,大 蒐 于 紅。自 根 牟 至 於 商 衛,革 車 千 乘。
七 月,甲 戌,齊 子 尾 卒,子 旗 欲 治 其 室,丁 丑,殺 梁 嬰,八 月,庚 戌 ,逐 子 成,子 工,子
車,皆 來 奔,而 立 子 良 氏 之 宰。其 臣 曰,孺 子 長 矣,而 相 吾 室,欲 兼 我 也。授 甲 將 攻 之,陳 桓 子 善 於
子 尾,亦 授 甲 將 助 之。或 告 子 旗,子 旗 不 信,則 數 人 告 將 往,又 數 人 告 於 道,遂 如 陳 氏。桓 子 將 出
矣,聞 之 而 還,游 服 而 逆 之。請 命。對 曰,聞 彊 氏 授 甲,將 攻 子,子 聞 諸。曰,弗 聞。子 盍 亦 授 甲,無 宇 請
從。子 旗 曰,子 胡 然,彼 孺 子 也,吾 誨 之,猶 懼 其 不濟,吾 又 寵 秩 之,其 若 先 人 何,子 盍 謂 之,周 書 曰,惠
不 惠,茂 不 茂,康 叔 所 以 服 弘 大 也,桓 子 稽 顙 曰,頃,靈,福 子,吾 猶 有 望。遂 和 之 如 初。
陳 公 子 招 歸 罪 於 公 子 過 而 殺 之。
九 月,楚 公 子 棄 疾 帥 師,奉 孫 吳 圍 陳,宋 戴 惡 會 之。冬,十 一 月,壬 午,滅 陳。輿 嬖
袁 克 殺 馬 毀 玉 以 葬,楚 人 將 殺 之,請 寘 之,既 又 請 私 ,私 於 幄,加 絰 於 顙 而 逃。使 穿 封 戌 為 陳
公,城 麇 之 役 不 諂。侍 飲 酒 於 王,王 曰,城 麇 之 役,女 知 寡 人 之 及 此,女 其 辟 寡 人 乎。對 曰,若 知 君
之 及 此,臣 必 致 死 禮 以 息 楚。晉 侯 問 於 史 趙 曰,陳 其 遂 亡 乎。對 曰,未 也。公 曰,何 故。對 曰,陳 顓 頊
之 族 也,歲 在 鶉 火,是 以 卒 滅,陳 將 如 之 今 在 析 木 之 津,猶 將 復 由,且 陳 氏 得 政 於 齊,而 後 陳 卒
亡,自 幕 至 于 瞽 瞍,無 違 命,舜 重 之 以 明 德,寘 德 於 遂,遂 世 守 之,及 胡 公 不 淫,故 周 賜 之 姓,使 祀
虞 帝,臣 聞 盛 德 必 百 世 祀,虞 之 世 數 未 也,繼 守 將 在 齊,其 兆 既 存 矣。 九 年
1. 九 年,春,叔 弓 會 楚 子 于 陳。
2. 許 遷 于 夷。
3. 夏,四 月,陳 災。
4. 秋,仲 孫 貜 如 齊。
5. 冬,築 郎 囿。
左 傳 曰,九 年,春,叔 弓,宋 華 亥,鄭 游 吉,衛 趙 黶,會 楚 子 于 陳。
二 月,庚 申,楚 公 子 棄 疾,遷 許 于 夷,實 城 父,取 州 來 淮 北 之 田 以 益 之。伍 舉 授
許 男 田,然 丹 遷 城 父 人 於 陳,以 夷 濮 西 田 益 之。遷 方 城 外 人 於 許。
周 甘 人 與 晉 閻 嘉 爭 閻 田,晉 梁 丙,張趯,率 陰 戎 伐 潁。王 使 詹 桓 伯 辭 於 晉 曰,我
自 夏 以 后 稷,魏,駘,芮,岐,畢,吾 西 土 也,及 武 王 克 商,蒲 姑,商 奄,吾 東 土 也,巴,濮,楚,鄧,吾 南 土 也,肅
慎,燕 亳,吾 北 土 也,吾 何 邇 封 之 有 文,武,成,康 之 建 母 弟,以 蕃 屏 周,亦 其 廢 隊 是 為,豈 如 弁 髦,而
因 以 敝 之,先 王 居 檮 杌 於 四 裔,以 禦 螭 魅,故 允 姓 之 姦,居 於 瓜 州,伯 父 惠 公 歸 自 秦,而 誘 以來,使
偪 我 諸 姬,入 我 郊 甸,則 戎 焉 取 之,戎 有 中 國,誰 之 咎 也,后 稷 封 殖 天 下,今 戎 制 之,不 亦 難 乎,伯
父 圖 之,我 在 伯 父,猶 衣 服 之 有 冠 冕,木 水 之 有 本 原,民 人 之 有 謀 主 也,伯 父 若 裂 冠 毀 冕,拔 本
塞 原 ,專 棄 謀 主,雖 戎 狄 其 何 有 余 一 人。叔 向 謂 宣 子 曰,文 之 伯 也,豈 能 改 物,翼 戴 天 子,而 加 之
以 共,自 文 以 來,世 有 衰 德,而 暴 滅 宗 周,以 宣 示 其 侈,諸 侯 之 貳,不 亦 宜 乎,且 王 辭 直,子 其 圖
之。宣 子 說,王 有 姻 喪,使 趙 成 如 周 弔,且 致 閻 田 與 襚,反 潁 俘。王 亦 使 賓 滑 執 甘 大 夫 襄,以 說 於
晉。晉 人 禮 而 歸 之。
夏,四 月,陳 災。鄭 裨 竈 曰,五 年,陳 將 復 封,封 五 十 二 年 而 遂 亡。子 產 問 其 故。對
曰,陳,水 屬 也,火,水 妃 也,而 楚 所 相 也,今 火 出 而 火 陳,逐 楚 而 建 陳 也,妃 以 五 成,故 曰 五 年,歲 五
及 鶉 火,而 後 陳 卒 亡,楚 克 有 之,天 之 道 也,故 曰 五 十 二 年。
孟 僖 子 如 齊 殷 聘。禮 也。
冬,築 郎 囿。書 時 也。季 平 子 欲 其 速 成 也,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,詩 曰,經 始 勿 亟,庶 民 子
來,焉 用 速 成,其 以 勦 民 也,無 囿 猶 可,無 民,其 可 乎。
晉 荀 盈 如 齊 逆 女,還,六 月,卒 于 戲 陽,殯 于 絳,未 葬,晉 侯 飲 酒 樂。膳 宰 屠 蒯 趨
入,請 佐 公 使 尊。許 之,而 遂 酌 以 飲,工,曰,女 為 君 耳,將 司 聰 也,辰 在 子 卯,謂 之 疾 日,君 徹 宴 樂,學
人 舍 業,為 疾 故 也,君 之 卿 佐,是 謂 股 肱,股 肱 或 虧,何 痛 如 之,女 弗 聞 而 樂,是 不 聰 也。又 飲 外 嬖
嬖 叔,曰,女 為 君 目,將 司 明 也,服 以 旌 禮,禮 以 行 事,事 有 其 物,物 有 其 容,今 君 之 容,非 其 物 也,而
女 不 見,是 不 明 也。亦 自 飲 也,曰,味 以 行 氣,氣 以 實 志,志 以 定 言,言 以 出 令,臣 實 司 味,二 御 失
官,而 君 弗 命,臣 之 罪 也。公 說,徹 酒,初,公 欲 廢 知 氏,而 立 其 外 嬖,為 是 悛 而 止。秋,八月,使 荀 躒 佐 下
軍 以 說 焉。 1. 十 年,春,王 正 月。
2. 夏,齊 欒 施 來 奔。
3. 秋,七 月,季 孫 意 如,叔 弓,仲 孫 貜,帥 師 伐 莒。
4. 戊 子,晉 侯 彪 卒。
5. 九 月,叔 孫 婼 如 晉,葬 晉 平 公。
6. 十 有 二 月,甲 子,宋 公 成 卒。
左 傳 曰,十 年,春,王 正 月,有 星 出 於 婺 女,鄭 裨 竈 言 於 子 產 曰,七 月 戊 子,晉 君
將 死,今 茲 歲 在 顓 頊 之 虛,姜 氏 任 氏,實 守 其 地,居 其 維 首,而 有 妖 星 焉,告 邑 姜 也,邑 姜,晉 之 妣
也,天 以 七 紀,戊 子,逢 公 以 登,星 斯 於 是 乎 出,吾 是 以 譏 之。
齊 惠 欒,高 氏,皆 耆 酒,信 內,多 怨,彊 於 陳 鮑 氏,而 惡 之。夏,有 告 陳 桓 子 曰,子
旗,子 良,將 攻 陳,鮑,亦 告 鮑 氏,桓 子 授 甲 而 如 鮑 氏,遭 子 良 醉 而 騁,遂 見 文 子,則 亦 授 甲 矣,使 視
二 子,則 皆 從 飲 酒。桓 子 曰,彼 雖 不 信,聞 我 授 甲,則 必 逐我,及 其 飲 酒 也,先 伐 諸。陳 鮑 方 睦,遂 伐 欒
高 氏。子 良 曰,先 得 公,陳 鮑 焉 往。遂 伐 虎 門,晏 平 仲 端 委 立 於 虎 門 之 外,四 族 召 之,無 所 往。其 徒
曰,助 陳 鮑 乎。曰,何 善 焉。助 欒 高 乎,曰,庸 愈 乎。然 則 歸 乎。曰,君 伐 焉 歸。公 召 之 而 後 入,公 卜 使 王
黑 以 靈 姑 銔 率。吉。請 斷 三 尺 焉 而 用 之。五 月,庚 辰,戰 於 稷,欒 高 敗,又 敗 諸 莊,國 人 追 之,又 敗 諸
鹿 門,欒 施 高 彊 來 奔,陳 鮑 分 其 室。晏 子 謂 桓 子,必 致 諸 公,讓,德 之 主 也,讓 之 謂 懿 德,凡 有 血
氣,皆 有 爭 心,故 利 不 可 彊,思 義 為 愈,義,利 之 本 也,蘊 利 生 孽,姑 使 無 蘊 乎,可 以 滋 長,桓 子 盡 致
諸 公,而 請 老 于 莒。桓 子 召 子 山,私 具 幄 幕 器 用,從 者 之 衣 屨,而 反 棘 焉,子 商 亦 如 之,而 反 其
邑,子 周 亦 如 之,而 與 之 夫 于,反子 城,子 公,公 孫 捷,而 皆 益 其 祿,凡 公 子 公 孫 之 無 祿 者,私 分 之
邑,國 之 貧 約 孤 寡 者,私 與 之 粟,曰,詩 云,陳 錫 載 周,能 施 也,桓 公 是 以 霸。公 與 桓 子 莒 之 旁
邑。辭。穆 孟 姬 為 之 請 高 唐,陳 氏 始 大。
秋,七 月,平 子 伐 莒,取 郠,獻 俘,始 用 人 於 亳 社。臧 武 仲 在 齊,聞 之,曰,周 公 其 不
饗 魯 祭 乎,周 公 饗 義,魯 無 義,詩 曰,德 音 孔 昭,視 民 不 佻,佻 之 謂 甚 矣,而 壹 用 之,將 誰 福 哉。
戊 子,晉 平 公 卒。鄭 伯 如 晉,及 河,晉 人 辭 之,游 吉 遂 如 晉。
九 月,叔 孫 婼,齊 國 弱,宋 華 定,衛 北 宮 喜,鄭 罕 虎,許 人,曹 人,莒 人,邾 人,滕 人,薛
人,杞 人,小 邾 人,如 晉,葬 平 公 也。鄭 子 皮 將 以 幣 行,子 產 曰,喪 焉 用 幣,用 幣 必 百 兩,百 兩 必 千
人,千 人 至,將 不 行,不 行,必 盡 用 之,幾 千 人 而 國 不 亡。子 皮 固 請 以 行。既 葬,諸 侯 之 大 夫 欲 因 見
新 君,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,非 禮 也。弗 聽。叔 向 辭 之 曰,大 夫 之 事 畢 矣,而 又 命 孤,孤 斬 焉 在 衰 絰 之 中,其
以 嘉 服 見,則 喪 禮 未 畢,其 以 喪 服 見,是 重 受 弔 也,大 夫 將 若 之 何。皆 無 辭 以 見。子 皮 盡 用 其
幣,歸,謂 子 羽 曰,非 知 之 實 難,將 在 行 之,夫 子 知 之 矣,我 則 不 足,書 曰,欲 敗 度,縱 敗 禮,我 之 謂
矣,夫 子 知 度 與 禮 矣,我 實 縱 欲,而 不 能 自 克 也。昭 子 至 自 晉,大 夫 皆 見,高 彊 見 而 退,昭 子 語 諸
大 夫 曰,為 人 子,不 可 不 慎 也 哉,昔 慶 封 亡,子 尾 多 受 邑,而 稍 致 諸 君,君 以 為 忠,而 甚 寵 之,將
死,疾 於 公 宮,輦 而 歸,君 親 推 之,其 子 不 能 任,是 以 在 此,忠 為 令 德,其 子 弗 能 任,罪 猶 及 之,難 不
慎 也,喪 夫 人 之 力,棄 德 曠 宗 ,以 及 其 身,不 害 乎,詩 曰,不 自 我 先,不 自 我 後,其 是 之 謂 乎。
冬,十 二 月,宋 平 公 卒。初,元 公 惡 寺 人 柳,欲 殺 之,及 喪,柳 熾 炭 於 位,將 至,則 去
之,比 葬,又 有 寵。 十 有 一 年
1. 十 有 一 年,春,王 二 月,叔 弓 如 宋,葬 宋 平 公。
2. 夏,四 月,丁 巳,楚 子 虔 誘 蔡 侯 般,殺 之 于 申。
3. 楚 公 子 棄 疾 帥 師 圍 蔡。
4. 五 月,甲 申,夫 人 歸 氏 薨。
5. 大 蒐 于 比 蒲。
6. 仲 孫 貜 會 邾 子,盟 于 祲 祥。
7. 秋,季 孫 意 如 會 晉 韓 起,齊 國 弱,宋 華 亥,衛 北 宮 佗,鄭 罕 虎,曹 人,杞
人,于 厥 憖。
8. 九 月,己 亥,葬 我 小 君 齊 歸。
9. 冬,十 有 一 月,丁 酉,楚 師 滅 蔡,執 蔡 世 子 有,以 歸 用 之。
左 傳 曰,十 一 年,春,王 二 月,叔 弓 如 宋。葬 平 公 也。
景 王 問 於 萇 弘 曰,今 玆 諸 侯,何 實 吉,何 實 凶。對 曰,蔡 凶,此 蔡 侯 般 弒 其 君 之
歲 也,歲 在 豕 韋,弗 過 此 矣,楚 將 有 之 然 壅 也,歲 及 大 梁,蔡 復 楚 凶,天 之 道 也。楚 子 在 申,召 蔡 靈
侯,靈 侯 將 往,蔡 大 夫 曰,王 貪 而 無 信,唯 蔡 於 感,今 幣 重 而 言 甘,誘 我 也,不 如 無 往,蔡 侯 不 可。三
月,丙 申,楚 子 伏 甲 而 饗 蔡 侯 於 申,醉 而 執 之。夏,四 月,丁 巳,殺 之,刑 其 士 七 十 人。
公 子棄 疾 帥 師 圍 蔡。韓 宣 子 問 於 叔 向 曰,楚 其 克 乎。對 曰,克 哉,蔡 侯 獲罪 於 其
君,而 不 能 其 民,天 將 假 手 於 楚 以 斃 之,何 故 不 克,然 肸 聞 之,不 信 以 幸,不 可 再 也,楚 王 奉 孫 吳
以 討 於 陳,曰,將 定 而 國,陳 人 聽 命,而 遂 縣 之,今 又 誘 蔡 而 殺 其 君,以 圍 其 國,雖 幸 而 克,必 受 其
咎,弗 能 久 矣,桀 克 有 緡,以 喪 其 國,紂 克 東 夷,而 隕 其 身,楚 小 位 下,而 亟 暴 於 二 王,能 無 咎 乎,天
之 假 助 不 善,非 祚 之 也,厚 其 凶 惡,而 降 之 罰 也,且 譬 之 如 天,其 有 五 材,而 將 用 之,力 盡 而 敝
之,是 以 無 拯,不 可 沒 振。
五 月,齊 歸 薨。
大 蒐 于 比 蒲,非 禮 也。
孟 僖 子 會 邾 莊 公,盟 于 祲 祥。脩 好,禮 也。泉 丘 人 有 女,夢 以 其 帷 幕 孟 氏 之
廟,遂 奔 僖 子。其 僚 從 之,盟 于 清 丘 之 社,曰 有 子,無 相 棄 也。僖 子 使 助 薳 氏 之 簉,反 自 祲 祥,宿 於
薳 氏,生 懿 子,及 南 宮 敬 叔 於 泉 丘 人。其 僚 無 子,使 字 敬 叔。
楚 師 在 蔡,晉 荀 吳 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,不 能 救 陳,又 不 能 救 蔡,物 以 無 親,晉 之 不
能,亦 可 知 也,己 為 盟 主,而 不 恤 亡 國,將 焉 用 之。秋,會 于 厥 憖。謀 救 蔡 也。鄭 子 皮 將 行,子 產 曰,行
不 遠,不 能 救 蔡 也,蔡 小 而 不 順,楚 大 而 弗 德,天 將 棄 蔡 以 壅 楚,盈 而 罰 之,蔡 必 亡 矣,且 喪 君 而
能 守 者 鮮 矣,三 年,王 其 有 咎 乎,美 惡 周 必 復,王 惡 周 矣。晉 人 使 狐 父 請 蔡 於 楚。弗 許。
單 子 會 韓 宣 子 於 戚,視 下 言 徐。叔 向曰,單 子 其 將 死 乎,朝 有 著 定,會 有 表,衣 有
襘,帶 有 結,會 朝 之 言,必 聞 於 表 著 之 位,所 以 昭 事 序 也,視 不 過 結 襘 之 中,所 以 道 容 貌 也,言 以
命 之,容 貌 以 明 之,失 則 有 闕,今 單 子 為 王 官 伯,而 命 事 於會,視 不 登 帶,言 不 過 步,貌 不 道 容 ,而
言 不 昭 矣,不 道 不 共,不 昭 不 從,無 守 氣 矣。
九 月,葬 齊 歸,公 不 慼。晉 士 之 送 葬 者,歸 以 語 史 趙,史 趙 曰,必 為 魯 郊。侍 者
曰,何 故。曰,歸,姓 也,不 思 親,祖 不 歸 也。叔 向 曰,魯 公 室 其 卑 乎,君 有 大 喪,國 不 廢 蒐,有 三 年 之
喪,而 無 一 日 之 慼,國 不 恤 喪,不 忌 君 也,君 無 慼 容,不 顧 親 也,國 不 忌 君,君 不 顧 親,能 無 卑 乎,殆
其 失 國。
冬,十 一 月,楚 子 滅 蔡,用 隱 大 子 於 岡 山。申 無 宇 曰,不 祥,五 牲 不 相 為 用,况 用
諸 侯 乎,王 必 悔 之。
十 二 月,單 成 公 卒。
楚 子 城 陳 蔡 不 羹,使 棄 疾 為 蔡 公。王問 於 申 無 宇 曰,棄 疾 在 蔡,何 如。對 曰,擇 子
莫 如 父,擇 臣 莫 如 君,鄭 莊 公 城 櫟 而 寘 子 元 焉,使 昭 公 不 立,齊 桓 公 城 穀 而 寘 管 仲 焉,至 於 今
賴 之,臣 聞 五 大 不 在 邊,五 細 不 在 庭,親 不 在 外,羇 不 在 內,今 棄 疾 在 外,鄭 丹 在 內,君 其 少 戒。王
曰,國 有 大 城,何 如。對 曰,鄭 京,櫟,實 殺 曼 伯,宋 蕭,亳,實 殺 子 游,齊 渠 丘 實 殺 無 知,衛 蒲 戚,實 出 獻
公,若 由 是 觀 之,則 害 於 國,末 大 必 折,尾 大 不 掉,君 所 知 也。 十 有 二 年
1. 十 有 二 年,春,齊 高 偃 帥 師,納 北 燕 伯 于 陽。
2. 三 月,壬 申,鄭 伯 嘉 卒。
3. 夏,宋 公 使 華 定 來 聘。
4. 公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。
5. 五 月,葬 鄭 簡 公。
6. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 成 熊。
7. 秋,七 月。
8. 冬,十 月,公 子 憖 出 奔 齊。
9. 楚 子 伐 徐。
10. 晉 伐 鮮 虞。
左 傳 曰,十 二 年,春,齊 高 偃 納 北 燕 伯 欸 于 唐。因 其 衆 也。
三 月,鄭 簡 公 卒。將 為 葬 除,及 游 氏 之 廟,將 毀 焉,子 大 叔 使 其 除 徒 執 用 以
立,而 無 庸 毀,曰,子 產 過 女,而 問 何 故 不 毀,乃 曰,不 忍 廟 也,諾,將 毀 矣,既 如 是,子 產 乃 使 辟 之。司
墓 之 室,有 當 道 者,毀 之,則 朝 而 塴,弗 毀,則 日 中 而 塴,子 大 叔 請 毀 之,曰,無 若 諸 侯 之 賓 何。子 產
曰,諸 侯 之 賓,能 來 會 吾 喪,豈 憚 日 中,無 損 於 賓,而 民 不 害,何 故 不 為。遂 弗 毀,日 中 而 葬。君 子 謂
子 產 於 是 乎 知 禮,禮 無 毀 人 以 自 成 也。
夏,宋 華 定 來 聘。通 嗣 君 也。享 之,為 賦 蓼 蕭,弗 知,又 不 答 賦。昭 子 曰,必 亡,宴 語
之 不 懷,寵 光 之 不 宣,令 德 之 不 知,同 福 之 不 受,將 何 以 在。
齊 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,如 晉,朝 嗣 君 也。
公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。取 郠 之 役,莒 人 愬 於 晉,晉 有 平 公 之 喪,未 之 治 也,故 辭
公。公 子 憖 遂 如 晉。
晉 侯 享 諸 侯,子 產 相 鄭 伯,辭 於 享,請 免 喪 而 後 聽 命,晉 人 許 之。禮 也。晉 侯 以
齊 侯 宴,中 行 穆 子 相,投 壺,晉 侯 先,穆 子 曰,有 酒 如 淮,有 肉 如 坻,寡 君 中 此,為 諸 侯 師。中 之。齊 侯
舉 矢 曰,有 酒 如 澠,有 肉 如 陵,寡 人 中 此,與 君 代 興。亦 中 之。伯 瑕 謂 穆 子 曰,子 失 辭,吾 固 師 諸 侯
矣,壺 何 為 焉,其 以 中 雋 也,齊 君 弱吾 君,歸 弗 來 矣。穆 子 曰,吾 軍 帥 彊 禦,卒 乘 競 勸,今 猶 古 也,齊 將
何 事,公 孫 傁 趨 進,曰,日 旰 君 勤,可 以 出 矣,以 齊 侯 出。
楚 子 謂 成 虎,若 敖 之 餘 也,遂 殺 之。或 譖 成 虎 於 楚 子,成 虎 知 之,而 不 能 行,書
曰,楚 殺 其 大 夫 成 虎,懷 寵 也。
六 月,葬 鄭 簡 公。
晉 荀 吳 偽 會 齊 師 者,假 道 於 鮮 虞,遂 入 昔 陽,秋,八 月,壬 午,滅 肥,以 肥 子 綿 皋
歸。
周 原 伯 絞 虐 其 輿 臣,使 曹 逃。冬,十 月,壬 申 朔,原 輿 人 逐 絞,而 立 公 子 跪 尋,絞
奔 郊。
甘 簡 公 無 子,立 其 弟 過,過 將 去 成,景之 族,成,景 之 族 賂 劉 獻 公,丙 申 ,殺 甘 悼
公,而 立 成 公 之 孫 鰌。丁 酉,殺 獻 大 子 之 傅 庾 皮 之 子 過,殺 瑕 辛 於 市,及 宮 嬖 綽,王 孫 沒,劉 州
鳩,陰 忌,老 陽 子。
季 平 子 立 而 不 禮 於 南 蒯 南 蒯 謂 子 仲,吾 出 季 氏,而 歸 其 室 於 公,子 更 其
位,我 以 費 為 公 臣。子 仲 許 之,南 蒯 語 叔 仲 穆 子,且 告 之 故。季 悼 子 之 卒 也,叔 孫 昭 子 以 再 命 為
卿,及 平 子 伐 莒 克 之,更 受 三 命,叔 仲 子 欲 構 二 家,謂 平 子 曰,三 命踰 父 兄,非 禮 也。平 子 曰,然。故 使
昭 子。昭 子 曰,叔 孫 氏 有 家 禍,殺 適 立 庶,故 婼 也 及 此,若 因 禍 以 斃 之,則 聞 命 矣,若 不 廢 君 命,則固
有 著 矣,昭 子 朝 而 命 吏 曰,婼 將 與 季 氏 訟,書 辭 無 頗。季 孫 懼,而 歸 罪 於 叔 仲 子,故 叔 仲 小,南
蒯,公 子 憖,謀 季 氏,憖 告 公,而 遂 從 公 如 晉,南 蒯 懼 不 克,以 費 叛,如 齊,子 仲 還,及 衛,聞 亂,逃 介 而
先,及 郊,聞 費 叛,遂 奔 齊。南 蒯 之 將 叛 也,其 鄉 人 或 知 之,過 之 而 歎,且 言 曰,恤 恤 乎,湫 乎 攸 乎,深
思 而 淺 謀,邇 身 而 遠 志,家 臣 而 君 圖,有 人 矣 哉。南 蒯 枚 筮 之,遇 坤 之 比,曰,黃 裳 元 吉,以 為 大 吉
也,示 子 服 惠 伯,曰,即 欲 有 事,何 如。惠 伯 曰,吾 嘗 學 此 矣,忠 信 之 事,則 可,不 然,必 敗,外 彊 內 溫,忠
也,和 以 率 貞,信 也,故 曰 黃 裳 元 吉,黃,中 之 色 也,裳,下 之 飾 也,元,善 之 長 也,中 不 忠,不 得 其 色,下
不 共,不 得 其 飾,事 不 善,不 得 其 極,外 內 倡 和 為 忠,率 事 以 信 為 共,供 養 三 德 為 善,非 此 三 者 弗
當,且 夫 易,不 可 以 占 險,將 何 事 也,且 可 飾 乎,中 美 能 黃,上 美 為 元,下 美 則 裳,參 成 可 筮,猶 有 闕
也,筮 雖 吉,未 也。將 適 費,飲 鄉 人 酒,鄉 人 或 歌 之,曰,我 有 圃,生 之 杞 乎,從 我 者 子 乎,去 我 者 鄙
乎,倍 其 鄰 者 恥 乎,已 乎 已 乎,非 吾 黨 之 士 乎。平 子 欲 使 昭 子 逐 叔 仲 小,小 聞 之,不 敢 朝,昭 子 命
吏 謂 小 待 政 於 朝,曰,吾 不 為 怨 府。
楚 子 狩 於 州 來,次 於 潁 尾,使 蕩 侯,潘 子,司 馬 督,囂 尹 午,陵 尹 喜,帥 師 圍 徐 以
懼 吳,楚 子 次 於 乾 谿,以 為 之 援。雨 雪,王 皮 冠,秦 復 陶,翠 被 豹 舄,執 鞭 以 出,僕 析 父 從。右 尹 子 革
夕,王 見 之,去 冠 被,舍 鞭,與 之 語 曰,昔 我 先 王 熊 繹,與 呂 級,王 孫 牟,燮 父,禽 父,並 事 康 王,四 國 皆
有 分,我 獨 無 有,今 吾 使 人 於 周,求 鼎 以 為 分,王 其 與 我 乎。對 曰,與 君 王 哉,昔 我 先 王 熊 繹,辟 在
荊 山,篳 路 藍 縷,以 處 草 莽,跋 涉 山 林,以 事 天子,唯 是 桃 弧 棘 矢,以 共 禦 王 事,齊 王 舅 也,晉 及 魯
衛,王 母 弟 也,楚 是 以 無 分,而 彼 皆 有,今 周 與 四 國 服 事 君 王,將 唯 命 是 從,豈 其 愛 鼎。王 曰,昔 我
皇 祖 伯 父 昆 吾 舊 許 是 宅,今 鄭 人 貪 賴 其 田,而 不 我 與,我 若 求 之,其 與 我 乎。對 曰,與 君 王 哉,周
不 愛 鼎,鄭 敢 愛 田。王 曰,昔 諸 侯 遠 我 而 畏 晉,今 我 大 城 陳 蔡 不 羹,賦 皆 千 乘,子 與 有 勞 焉,諸 侯
其 畏 我 乎。對 曰,畏 君 王 哉,是 四 國 者,專 足 畏 也,又 加 之 以 楚,敢 不 畏 君 王 哉。工 尹 路 請 曰,君 王
命 剝 圭 以 為 鏚 柲,敢 請 命。王 入 視 之,析 父 謂 子 革,吾 子 ,楚 國 之 望 也,今 與 王 言 如 響,國 其 若 之
何,子 革 曰,摩 厲 以 須,王 出,吾 刃 將 斬 矣。王 出,復 語,左 史 倚 相 趨 過,王 曰,是 良 史 也,子 善 視 之,是
能 讀 三 墳,五 典,八 索,九 丘。對 曰,臣 嘗 問 焉,昔 穆 王 欲 肆 其 心,周 行 天 下,將 皆 必 有 車 轍 馬 跡
焉,祭 公 謀 父 作 祈 招 之 詩,以 止 王 心,王 是 以 獲 沒 於 祗 宮,臣 問 其 詩 而 不 知 也,若 問 遠 焉,其 焉
能 知 之。王 曰,子 能 乎。對 曰,能,其 詩曰,祈 招 之 愔 愔,式 昭 德 音,思 我 王 度,式 如 玉,式 如 金,形 民 之
力,而 無 醉 飽 之 心。王 揖 而 入,饋 不 食,寢 不 寐,數 日 不 能 自 克,以 及 於 難,仲 尼 曰,古 也 有 志,克 己
復 禮,仁 也。信 善 哉,楚 靈 王 若 能 如 是,豈 其 辱 於 乾 谿。
晉 伐 鮮 虞。因 肥 之 役 也。 十 有 三 年
1. 十 有 三 年,春,叔 弓 帥 師 圍 費。
2. 夏,四 月,楚 公 子 比 自 晉 歸 于 楚,弒 其 君 虔 于 乾 谿。
3. 楚 公 子 棄 疾 殺 公 子 比。
4. 秋,公 會 劉 子,晉 侯,齊 侯,宋 公,衛 侯,鄭 伯,曹 伯,莒 子,邾 子 ,滕 子,薛
伯,杞 伯,小 邾 子,于 平 丘。
5. 八 月,甲 戌,同 盟 于 平 丘。
6. 公 不 與 盟。
7. 晉 人 執 季 孫 意 如 以 歸。
8. 公 至 自 會。
9. 蔡 侯 廬 歸 于 蔡,陳 侯 吳 歸 于 陳。
10. 冬,十 月,葬 蔡 靈 公。
11. 公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。
12. 吳 滅 州 來。
左 傳 曰,十 三 年,春,叔 弓 圍 費。弗 克,敗 焉。平 子 怒,令 見 費 人,執 之,以 為 囚 俘,冶
區 夫 曰,非 也,若 見 費 人,寒 者 衣 之,飢 者 食 之,為 之 令 主,而 共 其 乏 困,費 來 如 歸,南 氏 亡 矣,民 將
叛 之,誰 與 居 邑,若 憚 之 以 威,懼 之 以 怒,民 疾 而 叛,為 之聚 也,若 諸 侯 皆 然,費 人 無 歸,不 親 南 氏,將
焉 入 矣。平 子 從 之,費 人 叛 南 氏。
楚 子 之 為 令 尹 也,殺 大 司 馬 薳 掩,而 取 其 室,及 即 位 奪 薳 居 田,遷 許 而 質 許
圍,蔡 洧 有 寵 於 王,王 之 滅 蔡 也,其 父 死 焉,王 使 與 於 守 而 行,申 之 會,越 大 夫 戮 焉,王 奪 鬪 韋 龜
中 犫,又 奪 成 然 邑,而 使 為 郊 尹,蔓 成 然 故 事 蔡 公,故 薳 氏 之 族,及 薳 居,許 圍,蔡 洧,蔓 成 然,皆 王
所 不 禮 也,因 羣 喪 職 之 族,啟 越 大 夫 常 壽 過 作 亂,圍 固 城,克 息 舟,城 而 居 之,觀 起 之 死 也,其 子
從 在 蔡,事 朝 吳,曰,今 不 封 蔡,蔡 不 封 矣,我 請 試 之。以 蔡 公 之 命,召 子 干,子 皙,及 郊 而 告 之 情,強
與 之 盟,入 襲 蔡。蔡 公 將 食,見 之 而 逃,觀 從 使 子 干 食,坎 用 牲,加 書 而 速 行,已 徇 於 蔡,曰,蔡 公 召
二 子,將 納 之,與 之 盟 而 遣 之 矣,將 師 而 從 之。蔡 人 聚,將 執 之,辭 曰,失 賊 成 軍,而 殺 余,何 益。乃 釋
之。朝 吳 曰,二 三 子 若 能 死 亡,則 如 違 之,以 待 所 濟,若 求 安 定,則 如 與 之,以 濟 所 欲,且 違 上,何 適
而 可。衆 曰,與 之。乃 奉 蔡 公,召 二 子 而 盟 於 鄧,依 陳 蔡人 以 國。楚 公 子 比,公 子 黑 肱,公 子 棄 疾,蔓 成
然,蔡 朝 吳,帥 陳,楚,不 羹,許,葉,之 師,因 四 族 之 徒 以 入 楚,及 郊,陳 蔡 欲 為 名,故 請 為 武 軍。蔡 公 知
之,曰,欲 速,且 役 病 矣,請 藩 而 巳。乃 藩 為 軍,蔡 公 使 須 務 牟,與 史 猈 先 入,因 正 僕 人,殺 大 子 祿,及
公 子 罷 敵。公 子 比 為 王,公 子 黑 肱 為 令 尹,次 於 魚 陂,公 子 棄 疾 為 司 馬,先 除 王 宮,使 觀 從 從 師
于 乾 谿,而 遂 告 之,且 曰,先 歸 復 所,後 者 劓。師 及 訾 梁 而 潰。王 聞 羣 公 子 之 死 也,自 投 於 車
下,曰,人 之 愛 其 子 也,亦 如 余 乎。侍 者 曰,甚 焉,小 人 老 而 無 子,知 擠 於 溝 壑 矣。王 曰,余 殺 人 子 多
矣,能 無 及 此 乎。右 尹 子 革 曰,請 待 于 郊,以 聽 國 人。王 曰,衆 怒 不 可 犯 也。曰,若 入 於 大 都,而 乞 師
於 諸 侯。王 曰,皆 叛 矣。曰,若 亡 於 諸 侯,以 聽 大 國 之 圖 君 也。王 曰,大 福 不 再,祇 取 辱 焉。然 丹 乃 歸
於 楚。王 沿 夏,將 欲 入 鄢,芋 尹 無 宇 之 子 申 亥 曰,吾 父 再 奸 王 命,王 弗 誅,惠 孰 大 焉,君 不 可 忍,惠
不 可 棄,吾 其 從 王。乃 求 王,遇 諸 棘 闈,以 歸。夏,五 月,癸 亥,王 縊 於 芋 尹 申 亥 氏,申 亥 以 其 二 女
殉,而 葬 之。
觀 從 謂 子 干 曰,不 殺 棄 疾,雖 得 國,猶 受 禍 也。子 干 曰,余 不 忍 也。子 玉 曰,人 將
忍 子,吾 不 忍 俟 也。乃 行。國 每 夜 駭 曰,王 入 矣。乙 卯 夜,棄 疾 使 周 走 而 呼 曰,王 至 矣。國 人 大 驚,使
蔓 成 然 走 告 子 干,子 皙,曰,王 至 矣,國 人 殺 君 司 馬,將 來 矣,君 若 早 自 圖 也,可 以 無 辱,衆 怒 如 水
火 焉,不 可 為 謀。又 有 呼 而 走 至 者 曰,衆 至 矣。二 子 皆 自 殺。丙 辰,棄 疾 即 位,名 曰 熊 居,葬 子 干 於
訾,實 訾 敖,殺 囚,衣 之 王 服,而 流 諸 漢,乃 取 而 葬 之,以 靖 國 人,使 子 旗 為 令 尹。楚 師 還 自 徐,吳 人
敗 諸 豫 章,獲 其 五 帥。平 王 封 陳,蔡,復 遷 邑,致 羣 賂,施 舍 寬 民,宥 罪,舉 職。召 觀 從,王 曰,唯 爾 所
欲。對 曰,臣 之 先 佐 開 卜。乃 使 為 卜 尹。使 枝 如 子 躬 聘 於 鄭,且 致 犨 櫟 之 田。事 畢,弗 致,鄭 人 請
曰,聞 諸 道 路,將 命 寡 君 以 犨 櫟,敢 請 命。對 曰,臣 未 聞 命。既 復,王 問 犨 櫟,降 服 而 對,曰,臣 過 失
命,未 之 致 也。王 執 其 手 曰,子 毋 勤,姑 歸,不 穀 有 事,其 告 子 也。他 年 芋 尹 申 亥,以 王 柩 告,乃 改 葬
之。初,靈 王 卜 曰,余 尚 得 天 下。不 吉,投 龜 詬 天 而 呼 曰,是 區 區 者 而 不 余 畀,余 必 自 取 之。民 患 王
之 無 厭 也,故 從 亂 如 歸。初,共 王 無 適,有 寵 子 五 人,無 適 立 焉,乃 大 有 事 於 羣 望,而 祈 曰,請 神 擇
於 五 人 者,使 主 社 稷。乃 徧 以 璧 見 於 羣 望 曰,當 璧 而 拜 者,神 所 立 也,誰 敢 違 之。既 乃 與 巴 姬 密
埋 璧 於 大 室 之 庭,使 五 人 齊 而 長 入 拜。康 王 跨 之,靈 王 肘 加 焉,子 干 子 皙,皆 遠 之,平 王 弱,抱 而
入,再 拜,皆 厭 紐,鬪 韋 龜 屬 成 然 焉,且 曰,棄 禮 違 命,楚 其 危 哉。子 干 歸,韓 宣 子 問 於 叔 向 曰,子 干
其 濟 乎。對 曰,難。宣 子 曰,同 惡 相 求,如 市 賈 焉,何 難。對 曰,無 與 同 好,誰 與 同 惡,取 國 有 五 難,有 寵
而 無 人,一 也,有 人 而 無 主,二 也,有 主 而 無 謀,三 也,有 謀 而 無 民,四 也,有 民 而 無 德,五 也,子 干 在
晉,十 三 年 矣,晉 楚 之 從,不 聞 達 者,可 謂 無 人,族 盡 親 叛,可 謂 無 主,無 釁 而動,可 謂 無 謀,為 羇 終
世,可 謂 無 民,亡 無 愛 徵,可 謂 無 德,王 虐 而 不 忌,楚 君 子 干,涉 五 難 以 弑 舊 君,誰 能 濟 之,有 楚 國
者,其 棄 疾 乎,君 陳 蔡,城 外 屬 焉,苛 慝 不 作,盜 賊 伏 隱,私 欲 不 違,民 無 怨 心,先 神 命 之,國 民 信
之,芊 姓 有 亂,必 季 實 立,楚 之 常 也,獲 神,一 也,有 民,二 也,令 德,三 也,寵 貴,四 也,居 常,五 也,有 五 利
以 去 五 難,誰 能 害 之,子 干 之 官,則 右 尹 也,數 其 貴 寵,則 庶 子 也,以 神 所 命,則 又 遠 之,其 貴 亡
矣,其 寵 棄 矣,民 無 懷 焉,國 無 與 焉,將 何 以 立。宣 子 曰,齊 桓 晉 文,不 亦 是 乎。對 曰,齊 桓,衛 姬 之 子
也,有 寵 於 僖,有 鮑 叔 牙,賓 須 無,隰 朋,以 為 輔 佐,有 莒 衛 以 為 外 主,有 國,高,以 為 內 主,從 善 如
流,下 善 齊 肅,不 藏 賄,不 從 欲,施 舍 不 倦,求 善 不 厭,是 以 有 國,不 亦 宜 乎,我 先 君 文 公,狐 季 姬 之
子 也,有 寵 於 獻,好 學 而 不 貳,生 十 七 年,有 士 五 人,有 先 大 夫 子 餘,子 犯,以 為 腹 心,有 魏 犨,賈
佗,以 為 股 肱,有 齊,宋,秦,楚,以 為 外 主,有 欒,郤,狐,先,以 為 內 主,亡 十 九 年,守 志 彌 篤,惠,懷,棄 民,民
從 而 與 之,獻 無 異 親,民 無 異 望,天 方 相 晉,將 何 以 代 文,此 二 君 者,異 於 子 干,共 有 寵 子,國 有 奧
主,無 施 於 民,無 援 於 外,去 晉 而 不 送,歸 楚 而 不 逆,何 以 冀 國。
晉 成 虒 祁,諸 侯 朝 而 歸 者,皆 有 貳 心。為 取 郠 故,晉 將 以 諸 侯 來 討。叔 向 曰,諸
侯 不 可 以 不 示 威。乃 竝 徵 會,告 於 吳,秋,晉 侯 會 吳 子 於 良,水 道 不 可,吳 子 辭,乃 還。七 月,丙 寅,治
兵 於 邾 南,甲 車 四 千 乘,羊 舌 鮒 攝 司 馬,遂 合 諸 侯 于 平 丘。子 產,子 大 叔 相 鄭 伯 以 會,子 產 以 幄
幕 九 張 行,子 大 叔 以 四 十,既 而 悔 之,每 舍,損 焉,及 會,亦 如 之 ,次 於 衛 地,叔 鮒 求 貨 於 衛,淫 芻 蕘
者,衛 人 使 屠 伯 饋 叔 向 羹,與 一 篋 錦,曰,諸 侯 事 晉,未 敢 攜 貳,况 衛 在 君 之 宇 下,而 敢 有 異 志,芻
蕘 者 異 於 他 日,敢 請 之。叔 向 受 羹,反 錦 曰,晉 有 羊 舌 鮒 者,瀆 貨 無 厭,亦 將 及 矣,為 此 役 也,子 若
以君 命 賜 之,其 已。客 從 之。未 退 而 禁 之。
晉 人 將 尋 盟,齊 人 不 可。晉 侯 使 叔 向 告 劉 獻 公 曰,抑 齊 人 不 盟,若 之 何。對
曰,盟 以 厎 信,君 苟 有 信,諸 侯 不 貳,何 患 焉,告 之 以 文 辭,董 之 以 武 師,雖 齊 不 許,君 庸 多 矣,天 子
之 老,請 帥 王 賦,元 戎 十 乘,以 先 啟 行,遲 速 唯 君。叔 向 告 於 齊 曰,諸 侯 求 盟,已 在 此 矣,今 君 弗
利,寡 君 以 為 請。對 曰,諸 侯 討 貳,則 有 尋 盟,若 皆 用 命,何 盟 之 尋。叔 向 曰,國 家 之 敗,有 事 而 無
業,事 則 不 經,有 業 而 無 禮,經 則 不 序,有 禮 而 無 威,序 則 不 共,有 威 而 不 昭,共 則 不 明,不 明 棄
共,百 事 不 終,所 由 傾 覆 也,是 故 明 王 之 制,使 諸 侯 歲 聘 以 志 業,閒 朝 以 講 禮,再 朝 而 會以 示 威,再
會 而 盟 以 顯 昭 明,志 業 於 好,講 禮 於 等,示 威 於 衆,昭 明 於 神,自 古 以 來,未 之 或 失 也,存 亡 之
道,恆 由 是 興,晉 禮 主 盟,懼 有 不 治,奉 承 齊 犧,而 布 諸 君,求 終 事 也,君 曰 余 必 廢 之,何 齊 之 有,唯
君 圖 之,寡 君 聞 命 矣。齊 人 懼,對 曰,小 國 言 之,大 國 制 之,敢 不 聽 從,既 聞 命 矣,敬 共 以 往,遲 速 唯
君。叔 向 曰,諸 侯 有 間 矣,不 可 以 不 示 衆。八 月,辛 未,治 兵,建 而 不旆,壬 申,復 旆 之,諸 侯 畏 之。邾 人 莒
人 愬 於 晉 曰,魯 朝 夕 伐 我,幾 亡 矣,我 之 不 共,魯 故 之 以。晉 侯 不 見 公,使 叔 向 來 辭,曰,諸 侯 將 以
甲 戌 盟,寡 君 知 不 得 事 君 矣,請 君 無 勤。子 服 惠 伯 對 曰,君 信 蠻 夷 之 訴,以 絕 兄 弟 之 國,棄 周 公
之 後,亦 唯 君,寡 君 聞 命 矣。叔 向 曰,寡 君 有 甲 車 四 千 乘 在,雖 以 無 道 行 之,必 可 畏 也,況 其 率
道,其 何 敵 之 有,牛 雖 瘠,僨 於 豚 上,其 畏 不 死。南 蒯 子 仲 之 憂,其 庸 可 棄 乎,若 奉 晉 之 衆,用 諸 侯
之 師,因 邾,莒,杞,鄫 之 怒,以 討 魯 罪,閒 其 二 憂,何 求 而 弗 克。魯 人 懼 聽 命。甲 戌,同 盟 于 平 丘。齊 服
也。令 諸 侯 日 中 造 於 除,癸 酉,退 朝,子 產 命 外 僕 速 張 於 除,子 大 叔 止 之,使 待 明 白,及 夕,子 產 聞
其 未 張 也,使 速 往,乃 無 所 張 矣,及 盟,子 產 爭 承,曰,昔 天 子 班 貢,輕 重 以 列,列 尊 貢 重,周 之 制
也,卑 而 貢 重 者,甸 服 也,鄭,伯 男 也,而 使 從 公 侯 之 貢,懼 弗 給 也,敢 以 為 請,諸 侯 靖 兵,好 以 為
事,行 理 之 命,無 月 不 至,貢 之 無 藝,小 國 有 闕,所 以 得 罪 也,諸 侯 修 盟,存 小 國 也,貢 獻 無 極,亡 可
待 也,存 亡 之 制,將 在 今 矣。自 日 中 以 爭,至 於 昏。晉 人 許 之。既 盟,子 大 叔 咎 之 曰,諸 侯 若 討,其 可
瀆 乎。子 產 曰,晉 政 多 門,貳 偷 之 不 暇,何 暇 討,國 不 競 亦 陵,何 國 之 為。
公 不 與 盟。晉 人 執 季 孫 意 如,以 幕 蒙 之,使 狄 人 守 之,司 鐸 射 懷 錦,奉 壺 飲
冰,以 蒲 伏 焉,守 者 御 之,乃 與 之 錦,而 入,晉 人 以 平 子 歸,子 服 湫 從。
子 產 歸,未 至,聞 子 皮 卒,哭 且 曰,吾 已,無 為 為 善 矣,唯 夫 子 知 我。仲 尼 謂 子 產
於 是 行 也,足 以 為 國 基 矣,詩 曰,樂 只 君 子,邦 家 之 基,子 產,君 子 之 求 樂 者 也,且 曰,合 諸 侯,藝 貢
事,禮 也。
鮮 虞 人 聞 晉 師 之 悉 起 也,而 不 警 邊,且 不 修 備。晉 荀 吳 自 著 雍,以 上 軍 侵 鮮
虞,及 中 人,驅 衝 競,大 獲 而 歸。
楚 之 滅 蔡 也,靈 王 遷 許,胡,沈,道,房,申,於 荊 焉。平 王 即 位,既 封 陳 蔡,而 皆 復
之,禮 也。隱 大子 之 子 廬 歸 于 蔡,禮 也。悼 大 子 之 子 吳,歸 于 陳,禮 也。
冬,十 月,葬 蔡 靈 公,禮 也。
公 如 晉,荀 吳 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,諸 侯 相 朝,講 舊 好 也,執 其 卿 而 朝 其 君,有 不 好
焉,不 如 辭 之。乃 使 士 景 伯 辭 公 于 河。
吳 滅 州 來。令 尹 子 期 請 伐 吳,王 弗 許,曰,吾 未 撫 民 人,未 事 鬼 神,未 修 守 備,未
定 國 家,而 用 民 力,敗 不 可 悔,州 來 在 吳,猶 在 楚 也, 子 姑 待 之。
季 孫 猶 在 晉,子 服 惠 伯 私 於 中 行 穆 子,曰,魯 事 晉,何 以 不 如 夷 之 小 國,魯,兄
弟 也,土 地 猶 大,所 命 能 具,若 為 夷 棄 之,使 事 齊 楚,其 何 瘳 於 晉,親 親,與 大,賞 共,罰 否,所 以 為 盟
主 也,子 其 圖 之,諺 曰,臣 一 主 二,吾 豈 無 大 國。穆 子 告 韓 宣 子,且 曰,楚 滅 陳 蔡 不 能 救,而 為 夷 執
親,將 焉 用 之。乃 歸 季 孫。惠 伯 曰,寡 君 未 知 其 罪,合 諸 侯 而 執 其 老,若 猶 有 罪,死 命 可 也,若 曰 無
罪,而 惠 免 之,諸 侯 不 聞,是 逃 命 也,何 免 之 為,請 從 君 惠 於 會。宣 子 患 之,謂 叔 向 曰,子 能 歸 季 孫
乎。對 曰,不 能,鮒 也 能,乃 使 叔 魚。叔 魚 見 季 孫 曰,昔 鮒 也 得 罪 於 晉 君,自 歸 於 魯 君,微 武 子 之
賜,不 至 於 今,雖 獲 歸 骨 於 晉,猶 子 則 肉 之,敢 不 盡 情 歸 子,而 不 歸,鮒 也 聞 諸 吏,將 為 子 除 館 於
西 河,其 若 之 何。且 泣。平 子 懼,先 歸,惠 伯 待 禮。 十 有 四 年
1. 十 有 四 年,春,意 如 至 自 晉。
2. 三 月,曹 伯 滕 卒。
3. 夏,四 月。
4. 秋,葬 曹 武 公。
5. 八 月,莒 子 去 疾 卒。
6. 冬,莒 殺 其 公 子 意 恢。
左 傳 曰,十 四 年,春,意 如 至 自 晉,尊 晉,罪 己 也。尊 晉 罪 己,禮 也。
南 蒯 之 將 叛 也,盟 費 人。司 徒 老 祁,慮 癸,偽 廢 疾,使 請 於 南 蒯 曰,臣 願 受 盟 而
疾 興,若 以 君 靈 不 死,請 侍 閒 而 盟,許 之。二 子 因 民 之 欲 叛 也,請 朝 衆 而 盟,遂 劫 南 蒯 曰,羣 臣 不
忘 其 君,畏 子 以 及 今,三 年 聽 命 矣,子 若 弗 圖,費 人 不 忍 其 君,將 不 能 畏 子 矣,子 何 所 不 逞 欲,請
送 子。請 期 五 日,遂 奔 齊,侍 飲 酒 於 景 公,公 曰,叛 夫。對 曰,臣 欲 張 公 室 也,子 韓 皙 曰,家 臣 而 欲 張
公 室,罪 莫 大 焉,司 徒 老 祁,慮 癸 來 歸 費,齊 侯 使 鮑 文 子 致 之。
夏,楚 子 使 然 丹 簡 上 國 之 兵 於 宗 丘,且 撫 其 民,分 貧 振 窮,長 孤 幼, 養 老 疾,收
介 特,救 災 患,宥 孤 寡,赦 罪 戾,詰 姦 慝,舉 淹 滯,禮 新,敘 舊,祿 勳,合 親,任 良,物 官。使 屈 罷 簡 東 國 之
兵 於 召 陵,亦 如 之,好 於 邊 疆,息 民 五 年,而 後 用 師。禮 也。
秋,八 月,莒 著 丘 公 卒。郊 公 不 慼,國 人 弗 順,欲 立 著 丘 公 之 弟 庚 與,蒲 餘 侯 惡
公 子 意 恢,而 善 於 庚 與,郊 公 惡 公 子 鐸,而 善 於 意 恢。公 子 鐸 因 蒲 餘 侯 而 與 之 謀,曰,爾 殺 意
恢,我 出 君 而 納 庚 與。許 之。
楚 令 尹 子 旗 有 德 於 王,不 知 度,與 養 氏比,而 求 無 厭。王 患 之。九 月,甲 午,楚 子 殺
鬪 成 然 而 滅 養 氏 之 族,使 鬪 辛 居 鄖,以 無 忘 舊 勳。
冬,十 二 月,蒲 餘 侯 玆 夫,殺 莒 公 子 意 恢,郊 公 奔 齊,公 子 鐸 逆 庚 與 於 齊,齊 隰
黨,公 子 鉏 送 之,有 賂 田。
晉 邢 侯 與 雍 子 爭 鄐 田,久 而 無 成,士景 伯 如 楚,叔 魚 攝 理,韓 宣 子 命 斷 舊 獄。罪
在 雍 子,雍 子 納 其 女 於 叔 魚,叔 魚 蔽 罪 邢 侯,邢 侯 怒,殺 叔 魚 與 雍 子 於 朝。宣 子 問 其 罪 於 叔
向,叔 向 曰,三 人 同 罪,施 生 戮 死,可 也,雍 子 自 知 其 罪,而 賂 以 買 直,鮒 也 鬻 獄,邢 侯 專 殺,其 罪 一
也,已 惡 而 掠 美 為 昏,貪 以 敗 官 為 墨,殺 人 不 忘 為 賊,夏 書 曰,昏 墨 賊 殺,皋 陶 之 刑 也,請 從 之。乃
施 邢 侯,而 尸 雍 子 與 叔 魚 於 市。仲 尼 曰,叔 向,古 之 遺 直 也,治 國 制 刑,不 隱 於 親,三 數 叔 魚 之 惡,
不 為 末 減,曰 義 也 夫,可 謂 直 矣,平 丘 之 會,數 其 賄 也,以 寬 衛 國,晉 不 為 暴,歸 魯 季 孫,稱 其 詐
也,以 寬 魯 國,晉 不 為 虐,邢 侯 之 獄,言 其 貪 也,以 正 刑 書,晉 不 為 頗,三 言 而 除,三 惡 加 三 利,殺 親
益 榮,猶 義 也 夫。 十 有 五 年
1. 十 有 五 年,春,王 正 月,吳 子 夷 末 卒。
2. 二 月,癸 酉,有 事 于 武 宮,籥 入,叔 弓 卒,去 樂 卒 事。
3. 夏,蔡 朝 吳 出 奔 鄭。
4. 六 月,丁 巳 朔,日 有 食 之。
5. 秋,晉 荀 吳 帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。
6. 冬,公 如 晉。
左 傳 曰,十 五 年,春,將 禘 於 武 公,戒 百 官。梓 慎 曰,禘 之 日,其 有 咎 乎,吾 見 赤 墨
之 祲,非 祭 祥 也,喪 氛 也,其 在 涖 事 乎。二 月,癸 酉,禘,叔 弓 涖 事,籥 入 而 卒。去 樂 卒 事,禮 也。
楚 費 無 極 害 朝 吳 之 在 蔡 也,欲 去 之,乃 謂 之 曰,王 唯 信 子,故 處 子 於 蔡,子 亦
長 矣,而 在 下 位,辱,必 求 之,吾 助 子 請,又 謂 其 上 之 人,曰,王 唯 信 吳,故 處 諸 蔡,二 三 子 莫 之 如
也,而 在 其 上,不 亦 難 乎,弗 圖,必 及 於 難。夏,蔡 人 逐 朝 吳,朝 吳 出 奔 鄭,王 怒 曰,余 唯 信 吳,故 寘 諸
蔡,且 微 吳,吾 不 及 此,女 何 故 去 之。無 極 對 曰,臣 豈 不 欲 吳,然 而 前 知 其 為 人 之 異 也,吳 在 蔡,蔡
必 速 飛,去 吳,所 以 翦 其 翼 也。
六 月,乙 丑,王 大 子 壽 卒。
秋,八 月,戊 寅,王 穆 后 崩。
晉 荀 吳 帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。圍 鼓,鼓,人 或 請 以 城 叛,穆 子 弗 許。左 右 曰,師 徒 不 勤,而
可 以 獲 城,何 故 不 為。穆 子 曰,吾 聞 諸 叔 向 曰,好 惡 不 愆,民 知 所 適,事 無 不 濟,或 以 吾 城 叛,吾 所
甚 惡 也,人 以 城 來,吾 獨 何 好 焉,賞 所 甚 惡,若 所 好 何,若 其 弗 賞,是 失 信 也,何 以 庇 民,力 能 則
進,否 則 退,量 力 而 行,吾 不 可 以 欲 城 而 邇 姦,所 喪 滋 多。使 鼓 人 殺 叛 人,而 繕 守 備。圍 鼓 三 月,鼓
人 或 請 降,使 其 民 見。曰,猶 有 食 色,姑 修 而 城。軍 吏 曰,獲 城 而 弗 取,勤 民 而 頓 兵,何 以 事 君,穆 子
曰,吾 以 事 君 也,獲 一 邑 而 教 民 怠, 焉 用 邑,邑 以 賈 怠,不 如 完 舊,賈 怠 無 卒,棄 舊 不 祥,鼓 人 能 事
其 君,我 亦 能 事 吾 君,率 義 不 爽,好 惡 不 愆,城 可 獲 而 民 知 義,所 有 死 命 而 無 二 心,不 亦 可 乎,鼓
人 告 食 竭 力 盡,而 後 取 之,克 鼓 而 反,不 戮 一 人,以 鼓 子 鳶 鞮 歸。
冬,公 如 晉。平 丘 之 會 故 也。
十 二 月,晉 荀 躒 如 周 葬 穆 后,籍 談 為介。既 葬,除 喪,以 文 伯 宴,樽 以 魯 壺。王 曰,伯
氏,諸 侯 皆 有 以 鎮 撫 王 室,晉 獨 無 有,何 也。文 伯 揖 籍 談,對 曰,諸 侯 之 封 也,皆 受 明 器 於 王 室,以
鎮 撫 其 社 稷,故 能 薦 彝 器 於 王,晉 居 深 山,戎 狄 之 與 鄰,而 遠 於 王 室,王 靈 不 及,拜 戎 不 暇,其 何
以 獻 器。 曰,叔 氏, 忘 諸 乎,叔 父 唐 叔,成 王 之 母 弟 也,其 反 無 分 乎,密 須 之 鼓,與 其 大 路,文 所 以
大 蒐 也,闕 鞏 之 甲,武 所 以 克 商 也,唐 叔 受 之,以 處 參 虛,匡 有 戎 狄,其 後 襄 之 二 路,鏚 鉞 秬 鬯,彤
弓 虎 賁,文 公 受 之,以 有 南 陽 之 田,撫 征 東 夏,非 分 而 何,夫 有 勳 而 不 廢,有 績 而 載,奉 之 以 土
田,撫 之 以 彝 器,旌 之 以 車 服,明 之 以 文 章,子 孫 不 忘,所 謂 福 也,福 祚 之 不 登 叔 父,焉 在,且 昔 而
高 祖 孫 伯 黶 司 晉 之 典 籍,以 為 大 政,故 曰 籍 氏,及 辛 有 之 二 子 董 之,晉 於 是 乎 有 董 史,女 司 典
之 後 也,何 故 忘 之。籍 談 不 能 對。賓 出,王 曰,籍 父 其 無 後 乎,數 典 而 忘 其 祖。籍 談 歸,以 告 叔 向,叔
向 曰,王 其 不 終 乎,吾 聞 之,所 樂 必 卒 焉,今 王 樂 憂,若 卒 以 憂,不 可 謂 終,王 一 歲 而 有 三 年 之 喪
二 焉,於 是 乎 以 喪 賓 宴,又 求 彝 器,樂 憂 甚 矣,且 非 禮 也,彝 器 之 來,嘉 功 之 由,非 由 喪 也,三 年 之
喪,雖 貴 遂 服,禮 也,王 雖 弗 遂,宴 樂 以 早,亦 非 禮 也,禮,王 之 大 經 也,一 動 而 失 二 禮,無 大 經 矣,言
以 考 典,典 以 志 經,忘 經 而 多 言,舉 典 將 焉 用 之。 十 有 六 年
1. 十 有 六 年,春,齊 侯 伐 徐。
2. 楚 子 誘 戎 蠻 子 殺 之。
3. 夏,公 至 自 晉。
4. 秋,八 月,己 亥,晉 侯 夷 卒。
5. 九 月,大 雩。
6. 季 孫 意 如 如 晉。
7. 冬,十 月,葬 晉 昭 公。
左 傳 曰,十 六 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 晉,晉 人 止 公。不 書,諱 之 也。
齊 侯 伐 徐。
二 月,丙 申,齊 師 至 於 蒲 隧,徐 人 行 成。徐 子 及 郯 人,莒 人,會 齊 侯 盟 於 蒲 隧,賂
以 甲 父 之 鼎。叔 孫 昭 子 曰,諸 侯 之 無 伯,害 哉,齊 君 之 無 道 也,興 師 而 伐 遠 方,會 之 有 成 而 還,莫
之 亢 也,無 伯 也 夫,詩 曰,宗 周 既 滅,靡 所 止 戾,正 大 夫 離 居,莫 知 我 肄,其 是 之 謂 乎。楚 子 聞 蠻 氏
之 亂 也,與 蠻 子 之 無 質 也,使 然 丹 誘 戎 蠻 子 嘉 殺 之,遂 取 蠻 氏,既 而 復 立 其 子 焉。禮 也。
三 月,晉 韓 起 聘 於 鄭,鄭 伯 享 之,子 產 戒 曰,苟 有 位 於 朝,無 有 不 共 恪。孔 張 後
至,立 於 客 間,執 政 禦 之,適 客 後,又 禦 之,適 縣 間,客 從 而 笑 之。事 畢,富 子 諫 曰,夫 大 國 之 人,不 可
不 慎 也,幾 為 之 笑 而 不 陵 我,我 皆 有 禮,夫 猶 鄙 我,國 而 無 禮。何 以 求 榮,孔 張 失 位,吾 子 之 耻
也,子 產 怒 曰,發 命 之 不 衷,出 令 之 不 信,刑 之 頗 類,獄 之 放 紛,會 朝 之 不 敬,使 命 之 不 聽,取 陵 於
大 國,罷 民 而 無 功,罪 及 而 弗 知,僑 之 耻 也,孔 張,君 之 昆 孫,子 孔 之 後 也,執 政 之 嗣 也,為 嗣 大
夫,承 命 以 使,周 於 諸 侯,國 人 所 尊,諸 侯 所 知,立 於 朝 而 祀 於 家,有 祿 於 國,有 賦 於 軍,喪 祭 有
職,受 脤 歸 賑,其 祭 在 廟,已 有 著 位,在 位 數 世,世 守 其 業,而 忘 其 所 僑,焉 得 耻 之,辟 邪 之 人,而 皆
及 執 政,是 先 王 無 刑 罰 也,子 寕 以 他 規 我。
宣 子 有 環,其 一 在 鄭 商,宣 子 謁 諸 鄭 伯,子 產 弗 與,曰,非 官 府 之 守 器 也,寡 君
不 知。子 大 叔,子 羽,謂 子 產 曰,韓 子 亦 無 幾 求,晉 國 亦 未 可 以 貳,晉 國 韓 子 不 可 偷 也,若 屬 有 讒
人 交 鬪 其 間,鬼 神 而 助 之,以 興 其 凶 怒,悔 之 何 及,吾 子 何 愛 於 一 環,其 以 取 憎 於大 國 也,盍 求 而
與 之。子 產 曰,吾 非 偷 晉 而 有 二 心,將 終 事 之,是 以 弗 與,忠 信 故 也,僑 聞 君 子,非 無 賄 之 難,立 而
無 令 名 之 患,僑 聞 為 國,非 不 能 事 大 字 小 之 難,無 禮 以 定 其 位 之 患,夫 大 國 之 人,令 於 小 國,而
皆 獲 其 求,將 何 以 給 之,一 共 一 否,為 罪 滋 大,大 國 之 求,無 禮 以 斥 之,何 饜 之 有,吾 且 為 鄙 邑,則
失 位 矣,若 韓 子 奉 命 以 使,而 求 玉 焉,貪 淫 甚 矣,獨 非 罪 乎,出 一 玉 以 起 二 罪,吾 又 失 位,韓 子 成
貪,將 焉 用 之,且 吾 以 玉 賈 罪,不 亦 銳 乎。韓 子 買 諸 賈 人,既 成 賈 矣,商 人 曰,必 告 君 大 夫。韓 子 請
諸 子 產 曰,日 起 請 夫 環,執 政 弗 義,弗 敢 復 也,今 買 諸 商 人,商 人 曰,必 以 聞,敢 以 為 請。子 產 對
曰,昔 我 先 君 桓 公,與 商 人 皆 出 自 周,庸 次 比 耦,以 艾 殺 此 地,斬 之 蓬 蒿 藜 藿,而 共 處 之,世 有 盟
誓,以 相 信 也,曰 爾 無 我 叛,我 無 強 賈,毋 或 匄 奪,爾 有 利 市 寶 賄,我 勿 與 知,恃 此 質 誓,故 能 相
保,以 至 於 今,今 吾 子 以 好 來 辱,而 謂 敝 邑 強 奪 商 人,是 教 敝 邑 背 盟 誓 也,毋 乃 不 可 乎,吾 子 得
玉 而 失 諸 侯,必 不為 也,若 大 國 令 而 共 無 藝,鄭 鄙 邑 也,亦 弗 為 也,僑 若獻 玉,不 知 所 成,敢 私 布
之。韓 子 辭 玉 曰,起 不 敏,敢 求 玉 以 徼 二 罪,敢 辭 之。
夏,四 月,鄭 六 卿 餞 宣 子 於 郊。宣 子 曰,二 三 君 子 請 皆 賦,起 亦 以 知 鄭 志。子 齹
賦 野 有 蔓 草,宣 子 曰,孺 子 善 哉,吾 有 望 矣。子 產 賦 鄭 之 羔 裘,宣 子 曰,起 不 堪 也。子 大 叔 賦 褰
裳,宣 子 曰,起 在 此,敢 勤 子 至 於 他 人 乎。子 大 叔 拜,宣 子 曰,善 哉,子 之 言 是,不 有 是 事,其 能 終
乎。子 游 賦 風 雨,子 旗 賦 有 女同 車,子 柳 賦 蘀 兮,宣 子 喜 曰,鄭 其 庶 乎,二 三 君 子 以 君 命 貺 起,賦 不
出 鄭 志,皆 昵 燕 好 也,二 三 君 子,數 世 之 主 也,可 以 無 懼 矣。宣 子 皆 獻 馬 焉,而 賦 我 將,子 產 拜,使
五 卿 皆 拜,曰,吾 子 靖 亂,敢 不 拜 德,宣 子 私 覲 於 子 產 以 玉 與 馬, 曰,子 命 起 舍 夫 玉,是 賜 我 玉,而
免 吾 死 也,敢 藉 手 以 拜。
公 至 自 晉。子 服 昭 伯 語 季 平 子 曰,晉 之 公 室,其 將 遂 卑 矣,君 幼 弱,六 卿 彊 而
奢 傲,將 因 是 以 習,習 實 為 常,能 無 卑 乎。平 子 曰,爾 幼,惡 識 國。
秋,八 月,晉 昭 公 卒。
九 月,大 雩,旱 也。
鄭 大 旱,使 屠 擊,祝 欸,豎 柎,有 事 於 桑 山。斬 其 木,不 雨,子 產 曰,有 事 於 山,蓺 山
林 也,而 斬 其 木,其 罪 大 矣。奪 之 官 邑。
冬,十 月,季 平 子 如 晉,葬 昭 公。平 子 曰,子 服 囘 之 言 猶 信,子 服 氏 有 子 哉。 十 有 七 年
1. 十 有 七 年,春,小 邾 子 來 朝。
2. 夏,六 月,甲 戌 朔,日 有 食 之。
3. 秋,郯 子 來 朝。
4. 八 月,晉 荀 吳 帥 師,滅 陸 渾 之 戎。
5. 冬,有 星 孛 于 大 辰。
6. 楚 人 及 吳 戰 于 長 岸。
左 傳 曰,十 七 年,春,小 邾 穆 公 來 朝。公 與 之 燕,季 平 子 賦 采 叔,穆 公 賦 菁 菁 者
莪,昭 子 曰,不 有 以 國,其 能久 乎。
夏,六 月,甲 戌 朔,日 有 食 之。祝 史 請 所 用 幣,昭 子 曰,日 有 食 之 ,天 子 不 舉,伐 鼓
於 社,諸 侯 用 幣 於 社,伐 鼓 於 朝,禮 也。平 子 禦 之,曰,止 也,唯 正 月 朔,慝 未 作,日 有 食 之,於 是 乎 有
伐 鼓 用 幣,禮 也,其 餘 則 否。大 史 曰,在 此 月 也,日 過 分 而 未 至,三 辰 有 災,於 是 乎 百 官 降 物,君 不
舉 辟,移 時 樂 奏 鼓,祝 用 幣,史 用 辭,故 夏 書 曰,辰 不 集 於 房,瞽 奏 鼓,嗇 夫 馳,庶 人 走,此 月 朔 之 謂
也,當 夏 四 月,是 謂 孟 夏。平 子 弗 從,昭 子 退 曰,夫 子 將 有 異 志。不 君 君 矣。
秋,郯 子 來 朝.公 與 之 宴,昭 子 問 焉,曰,少 皞 氏 鳥 名 官,何 故 也.郯 子 曰,吾 祖
也,我 知 之,昔 者 黃 帝 氏 以 雲 紀,故 為 雲 師 而 雲 名,炎 帝 氏 以 火 紀,故 為 火 師 而 火 名,共 工 氏 以
水 紀,故 為 水 師 而 水 名,大 皞 氏 以 龍 紀,故 為 龍 師 而 龍 名,我 高 祖 少 皞 摯 之 立 也,鳳 鳥 適 至,故
紀 於 鳥,為 鳥 師 而 鳥 名,鳳 鳥 氏,歷 正 也,玄 鳥 氏,司 分 者 也,伯 趙 氏,司 至 者 也,青 鳥 氏,司 啟 者
也,丹 鳥 氏,司 閉 者 也,祝 鳩 氏,司 徒 也,鴠 鳩 氏,司 馬 也,鳲 鳩 氏,司 空 也,爽 鳩 氏,司 寇 也,鶻 鳩 氏,司
事 也,五 鳩 鳩 民 者 也,五 雉 為 五 工 正,利 器 用,正 度 量,夷 民 者 也,九 扈 為 九 農 正,扈 民 無 淫 者
也,自 顓 頊 以 來,不 能 紀 遠,乃 紀 於 近,為 民 師 而 命 以 民 事,則 不 能 故 也.仲 尼 聞 之,見 於 郯 子 而
學 之.既 而 告 人 曰,吾 聞 之,天 子 失 官,學 在 四 夷,猶 信。
晉 侯 使 屠 蒯 如 周,請 有 事 於 雒。與 三 塗。萇 弘 謂 劉 子 曰,客 容 猛,非 祭 也,其 伐
戎 乎,陸 渾 氏 甚 睦 於 楚 必 是 故 也,君 其 備 之。乃 警 戎 備。九 月,丁 卯 晉 荀 吳 帥 師,涉 自 棘 津,使 祭
史 先 用 牲 於 雒。陸 渾 人 弗 知,師 從 之。庚 午,遂 滅 陸 渾 數 之 以 其 貳 於 楚 也。陸 渾 子 奔 楚, 其 衆 奔
甘 鹿,周 大 獲。宣 子 夢 文 公 攜 荀 吳 而 授 之 陸 渾,故 使 穆 子 帥 師,獻 俘 於 文 宮。
冬,有 星 孛 于 大 辰,西 及 漢。申 須 曰,彗 所 以 除 舊 布 新 也,天 事 恆 象,今 除 於
火,火 出 必 布 焉,諸 侯 其 有 火 災 乎。梓 慎 曰,往 年 吾 見 之,是 其 徵 也,火 出 而 見,今 玆 火 出 而 章,必
火 入 而 伏,其 居 火 也 久 矣,其 與 不 然 乎,火 出 於 夏 為 三 月,於 商 為 四 月,於 周 為 五 月,夏 數 得
天,若 火 作,其 四 國 當 之,在 宋,衛,陳,鄭,乎,宋,大 辰 之 虛 也,陳,大 皞 之 虛 也,鄭,祝 融 之 虛 也,皆 火 房
也,星 孛 天 漢,漢,水 祥 也,衛,顓 頊 之 虛 也,故 為 帝 丘,其 星 為 大 水,水,火 之 牡 也,其 以 丙 子 若 壬 午
作 乎,水 火 所 以 合 也,若 火 入 而 伏,必 以 壬 午,不 過 其 見 之 月。鄭 裨 竈 言 於 子 產 曰,宋,衛,陳,鄭,將
同 日 火,若 我 用 瓘 斝 玉 瓚,鄭 必 不 火。子 產 弗 與。
吳 伐 楚,陽 匄 為 令 尹,卜 戰 不 吉。司 馬 子 魚 曰,我 得 上 流,何 故 不 吉,且 楚 故 司
馬令 龜,我 請 改 卜。令 曰,魴 也 以 其 屬 死 之,楚 師 繼 之,尚 大 克 之。吉。戰 于 長 岸,子 魚 先 死,楚 師 繼
之,大 敗 吳 師,獲 其 乘 舟 餘 皇,使 隨 人 與 後 至 者 守 之,環 而 塹 之,及 泉,盈 其 隧 炭,陳 以 待 命。吳 公
子 光 請 於 其 衆 曰,喪 先 王 之 乘 舟,豈 唯 光 之 罪,眾 亦 有 焉,請 藉 取 之,以 救 死。衆 許 之,使 長 鬣 者
三 人 潛 伏 於 舟 側,曰,我 呼 餘 皇,則 對,師 夜 從 之,三 呼 皆 迭 對,楚 人 從 而 殺 之,楚 師 亂,吳 人 大 敗
之,取 餘 皇 以 歸。 十 有 八 年
1. 十 有 八 年,春,王 三 月,曹 伯 須 卒。
2. 夏,五 月,壬 午,宋,衛,陳,鄭,災。
3. 六 月,邾 人 入 鄅。
4. 秋,葬 曹 平 公。
5. 冬,許 遷 于 白 羽。
左 傳 曰,十 八 年,春,王 二 月,乙 卯,周 毛 得 殺 毛 伯 過 而 代 之。萇 弘 曰,毛 得 必
亡,是 昆 吾 稔 之 日 也,侈 故 之 以,而 毛 得 以 濟 侈 於 王 都,不 亡,何 待 三 月,曹 平 公 卒。
夏,五 月,火 始 昏 見,丙 子,風,梓 慎 曰,是 謂 融 風,火 之 始 也,七 日,其 火 作 乎,戊
寅,風 甚,壬 午,大 甚,宋,衛,陳,鄭,皆 火,梓 慎 登 大 庭 氏 之 庫 以 望 之,曰,宋,衛,陳,鄭,也,數 日 皆 來 告
火。裨 竈 曰,不 用 吾 言,鄭 又 將 火。鄭 人 請 用 之,子 產 不 可。子 大 叔 曰,寶,以 保 民 也,若 有 火,國 幾
亡,可 以 救 亡,子 何 愛 焉,子 產 曰,天 道 遠 ,人 道 邇,非 所 及 也,何 以 知 之,竈 焉 知 天 道,是 亦 多 言
矣,豈 不 或 信。遂 不 與,亦 不 復 火。鄭 之 未 災 也,里 析 告 子 產 曰,將 有 大 祥,民 震 動,國 幾 亡,吾 身 泯
焉,弗 良 及 也,國 遷,其 可 乎。子 產 曰,雖 可,吾 不 足 以 定 遷 矣。及 火,里 析 死 矣,未 葬,子 產 使 輿 三 十
人 遷 其 柩。火 作,子 產 辭 晉 公 子 公 孫 於 東 門,使 司 寇 出 新 客,禁 舊 客 勿 出 於 宮,使 子 寬,子 上,巡
羣 屏 攝,至 於 大 宮,使 公 孫 登 徙 大 龜,使 祝 史 徙 主 祏 於 周 廟,告 於 先 君,使 府 人 庫 人 各 儆 其
事,商 成 公 儆 司 宮,出 舊 宮 人,寘 諸 火 所 不 及,司 馬 司 寇,列 居 火 道,行 火 所 焮,城 下 之 人,伍 列 登
城。明 日,使 野 司寇,各 保 其 徵,郊 人 助 祝 史 除 於 國 北,禳 火 於 玄 冥,回 祿,祈 於 四 鄘。書 焚 室 而 寬 其
征,與 之 材,三 日 哭,國 不 市,使 行 人 告 於 諸 侯。宋,衛,皆 如 是,陳 不 救 火,許 不 弔 災,君 子 是 以 知
陳,許,之 先 亡 也。
六 月,鄅 人 藉 稻,邾 人 襲 鄅,人 將 閉 門,邾 人 羊 羅 攝 其 首 焉,遂 入 之,盡 俘 以
歸。鄅 子 曰,余 無 歸 矣。從 帑 於 邾,邾 莊 公 反 鄅 夫 人,而 舍 其 女。
秋,葬 曹 平 公。往 者 見 周 原 伯 魯 焉,與 之 語,不 說 學,歸 以 語 閔 子 馬,閔子 馬 曰,周
其 亂 乎,夫 必 多 有 是 說,而 後 及 其 大 人,大 人 患 失 而 惑,又 曰,可 以 無 學,無 學 不 害,不 害 而 不
學,則 苟 而 可,於 是 乎 下 陵 上 替,能 無 亂 乎,夫 學,殖 也,不 學 將 落,原 氏 其 亡 乎。
七 月,鄭 子 產 為 火 故,大 為 社,祓 禳 於 四 方,振 除 火 災,禮 也。乃 簡 兵 大 蒐,將 為
蒐 除,子 大 叔 之 廟 在 道 南,其 寢 在 道 北,其 庭 小,過 期 三 日,使 除 徒 陳 於 道 南 廟 北,曰,子 產 過
女,而 命 速 除,乃 毀 於 而 鄉,子 產 朝,過 而 怒 之,除 者 南 毀,子 產 及 衝,使 從 者 止 之,曰,毀 於 北 方。火
之 作 也,子 產 授 兵 登 陴,子 大 叔 曰,晉 無 乃 討 乎。子 產 曰,吾 聞 之,小 國 忘 守 則 危,況 有 災 乎,國 之
不 可 小,有 備 故 也。既 晉 之 邊 吏 讓 鄭 曰,鄭 國 有 災,晉 君 大 夫 不 敢 寕 居,卜 筮 走 望,不 愛 牲 玉,鄭
之 有 災,寡 君 之 憂 也,今 執 事 撊 然 授 兵 登 陴,將 以 誰 罪,邊 人 恐 懼,不 敢 不 告。子 產 對 曰,若 吾 子
之 言,敝 邑 之 災 君 之 憂 也,敝 邑 失 政,天 降 之 災,又 懼 讒 慝 之 閒 謀 之,以 啟 貪 人,薦 為 敝 邑 不
利,以 重 君 之 憂,幸 而 不 亡,猶 可 說 也,不 幸 而 亡,君 雖 憂 之,亦 無 及 也,鄭 有 他 竟,望 走 在 晉,既 事
晉 矣,其 敢 有 二 心。
楚 左 尹 王 子 勝 言 於 楚 子 曰,許 於 鄭。仇 敵 也,而 居 楚 地,以 不 禮 於 鄭,晉 鄭 方
睦,鄭 若 伐 許,而 晉 助 之,楚 喪 地 矣,君 盍 遷 許,許 不 專 於 楚,鄭 方 有 令 政,許 曰,余 舊 國 也,鄭 曰,余
俘 邑 也,葉 在 楚 國,方 城 外 之 蔽 也,土 不 可 易,國 不 可 小,許 不 可 俘,讐 不 可 啟,君 其 圖 之。楚 子
說。冬,楚 子 使 王 子 勝 遷 許 於 析,實 白 羽。 十 有 九 年
1. 十 有 九 年,春,宋 公 伐 邾。
2. 夏,五 月,戊 辰,許 世 子 止 弒 其 君 買。
3. 己 卯,地 震。
4. 秋,齊 高 發 帥 師 伐 莒。
5. 冬,葬 許 悼 公。
左 傳 曰,十 九 年,春,楚 工 尹 赤 遷 陰 於 下 陰,令 尹 子 瑕 城 郟,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,楚 不
在 諸 侯 矣,其 僅 自 完 也,以 持 其 世 而 已。
楚 子 之 在 蔡 也,郹 陽 封 人 之 女 奔 之,生 大 子 建。及 即 位,使 伍 奢 為 之 師。費 無
極 為 少 師,無 寵 焉,欲 譖 諸 王,曰,建 可 室 矣。王 為 之 聘 於 秦,無 極 與 逆,勸 王 取 之。正 月,楚 夫 人 嬴
氏 至 自 秦。
鄅 夫 人,宋 向 戌 之 女 也,故 向 寕 請 師。二 月,宋 公 伐 邾 圍 蟲,三 月,取 之,乃 盡 歸
鄅 俘。邾 人,郳 人,徐 人,會 宋 公,乙 亥,同 盟 於 蟲。
夏,許 悼 公 瘧,五 月,戊 辰,飲 大 子止 之 藥,卒。大 子 奔 晉。書 曰 弒 其 君,君 子 曰,盡 心
力 以 事 君,舍 藥 物 可 也。
楚 子 為 舟 師 以 伐 濮,費 無 極 言 於 楚 子 曰,晉 之 伯 也,邇 於 諸 夏,而 楚 辟 陋,故
弗 能 與 爭,若 大 城 城 父,而 寘 大 子 焉,以 通 北方,王 收 南 方,是 得 天 下 也。王 說,從 之,故 太 子 建 居 於
城 父。令 尹子 瑕 聘 於 秦,拜 夫 人 也。
秋,齊 高 發 帥 師 伐 莒。莒 子 奔 紀 鄣,使 孫 書 伐 之。初,莒 有 婦 人,莒 子 殺 其 夫,己
為 嫠 婦,及 老,託 於 紀 鄣,紡 焉 以 度 而 去 之,及 師 至,則 投 諸 外。或 獻 諸 子 占,子 占 使 師 夜 縋 而
登,登 者 六 十 人,縋 絕,師 鼓 譟,城 上 之 人 亦 譟,莒 共 公 懼,啟 西 門 而 出,七 月,丙 子,齊 師 入 紀。
是 歲 也,鄭 駟 偃 卒。子 游 娶 於 晉 大 夫,生 絲,弱,其 父 兄 立 子 瑕,子 產 憎 其 為 人
也,且 以 為 不 順,弗 許,亦 弗 止,駟 氏 聳。他 日,絲 以 告 其 舅,冬,晉 人 使 以 幣 如 鄭,問 駟 乞 之 立 故。駟
氏 懼,駟 乞 欲 逃,子 產 弗 遣,請 龜 以 卜,亦 弗 予。大 夫 謀 對,子 產 不 待 而 對 客 曰,鄭 國 不 天,寡 君 之
二 三 臣,札 瘥 夭 昏,今 又 喪 我 先 大 夫 偃,其 子 幼 弱,其 一 二 父 兄,懼 隊 宗 主,私 族 於 謀,如 立 長
親,寡 君 與 其 二 三 老 曰,抑 天 實 剝 亂 是,吾 何 知 焉,諺 曰,無 過 亂 門,民 有 亂 兵,猶 憚 過 之,而 况 敢
知 天 之 所 亂,今 大 夫 將 問 其 故,抑 寡 君 實 不 敢 知,其 誰 實 知 之,平 丘 之 會,君 尋 舊 盟 曰,無 或 失
職,若 寡 君 之 二 三 臣,其 即 世 者,晉 大 夫 而 專 制 其 位,是 晉 之 縣 鄙 也,何 國之 為,辭 客 幣 而 報 其
使,晉 人 舍 之。
楚 人 城 州 來,沈 尹 戌 曰,楚 人 必 敗,昔 吳 滅 州 來,子 旗 請 伐 之,王 曰,吾 未 撫 吾
民,今 亦 如 之,而 城 州 來 以 挑 吳,能 無 敗 乎。侍 者 曰,王 施 舍 不 倦,息 民 五 年,可 謂 撫 之 矣。戌 曰,吾
聞 撫 民 者,節 用 於 內,而 樹 德 於 外,民 樂 其 性,而 無 寇 讐,今 宮 室 無 量,民 人 日 駭,勞 罷 死 轉,忘 寢
與 食,非 撫 之 也。
鄭 大 水,龍 鬪 於 時 門 之 外 洧 淵,國 人請 為 禜 焉。子 產 弗 許,曰,我 鬪,龍 不 我 覿
也,龍 鬪,我 獨 何 覿 焉,禳 之,則 彼 其 室 也,吾 無 求 於 龍,龍 亦 無 求 於 我。乃 止 也。
令 尹 子 瑕 言 蹶 由 於 楚 子,曰,彼 何 罪,諺 所 謂 室 於 怒,市 於 色 者,楚 之 謂 矣,舍
前 之 忿,可 也,乃 歸 蹶 由。 二 十 年
1. 二 十 年,春,王 正 月。
2. 夏,曹 公 孫 會 自 鄸 出 奔 宋。
3. 秋,盜 殺 衛 侯 之 兄 縶。
4. 冬,十 月,宋 華 亥 向 寕,華 定,出 奔 陳。
5. 十 有 一 月,辛 卯,蔡 侯 盧 卒。
左 傳 曰,二 十 年,春,王 二 月,己 丑,日 南 至,梓 慎 望 氛 曰,今 玆 宋 有 亂,國 幾 亡,三
年 而 後 弭,蔡 有 大 喪。叔 孫 昭 子 曰,然 則 戴,桓 也,汰 侈 無 禮,已 甚,亂 所 在 也。
費 無 極 言 於 楚 子 曰,建 與 伍 奢 將 以 方 城 之 外 叛,自 以 為 猶 宋,鄭 也,齊,晉,又
交 輔 之,將 以 害 楚,其 事 集 矣。王 信 之,問 伍 奢,伍 奢 對 曰,君 一 過 多 矣,何 信 於 讒。王 執 伍 奢,使 城
父 司 馬 奮 揚 殺 大 子,未 至,而 使 遣 之。三 月,大 子 建 奔 宋,王 召 奮 揚,奮 揚 使 城 父 人 執 己 以 至。王
曰,言 出 於 余 口,入 於 爾 耳,誰 告 建 也。對 曰,臣 告 之,君 王 命 臣 曰 ,事 建 如 事 余,臣 不 佞,不 能 苟
貳,奉 初 以 還,不 忍 後 命,故 遣 之,既 而 悔 之,亦 無 及 巳。王 曰,而 敢 來,何 也。對 曰,使 而 失 命,召 而 不
來,是 再 奸 也,逃 無 所 入。王 曰,歸,從 政 如 他 日。無 極 曰 奢 之 子 材,若 在 吳,必 憂 楚 國,盍 以 免 其 父
召 之,彼 仁,必 來,不 然,將 為 患。王 使 召 之,曰,來,吾 免 而 父。棠 君 尚 謂 其 弟 員 曰,爾 適 吳,我 將 歸
死,吾 知 不 逮,我 能 死,爾 能 報,聞 免 父 之 命,不 可 以 莫 之 奔 也,親 戚 為 戮,不 可 以 莫 之 報 也,奔 死
免 父,孝 也,度 功 而 行,仁 也,擇 任 而 往,知 也,知 死 不 辟,勇 也,父 不 可 棄,名 不 可 廢,爾 其 勉 之,相 從
為 愈。伍 尚 歸,奢 聞 員 不 來,曰,楚 君 大 夫 其 旰 食 乎。楚 人 皆 殺 之,員 如 吳,言 伐 楚 之 利 於 州 于,公
子 光 曰,是 宗 為 戮,而 欲 反 其 讐,不 可 從 也。員 曰。彼 將 有 他 志,余 姑 為 之 求 士,而 鄙 以 待 之。乃 見
鱄 設 諸 焉,而 耕 於 鄙。
宋 元 公 無 信 多 私 而 惡,華 向,華 定,華 亥,與 向 寕 謀,曰,亡 愈 於 死,先 諸 華 亥 偽
有 疾,以 誘 羣 公 子,公 子 問 之,則 執 之。夏,六 月,丙 申,殺 公 子 寅,公 子 御 戎,公 子 朱,公 子 固,公 孫
援,公 孫 丁,拘 向 勝,向 行 於 其 廩,公 如 華 氏,請 焉,弗 許,遂 劫 之。癸 卯,取 大 子 欒,與 母 弟 辰,公 子
地,以 為 質。公 亦 取 華 亥 之 子 無 慼,向 寕 之 子 羅,華 定 之 子 啟,與 華 氏 盟 以 為 質。
衛 公 孟 縶 狎 齊 豹,奪 之 司 寇 與 鄄,有 役 則 反 之,無 則 取 之,公 孟 惡 北 宮 喜,褚
師 圃,欲 去 之,公 子 朝 通 於 襄 夫 人 宣 姜,懼 而 欲 以 作 亂,故 齊 豹,北 宮 喜,褚 師 圃,公 子 朝,作
亂。初,齊 豹 見 宗 魯 於 公 孟,為 驂 乘 焉,將 作 亂,而 謂 之 曰,公 孟 之 不 善,子 所 知 也,勿 與 乘,吾 將 殺
之。對 曰,吾 由 子 事 公 孟,子 假 吾 名 焉,故 不 吾 遠 也,雖 其 不 善, 吾 亦 知 之,抑 以 利 故,不 能 去,是 吾
過 也,今 聞 難 而 逃,是 僭 子 也,子 行 事 乎,吾 將 死 之,以 周 事 子,而 歸 死 於 公 孟,其 可 也。丙 辰,衛 侯
在 平 壽,公 孟 有 事 於 蓋 獲 之 門 外,齊 子 氏 帷 於 門 外,而 伏 甲 焉,使 祝 鼃 寘 戈 於 車 薪,以 當 門,使
一 乘 從 公 孟 以 出。使 華 齊 御 公 孟,宗 魯 驂 乘,及 閎 中,齊 氏 用 戈 擊 公 孟,宗 魯 以 背 蔽 之,斷 肱,以
中 公 孟 之 肩,殺 皆 之。公 聞 亂,乘 驅 自 閱 門 入,慶 比 御 公,公 南 楚 驂 乘,使 華 寅 乘 貳 車,及 公 宮,鴻
駵 魋 駟 乘 於 公,公 戴 寶 以 出,褚 師 子 申,遇 公 於 馬 路 之 衢,遂 從,過 齊 氏,使 華 寅 肉 袒 執 器,以 當
其 闕,齊 氏 射 公,中 南 楚 之 背,公 遂 出,寅 閉 郭 門,踰 而 從 公,公 如 死 鳥,析 朱 鉏 宵 從 竇 出,徒 行 從
公。齊 侯 使 公 孫 青 聘 於 衛,既 出,聞 衛 亂,使 請 所 聘。公 曰,猶 在 竟 內,則 衛 君 也,乃 將 事 焉。遂 從 諸
死 鳥,請 將 事,辭 曰,亡 人 不 佞,失 守 社 稷,越 在 草 莽,吾 子 無 所 辱 君 命。賓 曰,寡 君 命 下 臣 於 朝
曰,阿 下 執 事,臣 不 敢 貳。主 人 曰,君 若 惠 顧 先 君 之 好,昭 臨 敝 邑,鎮 撫 其 社 稷,則 有 宗 祧 在。乃
止。衛 侯 固 請 見 之,不 獲 命,以 其 良 馬 見,為 未 致 使 故 也,衛 侯 以 為 乘 馬,賓 將 掫,主 人 辭 曰,亡 人
之 憂,不 可 以 及 吾 子,草 莽 之 中,不 足 以 辱 從 者,敢 辭。賓 曰,寡 君 之 下 臣,君 之 牧 圉 也,若 不 獲 扞
外 役,是 不 有 寡 君 也,臣 懼 不 免 於 戾,請 以 除 死。親 執 鐸,終 夕 與 於 燎。齊 氏 之 宰 渠 子,召 北 宮
子,北 官 氏 之 宰 不 與 聞,謀 殺 渠 子 遂 伐 齊 氏,滅 之。丁 巳,晦,公 入,與 北 宮 喜 盟 於 彭 水 之 上。秋,七
月,戊 午 朔,遂 盟 國 人。八 月,辛 亥,公 子 朝,褚 師 圃,子 玉 霄,子 高 魴,出 奔 晉。閏 月,戊 辰,殺 宣 姜。衛 侯
賜 北 宮 喜 謚,曰 貞 子,賜 析 朱 鉏 謚 曰 成 子,而 以 齊 氏 之 墓 予 之。衛 侯 告 寕 於 齊,且 言 子 石,齊 侯
將 飲 酒,徧 賜 大 夫 曰,二 三 子 之 教 也。苑 何 忌 辭 曰,與 於 青 之 賞,必 及 於 其 罰,在 康 誥 曰,父 子 兄
弟,罪 不 相 及,况 在 羣 臣,臣 敢 貪 君 賜,以 干 先 王。琴 張 聞 宗 魯 死,將 往 弔 之,仲 尼 曰,齊 豹 之 盜,而
孟 縶 之 賊,女 何 弔 焉,君 子 不 食 姦,不 受 亂,不 為 利 疚 於 囘,不 以 囘 待 人,不 蓋 不 義,不 犯 非 禮。
宋 華 向 之 亂,公 子 城,公 孫 忌,樂 舍,司 馬 疆,向 宜,向 鄭,楚 建,郳 甲,出 奔 鄭,其 徒
與 華 氏 戰 於 鬼 閻,敗 子 城,子 城 適 晉。華 亥 與 其 妻 必 盥 而 食 所 質 公 子 者,而 後 食,公 與 夫 人,每
日,必 適 華 氏,食 公 子 而 後 歸,華 亥 患 之,欲 歸 公 子,向 寕 曰,唯 不 信,故 質 其 子,若 又 歸 之,死 無 日
矣。公 請 於 華 費,遂 將 攻 華 氏,對 曰,臣 不 敢 愛 死,無 乃 求 去 憂 而 滋 長 乎,臣 是 以 懼,敢 不 聽 命。公
曰,子 死 亡 有 命,余 不 忍 其 詢。冬,十 月,公 殺 華 向 之 質 而 攻 之,戊 辰,華 向 奔 陳,華 登 奔 吳,向 寕 欲
殺 大 子,華 亥 曰,干 君 而 出,又 殺 其 子,其 誰 納 我,且 歸 之 有 庸。使 少 司 寇 牼 以 歸,曰,子 之 齒 長
矣,不 能 事 人,以 三 公 子 為 質,必 免。公 子 既 入,華 牼 將 自 門 行,公 遽 見 之,執 其 手 曰,余 知 而 無 罪
也,入 復 而 所。
齊 侯 疥,遂 痁,期 而 不 瘳,諸 侯 之 賓 問 疾 者 多 在,梁 丘 據 與 裔 欸 言 於 公 曰,吾
事 鬼 神 豐,於 先 君 有 加 矣,今 君 疾 病,為 諸 侯 憂,是 祝 史 之 罪 也,諸 侯 不 知,其 謂 我 不 敬,君 盍 誅
於 祝 固 史 嚚,以 辭 賓。公 說,告 晏 子,晏 子 曰,日 宋 之 盟,屈 建 問 范 會 之 德 於 趙 武,趙 武 曰,夫 子 之
家 事 治,言 於 晉 國,竭 情 無 私,其 祝 史 祭 祀,陳 信 不 愧,其 家 事 無 猜,其 祝 史 不 祈,建 以 語 康 王,康
王 曰,神 人 無 怨,宜 夫 子 之 光 輔 五 君,以 為 諸 侯 主 也。公 曰,據 與 款 謂 寡 人 能 事 鬼 神,故 欲 誅 於
祝 史,子 稱 是 語,何 故,對 曰,若 有 德 之君,外 內 不 廢,上 下 無 怨,動 無 違 事,其 祝 史 薦 信,無 愧 心 矣,是
以鬼 神 用 饗,國 受 其 福,祝 史 與 焉,其 所 以 蕃 祉 老 壽 者,為 信 君 使 也,其 言 忠 信 於 鬼 神。其 適 遇 淫
君,外 內 頗 邪,上 下 怨 疾,動 作 辟 違,從 欲 厭 私,高 臺 深 池,撞 鍾 舞 女,斬 刈 民 力,輸 掠 其 聚,以 成 其
違,不 恤 後 人,暴 虐 淫 從,肆 行 非 度,無 所 還 忌,不 思 謗 讟,不 憚 鬼 神,神 怒 民 痛,無 悛 於 心,其 祝 史
薦 信,是 言 罪 也,其 蓋 失 數 美,是 矯 誣 也,進 退 無 辭,則 虛 以 求 媚,是 以 鬼 神 不 饗 其 國 以 禍 之,祝
史 與 焉,所以 夭 昏 孤 疾 者,為 暴 君 使 也。其 言 僭 嫚 於 鬼 神。公 曰,然 則 若 之 何。對 曰,不 可 為 也,山 林
之 木,衡 鹿 守 之,澤 之 萑 蒲,舟 鮫 守 之,藪 之 薪 蒸,虞 候 守 之,海 之 鹽 蜃,祈 望 守 之,縣 鄙 之 人,入 從
其 政,偪 介之 關,暴 征 其 私,承 嗣 大 夫,強 易 其 賄,布 常 無 藝,徵 斂 無 度,宮 室日 更,淫 樂 不 違,內 寵 之
妾,肆 奪 於 市,外 寵 之 臣,僭 令 於 鄙,私 欲 養 求,不 給 則 應,民 人 苦 病,夫 婦 皆 詛,祝 有 益 也,詛 亦 有
損,聊 攝 以 東,姑 尤 以 西,其 為 人 也,多 矣 ,雖 其 善 祝,豈 能 勝 億 兆 人 之 詛,君 若 欲 誅 於 祝 史,修 德
而 後 可。公 說,使 有 司 寬 政,毀 關,去 禁,薄 斂 已 責。
十 二 月,齊 侯 田 於 沛,招 虞 人 以 弓,不 進,公 使 執 之。辭 曰,昔 我 先 君 之 田 也,旃
以 招 大 夫,弓 以 招 士,皮 冠 以 招 虞 人,臣 不 見 皮 冠,故 不 敢 進。乃 舍 之。仲 尼 曰,守 道 不 如 守 官,君
子 韙 之。
齊 侯 至 自 田,晏 子 侍 於 遄 臺,子 猶 馳 而 造 焉,公 曰,唯 據 與 我 和 夫。晏 子 對
曰,據 亦 同 也,焉 得 為 和。公 曰,和 與 同 異 乎。對 曰,異,和 如 羹 焉,水 火 醯 醢 鹽 梅,以 烹 魚 肉,燀 之 以
薪,宰 夫 和 之,齊 之 以 味,濟 其 不 及,以 洩 其 過,君 子 食 之,以 平 其 心,君 臣 亦 然,君 所 謂 可,而 有 否
焉,臣 獻 其 否,以 成 其 可,君 所 謂 否,而 有 可 焉,臣 獻 其 可,以 去 其 否,是 以 政 平 而不 干 民 無 爭 心,故
詩 曰,亦 有 和 羹,既 戒 既 平,鬷 假 無 言,時 靡 有 爭,先 王 之 濟 五 味,和 五 聲 也,以 平 其 心,成 其 政
也,聲 亦 如 味,一 氣,二 體,三 類,四 物,五 聲,六 律,七 音,八 風,九 歌,以 相 成 也,清 濁,大 小,短 長,疾 徐,哀
樂,剛 柔,遲 速,高 下,出 入,周 疏,以 相 濟 也,君 子 聽 之,以 平 其 心,心 平 德 和,故 詩 曰,德 音 不 瑕,今 據
不 然,君 所 謂 可,據 亦 曰 可,君 所 謂 否,據 亦 曰 否,若 以 水 濟 水,誰 能 食 之,若 琴 瑟 之 專 壹,誰 能 聽
之,同 之 不 可 也 如 是。飲 酒 樂,公 曰,古 而 無 死,其 樂 若 何。晏 子 對 曰,古 而 無 死,則 古 之 樂 也,君 何
得 焉,昔 爽 鳩 氏 始 居 此 地,季 萴 因 之,有 逢 伯 陵 因 之,蒲 姑 氏 因 之,而 後 大 公 因 之,古 者 無 死,爽
鳩 氏 之 樂,非 君 所 願 也。
鄭 子 產 有 疾,謂 子 大 叔 曰,我 死,子 必 為 政,唯 有 德 者,能 以 寬 服 民 ,其 次 莫 如
猛,夫 火 烈,民 望 而 畏 之,故 鮮 死 焉,水 懦 弱,民 狎 而 翫 之,則 多 死 焉,故 寬 難。疾 數 月 而 卒,大 叔 為
政,不 忍 猛 而 寬,鄭 國 多 盜,取 人 於 萑 苻 之 澤,大 叔 悔 之,曰,吾 早 從 夫 子,不 及 此。興 徒 兵 以 攻 萑
苻 之 盜,盡 殺 之,盜 少 止,仲 尼 曰,善 哉,政 寬 則 民 慢,慢 則 糾 之 以 猛,猛 則 民 殘,殘 則 施 之 以 寬,寬
以 濟 猛,猛 以 濟 寬,政 是 以 和,詩 曰,民 亦 勞 止,汔 可 小 康,惠 此 中 國,以 綏 四 方,施 之 以 寬 也,毋 從
詭 隨,以 謹 無 良,式 遏 寇 虐,慘 不 畏 明,糾 之 以 猛 也,柔 遠 能 邇,以 定 我 王,平 之 以 和 也,又 曰,不 競
不 絿,不 剛 不 柔,布 政 優 優,百 祿 是 遒,和 之 至 也。及 子 產 卒,仲 尼 聞 之,出 涕 曰,古 之 遺 愛 也。 二 十 有 一 年
1. 二 十 有 一 年,春,王 三 月,葬 蔡 平 公。
2. 夏,晉 侯 使 士 鞅 來 聘。
3. 宋 華 亥,向 寕,華 定,自 陳 入 于 宋 南 里 以 叛。
4. 秋,七 月,壬 午 朔,日 有 食 之。
5. 八 月,乙 亥,叔 輒 卒。
6. 冬,蔡 侯 朱 出 奔 楚。
7. 公 如 晉 至 河 乃 復。
左 傳 曰,二 十 一 年,春,天 王 將 鑄 無 射,泠 州 鳩 曰,王 其 以 心 疾 死 乎,夫 樂,天 子
之 職 也,夫 音,樂 之 輿 也,而 鐘,音 之 器 也,天 子 省 風 以 作 樂,器 以 鍾 之,輿 以 行 之,小 者 不 窕,大 者
不 槬,則 和 於 物,物 和 則 嘉 成,故 和 聲 入 於 耳,而 藏 於 心,心 億 則 樂,窕 則 不 咸,總 則 不 容,心 是 以
感,感 實 生 疾,今 鐘 槬 矣,王 心 弗 堪,其 能 久 乎。
三 月,葬 蔡 平 公,蔡 大 子 朱 失 位,位 在 卑,大 夫 送 葬 者,歸 見 昭 子,昭 子 問 蔡
故,以 告。昭 子 歎 曰,蔡 其 亡 乎,若 不 亡,是 君 也 必 不 終,詩 曰,不 解 于 位,民 之 攸 塈,今 蔡 侯 始 即 位
而 適 卑,身 將 從 之。
夏,晉 士 鞅 來 聘。叔 孫 為 政,季 孫 欲 惡 諸 晉,使 有 司 以 齊 鮑 國 歸 費 之 禮 為 士
鞅,士 鞅 怒 曰,鮑 國 之 位 下,其 國 小,而 使 鞅 從 其 牢 禮,是 卑 敝 邑 也,將 復 諸 寡 君,魯 人 恐,加 牢
焉,為 十 一 牢。
宋 華 費 遂 生 華 貙,華 多 僚,華 登。貙 爲 少 司 馬,多 僚 為 御 士,與 貙 相 惡,乃 譖 諸
公,曰,貙 將 納 亡 人,亟 言 之,公 曰,司 馬 以 吾 故,亡 其 良 子,死 亡 有 命,吾 不 可 以 再 亡 之。對 曰,君 若
愛 司 馬,則 如 亡,死 如 可 逃,何 遠 之 有。公 懼,使 侍 人 召 馬 之 侍 人 宜 僚,飲 之 酒,而 使 告 司 馬。司 馬
歎 曰,必 多 僚 也,吾 有 讒 子,而 弗 能 殺,吾 又 不 死,抑 君 有 命,可 若 何。乃 與 公 謀 逐 華 貙,將 使 田 孟
諸 而 遣 之,公 飲 之 酒,厚 酬 之,賜 及 從 者,司 馬 亦 如 之,張 匄 尤 之,曰,必 有 故,使 子 皮 承 宜 僚 以 劍
而 訊 之,宜 僚 盡 以 告,張 匄 欲 殺 多 僚,子 皮 曰,司 馬老 矣,登 之 謂 甚,吾 又 重 之,不 如 亡 也。五 月,丙
申,子 皮 將 見 司 馬 而 行,則 遇 多 僚 御 司 馬 而 朝,張 匄 不 勝 其 怒,遂 與 子 皮,臼 任,鄭 翩,殺 多 僚,劫
司 馬 以 叛,而 召 亡 人,壬 寅,華 向 入,樂 大 心,豐 愆,華 牼,禦 諸 橫,華 氏 居 盧 門,以 南 里 叛。六 月,庚
午,宋 城 舊 鄘,及 桑 林 之 門,而 守 之。
秋,七 月,壬 午 朔,日 有 食 之。 問 於 梓 慎 曰,是 何 物 也,禍 福 何 為。對 曰,二 至 二
分,日 有 食 之,不 為 災,日 月 之 行 也,分 同 道 也,至 相 過 也,其 他 月 則 為 災,陽 不 克 也,故 常 為 水。
於 是 叔 輒 哭 日 食,昭 子 曰,子 叔 將 死,非 所 哭 也,八 月,叔 輒 卒。
冬,十 月,華 登 以 吳 師 救 華 氏,齊 烏 枝 鳴 戍 宋,廚 人 濮 曰,軍 志 有 之,先 人 有 奪
人 之 心,後 人 有 待 其 衰,盍 及 其 勞,且 未 定 也,伐 諸,若 入 而 固,則 華 氏 衆 矣,悔 無 及 也。從 之,丙
寅,齊 師,宋 師,敗 吳 師 於 鴻 口,獲 其 二 帥,公 子 苦 雂,偃 州 員,華 登 帥 其 餘 以 敗 宋 師,公 欲 出,廚 人
濮 曰,吾 小 人,可 藉 死,而 不 能 送 亡,君 請 待 之。乃 徇 曰,楊 徽 者,公 徒 也。衆 從 之。公 自 楊 門 見 之,下
而 巡 之,曰,國 亡 君 死,二 三 子 之 耻 也,豈 專 孤 之 罪 也,齊 烏 枝 鳴 曰,用 少 莫 如 齊 致 死,齊 致 死 莫
如 去 備,彼 多 兵 矣,請 皆 用 劍。從 之,華 氏 北,復 即 之。廚 人 濮 以 裳 裹 首,而 荷 以 走,曰,得 華 登 矣。遂
敗 華 氏 于於 新 里。翟 僂 新 居 於 新 里,既 戰,說 甲 於 公 而 歸,華 姓 居 於 公 里,亦 如 之。十 一 月,癸 未,公
子 城 以 晉 師 至,曹 翰 胡 會 晉 荀 吳,齊 苑 何 忌,衛 公 子 朝 救 宋。丙 戌,與 華 氏 戰 於 赭 丘,鄭 翩 願 為
鸛,其 御 願 為 鵝,子 祿 御 公 子 城,莊 堇 為 右,于 犨 御 呂 封 人 華 豹 張 匄 為 右,相 遇,城 還,華 豹 曰,城
也,城 怒,而 反 之,將 注,豹 則 關 矣,曰,平 公 之 靈,尚 輔 相 余。豹 射 出 其 間,將 注,則 又 關 矣,曰,不 狎
鄙。抽 矢,城 射 之,殪。張 匄 抽 殳 而 下,射 之,折 股,扶 伏 而 擊 之,折 軫,又 射 之,死。干 犨 請 一 矢,城 曰,余
言 汝 於 君。封 曰,不 死 伍 乘,軍 之 大 刑 也,干 刑 而 從 子,君 焉 用 之,子 速 諸,乃 射 之,殪。大 敗 華 氏,圍
諸 南 里,華 亥 搏 膺 而 呼,見 華 貙 曰,吾 為 欒 氏 矣。貙 曰 子 無 我 迋,不 幸 而 後 亡。使 華 登如 楚 乞 師,華
貙 以 車 十 五 乘,徒 七 十 人,犯 師 而 出,食 於 睢 上,哭 而 送 之,乃 復 入。楚 薳 越 帥 師,將 逆 華 氏,大 宰
犯 諫 曰,諸 侯 唯 宋 事 其 君,今 又 爭 國,釋 君 而 臣 是 助,無 乃 不 可 乎。王 曰,而 告 我 也 後,既 許 之 矣。
蔡 侯 朱 出 奔 楚。費 無 極 取 貨 於 東 國,而 謂 蔡 人 曰,朱 不 用 命 於 楚,君 王 將 立
東 國,若 不 先 從 王 欲,楚 必 圍 蔡。蔡 人 懼,出 朱 而 立 東 國,朱 愬 於 楚,楚 子 將 討 蔡,無 極 曰,平 侯 與
楚 有 盟,故 封 其 子 有 二 心, 故 廢 之,靈 王 殺 隱 大 子,其 子 與 君 同 惡,德 君 必 甚,又 使 立 之,不 亦 可
乎,且 廢 置 在 君,蔡 無 他 矣。
公 如 晉,及 河,鼓 叛 晉,晉 將 伐 鮮 虞,故 辭 公。 二 十 有 二 年
1. 二 十 有 二 年,春,齊 侯 伐 莒。
2. 宋,華 亥,向 寕,華 定,自 宋 南 里 出 奔 楚。
3. 大 蒐 于 昌 間。
4. 夏,四 月,乙 丑,天 王 崩。
5. 六 月,叔 鞅 如 京 師,葬 景 王。
6. 王 室 亂。
7. 劉 子,單 子,以 王 猛 居 于 皇。
8. 秋,劉 子,單 子,以 王 猛 入 于 王 城。
9. 冬,十 月,王 子 猛 卒。
10. 十 有 二 月,癸 酉 朔,日 有 食 之。
左 傳 曰,二 十 二 年,春,王 二 月,甲 子,齊 北 郭 啟 帥 師 伐 莒,莒 子 將 戰,苑 羊 牧 之
諫 曰,齊 帥 賤,其 求 不 多,不 如 下 之,大 國 不 可 怒 也。弗 聽,敗 齊 師 於 壽 餘。齊 侯 伐 莒,莒 子 行 成,司
馬 竈 如 莒 涖 盟,莒 子 如 齊 涖 盟,盟 於 稷 門 之 外。莒 於 是 乎 大 惡 其 君。
楚 薳 越 使 告 於 宋 曰,寡 君 聞 君 有 不 令 之 臣,為 君 憂,無 寕 以 為 宗 羞,寡 君 請
受 而 戮 之。對 曰,孤 不 佞,不 能 媚 於 父 兄,以 為 君 憂,拜 命 之 辱,抑 君 臣 曰 戰,君 曰,余 必 臣 是 助,亦
唯 命,人 有 言 曰,唯 亂 門 之 無 過,君 若 惠 保 敝 邑,無 亢 不 衷,以 獎 亂 人,孤 之 望 也,唯 君 圖 之。楚 人
患 之,諸 侯 之 戍 謀 曰,若 華 氏 知 困 而 致 死,楚 耻 無 功 而 疾 戰,非 吾 利 也,不 如 出 之,以 為 楚 功,其
亦 無 能 為 也 已,救 宋 而 除 其 害,又 何 求。乃 固 請 出 之,宋 人 從 之,己 巳,宋 華 亥,向 寕,華 定,華 貙,華
登,皇 奄 傷,省 臧,士 平,出 奔 楚。宋 公 使 公 孫 忌 為 大 司 馬,邊 卬 為 大 司 徒,樂 祁 為 司 城,仲 幾 為 左
師,樂 大 心 為 右 師,樂 輓 為 大 司 窛,以 靖 國 人。
王 子 朝,賓 起,有 寵 於 景 王,王 與 賓 孟 說 之,欲 立 之,劉 獻 公 之 庶 子 伯 蚡 事 單
穆 公,惡 賓 孟 之 為 人 也,願 殺 之,又 惡 王 子 朝 之 言,以 為 亂,願 去 之。賓 孟 適 郊,見 雄 雞 自 斷 其
尾,問 之,侍 者 曰,自 憚 其 犧 也。遽 歸 告 王,且 曰,雞 其 憚 為 人 用 乎,人 異 於 是,犧 者 實 用 人,人 犧 實
難,己 犧 何 害。王 弗 應。夏,四 月,王 田 北 山,使 公 卿 皆 從,將 殺 單 子,劉 子。王 有 心 疾,乙 丑,崩 於 榮 錡
氏。戊 辰,劉 子 摯 卒,無 子,單 子 立 劉 蚠,五 月,庚 辰,見 王。遂 攻 賓 起,殺 之,盟 羣 王 子 於 單 氏。
晉 之 取 鼓 也,既 獻,而 反 鼓 子 焉。又 叛 於 鮮 虞。六 月,荀 吳 略 東 陽,使 師 偽 糴
者,負 甲 以 息 於 昔 陽 之 門 外,遂 襲 鼓 滅 之,以 鼓 子 鳶 鞮 歸,使 涉 佗 守 之。
丁 巳,葬 景 王,王 子 朝 因 舊 官 百 工 之 喪 職 秩 者,與 靈,景,之 族 以 作 亂,帥
郊,要,餞,之 甲,以 逐 劉 子。壬 戌,劉 子 奔 揚,單 子 逆 悼 王 于 莊 宮,以 歸,王 子 還,夜 取 王,以 如 莊 宮,癸
亥,單 子 出,王 子 還 與 召 莊 公 謀,曰,不 殺 單 旗,不 捷,與 之 重 盟,必 來,背 盟 而 克 者 多 矣。從 之,樊 頃
子 曰 ,非 言 也,必 不 克。遂 奉 王 以 追 單 子,及 領,大 盟 而 復,殺 摯 荒 以 說 ,劉 子 如 劉,單 子 亡,乙
丑,奔 于 平 畤,羣 王 子 追 之,單 子 殺 還,姑,發,弱,鬷,延,定,稠,子 朝 奔 京,丙 寅,伐 之,京 人 奔 山,劉 子 入
于 王 城,辛 未,鞏 簡 公 敗 績 於 京,乙 亥,甘 平 公 亦 敗 焉。叔 鞅 至 自 京 師,言 王 室 之 亂 也,閔 馬 父
曰,子 朝 必 不 克,其 所 與 者,天 所 廢 也 。
單 子 欲 告 急 於 晉,秋,七 月,戊 寅,以 王 如 平 畤,遂 如 圃 車,次 于 皇。
劉 子 如 劉,單 子 使 王 子 處 守 于 王 城,盟 百 工 于 平 宮。辛 卯,鄩 肸 伐 皇,大 敗,獲
鄩 肸,壬 辰,焚 諸 王 城 之 市。八 月,辛 酉,司 徒 醜 以 王 師 敗 績 於 前 城,百 工 叛。己 巳,伐 單 氏 之 宮,敗
焉,庚 午,反 伐 之,辛 未,伐 東 圉。冬,十 月,丁 巳,晉 籍 談,荀 躒,帥 九 州 之 戎,及 焦,瑕,溫,原,之 帥,以 納 王
于 王 城,庚 申,單 子 劉 蚠,以 王 師 敗 績 於 郊,前 城 人 敗 陸 渾 于 社。
十 一 月,乙 酉,王 子 猛 卒。不 成 喪 也。己 丑,敬 王 即 位,館 於 子 旅 氏。
十 二 月,庚 戌,晉 籍 談,荀 躒,賈 辛,司 馬 督,帥 師 軍 於 陰,於 侯 氏,於 谿 泉,次 於
社,王 師 軍 於 氾,於 解,次 於 任 人。閏 月,晉 箕 遺,樂 徵,右 行 詭,濟 師,取 前 城,軍 其 東 南,王 師 軍 於 京
楚,辛 丑,伐 京,毀 其 西 南。 二 十 有 三 年
1. 二 十 有 三 年,春,王 正 月,叔 孫 舍 如 晉。
2. 癸 丑,叔 鞅 卒。
3. 晉 人 執 我 行 人 叔 孫 舍。
4. 晉 人 圍 郊。
5. 夏,六 月,蔡 侯 東 國 卒 于 楚。
6. 秋,七 月,莒 子 庚 輿 來 奔。
7. 戊 辰,吳 敗 頓,胡,沈,蔡,陳,許 之 師 于 雞 父,胡 子 髡,沈 子 逞,滅,獲 陳 夏
齧。
8. 天 王 居 于 狄 泉,尹 氏 立 王 子 朝。
9. 八 月,乙 未,地 震。
10. 冬,公 如 晉,至 河,有 疾,乃 復。
左 傳 曰,邾 人 城 翼,還,將 自 離 姑,公 孫 鉏 曰,魯 將 御 我。欲 自 武 城 還,循 山 而
南,徐 鉏,丘 弱,茅 地 曰,道 下,遇 雨 將 不 出,是 不 歸 也。遂 自 離 姑。武 城 人 塞 其 前,斷 其 後 之 木 而 弗
殊,邾 師 過 之,乃 推 而 蹶 之,遂 取 邾 師,獲 鉏,弱,地,邾 人 愬 於 晉,晉 人 來 討,叔 孫 婼 如 晉,晉 人 執
之,書 曰,晉 人 執 我 行 人 叔 孫 婼,言 使 人 也。晉 人 使 與 邾 大 夫 坐,叔 孫 曰,列 國 之 卿,當 小 國 之
君,固 周 制 也,邾 又 夷 也,寡 君 之 命 介 子 服 囘 在,請 使 當 之,不 敢 廢 周 制 故 也。乃 不 果 坐。韓 宣 子
使 邾 人 取 其 衆,將 以 叔 孫 與 之,叔 孫 聞 之,去 衆 與 兵,而 朝。士 彌 牟 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,子 弗 良 圖,而 以
叔 孫 與 其 讐,叔 孫 必 死 之,魯 亡 叔 孫,必 亡 邾, 邾 君 亡 國,將 焉 歸,子 雖 悔 之,何 及,所 謂 盟 主,討 違
命也,若 皆 相 執,焉 用 盟 主。乃 弗 與,使 各 居 一 館,士 伯 聽 其 辭,而 愬 諸 宣 子,乃 皆 執 之。士 伯 御 叔
孫,從 者 四 人,過 邾 館 以 如 吏。先 歸 邾 子。士 伯 曰,以 芻 蕘 之 難,從 者 之 病,將 館 子 於 都。叔 孫 旦 而
立,期 焉,乃 館 諸 箕, 舍 子 服 昭 伯 於 他 邑。范 獻 子 求 貨 於 叔 孫,使 請 冠 焉。取 其 冠 法,而 與 之 兩
冠,曰,盡 矣。為 叔 孫 故,申 豐 以 貨 如 晉,叔 孫 曰,見 我,吾 告 女 所 行 貨。見 而 不 出。吏 人 之 與 叔 孫 居
於 箕 者,請 其 吠 狗,弗 與,及 將 歸,殺 而 與 之 食 之。叔 孫 所 館 者,雖 一 日,必 葺 其 牆 屋,去 之 如 始 至。
春,王 正 月,壬 寅,朔,二 師 圍 郊。癸 卯,郊,鄩 潰。丁 未,晉 師 在 平 陰,王 師 在 澤 邑,王
使 告 閒。庚 戌 還。
莒 子 庚 輿,虐 而 好 劍,苟 鑄 劍,必 試 諸 人。國 人 患 之,又 將 叛 齊,烏 存 帥 國 人 以
逐 之。庚 輿 將 出,聞 烏 存 執 殳 而 立 於 道 左,懼,將 止 死。苑 羊 牧 之 曰,君 過 之,烏 存 以 力 聞 可 矣,何
必 以 弒 君 成 名。遂 來 奔,齊 人 納 郊 公。
吳 人 伐 州 來,楚 薳 越 帥 師,及 諸 侯 之 師,奔 命 救 州 來。吳 人 禦 諸 鍾 離,子 瑕
卒,楚 師 熸。吳 公 子 光 曰,諸 侯 從 於 楚 者 衆,而 皆 小 國 也,畏 楚 而 不 獲 已,是 以 來,吾 聞 之 曰,作 事
威 克 其 愛,雖 小 必 濟,胡,沈,之 君 幼 而 狂,陳 大 夫 齧 壯 而 頑,頓 與 許,蔡,疾 楚 政,楚 令尹 死,其 師 熸,帥
賤 多 寵,政 令 不 壹,七 國 同 役 而 不 同 心,帥 賤 而 不 能 整,無 大 威 命,楚 可 敗 也,若 分 師 先 以 犯
胡,沈,與 陳,必 先 奔,三 國 敗,諸 侯 之 師 乃 搖 心 矣,諸 侯 乖 亂,楚 必 大 奔,請 先 者 去 備 薄 威,後 者 敦
陳 整 旅。吳 子 從 之,戊 辰,晦,戰 于 雞 父,吳 子 以 罪 人 三 千,先 犯 胡,沈,與 陳,三 國 爭 之,吳 為 三 軍 以
繫 於 後,中 軍 從 王,光 帥 右,掩 餘 帥 左,吳 罪 之 人,或 奔 或 止,三 國 亂,吳 師 擊 之,三 國 敗,獲 胡,沈,之
君,及 陳 大 夫,舍 胡,沈,之 囚,使 奔 許,與 蔡,頓,曰,吾 君 死 矣,師 譟 而 從 之,三 國 奔,楚 師 大 奔,書 曰,胡
子 髡,沈 子 逞,滅,獲 陳 夏 齧,君 臣 之 辭 也,不 言 戰,楚 未 陳 也。
夏,四 月,乙 酉,單 子 取 訾,劉 子 取 牆 人,直 人,六月,壬 午,王 子 朝 入 於 尹。癸 未,尹 圉
誘 劉 佗 殺 之,丙 戌,單 子 從 阪 道,劉 子 從 尹 道,伐 尹,單 子 先 至 而 敗,劉 子 還。己 丑,召 伯 奐,南 宮
極,以 成 周 人 戍 尹,庚 寅,單 子,劉 子,樊 齊,以 王 如 劉。甲 午,王 子 朝 入 于 王 城,次 於 左 巷,秋,七 月,戊
申,鄩 羅 納 諸 莊 宮,尹 辛敗 劉 師 於 唐。丙 辰,又 敗 諸 鄩,甲 子,尹 辛 取 西 闈,丙 寅,攻 蒯,蒯 潰。
八 月,丁 酉,南 宮 極 震。萇 弘 謂 劉 文 公 曰,君 其 勉 之,先 君 之 力 可 濟 也,周 之 亡
也,其 三 川 震,今 西 王 之 大 臣 亦 震,天 棄 之 矣,東 王 必 大 克。
楚 大 子 建 之 母 在 郹,召 吳 人 而 啟 之。冬,十 月,甲 申,吳 大 子 諸 樊 入 郹,取 楚 夫
人,與 其 寶 器 以 歸。楚 司 馬 薳 越 追 之,不 及,將 死,衆 曰,請 遂 伐 吳,以 徼 之。薳 越 曰,再 敗 君 師,死 且
有 罪,亡 君 夫 人,不 可 以 莫 之 死 也。乃 縊 於 薳 澨。
公 為 叔 孫 故 如 晉,及 河,有 疾 而 復。
楚 囊 瓦 為 令 尹,城 郢。沈 尹 戌 曰,子 常 必 亡 郢,苟 不 能 衛,城 無 益 也,古 者 天 子
守 在 四 夷,天 子 卑,守 在 諸 侯,諸 侯 守 在 四 鄰,諸 侯 卑,守 在 四 竟,慎 其 四 竟,結 其 四 援,民 狎 其
野,三 務 成 功,民 無 內 憂,而 又 無 外 懼,國 焉 用 城,今 吳 是 懼 而 城 於 郢,守 巳 小 矣,卑 之 不 獲,能 無
亡 乎。昔 梁 伯 溝 其 公 宮,而 民 潰,民 棄 其 上,不 亡 何 待,夫 正 其 疆 埸,脩 其 土 田,險 其 走 集,親 其 民
人,明 其 伍 候,信 其 鄰 國,慎 其 官 守,守 其 交 禮,不 僭 不 貪,不 懦 不 耆,完 其 守 備,以 待 不 虞,又 何 畏
矣,詩 曰,無 念 爾 祖,聿 脩 厥 德,無 亦 監 乎 若 敖,蚡 冒,至 於 武,文,土 不 過 同,慎 其 四 竟,猶 不 城 郢,今
土 數 圻,而 郢 是城,不 亦 難 乎。 二 十 四 年
1. 二 十 四 年,春,王 二 月,丙 戌,仲 孫 貜 卒。
2. 叔 孫 婼 至 自 晉。
3. 夏,五 月,乙 未 朔,日 有 食 之。
4. 秋,八 月,大 雩。
5. 丁 酉,杞 伯 郁 釐 卒。
6. 冬,吳 滅 巢。
7. 葬 杞 平 公。
左 傳 曰,二 十 四 年,春,王 正 月,辛 丑,召 簡 公,南 宮 嚚。以 甘 桓 公 見 王 子 朝。劉 子
謂 萇 弘 曰,甘 氏 又 往 矣。對 曰,何 害,同 德 度 義,大 誓 曰,紂 有 億 兆 夷 人,亦 有 離 德,余 有 亂 臣 十
人,同 心 同 德,此 周 所 以 興 也,君 其 務 德,無 患 無 人,戊 午,王 子 朝 入 於 鄔。
晉 士 彌 牟 逆 叔 孫 於 箕,叔 孫 使 梁 其 踁 待 于 門 內,曰,余 左 顧 而 欬,乃 殺 之,右
顧 而 笑,乃 止。叔 孫 見 士 伯,士 伯 曰,寡 君 以 為 盟 主 之 故,是 以 久 子,不 腆 敝 邑 之 禮 將 致 諸 從
者,使 彌 牟 逆 吾 子,叔 孫 受 禮 而 歸。二 月,婼 至 自 晉。尊 晉 也。
三 月,庚 戌,晉 侯 使 士 景 伯 涖 問 周 故,士 伯 立 於 乾 祭,而 問 於 介 衆,晉 人 乃 辭
王 子 朝,不 納 其 使。
夏,五 月,乙 未 朔,日 有 食 之。梓 慎 曰,將 水。昭 子 曰,旱 也,日 過 分 而 陽 猶 不 克,克
必 甚,能 無 旱 乎,陽 不 克 莫,將 積 聚 也。
六 月,壬 申,王 子 朝 之 師 攻 瑕 及 杏,皆 潰。
鄭 伯 如 晉,子 大 叔 相,見 范 獻 子,獻 子 曰,若 王 室 何。對 曰,老 夫 其 國 家 不 能
恤,敢 及 王 室,抑 人 亦 有 言 曰,嫠 不 恤 其 緯,而 憂 宗 周 之 隕,為 將 及 焉,今 王 室 實 蠢 蠢 焉,吾 小 國
懼 矣,然 大 國 之 憂 也,吾 儕 何 知 焉,吾 子 其 早 圖 之,詩 曰,缾 之 罄 矣,惟 罍 之 恥,王 室 之 不 寕,晉 之
耻 也,獻 子 懼,而 與 宣 子 圖 之,乃 徵 會 於 諸 侯,期 以 明 年。
秋,八 月,大 雩。旱 也。
冬,十 月,癸 酉,王 子 朝 用 成 周 之 寶 珪 於 河。甲 戌,津 人 得 諸 河 上,陰 不 佞 以 溫
人 南 侵,拘 得 玉 者,取 其 玉,將 賣 之,則 為 石,王 定 而 獻 之,與 之 東 訾。
楚 子 為 舟 師,以 畧 吳 疆,沈 尹 戌 曰,此 行 也,楚 必 亡 邑,不 撫 民 而 勞 之,吳 不 動
而 速 之,吳 踵 楚,而 疆 埸 無 備,邑 能 無 亡 乎。越 大 夫 胥 犴 勞 王 於 豫 章 之 汭,越 公 子 倉 歸 王 乘
舟,倉 及 壽 夢 帥 師 從 王,王 及 圉 陽 而 還。吳 人 踵 楚,而 邊 人 不 備,遂 滅 巢,及 鍾 離 而 還。沈 尹 戌
曰,亡 郢 之 始。於 此 在 矣,王 壹 動 而 亡 二 姓 之 帥,幾 如 是 而 不 及 郢,詩 曰,誰 生 厲 階,至 今 為 梗,其
王 之 謂 乎。 二 十 有 五 年
1. 二 十 有 五 年,春,叔 孫 舍 如 宋。
2. 夏,叔 詣 會 晉 趙 鞅,宋 樂 大 心,衛 北 宮 喜,鄭 游 吉,曹 人,邾 人,滕 人,薛
人,小 邾 人,于 黃 父。
3. 有 鸜 鵒 來 巢。
4. 秋,七 月,上 辛,大 雩,季 辛,又 雩。
5. 九 月,巳 月 己 亥,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。
6. 齊 侯 唁 公 于 野 井。
7. 冬,十 月,戊 辰,叔 孫 舍 卒。
8. 十 有 一 月,己 亥,宋 公 佐 卒 于 曲 棘。
9. 十 有 二 月,齊 侯 取 鄆。
左 傳 曰,二 十 五 年,春,叔 孫 婼 聘 於 宋,桐 門 右 師 見 之,語 卑 宋 大 夫,而 賤 司 城
氏。昭 子 告 其 人 曰,右 師 其 亡 乎,君 子 貴 其 身,而 後 能 及 人,是 以 有 禮,今 夫 子 卑 其 大 夫,而 賤 其
宗,是 賤 其 身 也,能 有 禮 乎,無 禮 必 亡。宋 公 享 昭 子,賦 新 宮,昭 子 賦 車 轄。明 日 宴,飲 酒 樂,宋 公 使
昭 子 右 坐,語 相 泣 也。樂 祁 佐,退 而 告 人 曰,今 茲 君 與 叔 孫,其 皆 死 乎,吾 聞 之,哀 樂 而 樂 哀,皆 喪
心 也,心 之 精 爽,是 謂 魂 魄,魂 魄 去 之,何 以 能 久。 季 公 若 之 姊 為 小 邾 夫 人,生 宋 元 夫 人,生 子,以
妻 季 平 子,昭 子 如 宋 聘,且 逆 之。公 若 從,謂 曹 氏 勿 與,魯 將 逐 之,曹 氏 告 公,公 告 樂 祁,樂 祁 曰,與
之,如 是,魯 君 必 出,政 在 季 氏 三 世 矣,魯 君 喪 政 四 公 矣,無 民 而 能 逞 其 志 者,未 之 有 也,國 君 是
以 鎮 撫 其 民,詩 曰,人 之 云 亡,心 之 憂 矣,魯 君 失 民 焉,焉 得 逞 其 志,靖 以 待 命,猶 可,動 必 憂。
夏,會 于 黃 父。謀 王 室 也。趙 簡 子 令 諸 侯 之 大 夫 輸 王 粟,具 戌 人,曰,明 年 將 納
王。子 大 叔 見 趙 簡 子,簡 子 問 揖 讓 周 旋 之 禮 焉。對 曰,是 儀 也,非 禮 也。簡 子 曰,敢 問 何 謂 禮。對
曰,吉 也 聞 諸 先 大 夫 子 產 曰,夫 禮,天 之 經 也,地 之 義 也,民 之 行 也,天 地 之 經,而 民 實 則 之,則 天
之 明,因 地 之 性,生 其 六 氣,用 其 五 行,氣 為 五 味,發 為 五 色,章 為 五 聲,淫 則 昏 亂,民 失 其 性,是 故
為 禮 以 奉 之,為 六 畜,五 牲,三 犧,以 奉 五 味,為 九 文,六 采,五 章,以 奉 五 色,為 九 歌,八 風,七 音,六
律,以 奉 五 聲,為 君 臣 上 下,以 則 地 義,為 夫 婦,外 內,以 經 二 物,為 父 子,兄 弟,姑 姊,甥 舅,昏 媾,姻
亞,以 象 天 明,為 政 事,庸 力,行 務,以 從 四 時,為 刑 罰,威 獄,使 民 畏 忌,以 類 其 震 曜 殺 戮,為 溫 慈 惠
和,以 效 天 之 生 殖 長 育,民 有 好 惡,喜 怒,哀 樂,生 於 六 氣,是 故,審 則 宜 類,以 制 六 志,哀 有 哭 泣,樂
有 歌 舞,喜 有 施 舍,怒 有 戰 鬪,喜 生 於 好,怒 生 於 惡,是 故 審 行 信 令,禍 福 賞 罰,以 制 死 生,生,好 物
也,死,惡 物 也,好 物 樂 也,惡 物,哀 也,哀 樂 不 失,乃 能 協 於 天 地 之 性,是 以 長 久,簡 子 曰,甚 哉 禮 之
大 也。對 曰,禮,上 下 之 紀,天 地 之 經 緯 也,民 之 所 以 生 也,是 以 先 王 尚 之,故 人 之 能 自 曲 直 以 赴
禮 者,謂 之 成 人,大,不 亦 宜 乎。簡 子 曰,鞅 也,請 終 身 守 此 言 也。宋 樂 大 心 曰,我 不 輸 粟,我 於 周 為
客。若 之 何 使 客,晉 士 伯 曰,自 踐 土 以 來,宋 何 役 之 不 會,而 何 盟 之 不 同,曰,同 恤 王 室,子 焉 得 辟
之,子 奉 君 命 以 會 大 事,而 宋 背 盟,無 乃 不 可 乎。右 師 不 敢 對,受 牒 而 退。士 伯 告 簡 子 曰,宋 右 師
必 亡,奉 君 命 以 使,而 欲 背 盟,以 干 盟 主,無 不 祥 大 焉。
有 鸜 鵒 來 巢。書 所 無 也。師 己 曰,異 哉,吾 聞 文 武 之 世,童 謠 有 之 曰,鴝 之 鵒
之,公 出 辱 之,鴝 鵒 之 羽,公 在 外 野,往 饋 之 馬,鴝 鵒 跦 跦,公 在 乾 侯,徵 褰 與 襦,鴝 鵒 之 巢,遠 哉 遙
遙,稠 父 喪 勞,宋 父 以 驕,鴝 鵒 鴝 鵒,往 歌 來 哭,童 謠 有 是,今 鴝 鵒 來 巢,其 將 及 乎。
秋,書 再 雩。旱 甚 也。
初,季 公 鳥 娶 妻 於 齊 鮑 文 子,生 甲。公 鳥 死 ,季 公 亥,與 公 思 展,與 公 鳥 之 臣 申
夜 姑,相 其 室。及 季 姒 與 饔 人 檀 通,而 懼,乃 使 其 妾 抶 己,以 示 秦 遄 之 妻,曰,公 若 欲 使 余,余 不
可,而 抶 余。又 訴 於 公 甫,曰,展 與 夜 姑 將 要 余。秦 姬 以 告 公 之,公 之 與 公 甫 告 平 子,平 子 拘 展 於
卞,而 執 夜 姑,將 殺 之。公 若 泣 而 哀 之,曰,殺 是,是 殺 余 也。將 為 之 請,平 子 使 豎 勿 內。日 中 不 得
請,有 司 逆 命,公 之 使 速 殺 之,故 公 若 怨 平 子。季,郈,之 雞 鬪,季 氏 介 其 雞,郈 氏 為 之 金 距,平 子
怒,益 宮 於 郈 氏,且 讓 之,故 郈 昭 伯 亦 怨 平 子。臧 昭 伯 之 從 弟 會,為 讒 於 臧 氏,而 逃 於 季 氏,臧 氏
執 旃,平 子 怒,拘 臧 氏 老,將 褅 於 襄 公,萬 者 二 人,其 衆 萬 於 季 氏,臧 孫 曰,此 之 謂 不 能 庸 先 君 之
廟,大 夫 遂 怨 平 子。公 若 獻 弓 於 公 為,且 與 之 出 射 於 外,而 謀 去 季 氏,公 為 告 公 果,公 賁,公 果,公
賁,使 侍 人 僚 柤 告 公,公 寢,將 以 戈 擊 之,乃 走,公 曰,執 之,亦 無 命 也。懼 而 不 出,數 月 不 見,公 不
怒,又 使 言,公 執 戈 以 懼 之,乃 走,又 使 言,公 曰,非 小 人 之 所 及 也,公 果 自 言,公 以 告 臧 孫,臧 孫 以
難。告 郈 孫,郈 孫 以 可 勸。告 子 家 懿 伯,懿 伯 曰,讒 人 以 君 徼 幸,事 若 不 克,君 受 其 名,不 可 為 也,舍
民 數 世,以 求 克 事,不 可 必 也,且 政 在 焉,其 難 圖 也,公 退 之,辭 曰,臣 與 聞 命 矣,言 若 洩,臣 不 獲
死,乃 館 於 公。叔 孫 昭 子 如 闞,公 居 於 長 府,九 月,戊 戌,伐 季 氏,殺 公 之 於 門,遂 入 之,平 子 登 臺 而
請 曰,君 不 察 臣 之 罪,使 有 司 討 臣 以 干 戈,臣 請 待 於 沂 上,以 察 罪。弗 許。請 囚 於 費。弗 許。請 以 五
乘 亡。弗 許。子 家 子 曰,君 其 許 之,政 自 之 出 久 矣,隱 民 多 取 食 焉,為 之 徒 者 衆 矣,日 入 慝 作,弗 可
知 也,衆 怒 不 可 蓄 也,蓄 而 弗 治,將 薀,薀 蓄,民 將 生 心,生 心 同 求,將 合,君 必 悔 之。弗 聽。郈 孫 曰,必
殺 之。公 使 郈 孫 逆 孟 懿 子。叔 孫 氏 之 司 馬 鬷 戾 言 於 其 衆 曰,若 之 何。莫 對。又 曰,我 家 臣 也,不 敢
知 國,凡 有 季 氏 與 無 於 我 孰 利。皆 曰,無 季 氏,是 無 叔 孫 氏 也。鬷 戾 曰,然 則 救 諸,帥 徒 以 往,陷 西
北 隅 以 入,公 徒 釋 甲 執 冰 而 踞,遂 逐 之。孟 氏 使 登 西 北 隅 以 望 季 氏,見 叔 孫 氏 之 旌,以 告,孟 氏
執 郈 昭 伯,殺 之 於 南 門 之 西,遂 伐 公 徒。子 家 子 曰,諸 臣 偽 劫 君 者,而 負 罪 以 出,君 止,意 如 之 事
君 也,不 敢 不 改。公 曰,余 不 忍 也。 臧 孫 如 墓 謀,遂 行。己 亥,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。
齊 侯 將 唁 公 于 平 陰,公 先 至 于 野 井。齊 侯 曰,寡 人 之 罪 也,使 有 司 待 於 平
陰,為 近 故 也。書 曰,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。齊 侯 唁 公 于 野 井,禮 也。將 求 於 人,則 先 下 之,禮 之 善 物
也,齊 侯 曰,自 莒 疆 以 西,請 致 千 社 以 待 君 命,寡 人 將 帥 敝 賦 以 從 執 事,唯 命 是 聽,君 之 憂,寡 人
之 憂 也。公 喜,子 家 子 曰,天 祿 不 再,天 若 胙 君,不 過 周 公。以 魯 足 矣,失 魯 而 以 千 社 為 臣,誰 與 之
立,且 齊 君 無 信,不 如 早 之 晉。弗 從。臧 昭 伯 率 從 者 將 盟,載 書 曰,戮 力 壹 心,好 惡 同 之,信 罪 之 有
無,繾 綣 從 公,無 通 外 內。以 公 命 示 子 家 子,子 家 子 曰,如 此,吾 不 可 以 盟,羈 也 不 佞,不 能 與 二 三
子 同 心,而 以 為 皆 有 罪,或 欲 通 外 內,且 欲 去 君,二 三 子 好 亡 而 惡 定,焉 可 同 也,陷 君 於 難,罪 孰
大 焉,通 外 內 而 去 君,君 將 速 入,弗 通 何 為 而 何 守 焉。乃 不 與 盟。
昭 子 自 闞 歸,見 平 子,平 子 稽 顙 曰,子 若 我 何。昭 子 曰,人 誰 不 死,子 以 逐 君 成
名,子 孫 不 忘,不 亦 傷 乎,將 若 子 何。平 子 曰,苟 使 意 如 得 改 事 君,所 謂 生 死 而 肉 骨 也。昭 子 從 公
於 齊,與 公 言,子 家 子 命 適 公 館 者 執 之,公 與 昭 子 言 於 幄 內,曰,將 安 衆 而 納 公。公 徒 將 殺 昭
子,伏 諸 道,左 師 展 告 公,公 使 昭 子 自 鑄 歸。平 子 有 異 志,冬,十 月,辛 酉,昭 子 齊 於 其 寢,使 祝 宗 祈
死,戊 辰,卒,左 師 展 將 以 公 乘 馬 而 歸,公 徒 執 之。
壬 申,尹 文 公 涉 於 鞏,焚 東 訾,弗 克。
十 一 月,宋 公 元 公 將 為 公 故 如 晉,夢 大 子 欒 即 位 於 廟,已 與 平 公,服 而 相
之,旦 召 六 卿,公 曰,寡 人 不 佞,不 能 事 父 兄,以 為 二 三 子 憂,寡 人 之 罪 也,若 以 羣 子 之 靈,獲 保 首
領 以 歿,唯 是 楄 柎 所 以 藉 幹 者,請 無 及 先 君。仲 幾 對 曰,君 若 以 社 稷 之 故,私 降 昵 宴,羣 臣 弗 敢
知,若 夫 宋 國 之 法,死 生 之 度,先 君 有 命 矣,羣 臣 以 死 守 之,弗 敢 失 隊,臣 之 失 職,常 刑 不 赦,臣 不
忍 其 死,君 命 祗 辱。宋 公 遂 行,己 亥,卒 于 曲 棘。
十 二 月,庚 辰,齊 侯 圍 鄆。
初,臧 昭 伯 如 晉,臧 會 竊 其 寶 龜 僂 句,以 卜 為 信 與 僭。僭 吉。臧 氏 老 將 如 晉
問,會 請 往,昭 伯 問 家 故,盡 對,及 內 子 與 母 弟 叔 孫,則 不 對,再 三 問,不 對。歸 及 郊,會 逆 問,又 如 初
至,次 於 外 而 察 之,皆 無 之,執 而 戮 之,逸 奔 郈,郈 魴 假 使 為 賈 正 焉。計 於 季 氏,臧 氏 使 五 人 以 戈
楯 伏 諸 桐 汝 之 閭,會 出,逐 之,反 奔,執 諸 季 氏 中 門 之 外,平 子 怒 曰,何 故 以 兵 入 吾 門,拘 臧 氏
老,季 臧 有 惡。及 昭 伯 從 公,平 子 立 臧 會,會 曰,僂 句 不 余 欺 也。
楚 子 使 薳 射 城 州 屈,復 茄 人 焉,城 丘 皇,遷 訾 人 焉。使 熊 相 禖 郭 巢,季 然 郭
卷,子 大 叔 聞 之,曰,楚 王 將 死 矣,使 民 不 安 其 土,民 必 憂,憂 將 及 王,弗 能 久 矣。 二 十 有 六 年
1. 二 十 有 六 年,春,王 正 月,葬 宋 元 公。
2. 三 月,公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。
3. 夏,公 圍 成。
4. 秋,公 會 齊 侯,莒 子,邾 子,杞 伯,盟 于 鄟 陵。
5. 公 至 自 會,居 于 鄆。
6. 九 月,庚 申,楚 子 居 卒。
7. 冬,十 月,天 王 入 于 成 周。
8. 尹 氏,召 伯,毛 伯,以 王 子 朝 奔 楚。
左 傳 曰,二 十 六 年,春,王 正 月,葬 宋 元 公,如 先 君。禮 也。
庚 申,齊 侯 取 鄆。
三 月,公 至 自 齊,處 于 鄆,言 魯 地 也。
夏,齊 侯 將 納 公,命 無 受 魯 貨。申 豐 從 女 賈,以 幣 錦 二 兩,縛 一 如 瑱,適 齊 師,謂
子 猶 之 人 高 齮,能 貨 子 猶,為 高 氏 後,粟 五 千 庾。高 齮 以 錦 示 子 猶,子 猶 欲 之,齮 曰,魯 人 買 之,百
兩 一 布,以 道 之 不 通,先 入 幣 財。子 猶 受 之,言 於 齊 侯 曰,羣 臣 不 盡 力 於 魯 君 者,非 不 能 事 君
也,然 據 有 異 焉,宋 元 公 為 魯 君 如 晉,卒 於 曲 棘,叔 孫 昭 子 求 納 其 君,無 疾 而 死,不 知 天 之 棄 魯
耶,抑 魯 君 有 罪 於 鬼 神,故 及 此 也,君 若 待 於 曲 棘,使 羣 臣 從 魯 君 以 卜 焉,若 可,師 有 濟 也,君 而
繼 之,玆 無 敵 矣,若 其 無 成,君 無 辱 焉。齊 侯 從 之,使 公 子 鉏 帥 師 從 公,成 大 夫 公 孫 朝 謂 平 子
曰,有 都,以 衛 國 也,請 我 受 師。許 之。請 納 質,弗 許,曰,信 女 足 矣。告 於 齊 師,曰,孟 氏,魯 之 敝 室 也,用
成 已 甚,弗 能 忍 也,請 息 肩 於 齊。齊 師 圍 成,成 人 伐 齊 師 之 飲 馬 於 淄 者。曰,將 以 厭 衆。魯 成 備 而
後 告,曰,不 勝 衆。師 及 齊 師 戰 於 炊 鼻,齊 子 淵 捷 從 洩 聲 子,射 之,中 楯 瓦,繇 朐 汏 輈,匕 入 者 三
寸。聲 子 射 其 馬,斬 鞅,殪。改 駕,人 以 為 鬷 戾 也,而 助 之。子 車 曰,齊 人 也。將 擊 子 車,子 車 射 之,殪。其
御 曰,又 之。子 車 曰,衆 可 懼 也,而 不 可 怒 也。子 囊 帶 從 野 洩,叱 之,洩 曰,軍 無 私 怒,報 乃 私 也,將 亢
子。又 叱 之。亦 叱 之。冉 豎 射 陳 武 子,中 手,失 弓 而 罵。以 告 平 子 曰,有 君 子,白 皙 鬒 鬚 眉,甚 口。平 子
曰,必 子 彊 也,無 乃 亢 諸。對 曰,謂 之 君 子,何 敢 亢 之。林 雍 羞 為 顏 鳴 右,下,苑 何 忌 取 其 耳,顏 鳴 去
之。苑 子 之 御 曰,視 下 顧。苑 子 刜 林 雍,斷 其 足。鑋 而 乘 於 他 車 以 歸。顏 鳴 三 入 齊 師,呼 曰,林 雍 乘。
四 月,單 子 如 晉 告 急。五 月,戊 午,劉 人 敗 王 城 之 師 於 尸 氏。戊 辰, 王 城 人,劉
人,戰 于 施 谷,劉 師 敗 績。
秋,盟 于 剸 陵。謀 納 公 也。
七 月,己 巳,劉 子 以 王 出,庚 午,次 于 渠,王 城 人 焚 劉,丙 子,王 宿 于 褚 氏,丁 丑,王
次 于 萑 谷,庚 辰,王 入 于 胥 靡,辛 巳,王 次 于 滑,晉 知 躒,趙 鞅,帥 師 納 王,使 汝 寬 守 關 塞。
九 月,楚 平 王 卒,令 尹 子 常 欲 立 子 西,曰 大 子 壬 弱,其 母 非 適 也,王 子 建 實 聘
之,子 西 長 而 好 善,立 長 則 順,建 善 則 治,王 順 國 治,可 不 務 乎。子 西 怒 曰,是 亂 國 而 惡 君 王 也,國
有 外 援,不 可 瀆 也,王 有 適 嗣,不 可 亂 也,敗 親 速 讐,亂 嗣 不 祥,我 受 其 名,賂 吾 以 天 下,吾 滋 不 從
也,楚 國 何 為,必 殺 令 尹。令 尹 懼,乃 立 昭 王。
冬,十 月,丙 申,王 起 師 於 滑,辛 丑,在 郊,遂 次 於 尸。十 一 月,辛 酉,晉 師 克 鞏,召 伯
盈 逐 王 子 朝,王 子 朝 及 召 氏 之 族,毛 伯 得,尹 氏 固,南 宮 嚚,奉 周 之 典 籍 以 奔 楚,陰 忌 奔 莒 以
叛。召 伯 逆 王 於 尸,及 劉 子,單 子 盟,遂 軍 圉 澤,次 於 隄 上,癸 酉,王 入 於 成 周,甲 戌,盟 於 襄 宮,晉 師
成 公 般 戍 周 而 還。十 二 月,癸 未,王 入 於 莊 宮。王 子 朝 使 告 於 諸 侯,曰,昔 武 王 克 殷,成 王 靖 四
方,康 王 息 民,竝 建 母 弟,以 蕃 屏 周,亦 曰,吾 無 專 享 文 武 之 功,且 為 後 人 之 迷 敗 傾 覆,而 溺 入 於
難,則 振 救 之,至 於 夷 王,王 愆 於 厥 身,諸 侯 莫 不 竝 走 其 望,以 祈 王 身,至 於 厲 王,王 心 戾 虐,萬 民
弗 忍,居 王 於 彘,諸 侯 釋 位,以 閒 王 政,宣 王 有 志,而 後 效 官,至 於 幽 王,天 不 弔 周,王 昏 不 若,用 愆
厥 位,攜 王 奸 命,諸 侯 替 之,而 建 王 嗣,用 遷 郟 鄏,則 是 兄 弟 之 能 用 力 於 王 室 也,至 於 惠 王,天 不
靖 周,生 頹 禍 心,施 於 叔 帶,惠,襄,辟 難,越 去 王 都,則 有 晉,鄭,咸 黜 不 端,以 綏 定 王 家,則 是 兄 弟 之
能 率 先 王 之 命 也,在 定 王 六 年,秦 人 降 妖,曰,周 其 有 頾 王,亦 克 能 修 其 職,諸 侯 服 享,二 世 共
職,王 室 其 有 間 王 位,諸 侯 不 圖,而 受 其 亂 災,至 於 靈 王,生 而 有 頾,王 甚 神 聖,無 惡 於 諸 侯,靈
王,景 王,克 終 其 世,今 王 室 亂,單 旗,劉 狄,剝 亂 天 下,壹 行 不 若,謂 先 王 何 常 之 有,唯 余 心 所 命,其
誰 敢 請 之,帥 羣 不 弔 之 人,以 行 亂 於 王 室,侵 欲 無 厭,規 求 無 度,貫 瀆 鬼 神,慢 棄 刑 法,倍 奸 齊 盟
傲 狠 威 儀,矯 誣 先 王,晉 為 不 道,是 攝 是 贊,思 肆 其 罔 極,玆 不 穀 震 盪 播 越,竄 在 荊 蠻,未 有 攸
厎,若 我 一 二 兄 弟 甥 舅 獎 順 天 法,無 助 狡 猾,以 從 先 王 之 命,毋 速 天 罰,赦 圖 不 穀,則 所 願 也,敢
盡 布 其 腹 心,及 先 王 之 經,而 諸 侯 實 深 圖 之,昔 先 王 之 命 曰,王 后 無 適,則 擇 立 長,年 鈞 以 德,德
鈞 以 卜,王 不 立 愛,公 卿 無 私,古 之 制 也,穆 后 及 大 子 壽,早 天 即 世,單,劉,贊 私,立 少,以 閒 先 王,亦
唯 伯,仲,叔,季,圖 之。 馬 父 聞 子 朝 之 辭,曰,文 辭 以 行,禮 也,子 朝 干 景 之 命,遠 晉 之 大,以 專 其 志,無
禮 甚 矣,文 辭 何 為。
齊 有 彗 星,齊 侯 使 禳 之,晏 子 曰,無 益 也,祇 取 誣 焉,天 道 不 謟,不 貳。其 命,若 之
何 禳 之,且 天 之 有 彗 也,以 除 穢 也,君 無 穢 德,又 何 禳 焉,若 德 之 穢,禳 之 何 損,詩 曰,惟 此 文 王,小
心 翼 翼,昭 事 上 帝,聿 懷 多 福,厥 德 不 囘,以 受 方 國,君 無 違 德,方 國 將 至,何 患 於 彗,詩 曰,我 無 所
監,夏 后 及 商,用 亂 之 故,民 卒 流 亡,若 德 囘 亂,民 將 流 亡,祝 史 之 為,無 能 補 也。公 說,乃 止。
齊 侯 與 晏 子 坐 於 路 寢,公 歎 曰,美 哉 室,其 誰 有 此 乎。晏 子 曰,敢 問 何 謂 也。公
曰,吾 以 為 在 德。對 曰,如 君 之 言,其 陳 氏 乎,陳 氏 雖 無 大 德,而 有 施 於 民,豆 區 釜 鍾 之 數,其 取 之
公 也 薄,其 施 之 民 也 厚,公 厚 斂 焉,陳 氏 厚 施 焉,民 歸 之 矣,詩 曰,雖 無 德 與 女,式 歌 且 舞,陳 氏 之
施,民 歌 舞 之 矣,後 世 若 少 惰,陳 氏 而 不 亡,則 國 其 國 也 已。公 曰,善 哉,是 可 若 何。對 曰,唯 禮 可 以
已 之,在 禮,家 施 不 及 國,民 不 遷,農 不 移,工 賈 不 變,士 不 濫,官 不 滔,大 夫 不 收 公 利。公 曰,善 哉,我
不 能 矣,吾 今 而 後 知 禮 之 可 以 為 國 也。對 曰,禮 之 可 以 為 國 也 久 矣,與 天 地 並,君 令 臣 共,父 慈
子 孝,兄 愛 弟 敬,夫 和 妻 柔,姑 慈 婦 聽,禮 也,君 令 而 不 違,臣 共 而 不 貳,父 慈 而 教,子 孝 而 箴,兄 愛
而 友,弟 敬 而 順,夫 和 而 義,妻 柔 而 正,姑 慈 而 從,婦 聽 而 婉,禮 之 善 物 也。公 曰 善 哉,寡 人 今 而 後
聞 此 禮 之 上 也。對 曰,先 王 所 稟 於 天 地,以 為 其 民 也,是 以 先 王 上 之。
1. 二 十 有 七 年,春,公 如 齊,公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。
2. 夏,四 月,吳 弒 其 君 僚。
3. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 郤 宛。
4. 秋,晉 士 鞅,宋 樂 祁 犂,衛 北 宮 喜,曹 人,邾 人,滕 人,會 于 扈。
5. 冬,十 月,曹 伯 午 卒。
6. 邾 快 來 奔。
7. 公 如 齊。
8. 公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。
左 傳 曰,二 十 七 年,春,公 如 齊,公 至 自 齊,處 于 鄆,言 在 外 也。
吳 子 欲 因 楚 喪 而 伐 之,使 公 子 掩 餘,公 子 燭 庸,帥 師 圍 潛。 使 延 州 來 季 子 聘
於 上 國,遂 聘 於 晉,以 觀 諸 侯。楚 莠 尹 然,玉 尹 麇,帥 師 救 潛,左 司 馬 沈 尹 戌 帥 都 君 子,與 王 馬 之
屬,以 濟 師,與 吳 師 遇 於 窮,令 尹 子 常 以 舟 師 及 沙 汭 而 還。左 尹 郤 宛,工 尹 壽,帥 師 至 於 潛,吳 師
不 能 退。吳 公 子 光 曰,此 時 也,弗 可 失 也。告 鱄 設 諸 曰,上 國 有 言 曰,不 索 何 獲,我 王 嗣 也,吾 欲 求
之,事 若 克,季 子 雖 至,不 吾 廢 也。鱄 設 諸 曰,王 可 弒也,母 老 子 弱,是 無 若 我 何。光 曰,我,爾 身 也。夏,四
月,光 伏 甲 於 堀 室 而 享 王,王 使 甲 坐 於 道,及 其 門,門,階,戶,席,皆 王 親 也,夾 之 以 鈹,羞 者 獻 體 改
服 於 門 外,執 羞 者 坐 行 而 入,執 鈹 者 夾 承 之,及 體 以 相 授 也,光 偽 足 疾,入 於 堀 室,鱄 設 諸 寘 劍
於 魚 中 以 進,抽 劍 刺 王,鈹 交 於 胸,遂 弒 王。闔 廬 以 其 子 為 卿。季 子 至 曰,苟 先 君 無 廢 祀,民 人 無
廢 主,社 稷 有 奉,國 家 無 傾 乃 吾 君 也,吾 誰 敢 怨,哀 死 事 生,以 待 天 命,非 我 生 亂,立 者 從 之,先 人
之 道 也,復 命 哭 墓,復 位 而 待 吳 公 子 掩 餘 奔 徐,公 子 燭 庸 奔 鍾 吾,楚 師 聞 吳 亂 而 還。
郤 宛 直 而 和,國 人 說 之,鄢 將 師 為 右 領,與 費 無 極 比 而 惡 之。令 尹 子 常 賄 而
信 讒,無 極 譖 郤 宛 焉,謂 子 常 曰,子 惡 欲 飲 子 酒。又 謂 子 惡,令 尹 欲 飲 酒 於 子 氏。子 惡 曰,我 賤 人
也,不 足 以 辱 令 尹,令 尹 將 必 來 辱,為 惠 巳 甚,吾 無 以 酬 之,若 何。無 極 曰,令 尹 好 甲 兵,子 出 之,吾
擇 焉。取 五 甲 五 兵,曰,寘 諸 門,令 尹 至,必 觀 之,而 從 以 酬 之。及 饗 日,帷 諸 門 左,無 極 謂 令 尹 曰,吾
幾 禍 子,子 惡 將 為 子 不 利,甲 在 門 矣,子 必 無 往,且 此 役 也,吳 可 以 得 志,子 惡 取 賂 焉 而 還,又 誤
羣 帥,使 退 其 師,曰,乘 亂 不 祥,吳 乘 我 喪,我 乘 其 亂,不 亦 可 乎。令 尹 使 視 郤 氏,則 有 甲 焉,不 往,召
鄢 將 師 而 告 之,將 師 退,遂 令 攻 郤 氏,且 爇 之,子 惡 聞 之,遂 自 殺 也,國 人 弗 爇,令曰,不 爇 郤 氏,與 之
同 罪,或 取 一 編 菅 焉,或 取 一 秉 秆 焉,國 人 投 之,遂 弗 爇 也,令 尹 炮 之,盡 滅 郤 氏 之 族 黨,殺 陽 令
終,與 其 弟 完,及 佗,與 晉 陳,及 其 子 弟,晉 陳 之 族,呼 於 國 曰,鄢 氏,費 氏,自 以 為 王,專 禍 楚 國,弱 寡
王 室,蒙 王 與 令 尹,以 自 利 也,令 尹 盡 信 之 矣,國 將 如 何。令 尹 病 之。
秋,會 于 扈。令 戍 周,且 謀 納 公 也。宋 衛 皆 利 納 公,固 請 之,范 獻 子 取 貨 於 季
孫,謂 司 城 子 梁,與 北 宮 貞 子,曰,季 孫 未 知 其罪,而 君 伐 之,請 囚 請 亡,於 是 乎 不 獲,君 又 弗 克,而 自
出 也,夫 豈 無 備 而 能 出 君 乎,季 氏 之 復,天 救 之 也,休 公 徒 之 怒,而 啟 叔 孫 氏 之 心,不 然,豈 其 伐
人 而 說 甲 執 冰 以 游,叔 孫 氏 懼 禍 之 濫,而 自 同 於 季 氏,天 之 道 也,魯 君 守 齊,三 年 而 無 成,季 氏
甚 得 其 民,淮 夷 與 之,有 十 年 之 備,有 齊,楚 之 援,有 天 之 贊,有 民 之 助,有 堅 守 之 心,有 列 國 之
權,而 弗 敢 宣 也,事 君 如 在 國,故 鞅 以 為 難,二 子 皆 圖 國 者 也,而 欲 納 魯 君,鞅 之 願 也,請 從 二 子
以 圍 魯,無 成,死 之。二 子 懼,皆 辭,乃 辭 小 國,而 以 難 復。
孟 懿 子 陽 虎,伐 鄆,鄆 人 將 戰,子 家 子 曰,天 命 不 慆 久 矣,使 君 亡 者,必 此 衆
也,天 既 禍 之,而 自 福 也,不 亦 難 乎,猶 有 鬼 神,此 必 敗 也,嗚 呼,為 無 望 也 夫,其 死 於 此 乎。公 使 子
家 子 如 晉。公 徒 敗 於 且 知。
楚 郤 宛 之 難,國 言 未 已,進 胙 者 莫 不 謗 令 尹,沈 尹 戌 言 於 子 常 曰,夫 左 尹 與
中 廄 尹 莫 知 其 罪,而 子 殺 之,以 興 謗 讟,至 於 今 不 已,戌 也 惑 之,仁 者 殺 人 以 掩 謗,猶 弗 為 也,今
吾 子 殺 人 以 興 謗,而 弗 圖,不 亦 異 乎,夫 無 極,楚 之 讒 人 也,民 莫 不 知,去 朝 吳,出 蔡 侯 朱,喪 大 子
建,殺 連 尹 奢,屏 王 之 耳 目,使 不 聰 明,不 然,平 王 之 溫 惠 共 儉,有 過 成 莊,無 不 及 焉,所 以 不 獲 諸
侯,邇 無 及 也,今 又 殺 三 不 辜,以 興 大 謗,幾 及 子 矣,子 而 不 圖,將 焉 用 之,夫 鄢 將 師 矯 子 之 命,以
滅 三 族,國 之 良 也,而 不 愆 位,吳 新 有 君,疆 埸 日 駭,楚 國 若 有 大 事,子 其 危 哉,知 者 除 讒 以 自 安
也,今 子 愛 讒 以 自 危 也,甚 矣 其 惑 也。子 常 曰,是 瓦 之 罪,敢 不 良 圖,九 月,己 未,子 常 殺 費 無 極,與
鄢 將 師,盡 滅 其 族,以 說 於 國,謗 言 乃 止。
冬,公 如 齊,齊 侯 請 饗 之,子 家 子 曰,朝 夕 立 於 其 朝,又 何 饗 焉,其 飲 酒 也。乃 飲
酒,使 宰 獻 而 請 安,子 仲 之 子 曰 重,為 齊 夫 人,曰,請 使 重 見,子 家 子 乃 以 君 出。
十 二 月,晉 籍 秦 致 諸 侯 之 戍 於 周,魯 人 辭 以 難。 二 十 有 八 年
1. 二 十 有 八 年,春,王 三 月,葬 曹 悼 公。
2. 公 如 晉,次 于 乾 侯。
3. 夏,四 月,丙 戌,鄭 伯 寕 卒。
4. 六 月,葬 鄭 定 公。
5. 秋,七 月,癸 巳,滕 子 寕 卒。
6. 冬,葬 滕 悼 公。
左 傳 曰,二 十 八 年,春,公 如 晉,將 如 乾 侯,子 家 子 曰,有 求 於 人,而 即 其 安,人 孰
矜 之,其 造 於 竟。弗 聽,使 請 逆 於 晉,晉 人 曰,天 禍 魯 國,君 淹 恤 在 外,君 亦 不 使 一 个 辱 在 寡 人,而
即 安 於 甥 舅,其 亦 使 逆 君。使 公 復 於 竟,而 後 逆 之。
晉 祁 勝 與 鄔 臧 通 室,祁 盈 將 執 之,訪 於 司 馬 叔 游,叔 游 曰,鄭 書 有 之,惡 直 醜
正,實 蕃 有 徒,無 道 立 矣,子 懼 不 免,詩 曰,民 之 多 辟,無 自 立 辟,姑 已,若 何。盈 曰,祁 氏 私 有 討,國 何
有 焉。遂 執 之。祁 勝 賂 荀 躒,荀 躒 為 之 言 於 晉 侯,晉 侯 執 祁 盈。祁 盈 之 臣 曰,鈞 將 皆 死,憖 使 吾 君
聞 勝 與 臧 之 死 也,以 為 快。乃 殺 之。夏,六 月,晉 殺 祁 盈 及,楊 食 我。食 我,祁 盈 之 黨 也,而 助 亂,故 殺
之,遂 滅 祁 氏,羊 舌 氏。初,叔 向 欲 娶 於 申 公 巫 臣 氏,其 母 欲 娶 其 黨,叔 向 曰,吾 母 多 而 庶 鮮,吾 懲
舅 氏 矣。其 母 曰,子 靈 之 妻,殺 三 夫,一 君,一 子,而 亡 一 國,兩 卿 矣,可 無 懲 乎,吾 聞 之,甚 美 必 有 甚
惡,是 鄭 穆 少 妃,姚 子 之 子,子 貉 之 妹 也,子 貉 早 死 無 後,而 天 鍾 美 於 是,將 必 以 是 大 有 敗 也,昔
有 仍 氏,生 女,黰 黑,而 甚 美,光 可 以 鑑,名 曰 玄 妻,樂 正 后 夔 取 之,生 伯 封,實 有 豕 心,貪 惏 無 饜,忿
纇 無 期,謂 之 封 豕,有 窮 后 羿 滅 之,夔 是 以 不 祀,且 三 代 之 亡,共 子 之 廢,皆 是 物 也。女 何 以 為
哉,夫 有 尤 物,足 以 移 人,苟 非 德 義,則 必 有 禍。叔 向 懼,不 敢 取,平 公 強 使 取 之,生 伯 石,伯 石 始
生,子 容 之 母 走 謁 諸 姑,曰,長 叔 姒 生 男。姑 視 之,及 堂,聞 其 聲 而 還,曰,是 豺 狼 之 聲 也,狼 子 野
心,非 是 莫 喪 羊 舌 氏 矣。遂 弗 視。
秋,晉 韓 宣 子 卒,魏 獻 子 為 政,分 祁 氏 之 田,以 為 七縣,分 羊 舌 氏 之 田,以 為 三
縣,司 馬 彌 牟 為 鄔 大 夫,賈 辛 為 祁 大 夫,司 馬 烏 為 平 陵 大 夫,魏 戊 為 梗 陽 大 夫,知 徐 吾 為 塗 水
大 夫,韓 固 為 馬首 大 夫,孟 丙 為 盂 大 夫,樂 霄 為 銅 鞮 大 夫,趙 朝 為 平 陽 大 夫,僚 安 為 楊 氏 大 夫,謂
賈 辛,司 馬 烏,為 有 力 於 王 室,故 舉 之,謂 知 徐 吾,趙 朝,韓 固,魏 戊,餘 子 之 不 失 職,能 守 業 者 也,其
四 人 者,皆 受 縣 而 後 見 於 魏 子,以 賢 舉 也。魏 子 謂 成 鱄,吾 與 戊 也 縣,人 其 以 我 為 黨 乎。對 曰,何
也,戊 之 為 人 也,遠 不 忘 君,近 不 偪 同,居 利 思 義,在 約 思 純,有 守 心 而 無 淫 行,雖 與 之 縣,不 亦 可
乎,昔 武 王 克 商,光 有 天 下,其 兄 弟 之 國 者,十 有 五 人,姬 姓 之 國 者,四 十 人,皆 舉 親 也,夫 舉 無
他,唯 善 所 在,親 疏 一 也,詩 曰,唯 此 文 王,帝 度 其 心,莫 其 德 音,其 德 克 明,克 明 克 類,克 長 克 君,王
此 大 國,克 順 克 比,比 于 文 王,其 德 靡 悔,既 受 帝 祉,施 於 孫 子,心 能 制 義 曰 度,德 正 應 和 曰 莫,照
臨 四 方 曰 明,勤 施 無 私 曰 類,教 誨 不 倦 曰 長,賞 慶 刑 威 曰 君,慈 和 徧 服 曰 順,擇 善 而 從 之 曰
比,經 緯 天 地 曰 文,九 德 不 愆,作 事 無 悔,故 襲 天 祿,子 孫 賴 之,主 之 舉 也,近 文 德 矣,所 及 其 遠
哉。賈 辛 將 適 其 縣,見 於 魏 子,魏 子 曰,辛 來,昔 叔 向 適 鄭,鬷 蔑 惡,欲 觀 叔 向,從 使 之 收 器 者,而
往,立 於 堂 下,一 言 而 善,叔 向 將 飲 酒,聞 之 曰,必 鬷 明 也,下 執 其 手 以 上,曰,昔 賈 大 夫 惡,娶 妻 而
美,三 年 不 言 不 笑,御 以 如 皋,射 雉 獲 之,其 妻 始 笑 而 言,賈 大 夫 曰,才 之 不 可 以 已,我 不 能 射,女
遂 不 言 不 笑 夫,今 子 少 不 颺,子 若 無 言,吾 幾 失 子 矣,言 不 可 以 已 也 如 是,遂 如 故 知,今 女 有 力
於 王 室,吾 是 以 舉 女,行 乎 敬 之 哉,毋 墮 乃 力。仲 尼 聞 魏 子 之 舉 也,以 為 義,曰,近 不 失 親,遠 不 失
舉,可 謂 義 矣。又 聞 其 命 賈 辛 也,以 為 忠,詩 曰,永 言 配 命,自 求 多 福,忠 也,魏 子 之 舉 也 義,其 命 也
忠,其 長 有 後 於 晉 國 乎。
冬,梗 陽 人 有 獄,魏 戊 不 能 斷,以 獄 上,其 大 宗 賂 以 女 樂,魏 子 將 受 之。魏 戊 謂
閻 沒,女 寬,曰,主 以 不 賄 聞 於 諸 侯,若 受 梗 陽 人。賄 莫 甚 焉,吾 子 必 諫。皆 許 諾,退 朝 待 於 庭,饋
入,召 之,比 置,三 歎。既 食,使 坐,魏 子 曰,吾 聞 諸 伯 叔,諺 曰,唯 食 忘 憂,吾 子 置 食之 間,三 歎 何 也。同 辭
而 對,曰,或 賜 二 小 人 酒,不 夕 食,饋 之 始 至,恐 其 不 足,是 以 歎,中 置 自 咎 曰,豈 將 軍 食 之,而 有 不
足,是 以 再 歎,及 饋 之 畢,願 以 小 人 之 腹,為 君 子 之 心,屬 厭 而 已。獻 子 辭 梗 陽 人。 二 十 有 九 年
1. 二 十 有 九 年,春,公 至 自 乾 侯,居 于 鄆,齊 侯 使 高 張 來 唁 公。
2. 公 如 晉,次 于 乾 侯。
3. 夏,四 月,庚 子,叔 詣 卒。
4. 秋,七 月。
5. 冬,十 月,鄆 潰。
左 傳 曰,二 十 九 年,春,公 至 自 乾 侯,處 于 鄆,齊 侯 使 高 張 來 唁 公,稱 主 君。子 家
子 曰,齊 卑 君 矣,君 祇 辱 焉。公 如 乾 侯。
三 月,己 卯,京 師 殺 召 伯 盈,尹 氏 固,及 原 伯 魯 之 子。尹 固 之 復 也,有 婦 人 遇 之
周 郊,尤 之 曰,處 則 勸 人 為 禍,行 則 數 日 而 反,是 夫 也,其 過 三 歲 乎。夏,五 月,庚 寅,王 子 趙 車 入 於
鄻 以 叛,陰 不 佞 敗 之。
平 子 每 歲 賈 馬,具 從 者 之 衣 屨,而 歸 之 于 乾 侯,公 執 歸 馬 者 賣 之。乃 不 歸
馬。衛 侯 來 獻 其 乘 馬,曰 啟 服,塹 而 死,公 將 為之 櫝,子 家 子 曰,從 者 病 矣,請 以 食 之。乃 以 幃 裹 之。公
賜 公 衍 羔 裘,使 獻 龍 輔 於 齊 侯,遂 入 羔 裘,齊 侯 喜,與 之 陽 穀。公 衍,公 為,之 生 也,其 母 偕 出,公 衍
先 生,公 為 之 母 曰,相 與 偕 出,請 相 與 偕 告。三 日,公 為 生 其 母 先 以 告,公 為 為 兄。公 私 喜 於 陽
穀,而 思 於 魯,曰,務 人 為 此 禍 也,且 後 生 而 為 兄,其 誣 也 久 矣。乃 黜 之,而 以 公 衍 為 太 子。
秋,龍 見 於 絳 郊。魏 獻 子 問 於 蔡 墨 曰,吾 聞 之,蟲 莫 知 於 龍,以 其 不 生 得 也,謂
之 知,信 乎。對 曰,人 實 不 知,非 龍 實 知,古 者 畜 龍,故 國 有 豢 龍 氏,有 御 龍 氏,獻 子 曰,是 二 氏 者,吾
亦 聞 之,而 知 其 故,是 何 謂 也。對 曰,昔 有 飂 叔 安 有 裔 子 曰 董 父,實 甚 好 龍,能 求 其 耆 欲,以 飲 食
之,龍 多 歸 之,乃 擾 畜 龍,以 服 事 帝 舜,帝 賜 之 姓 曰 董,氏 曰 豢 龍,封 諸 鬷 川,鬷 夷 氏,其 後 也,故 帝
舜 氏 世 有 畜 龍,及 有 夏 孔 甲,擾 於 有 帝,帝 賜 之 乘 龍,河 漢 各 二,各 有 雌 雄,孔 甲 不 能 食,而 未 獲
豢 龍 氏,有 陶 唐 氏 既 衰,其 後 有 劉 累,學 擾 龍 於 豢 龍 氏,以 事 孔 甲,能 飲 食 之 夏 后 嘉 之,賜 氏 曰
御 龍,以 更 豕 韋 之 後,龍 一 雌 死,潛 醢 以 食,夏 后,夏 后 饗 之,既 而 使 求 之,懼 而 遷 于於 魯 縣,范 氏 其
後 也。獻 子 曰,今 何 故 無 之。對 曰,夫 物,物 有 其 官,官 修 其 方,朝 夕 思 之,一 日 失 職,則 死 及 之,失 官
不 食,官 宿 其 業,其 物 乃 至,若 泯 棄 之,物 乃 坻 伏,鬱 湮 不 育,故 有 五 行 之 官,是 謂 五 官,實 列 受 氏
姓,封 為 上 公,祀 為 貴 神,社 稷 五 祀,是 尊 是 奉,木 正 曰 句 芒,火 正 曰 祝 融,金 正 曰 蓐 收,水 正 曰 玄
冥,土 正 曰 后 土,龍,水 物 也,水 官 棄 矣,故 龍 不 生 得,不 然,周 易 有 之,在 乾 之 姤,曰,潛 龍 勿 用,其 同
人 曰,見 龍 在 田,其 大 有 曰,飛 龍 在 天,其 夬 曰,亢 龍 有 悔,其 坤 曰,見 羣 龍 無 首,吉,坤 之 剝 曰,龍 戰
于 野,若 不 朝 夕 見,誰 能 物 之。獻 子 曰,社 稷 五 祀,誰 氏 之 五 官 也。對 曰,少 皞 氏 有 四 叔,曰 重,曰
該,曰 修,曰 熙,實 能 金 木 及 水,使 重 為 句 芒,該 為 蓐 收,修 及 熙 為 玄 冥,世 不 失 職,遂 濟 窮 桑,此 其
三 祀 也,顓 頊 氏 有 子 曰 犁,為 祝 融,共 工 氏 有 子 曰 句 龍,為 后 土,此 其 二 祀 也,后 土 為 社,稷,田 正
也,有 烈 山 氏 之 子 曰 柱,為 稷,自 夏 以 上 祀 之,周 棄 亦 為 稷,自 商 以 來 祀 之。
冬,晉 趙 鞅,荀 寅,帥 師 城 汝 濱,遂 賦 晉 國 一 鼓 鐵,以 鑄 刑 鼎,著 范 宣 子 所 謂 刑
書 焉。仲 尼 曰,晉 其 亡 乎,失 其 度 矣,夫 晉 國 將 守 唐 叔 之 所,受 法 度,以 經 緯 其 民,卿 大 夫 以 序 守
之,民 是 以 能尊 其 貴,貴 是 以 能 守 其 業,貴 賤 不 愆,所 謂 度 也,文 公 是 以 作 執 秩 之官,為 被 廬 之
法,以 為 盟 主,今 棄 是 度 也,而 為 刑 鼎,民 在 鼎 矣,何 以 尊 貴,貴 何 業 之 守,貴 賤 無 序,何 以 為 國,且
夫 宣 子 之 刑,夷 之 蒐也,晉 國 之 亂 制 也,若 之 何 以 為 法。蔡 史 墨 曰,范 氏,中 行 氏,其 亡 乎,中 行 寅 為
下 卿,而 干 上 令,擅 作 刑 器,以 為 國 法,是 法 姦 也,又 加 范 氏 焉,易 之,亡 也,其 及 趙 氏,趙 孟 與 焉,然
不 得 已,若 德,可 以 免。
1. 三 十 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。
2. 夏,六 月,庚 辰,晉 侯 去 疾 卒。
3. 秋,八 月,葬 晉 頃 公。
4. 冬,十 有 二 月,吳 滅 徐,徐 子 章 禹 奔 楚。
左 傳 曰,三 十 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。不 先 書 鄆 與 乾 侯,非 公,且 徵 過 也。
夏,六 月,晉 頃 公 卒,秋,八 月,葬 鄭 游 吉 弔,且 送 葬,魏 獻 子 使 士 景 伯 詰 之,曰,悼
公 之 喪,子 西 弔,子 蟜 送 葬,今 吾 子 無 貳,何 故。對 曰,諸 侯 所 以 歸 晉 君,禮 也,禮 也 者,小 事 大,大 字
小 之 謂,事 大,在 共 其 時 命,字 小,在 恤 其 所 無,以 敝 邑 居 大 國 之 閒,共 其 職 貢,與 其 備 御 不 虞 之
患,豈 忘 共 命,先 王 之 制,諸 侯 之 喪,士 弔,大 夫 送 葬,唯 嘉 好 聘 享 三 軍 之 事,於 是 乎 使 卿,晉 之 喪
事,敝 邑 之 閒,先 君 有 所 助 執 紼 矣,若 其 不 閒,雖 士 大 夫,有 所 不 獲 數 矣,大 國 之 惠,亦 慶 其 加,而
不 討 其 乏,明 厎 其 情,取 備 而 已,以 為 禮 也,靈 王 之 喪,我 先 君 簡 公 在 楚,我 先 大 夫 印 段 實 往,敝
邑 之 少 卿也,王 吏 不 討,恤 所 無 也,今 大 夫 曰,女 盍 從 舊,舊 有 豐 有 省,不 知 所 從,從 其 豐,則 寡 君 幼
弱,是 以 不 共,從 其 省,則 吉 在 此 矣,唯 大 夫 圖 之,晉 人 不 能 詰。
吳 子 使 徐 人 執 掩 餘,使 鍾 吾 人 執 燭 庸,二 公 子 奔 楚,楚 子 大 封 而 定 其 徙,使
監 馬 尹 大 心,逆 吳 公 子,使 居 養,莠 尹 然,左 司 馬 沈 尹 戌,城 之,取 於 城 父,與 胡 田,以 與 之,將 以 害
吳 也。子 西 諫 曰,吳 光 新 得 國,而 親 其 民,視 民 如 子,辛 苦 同 之,將 用 之 也,若 好 吾 邊 疆,使 柔 服
焉,猶 懼 其 至,吾 又 疆 其 讐,以 重 怒 之,無 乃 不 可 乎,吳,周 之 冑 裔 也,而 棄 在 海 濱,不 與 姬 通,今 而
始 大,比 於 諸 華,光 又 甚 文,將 自 同 於 先 王,不 知 天 將 以 為 虐 乎,使 翦 喪 吳 國,而 封 大 異 姓 乎,其
抑 亦 將 卒 以 祚 吳 乎,其 終 不 遠 矣,我 盍 姑 億 吾 鬼 神,而 寕 吾 族 姓,以 待 其 歸,將 焉 用 自 播 揚
焉。王 弗 聽。吳 子 怒,冬,十 二 月,吳 子 執 鍾 吾 子,遂 伐 徐,防 山 以 水 之,己 卯,滅 徐,徐 子 章 禹 斷 其
髮,攜 其 夫 人,以 逆 吳 子,吳 子 唁 而 送 之,使 其 邇 臣 從 之,遂 奔 楚,楚 沈 尹 戌 帥 師 救 徐,弗 及,遂 城
夷,使 徐 子 處 之。
吳 子 問 於 伍 員 曰,初 而 言 伐 楚,余 知 其 可 也,而 恐 其 使 余 往 也,又 惡 人 之 有
余 之 功 也,今 余 將 自 有 之 矣,伐 楚 何 如。對 曰,楚 執 政 衆 而 乖,莫 適 任 患,若 為 三 師 之 肄 焉,一 師
至,彼 必 皆 出,彼 出 則 歸,彼 歸 則 出,楚 必 道 敝,亟 肄 以 罷 之,多 方 以 誤 之,既 罷 而 後 以 三 軍 繼
之,必 大 克 之。闔 廬 從 之,楚 於 是 乎 始 病。 三 十 有 一 年
1. 三 十 有 一 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。
2. 季 孫 意 如 會 晉,荀 躒 于 適 歴。
3. 夏,四 月,丁 巳,薛 伯 穀 卒。
4. 晉 侯 使 荀 躒 唁 公 于 乾 侯。
5. 秋,葬 薛 獻 公。
6. 冬,黑 肱 以 濫 來 奔。
7. 十 有 二 月,辛 亥 朔,日 有 食 之。
左 傳 曰,三 十 一 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯,言 不 能 外 內 也。
晉 侯 將 以 師 納 公,范 獻 子 曰,若 召 季 孫 而 不 來,則 信 不 臣 矣,然 後 伐 之,若
何。晉 人 召 季 孫,獻 子 使 私 焉,曰,子 必 來,我 受 其 無 咎。季 孫 意 如 會 晉 荀 躒 于 適 歴,荀 躒 曰,寡 君
使 躒 謂 吾 子,何 故 出 君,有 君 不 事,周 有 常 刑,子 其 圖 之。季 孫 練 冠,麻 衣,跣 行,伏 而 對 曰,事 君,臣
之 所 不 得 也,敢 逃 刑 命,君 若 以 臣 為 有 罪,請 囚 於 費,以 待 君 之 察 也,亦 唯 君,若 以 先 臣 之 故,不
絕 季 氏,而 賜 之 死,若 弗 殺 弗 亡,君 之 惠 也,死 且 不 朽,若 得 從 君 而 歸,則 固 臣 之 願 也,敢 有 異 心。
薛 伯 穀 卒。同 盟 故 書。
夏,四 月,季 孫 從 知 伯 如 乾 侯,子 家 子 曰,君 與 之 歸,一 慚 之 不 忍,而 終 身 慙
乎。公 曰,諾。衆 曰,在 一 言 矣,君 必 逐 之。荀 躒 以 晉 侯 之 命 唁 公,且 曰,寡 君 使 躒 以 君 命 討 於 意
如,意 如 不 敢 逃 死,君 其 入 也。公 曰,君 惠 顧 先 君 之 好,施 及 亡 人,將 使 歸 糞 除 宗 祧 以 事 君,則 不
能 見 夫 人,己 所 能 見 夫 人 者,有 如 河。荀 躒 掩 耳 而 走,曰,寡 君 其 罪 之 恐,敢 與 知 魯 國 之 難,臣 請
復 於 寡 君。退 而 謂 季 孫,君 怒 未 怠,子 姑 歸 祭。子 家 子 曰,君 以 一 乘 入 於 魯 師,季 孫 必 與 君 歸。公
欲 從 之,衆 從 者 脅 公,不 得 歸。
秋,吳 人 侵 楚,伐 夷,侵 潛 六。楚 沈 尹 戌 帥 師 救 潛,吳 師 還,楚 師 遷 潛 於 南 岡 而
還。吳 師 圍 弦,左 司 馬 戌,右 司 馬 稽,帥 師 救 弦,及 豫 章,吳 師 還。始 用 子 胥 之 謀 也。
冬,邾 黑 肱 以 濫 來 奔。賤 而 書 名,重 地 故 也。君 子 曰,名 之 不 可 不 慎 也,如 是
夫,有 所 有 名,而 不 如 其 已,以 地 叛,雖 賤 必 書,地 以 名 其 人,終 為 不 義,弗 可 滅 已,是 故 君 子 動 則
思 禮,行 則 思 義,不 為 利 囘,不 為 義 疚,或 求 名 而 不 得,或 欲 蓋 而 名 章,懲 不 義 也,齊 豹 為 衛 司
寇,守 嗣 大 夫,作 而 不 義,其 書 為 盜,邾 庶 其,莒 牟 夷,邾 黑 肱,以 土 地 出,求 食 而 已,不 求 其 名,賤 而
必 書,此 二 物 者,所 以 懲 肆 而 去 貪 也,若 艱 難 其 身,以 險 危 大 人,而 有 名 章 徹,攻 難 之 士,將 奔 走
之,若 竊 邑 叛 君,以 徼 大 利 而 無 名,貪 冒 之 民,將 寘 力 焉,是 以 春 秋 書 齊 豹 曰 盜,三 叛 人 名,以 懲
不 義,數 惡 無 禮,其 善 志 也,故 曰,春 秋 之 稱,微 而 顯,婉 而 辨,上 之 人 能 使 昭 明,善 人 勸 焉,淫 人 懼
焉,是 以 君 子 貴 之。
十 二 月,辛 亥 朔,日 有 食 之。是 夜 也,趙 簡 子 夢 童 子 臝 而 轉 以 歌。旦,占 諸 史
墨,曰,吾 夢 如 是,今 而 日 食,何 也。對 曰,六 年 及 此 月 也,吳 其 入 郢 乎 終 亦 弗 克,入 郢 必 以 庚 辰,日
月 在 辰 尾,庚 午 之 日,日 始 有 謫,火 勝 金,故 弗 克。 三 十 有 二 年
1. 三 十 有 二 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯 取 闞。
2. 夏,吳 伐 越。
3. 秋,七 月。
4. 冬,仲 孫 何 忌 會 晉 韓 不 信,齊 高 張,宋 仲 幾,衛 世 叔 申,鄭 國 參,曹
人,莒 人,薛 人,杞 人,小 邾 人,城 成 周。
5. 十 有 二 月,己 未,公 薨 于 侯。
左 傳 曰,三 十 二 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。言 不 能 外 內,又 不 能 用 其 人 也。
夏,吳 伐 越。始 用 師 於 越 也。史 墨 曰,不 及 四 十 年,越 其 有 吳 乎,越 得 歲 而 吳 伐
之,必 受 其 凶。
秋,八 月,王 使 富 辛,與 石 張 如 晉,請 城 成 周。天 子 曰,天 降 禍 于 周,俾 我 兄 弟,竝
有 亂 心,以 為 伯 父 憂,我 一 二 親 昵 甥 舅,不 皇 啟 處,於 今 十 年,勤 戍 五 年,余 一 人 無 日 忘 之,閔 閔
焉 如 農 夫 之 望 歲,懼 以 待 時,伯 父 若 肆 大 惠,復 二 文 之 業,弛 周 室 之 憂,徼 文 武 之 福,以 固 盟
主,宣 昭 令 名,則 余 一 人 有 大 願 矣,昔 成 王 合 諸 侯 城 成 周,以 為 東 都,崇 文 德 焉,今 我 欲 徼 福 假
靈 於 成 王,修 成 周 之 城,俾 戍 人 無 勤,諸 侯 用 寕,蝥 賊 遠 屏,晉 之 力 也,其 委 諸 伯 父,使 伯 父 實 重
圖 之,俾 我 一 人 無 徵 怨 於 百 姓,而 伯 父 有 榮 施,先 王 庸 之。范 獻 子 謂 魏 獻 子 曰,與 其 戍 周,不 如
城 之,天 子 實 云,雖 有 後 事,晉 勿 與 知,可 也,從 王 命 以 紓 諸 侯,晉 國 無 憂,是 之 不 務,而 又 焉 從
事。魏 獻 子 曰,善。使 伯 音 對,曰,天 子 有 命,敢 不 奉 承,以 奔 告 於 諸 侯,遲 速 衰 序,於 是 焉 在。冬,十 一
月,晉 魏 舒,韓 不 信,如 京 師,合 諸 侯 之 大 夫 於 狄 泉,尋 盟,且 令 城 成 周,魏 子 南 面,衛 彪 徯 曰,魏 子
必 有 大 咎,干 位 以 令 大 事,非 其 任 也,詩 曰,敬 天 之 怒,不 敢 戲 豫,敬 天 之 渝,不 敢 馳 驅,况 敢 干 位
以 作 大 事 乎,己 丑,士 彌 牟 營 成 周,計 丈 數,揣 高 卑,度 厚 薄,仞 溝 洫,物 土 方,議 遠 邇,量 事 期,計 徒
庸,慮 財 用,書 餱 糧,以 令 役 於 諸 侯,屬 役 賦 丈,書 以 授 帥,而 效 諸 劉 子,韓 簡 子 臨 之,以 為 成 命。
十 二 月,公 疾,徧 賜 大 夫,大 夫 不 受,賜 子 家 子 雙 琥,一 環,一 璧, 輕 服,受 之,大 夫
皆 受 其 賜。己 未,公 薨。子 家 子 反 賜 於 府 人,曰,吾 不 敢 逆 君 命 也。大 夫 皆 反 其 賜。書 曰,公 薨 于 乾
侯,言 失 其 所 也。趙 簡 子 問 於 史 墨 曰,季 氏 出 其 君,而 民 服 焉,諸 侯 與 之,君 死 於 外,而 莫 之 或 罪
也。對 曰,物 生 有 兩,有 三 有 五,有 陪 貳,故 天 有 三 辰,地 有 五 行,體 有 左 右,各 有 妃 耦,王 有 公,諸 侯
有 卿,皆 有 貳 也,天 生 季 氏,以 貳 魯 侯,為 日 久 矣,民 之 服 焉,不 亦 宜 乎,魯 君 世 從 其 失,季 氏 世 修
其 勤,民 忘 君 矣,雖 死 於 外,其 誰 矜 之,社 稷 無 常 奉,君 臣 無 常 位,自 古 以 然,故 詩 曰,高 岸 為 谷,深
谷 為 陵,三 后 之 姓,於 今 為 庶,王 所 知 也,在 易 卦,雷 乘 乾 曰,大 壯,天 之 道 也,昔 成 季 友,桓 之 季
也,文 姜 之 愛 子 也,始 震 而 卜,卜 人 謁 之,曰,生 有 嘉 聞,其 名 曰 友,為 公 室 輔。及 生,如 卜 人 之 言,有
文 在 其 手 曰 友,遂 以 名 之,既 而 有 大 功 於 魯,受 費 以 為 上 卿,至 於 文 子,武 子,世 增 其 業,不 費 舊
績,魯 文 公 薨,而 東 門 遂 殺 適 立 庶,魯 君 於 是 乎 失 國,政 在 季 氏,於 此 君 也,四 公 矣,民 不 知 君,何
以 得 國,是 以 為 君,慎 器 與 名,不 可 以 假 人。
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BOOK X. DUKE ZHAO.I. First year.
1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first
month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2. Shusun Bao had a meeting with Zhao Wu of Jin, the
Gongzi Wei of Chu, Guo Ruo of Qi, Xiang Xu of Song, Qi E of Wey, the
Gongzi Shao of Chen, the Gongsun Guisheng of Cai, Han Hu of Zheng, a
minister of Xu, and a minister of Cao, in Guo.
3. In the third month, we took Yun.
4. In summer, Qian, younger brother of the earl of
Qin, fled from that State to Jin.
5. In the sixth month, on Dingsi, Hua, viscount of
Zhu, died.
6. Xun Wu of Jin led a force, and defeated the Di at
Dalu.
7. In autumn, Quji of Ju entered into that State from
Qi.
8. Zhanyu of Ju fled from that State to Wu.
9. Shu Gong led a force, and laid out the boundaries
of the lands of Yun.
10. There was the burial of duke Dao of Zhu.
11. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jiyou, Jun,
viscount of Chu, died.
12. The Gongzi Bi of Chu fled from that State to
Jin.
COMMENTARY
Title of the Book.—昭公,'Duke Zhao.' We have seen, in
the Zhuan on par. 3 of last year, that duke Zhao's name was Chou (稠),
and that he was a son of duke Xiang by a concubine, called Qi Gui (齊歸),
of the State of Hu (胡). He was 19 years old at his accession, and still
possessed a boy's heart, more fond of sport than beseemed his position.
He was marquis of Lu from B.C. 540 to 509. His honorary title denotes
'In demeanour respectful and intelligent (威儀共明曰昭).'
Zhao's 1st year synchronized with the 4th of king
Jing (景王); the 17th of Ping (平 公) of Jin; the 7th of Jing (景) of Qi; the
3d of Xiang (襄) of Wey; the 2d of Ling (靈) of Cai; the 25th of Jian (簡)
of Zheng; the 14th of Wu (武) of Cao; the 28th of Ai (哀) of Chen; the 9th
of Wen (文) of Qi; the 35th of Ping of Song; the 36th of Jing of Qin; the
4th of Jiao'ao (郟敖) of Chu, and the 3d of Yimei (夷未) [Yuji 餘祭?] of Wu.
Par. 2. For 國弱 Gongyang has 國酌; for 齊惡, 石惡; for 罕虎,
軒虎. For 虢 Gong has 漷, and Gu 郭. Guo was in Zheng. It had been the
capital of the State of east Guo, which had been extinguished by Zheng
before the commencement of the Chunqiu period;—in the dis. of Fanshui (汜
水), dep. Kaifeng. The object of the meeting in Guo was to renew the
covenant of Song, which was repeated here, though not with all the
formalities; and many critics see the 'pruning style' and mysterious
meaning of the sage in making mention of the meeting only. The details
in the Zhuan illustrate the remarks appended to IX. xxvii. 2, 5, on the
decadence of Jin, the growing power of Chu, and the encroachments of the
great officers on the prerogatives of the princes of the States.
The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the Gongzi Wei of Chu
went on a complimentary visit to Zheng, and at the same time to marry a
daughter of Gongsun Duan; Wu Ju being the assistant commissioner. They
proposed lodging inside the capital, but the people of Zheng were
adverse to this, and sent the internuncius Ziyu to speak with them on
the subject; on which they occupied a reception-house outside. When the
business of the visit was over, [Wei] proposed [entering the city], with
all his company, to meet his bride. The thing troubled Zichan, who sent
Ziyu to decline the proposal, saying, "In consequence of the smallness
of our poor city, which is not sufficient to contain your followers, we
beg to [level a piece of ground outside, and] rear a high structure
where we can receive your commands." The chief minister ordered the
grand-administrator, Bo Zhouli, to reply, "Your ruler condescended to
confer his kindness on our great officer Wei, saying that he would send
the lady Feng (Feng was the surname of Gongsun Duan) to take soothing
possession of his family. Wei then set forth his offerings on the stands
in the temples of [the kings] Zhuang and Gong (His grand-father and
father), and is come here. If the lady be given to him in the open
country, it will be throwing your ruler's gift among the grass and
weeds; and our great officer will not have his rank among the other
ministers [of our State]. And not only this:—the proceeding will also
make Wei to have deceived his former rulers, and he will not be able to
retain his place as an ancient of our [present] ruler. He will not [dare
to] return [to Chu]. Let your great officers consider it." Ziyu said,
"Our small State [means] no offence; its offence has been in the
confidence [it has reposed in you]. Meaning to confide in your great
State's desire to secure its respose and quiet, and you, on the
contrary, having hid in your breasts an evil mind to scheme against it,
it will have erred in its confidence, and must announce the thing to the
States, moving the indignation of them all, so that they will resist
your ruler's orders, and your progress will be stopped:—this is what we
are afraid of. If it were not for this, our State is but a sort of
keeper of a reception house for you; would it presume to grudge you the
use of the temple of the Feng family?"
'Wu Ju, knowing that they were prepared [in Zheng
against any hostile attempt], begged that they might enter the city,
with their quivers slung upside down;—which was granted. In the 1st
month, on Yiwei, [Wei] entered the city, received his bride, and went
out again.
'He then went on to meet [the representatives of the
States] in Guo, the object being to renew the covenant of Song. Qi Wu
said to Zhao Wenzi, "At the covenant of Song, the men of Chu got their
will, as against Jin. The want of faith of the present chief-minister
[of Chu] is what all the States have heard of. If you do not take
precautions, things will turn out as in Song. The good faith of Zimu was
celebrated among the States, and still he deceived Jin, and got the
advantage over it; how much more may we expect deceit from one notorious
for his want of faith! If Chu a second time get its will as against Jin,
it will be a disgrace to Jin. You have guided the government of Jin,
maintaining it as lord of covenants now for 7 years. Twice have you
assembled the princes of the States, and three times their great
officers. You brought to submission Qi and the Di; you tranquillized the
States of the east; you pacified the confusion of Qin; you walled Chunyu
(The capital of Qi); yet our troops have not been exhausted; the State
has not been wearied; the people have uttered no slanders nor revilings;
the other States have felt no resentment; Heaven has inflicted no great
calamities:—all this has been due to you. You have got a good name, and
what I am afraid of is, lest you should bring shame on it in the end.
Sir, you must not neglect to take precautions." Wenzi said, "Thank you
for the lesson you have given me. But at the covenant of Song, the heart
of Zimu was set on injuring others, while my heart was set on the
well-being of others; and it was thereby that Chu got the advantage of
Jin. And now I still cherish the same heart, and Chu is still assuming
and arrogating. No harm will result from it. Good faith shall be held by
me as a fundamental thing, and I will act in accordance with it. The
case will be like that of the husbandman who clears away the weeds and
digs up the earth about his plants; although there may be seasons of
famine or scarcity, he will, as a rule, have abundant harvests.
Moreover, I have heard that he who can maintain his good faith is sure
not to be below others:—I cannot fully attain to this. The ode (Shi,
III. iii. ode II. 8) says,
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'Not going beyond the right, inflicting no injury, |
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Seldom is it that such an one does not become a pattern to
others;'
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showing the power of good faith. He who can be a
pattern to others, is not beneath them. My inability to attain this is
my difficulty; I am not troubled about Chu."
'Wei, the chief minister of Chu begged that they
might simply use a victim, and, having read the words of the former
covenant, place the writing over its [blood]. This was agreed to on the
part of Jin; and on the 3d month, on Jiachen, they covenanted. Wei was
in [ruler's] robes, with guards displayed [before him]. Shusun Muzi
said, "The Gongzi of Chu is beautiful, how ruler-like!"
Zipi of Zheng said, "Yes, with those two spearmen
before him!"
'Zijia of Cai said, "They are before the Pu palace;
may he not have them [here] also?" 'Bo Zhouli of Chu said, "In taking
leave for this journey, he borrowed them from our ruler."
'Hui, the internuncius of Zheng, said "He borrowed
them, but will not return them!"
'Bo Zhouli replied, "You may find a subject for
your sorrow in the rebellious, incoherent ambition of Zixi." Ziyu
rejoined, "While the designate of the bi (See the Zhuan on XIII. 3)
remains, do you find no subject for sorrow in the borrowing these
things, and not returning them?"
'Guozi of Qi said, "I commiserate the two of you."
The Gongzi Shao of Chen said, "But for their
anxious sorrow, what would they accomplish? They will have occasion for
joy."
'Qizi of Wey said, "If they know it [before-hand],
although they may be sorrowful, what harm will there be?"
'The master of the Left of Song—-he of He-—said, "A
great State commands, and a small State obeys. I know nothing but to
obey."
'Yue Wangfu of Jin said, ["The sentiment of] the
last stanza of the Xiao min (Shi, II. v. ode I.) is good; I will follow
it."
'When they retired from the meeting, Ziyu said to
Zipi, "Shusun was sharp, and yet mild. The master of the Left of Song
was sententious, and agreeable to propriety. Yue Wangfu was loving and
reverent. You and Zijia held [the Mean]. You are all men who will
preserve your families for generations. But the great officers of Qi,
Wey, and Chen, will not escape [an evil death]. Guozi was sorry for
them; Zishao found in sorrow ground for joy; and Qizi said that though
they were sorrowful, there would be no harm. Now to be sorry before the
thing happens, to find joy in what is occasion for sorrow, and to see no
harm in being sorry;—all this is the way to bring sorrow. Sorrow will
come to them. The Great Declaration says, 'What the people desire,
Heaven is sure to grant.' Those three officers prognosticated sorrow;—is
it possible but that sorrow should come to them? This is an illustration
of the saying, 'From words you know things.'"
Par. 3. Yun,—see on IX. xii. 1, 2. The Zhuan
says:——'Ji Wuzi invaded Ju and took Yun. The people of Ju sent word [of
the outrage] to the meeting, and Chu represented to Jin, "Before we have
retired from this renewal of the covenant, Lu has invaded Ju, thus
treating contumeliously our common stipulations. Allow us to execute its
envoy." Yue Huanzi (Wangfu) was in attendance on Zhao Wenzi; and wishing
to ask a bribe from Shusun, he interceded for him, and sent a messenger
to ask from him a sash. Shusun refused it, on which Liang Qixing said,
"Why should you grudge giving your property to protect yourself?" Shusun
replied, "The meeting of the States is for the defence of our altars. If
I by such a method secure my own escape, yet Lu will be attacked. I
shall have brought calamity on it, instead of being a defence to it. Men
build walls to prevent the approach of evil. When there are cracks in a
wall, or it falls to ruin, on whom will the blame be laid? If I, set for
the defence [of Lu], should yet do it evil, I should be more to blame
[than the wall]. Though I can resent the conduct of Jisun [in this
matter], what offence has Lu committed? That the Shu should go abroad
[on missions], and the Ji remain at home, is an established custom [of
our State]:—with whom should I feel dissatisfied? But as to a gift to
Wangfu, if I do not give him something, he will not cease [importuning
me]." With this he called the messenger, tore up a piece of silk for a
lower garment, and gave it to him, saying, "The sash-silk is all done."
'When Zhaomeng heard of all this, he said, "In
misfortune, not forgetting his State, he is loyal; in prospect of
difficulties, not [wishing] to overstep his office, he is faithful.
Forgetting the risk of death in his interest for the State, he is
incorrupt. Holding to these three things in his counsels, he is
righteous. Ought a man with these four qualities to be executed?" He
therefore made a request to [the minister of] Chu, saying, "Although Lu
be chargeable with an offence, its minister here has not [sought to]
avoid difficult services, and [now] in awe of your majesty he [is
prepared] to submit reverently to your orders. It will be well for you
to spare him as an encouragement to all about you. If your officers, in
the State, do not seek to avoid laborious services, and when they go
abroad, do not try to evade difficulties [that they may meet with]. to
what calamities will you in that case be exposed? What calamities arise
from is officers' not performing laborious services, and not maintaining
their characters on occasions of difficulty. If they are able for these
two things, there will be no calamities. If you do not quiet [the
apprehensions of] those who are able, who will follow you? Shusun Bao
may be pronounced such an able man, and I beg you to spare him, in order
to quiet the minds of others who are so [also]. If you, having assembled
[the ministers of] the States, will pardon the guilty [Lu], and reward
its worthy officer, which of the States will not rejoice? They will look
to Chu, and turn to it, and see it, though far off, as if it were near.
The States that lie on their borders [between Jin and Chu] follow now
the one and now the other, without any regularity. The good kings and
presiding princes drew out for them their boundaries, set up for them
their officers, raised in them their flags of distinction, and issued
among them enactments and ordinances. Transgressors among them they
punished, and yet they could not secure a oneness [of obedience]. Thus
it was that Yu had its Sanmiao; Xia its Guan and Hu; Shang its Xian and
Pi; and Zhou its Xu and Yan. After there ceased to be good kings, the
States struggled for the precedence, and one and another have presided
in turns over the general covenants. Under such a condition can absolute
oneness be looked for? The State which can sympathize with others in
great [calamities], and overlook small matters, is fit to be lord of
covenants; why should it occupy itself [with the small matters]? What
State has not questions about encroachments on its borders? What
presiding State could attend to them all? If Wu or Pu were to commit a
trespass, would the ministers of Chu pay any regard to our covenants?
There is no reason why Chu should not decline to take notice of this
matter about the borders of Ju, and why the States should be troubled
about it. Ju and Lu have quarrelled about Yun for long. If there be no
great harm done to the altars [of Ju], you need not resist [the present
aggression]. Do you remove this occasion of trouble, and deal kindly
with this good man, and all will be strong to encourage [one another, in
the appreciation of Chu]. Do you consider the matter." He [thus]
earnestly urged his request, and the minister of Chu granted it, so that
Shusun was spared.
'The chief minister feasted Zhaomeng, and sang the
first stanza of the Da ming (Shi, III. i. ode II.). Zhaomeng sang the
second stanza of the Xiao yuan (Shi, II. v. ode II.). When the feast was
over;, Zhaomeng said to Shuxiang, "The chief minister looks upon himself
as king. How will it be?" Shuxiang replied, "The king is weak, and the
minister is strong. His ambition will be gratified, but notwithstanding
he will not die a natural death." "Why so?" "When strength overcomes
weakness, and is satisfied in doing so, the strength is not righteous.
Of strength which is unrighteous the doom will come quick. The ode (Shi,
II. iv. ode VIII. 8) says,
|
'The majestic honoured capital of Zhou |
|
Is extinguished by Bao Si:—— |
that was a case of strength which was not
righteous. When the chief minister becomes king, he will be sure to ask
[from Jin] the presidency of the States; and Jin is somewhat weakened.
The States will go [to Chu]; and when he has got them, his
oppressiveness will be greatly increased. The people will not be able to
bear it, and how shall he obtain a natural death? Taking [his position]
by strength, overcoming by unrighteousness, he must look on these things
as the proper course. Pursuing that course in dissoluteness and
oppression, he cannot continue long."
[We have four narratives appended here:—
1st. "In summer, in the 4th month, Zhaomeng, Shusun
Bao, and the great officer of Cao, entered the capital of Zheng, where
the earl gave them all an entertainment. Zipi conveyed to Zhaomeng the
notice of the time; and when the ceremony [of doing so] was over,
Zhaomeng sang the Hu ye (Shi, II. viii. ode VII.). Zipi went on to give
the notice to Mushu, and told this to him, when Mushu said, "Zhaomeng
wishes that there should only be one cup and the response to it. You
should order it so." "How dare I?" said Zipi. "When it is what a man
wishes, why should you not dare to do a thing?" was the reply. When the
time came, the vessels for the ceremony of five cups were all provided
under a tent. Zhaomeng declined [such a celebration], and told Zichan
apart how he had begged of the chief minister [that it might be
otherwise]. On this only one cup was presented, Zhaomeng being the
[principal] guest; and when that ceremony was over, they proceeded to
the feast. Mushu sang the Quechao (Shi, I ii. ode I.). when Zhaomeng
said, "I am not worthy of that." The other then sang the Cai fan. (I.
ii. ode II.), and added, "Our small States are like that southernwood.
If your great State will gather it sparingly and use it, we will in
everything obey your commands." Zipi sang the last stanza of the Ye you
si jun (I. ii. ode XII.). Zhaomeng sang the Changdi (II. i. ode IV.),
and said, "Let us who are brothers seek to rest in harmony, and that dog
may be kept from barking at us." Mushu, Zipi, and the great officer of
Cao, rose up at this, and bowed their acknowledgments. Each of them
raised a cup made of a rhinoceros' horn, and said, "We small States
depend on you, and know that we shall escape punishment." They then
drank and were joyous. When Zhaomeng went out, he said, "I shall not
have a repetition of this [enjoyment]."
2d. 'The king by Heaven's grace sent duke Ding of
Liu to the Ying to compliment Zhaomeng on the accomplishment of the
toils of his journey; and [he accompanied him] to his lodging-house near
a bend of the Luo. "How admirable," said the viscount of Liu, "was the
merit of Yu! His intelligent virtue reached far. But for Yu, we should
have been fishes. That you and I manage the business of the princes in
our caps and robes is all owing to Yu. Why should you not display a
merit as far-reaching as that of Yu, and extend a great protection to
the people?" Zhaomeng replied, "I am old, and constantly afraid of
incurring guilt; how should I be able to send my regards far into the
future? We can but think about our food, in the morning laying no plans
for the evening, and are incapable of any long forethought." When the
viscount returned [to the court], he told the king of this conversation,
saying, "The common saying, 'An old man is just becoming wise, when
senility comes upon him,' might be spoken of Zhaomeng. He is the chief
minister of Jin, and presides over the States, and yet he likens himself
to a common servant, who in the morning has no plans for the evening,
casting from him [the care of] both Spirits and men. The Spirits must be
angry with him, and the people revolt from him:—how can he continue
long? Zhaomeng will not see another year. The Spirits, angry with him,
will not accept his sacrifices; the people, revolting from him, will not
repair to execute his affairs. His sacrifices and affairs both
unattended to, what should he do with more years?"
3d. 'When Shusun returned [to Lu], Zeng Yao drove
Jisun to congratulate him on the accomplishment of his journey. The
morning passed and mid-day came, without his "coming forth. Zeng Yao
said to Zeng Fu, "[Kept here] from morning to mid-day, we know our
offence. But the government of Lu goes on through the mutual forbearance
[of the ministers]. Abroad he could bear [with our master], and [now] in
the State he does not do so;—what is the meaning of this?" Fu (Shusun's
steward) said, "He has been several months abroad;—what does it harm you
to be here one morning? Does the trader who desires his profit dislike
the clamour [of the market-place]?" Fu then said to his master that he
might come forth, and Shusun pointing to one of the pillars [of his
house], said, "Though I should dislike this, could it be removed?" With
this he went out and saw Jisun.'
4th. 'Xuwu Fan of Zheng had a beautiful sister, who
was betrothed to Gongsun Chu (Designated Zinan). Gongsun Hei (Zixi),
however, also sent a messenger who violently insisted on leaving a goose
at the house (A ceremony of espousal). Fan was afraid, and reported the
matter to Zichan, who said, "This is not your sorrow [only]; it shows
the want of government in the State. Give her to which of them you
please." Fan then begged of the two gentlemen that they would allow him
to leave the choice between them to the lady; and they agreed to it.
'Zixi then, splendidly arrayed, entered the house,
set forth his offerings, and went out. Zinan entered in his military
dress, shot an arrow to the left and another to the right, sprang into
his chariot, and went out. The lady saw them from a chamber, and said,
"Zixi is indeed handsome, but Zinan is my husband. For the husband to be
the husband, and the wife to be the wife, is what is called the natural
course." So she went to Zinan's. Zixi was enraged, and by-and-by went
with his bow-case and in his buff-coat to see Zinan, intending to kill
him and take away his wife. Zinan knew his purpose, seized a spear, and
pursued him. Coming up to him at a cross road, he struck him with the
weapon. Zixi went home wounded, and informed the great officers, saying,
"I went in friendship to see him, not knowing that he had any hostile
purpose; and so I received the wound."
'The great officers all consulted about the case.
Zichan said, "There is a measure of right on both sides; but as the
younger, and lower in rank, and chargeable with an offence, we must hold
Chu to be the criminal." Accordingly he [caused] Zinan to be seized, and
enumerated his offences, saying, "There are the five great rules of the
State, all of which you have violated:—awe of the ruler's majesty;
obedience to the rules of the government; honour to the nobler in rank;
the service of elders; and the kindly cherishing of relatives. These
five things are necessary to the maintenance of the State. Now you,
while the ruler was in the city, presumed to use your weapon; —you had
no awe of his majesty. You violated the laws of the State;—not obedient
to the rules of government. Zixi is a great officer of the 1st degree,
and you would not acknowledge your inferiority;—you have not honoured
the nobler in rank. Younger than he, you showed no awe of him;—not
serving your elder. You lifted your weapon against your cousin;—not
kindly cherishing your relative. The ruler says that he cannot bear to
put you to death, and will deal gently with you in sending you to a
distance. Make an effort and take your departure quickly, so as not to
incur a second offence."
'In the 5th month, on Gengchen, Zheng banished You
(Zinan's clan-name) Chu, to Wu. When he was about to send him away,
Zichan consulted with Taishu (You Ji) on the subject. Taishu said, "I
cannot protect myself; how should I be able to protect the members of my
clan? The affair belongs to the government of the State, and is not any
private hardship. If you have planned for the benefit of the State,
carry out your decision. Why should you have any hesitancy? The duke of
Zhou put to death Guanshu, and banished Caishu, not because he did not
love them, but because it was necessary for the royal House. If I were
to be found in any crime, you would send me away; what difficulty need
you have in the case of any other You?"]
Par. 4. The Zhuan says :——'Houzi of Qin had been a
favourite with [his father, duke] Huan, and was like another ruler by
the side of [his brother, duke] Jing. Their mother said to him, "If you
do not go away, I am afraid you will be found fault with." On Guimao,
therefore, Qian went to Jin, with his chariots amounting to a thousand.
The words of the text, "Qian, younger brother of the carl of Qin fled
from that State to Jin," are condemnatory of the earl.
'Houzi gave an entertainment to the marquis of Jin,
when he made a bridge of boats over the He. His chariots were placed at
stages, 10 li distant from one another, [all the way] from Yong to
Jiang, returning [to Qin] to fetch the offerings for the different
pledgings [at the entertainment], thereby completing the business in
eight journeys back to it.
'The marshal Hou asked him whether those were all
his chariots, and if he had no more, to which he replied, "These may be
pronounced many; if they had been fewer, how should I have got to see
you?" Ru Shuqi (The marshal) told this to the marquis, and added, "The
prince of Qin is sure to return to that State. I have heard that when a
superior man is able to know his errors, he is sure to take good
measures in regard to them; and good measures receive the assistance of
Heaven."
'Houzi visited Zhaomeng, who asked him when he
would return [to Qin], and he replied, "I was afraid of being found
fault with by my ruler, and therefore I am here. I will wait for the
accession of his successor." The other then asked him about the
character of the ruler of Qin, and he replied that he was without
principle. "So that [the State] will perish?" asked Zhaomeng. "How
should that be?" replied he. "For one rule without principle a State
will not come to an end. The State stands related to Heaven and
Earth;—they stand together. Unless licentiousness has prevailed for
several incumbencies, it will not come to ruin." Zhaomeng said, "Does
Heaven [act in the matter]?" "Yes." "And for how long?" "I have heard,"
was the reply, "that when [a ruler] is without principle, and yet the
yearly harvest is good, Heaven is assisting him; it is seldom it does
not do so for 5 years." Zhaomeng, observing the shadows, said, "The
morning may not extend to the evening, nor the evening to the morning.
Who can wait for five years?" When Houzi went out [from the interview],
he said to his friends, "Zhaomeng will [soon] die. When the president of
the people trifles about years, and desires [length of] days, he cannot
endure long."
The Kangxi editors say that the three Zhuan agree
in regarding the words of the text as condemnatory of the earl of Qin,
because he had not done his duty in the training of his younger brother;
but they also quote the criticism of Jia Xuanweng (家鉉翁; end of Song
dyn.), who finds a condemnation of Qian in it as well;—and of this view
they approve. But both the views are imported into the text, we may
believe. Certainly the latter is. A more serious difficulty presents
itself to my mind in connexion with the text. Admitting the narrative in
the Zhuan, though parts in it are not easy to believe or understand, the
going of Qian to Jin was of a very different character from all the
departures from one State and flights to another which we have yet met
with. A faithful and accurate chronicler would have varied his language
to mark that difference.
[We have appended here:——'Because of the troubles
connected with the affair of You Chu in Zheng, in the 6th month, the
earl and his great officers made a covenant in the house of Gongsun
Duan. Han Hu, Gongsun Qiao, Gongsun Duan, Yin Duan, You Ji, and Si Dai,
privately covenanted together outside the Gui gate, which was in fact
[the covenant of] Xunsui. Gongsun Hei violently insisted on taking part
in the covenant, and made the grand historiographer write his name, and
enter the phrase—the seven officers." Zichan did not attempt to punish
him.']
Par. 6. For 大鹵 Gong and Gu have 大原; and Gu observes
that the place or tract was called by the former name among the Di, and
by the latter among the States of the kingdom. The name of Taiyuan
remains in the dis. and dep. so called, in Shanxi.
The Zhuan says:——'Zhonghang Muzi defeated the
Wuzhong and other tribes of the Di in Taiyuan, through collecting the
men attached to the chariots and making them foot-soldiers. When they
were about to fight, Wei Shu said, "They are all footmen, while our
force consists of chariots. We must meet them, moreover, in a narrow
pass. Let us substitute ten men for each chariot, and we shall overcome
them. Even though straitened in the pass, we shall do so. Let us all
turn ourselves into footmen. I will begin." Accordingly, he put aside
his chariots, and formed the men into ranks, five chariots furnishing
three ranks of five men each. A favourite officer of Xun Wu (The
Zhonghang Muzi) was not willing to take his place among the soldiers,
and Shu beheaded him, and made the execution known through the army.
Five dispositions were then made at a distance from one another:—liang,
in front; wu, behind; zhuan. on the right horn; can, on the left; and
pian, in the van. This was done to deceive the Di, who laughed at the
arrangement. [The troops of Jin] then fell on the enemy before they
could form in order, and inflicted on them a great defeat.'
Parr. 7, 8. See on IX. xxxi. 7. The Zhuan here
says:——'When Zhanyu succeeded to the rule of Ju, he deprived all the
sons of previous rulers of their offices. In consequence of this, they
called Quji from Qi; and in autumn, the Gongzi Chu of Qi instated him in
Ju, while Zhanyu fled to Wu.' Gong and Gu leave out the 輿 after 展.
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong led a force, and
laid out the boundaries of the lands of Yun;—taking advantage of the
disorder in Ju. At this time, Wu Lou, Mao Hu, and the Gongzi Mieming,
fled to Qi, offering to that State the cities of Damang and Changyimi.
The superior man will say that Zhan's not maintaining himself in Ju was
owing to his throwing men from him. Can men be thrown away? The ode
(Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode IV.) says,
|
"Nothing gives strength more than [the use of right]
men."
|
The sentiment is good."
Par. 10. This is the first time that we meet, in
the Chunqiu, with the burial of a prince of Zhu; and the same thing is
recorded also, for the 1st time under duke Zhao, in reference to rulers
of Teng, Xue, and Qin. The entries mark the decay of Lu, now seeking by
such an attention to ingratiate itself with small States like Zhu, Teng,
and Xue, and with a distant State like Qin.
[We have here the two following narratives :—
1st. 'The marquis of Jin being ill, the earl of
Zheng sent Gongsun Qiao to Jin on a complimentary visit, and to inquire
about the marquis's illness. Shuxiang then asked Qiao, saying, "The
diviners say that our ruler's illness is inflicted on him by [the
Spirits] Shichen and Taitai, but the historiographers do not know who
these are. I venture to ask you." Zichan said, "Anciently, [the emperor
Gaoxin had two sons, of whom the elder was called Ebo, and the younger
Shichen. They dwelt in Kuanglin, but could not agree, and daily carried
their shields and spears against each other. The sovereign emperor (Yao)
did not approve of this, and removed Ebo to Shangqiu, to preside over
the star Tahuo (See the Zhuan on IX. ix. 1). The ancestors of Shang
followed him [in Shangqiu], and hence Tahuo is the star of Shang. [Yao
also] removed Shichen to Daxia, to preside over the star Shen (? in
Orion]. The descendants of Tang (Yao) followed him, and in Daxia served
the dynasties of Xia and Shang. The prince at the end of their line was
Tang Shuyu. When Yi Jiang, the wife of king Wu, was pregnant with
Taishu, she dreamt that God said to her, "I have named your son Yu, and
will give Tang to him,—Tang which belongs to the star Sin, where I will
multiply his descendants." When the child was born, there appeared on
his hand the character Yu [by which he was named accordingly]. And when
king Cheng extinguished [the old House of] Tang, he invested Taishu with
the principality; and hence Shen is the star of Jin. From this we may
perceive that Shichen is the Spirit of Shen.
'"[Again], anciently, among the descendants of the
emperor Jintian was Mei, chief of the officers of the waters, who had
two sons, Yun'ge and Taitai. Taitai inherited his father's office,
cleared the channels of the Fen and Tao, and embanked the great marsh,
so as to make the great plain habitable. The emperor (Zhuanxu) commended
his labours, and invested him with the principality of Fenchuan. [The
States of] Shen, Si, Ru, and Huang maintained sacrifices to him. But now
Jin, when it took on itself the sacrifices to the Fen, extinguished
them. From this we may perceive that Taitai is the Spirit of the Fen.
'"But these two Spirits cannot affect your ruler's
person. The Spirits of the hills and streams are sacrificed to in times
of flood, drought, and pestilence. The Spirits of the sun, moon, and
stars are sacrificed to on the unseasonable occurrence of snow,
hoarfrost, wind, or rain. Your ruler's person must be suffering from
something connected with his movements out of the palace and in it, his
meat and drink, his griefs and pleasures; what can these Spirits of the
mountains and stars have to do with it?
'"I have heard that the superior man [divides the
day] into 4 periods:—the morning, to hear the affairs of the government;
noon, to make full inquiries about them; the evening, to consider well
and complete the orders [he has resolved to issue]; and the night, for
rest. By this arrangement [of his time], he attempers and dissipates the
humours [of the body], so that they are not allowed to get shut up,
stopped, and congested, so as to injure and reduce it. Should that take
place, his mind loses its intelligence, and all his measures are pursued
in a dark and confused way. But has not [your ruler] been making these
four different periods of his time into one? This may have produced the
illness.
'"I have heard again that the ladies of the harem
should not be of the same surname as the master of it. If they be, their
offspring will not thrive. When their first admiration for each other
[as relatives] is exhausted, they occasion one another disease. On this
account the superior man hates such unions, and one of our Books says,
'In buying a concubine, if you do not know her surname, consult the
tortoise-shell for it.' The ancients gave careful attention to the two
points which I have mentioned. That husband and wife should be of
different surnames is one of the greatest points of propriety; but now
your ruler has in his harem four Jis:—may it not be from this [that his
illness has arisen]? If it have come from the two things [I have
mentioned], nothing can be done for it. If he had seldom to do with the
four Jis, he might get along; if that be not the case, disease was the
necessary result."
'Shuxiang said, "Good. I had not heard of this. But
both the things are so." When he went out, the internuncius Hui escorted
him. and Shuxiang asked him about the affairs of Zheng, and especially
about Zixi. "He will not remain long," was the reply. "Unobservant of
propriety, and fond of insulting others; trusting in his riches and
despising his superiors,—he cannot continue long."
'When the marquis heard of what Zichan had said, he
remarked that he was a superior man of vast information, and gave him
large gifts.'
2d. 'The marquis of Jin asked the help of a
physician from Qin, and the earl sent one He to see him, who said, "The
disease cannot be cured,—according to the saying that when women are
approached, the chamber disease becomes like insanity. It is not caused
by Spirits nor by food; it is that delusion which has destroyed the
mind. Your good minister will [also] die; it is not the will of Heaven
to preserve him." The marquis said, "May women [then] not be
approached?" The physician replied, "Intercourse with them must be
regulated. The ancient kings indicated by their music how all other
things should be regulated. Hence there are the five regular intervals.
Or slow or quick, from beginning to end, they blend in one another. Each
note rests in the exact intermediate place; and when the five are thus
determined, no further exercise on the instruments is permitted. Thus
the superior man does not listen to music where the hands work on with
licentious notes, pleasing the ears but injurious to the mind. where the
rules of equable harmony are forgotten. So it is with all things. When
they come to this, they should stop; if they do not do so, it produces
disease. The superior man repairs to his lutes, to illustrate his
observance of rules, and not to delight his mind [merely].
'[In the same way] there are six heavenly
influences, which descend and produce the five tastes, go forth in the
five colours, and are verified in the five notes; but when they are in
excess, they produce the six diseases. Those 6 influences are
denominated the yin, the yang, wind, rain, obscurity, and brightness. In
their separation, they form the four seasons; in their order, they form
the five [elementary] terms. When any of them is in excess, there ensues
calamity. An excess of the yin leads to diseases of cold; of the yang,
to diseases of heat; of wind, to diseases of the extremities; of rain,
to diseases of the belly; of obscurity, to diseases of delusion; of
brightness, to diseases of the mind. [The desire of] woman is to the
yang, and [she is used in the] season of obscurity. If this be done to
excess, disease is produced of internal heat and utter delusion. Was it
possible for your lordship, paying no regard to moderation or to time,
not to come to this?"
'When [the physician] went out, he told what he had
said to Zhaomeng, who asked who was intended by "the good minister."
"You," was the reply. "You have been chief minister of Jin now for 8
years. There has been no disorder in the State itself, and the other
States have not failed [in their duty to it]; that epithet of 'good' may
be applied to you. But I have heard that when the great minister of a
State enjoys the glory of his dignity and emoluments, and sustains the
burden of his great employments, if calamity and evil arise, and he do
not alter his ways [to meet them], then he must receive the blame and
the consequences. Here is your ruler, who has brought disease on himself
by his excesses, so that he will [soon] be unable to consult at all for
[the good of] the altars. What calamity could be greater? And yet you
were unable to ward it off. It was on this account that I said what I
did."
'Zhaomeng [further] asked what he meant by
"insanity;" and [the physician] replied, "I mean that which is produced
by the delusion and disorder of excessive sensual indulgence. Look at
the character;—it is formed by the characters for a vessel and for
insects (蠱=皿 and 蟲). It is used also of grain which [moulders and] flies
away. In the Zhou yi, [the symbols of] a woman deluding a young man,
[of] wind throwing down [the trees of] a mountain, go by the same name
(蠱; ☶ under ☴):—all these point to the same signification." Zhaomeng
pronounced him a good physician, gave him large gifts, and sent him back
[to Qin].']
Par. 11. For 麇 Gong and Gu have 卷. See the account
of Jun's accession in the Zhuan after IX. xxix. 2.
The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Wei of Chu sent the
Gongzi Heigong and Bo Zhouli to wall Chou, Li, and Jia; which frightened
the people of Zheng, but Zichan said, "It will not harm [us]. The chief
minister is about to make the grand coup, and will first take off those
two. The evil will not reach Zheng; there is no occasion for our being
troubled." In winter, Wei was proceeding on a complimentary visit to
Zheng, with Wu Ju as his subordinate in the mission, when he heard,
before they had crossed the borders [of the State], that the king was
ill. On this he returned [to the capital], leaving Wu Ju to proceed to
Zheng. On the 11th month, on Jiyou, he entered [as if] to inquire about
the king's illness, and strangled him. He then proceeded to put to death
the king's two sons, Mo and Pingxia. Zigan, director of the Right, fled
to Jin; and Zixi, director of the royal stables, fled to Zheng. [Wei]
put to death the grand-administrator, Bo Zhouli, in Jia; and there he
buried the king, whom he called in consequence Jia'ao. He sent an
announcement [of the king's death] to Zheng, and Wu Ju asked what was
said about who ought to be the successor. "Our great officer, Wei," was
the reply, which Wu Ju changed into "King Gong's Wei is the first [in
the line]."?
'When Zigan fled to Jin, he had 5 chariots with
him. Shuxiang caused him to receive the same allowance as the prince of
Qin,—enough to each to support 100 men, on which Zhao Wenzi observed
that the prince of Qin was rich. Shuxiang replied, "Allowances are made
according to the virtue [of the parties]; where their virtue is equal,
according to their years; where their years are equal, according to
their rank; to the sons of rulers of States, according to the State. I
have not heard that they are to be regulated by a consideration of their
wealth. Moreover, that [the prince of Qin] left his State with 1000
charists shows how strong and powerful he was. And the ode (Shi, III.
iii. ode VI. 5) says,
|
'He does not insult the wifeless or the widow' |
|
He does not fear the strong or the powerful., |
Qin and Chu are peers." In accordance with this,
Houzi and Zigan were made to take place according to their years. The
former declined, saying, "I was afraid of being found fault with, and
the prince of Chu could find no safety [in his State]. We are therefore
both here, and it is for you to assign us our places according to your
pleasure. And does it not seem improper that I should be made equal to
him who is a stranger? The historiographer Yi said, 'To whom will you
show respect if not to a stranger?'"
'When king Ling of Chu came to the rule of that
State, Wei Pi was made chief minister, and Wei Qiqiang
grand-administrator. You Ji of Zheng went to Chu to the funeral of
Jia'ao, and on a complimentary visit to the new ruler. On his return, he
said to Zichan, "Make all your preparations for travelling. The
extravagance of the king of Chu is excessive, and he is delighted with
his position. He is sure to call the States together. We shall be going
there in no time." Zichan replied, "He cannot do that till some years
have elapsed."
Par. 12. The Gongzi Bi here is the Zigan mentioned
in the Zhuan on the prec. par. Zhan Ruoshui (湛若水; Ming dyn.) says that
this entry makes it clear that the death of the king of Chu, was a deed
of atrocious wickedness. But the criticism is a very lame attempt to
excuse the silence of the classic in reference to the true nature of
that event.
[There is appended here:——'In the 12th month, when
[the marquis of] Jin had offered the winter sacrifice, Zhaomeng went to
Nanyang, to be present [at the sacrifice to] Meng Ziyu (probably Zhao
Cui). On Jiachen, the 1st day of the moon, he offered the winter
sacrifice in Wen; and on Gengxu he died. The earl of Zheng was going to
Jin to offer his condolences [on this event]; but when he had got to
Yong, he returned.'] II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the
marquis of Jin sent Han Qi to Lu on a complimentary visit.
2. In summer, Shu Gong went to Jin.
3. In autumn, Zheng put to death its great officer,
the Gongsun Hei.
4. In winter, the duke was going to Jin, but when he
got to the He, he returned; and Jisun Su went to Jin.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Han Qi was a son of Han Jue or Han Xianzi
(韓厥,韓獻子), who retired from public life in the 7th year of duke Xiang and
a younger brother of Han Wuji (韓無忌), known as Gongzu Muzi (公族穆子). He is
frequently mentioned as Han Xuanzi (韓宜子), and, on the death of Zhao Wu
in the end of last year, had succeeded to him as the principal minister
of Jin.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin sent Han Xuanzi
on this complimentary visit (With reference to duke Zhao's accession),
and he came also to inform Lu that the administration of Jin was now in
his hands;—which was acc. to rule. When he looked at the [various]
documents in the charge of the grand historiographer and the Chunqiu of
Lu, he said, "The institutes of Zhou are all in Lu. Now, indeed, I know
the virtue of the duke of Zhou, and how it was that [the House of] Zhou
attained to the royal dignity." The duke gave him an entertainment, at
which Ji Wuzi sang the last stanza of the Mian (Shi, III. i. ode III.),
and Hanzi sang the Jiao gong (Shi, II. vii. ode IX.). [When Hanzi had
done], Ji Wuzi bowed to him saying, "I venture to make my
acknowledgments for the kind feeling you express to our poor State. Our
ruler may [now] have hope;" and he went on to sing the last stanza of
the Jie (Shi, II. iv. ode VII.).
'When the entertainment was over, [Hanzi] went to a
feast at Ji's, and praised a beautiful tree [in the garden]. Wuzi said,
"Shall I not encourage the growth of this tree, so as not to forget the
Jiao gong?" And he sang the Gantang (Shi, I. ii. ode V.), on which the
other said, "I am not worthy of this. It is impossible for me to attain
to be like the duke of Shao."
'[From Lu] Xuanzi went on to Qi, and presented the
marriage-offerings [of the marquis]. Visiting there Ziya (the Gongsun
Zao), [that prince] called [his son] Ziqi and introduced him, when
Xuanzi said, "He is not one who will preserve his family. He has not the
air of a subject." Visiting Ziwei (the Gongsun Chai), [that prince]
introduced [his son] Qiang to him, of whom he said, "He is like Ziqi."
Many of the great officers laughed at these remarks, but Yanzi believed
them, and said, "He is a superior man. A superior man is to be believed;
he has means of knowing what he says."
'From Qi [Xuanzi] went on a complimentary visit to
Wey, the marquis of which gave him an entertainment. Beigong Wenzi sang
the Qi yu (Shi, I. v. ode. I.), and Xuanzi the Mu gua (I. v. ode X.)'
Zuoshi says above that this visit of Han Qi was
'according to rule.' But he is in error. There is no other instance in
the classic of the chief minister of the leading State going on a
complimentary mission. It was below his dignity to do so. Han Qi
probably took the step, thinking thereby to gratify the States and
confirm their attachment to the failing fortunes of Jin.
It is mentioned in the narrative that Qi presented
the marriage offerings in Qi, the marquis of Jin, heedless of the
warnings of Zichan and the physician of Qin, having now arranged to give
a new mistress to his harem in the person of a lady of Qi. 'The sequel
is appended:——'In summer, in the 4th month, Han Xu (Son of Qi) went to
Qi to meet the [marquis's] bride. Chen Wuyu escorted her—the young
Jiang—to Jin, and was to be there till the completion of the marriage.
She obtained favour with the marquis, who called her the young Qi.
Thinking, however, on the circumstance that Wuyu was not of the rank of
minister, he seized him in Zhongdu, but the young Jiang pleaded for him
saying, "The escort was chosen according to the rank of your officer who
met me. [Qi] stood in awe of your great State, and thought that it also
might make a change, and so the disorder arose."
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong [now] went to
Jin, to return the visit of Xuanzi. The marquis sent to comfort and
refresh him after the toils of his journey in the suburbs, but he
declined the honour, saying, "When my ruler sent me to continue the old
friendship [between our States], he gave me a strict charge that I
should not presume to take the position of a guest. Let me communicate
my message to your ministers, and the favour to our poor State will be
great. I dare not trouble a messenger to come to the suburbs. Let me
decline the honour." When a reception-house was assigned to him, he
declined it, saying, "My ruler commissioned me to come here to continue
the old friendship [between our States]. If I can but establish the
friendly uuion, that is my reward. I dare not accept this great
reception-house." Shuxiang said, "Zishuzi knows the rules of propriety.
I have heard that loyalty and good faith are vessels containing the
[principle of] propriety, and that humility and submission are essential
things in it. In declining [the honours offered to him], he is not
forgetful of his State;—thus showing his loyalty and good faith. His
State is the first consideration with him, and himself the last;—thus
showing his humility and self-abasement. The ode (Shi, III. ii. ode IX.
3) says,
'Be reverently careful of your demearour, In order
to approximate to the virtuous.' He is one who approximates to virtue."
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the Gongsun
Hei was about to raise an insurrection, desiring to remove the chief of
the You clan, and to take his place [in the govt.]. His wound (See the
4th narrative after par. 3 of last year), however, broke out afresh, and
he did not carry out his purpose. The Si and the other great officers
wished to put him to death, and when Zichan, who was in the borders,
heard of it, he was afraid he should be too late, and hurried by rapid
stages to the capital. [Arrived there], he sent an officer to enumerate
in the following away his offences to Hei:——"At the time of the
insurrection of Boyou (IX.xxx.7), being occupied with the business of
the great State, we did not punish you; but your insubordinate
disposition is insatiable, and the State cannot endure you. Your taking
it on yourself to attack Boyou was one offence; your contention with
your cousin about his wife (See the 4th nar. after par. 3 of last year)
was a second; your acting as if you had been the ruler at the covenant
of Xunsui (See the nar. after par. 4 of last year) was a third. With
those three capital offences, how can the State endure you? If you do
not quickly die [by your own hand], the great punishment will come upon
you." Hei bowed twice with his head to the ground, and replied, "Death
may occur any morning or evening; but do not you aid [the act of] Heaven
by cruelty." Zichan said, "Who of men is exempted from death? but that
bad men should not die a natural death, is the appoiutment. He who does
bad villainous things is a villain. If we do not aid Heaven, shall we
aid him?" Hei then begged that [his son] Yin might be made
superintendent of the market, and Zichan replied, "If Yin have ability,
the ruler will give him office; if he have not, he will [at any time]
follow you, morning or evening. You have no consideration of your
offences; how do you continue making such requests? If you do not
quickly die, the minister of Crime will visit you."
'In the 7th month, on Renyin, Hei strangled
himself, and his body was exposd in the street of Zhoushi, with [an
inscription on] a board by it.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The young Jiang, [married
to the marquis] of Jin, having died, the duke was proceeding to Jin; but
when he had gone to the He, the marquis sent Shi Wenbo to meet him, and
decline his visit, saying, "She was not my equal wife. I beg you will
not condescend to come further." On this the duke returned, and Jisun Su
proceeded to Jin to present the grave-clothes [for the deceased.]
'Shuxiang spoke to the marquis about Chen Wuyu,
saying, "Of what offence was he guilty? You sent [a great officer of] a
ducal clan to meet your bride, and [Qi] sent a great officer of the
highest rank to escort her; and if you still say that was not
respectful, you desire what was excessive. It was our State which was
not respectful, and in seizing the messenger [of Qi], you are punishing
him unjustly:——how can you thus be the lord of covenants? The young
Jiang moreover, explained and interceded for him." In winter, in the
10th month, Chen Wuyu returned [to Qi]. In the 11th month, Yin Duan of
Zheng went to Jin, to present the condolences of that State.
Evidently duke Zhao was going to Jin at this time,
contrary to precedent and rule, demeaning himself to curry favour with
the marquis; and he returned on receiving the rebuke. Gongyang and the
glossarist of Guliang strangely imagine that he returned because he was
afraid that Jin had an intention to seize him, and hold him a
prisoner. III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the
king's first month, on Dingwei, Yuan, viscount of Teng, died.
2. In summer, Shu Gong went to Teng.
3. In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke
Cheng of Teng.
4. In autumn, the viscount of Little Zhu came to the
court [of Lu].
5. In the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice
for rain.
6. In winter there was a great fall of hail.
7. Kuan, earl of North Yan, fled from his State to
Qi.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative, which
comes in before the death of the viscount of Teng:——'In the 1st month of
this year, You Ji of Zheng went to Jin, to attend the funeral of the
young Jiang, and was visited by Liang Bing and Zhang Ti. The former said
to him, "It is [too much] that you should have come here on this
account." Zitaishu (You Ji) replied, "Could I have stopped away?
Formerly, under the presidency of Wen and Xiang, they made it their
object not to trouble the States [too much], ordering the princes once
in three years to send a complimentary visit, once in five years to
appear in person at their court, to meet when there was business [to be
done], and to covenant when there were cases of discordant [States to be
dealt with]. When a ruler died, a great officer [was sent] to present
condolences, and a minister to assist at the burial. When a ruler's wife
died, a [simple] officer presented condolences, and a great officer
attended the funeral. These rules were sufficient to illustrate the
ceremonial observances, for orders as to what business was to be done,
and to take measures in reference to the shortcomings [of States].
Nothing more was required; no extraordinary commands were given. But
now, on the death of [this] favourite lady, we must not presume to
regulate our services by her rank, but they must be the same as are due
to a wife, the keeper [of the harem]. We are only afraid of being found
offenders, and dare not shrink from any trouble. But as this young Jiang
found favour, and has died [thus soon], Qi is sure to propose a
successor to her; and then on that occasion I shall come again to offer
our congratulations, and shall not have had this journey only." Zhang Ti
said, "Good! I have heard your statement; but after this you will have
nothing to do. This case may be illustrated by [the star] huo, according
to the culmination of which the cold or the heat retires. Now the case
has come to an extreme; —must there not be a recession? Jin will lose
the States. Though it seek to trouble them, it will not be able to do
so." On this the two great officers withdrew; and Zitaishu said to his
people, "Zhang Ti is wise, but his place is notwithstanding, I
apprehend, in the rear of superior men."]
Zuoshi says, 'The viscount of Teng had been
associated in covenants (with the duke [Xiang] of Lu), and therefore the
text gives his name.'
[Zuoshi introduces here the following long
narrative:—1st. 'The marquis of Qi sent Yan Ying to Jin with the
following speech, begging to be allowed to supply a successor in the
harem [to the young Jiang]:——"My ruler has sent me to say, 'I wish to
serve your lordship, morning and evening without tiring, and would bring
my presents and offerings so as never to lose a season; but there have
been many difficulties in my State, so that I have not been able [to
come myself]. The poor daughter of my father [was sent] to complete the
offices in your harem, and shed a blaze [of glory] upon my hopes; but
she was unfortunate and died an early death, to the disappointment of my
hope. If your lordship, not forgetful of the friendship between our
former rulers, will kindly regard the State of Qi, and condescend to
accept me so that I may seek the blessing of the Great duke and duke
Ding, sending brightness down upon my State, protecting and comforting
its altars, then there are still so many of the daughters of my father
by his proper wife, and of his sisters who remain. If your lordship, not
casting off my poor State, will send some one to judge and select among
them those who may complete the ladies of your bed-chamber, this will
satisfy my hope."
'Han Xuanzi made Shuxiang return a reply, saying,
"It is the desire of our ruler. He is not able to discharge alone the
duties to his altars; but being now in mourning, he has not ventured to
prefer a request [for a successor to the young Jiang]. No kindness could
be greater than the message which your lordship has condescended to
send. If you will kindly regard our poor State, and comfort Jin by
giving a mistress to its harem, not our ruler only, but all his
ministers as well, will receive the benefit of your gift. Yea, from
Tangshu downwards, [our former rulers] will feel the favour and admire
it."
'When the marriage was settled, Yanzi received the
courtesy [of an entertainment], from which Shuxiang followed him to the
feast. When they conversed together, Shuxiang asked about the state of
affairs in Qi, and Yanzi replied, "This is its last age. I know nothing
but this,—that Qi will become the possession of the Chen family. The
duke is throwing away his people, and they are turning to the Chen. Qi
from of old has had four measures, the dou, the ou, the fu, and the
zhong. Four sheng make a dou, and up to the fu, each measure is four
times the preceding; and then ten fu make a zhong. The Chen family makes
each of the [first] three measures once again greater, so that the zhong
is [very] large, lending according to their own measure, and receiving
back again according to the public measure. The wood on their hills and
that in the markets is charged the same price, so that it costs no more
in the market than on the hill. Their fish, salt, and frogs cost the
same [in the market as at the water]. The produce of the people's
strength is divided into three parts, two of which are paid to the
State, while only one is [left to them] for food and clothes. The [grain
in the] ducal stores rots and is eaten by insects, while the three
[classes of the] old are cold and starving. In all the markets of the
State, [ordinary] shoes are cheap, while those for criminals whose toes
have been cut off are dear. The common people and others groan bitterly
[for all this], and there is one who shows an ardent sympathy for them.
He loves them as a parent, and they go to him as a flowing stream.
Though he wished not to win them to himself, how shall he escape doing
so? There were Jibo, Zhibing, Yusui, and Pihhe, whose help was given to
duke Hu and Taiji, and [now, in their spiritual influence,] they are
[all] in Qi."
'Shuxiang said, "Yes; and even with our ducal House,
this also is the last age. The war-horses are not yoked; the ministers
never take the field. There are no men over the duke's chariots, no
[proper] officers over the soldiers. The multitudes of the people are
weary and worn, while the duke's mansions are multiplied and most
costly. The people [feel], when they hear the duke's commands, as if
they must escape from robbers and enemies. The Luan, the Xi, the Xu, the
Yuan, the Hu, the Xu, the Qing, and the Bo, are reduced to the position
of menials. The government is ordered by the Heads of the clans. The
people have none on whom to rely. The ruler goes on from day to day
without stop, burying all sorrow in pleasure. No future day need be
waited for the humiliation of the ducal House. The inscription on the
tripod of Chan says, 'You may get up early in the morning and become
greatly distinguished, but in future generations [your descendants] will
still become idle.' Much more may we say that he who holds on [an evil
course] from day to day without stopping cannot continue long." Yanzi
then asked him what would become of himself, and Shuxiang replied, "The
ducal clans of Jin are at an end. I have heard that when the ducal House
is about to be brought low, its clan-branches first fall to the ground,
and that then the duke follows them. Of the same ducal ancestry with me
were eleven clans, and only the Yangshe remains. I moreover have no son.
In the lawless course of the ducal House, I shall be fortunate if I die
a natural death, for I shall have none to sacrifice to me."
'Before this, duke Jing had wished to change the
residence of Yanzi, saying. "Your house is near the market, low, small,
noisy, and dusty. You should not live in it. Let me change it for you
for one bright and lofty." The officer, however, declined the offer,
saying, "Your lordship's former minister, [my father], could bear it. I
am not fit to be his successor; [the change which you propose] would be
extravagance in me. And besides, a small man like me, living near the
market, can get what I desire morning and evening, which is a benefit."
I dare not trouble the people of the neighbourhood. The duke laughed and
asked him whether, through his nearness to the market, he knew what
things were cheap and what dear. "Since it is to my advantage to do so,"
was the reply, "should I dare not to know that?" "What things then are
cheap, and what dear?" pursued the marquis. Now duke Jing punished so
many that there were people who sold shoes for those whose toes had been
cut off. Yanzi therefore answered, "Shoes for people whose toes have
been cut off are dear, and [other] shoes are cheap." As he had told this
to his ruler, he mentioned it in his conversation with Shuxiang.
'In consequence of this remark, duke Jing more
rarely inflicted punishments. The superior man may say, "How widely
extends the benefit of a benevolent man's words! By one word of Yanzi
the marquis of Qi was led to reduce the number of his punishments;—an
illustration of the words of the ode (Shi, II. v. ode IV. 2),
|
'If he were to rejoice [in the words of the wise], |
|
The disorder perhaps would disappear." |
'When Yanzi [on this occasion] went to Jin, the duke
changed his house into a new one, so that it was completed on his
return. After he had made his acknowledgments, however, [for the
kindness], he pulled the house down, rebuilt the dwellings in the
neighbourhood as they had been before, and sent to the old residents to
return to them. [When they declined to do so], he said, "There is the
common saying, 'It is not about the house that the tortoise-shell is
consulted, but about the neighbours.' My friends, the tortoise-shell was
formerly consulted about this neighbourhood. To go against the
divination is inauspicious; and that the superior man do not violate the
rules of propriety, while smaller men do not incur the risk of what is
inauspicious, is an old regulation;—shall I dare to disobey it?" In the
end, he brought them back to their old houses. The duke refused his
sanction, but he granted it, when Yanzi got Chen Huanzi to intercede
with him.'
2d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, the earl of Zheng
went to Jin, when Gongsun Duan was in attendance on him, and behaved so
very respectfully and humbly, violating in nothing the proper rules,
that the marquis commended him, and gave him a tablet [of investiture],
saying, "Zifeng (Duan's father) did hard service for the State of Jin. I
have heard of it, and do not forget it, and [now] bestow on you the
lands of Zhou, as a recompense for the old services of your [father]."
Boshi bowed twice, with his head to the ground, received the tablet, and
went out. The superior man will say on this, "How important to a man are
the rules of propriety! Here was an extravagant man like Boshi, and to
his once observing those rules in Jin he was indebted for dignity and
wealth in that State. Here surely was an illustration of what the ode
(Shi, I. iv. Ode VIII. 3), says,
|
'If a man be not observant of propriety, |
|
Why does he not quickly die?" |
'Before this the district of Zhou had belonged to
Luan Bao; and on the ruin of the Luan family, Fan Xuanzi, Zhao Wenzi,
and Han Xuanzi, all wished to have it. Wenzi said, "All Wen (Zhou had
once been part of it) belongs to me." The two Xuanzi said, "Since the
time of Xi Cheng, [Zhou] has been handed down, separate [from Wen], in
three families. There are other districts in Jin, separated [in this
way], and not Zhou only;—who can get the right to take the rule of
them?" Wenzi was vexed by this, but gave Zhou up. The other two
ministers said, "We ought not, having given a correct decision [in
reference to his claim] to take it to ourselves;" and so they all gave
it up. When the administration [of Jin] came into the hands of Wenzi,
Zhao Huo advised him to take Zhou, but he said to him, "Begone! The
words of those two were righteous, and to oppose righteousness is the
way to misery. I cannot rule properly my own district; of what use would
Zhou be to me? I should only thereby occasion misery to myself."
'The superior man may say on this, "His case is
hard who does not know [whence misery will arise]. When one knows this
and does not act accordingly, nothing can exceed the misery. There was a
saying that [the possessor of] Zhou was sure to die."
'Fengshi (Gongsun Duan), according to his wont, was
a guest with Hanshi. His getting Zhou was upon the request of Han Xuanzi
in his behalf, to be the ground of his taking it [himself] again.'
Par. 2. The viscount of Teng had come to Lu to the
funeral of duke Xiang, and Lu now returns the compliment by sending a
minister to attend his funeral. The one proceeding and the other were
contrary to rule and precedent. The Zhuan says:——'In the 5th month, Shu
Gong went to Teng, to the burial of duke Cheng, Zifu Jiao being the
assistant commissioner. When they got to the suburbs, it happened to be
the anniversary of the death of Yibo (Jiao's uncle), and Jingzi (Shu
Gong) proposed not to enter the city. Huibo (Jiao), however, said, "We
are on public business. Where there is a public benefit, there should be
no recognition of one's private death-days." With this he preceded the
other, and received the reception-house [assigned to them], Jingzi
coming after him." See a somewhat different account of this matter in
the Li ji, II. ii. Bk. II. 26.
[We have two narratives appended here:—
1st. 'Han Qi of Jin went to Qi, to meet the
[marquis's] bride, when Gongsun Chai, because of the favour which the
young Jiang had found, substituted a daughter of his own for the duke's,
whom he gave in marriage [to another husband]. Some people told Han Qi
of the deceit put upon Jin by Ziwei, and said that he should not accept
the lady; but that minister replied, "I want to get [the adherence of]
Qi; and if I keep the favourite [minister] away from us [in that way],
will the favourite come to us?"
2d. 'In autumn, in the 7th month, Han Hu of Zheng
went to Jin, to offer congratulations on the marquis's marriage. At the
same time he made the following announcement;—-"The people of Chu are
daily summoning our State, because we have not been to the court of
their new king. If we go to Chu, we are afraid of your ministers, lest
they say that our ruler has done so because his heart is indeed set on
that other alliance; while, if we do not go, there is the covenant of
Song. Whether we advance or retreat, we may be held offenders; and my
ruler has instructed me to lay the case before you." Xuanzi made
Shuxiang reply, "If your ruler condescends to be true to ours, his being
in Chu will do no harm;—it will be but observing the covenant of Song.
If he thinks of that covenant, our ruler knows that he will escape any
charge of doing wrong [in regard to it]. If your ruler is not true [in
heart] to ours, although he were to condescend morning and evening to
come to our poor State, our ruler would be suspicious of him. If he be
indeed true in heart, there was no necessity for the trouble of this
message. Let your ruler go to Chu. If he be true to ours, his being in
Chu is the same as if he were in Jin."
'[At this time], Zhang Ti sent a messenger [to
Zheng], to say to Taishu, "After you went back [to Zheng], I removed the
dirt from the poor cottage of my father, saying to myself that you would
be coming [again]; now it is Zipi who has come, and I am disappointed."
Taishu replied, "My rank was too mean to get to come [on this occasion].
We were in awe of your great State, and [wanted] to honour the [new]
wife; and moreover you said that I should have nothing [more] to do. It
has nearly proved so with me."]
Par. 4. This was duke Mu (穆公) of Little Zhu, who
appeared now at the court of Lu, to congratulate duke Zhao on his
accession. The Zhuan says:——'Ji Wuzi proposed to give the viscount a
very slender reception; but Mushu said, "No. Since Cao, Teng, and the
two Zhus, do not forget their old friendship with us, we should meet
them with respect, and even more, fearful of their being alienated from
us. And moreover, if we receive in a humbling way one of those friendly
States, we shall provoke the others, our friends, [to fall away]. We
should show greater respect than in any former time. It is said in a
Book, 'No calamities befal the respectful;' and also, 'They who meet the
comer respectfully receive blessing from Heaven." Jisun followed this
advice.'
Par. 5. Zuoshi says that there was now 'a drought.'
Of the 21 instances of this sacrifice for rain, which are mentioned in
the classic, 7 occur during the time of duke Zhao, and Zuo leaves only
the one in the 8th year unnoted as a time of 'drought.'
[We have a narrative appended with reference to the
fortunes of Lupu Pie whose banishment to the northern borders of Qi is
mentioned in the 2d narrative appended to the Zhuan on IX. xxviii.
6:——'The marquis of Qi was hunting in Ju, when Lupu Pie sought an
introduction to him, and begged with tears [that he might be permitted
to return], saying, "With my hair so short and thin, what can I [now]
do?" The marquis replied, as if assenting, that he would inform the two
ministers of it. He did tell them accordingly on his return, and Ziwei
was willing that Pie should be allowed to come back, but Ziya objected,
saying, "His hair may be short, but his heart is very long. Perhaps he
will [still] make our [skins] his beds (See the Zhuan on IX. xxviii.
6)." In the 9th month, Ziya drove Lupu Pie to North Yan.']
Par. 6. Here and in par. 1. of next year, the (雨)
is the verb. The hail, we must understand, was very large; and we must
also remember that though it was now the winter of Zhou, that embraced
two months of autumn.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Jian of Yan had many
favourites, and wanted to make away with all the great officers, and
appoint his favourites in their room. The great officers united [in
consequence], and killed those favourites who were of other surnames
than their own. The duke was frightened, and fled to Qi. The style of
the text, that "The earl of Yan, Kuan, fled to Qi, is condemnatory of
him." The Kangxi editors object to this judgment of Zuoshi on the words
of the text, and expunge it from their edition of the Chunqiu. They will
not have it supposed that the sage could, on any grounds, sanction a
proceeding of rebellious opposition to a ruler.
[There are here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the tenth month the earl of Zheng went to
Chu, with Zichan in attendance on him. The viscount entertained him. and
sang the Ji ri (Shi, II. iii. ode VI.) When the entertainment was over,
Zichan proceeded to make the preparations for a hunt. The king then
hunted along [the marsh of] Meng (See on the Shu, III i. Pt. i. 50), on
the south of the Jiang, [having the earl] with him.'
2d. 'Gongsun Zao of Qi having died, Zao, minister
of War, visited Yanzi, and said, "We have further lost Ziya." Yanzi
replied, "Alas! [his son] Ziqi will not escape [an evil end]. It is a
perilous time! The House of Jiang is weak, and that of Gui will begin to
flourish. While the two [grandsons of duke Hui were strong and vigorous,
they might make head, and now there is the weakness induced by the loss
of this one. The [House of] Jiang is tottering to its
fall!'] IV. Fourth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, there was a great fall of hail.
2. In summer, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of
Cai and Chen, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the viscounts of Xu,
Teng, Dun, Hu, Shen, and Little Zhu, Zuo, heir-son of Song, and [the
chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Huai, had a meeting in Shen.
3. The people seized and held the viscount of Xu.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the viscount of
Chu, the marquises of Cai and Chen, the baron of Xu, the viscounts of
Dun, He, and Shen, aud [the chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Huai,
invaded Wu.
5. They seized Qing Feng of Qi, and put him to death.
6. They then went on to extinguish Lai.
7. In the ninth month, we took Zeng.
8. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yimao, Shusun
Bao died.
COMMENTARY
Par, 1. Du says that there ought now to have fallen
snow and not hail, and the fall of the hail is recorded as a calamity.
Gao Kang connects the par. with the 6th of last year, and supposes that
the hail had continued to fall all the winter. This would account
reasonably for the notice of the phaenomenon.
The Zhuan says:—-'Ji Wuzi asked Shen Feng whether
the hail could be stopped, and was answered, "When a sage is in the
highest place, there is no hail; or if some should happen to fall, it
does not amount to a calamity. Anciently, they stored up the ice, when
the sun was in his northern path; and they brought it out when he was in
his western, and [the Kui (奎) constellation] was seen [in the east] in
the morning. At the storing of the ice, they took it from the low
valleys of the deep hills, where the cold was most intense and as it
were shut in; and when it was brought out, the dignitaries and place-men
of the court, in their entertainment of guests, for their food, on
occasions of death and of sacrifice, shared in the use of it. At the
storing of it, a black bull and black millet were presented to the Ruler
of cold; and when it was brought out, a bow of peach wood and arrows of
thorn were employed to put away calamitous influences. For the delivery
and the storing of it there were their seasons; and it was given to all
who were entitled by their station to eat flesh. Great officers and
their declared wives used it in their washings on occasions of death. It
was deposited with a sacrifice to the [Ruler of] cold; the depositories
were opened with the offering of a lamb. The duke first used it, and
when the [star] Huo made its appearance, it was distributed. From the
commissioned [great] officers and their wives, down to officers retired
from age or illness, all received the ice. The commissioners of hills
took it; the officers of districts sent it on; the cart-men received it;
and the inferior servants stored it. Now it is the [cold] wind which
makes the ice strong; and it was when the [warm] winds [prevailed], that
it was brought forth. The depositories were made close; the use of it
was very extensive. In consequence there was no heat out of course in
the winter; no lurking cold in the summer; no biting winds in the
spring; and no pitiless rains in the autumn. When thunder came, it was
not with a shaking crash. There were no calamitous hoarfrosts and hail.
Pestilences did not descend [on the land]. The people died no premature
deaths.
'But now the ice of the streams and pools is what is
stored up; [much also] is cast away and not used. The winds go abroad as
they ought not to do and carry death with them; so does the thunder come
with shaking crash. Who can put a stop to this plague of hail? The last
stanza of the Qi yue (Shi, I. xv. ode I.) shows the method of storing
ice."
[We have here a long narrative about a further step
on the part of Chu towards wresting the presidency of the States from
Jin:——'In the 1st month, the baron of Xu went to Chu, where the viscount
detained him, going on also to detain the earl of Zheng, with whom he
again hunted on the south of the Jiang, having the baron of Xu with
them. [At the same time] he sent Jiao Ju to Jin, to ask from that Power
the attendance of the States, the above two princes waiting in Chu for
the answer. Jiao Ju delivered his message in the following terms:——"My
ruler has sent me to say in his own words, 'Formerly your lordship's
kindness granted the covenant of Song, by which it was agreed that the
States which adhered to Jin and Chu respectively should appear at the
courts of both. Because of the troubles occurring from year to year, I
wish to knit more closely a good understanding with the princes, and
have sent Ju to ask from you an opportunity to do so. If your lordship
have no anxiety in regard to the States around you, I wish to borrow
your favour to make a request of the various princes." The marquis of
Jin wanted to give a refusal to this application, but the marshal Hou
said to him, "Do not do so. The [course of the] king of Chu is
extravagant. Heaven perhaps wishes, by gratifying his ambition, to
increase the poison of his [mood], and send down punishment on him. That
we cannot know, nor can we know whether it means to grant him a
[peaceful] end. But Jin and Chu depend on the aid of Heaven for the
superiority of the one over the other. Let us not quarrel with it, but
let your lordship grant the [king's] request, and cultivate your virtue,
while we wait and see to what he will turn. If he turn to virtue, even
we will serve him, and how much more will the States do so! If he go on
to licentiousness and oppression, Chu itself will abandon him, and we
shall have no one to contend with."
'The marquis said, "Jin has three securities against
peril, and needs not to fear an enemy. There are the mountainous passes
of the State; its many horses; and the many troubles of Qi and Chu. With
these three securities, we must be successful in every direction." The
marshal replied, "Trust in mountains and in horses, and to calculate on
the difficulties of neighbouring States, are three sources of peril. The
four Yue, Santu, Yangcheng, Taishi, mount Jing, and Zhongnan, are the
most difficult mountains of the 9 provinces, and they do not all belong
to one surname. The northern region of Ji is most noted for its
production of horses, but no [distinguished] State has there arisen. A
trust in mountains and horses cannot be considered a sure one. So it has
been from of old, and therefore the ancient kings made the cultivation
of virtue their object, in order to affect both Spirits and men. I have
not heard that they made it their object to have difficult mountains and
horses. And [the result of] the difficulties of neighbouring States
cannot be calculated on. They may have many difficulties, which will
issue [only] in strengthening them and the enlargement of their
boundaries; or they may have no difficulties, and the result will be
their ruin, and their losing the boundaries of which they were in
charge. How is it possible to foresee the [issue of such] difficulties?
Qi had the troubles with Zhongsun (The Gongsun Wuzhi, who was marquis of
Qi for a month; see the 9th year of duke Zhuang), and the result was
that it got duke Huan, whose influence on it extends till now. Jin had
the troubles of Li and Pi (Li Ke and Pi Zheng; see the 9th and other
years of duke Xi), and the result was that it got duke Wen, through whom
it became lord of covenants. Wey and Xing had no troubles [of the same
kind], and yet their enemies brought them to ruin. The difficulties of
others therefore cannot be calculated on. If you trust in the three
things you have mentioned, and do not diligently attend to the duties of
government and to virtue, we shall find that the danger of ruin leaves
us no leisure for anything but to escape from it:—how can you speak of
our being sure of success? Let your lordship grant the request [of Chu].
Zhou acted licentiously and oppressively, while king Wen behaved kindly
and harmoniously, and the result was the fall of Yin and the rise of
Zhou. How then should you quarrel about the States?"
'Accordingly, [it was resolved to] grant the request
of Chu, and Shuxiang was appointed to give the following reply, "Our
ruler, being occupied with the business of his altars, has not been able
always to visit [your court] in spring and autumn. Your ruler in fact
has the States; there was no necessity to take the trouble of your
message." Jiao Ju then proceeded to beg a marriage with a daughter of
Jin [on the part of his king], to which the marquis agreed.
'The viscount of Chu asked Zichan whether Jin would
grant him the States. "It will," said that minister. "The ruler occupies
himself only with small matters, and does not think about the States.
His great officers have many desires of their own, and not one seeks to
correct his ruler's [errors]. At the covenant of Song it said also that
[Jin and Chu] were as one. If it do not grant your request, of what use
will that [covenant] have been?" The king further asked whether the
States would come [at his call]. "They are sure to come," replied
Zichan. "In obedience to the covenant of Song; to gratify your lordship;
not standing in fear of the great State:—why should they not come?
Perhaps Lu, Wey, Cao, and Zhu may not come. Cao stands in fear of Song;
Zhu stands in fear of Lu; Lu and Wey are pressed on by Qi, and the
best-affected to Jin. Only these will not come. The others, are under
your influence;—what one of them will not come?" The king said, "Then,
may I succeed in all that I seek for?" "Not," was the reply, "if you
seek from others for your own gratification; but if you seek what they
and you wish and can share together, you will be entirely successful."]
Par 2. We have here the result of Chu's application
to Jin for the presidency of the States. Of the northern States,
however, only Cai, Chen, Zheng, and Xu responded to its call, for Little
Zhu is hardly to be taken account of, and the princes of Zheng and Xu
were in a manner detained and obliged to be present at the meeting.
At the commencement of the Chunqiu period, Shen was
a marquisate, held by Jiangs, having for its capital Xie (謝), 20 li to
the north of the dep. city of Nanyang, Henan. In the Zhuan at the end of
III. vi. we find it invaded by the then king of Chu, who seems to have
extinguished it, and incorporated it with his own State.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the [other] princes of
the States went to Chu, but those of Lu, Wey, Cao and Zhu did not attend
the meeting, Cao and Zhu declining on account of troubles, the duke on
the ground of the seasonal sacrifice, and the marquis of Wey on the
ground that he was ill. The earl of Zheng preceded the others, and was
waiting at Shen, where in the sixth month, on Bingwu, the viscount of
Chu assembled the States.
'Jiao Ju said to him "I have heard that with the
States the thing which regulates their preference and adhesion is the
ceremonies which are observed to them. Your lordship has now got them
for the first time, and must be careful of your ceremonies. Whether you
will secure the presidency of the States or not depends on this meeting.
Qi of the Xia dynasty gave the entertainment of Juntai; Tang of the
Shang dynasty gave his commands at Jingbo; Wu of Zhou issued his
declaration at Mengjin; [king] Cheng had the review at Qiyang; [king]
Kang held his audience in the palace of Feng; [king] Mu had the meeting
at mount Tu; Huan of Qi had the campaign of Shaoling; and Wen of Jin had
the covenant of Jiantu:—the ceremonies of which of those occasions will
your lordship use? Xiang Xu of Song and Gongsun Qiao of Zheng are both
here, the best men of all the States. Let your lordship make a choice."
The king said, "I will use those employed by Huan of Qi."
'The king sent to ask the master of the Left and
Zichan about the ceremonies. The master of the Left said, "They are what
a small State practises, what a large State employs. I will describe
them according to my knowledge." He then exhibited six ceremonies for a
duke assembling the States. Zichan said, "A small State [like ours]
discharges its duties. I will describe what we have observed." He then
exhibited six ceremonies to be observed by earls, viscounts, and barons,
at meetings with a duke. A superior man will say that the master of the
Left—he of He—knew well how to guard [the rules of] former dynasties,
and that Zichan knew well how to aid and direct a small State. The king
caused Jiao Ju to stand behind him, to regulate any errors [which they
might make]; but the whole thing was concluded without any correction.
The king asked him the reason, and he replied, "Those six ceremonies I
had never seen; how could I make any correction?"
'The eldest son of [the duke of] Song was late in
arriving, and the king was then hunting in Wucheng, so that he was long
in giving him an interview. Jiao Ju begged that he would send an
explanation [of the delay], on which the king sent him to say, "It
happens that we are engaged in the business of the ancestral temple at
Wucheng. My ruler must bury the offerings set forth [in the temple]:—I
venture to apologize for the delay in seeing you." The viscount of Xu
was the son of a daughter of Wu; and [the viscount of Chu], thinking
that he was disaffected, caused him to be seized in Shen. He also
displayed his extravagance to all the princes. Jiao Ju said to him, "The
instances of the six kings and two dukes, [which I adduced], all
illustrated the courtesy which they showed to the States, and were the
reason of the States' accepting their commands. Jie of the Xia dynasty
held the meeting of Jing, and, the prince of Min revolted from him. Zhou
of the Shang dynasty held the review of Li, and the Yi of the east
revolted from him. You of Zhou made the covenant of Taishi, and the Rong
and the Di revolted from him. In all these cases, [those kings] showed
to the States the extravagance [of their aims], and so it was that the
States cast their commands away from them. Since your majesty is now
showing your extravagance, will it not interfere with your success?"
'The king would not listen to him; and Zichan,
seeing the master of the Left, said to him, "I am not troubled about
Chu. So extravagant, and deaf to remonstrance, [the king] will not
endure more than ten years. The master of the Left replied, "Yes, but
without ten years' extravagance his wickedness will not have reached
far. When that has reached far, he will be cast off. So it is with
goodness. When goodness has reached far, there ensue advancement and
prosperity."
It deserves to be mentioned further that at this
first meeting of the States called by Chu we find that the wild tribes
of the east were represented. We met before with an instance of the Di
being present at one of the meetings called by Jin; but our knowledge of
the fact was derived from the Zhuan. No notice of it was taken in the
text of the classic.
Parr. 4, 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th
month, the viscount of Chu, taking the princes [who had been present at
Shen] with him, invaded Wu. The prince of Song, however, and the earl of
Zheng returned to their States, before [the expedition set out]; but Hua
Feisuy of Song and a great officer of Zheng accompanied it.
'[The viscount] made Qu Shen lay siege to Zhufang,
which was reduced in the 8th month on Jiashen. Qing Feng was then seized
(See the Zhuan on IX. xxviii. 6) and the members of his clan
exterminated. When [the viscount] was about to execute Qing Feng, Jiao
Ju said to him, "I have heard that [only] he who is without flaw may
[safely] execute another [publicly]. Qing Feng is here because of his
opposition to [his ruler's] orders:—will he be willing to submit
[quietly] to be executed? Of what use is it to publish his case before
the States?" The king would not listen to this counsel, but made Feng go
round [the encampment of] the various States, with an axe upon his
shoulder, and ordered him to say, "Let no one follow the example of Qing
Feng of Qi, who murdered his ruler, despised the weakness of his young
successor, and imposed a covenant on the great officers." Qing Feng,
however, said, "Let no one follow the example of Wei, son by a concubine
to king Gong of Chu, who murdered Jun, his ruler and the son of his
elder brother, and went on to impose a covenant upon the States." The
king caused him to be quickly put to death; and then he proceeded with
[the forces] of the States to extinguish Lai. The viscount of that State
repaired to the army of the centre, with his hands bound behind him, and
a bi in his mouth, followed by officers with the upper part of their
bodies half-bared, and by a carriage with a coffin in it. The king asked
Jiao Ju [what this meant], and was answered, "When king Cheng reduced Xu
(See the Zhuan at the end of V. vi.), duke Xi of Xu appeared before him
in this manner. The king loosed his bonds, received his bi, and burned
his coffin." The king followed this example, and removed [the prince and
people of] Lai to Yan. As he wished to remove Xu to Lai, he made Dou
Weigui and the Gongzi Qiji wall the city [for Xu], and returned [to
Chu].
'Shen Wuyu said, "The beginning of Chu's calamity
will be here. [The king] called the princes, and came with them here,
invading States and vanquishing them, and walling cities on the borders,
while no one offered any opposition. The king will allow no resistance
to his will; but will the people dwell [here quietly]? When the people
refuse to dwell [quietly], who will be able to endure him? From that
inability to endure the king's commands, calamity and disorder will
ensue."
For (賴) Gong and Gu have (厲). It was a small State,
whose principal city was in the pres. dis. of Shangcheng (商城), in
Kuangzhou (光州), Henan.
Par. 7. Zeng;—see on IX. vi. 5, where it is said
that Ju extinguished the State of Zeng. What Lu now took, therefore, was
the city of Zeng from Ju. The Zhuan says:——'[The words] that "in the 9th
mouth we took Zeng," indicate the ease [with which the thing was done].
Ju had been in confusion, and when duke Zhuqiu obtained the rule of it,
he showed no kindly treatment to Zeng. In consequence of this, [the
commandant of] Zeng revolted, and came with it to Lu. Hence it is said,
"We took it." Any reduction of a city where soldiers were not employed
is expressed by this phrase.'
[The Zhuan takes us here to Zheng and Zichan, and
to Wu:——'Zichan of Zheng made [new and harder regulations for the]
contributions from the qiu (See on VIII. i. 4], on which the people of
the State reviled him, saying, "His father died on the road, and he
himself is a scorpion's tail. Issuing such orders for the State, what
will the State do under them?" Zikuan reported these remarks to Zichan,
who said, "There is no harm in it. If it only benefit the altars, I will
either live or die. Moreover, I have heard that when the good-doer does
not change his measures, he can calculate on success. The people are not
to be gratified in this; the measure must not be altered. The ode (A
lost ode) says,
|
'If one's rules and righteousness be not in error, |
|
Why regard the words of people.' |
I will not change it."
Hun Han (Zikuan) said, "The Guo, I apprehend, will
be the first [of the families of Zheng] to perish. The superior man
makes laws with slight requirements. The danger is of his still desiring
more. If he makes his laws at first under the influence of that desire,
what will the danger not be? Of the Ji among the various States, Cai,
with Cao and Teng, are likely to perish first. They are near [to great
States], and observe no rules of propriety. Zheng will perish before
Wey, for it is near [to the great States], and has no [good] laws. If
the government do not follow the [established] laws, but one may make
new ones according to his own mind, every one of the people has a mind
of his own;—what place will be left for the ruler?"
'In winter, Wu invaded Chu, and entered [the cities
of] Ji, Li, and Ma:—in return for the campaign of Zhufang. She, director
of Shen, hurried away with orders [from the King] to Xiarui. Yijiu,
director of Remonstrances, fortified Zhongli. Wei Qiqiang fortified
Chao. Ran Dan fortified Zhoulai. The places in the east of the State
could not be fortified because of the water. Pengsheng withdrew the
troops from Lai.']
Par. 8. Shusun Bao had been actively engaged in the
business of the State from the 2d year of duke Xiang. On the way in
which he became Head of the Shusun clan, see on VIII. xvi. 14. The Zhuan
here gives a strange narrative of his life:——'At an early period [of his
life], Muzi left [his brother], the Head of the Shusun family, [and went
to Qi]. When he had got to Gengzong [on his way], he met a woman, whom
he asked to prepare some food for him, and then passed the night with
her. She asked him where he was going; and when he told her all about
it, she wept and escorted him [part of the way]. He then went to Qi, and
married there a lady of the Guo family, by whom he had Mengbing and
Zhongren. [One night], he dreamt that the sky came down upon him, and
[when he tried to hold it up], he was not able to do so. Looking round,
he saw a man, black and hump-backed, with deepset eyes, and a pig's
mouth, to whom he called out, "Niu, help me!" and on this he was able to
hold the sky up. In the morning, he called all his followers, but there
was no such man among them. He told them, however, to remember the
circumstances, [which he had mentioned].
'When [his brother] Xuanbo fled to Qi, he supplied
him with food. Xuanbo said to him, "Out of regard to [the services of]
our father, Lu will preserve our ancestral temple, and is sure to call
you back to it. If it call you, what will you do?" "It is what I have
desired for long," was the reply. The people of Lu did call him, and he
returned, without informing [his brother].
'When he had been appointed [a minister], the woman
of Gengzong, with whom he had spent the night, [came and] presented him
with a pheasant; and when he asked her whether she had a son, she
replied, "My son is a big boy; he was able to carry the pheasant and
follow me." Muzi called for him, and as soon as he saw him, lo! it was
the person he had seen in his dream. Without asking him, he called out
to him,—Niu!" and the boy answered, "Here I am!" He then called all his
followers, and made them look at him, after which he made him his
waiting boy. The lad became a favourite with him, and, when grown up,
was entrusted with the management of his house.
'The Gongsun Ming had known Shusun in Qi, and when,
after his return [to Lu], he did not send for [his wife] Guo Jiang,
Ziming took her to himself. This enraged Shusun, and it was not till his
sons [by her] were grown up, that he sent for them.
'Having hunted [on one occasion] in Qiuyou, he
became ill in consequence. The waiting-boy Niu had wanted to create a
confusion in the house and get possession of it, and tried to force Meng
to act with him, but he refused to do so. [Now], Shusun made a bell for
Meng, [to celebrate the declaration of him as his successor], and said
to him, "You have not yet had any intercourse with the great officers.
Invite them to an entertainment at which you may consecrate it." When
all was made ready for this, [Mengbing] sent Niu to ask his father to
fix a day for the entertainment. Niu went in to the house, but did not
see Shusun, and then came out and appointed a day. When the guests
arrived, [Shusun] heard the sound of the bell, and Niu said to him,
"Meng has got [the husband of] your northern wife as his guest." The
father, in a rage, wanted to go [to Meng's apartment], but Niu prevented
him. However, when the guests were gone, he caused him to be seized and
put to death outside [the house].
'Niu then tried likewise to force the second son to
act with him, but he [also] refused. [Once], this Zhong was looking
about the duke's palace with the duke's charioteer, Laishu, when the
duke [saw him, and] gave him a ring. He sent Niu with it to show it to
his father, and Niu went into the house, but did not show it; and when
he came out, he told Zhong, [as from his father], to wear it at his
girdle. Niu then said to Shusun, "Why did you introduce Zhong [at the
court]?" "What do you mean?" asked Shusun. Niu replied, "If you did not
introduce him, he has introduced himself. The duke gave him a ring, and
he wears it at his girdle." On this Shusun drove out Zhongren, who fled
to Qi.
'When his illness became severe, he ordered [Niu]
to call Zhong [from Qi]. Niu promised, but did not do it. Du Xie went to
see Shusun, who told him how he was suffering from hunger and thirst,
and gave him a spear, [with which to kill Niu]. But Xie replied, "If you
desire anything it will be brought you. Why must you seek to make away
with him?"
'Niu, giving out that the master was very ill and
did not wish to see any one, made the attendants place the food in the
two side-chambers, and retire; while he himself, instead of taking it
in, emptied the dishes, replaced them, and ordered them to be removed.
From Guichou of the 12th month to Yimao, when he died, Shusun had
nothing to eat, Niu raised [his son by a concubine], Zhaozi, to his
place, and acted as manager and helper to him.
'The duke commissioned Du Xie to bury Shusun, but
the waiting-boy Niu bribed Shuzhong Zhaozi and Nan Yi, and got them to
make Xie odious to Jisun, and have him removed. Xie was going to convey
the coffin to the grave in the carriage [which the king had given to
Muzi], and to use all the ceremonies proper to a minister. Nan Yi,
however, said to Jisun, "Shusun never rode in this carriage; what is the
use of employing it at his funeral? A carriage moreover, is not used at
the funeral of our chief minister; is it not improper to use it at the
funeral of an assistant-minister? Jisun said, "Yes," and ordered Xie to
leave the carriage out. But that officer would not do so. "The master,"
he said, "received his commission in the court, and went on a
complimentary mission to the king. The king, thinking of the ancient
services of his family, conferred this carriage upon him. When he
returned with the report of his mission, he surrendered it to our ruler;
but he did not dare to go against the king's order, and returned it,
making the three [great] officers make a record of the matter. You were
minister of Instruction, and wrote the name. My master was minister of
War, and made the chief of his subordinate officers write the royal
gifts. Mengsun was minister of Works, and recorded [my master's]
service. If now that he is dead we do not use the carriage, we shall be
casting away our ruler's orders. Since the record is in the public
repository, if we do not use it, we shall be setting at nought the three
[great] officers. When alive he did not presume to wear the robes given
to him by the king, and if we do not put them on him, now that he is
dead, of what use were they?" Accordingly, the carriage was used at the
funeral.
'Jisun took counsel to do away with the army of the
Centre; and Niu said, "The master did certainly wish to do away with
it." V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, we disbanded the army of the centre.
2. Chu put to death its great officer, Qu Shen.
3. The duke went to Jin.
4. In summer, Mouyi of Ju came a fugitive [to Lu],
giving over to it [the cities of] Moulou, Fang, and Zi.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived
from Jin.
6. On Wuchen, Shu Gong led a force, and defeated an
army of Ju at Fenquan.
7. The earl of Qin died.
8. In winter, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of
Cai and Chen, the viscounts of Dun and Shen, an officer of Xu, and an
officer of Yue, invaded Wu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. See the account of the formation of the 3d
or army of the centre under IX. xi. 1. The Zhuan here says:——'The
disbanding of the army of the centre was to reduce [still] lower the
ducal House. The disbanding was [proposed] at the house of the Shi
family, and determined on at that of the Zang.
'Formerly, when the army of the centre was first
constituted, the ducal House was [as it were] divided into three parts,
each [of the three families] having one of them. The Ji family took to
itself all the men and contributions of its part. The Shusun made [only]
the sons and younger brothers of its part to be its subjects. The Meng
took the one half. When they [now] disbanded that army, they divided
[the prerogative of] the ducal House into four parts, of which the [head
of the] Ji family took two, and each of the other ministers one; but
they all took the entire control of the men and their contributions,
paying [only] a tribute to the duke. They gave a notice to Du Xie, and
required him to announce it to [Muzi in] his coffin, to this effect,
"You did desire the disbanding of the middle army. We have disbanded it,
and therefore announce the thing to you." Du Xie said, "But my master
did not wish the army to be disbanded, and therefore he insisted on the
covenant at the gate of Xi's temple, and the imprecations in the street
of Wufu (See on IX. xi. 1)." He then took the notice, and threw it on
the ground, led [to the coffin] the officers [of Muzi], and wept over
it.
'Shuzhongzi said to Jisun, "I received a charge from
my father Shusun, that, in burying [a minister] who had not died a
natural death from age, the coffin should be taken from the western gate
[of the court.]" Jisun gave orders accordingly to Du Xie; but that
officer said, "The coffin of a minister, according to the rules of Lu,
is taken from [the principal gate of] the court. The government of the
State is in your hands, but you have not changed this rule. If we
notwithstanding [now] depart from it, we are afraid of dying [for it],
and dare not follow your order." When the funeral was over, Xie went
away.
'[Soon after,] Zhong[-ren, the second son of Muzi by
his Qi wife], arrived from Qi (See the Zhuan at the end of last year),
and Jisun proposed to appoint him in his father's place. Nan Yi,
however, said to him, "The stronger the Shusun, the weaker the Jisun.
You had better simply take no knowledge of the disorder in that family."
At the same time Nan Yi made the people of the State assist Niu in an
attack in the open space before the grand arsenal on Zhong, who received
an arrow in one of his eyes from the superintendent of the palace, and
died. Niu then took 30 towns in the eastern borders, [belonging to the
Shusun], and gave them to Nan Yi.
'Zhaozi [finally] succeeded to his father's place,
when he gave audience to all the members of his clan, and said. "The
waiting boy Niu has done evil to the House of Shusun, and thrown into
confusion the grand [principle of] natural order. Having put to death
the children by the wife, and secured the succession to the son of a
concubine, he has gone on to distribute its towns, that he might thereby
get forgiveness for his offences. His crimes could not be more heinous,
and we must quickly put him to death." Niu got frightened, and fled to
Qi, where he was killed, outside the gate between the two States, by the
sons of Meng and Zhong, who threw his head into a thorn tree near
Ningfeng. Zhongni said, "The conduct of Shusun Zhaozi in not being
influenced by services done to himself is what [few] could attain to."
[The historiographer] Zhou Ren has said, "The administrator of
government does not reward services done to himself, nor does he punish
his private wrongs." As the ode (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 2) says,
|
"To an evident virtuous conduct |
|
All States render their homage!" |
'At an earlier period, on the birth
of Muzi, [his father] Zhuangshu, consulted the Zhou yi by the reeds
about him, and got the diagram Mingyi (明夷; ䷣), which then became Qian
(謙; ䷎). He showed this to the diviner Chu Qiu, who said, "This [son]
will have to leave [the State], but he will return and offer the
sacrifices to you. The entrance of a slanderer, of the name of Niu, will
be sufficient to make him die of starvation. [The diagram] Mingyi
relates to the sun. The solar numbers are 10. Hence there are 10 periods
in the day, which correspond also to the ten ranks. Reckoning from the
king downwards, the rank of duke is the 2d, and that of minister is the
3d. The highest point of the day is when the sun is in the meridian.
When it is meal time, that represents the 2d rank; and early dawn
represents the third. Mingyi's becoming Qian represents brightness, but
that which is not yet fully developed,—corresponding, we may presume, to
the early dawn. Therefore I say, [this child will be minister and] offer
the sacrifices for you. [The diagram for] the sun's becoming Qian has
its correspondency in a bird. Hence we read (On the lowest line of the
diagram Mingyi), 'The brightness is injured in its flight.' And as the
brightness is not fully developed, we read, 'It droops its wings.' There
is an emblem of the movement of the sun, and hence we read, 'The
superior man goes away.' This happens with the third rank, in the early
dawn, and hence we read, "Three days he does not eat.'
[Again] Li (☲, the lower half of Mingyi) represents
fire, aud Gen (☶, the lower half of Qian) represents a hill. Li is fire;
fire burns the hill, and the hill is destroyed. But applied to men,
[Gen] denotes speech, and destroying speech is slander. Hence we read,
'He goes whither he would; and to him, the lord, there is speech.' That
speech must be slander. In [the diagram of] the double Li (䷝) there is
[mention made of] a cow. The age is in disorder and slander overcomes;
the overcoming goes on to dismemberment; and therefore I say, "His name
will be Niu (牛 bull or cow).' Qian denotes insufficiency. The flight is
not high. Descending from on high, the wings do not reach far. Hence,
while I say that this child will be your successor, yet you are the
second minister, and he will fall somewhat short of your dignity."
604頁右 Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu,
considering that Qu Shen was disaffected and leant towards Wu, put him
to death. He then made Qu Sheng the Mo'ao, and sent him, along with the
chief minister, Zidang, to Jin to meet his bride. As they passed by [the
capital of] Zheng, the earl sent to pay the compliments of the journey
to Zidang at Fan, and to Qu Sheng at Tushi. The marquis of Jin escorted
his daughter to Xingqiu, where the earl of Zheng had an interview with
him, with the attendance and under the direction of Zichan.'
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The duke went to Jin; and
from his reception in the suburbs to the gifts at his departure, he did
not fail in any point of ceremony. The marquis of Jin said to Ru Shuqi,
"Is not the marquis of Lu good at propriety?" "How does the marquis of
Lu know propriety?" was the reply. "Wherefore [do you say so]?" asked
the marquis. "Considering that, from his reception in the suburbs to the
gifts at his departure, he did not err in a single point, why should you
say that he does not know propriety?" "That was deportment" said Shuqi,
"and should not be called propriety. Propriety is that by which [a
ruler] maintains his State, carries out his governmental orders, and
does not lose his people. Now the government [of Lu] is ordered by the
[three great] clans, and he cannot take it [from them]. There is Zijia
Ji, (A descendant of duke Zhuang, called elsewhere Zijia Yibo) and he is
not able to employ him. He violates the covenants of our great State,
and exercises oppression on the small State [of Ju]. He makes his gain
of the distresses of others, and is ignorant of his own. The [patrimony]
of his House is divided into four parts, and [like one of] the people he
gets his food from others. No one thinks of him, or takes any
consideration for his future. The ruler of a State, calamity will come
upon him, and he has no regard to what is proper for him to do. The
beginning and end of his propriety should be in these matters; and in
small particulars he practises deportment, as if that were
all-important:——is it not far from correct to say that he is well
acquainted with propriety?"
'The superior man will say that Shuhou showed by
these remarks that he knew propriety.'
[We have now a long narrative of a visit to Chu by
Han Qi and Shuxiang:——'Han Xuanzi of Jin went to Chu as escort to [the
king's] bride, Shuxiang being the assistant commissioner. Zipi and
Zitaishu of Zheng visited them on their journey at Suoshi, and the
latter said to Shuxiang, "The extravagance of the king of Chu is
excessive; you must be on your guard against it." "His excessive
extravagance," replied Shuxiang, "will be calamitous to himself, but how
can it affect others? If we present our offerings, and be careful of our
deportment, maintaining our good faith, and observing the rules of
propriety, reverently attentive to our first proceedings and thinking at
the same time of our last, so that all might be done over again; if we
comply [with his requirements] so as not to lose our decorum, and, while
respectful, do not lose our dignity; if our communications be according
to the lessons [of wisdom], our service be performed according to the
laws of antiquity, and our duty be discharged according to [the rules
of] the ancient kings, and regulated by a consideration of [what is due
to] our two States, however extravagant he be, what can he do to us?"
'When they arrived at [the capital of] Chu, the
viscount gave audience to his great officers, and said, "Jin is my
enemy. If I can get my will, I have no regard to anything else. Those
who are now come from it are its highest minister and a great officer of
the highest rank. If I [cut off his feet, and] make Han Qi a janitor,
and [castrate] Yangshe Xi and make him superintendent of my harem, that
will be enough to disgrace Jin, and I shall get my will. May it be
done?" None of the great officers gave any reply, till Wei Qiqiang said,
"It may. If you are prepared for it, why may it not be done? But a
common man may not be put to shame without preparations for it, and how
much less a State! On this account the sage kings made it their object
to observe the rules of propriety, and did not seek to put people to
shame. For appearances at court and complimentary visits there were the
jade tokens of rank; for entertainments and receptions there were the
semi-tokens; the small (= all the princes) had to make a report of their
duties; the great one (= the king) had to make tours to observe the
merits [of the princes]; when the benches were spread [with the dishes],
there was no leaning forward on them, and when the cup was filled, there
was no drinking of it, [till the time came]; for feasts there was the
provision of good gifts; for meals there were double the usual number of
dishes; on the arrival of guests they were met in the suburbs and
condoled with on the toils of their journey, and at their departure,
there were gifts presented to them. These embrace the most important
usages of ceremony. The ruin of States and families has been from the
neglect of these, which has given occasion to miseries and disorders.
'After the battle of Chengpu, Jin made no
preparations against Chu, and was defeated at Bi. After the battle of
Bi, Chu made no preparations against Jin, and was defeated at Yan. Since
Yan, Jin has not neglected its preparations, and has added to them the
observance of propriety and a double measure of harmony in itself, so
that Chu had not been able to retaliate [for that defeat at Yan], but
has sought marriage with Jin. You have obtained that affinity of
marriage, and you wish further to put Jin to shame, thereby calling
forth its violent animosity :—what preparations have you made for such
an issue? If you have the men [to meet it], well :—put Jin to shame. If
you have them not, your lordship should consider well what you propose
to do. In my opinion, the service which Jin has done to you may be
pronounced sufficient. You sought the States from it, and they have all
come to you; you sought marriage with it, and it has sent you its
daughter. Its ruler himself escorted her. Its highest minister and a
great officer of the highest rank have come to the completion of the
union; and still you wish to put it to shame. You must surely be
prepared for such a thing; if you are not, what will be the
consequences?
' Below Han Qi there are [in Jin] Zhao Cheng,
Zhonghang Wu, Wei Shu, Fan Yang, and Zhi Ying. Below Yangshe Xi there
are Qi Wu, Zhang Ti, Ji Tan, Ru Qi, Liang Bing, Zhang Ge, Fu Li, and
Miao Fenhuang;—all of them the choice of all the States. Han Xiang is
great officer of a ducal clan; Han Xu receives his ruler's orders, and
goes forth with them to other States; Ji Xiang, Xing Dai, Shuqin,
Shujiao, and Ziyu, all belong to great families. The Han draw their
levies from seven cities, round each of which is a full district. The
Yangshe embraces 4 clans,— all consisting of strong families. If the
people of Jin lose Han Qi and Yang Xi, those 5 [other] ministers, and 8
[other] great officers, will give their aid to Han Xu and Yangshi. From
their 10 families and 9 districts they can raise 900 chariots of war,
while 4000 chariots will be left to guard the remaining 40 districts [of
the State]. With their martial rage all in fury, they will come to be
revenged for the great disgrace [put upon them]. With Bohua to direct
their plans, and with Zhonghang Bo and Wei Shu to lead on their armies,
they are sure to be successful. Your lordship intends to change the
friendship of marriage for enmity, and violate all propriety to
accelerate the approach of the enemy; and if you have not made
preparations for such an issue, you will be sending all of us your
servants, and leaving us to be captured, to gratify yourself. But what
is there in this that may not be done?" The king said, "It was my error.
Do not you, my great officers, trouble yourselves [any further]." He
then treated Hanzi with courtesy. He wished, however, to get a triumph
over Shuxiang on matters he might not be acquainted with, but was not
able to do so; and he also showed great courtesy to him.
'When Han Qi was returning, the earl of Zheng came
to Yu, to show him there the compliments of the journey; but Han
declined to be introduced to him :—which was according to rule.'
There is another short narrative :——'Han Hu of
Zheng went to Qi, to marry a daughter of Ziwei. Yanzi paid him frequent
visits, and when Chen Huanzi asked the reason, he replied, "He is able
to employ good men;—he is a fitting lord of the people."]
Parr. 4, 5. Moulou,—see on I, iv. 1. Fang was 60 li
to the southwest of the pres. dis. city of Anqiu (安丘), dep. of Qingzhou.
Zi was in the northwest of Zhucheng (諸城) dis., in the same dep. Zuoshi
says, 'Mouyi was not a minister, yet his name is given here, importance
being attached to the territory [which he surrendered] (?). The people
of Ju made a complaint on the subject to Jin, and the marquis wished to
detain the duke [as a prisoner]. Fan Xianzi, however, said to him, "You
should not do so. When a prince comes to your court, if you seize him
there, you have enticed him. To punish him without using your troops,
and entice him, thereby effecting your purpose, is the procedure of
indolence. Would it not be improper for the lord of covenants to be
guilty of these two things? I beg you to send him back. When we have
leisure, we can go with troops and punish him." The duke accordingly was
allowed to return, and in autumn, in the 7th month, he arrived from
Jin.'
Par. 6. For 岎 Gongyang has 濆, and Guliang, 賁.
Fenquan was in Lu, but its site is not determined more particularly. The
Zhuan says :—— 'A body of men from Ju came to make reprisals [for the
reception of] Mouyi. They made no preparations [against surprise], and
on Wuchen, Shu Gong defeated them at Fenquan, before they could form in
order of battle.'
Par. 8. Here for the first time in the text of the
classic there appears the great State of Yue, which was held by
viscounts, who had the surname of Si (姒), and claimed to be descended
from king Xiaokang of the Xia dyn. Their capital was Kuaiji (會稽), in the
present dis. of Shanyin (山陰), dep. Shaoxing (紹興), Zhejiang. Yue was
helpful to Chu, as a counterpoise to the power of Wu, and became
subsequently a powerful antagonist of Chu itself.
The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th month, the
viscount of Chu, along with several princes and [the chiefs of] the
eastern Yi, invaded Wu, in retaliation for that State's taking Ji, Li,
and Ma (See the 2d narrative after par. 7 of last year). Wei She joined
him with the army of Fanyang at Xiarui. Chang Shouguo, a great officer
of Yue, joined him with a force at Suo. Hearing that the army of Wu had
come forth, Wei Qijiang led a force and pursued; but in his hurry he did
not make [sufficient] preparations, and the men of Wu defeated him at
Que'an. The viscount came by hasty stages to the bend of the Luo, and
there the viscount of Wu sent his brother, Jueyou, with refreshments for
the troops. The people of Chu seized him, and were about to smear their
drums with his blood, when the king caused him to be asked whether he
had consulted the tortoise-shell if his coming would be fortunate.
Jueyou replied, "[We were told it would be] fortunate. My ruler having
heard that your lordship was going to regulate your troops in our State,
consulted our guardian shell in this way,— I will at once send a
messenger with refreshments to the army [of Chu], and ask him to go and
observe whether the king's anger be furious or slow, that we may make
preparations accordingly. Shall we be able to ascertain this?' The reply
given by the indications of the shell was, 'That may be known.' If your
lordship had been gracious, and received me, the messenger, in a
friendly way, that would have increased the feeling of ease and
indifference in our State, and it would have forgotten that its ruin
might soon happen. But now your lordship is furious, surcharged with
rage as with thunder and lightning. You have oppressively seized me, and
are going to smear your drums with my blood: —Wu will thus know what
preparations to make. Feeble though our State is, with all its equipment
put early in good order, it may secure rest for its army. To be prepared
alike for a difficult or for an easy contest may be said to be
fortunate.
"And moreover, the tortoise-shell was consulted
with reference to the altars of Wu, and not for a single individual. If
my blood be used to smear the drums of your army, and our State thereby
knows to make preparations to meet all casualties, what could be more
fortunate than this? The State has its carefully guarded shell, which in
all things it consults. Who can calculate on the regularity of the good
fortune or the evil? Chengpu gave an omen, and the answer to it was at
Bi. As to this present journey of mine, [Wu] will keep it in mind to
make you a return for it." After this the envoy was not put to death.
'The army of Chu crossed the river at the bend of
the Luo, when Chi, director of Shen, effected a junction with the
viscount at mount Lai. Wei Qiqiang then led forward the army of Fanyang,
and entered Nanhuai, while the [rest of] the army followed as far as
Ruqing; but it was found that Wu could not be penetrated. The viscount
therefore made [simply] a display of his troops at the hill of Zhiji. In
this campaign, Wu had made early preparations, so that Chu was obliged
to return without effecting anything, [only] taking Jueyou back with it.
The viscount, being afraid of Wu, made She, the director of Shen, wait
for orders from him at Chao, and Wei Qiqiang do the same at Yulou:—which
was according to rule.'
[We have a short notice here about the prince of
Qin, who fled to Jin in the duke's 1st year:——'Houzi of Qin returned
again to his position in Qin;—in consequence of the death of duke
Jing.'] VI. Sixth year.
1. In the duke's sixth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, Yigu, earl of Qi, died.
2. There was the burial of duke Jing of Qin.
3. In summer, Jisun Su went to Jin.
4. There was the burial of duke Wen of Qi.
5. Hua Hebi of Song fled from that State to Wey.
6. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand
sacrifice for rain.
7. Wei Pi of Chu led a force and invaded Wu.
8. In winter, Shu Gong went to Chu.
9. The marquis of Qi invaded North Yan.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Yigu is the viscount of Qi, who came to the
court of Lu in the 29th year of Xiang. Here he is mentioned with the
rank of earl. The marquis of Jin, interested in Qi through his mother,
had probably obtained the advancement of rank for the viscount.
Zuo says, 'Duke Wen of Qi now died, and [the duke]
sent his condolences to that State as the deceased ruler had covenanted
with a marquis of Lu:—which was according to rule.'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'A great officer went to
Qin, to attend the funeral of duke Jing;—which was according to rule.'
This is the first instance in the classic where the burial of an earl of
Qin is mentioned. It shows how, with the progress of time, the
intercourse between States at a considerable distance from one another
was increasing.
[We have here the following narrative about a
proceeding of Zichan in Zheng:——'In the 3d month, they cast [tripods] in
Zheng, with descriptions [of crimes and their] punishments [upon them].
In consequence of this, Shuxiang sent a letter to Zichan, saying, "At
first I considered you [as my model], but now I have ceased to do so.
The ancient kings deliberated on [all the circumstances], and determined
[on the punishment of crimes]; they did not make [general] laws of
punishment, fearing lest it should give rise to a contentious spirit
among the people. But still, as crimes could not be prevented, they set
up for them the barrier of righteousness, sought to bring them all to a
conformity with their own rectitude, set before them the practice of
propriety, and the maintenance of good faith, and cherished them with
benevolence. They also instituted emoluments and places to encourage
them to follow [their example], and laid down strictly punishments and
penalties to awe them from excesses. Fearing lest these things should be
insufficient, they therefore taught the people [the principles of]
sincerity, urged them by [discriminations of] conduct, instructed them
in what was most important, called for their services in a spirit of
harmony, came before them in a spirit of reverence, met exigencies with
vigour, and gave their decisions with firmness. And in addition to this,
they sought to have sage and wise persons in the highest positions,
intelligent discriminating persons in all offices, that elders should be
distinguished for true-heartedness and good faith, and teachers for
their gentle kindness. In this way the people could be successfully
dealt with, and miseries and disorder be prevented from arising.
"When the people know what the exact laws are, they
do not stand in awe of their superiors. They also come to have a
contentious spirit, and make their appeal to the express words, hoping
peradventure to be successful in their argument. They can no longer be
managed. When the government of Xia had fallen into disorder, the penal
code of Yu was made; under the same circumstances of Shang, the penal
code of Tang; and in Zhou, the code of the nine punishments:—those three
codes all originated in ages of decay. And now in your administration of
Zheng, you have made [your new arrangements for] dykes and ditches (See
the narrative at the end of IX. xxx.), you have established your [new
system of] governmental [requisitions], which has been so much spoken
against (See the 1st narr. after iv. 7), and you have framed [this
imitation of] those 3 codes, casting your descriptions of [crimes and
their] punishments:—will it not be difficult to keep the people quiet,
as you wish to do? The ode (Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode VII.) says,
|
'I imitate, follow, and observe the virtue of king Wen, |
|
And daily there is tranquillity in all the regions;' |
and again (III. i. ode I. 7),
|
'Take your pattern from king Wen, |
|
And the myriad States will repose confidence in you.' |
In such a condition, what need is there for any
code? When once the people know the grounds for contention, they will
cast propriety away, and make their appeal to your descriptions. They
will all be contending about a matter as small as the point of an awl or
a knife. Disorderly litigations will multiply, and bribes will walk
abroad. Zheng will go to ruin, it is to be feared, in the age sueceeding
yours. I have heard the saying that 'When a State is about to perish,
there will be many new enactments in it.' Is your proceeding an
illustration of it?"
'To this letter Zichan returned the following reply,
"As to what you say, I have not the talents nor the ability to act for
posterity; my object is to save the present age. I cannot accept your
instructions, but I dare not forget your great kindness."
'Shi Wenbo said, "The Huo (Fire) star has made its
appearance. Is there going to be fire in Zheng? Before the appearance of
the Huo, it made use of fire to cast its punishment-tripods. If the Huo
is an emblem of fire, must we not expect fire [in Zheng]?"].
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Jisun Su went to Jin, to
make our acknowledgments for the lands of Ju, [which Mouyi had given
over to Lu]. The marquis gave him an entertainment at which there was
more than the usual number of dishes. On seeing this, he retired, and
sent an internuncius to say, "In its service of [your] great State,
[our] small State, if it can [only] escape measures of punishment, does
not seek for any gifts. I should get no more than three rounds of the
cup. But now there are more dishes than are sufficient for that, and I
dare not accept [such distinction]:—would it not be an offence if I did
so?" Han Xuanzi said, "Our ruler intended to promote your joy;" but
[Wuzi] replied,"It is what my ruler would not [accept]; how much less
dare I, who am but as a menial servant of [your] ruler, listen to such
an addition to his gift!" He then firmly requested that the additional
dishes might be removed, and only when that was done did he return to
the completion of the entertainment. The people of Jin, out of respect
to the knowledge of propriety [which he thus showed], made the [usual]
offerings of friendship to him very large.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Liu, master of the
eunuchs, of Song was a favourite, but was hated by Zuo, [the duke's]
eldest son; and Hua Hebi undertook to kill him. Liu heard of it, dug a
hole, killed a victim and buried [its blood], with the tablets [of a
covenant] over it." He then informed the duke, saying, "Hebi is about to
bring back the fugitive (Hua Chen; see on IX. xvii. 6) and his family,
and has made a covenant to that effect in the northern suburbs." The
duke sent to see, and [the evidence] was found, on which he drove out
Hua Hebi, who fled to Wey.
'On this, Hua Hai (Younger brother of Hebi) wished
to get the office of master of the Right in the room [of Hebi], and by
agreement with the eunuch Liu, came and gave confirmatory evidence,
saying that he had heard of his brother's purpose for a long time; so
the duke gave him the appointment. [Having received this], he went to
see the master of the Left. who said to him, "A fellow like you is sure
to come to ruin. You have ruined the members of your own House. What
part have you in men, and what part have men in you? The ode (Shi, III.
ii. ode X. 7) says,
|
'The circle of relatives is like a wall. |
|
Do not let your wall be destroyed; |
|
Do not, solitary, be consumed with terrors.' |
You have reason to live in such terror!" [We have
here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the 6th month, on Bingxu, a fire broke out
in Zheng (See the conclusion of the narrative after par. 2).'
2d. 'The Gongzi Qiji went to Jin,—to return the
visit of Hanzi. As he was passing by [the capital of] Zheng, Han Hu,
Gongsun Qiao, and You Ji followed the earl to pay him the compliments of
the journey at Zha; but he declined and would not presume to see them.
[The earl], however, earnestly begged that he would do so, [which he
did], behaving [to the earl] as if he were having an interview with [his
own king]. [Afterwards] he had a private audience of [the earl], with
eight of his chariots [as his offering]; he saw Zipi, as if he were
seeing the highest minister [of Chu], with an offering of 6 horses;
Zichan, with 4; and Zitaishu with 2. He forbade his foragers, grooms,
and fuel-collectors to go into the fields. No trees were to be cut down
for fuel; no grain nor vegetables were to be gathered; no houses were to
be unroofed; there was to be no violent begging. He made a declaration
that whoever should violate his orders, if he were an officer, he should
be dismissed, and if he were a smaller man, he should be reduced still
lower. His men were to exercise no oppression where they lodged; hosts
should not be troubled by their guests. In going and returning he
observed these rules. The three ministers of Zheng all knew that he
would [yet] be king [of Chu].
'When Han Xuanzi went to Chu, they did not meet
him; and now when the Gongzi Qiji was come to the borders of Jin, the
marquis intended in the same way not to meet him. Shuxiang, however,
said, "Chu is perverse, and we are correct:—why should we imitate its
perversity? The ode (Shi, II. vii. ode IX. 2) says,
|
'What you teach |
|
The people all imitate.' |
Let us follow our own way; should we imitate the
perversity of others? The Shu says, 'The sage forms a pattern.' Instead
of taking good men for our pattern, shall we find it in men who are
perverse? If an ordinary man do what is good, the people will take him
for their pattern; —how much more will they do so in the case of the
ruler of a State!"
'The marquis of Jin was pleased, and sent to meet
the envoy accordingly'].
Par. 6. This sacrifice was offered because, as Zuo
says, there was now 'a drought.'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Yichu, of Xu came on a
complimentary visit to Chu, where he was seized by the viscount; but he
effected his escape and returned home. The viscount, fearing that Xu
would revolt, sent Wei Xie to invade it, when a body of men from Wu went
to its aid. On this. Zidang, the chief minister, led a force and invaded
Wu. He collected his troops at Yuzhang, and halted at Ganqi. The men of
Wu defeated his army at Fangzhong, taking prisoner Qiji, director of the
palace stables. Zidang laid the blame [of the defeat] on Wei Xie, and
put him to death.'
Par. 8. Zuo says this was a complimentary visit,
and to offer Lu's condolences on the defeat [sustained from Wu].
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the
marquis of Qi went to Jin, to ask leave to invade North Yan, when Shi
Gai, in attendance on Shi Yang, met him at the He:——which was according
to rule. The marquis having given his assent, in the 12th month the
marquis of Qi invaded North Yan, intending to reinstate duke Jian. Yanzi
said, 'They will not enter [the capital of] Yan. Yan has a ruler, and
the people are not disaffected to him. Our ruler [desires] bribes; those
about him flatter him; and so he commences a great undertaking, but not
in good faith. Such enterprises have never been
successful." VII. Seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the
king's first month, [North Yan] made peace with Qi.
2. In the third month, the duke went to Chu.
3. Shusun She went to Qi to make a covenant.
4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jiachen, the
sun was eclipsed.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Wuchen, Wu,
marquis of Wey, died.
6. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from Chu.
7. In winter in the eleventh month, on Guiwei, Jisun
Su died.
8. In the twelfth month, on Guihai, there was the
burial of duke Ling of Wey.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This peace was what Qi
sought for. On Guisi, the marquis was halting at Guo, and the people of
Yan made proffers of accommodation, saying, "Our poor State knows its
guilt, and dares not but listen to your orders. With some worthless
articles of our former rulers, we beg to apologize for our offence."
Gongsun Xi said, "Having received its submission we can return; and when
an occasion is presented we can make [another] movement." In the 2d
month, on Wuwu, a covenant was made at Ershang. The people of Yan sent
to the marquis a daughter of their ruling House, and the bribes of a yao
vase, a casket of jade, and a white jade goblet with ears. He then
returned [to Qi], without having succeeded in his [professed] object.'
According to this Zhuan, the peace made in the text
was between North Yan and Qi, and 北 燕 must be supplied from the
concluding par. of last year. Gongyang and Guliang, however, took a
different view, and supposed that Lu and Qi were the parties in the
pacification;—a view in which they have been followed by a host of
critics. Certainly there are many paragraphs in the classic where 'Lu'
or 'we' has to be supplied as the subject; and so far this would be in
analogy with them. Still there is no evidence of there being any strife
between Lu and Qi at this time, which could furnish a reason for their
making peace; and considering the allusions to a peace between Yan and
Qi in subsequent narratives, the view of Zuoshi is decidedly to be
preferred. No stress is to be laid on the use of 暨, which simply =及. The
critics, who find mysteries in the terms of the classic, say that 及 is
used from the standpoint of Lu, and 暨 from the standpoint of the other
party with which Lu has covenanted; that when Lu has taken the
initiative, 及 is used, and where it has followed suit, we find 暨.
[There is here appended the following narrative
about the king of Chu:——'When the viscount of Chu was chief minister of
the State, he had made for himself a royal flag which he used in
hunting. The Hu-director, Wuyu, broke [the staff of] it, saying, "Two
rulers in one State!— this is what no one can endure." When the chief
minister became king, he built the palace of Zhanghua, and recalled [a
number of] exiles to fill [the offices in] it, and among them was a
janitor of Wuyu, whose master tried to seize him. The [king's] officers
would not give the man up, saying, "It is a great offence to seize a man
in the royal palace;" and with this they seized [Wuyu, and carried him
off], to lay the matter before the king. The king was about to fall to
drinking, and Wuyu defended himself, saying, "The dominion of the Son of
Heaven extends everywhere; the princes of States have their own defined
boundaries. This is the ancient rule;—within the State and the kingdom,
what ground is there which is not the ruler's? What individual of all
whom the ground supports is there that is not the ruler's subject? Hence
the ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I. 2) says,
|
'Under the wide heavens |
|
All is the king's land. |
|
Along the coasts of the land |
|
All are the king's servants.' |
The day has its ten divisions of time, and of men
there are the ten classes; and so it is that inferiors serve their
superiors, and that superiors perform their duties to the Spirits.
Hence, the king makes the duke (=the prince of a State) his servant; the
duke, the great officer; the great officer, the [simple] officer; the
officer, the lictor; the lictor, the crowd of underlings; the underling,
the menials: the menial, the labourer; the labourer, the servant; the
servant, the helper. There are also grooms for the horses, and shepherds
for the cattle;—and thus there is provision for all things.
"Your officers say, 'Why do you seize a man in the
king's palace?' but where else should I seize him? A law of king Wen of
Zhou says, 'Make great inquisition for fugitives;' and it was thus he
got the kingdom. Our former ruler king Wen made the law of Pu'ou, which
says, 'He with whom the thief conceals his booty is as guilty as the
thief;' and it was he who extended his boundary to the Ru. If we are to
accept what your officers say, we shall have no means of apprehending
runaway servants; if we are to let them go without trying to apprehend
them, we shall have no servants at all. There is surely some misconduct
of your majesty's affairs here.
"Formerly when king Wu was enumerating the crimes of
Zhou, for the information of the princes, he said, 'Zhou is the host of
all the vagabonds under heaven, who collect about him as fish in the
deep (See the Shu, V. iii. 6).' On this account every one was willing to
go to the death [against Zhou). You, our ruler and king, have just begun
to seek [the adherence of] the States;—does it not seem improper in you
to be imitating Zhou? If we are to apprehend them according to the laws
of the two Wen, there is [another] thief here!" The king said, "Take
your servant and begone. That [other] thief is a favourite, and cannot
yet be got!" With this he pardoned [Wuyu].']
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Chu
had completed the tower of Zhanghua, he wished to have the princes of
the States present at the inauguration feast. The grand-administrator
Wei Qiqiang, having said that he could secure the attendance of the
marquis of Lu, came to Lu to call the duke, and made the following
speech, "Your former ruler, duke Cheng, gave his commands to our former
great officer Yingqi, to the effect that he would not forget the
friendship between his predecessors and our rulers, and would send
Hengfu on a brightening visit to Chu, to support and comfort its altars,
in order that the peace of its people might be secured. Yingqi received
his commands at Shu (See on VIII. ii. 9), brought them along with him,
careful that nothing should be lost, and made an announcement of them in
our ancestral temple. From that time our ruler, king Gong, looked with
outstretched neck to the north, from day to day and month to month
hoping [that the ruler of Lu would come to his court]. In the order of
succession four kings have since given our State one to the other, and
the acceptable kindness [of Lu] has not come to us. Duke Xiang alone
condescended to come to the funeral [of our last king], and then our
ruler and his ministers, in the grief of their hearts, were not able to
take proper measures. They had not leisure to attend to the business of
the altars, and much less were they able to show how they cherished and
thought of his kindness. If now your lordship will direct your gemmeous
steps, and condescend to visit our ruler, and extend your favouring
influence to our State, so as to make good the agreement at Shu, and
reach to us with your acceptable kindness, our ruler will have received
your favour, and not presume to look for anything like what was promised
at Shu. The Spirits of his predecessors will be pleased also, and feel
their obligation;—not he only will be indebted to you. If your lordship
will not come, let me ask the time when we must put ourselves in motion.
Our ruler will bring his hostages and offerings, and see you in Shu, to
beg from you the gift promised by your predecessor."
'When the duke was about to go, he dreamt that duke
Xiang was offering [for his safe journey] the sacrifice to the Spirits
of the way. [On this], Zi Shen said, "You must not carry out the purpose
of going. When duke Xiang was going to Chu, he dreamt that the duke of
Zhou offered this sacrifice for him, und went accordingly. And now he
himself is offering it for you. Your lordship must not go." Zifu Huibo,
however, said, " You must go. Our former ruler had never gone to Chu,
and therefore the duke of Zhou offered the sacrifice to lead him on.
Duke Xiang went to Chu; and now he offers the sacrifice to lead you on
the way. If you do not go [to Chu], where should you go to?"
'In the 3d month, the duke went to Chu. The earl of
Zheng paid him the compliments of the journey at Shizhiliang. Meng Xizi,
who was with the duke as assistant, could not direct the observances to
be employed; and when they arrived at Chu, he could not respond properly
at the complimentary meeting in the suburbs.'
Par. 3. For 舍, here and afterwards, Zuoshi and
Guliang have 婼. This was the son of Shusun Bao or Muzi, raised to
succeed his father by the 'waiting-boy Niu,' as related in the narrative
at the end of the 5th year. He is called generally in the Zhuan by his
posthumous title of Zhaozi (昭子).
涖,—see on V. iii. 6. Those who contend that the
peace in the 1st par. was between Lu and Qi press this notice in support
of their view, and understand that the covenant here was in confirmation
of that peace. Zuoshi says nothing on this par. 涖 is not decisive in the
case. It is sometimes employed of the renewal or confirmation of a
covenant (尋 盟); but we find it employed also where there had been no
previous agreement.
Par. 4. This eclipse took place in the fore-noon of
March 11th, B.C. 534.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin asked Shi
Wenbo in whom [the omen of] the eclipse would be fulfilled, and was
answered, "Lu and Wey will both feel its evil effects;—Wey to a greater
extent, and Lu to a less," "Why so?" said the marquis. "It went," said
Wenbo, "from Wey on to Lu. There will be calamity in the former, and Lu
will also feel it. The greater evil indicated is to light, perhaps, on
the ruler of Wey, and [the less] on the highest minister of Lu." The
marquis said, " What does the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode IX. 2) mean, when it
says,
|
'When the sun is eclipsed, |
|
How bad it is!' |
The officer replied, "It shows the effects of bad
government. When there is not good govt. in a State, and good men are
not employed, it brings reproof to itself from the calamity of the sun
and moon. Government, therefore, must not in any wise be neglected. The
three things to be specially attended to in it are—1st, the selection of
good men [for office]; 2d, consideration of the people; and 3d, the
right observance of the seasons." '
[We have five narratives appended here:—
1st. 'An officer came to Lu from Jin to settle the
question about the lands of Qi (See on IX. xxix. 7), and Jisun was about
to give Cheng [up] to him. Xie Xi, who was holding that city for
Mengsun, objected, saying, "There is a saying that though a man have
only knowledge enough to carry a pitcher, as he is in charge of it, he
must not lend it to another; and it expresses what is proper. My master
is in attendance on our ruler; and if I lose the city of which I am in
charge, [during his absence], even you yourself will be suspicious of
me." Jisun replied, "Our ruler's being in Chu is held by Jin to be an
offence; and if [in this matter] we do not listen to Jin, Lu's offence
will be aggravated. The army of Jin will be upon us, and I am not
prepared for it. We had better give the city [up], and when Jin affords
an opportunity, we can take it [again] from Qi. I will give you Tao
[instead];—when Cheng is got back, who will dare to hold it [but
Mengsun]? You will thus get two Cheng. Lu will not have to sorrow, and
Mengsun will have an additional city. Why should you be distressed [by
what I propose]?" Xie Xi objected to Tao, because there was no hill near
it, on which Jisun gave him the hills of Lai and ZUo. He then removed to
Tao, and the officer of Jin took Cheng in behalf of Qi.'
2d. 'The viscount of Chu entertained the duke in
his new tower, having a man with a long beard to direct [the
ceremonies]. His gift of friendship [to the duke] was the [bow called]
Daqu. He repented afterwards that he had given it, and Wei Qiqiang,
having heard that he did so, visited the duke, who told him about it, on
which he bowed, and offered his congratulations. "What is there to
congratulate me about?" said the duke. " Qi, Jin, and Yue," replied
Qiqiang, "have wished to get this [bow] for a long time. Our ruler could
not make up his mind to which to give it, and now he has given it to
you. You must be prepared to withstand [the attempts of] those three
neighbours [to take it from you], and carefully guard the precious
treasure." The duke on this got frightened, and returned the article.
3d. 'Zichan having gone on a complimentary visit to
Jin, the marquis was then ill, and Han Xuanzi met the guest, and had a
private conversation with him. "Our ruler," said he, "has been ill in
bed, now for 3 months. We have been all running about and sacrificing to
all the hills and streams in Jin, but his illness has got worse instead
of better. He has now dreamt that a yellow bear entered the door of his
chamber;—what evil devil can that be?" " With a prince so intelligent as
your ruler," replied Zichan, "and with the government in your hands,
what evil devil can there be? Anciently, when Yao put Gun to death on
mount Yu, his spirit changed into a yellow bear, which entered into the
abyss of Yu. He was under the Xia dynasty the assessor at its sacrifice
to Heaven, and in fact the three dynasties all sacrificed to him. Jin,
though lord of covenants, has perhaps not yet sacrificed to him." Han
Xuanzi on this offered the Xia sacrifice to Heaven, when the marquis
became somewhat better, and gave to Zichan the two square tripods of Ju.
'Zichan, in behalf of Feng Shi, restored the lands
of Zhou (See the 2d narr. after iii. 2) to Han Xuanzi, saying "Formerly,
your ruler, from regard to the ability with which Gongsun Duan
discharged his duties, conferred on him the lands of Zhou. Now he has,
unfortunately, died an early death, and has not been able to enjoy long
your ruler's kindness. His son does not presume to hold the lands. I do
not presume to represent the matter to your ruler, and privately
surrender them to you." Xuanzi declined the proffer, but Zichan said to
him,"People have the saying, 'The father split the firewood, and the son
was not able to carry it.' Shi will be afraid lest he should not be able
to sustain the weight of his father's office; how much less can he
sustain the weight of that gift from your great State. Though it might
be possible for him to do so, while the govt. is in your hands, yet with
other men that will follow you, if there should come to be any words
about border matters, our poor State will be held to be an offender, and
the Feng family will experience the weight of [Jin's] indignation. If
you will take [back] Zhou, you will save our poor State from any charge
of offence, and you will make the Feng family stronger:—I venture to
make it my request that you will do so." Xuanzi on this received Zhou,
and informed the marquis of it, who gave it to him. Because of what he
had said before (See the narrative already referred to), however, he was
distressed by the idea of holding it, and exchanged it with Yue Daxin
for the district of Yuan.'
4th. 'The people of Zheng frightened one another
about Boyou (See on IX. xxx. 7), saying, "Boyou is here!" on which they
would all run off, not knowing where they were going to. In the 2d month
of the year when the descriptions of punishments were cast (I. e., the
last year), one man dreamt that Boyou walked by him in armour, and said,
'On Renzi I will kill Dai, and next year, on Renyin, I will kill Duan.'
When Si Dai did die on Renzi, the terror of the people increased. [This
year], in the month that Qi and Yan made peace, on Renyin, Gongsun Duan
died, and the people were still more frightened, till in the following
month Zichan appointed Gongsun Xie (Son of Zikong, the Gongzi Jia, put
to death in the 19th year of duke Xiang), and Liang Zhi (Son of Boyou),
[as successors to their fathers], in order to soothe the people, after
which [their terrors] ceased. Zitaishu asked his reason for making these
arrangments, and Zichan replied, "When a ghost has a place to go to, it
does not become an evil spirit. I have made such a place for the ghost."
"But why have you done so with Gongsun Xie?" pursued Taishu. "To afford
a reason for my conduct," was the reply. "I contrived that there might
be such a reason, because of the unrighteousness [of Boyou]. The
administrator of government has his proper course; and if he takes the
contrary one, it is that he may give pleasure [to the people]. If they
are not pleased with him, they will not put confidence in him; and if
they do not put confidence in him, they will not obey him."
'When Zichan went to Jin, Zhao Jingzi asked him
whether it was possible for Boyou to become a ghost. "Yes," replied
Zichan. "When a man is born, [we see] in his first movements what is
called the animal soul. After this has been produced, it is developed
into what is called the spirit. By the use of things the subtle elements
are multiplied, and the soul and spirit become strong. They go on in
this way, growing in etherealness and brightness, till they become
[thoroughly] spiritual and intelligent. When an ordinary man or woman
dies a violent death, the soul and spirit are still able to keep hanging
about men in the shape of an evil apparition; how much more might this
be expected in the case of Liang Xiao, a descendant of our former ruler
duke Mu, the grandson of Ziliang, the son of Zi'er, all ministers of our
State, engaged in its government for three generations! Although Zheng
be not great, and in fact, as the saying is, an insignificant State, yet
belonging to a family which had held for three generations the handle of
government, his use of things had been extensive, the subtle essences
which he had imbibed had been many. His clan also was a great one, and
his connexions were distinguished. Is it not entirely reasonable that,
having died a violent death, he should be a ghost?"
5th. 'Among the members of Zipi's clan there were
measureless drinkers, in consequence of which there arose enmity between
Mashi and Zipi. In the month when the army of Qi returned from Yan, Han
Shuo (Mashi) killed Han Tui (a brother of Zipi), and fled to Jin. Han
Xuanzi asked Zichan what rank should be assigned to him, and was
answered, "He is a refugee with your ruler. If he be received by you so
that he shall escape death, what rank will he dare to seek? It is the
ancient rule, that when a minister withdraws [from his State], his rank
becomes that of a great officer, and that criminals descend according to
their crimes. In our State Shuo was a great officer of the second
degree. His office was that of Master of the Horse (Mashi,馬 師). He fled
after the commission of a crime. Assign to him whatever place you, as
administrator of the govt. [of Jin], please. If he escape death, your
kindness will be great. How dare he beyond that ask for any rank?" Han
Xuanzi, out of regard to the ability of Zichan, made Shuo be ranked
among great officers of the lowest degree.']
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, duke
Xiang of Wey died. One of the great officers of Jin spake to Fan Xianzi,
saying, "Wey's service of Jin has been most faithful, and Jin has not
treated it with courteous propriety. It has protected its rebel (Sun
Linfu; see on IX. xxvi. 2, et al.], and accepted his territory, causing
disaffection among the States. The ode (Shi, II. i. ode iv. 3 and 2)
says,
|
'There is the wagtail on the plain;— |
|
A brother brings swift succour in difficulty;' |
and again,
|
'On the dreaded occasions of death and mourning, |
|
They are brothers who will greatly sympathize.' |
If we do not cultivate harmony with [the States of]
our brethren, and so do not condole with them [in their sorrows], how
much more will we behave so to States that are not related to us! and
who will seek our alliance? If now we go on to show discourtesy to the
heir of Wey, that State is sure to revolt from us,—we shall be cutting
ourselves off from the States." Xianzi reported these remarks to Han
Xuanzi, who was pleased with them, and sent Xianzi to Wey to offer
condolences, and also restored to it the lands of Qi.
'Qi E of Wey went to announce the duke's death in
Zhou, and also begged an expression of [the king's] favour. The king
sent duke Jian of Cheng to Wey to present his condolences, and gave the
following expression of his favour to the deceased duke Xiang:——"My
uncle has ascended in his reverence, and is at the right and left of the
kings, my predecessors, to assist them in the service of God. I dare not
forget [our ancestors] Gaoyu and Yayu."
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, the
duke arrived from Chu. Meng Xizi felt distressed that he had not been
able to direct the ceremonial observances (See on par. 2), and set about
learning them. If there were any one well skilled in them, he would
repair to him. [Afterwards], when he was about to die, he called to him
his great officers, and said to them, "[A knowledge of] propriety is the
stem of a man. Without it, it is impossible for him to stand firm. I
have heard that there is arising a man of vast intelligence, called Kong
Qiu, a descendant of the sage [Tang], but whose family was driven [to
Lu] from Song. His ancestor Fufu He might have possessed Song, but he
resigned it to duke Li. After him there was Zheng Kaofu who gave his aid
to [the dukes] Dai, Wu, and Xuan. He rose to the third degree of office,
and with every step his humility increased. Hence the inscription on the
tripod [in his ancestral temple] said, "When he got the 1st appointment,
he walked with his head bowed down. When he got the 2d, with his
shoulders bent; when he got the 3d, with his whole body bent. In this
way he hurried along the walls, [saying to himself], "Thus no one will
presume to despise me. I will have congee in this [boiler]; I will have
gruel in this [boiler],—to satisfy my hunger (See the prolegomena to
vol. IV., par. 18)." Such was his humility. [Now], Zangsun He used to
say, 'If a sagely man of brilliant virtue do not get distinguished in
his time, among his posterity there is sure to be some one of vast
intelligence.' This is now to be verified, probably, in Kong Qiu. If I
get to die a natural death, you must put Yue and Heji under his charge,
making them serve him and learn ceremonial observances from him, in
order that they may be established in their places."
'In this way Meng Yizi (Heji) and Nangong Jingshu
(Yue) became disciples of Zhongni. Zhongni said, "He who can mend his
errors is a superior man. The ode (Shi, II. i. ode I. 2) says,
|
'The officers have in them a model for imitation.' |
Meng Xizi may serve for such a model."
[There is here a brief notice:——'Xian, viscount of
Shan, threw on one side his relatives, and employed refugees. This
winter, in the 10th month, on Xinyou, the elans descended from [the
dukes] Xiang and Qing, put duke Xian to death, and appointed [his
younger brother], duke Cheng, in his room.']
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th mouth, Ji
Wuzi died. The marquis of Jin said to Boxia, "What you said, when I
asked you about the eclipse of the sun, has been fulfilled. May such
verification be constantly calculated on?" "No," was the reply. "The six
things are not the same. People's minds are not one. The order of things
is not similar. Offices and duties are not of the same pattern. The
beginning may be the same, and the end different. How can the
verification be constantly calculated on? The ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I.
4) says,
|
'Some enjoy their ease and rest; |
|
Some are all-worn in the service of the State.' |
Such may be the difference of the end." "What do
you mean by the six things?" said the marquis. Boxia replied, 'The year,
the seasons, the days, the months, the stars, and the zodiacal spaces."
The duke continued, "Tell me more. What do you mean by saying that the
zodiacal spaces are not the same?" "The conjunctions of the sun and
moon," was the answer, "form what are called the zodiacal spaces. Hence
they serve to order the regulation of the days [of the months]."
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The lady Jiang, wife of
duke Xiang of Wey, had no son, but his favourite, Zhou'e, bore to him,
first of all, Zhi. Kong Chengzi dreamt that Kangshu (The 1st marquis of
Wey) told him that he must secure the succession to Yuan, adding, "I
will make Ji's grandson Yu, and Shi Gou, his ministers." Shi Zhao also
dreamt that Kangshu said to him, "I will appoint your son Gou, and Yu,
the great-grandson of Kong Zhengchu, to be ministers to Yuan." Zhao went
to see Chengzi, and told him this dream,—agreeing with that which he had
had.
'In the year that Han Xuanzi became chief minister
of Jin, and went paying complimentary visits to the States, Zhou'e bore
a [second] son, and gave him the name of Yuan. The feet of Mengzhi were
not good, so that he was feeble in walking. Kong Chengzi consulted the
Zhou yi by the reeds, propounding the inquiry whether Yuan would enjoy
the State of Wey, and preside over its altars; and he got the diagram
Zhun (屯, ䷂). He also propounded the inquiry whether he should set up
Zhi, and if this appointment would be acceptable, in answer to which he
got Zhun and then Bi (比, ䷢). He showed these results to Shi Zhao, who
said, "under Zhun we have the words, 'Great and penetrating (元 亨; as if
'Great' were the name Yuan);' after this, can you have any doubts?" "But
is it not," said Chengzi, "a description of the elder?" "Kangshu," was
the reply, "so named him, and we may therefore interpret it of the
superior. Meng is not a [complete] man; he cannot have a place in the
ancestral temple; he cannot be pronounced the superior. And moreover,
under Zhun it is said, 'A prince must be set up.' If the heir were
lucky, no other would have to be set up. That term indicates another,
and not the heir. The same words occur in both your divinations. You
must set up Yuan. Kangshu commanded it, and both your diagrams direct
it. When the reeds accorded with his dream, king Wu followed them. If
you do not do so, what will you do? He who is feeble in walking must
remain at home. The prince has to preside at the altars, to be present
at sacrifices, take the charge of the people and officers, serve the
Spirits, attend at conferences and visit other courts; how is it
possible that he should remain at home? Is it not right that each [of
the brothers] should have what is most advantageous to him?" In
consequence of this, Kong Chengzi appointed [Yuan or] duke Ling in his
father's place; and in the 12th month, on Guihai, duke Xiang was
buried.' VIII. Eighth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, Shao,
younger brother of the marquis of Chen, put to death Yanshi, heir-son of
the State.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Xinchou, Ni,
marquis of Chen, died.
3. Shu Gong went to Jin.
4. The people of Chu seized Gan Zhengshi, the
messenger of Chen, and put him to death.
5. The Gongzi Liu of Chen fled from that State to
Zheng.
6. In autumn, we held a review in Hong.
7. The people of Chen put to death its great officer,
the Gongzi Guo.
8. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renwu, an army
of Chu extinguished Chen, seized the Gongzi Shao and banished him to
Yue, and put to death Kong Huan.
10. There was the burial of duke Ai of Chen.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1, 2, 4, 5. [The Zhuan has a narrative of a
stone talking, which has place here:——'This spring, a stone spoke in
Weiyu of Jin. The marquis asked the music-master Kuang why it was that
it did so, and was answered, "Stones cannot speak. Perhaps this was
possessed [by a Spirit]. If not, then the people heard wrong. And yet I
have heard, that when things are done out of season, and discontent and
complaints are stirring among the people, then speechless things do
speak. Now palaces are reared, lofty and extravagant, and the strength
of the people is tasked to an exhausting degree. Discontent and
complaints are everywhere rife, [people feeling that] their life is not
worth preserving. Is it not right that in such circumstances stones
should speak?" At this time the marquis was engaged in building the
palace of Siqi.
'Shuxiang said, "The words of Ziye (The
music-master) show him to be a superior man. The words of a superior man
are true and supported by evidence, so that they keep enmity far from
his own person; but the words of a small person are false and without
evidence, so that enmity and blame come upon himself. Herein we have an
illustration of what is said in the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode X. 5),
|
'Alas that right words cannot be spoken, |
|
Which come not from the tongue [only]! |
|
The speakers of them are sure to suffer. |
|
It is well for the words that can be spoken; |
|
The artful speech flows like a stream, |
|
And the speakers dwell thereby in prosperity.' |
When this palace has been completed, the States are
sure to revolt, and our ruler will bear the blame. This [the
music-master] is aware of."]
This brother of the marquis of Chen appears in i. 2,
as the Gongzi Shao. The Zhuan says:——'The head wife of duke Ai of Chen,
a Ji of Zheng, bore to him Yanshi, [known as] Dao the eldest son. The
second wife bore him the Gongzi Liu, and the third bore him the Gongzi
Sheng. The second wife was the favourite, and Liu in consequence had
more regard shown to him [than his brothers had], and was entrusted to
the care of Shao, minister of Instruction, and the Gongzi Guo. [At this
time], duke Ai was suffering from an incurable disease, and in the 3d
month, on Jiashen, the Gongzis Shao and Guo killed Dao the eldest son,
Yanshi, and raised the Gongzi Liu to his place.
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Xinhai, duke Ai
strangled himself.
'Gan Zhengshi went to Chu to announce [the marquis's
death], and the appointment of a [new ruler]. The Gongzi Sheng [at the
same time] accused him to Chu, where they seized and put him to death,
on which the Gongzi Liu fled to Zheng.
'The words of the text, "Shao, brother of the
marquis of Chen, killed its heir-son Yanshi," show the guilt of Shao,
while the statement that "The viscount of Chu seized Chen's messenger
Gan Zhengshi, and put him to death," shows that the guilt did not rest
on the messenger(?).'
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong went to Jin, to
offer congratulations on [the completion of the palace of] Siqi. You Ji
attended the earl of Zheng to Jin, also to offer similar
congratulations. The historiographer Zhao visited him, Zitaishu, and
said, "Most excessive is the delusion you practise on one another. The
thing is matter for condolence, and yet you offer congratulations on
it." The other replied, "How is it matter for condolence? It is not we
only who offer congratulations on it. [All the States] under heaven are
sure to do the same."
Par. 6. The Zhuan says that at this review the
leather or war-chariots, collected from Genmou (On the east of Lu) to
the borders of Shang (I. e., Song) and Wey, amounted to a thousand. Hong
was in Lu, but where it was exactly remains a matter of doubt. 蒐 is the
name of the spring hunting, and many of the critics find matter for
remark in the employment of the name for what was done in autumn, to the
hunting in which the term 獮 is appropriate. But these terms are
interchanged (Mao; 通 稱) in the sense which 蒐 has here of a military
review. Du explains it by 數 軍 實, 簡 車 馬 'A numbering of the equipments of
the army, and an examination of the chariots and horses.' Similarly,
Gongyang;—簡 車 徒. Du thinks that the character 'grand' has been
inadvertently omitted at the beginning of the par. Other critics call
attention to the omission of 公, characteristic of this and other
subsequent similar notices, accounting for it from the fact that the
military power of Lu was now in the hands of the three families, and the
ruler had nothing to do with it.
[We have a narrative here about affairs in Qi:——'In
the 7th month, on Jiaxu, Ziwei of Qi died. Ziqi, wishing to take the
regulation of his House, on Dingchou put to death Liang Ying (Ziwei's
steward). In the 8th month, on Gengxu, he drove out Zicheng, Zigong, and
Ziju, all of whom came fugitives to Lu; and he then appointed a [new]
steward for Ziliang (Ziwei's son). [Ziliang's] servants, however, said,
"Our young master is grown up. His taking the direction of our House
shows that he wishes to absorb it." They gave out the buff-coats, and
were proceeding to attack Ziqi.
'Chen Huanzi had been on good terms with Ziwei, and
also gave out his buff-coats, intending to assist [the servants of
Ziliang]. One told Ziqi [of all this], and he did not believe it; but
when several men repeated the information, he was about to go [to
Ziliang's]. On the way several others brought him the same news, when he
went to Chen's. Huanzi was then about to go out; but when he heard [that
Ziqi] was coming to him], he turned back, put on his garments of ease,
and met him. [Ziqi] begged him to tell him [where he was going]. "I had
heard," replied he, "that Qiang [Ziliang] had given out his buff-coats,
and was going to attack you, Have you heard it?" Being answered, "No,"
[he continued], "Why should you not also give out your buff-coats, and
allow me to follow you?" Ziqi said, "Why should you do so? I have
instructed that young gentleman, and, apprehensive lest that should not
be enough, I have also shown him the favour of appointing [a steward]
for him. How would [our quarreling] appear to his father? Why should you
not tell him this? One of the Books of Zhou (Shu, V. ix. 6) says, 'Be
kind to the unkindly, and stimulate the sluggish;'—it was thus that the
doings of Kangshu became so great." Huanzi bowed with his forehead to
the ground, saying, "[The dukes] Qing and Ling will bless you. I also
hope you will do thus." He then made peace between [the two families],
as there had been before.']
Parr. 7, 9. Gongyang has 瑗 for 奐. The Zhuan
says:——'The Gongzi Shao of Chen laid the blame [of the murder of Yanshi]
on the Gongzi Guo, and put him to death.
'In the 9th month, the Gongzi Qiji of Chu led a
force, [as if] in support of [the Gong-]sun Wu (Yanshi's son), and laid
siege to [the capital of] Chen, where he was joined by Dai E of Song. In
winter in the 11th month, on Renwu, he extinguished Chen. Yuan Ke a
great officer of the lowest degree, master of [the duke's] chariots,
[wanted to] kill horses and break articles of jade in pieces, to bury
[with the duke]. The people of Chu would have put him to death, when he
asked leave to let the horses and jade alone. Afterwards, he also begged
that he might privately [do his duty to his late ruler's corpse]; and
having done so in a tent, he wrapt a mourning band about his head, and
fled.
'[The king of Chu then] appointed Chuanfeng Xu duke
of Chen, saying it was because Xu had not flattered him in the affair at
Chengjun (See after IX. xxvi. 4). When he was sitting near the king as
they were drinking, the king said to him, At the affair of Chengjun, if
you had known that I would reach my present position, would you then
have given place to me?" Xu replied, "If I had known that you would
reach your present position, I would have done my duty to the death, to
secure the peace of the State of Chu.
'The marquis of Jin asked the historiographer Zhao
whether Chen was now indeed to perish, and was answered that its end was
not yet. "Why [do you say so]?" asked the duke. The historiographer
replied, "[The house of] Chen is a branch of the descendants of Zhuanxu.
When the year [i. e., star, Jupiter] was in Chunhuo, [the dynasty of
Zhuanxu] was thereby extinguished; and the extinction of Chen will
happen similarly. Now it is in Ximu, at the ford of the Milky
Way;—[Chen] will still again arise. Moreover, the branch of the House of
Chen which is in Qi will get the government of that State, and not till
after that will Chen perish. From Mu to Gusou there was not [a chief of
the family] who acted contrary to the laws [of Heaven]. Shun then
renewed the family by his brilliant virtue, which secured the
establishment [of his descendants] in Sui. From age to age they kept
that State, till Zhou conferred his surname on duke Hu because of his
freedom from all excess, and made him sacrifice to the emperor Yu
(Shun). I have heard that sacrifices to [an ancestor of] complete virtue
continue for a hundred generations. The number of the generations of Yu
is not yet complete. The continuation of them will be in Qi;—there are
sufficient indications of that."
Many critics read the 10th par. as belonging to the
preceding one, so that the burial of the marquis of Chen was the act of
Chu. There would be no difficulty in accepting this construction, but
for the account in the Zhuan, which ascribes the burial to Yuan Ke, an
inferior officer of the deceased marquis. Du Yu understands the notice
in the same way as the many similar ones of burials in this classic, and
says that Lu sent a great officer to be present at it. The Kangxi
editors allow that the notice is to be accepted according to the analogy
of similar ones, and yet they say that Lu did not by a representative
take any part in the funeral! The entry was made, they fancy, 'by a
change of the rule' for such notices, to disallow Chu's extinction of
the State of Chen! IX. Ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, Shu Gong
went to an interview with the viscount of Chu in Chen.
2. Xu removed [its capital] to Yi.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, there was a fire
in [the capital of] Chen.
4. In autumn, Zhongsun Jue went to Qi.
5. In winter, we enclosed the park of Lang.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Shu Gong, Hua
Hai of Song, You Ji of Zheng, and Zhao Yan of Wey, had a meeting with
the viscount of Chu in Chen.'
This was not one of the formal meetings summoned by
the ruling State, and therefore the text does not give the names of the
ministers of other States who now repaired to Chen to see the king of
Chu. His dealing with Chen had fluttered them all, and they hurried to
pay their respects to him. Compare VII. xv. 1. To mark the difference
between this and the other usage of 會, I have translated the term
differently.
Par. 2. We saw, in VIII. xv. 11, how Xu, to escape
the pressure of Zheng, moved from its original capital in the present
Xuzhou, Henan, to She, which is still the name of a district, in Nanyang
dep. of the same province. The same cause operated to produce a removal,
still farther south and nearer to Chu, to Yi, which had formerly been
called Chengfu, 70 le southeast from Bozhou (亳州), dep. Yingzhou (潁州), in
Anhui. The movement was carried out by Chu but originated in the desire
of Xu itself; and hence the text ascribes it to Xu.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d month, on Gengchen, the
Gongzi Qiji of Chu removed [the capital, of] Xu to Yi, i.e., to Chengfu,
and took the lands of Zhoulai on the north of the Huai to increase its
territory. Wu Ju delivered over those lands to the baron of Xu; and [at
the same time] Ran Dan removed the people of Chengfu (I. e. Yi) to Chen,
giving them in addition the lands of Yi on the west of the Pu. He also
removed the people outside [Chu's] barrier wall to [the old capital of]
Xu.'
[We have here a narrative about the relations
between Zhou and Jin:——'The commandant of Gan in Zhou had a quarrel with
Jia, the commandant of Yan in Jin, about the lands of Yan; on which
Liang Bing and Zhang Ti of Jin led the Yin Rong to attack Ying. The king
then sent Huanbo of Zhan to address the following remonstrance to
Jin:——"We [of Zhou], from the time of the Xia dynasty, in consequence of
[the services of] Houji, had Wei, Tai, Rui, Qi, and Bi as our
territories on the west. When king Wu subdued Shang, Pugu and Shangyan
were our territories on the east; Ba, Pu, Chu, and Deng, our territories
on the south; Sushen, Yan, and Bo, our territories on the north:—no
narrow limits could be assigned to our boundaries. When Wen, Wu, Cheng,
and Kang granted fiefs to their own brothers, that they might be fences
and screens to Zhou, it was also as a precaution against weakness and
losses [in the future]:—was it that they should be like the [first] cap
for the hair which is subsequently thrown away? The ancient kings
located Taowu in [one of] the four distant regions, to encounter the
sprites and other evil things (See on VI. xviii. 9), and so it was that
the villains of the surname Yun dwelt in Guazhou. When [our] uncle,
[your] duke Hui, returned from Qin (In the 15th year of duke Xi), he
induced them to come in this direction (In Xi's 22d year), so that they
have since pressed on all our Ji States, and entered our suburbs and the
districts beyond them;—these the Rong have taken to themselves. That the
Rong have thus [a footing in] the Middle State, whose is the blame?
Houji [taught how to] divide the lands and sow grain all under heaven,
and now the Rong regulate them after their own fashion; —is not the case
a hard one? Let my uncle well consider it. I am to you as the cap or
crown to the other garments, as the root to the tree, or the spring to
the stream, as their counsellor to the people. If you tear the cap and
break the crown in pieces, tear up the root, stop up the spring, and
take it on you to cast the counsellor away, what can be expected by me,
the One man, from the Rong and the Di?"
'Shuxiang said to Xuanzi, "Even Wen, as leader of
the States, was not able to change the order of the kingdom. He acted as
the supporter of the son of Heaven, showing towards him extraordinary
respect. Since the time of Wen, our virtue has decayed generation after
generation, and we have tyrannized over and reduced lower and lower the
Head of Zhou, thereby proclaiming the extravagance of our course. Is it
not right that the States should become disaffected to us? And moreover
the king's words are right. Do you consider the case well." Xuanzi was
pleased; and as the king was then in mourning for one of the queen's
kindred, he sent Zhao Cheng to Zhou to offer condolences, and to
surrender the lands of Yan, and present an offering of grave-clothes. He
also sent back the captives of Ying. The king on his part made Bin Hua
seize Xiang, the commandant of Gan, to please Jin, where, however, they
treated him with courtesy, sending him afterwards back [to Zhou].']
Par. 3. Gong and Gu have here 火 instead of 災.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 4th month, there was a fire
in Chen. Pi Zao of Zheng said, "In 5 years the State of Chen will be
re-established; and after 52 years of re-establishment, it will finally
perish." Zichan asked the reason [of his saying so], and he replied,
"Chen, (As representing the dynasty of Zhuanxu), belongs to [the element
of] water. Fire is the antagonistic [element] to water, and is under the
regulation of Chu (The rulers of Chu being descended from Zhurong). Now
the Huo [star] has appeared, and kindled this fire in Chen, [indicating]
the expulsion of Chu and the establishment of Chen. Antagonistic
elements are ruled by the number five [in their conjunctions]; and
therefore I say in 5 years. The year [star] must five times come to
Chunhuo, and then Chen will finally perish, and Chu be able to keep it
in possession. This is the way of Heaven, and therefore I said 52
years."
Acc. to the explanation of Du, Jupiter was this year
in Xingji (星 紀) (Sagittarius-Capricorn). In 5 years (Inclusive of the
1st and last), it would be in Daliang (大 梁) (Aries-Taurus), when Chen
would be re-established; and in 4 years after it would be in Chunhuo
(Cancer-Leo). When in 48 years it had been again 4 times in Chunhuo,
these added to the above 4 years, give the 52 years mentioned.
In this par. and the 1st, as well as in the
concluding par. of last year, the text continues to speak of Chen as if
that State were still existing, after its extinction by Chu. There would
appear to be, it is thought, in this way of writing, some indication of
Confucius' disapprobation of the procedure of Chu.
[The Zhuan appends here a narrative, which we find,
with some differences, in the Li ji, II., Pt. II. ii. 12:——'Xun Ying of
Jin had gone to Qi, to meet his bride; and as he was returning, he died,
in the 6th month, at Xiyang. While his coffin remained unburied in
Jiang, the marquis was, [one day], drinking and enjoying himself, when
the chief cook, Tu Kuai, rushed into the apartment, and asked leave to
assist the cupbearer. The duke having granted it, he proceeded to fill a
cup, which he presented to the music-master, saying, "You are the
ruler's ears, and should see to his hearing well. If the day be Zimao,
it is called an evil day, and the ruler does not feast on it nor have
music, and learners give up their study [of music] on it;—because it is
recognized as an evil day. The ruler's ministers and assistants are his
limbs. If one of his limbs be lost, what equal occasion for sorrow could
there be? You have not heard of this, and are practising your music
here;—showing that your hearing is defective." He then presented another
cup to the inferior officer of the Exterior, the officer Shu, saying,
"You are the ruler's eyes, and should see to his seeing clearly. The
dress is intended to illustrate the rules of propriety, and those rules
are seen in the conduct of affairs. Affairs are managed according to the
things [which are the subject of them]; and those things are shown in
the appearance of the person. Now the ruler's appearance is not in
accordance with the [great] thing [of to day], and you do not see
this:——your seeing is defective." He also drank a cup himself, saying,
"The combination of flavours [in diet] is to give vigour to the humours
[of the body], the effect of which is to give fulness and stability to
the mind. The mind is thus able to determine the words in which the
orders of the government are given forth. To me belongs that combination
of flavours, and as you two in attendance here have failed in the duties
of your offices, and the ruler has given no orders [condemnatory of
you], I am chargeable with the crime."
'The marquis was pleased, and ordered the spirits
to be removed. Before this, he had wished to remove the Head of the Zhi
family (Xun Ying) from his office, and to give it to a favourite officer
of an extraneous clan; but in consequence of this incident he repented
of his purpose and gave it up. In autumn, in the 8th month, he made Xun
Li (Ying's son) assistant-commander of the 3d army, by way of apology
[for his dislike of the family].']
Par. 4. This Zhongsun Jue is the Meng Xizi of whose
ignorance of the rules and observances of propriety we read under the
7th year. For twenty years, since the 20th year of Xiang, there had been
no interchange of complimentary visits between Lu and Qi. The present
mission was therefore, dispatched on a grand scale. The Zhuan
says:——'Meng Xizi went to Chu, to pay a complimentary visit of the
completest order (殷 盛):—which was proper.'
Par. 5. This par. is literally, 'We built the park
of Lang.' But the 'building' must refer principally to the enclosing
walls, and I have therefore translated 築 by 'enclosed.'
The Zhuan' says:——'We enclosed the park of Lang. Ji
Pingzi (Grandson of Su or Ji Wuzi) wished the work to be quickly
completed; but Shusun Zhaozi said, "The ode (Shi, III. i. ode VIII. 1)
says,
|
'When he planned the commencement, [he said], "Be not in a
hurry;"
|
|
But the people came as if they were his children.' |
Why must it be quickly completed? That would tend
to destroy the people. We can get on without a park; but can we get on
without the people?" Lang,—see I. ix. 4, et
al. X. Tenth year.
1. In the [duke's] tenth year, it was spring, the
king's first month.
2. In summer, Luan Shi of Qi came to Lu a fugitive.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, Jisun Yiru, Shu
Gong, and Zhongsun Jue, led [our] army and invaded Ju.
4. On Wuzi, Biao, marquis of Jin, died.
5. In the ninth month, Shusun Chuo went to Jin, to
the burial of duke Ping.
6. In the twelfth month, on Jiazi, Cheng, duke of
Song, died.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. [The Zhuan gives here an astrological
narrative:——'This spring, in the king's first month, a [strange] star
appeared in [the constellation] Wunü. Pi Zao of Zheng said to Zichan,
"In the 7th month, on Wuzi, the ruler of Jin will die. This year, the
year [star] is in the xu of Zhuanxu (I. e., the zodiacal sign of
Xuanxiao (玄枵), or Capricorn-Aquarius). The Houses of Jiang and Ren (I.
e., of Qi and Xue) are the guardians of the territory corresponding
thereto. Right at the commencing constellation of that sign, there is
this ominous star;—with a communication evidently to Yi Jiang, the
ancestress of the House of Jin. [The constellations of] heaven are
arranged in sevens; and it was on Wuzi that duke Feng [anciently]
ascended on high, when a [strange] star appeared in this same place.
Thus it is that I make this observation."]
Par. 2. Instead of 齊 Gongyang has 晉, having
confounded the Luan clan of Jin, which had played a prominent part in
the former period of the Chunqiu, with that of Qi.
The Zhuan says:——'The chiefs of the families of Luan
and Gao, which were descended from duke Hui of Qi, were both addicted to
drink, gave credit to women's stories, and had many animosities. They
felt themselves stronger than the families of Chen and Bao, and hated
them. This summer, some one told Chen Huanzi that Ziqi (Luan Shi) and
Ziliang (Gao Qiang) were about to attack the Chen and the Bao; and
similar information was conveyed to the chief of the Bao. Huanzi [on
this] gave out his buff-coats, and proceeded to the house of Bao, when
[on the way] he met Ziliang, dashing along in his chariot drunk. He went
on, however, and saw Wenzi (Bao Guo), who also gave out his buff-coats,
while they sent to see what the two chiefs were doing. It turned out
that they were setting to to drink, but Huanzi said, "Although our
informant was not correct, yet when they hear that we have given out our
buff-coats, they will be sure to [try to] drive us out. While they are
drinking, let us take the initiative and attack them."
'Chen and Bao were then on the best of terms, and
accordingly they proceeded to attack the Luan and Gao. Ziliang said, "If
we first get [the countenance of] the duke, where can Chen and Bao go
to?" [The duke refusing to see them], they attacked the Hu gate. Gan
Pingzhong took his place outside it in his court robes. The four clans
all called him, but he would not go to any of them. His followers asked
him whether he would help Chen and Bao, but he said that they had no
goodness to make him do so. Would he help Luan and Gao then? They were
no better, he said. Would he then return to his own house? "When the
ruler is attacked," said he, "how should I return?" [By and by] the duke
called him, and he entered the palace, where the duke consulted the
tortoise-shell, as to whether he should give Wang Hei the [banner]
Linggupi, and order him to lead forth his troops. The answer being
favourable, that officer asked leave to cut off 3 feet [from the
border], and took the banner.
'In the 5th month, on Gengchen, they fought near the
altar of [Hou]ji, when Luan and Gao were defeated. They were defeated
again in the Zhuang [street], pursued by the people, and defeated a
third time near the Lu gate, after which Luan Shi and Gao Qiang fled to
Lu. Chen and Bao divided all their property between themselves, but
Yanzi advised Huanzi to surrender it to the duke, saying, "Courteous
deference is the essential point of virtue. It is an admirable quality.
All who have blood and breath have a disposition to quarrel with one
another, and hence gain is not to be sought for by violence. It is
better to think of righteousness. Righteousnes is the root of gain. The
accumulation of gain produces misfortune; let me advise you for the
present not to seek such accumulation. You will find such a course
conduce to the growth of your superiority." On this Huanzi gave up
everything to the duke, and asked leave, as being old, to retire to [the
city of] Ju. [Subsequently], he called Zishan (Who, with Zishang and
Zizhou, had been driven away in Xiang's 21st year) [back to Qi],
privately provided for him tents and articles of furniture, and clothes
and shoes for his followers, and restored [his city of] Ji. So he dealt
by Zishang, restoring his city; and by Zizhou, giving him [the city of]
Fuyu. He brought back [also] Zicheng, Zigong, and Gongsun Jie (Driven
out by Ziqi in Zhao's 8th year), and increased the emoluments of them
all. To all the sons and grandsons of former rulers, who had no
revenues, he gave cities of his own; and to all the poor and straitened,
the orphans and widows, in the State, he distributed of his grain,
saying, "The ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 2) says,
'He displayed his gifts in every direction.' So was
[King Wen] able to dispense his bounties; and it was in this way that
duke Huan became the leader of the States."
'The duke [wanted to] give to Huanzi the city
adjoining Ju, but he declined it. Mu Mengji (The duke's mother) begged
Gaotang for him; and the Chen family began to be greater than it had
been.'
The text mentions the flight of Luan Shi only, as
Gao Qiang was not a minister of Qi.
Par. 3. Here and afterwards Gongyang has 隱 如 for 意 如
. Yiru is Ji Pingzi, who was now chief of the House of Jisun. The whole
expedition was under him, but the text mentions the other commanders
also, because they were all three ministers. Hu An'guo confounds Shu
Gong with the chief of the Shusun House. He may also have been in this
expedition as assistant-commander to one or other of the others.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 7th month, Pingzi invaded
Ju, and took Geng. In presenting his captives, he for the 1st time
sacrificed a human victim at the altar of Bo. When Zang Wuzhong heard of
this in Qi, he said, 'The duke of Zhou will not accept the sacrifice of
Lu. What he accepts is righteousness, of which Lu has none. The ode
(Shi, II. i. ode I. 2) says,
|
'Their virtuous fame is grandly brilliant; |
|
They show the people not to be mean.' |
The disregard of the people in this must be
pronounced excessive. Thus using men as victims, who will confer a
blessing [on Lu]?'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'On Wuzi, duke Ping of Jin
died. The earl of Zheng was going [in consequence] to Jin; but when he
had got to the He, the people of Jin declined his visit and You Ji then
went on to Jin.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, Shusun
Chuo (I. q. She 舍), Guo Ruo of Qi, Hua Ding of Song, Beigong Xi of Wey,
Han Hu of Zheng, an officer of Xu, an officer of Cao, an officer of Ju,
an officer of Zhu, an officer of Xue, an officer of Qi, and an officer
of Little Zhu, went to Jin to the burial of duke Ping. Zipi (Han Hu) of
Zheng wished to take silks and other offerings with him [expecting to
have an audience of the new marquis]; but Zichan said, "On a funeral
occasion how [can you think of] using such offerings? If you take
offerings, you must have 100 carriages, which will require 1000 men.
When the 1000 men have got there, you will find that [what you intend]
cannot be done; and when that cannot be done, you will be sure to use
the whole [in some other way]. How many times could you take 1000 men
with you, and the State not be ruined?" Zipi, however, urgently begged
that he might go [as he proposed].
'After the funeral, the great officers of the
States wished to take the opportunity to see the new marquis; and though
Shusun Zhaozi said it was contrary to rule to do do so, they would not
listen to him. Shuxiang, however, declined their proposal, saying, [as
if from the marquis], "The business of you, great officers, is ended;
and still you have your orders for me. But I am in the deepest mourning,
wearing the unhemmed clothes and headband. If I were to put on the
auspicious garments to see you, the rites of mourning are not yet
finished; and if I were to see you in my mourning robes, I should be
receiving your condolences a second time:—what would you think of that?"
The officers had no words with which to urge their request for an
interview, and Zipi had to dispose of all his offerings. When he
returned to Zheng, he said to Ziyu, "It is not the knowing a thing that
is difficult, but it is the acting accordingly. He, our master, knew
[that my purpose was impracticable], but I was not capable [of taking
his advice]. The words of the Shu (IV. v. Pt. II. 3), 'By my desires I
was setting at nought the rules [of conduct]; by my self-indulgence I
was violating the rules of propriety,' might be spoken of me. He knew
both of those rules; but I gave way to my self-indulgence and desires,
and was not able to deny myself."
'When Zhaozi arrived from Jin, all the great
officers visited him. Gao Qiang, [also] came to see him, and when he had
retired, Zhaozi said to the great officers, "How careful ought a son to
be! Formerly, when Qing Feng was driven into exile, Ziwei received many
cities, a few of which he gave up to his ruler. The marquis of Qi
considered him loyal, and made him a great favourite. When he was near
his death, he was taken ill in the marquis's palace; and when he was
conveyed home in a hand carriage, the marquis himself assisted in
pushing it along. His son could not sustain his office, and therefore he
is [a fugitive] here. [The father's] loyalty was an excellent virtue,
but the son could not sustain it [in the same way], and the charge of
guilt came moreover on him;—the evil was that he was not careful. He has
ruined what his father had achieved, thrown away his virtue, and emptied
his ancestral temple, involving also his own person;—is not the injury
he has done [great]? To him we may apply the words of the ode (II. iv.
ode VII. 2),
|
[Why was this time] not before me, |
|
Or [why was it] not after me?" |
Par. 6. For 成 Gongyang has 戌. The historiographers
appear to have inadvertently omitted the character 冬, 'in the winter,'
at the beginning of this par.
The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 12th month,
duke Ping of Song died. Before this, [his son], duke Yuan, had hated the
chief of the eunuchs, Liu, and wished to put him to death (See on vi.
5). On [Ping's] death, Liu placed lighted charcoal in the [mourner's]
place, [so as to make it warm], and when the duke was coming [to occupy
it], he removed it. After the burial, he continued a favourite as
before.' XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the
king's second month, Shu Gong went to Song, to the burial of duke Ping.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Dingsi, Qian,
viscount of Chu, beguiled Ban, marquis of Cai, to Shen, and there put
him to death.
3. The Gongzi Qiji of Chu led an army and laid siege
to [the capital of] Cai.
4. In the fifth month, on Jiashen, the lady Gui, wife
[of duke Xiang], died.
5. We celebrated a grand review in Bipu.
6. Zhongsun Jue had a meeting with the viscount of
Zhu, when they made a covenant in Jinxiang.
7. In autumn, Jisun Yiru had a meeting with Han Qi of
Jin, Guo Ruo of Qi, Hua Hai of Song, Beigong Tuo of Wey, Han Hu of
Zheng, and officers of Cao and Qi, in Jueyin.
8. In the ninth month, on Jihai, we buried our
duchess Qi Gui.
9. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Dingyou, the
army of Chu extinguished Cai, seized You, heir-son of the State, and
carried him back [to Chu], where he was sacrificed as a victim.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. For 二 月 Gongyang has 正 月. Zuoshi repeats the
words of the par., with hardly any alteration; for what reason it would
be hard to say, unless the last four characters of the paragraph have
been introduced into it from the Zhuan.
Par. 2. The name of the king of Chu originally was
Wei (圍), but he had changed it to Qian. The mention of the name in the
notice is quite anomalous. That the name of the marquis of Cai should
appear is in accordance with the general practice in the case of princes
killed, or dying, or driven from their States, but the name of the
prince inflicting the death or the banishment only appears in this
place. Nearly half a dozen different explanations of the thing have been
propounded, but it is not worth while to adjudicate among them, or to
cast about for any new solution. Guliang has 乾 for 虔, and 班 for 般.
The Zhuan says:——'The king Jing asked Chang Hong
which of the princes would be lucky this year, and which would suffer
evil in it, and was answered, "It will be disastrous for Cai. This is
the [return of the] year in which Ban, the marquis of Cai, murdered his
ruler (See IX. xxx. 2). The year [star] is [again] in Shiwei
(Aquarius-Pisces); he will not go beyond this year. Chu will possess
Cai;—but to the accumulation [of its own wickedness]. When the year
[star] reaches Daliang (Aries-Taurus], Cai will be restored, and Chu
will have calamity;—this is the way of Heaven."
'The viscount of Chu, being in Shen, called the
marquis Ling of Cai to come to him. When the marquis was about to go,
the great officers of the State said, "The king is greedy, and has no
good faith. He is full of indignation against Cai. Now his offerings are
great and his words are sweet;—he is beguiling us. You had better not
go." The marquis, however, would not be stopped.
'In the 3d month, on Bingshen, the viscount of Chu
entertained the marquis of Cai in Shen, having [previously] placed
soldiers in concealment, who seized the marquis when he was drunk. In
the 4th month, on Dingsi, [the viscount] put him to death, and killed
[also] his officers, to the number of 70 men."
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Qiji having led
an army and laid siege to [the capital of] Cai, Han Xuanzi asked
Shuxiang whether Chu would succeed in taking it. "It will succeed," was
the reply. "The marquis of Cai was a criminal against his ruler, and he
was not able [to conciliate] his people. Heaven will borrow the agency
of Chu to destroy [the State]. Why should it not succeed? But I have
heard that success which happens to be gained through want of good faith
cannot be repeated. The king of Chu took the [Gong]sun Wu with him, when
he went to punish Chen, saying, "I will settle your State;" on which the
people of Chen accepted his orders;—and he proceeded to reduce that
State to be a district of Chu. Now he has further beguiled Cai, put its
ruler to death, and gone on to besiege its capital. Although he may
chance to reduce it, he is sure to receive an evil retribution;—he
cannot continue long. Jie vanquished the prince of Min, but thereby lost
his kingdom. Zhou vanquished the Yi of the east. but thereby lost his
life. Chu is [comparatively] small and its rank is low, but its
[ruler's] acts of tyranny are more than those of those two kings;—is it
possible he should not suffer for his evil? When Heaven borrows the
assistance of the bad, it is not blessing them; it is increasing their
evil and wickedness, and will then send down punishment upon them. We
may use [in such a case] this comparison:—There are five kinds of
materials supplied [to men] by Heaven. They will use them till their
substance is exhausted, and then they are worn out. In consequence of
this there is no help for them; they are done with, and cannot be
repaired."
Par. 4. From par. 8, and the Zhuan on IX. xxxi. 3,
we understand that this lady was the mother of duke Zhao. But according
to Zuoshi, she was not the wife proper of duke Xiang, though in this
par. she appears as such. He Xiu, on Gongyang, contends that she was the
proper wife. It has been thought that there is some confirmation of this
view in the fact that the text nowhere mentions the death of any other
wife of duke Xiang. We need not, however, discredit the account of
Zuoshi. On the elevation of duke Zhao, his mother would be raised to the
place of the proper wife.
Par. 5. Du does not attempt to fix the situation of
Bipu. It is generally understood to have been somewhere in the south of
Lu. 蒐,—see on viii. 6. We have here the description of this as 'a grand
review,' when everything connected with the defences and army of the
State was regulated. Zuoshi says that this review was 'contrary to
rule;' meaning that it was improper to hold it when the duke must have
been mourning for his mother. The poor duke, however, would have very
little to do with it. It was ordered and conducted, no doubt, by the
three clans.
Par. 6. Neither does Du identify Jinxiang; but its
site is to be sought somewhere in the pres. dis. of Ziyang (滋 陽), dep.
Yenchow. Gongyang has 侵 羊.
The Zhuan says:——'Meng Xizi had a meeting with duke
Zhuang of Cao [Zhu], when they made a covenant in Jinxiang, to cultivate
the good relations [between the two States]:——which was according to
rule. [Before this], the daughter of a man of Quanqiu dreamed that with
her curtains she made a tent for the temple of the Meng family, after
which she sought the company of Xizi, accompanied by one of her
companions. They had made a covenant at the altar of Qingqiu, that, when
they had sons, they would not abandon each other. Xizi made them act as
assistants to [his concubine] of the family of Wei. When he was now
returning from Jinxiang, he passed the night at the house of this lady
Wei, and by the young woman of Quanqiu he had [two sons], Yizi and
Nangong Jingshu. Her companion had no child, but she was employed to
bring up Jingshu.'
Par. 7. Gongyang has 隱 for 意 酌, for 弱 軒 for 罕, and
屈 銀 for 厥憖. Where Jueyin exactly was is not known. The Zhuan
says:——'When the army of Chu was in Cai, Xun Wu of Jin said to Han
Xuanzi, "We were not able to save Chen, and again we are not able to
save Cai; under such circumstances we shall have none to adhere to us.
Jin's want of power may be known [from this]. We are lord of covenants,
but what is the use of our being so, when we show no regard for States
that are perishing?"
'The meeting in the autumn at Jueyin was to consult
about relieving Cai. When Zipi of Zheng was about to set out for it,
Zichan said to him, "You will not go far; we are not able to save Cai.
Cai is small, and has behaved unreasonably. Chu is great, and has not
virtue. Heaven will cast away Cai, to let the [wickedness of] Chu
accumulate; and when that is full, it will punish that State. Cai is
sure to perish. It is seldom, moreover, that [the State] can be
preserved when the ruler is lost. But in three years, his evil will come
on the king. When good or evil has gone its round [of 12 years], there
is a revolution. The wickedness of the king will then have gone its
round."
'The people of Jin sent Hu Fu to beg of Chu to
spare Cai, but the request was refused.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'The viscount of Shan had
an interview with Han Xuanzi in Qi. His looks were bent downwards, and
his words came slow and low. Han Xuanzi said, "The viscount of Shan
will, probably, die soon. The places at audiences in the court are
definitely fixed; those at meetings abroad are marked out by flags.
There is the collar of the upper garment, and the knot of the sash. The
words spoken at meetings and audiences must be heard at the places
marked out and determined, so that the order of the business may be
clearly understood. The looks must be fixed on the space between the
collar and the knot, in order that the bearing and countenance may be
fitly regulated. The words are intended for the issuing of orders; the
bearing and countenance to illustrate them. Any error in either of these
is a defect. Now the viscount of Shan is the chief of the king's
officers; and when giving his instructions about business at this
meeting, his looks did not light above the sash, and his words did not
reach beyond a foot. His countenance showed no regulation of his
bearing, and his words gave no clear intelligence. The absence of such
regulation was a want of respect; the absence of such intelligence was a
want [in his words] of accordance [with reason]:—he has not breath to
preserve his life." ']
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'At the burial of Qi Gui,
the duke showed no grief. The officer of Jin who had come to attend the
funeral told this, on his return, to the historiographer Zhao, who said,
"He is sure to become [a resident] in the suburbs of Lu (I. e., he will
be driven from the capital)." His attendants asked him why he said so,
and he replied, "He is the son of Gui. As he does not think of his
parent, his ancestors will not protect him." Shuxiang said, "The House
of the dukes of Lu is low indeed! Though the ruler had so great a death
[in his family], the State would not give up a review; though he was
bound to mourn for 3 years, he could not show one day's grief. The
State's paying no regard to [his mother's] death showed that it stands
in no awe of the ruler; his having no appearance of grief shows that he
had no regard for his parents. When the State does not stand in awe of
the ruler, and the ruler has no regard for his parents, is it possible
that he should not be reduced low? He will almost lose the State." '
Par. 9. Guliang makes the name of the prince of Cai
友. The Zhuan calls him 隱, a posthumous title, connected with his
melancholy fate. 用 is used here as in V. xix. 4; Yingda explains it by 楚
以 畜 牲 用 之.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the viscount
of Chu extinguished Cai, and sacrificed the marquis's eldest son Yin on
mount Gang. Shen Wuyu said, "This is inauspicious. The five animals used
as victims cannot be employed one for another; how much less can a
prince of a State be employed as a victim! The king will have occasion
to repent of this." '
[We have here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the 12th month, duke Cheng of Shen
died:'verifying Shuxiang's remarks in the narrative after par. 7.
2d. 'The viscount of Chu walled, [on a large scale,
the old capitals of] Chen and Cai, and Bulang, and appointed Qiji duke
of Cai. He then asked Shen Wuyu what he thought of Qiji's being in Cai,
That officer replied, "For choosing among his sons no one is equal to
the father; for choosing among his ministers no one is equal to the
ruler. Duke Zhuang of Zheng walled Li, and placed Ziyuan in it, the
consequence of which was that duke Zhao could not maintain himself in
the State (See on II, xv. 9; but we cannot explain the whole of this
statement). Duke Huan of Qi walled Gu, and placed Guan Zhong in it (See
on III. xxxii. 1); and to the present day that State feels the benefit
of the proceeding. I have heard that the five great [subjects of a
State] should not be located in its borders, and that [subjects of] the
five small [classes] should not be in the court. The [ruler's] relatives
should not be away from the court, and refugees should not be in it. But
now Qiji is abroad, and Dan of Zheng (See on IX. xix. 12) is in the
court. You ought to be a little careful."
'The king again [further] asked him what he thought
of having great cities [besides the capital] in the State, and he
replied, "Jing and Li of Zheng led to the killing of Manbo. Xiao and Bo
of Song led to the killing of Ziyou (See on III. xii. 4); Quqiu of Qi
led to the killing of Wuzhi (See III.ix. 1); Pu and Qi of Wey led to the
expulsion of duke Xian (In Xiang's 14th year). Looking at these
examples, we must conclude that [such great cities] are injurious to a
State. Great branches are sure to break [the roots]; a great tail cannot
be moved about:—this is what you know.] XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, Gao Yan of Qi led a
force, and replaced the earl of North Yan in Yang.
2. In the third month, on Renshen, Jia, earl of
Zheng, died.
3. In summer, the duke of Song sent Hua Ding to Lu on
a complimentary mission.
4. The duke was going to Jin; but when he got to the
He, he returned.
5. In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke
Jian of Zheng.
6. Chu put to death its great officer Cheng Xiong.
7. It was autumn, the seventh month.
8. In autumn, duke [Xiang's] son Yin fled from the
State to Qi.
9. The viscount of Chu invaded Xu.
10. Jin invaded the Xianyu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Yang was a city of Yan,—in the pres.
district of Tang (唐), dep. Baoding, Zhili. It was afterwards called
Tang. This earl of Yan was the Kuan, whose flight to Qi is mentioned in
iii. 7. In vi. 9 we have the account of an ineffectual attempt on the
part of Qi to restore him. This second attempt was also a failure,
though it secured for the earl possession of Tang.
The Zhuan says:——'Gao Yan replaced Kuan, earl of
North Yan, in Tang;—through its inhabitants [being well disposed to
him].'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says;—'In the 3d month, duke Jian
of Zheng died. When they were engaged in levelling the road in order to
his burial, they came to the ancestral temple of the You family, and
were about to pull it down. Zitaishu (You Ji, Head of the family) made
the clearers stand with their implements in their hands, and not proceed
to pull it down, telling them that, when Zichan passed by them, and
asked why they had not pulled it down, they should say, "We could not
bear [to touch] the temple; but yes;—we will pull it down." When they
had done this, Zichan made them carry the road on one side of it. Right
in the way were some houses belonging to the superintendent of the
graves. If they were destroyed, the coffin could be put under ground in
the morning. If they were not pulled down, it would be mid-day before
that could be done. Zitaishu begged that they might be pulled down,
saying, "We must do it for the sake of our guests from the [various]
States;" but Zichan said, "The guests from the States who come to be
present at our funeral will not be afraid of [stopping till] mid-day.
Why should we not do what will occasion them no loss, and will save the
people from injury?" Accordingly they did not pull the houses down, and
the interment was accomplished at mid-day.
'The superior man will say that Zichan knew what was
proper. According to the rules of propriety, a man will not overthrow
anything of another to establish himself.'
Du supposes that duke Jian had chosen some new spot
to be buried in, which occasioned the difficulties mentioned in the
narrative.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'This visit was on behalf
of the ruler [of Song], to open communications [between him and Lu].
[The duke] gave him an entertainment, and there was sung for him the Liu
Xiao (Shi, II. ii. ode IX.); but he did not understand it, and sang
nothing in reply. Zhaozi said, "He is sure to be driven into exile. He
cherished not that 'We feast and talk;' he declared not his sense of
that 'They favour me, they brighten me;' he understood not that
'Excellent virtue;' he accepted not that 'Common happiness;'—how should
he continue to be in [Song]?"
[The Zhuan gives here:——'The marquises of Qi and
Wey, and the earl of Zheng, went to Jin to present themselves at the
court of the new ruler.']
Par. 4. In explanation of this par., the Zhuan
says:——'In consequence of our taking Geng (See on x. 3), the 'people of
Ju had complained to Jin, which had not yet dealt with the matter, being
occupied by the death of duke Ping, and therefore declined the duke's
visit. Duke [Xiang's] son Yin then went to Jin.'
[We have here the following narrative about the
visit of the above-named princes to Jin:——'The marquis of Jin
entertained the princes, but Zichan, who was in attendance on and
directing the earl of Zheng, begged that he might be excused from being
present, saying that when they had done with the death [for the late
earl], they would receive Jin's orders; and the request was
granted;—which was according to propriety.
'The marquis of Jin was feasting with the marquis
of Qi, when Zhonghang Muzi (Xun Wu), who was directing the ceremonies,
[proposed that they should play at] throwing arrows into jars. The
marquis of Jin had the first chance, and Muzi said,
|
"We have spirits to fill the Huai; |
|
We have flesh to form the Chi. |
If my ruler succeed with this, he will be the
master of the princes." The marquis's throw was successful; and then the
marquis of Qi lifted up an arrow, and said,
|
"I have spirits to fill the Sheng; |
|
I have flesh to form a great mound. |
If I hit with this, I shall rise to your lordship's
place."
'His throw was also successful, on which Boxia (Shi
Wenbo) said to Muzi, "You made a slip in what you said;—our [ruler's]
position is established as master of the princes. Why did you use those
jars? How should a successful throw into them give any superiority? The
ruler of Qi has treated our ruler as feeble, When he returns, he will
not come here [again]." Muzi replied, "Our armies and generals are most
formidable opponents; our soldiers and chariot-men are strong and
eager;—now as of old. Whom will Qi serve [but Jin]?" The Gongsun Sou
hurried into the place of entertainment, saying, "The day is declining;
our ruler is tired; it is time for him to come out." [With these words],
he carried off the marquis of Qi.']
Par. 5. The Zhuan repeats this par., as if to show
the meaning of Zichan's remark in the above narrative, giving, however,
'the 6th month,' instead of the 5th.
Par. 6. For 熊 Gongyang has 然; Guliang and the Zhuan
of Zuo have 虎. Xiong was a grandson of Dechen or Ziyu, who lost the
battle of Chengpu. Both the Cheng and Dou families were descended from
Ruo'ao. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu, considering that Cheng Hu
was a remnant, [as it were], of Ruo'ao, put him to death. Some one had
slandered Cheng Hu to the viscount, and though he was aware of it, he
was not able to go away. The text, "Chu put to death its great officer
Cheng Hu," shows how he clung to the favour [he enjoyed].'
[We have here three narratives appended:——1st. 'Xun
Wu of Jin, pretending that he wanted to join the army of Qi, borrowed
leave to go through Xianyu, and took the opportunity to take possession
of Xiyang. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Renwu. he extinguished Fei,
and took its viscount, Miangao, back with him to Jin.'
2d. 'Jiao, earl of Yuan in Zhou, behaved
oppressively to his servants, and made them run away. In winter, in the
10th month, on Renshen, the 1st day of the moon, all the people of Yuan
drove Jiao out, and raised his brother Guixun to his place. Jiao fled to
Jiao.
3d. 'Duke Jian of Gan had no son, and appointed his
brother Guo as his successor. Guo wished to take off the families
descended from [dukes] Cheng and Jing; but these bribed duke Xian of
Liu, who, on Bingshen, put [Guo], duke Dao of Gan, to death, and
appointed Qiu, a grandson of duke Cheng, in his room. On Dingyou, he put
to death Guo, a son of Yu Pi, and tutor of the eldest son Xian. He put
Xia Xin to death in the market-place, and Chuo a favourite of the
palace, Wangsun Mo, Liu Zhoujiu, Yin Ji, and Lao Yangzi.']
Par. 8. For 憖 Gongyang has 整. We must suppose that
the Gongzi Yin was a son of duke Xiang, and his being sent on a mission
to Jin, as mentioned in the Zhuan on par. 4, shows that he was a
minister of the State. His designation was Zizhong (子 仲).
The Zhuan says:——'When Ji Pingzi became Head of his
clan, he behaved discourteously to Nan Kuai (A son of Nan Yi in the
narrative at the end of the 4th year), who said to Zizhong, "I will
drive out the Head of the Ji family, and give over his property to the
duke. You will take his place, and I will hold Bi as a servant of the
duke." Zizhong agreed, and Nan Kuai then told Shuzhong Muzi (A grandson
of Dai or Shuzhong Zhaobo, and great-grandson of Pengsheng or Shuzhong
Huibo. His name was Xiao; 小), informing him also of the cause [of his
conduct]. 'When Ji Daozi (Son of Ji Wuzi and father of Pingzi) died,
Shusun Zhaozi was one of the ministers, having received his second
appointment, and when Pingzi invaded Ju and overcame it, he again
received his third appointment. Shuzhongzi, wishing to set the two
families at variance, said to Pingzi, "With his three appointments he
has got beyond the rank of his father, and of you his cousin older than
himself;—which is contrary to propriety." "Yes," said Pingzi; and he
sent to Zhaozi [to require him to resign his third appointment]. Zhaozi
said, "The House of Shusun had its family misfortunes. when the sons of
the proper wife were put to death, and the son of a concubine was
appointed in their place. It was thus that I reached my present
position. If you had taken the opportunity of those misfortunes to ruin
me, I should have accepted your commands. [But now], if we do not
disannul our ruler's appointment, I certainly have this rank and
position."
Zhaozi went to the court, and gave orders to the
officers, saying, "I am going to have a litigation with Jisun. You must
write the pleas without partiality." Jisun became afraid, and laid the
blame on Shuzhongzi. In consequence of this, Shuzhong Xiao, Nan Kuai,
and the Gongzi Yin plotted against Jisun. Yin informed the duke of it,
and immediately after followed him to Jin. Nan Kuai, fearing their
attempt would not succeed, revolted with Bi, and went [with it] to Qi.
When Zizhong was returning [from his mission], he heard of the
confusion, stole away from the assistant-commissioner, and went before
him; but on his arrival at the suburbs, hearing of the revolt of Bi, he
fled to Qi.
'When Nan Kuai was about to revolt, a man of the
same village was acquainted with his purpose, and passed by him, sighing
as he did so. He also said, "Alas! Alas! A case of difficulty and
hazard! His thoughts are deep, and his plans are shallow. Circumscribed
is his position, and his aims are far-reaching. The servant of a family,
his schemes affect the ruler. Such a man there is!" Nan Kuai consulted
by some twigs about his object, without mentioning it and got the
diagram Kun (坤, ䷁), which then became Bi (比, ䷇). As it is said [upon the
changed line], "Yellow for the lower garment; great good fortune," he
thought this was very lucky, and showed it to Zifu Huibo, saying, "If I
am contemplating something, how does this indicate it will turn out?"
Huibo replied, "I have learned this.—If the thing be one of loyalty and
good faith, you may go forward with it. If it be not, it will be
defeated. The outer figure indicates strength, and the inner
mildness;—expressive of loyalty. We have [also] harmony leading on
solidity;—expressive of fidelity. Hence the words, 'Yellow for the lower
garment; greatness and good fortune.' But yellow is the colour of the
centre; the lower garment is the ornament of that which is beneath; that
greatness is the height of goodness. If in the centre (= the heart)
there is not loyalty, there cannot be the colour; if below (= in an
inferior) there be not the respectful discharge of duty, there cannot be
the ornament; if the affair be not good, there cannot be that height.
When the outer and inner are mutually harmonious, there is loyalty; when
affairs are done in fidelity, there is that discharge of duty; an
earnest nourishing of the three virtues makes that goodness. Where there
are not these three things, this diagram does not apply.
"Moreover, [this passage of] the Yi cannot be a
guide about anything hazardous. What thing are you contemplating that
should require that ornamenting? With what is admirable in the centre,
you can predicate the yellow; with what is admirable above, you can
predicate that great goodness; with what is admirable below, you can
predicate that lower garment. Given these three all complete, and you
may consult the reeds. If they are defective, though the consultation
may [seem to] be lucky, it is not to be acted on."
'When [Nan Kuai] was about to go to Bi, he invited
his fellow villagers to drink with him, one of them sang,
|
"In my garden of vegetables is a medlar tree! |
|
Follow me, and you will be a good man; |
|
Leave me, and you will act meanly. |
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To rebel against one's friends is shameful. |
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Stop! Stop! |
|
Or you will be no member of our party." |
Pingzi wished to make Zhaozi drive out Shuzhong
Xiao. When Xiao heard it, he did not dare to go to court. Zhaozi ordered
the officers to tell him that he should be waiting in the court for any
governmental orders, adding, "I will not make myself an office of
animosities."
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu was
celebrating the winter hunt in Zhoulai, and halted at the junction of
the Ying [with the Huai], from which he sent the marquis of Dang, the
viscount of Pan, the marshal Du, Wu the director of Xiao, and Xi the
director of Ling, with a force to besiege [the capital of] Xu, in order
to alarm Wu; while he himself would halt at Ganqi to afford them what
help they might require.
'The snow was falling, and the king went out with a
whip in his hand, wearing a fur-cap, the cloak sent to him from Qin
ornamented with king-fishers' feathers, and in shoes of leopard skin. He
was followed by his charioteer Xifu. In the evening Zige (Dan of Zheng),
director of the Right, waited upon him; and when the king saw him, he
put off his cap and cloak, laid aside his whip, and spoke with him.
"Formerly," said he "my ancestor Xiong Yi, with Lü Ji, Wangsun Mou,
Xiefu, and Qinfu, all served together king Kang. The four States of
those princes all received [precious] gifts, only we [in Chu] got none.
If I now send a messenger to Zhou, and ask for the tripods as our share,
will the king give them to me?" "He will give them, O ruler and king,"
was the reply. "Formerly, our king, Xiong Yi, lived meanly by mount
Jing, in a deal carriage, with tattered clothes, as befitted his
position amid the uncultivated wilds; climbing the hills and wading
through the streams in the service of the son of Heaven; with a bow of
peachwood and arrows of thorn, discharging his defence of the king. [On
the other hand, Lü Ji of] Qi was king [Cheng's] maternal uncle; [Tangshu
of] Jin was his own brother; and [the fathers of Qinfu of] Lu and [Xiefu
of] Wey were king [Wu's] own brothers. Thus it was that [the prince of]
Chu received no [precious] gifts, and all those other princes did. But
now Zhou and those four States are submissive to you, O ruler and king,
and you have only to order them to be obeyed; —how should [Zhou] grudge
you the tripods?"
'The king pursued, "Formerly, the eldest brother of
our remote ancestor dwelt in the old territory of Xu; but now the people
of Zheng in their greed possess that territory and enjoy the benefit of
it, and have refused to give it to us. If I ask it [now], will they give
it?" Zige again replied, "They will give it to you, O ruler and king. If
Zhou do not grudge its tripods, will Zheng dare to grudge its lands?"
'The king went on, "Formerly, the States kept aloof
from us and stood in awe of Jin. But now I have walled on a great scale
[the capitals of] Chen and Cai, and the [two] Bulang, each of which can
levy a thousand chariots; and for this I am much indebted to you. Will
the States now stand in awe of me?" "They," was the reply, "will stand
in awe of you, O ruler and king! Those four States are themselves
sufficient to awe them; and when there is added to them the power of
Chu, will the States dare not to stand in awe of you, O ruler and king?"
'[At this moment], Lu, director of Works, came with
a request, saying, "Your majesty ordered me to break a baton of jade [to
ornament] the handle of an axe. I venture to ask for further
instructions." The king went in to see the work; and then Xifu said to
Zige, "You are looked up to by the State of Chu; but now, in talking to
the king, you have been but his echo;—what will the State think of you?"
Zige replied, "I have been sharpening [my weapon] on the whetstone, to
await [my opportunity]; when the king comes out, I will cut down [his
extravagance] with the edge of it."
'When the king came out, he was resuming the
conversation, and Yixiang, the historiographer of the Left, passed by.
"There," said the king, "is an excellent historiographer. He can read
the three Fen, the five Dian, the eight Suo, and the nine Qiu." "I have
questioned him," was the reply. "Formerly king Mu wished to indulge his
[extravagant] desire, and travel over all under heaven, so that the ruts
of his chariot wheels and the prints of his horses' feet should be
everywhere. Moufu, duke of Zhai, then made the ode of Qizhao, to repress
the ambition of the king, who died in consequence a natural death in the
palace of Zhi. I asked [Yixiang] about the ode, and he did not know it.
If I were to ask him about anything more ancient, how should he be able
to know it?" "Can you repeat it?" asked the king. Zige replied, "I can.
The ode said,
|
'How mild is the course of our minister Zhao! |
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How fitted to show [the king's] virtuous fame! |
|
He would order his measures and movements, |
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As more valuable than gold or gem. |
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Beyond the people's strength he would not go, |
|
or drunkard's thirst nor glutton's greed would know." |
The king bowed to him and went in. For several days
he would not eat what was brought to him, nor was he able to sleep; but
he was not able to subdue himself, and so he came to his evil [end].
'Zhongni said, "It is contained in an ancient book
that to subdue one's-self and return to propriety is perfect virtue."
True is the saying and excellent. If king Ling of Chu could have done
this, he would not have come to disgrace at Ganqi!'
Par. 10 Zuoshi observes that this attack was a
sequel to the campaign against Fei, of which we have an account in the
1st narrative appended to par. 6. The people of Xianyu were a tribe of
the White Di. The territory, called also Zhongshan (中 山), was in the
pres dep. of Zhending (眞定), Zhili. Du observes that the commander of the
army of Jin is not mentioned, through the inadvertence of the
historiographer. Compare VI. x. 2 and VIII. iii.
14. XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, Shu
Gong led a force, and laid siege to Bi.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, the Gongzi Bi of
Chu returned from Jin to Chu, and murdered his ruler Qian in Ganqi.
3. The Gongzi Qiji of Chu put to death the Gongzi Bi.
4. In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the
viscount of Liu, the marquises of Jin and Qi, the duke of Song, the
marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu,
and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in
Pingqiu.
5. In the eighth month, on Jiaxu, they made a
covenant together in Pingqiu.
6. [But] the duke did not take part in the covenant.
7. The people of Jin seized Jisun Yiru, and took him
back with them [to Jin].
8. The duke arrived from the meeting.
9. Lu, marquis of Cai returned to [the rule of] Cai,
and Wu, marquis of Chen, to [the rule of] Chen.
10. In winter, in the tenth month, there was the
burial of duke Ling of Cai.
11. The duke was going to Jin; but when he had got
to the He, he returned.
12. Wu extinguished Zhoulai.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Bi,—see on IX. vii. 4. At that time, Nan Yi
was commandant of Bi for the Jisun family; but from the narrative on
par. 8 of last year, we learned that it was now held by his son Nan
Kuai, who had carried the city with him, and transferred his allegiance
from Lu, or the Jisun family rather, to Qi.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Shu Gong laid siege
to Bi, but he could not reduce it, and was himself defeated. Pingzi,
enraged, gave orders that whenever a man of Bi was seen, he should be
seized and kept as a prisoner. Ye Qufu said to him, "This is a wrong
course. If, when a man of Bi is seen suffering from cold, you clothe
him, or suffering from want, you feed him, proving yourself its good
lord, and ministering to the privations and distresses of its people,
they will come to you as if they were coming home, and the Nan will
perish. The people will revolt from them, and there will be none to
dwell in the city with them. If you afflict them by your severity and
frighten them with your wrath, so that they shall detest you, and be
confirmed in their revolt, you will [only] be collecting [more
followers] for the Nan. If all the States should deal thus with them,
the men of Bi would have none to turn to. If they did not adhere to the
chief of the Nan, where could they go to?" Pingzi followed this counsel,
and the people of Bi revolted from Nan [Kuai].'
Par. 2. For 乾 谿 Guliang has 乾 溪. The Zhuan on par. 9
of last year left the king of Chu at this place, waiting the result of
his operations against Xu. It was in the southeast of the pres. Bozhou
(亳州), dep. Yingzhou (潁州), Anhui. The Gongzi Bi was a younger brother of
the king of Chu, and had fled to Jin 13 years before this, when the king
murdered his predecessor;—see the last par. of the 1st year, and the
Zhuan on the one preceding it.
The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Chu was chief
minister of the State, he put to death the grand-marshal Wei Yan, and
took his property to himself (See the narrative after IX. xxx. 8); and
when he became viscount, he violently took his lands from Wei Ju. At the
removal of [the capital of] Xu (See on ix. 2), he had taken [with him]
as a hostage, Wei, [a great officer] of that State. Wei of Cai was a
favourite with the king, and when the king extinguished Cai (See xi. 9),
his father died [in that State]; but the king made Wei remain to take
part in the charge [of the capital], when he proceeded [himself to
Ganqi]. At the meeting of Shen (iv. 2), a great officer of Yue was
subjected to disgrace. The king [also] took Zhongchou from Dou Weigui,
and his city from [Weigui's son], Chengran, making him director of the
suburbs. This Chengran of Man had previously been in the service of the
duke of Cai (The viscount's brother Qiji). In this way the families of
the Wei clan, with Wei Ju, Wei of Xu, Wei of Cai, and Chengran of Man,
had all been treated with discourtesy by the king; and they took
advantage of the [other] families which had lost their offices to incite
Chang Shouguo, the great officer of Yue, to raise an insurrection, when
he laid siege to Gucheng, reduced the city of Xizhou, and walled and
occupied it.
'After the death of Guan Qi (See on IX. xxii. 6),
his son Cong went to Cai, and was in the service of Zhao Wu, to whom he
[now] said, "If the State of Cai be not now restored, it never will be
so. Let me try and bring it about." Accordingly, as if by the orders of
the duke of Cai, he called Zigan (The Gongzi Bi) and Zixi [to Cai]. When
they had arrived in the suburbs, he told them all the truth [about his
plot], forced them to make a covenant with him, and then they entered
[the capital of] Cai by surprise. The duke was about to take a meal; and
when he saw them, he ran away from them. Guan Cong made Zigan partake of
the food, and they then dug a hole, placed in it [the blood of] a victim
with the words [of a covenant] over it, after which [the two princes]
went hurriedly away. Cong himself made the thing known through the city,
saying, "The duke called his two brothers, and is going to restore them
[to Chu]; he has made a covenant with them, and sent them away, but he
intends to raise his forces and follow them." The men of Cai collected,
and would have seized him, but he said to them, "Of what use will it be
to kill me, after you have let the [two] traitors escape, and are
raising your army?" On this they let him go, and Zhao Wu said to them,
"If you are able to die [for the king], your best plan is to oppose the
duke, and wait till you see to whom success falls. But if you seek for
rest and establishment, your best plan is to take sides with him, to
secure the success of his ambition. And, moreover, if we oppose our
superior, to whom can we betake ourselves with advantage?" The multitude
said, "We will take sides with him;" and they proceeded to raise the
standard of the duke of Cai, called [back] the two other princes, and
made a covenant in Deng.
'The dependance [of the princes in their struggle]
for the State was on the men of Chen, and Cai, which they promised to
reconstitute as States; so the three, Bi, Heigong (Zixi), and Qiji, with
Chengran of Man and Zhao Wu of Cai, led on the forces of Chen, Cai,
Bulang, Xu, and She, and took advantage of the adherents of the 4
[disaffected] families, to enter [the capital of] Chu. When they arrived
at the suburbs, [the men of ] Chen and Cai wished to get a name, and
asked leave to form an entrenched camp. When the duke of Cai knew it, he
said, "We want to be expeditious, and such a thing, moreover, would
distress the labourers." He begged therefore that they would only make
an enclosed encampment; which accordingly was done, and the army lodged
in it. He then made Xu Wumou and the historiographer Pi enter the city
before them. These, by the assistance of the chief chamberlain, put to
death the king's eldest son Lu, and the Gongzi Pidi. The Gongzi Bi
became king; and Heigong, chief minister; [both] halting at Yupo. The
Gongzi Qiji was declared [grand-] marshal, and proceeded to clear out
the royal palace, sending [also] Guan Cong to the army in Ganqi, who
thereon made known what had been done, and intimated that those who were
first in coming over [to the new rule] should be restored to their
places, while those who delayed should have their noses cut off. That
army advanced to Ziliang, and there dispersed.
'When the king heard of the death of his sons, he
threw himself down under his chariot, saying, "Do other men love their
sons as much as I did mine?" One of his attendants said, "They love them
more. Small men know that when they are old, if they have no sons, they
will be rolled into the ditches," "I have killed many sons of others,"
replied the king. "Was it possible that I should not come to this
condition?"
'Zige, director of the Right, begged the king to
wait in the suburbs till they heard what course the people took, but the
king said, "They are all enraged, and we must not encounter them." He
then proposed that they should enter a great city, and ask military
assistance from the States; but the king said, "They will all revolt
[from me]." He proposed further, that they should flee to some of the
States, and await the deliberations of the [other] great State on his
case; but the king said, "Great happiness is not obtained twice. I
should only be bringing disgrace on myself." On this, Ran Dan [left the
king, and] returned to Chu, while the king took his way along the Xia,
wishing to enter Yan.
'Shen Hai, the son of the Wu-director Wuyu, said,
"My father twice violated the king's orders (See the narrative after
vii. 1), and was not punished;—what kindness could be greater? I cannot
bear the king's misery, and his kindness is not to be forgotten;—I will
follow him." Accordingly he sought for the king, found him at the Ji
gate, and took him home with him. In summer, in the 5th month, on
Guihai, the king strangled himself in his house, when Shen Hai buried
him, and his own two daughters along with him.'
When we compare the paragraph and this Zhuan, we
are startled by the contradictions between them. The Gongzi Bi had never
been a subject of his brother, and it appears contrary to rule to apply
the term 弒 to him. And in fact Bi did not put the king to death;—the
king died by his own hands. And he did not die in Ganqi. Bi, moreover,
was merely a tool in the hands of others; it is both incorrect and
unjust to represent him, as the paragraph does, as the prime mover in
the proceedings against the king, and then charge him with the crime of
regicide. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, even Mao acknowledges
an admirable subtlety and propriety in the sage's phraseology in the
paragraph! The original name of king Ling was Wei (圍), but he changed it
after he had murdered his predecessor, hoping probably thereby to escape
somehow the charge of crime that would attach to his name.
Par. 3. For 殺 Gong and Gu here have 弑; and that
term would certainly be as proper here as in the preceding par. As it
seemed right, however, to the author not to acknowledge the shortlived
dignity of Bi as king, but still to represent him as merely a Gongzi, 殺
is, probably, the true reading.
The Zhuan says:——'Guan Cong said to Zigan, 'If you
do not kill Qiji, though you have got the State, you will still receive
calamity." "I cannot bear to do so," was Zigan's reply. Ziyu (Cong's
designation) continued, "He will bear to kill you, and I cannot bear to
wait [and see it];" and on this he went away. Every night there was an
alarm [in the city] that the king had entered it. On the night of Yimao,
Qiji made people run all about, crying, "The king is come!" The people
were greatly frightened; and then he made Chengran of Man run and inform
Zigan and Zixi, saying, "The king is come. The people have killed your
marshal, and will [soon] be here. If your lordship will be quick and
deal with yourself, you may escape disgrace. The multitudes are angry,
as [raging] waves or flames, and no plans can be formed against them."
There now came others running to [the palace], and crying out, "The
multitudes are come;" on which the two princes killed themselves.
'On Bingchen, Qiji ascended the [vacant] seat, and
[took] the name of Xiongju. He buried Zigan in Zi, who is thence known
as Zi'ao. Having killed a prisoner, he clothed the body in the king's
robes, and let it float in the Han, from which he took and buried it, in
order to quiet the minds of the people; and he then appointed Ziqi
(Chengran of Man) to be chief minister.
'When the army of Chu was withdrawing from Xu, the
men of Wu defeated it at Yuzhang, and took [all] its five commanders
(See the commencement of the narrative on par. 9 of last year). King
Ping (Qiji) restored the States of Chen and Cai, and the cities from
which the inhabitants had been removed; paid all the bribes which he had
promised; gave gifts to the people, and forgave them the dues which they
owed; dealt gently with criminals, and restored their offices to those
who had been deprived of them. Calling Guan Cong to him, he said, "You
may have whatever office you wish." "My ancestors," replied Cong,
"assisted the interpreter of divinations by the tortoise-shell;" and he
was appointed master of such divinations. The king sent Zhiru Zigong on
a complimentary mission to Zheng, and to deliver to it the lands of Chou
and Li. When the [other] business [of his mission] was finished,
however, he did not deliver these. An officer of Zheng took the liberty
to say to him, "It was reported on the way that you would give our ruler
Chou and Li. I venture to ask for your orders [to that effect]." He
replied, "I have not yet received such orders." When he returned [to
Chu], the king asked him about those two places, on which he put off his
robe, and replied, "I made a mistake and lost your orders about them, so
that I did not give them over." The king took him by the hand, and said,
"Do not be concerned about it. Go home for the present; and when I have
any business, I will inform you of it." In a year or two, the
Wu-director Shen Hai informed the king of the burial of king [Ling],
when the coffin was removed and buried in another place.
'King Ling at a former time had asked the
tortoise-shell whether he might possibly get the whole kingdom; and when
the answer was unfavourable, he cast the shell from him, railed at
Heaven, and said, "This small thing you will not give me, but I will
take it for myself." The people were distressed by his insatiable
ambition, and joined in the insurrection against him as eagerly as if
they had been going home.
'At a period before this, king Gong had no son by
his queen, whom he could have declared his heir; and though he had five
among his other sons, who were favourites with him, none of them had
been appointed to the succession. He therefore celebrated a great
service to the Spirits of all the hills and rivers of the State, and
prayed, saying, "I ask you, Spirits, from among my five sons to choose
one, who may be appointed lord of the altars." He then went all round
the altars where he had sacrificed, and exhibited a bi before each of
them, saying, "He who worships right over this bi shall be he whom you
Spirits have appointed. Who will dare to oppose your will?" After this,
along with [one of his concubines], a Ji of Ba, he secretly buried the
pi in the court of the ancestral temple, and made his five sons come in,
after fasting, in the order of their age, to worship. King Kang stepped
over the place; king Ling touched it with his elbow; Zigan and Zixi were
both a long way from it; king Ping, being then a child, was carried in,
and worshipped twice, right over the button of the bi. Dou Weigui gave
this child in charge to [his son] Chengran, saying, "Chu will be
endangered both by abandoning the proper law [of succession], and by
resisting the appointment [by the Spirits of this child]."
'When Zigan had returned [from Jin to Chu], Han
Xuanzi asked Shuxiang whether he was likely to be successful. "It will
be hard for him to be so," was the reply. Xuanzi said,"When those who
are engaged in the same evil course seek one another's [co-operation],
like traffickers in the market, what difficulty can there be?" Shuxiang
answered, "Having had no likings in common, they will not have common
dislikes. There are five difficulties in the way of taking a State. The
candidate may be a favourite, but if he have no [able] men [in his
service]:—this is the first. He may have the men, but if he have no
party [in the State]:—this is the second. He may have the party, but if
he have no [good] plans:—this is the third. He may have the plans, but
if he have not the people:—this is the fourth. He may have the people,
but if he have not virtue:—this is the fifth. Zigan has been in Jin 13
years; but among his followers, whether of Jin or Chu, I have not heard
that there are any of distinction:—it may be said that he has not the
men. His family is extinct [in Chu], and his relatives are against
him:—it may be said that he has no party. He is moving without any
[sufficient] occasion:—it may be said that he has no plans. He has been
a refugee [here nearly] all his life:—it may be said he has not the
people. As an exile, there are no proofs that he is loved:—it may be
said that he has not the virtue. The king is [indeed] oppressive, and
stands in awe of nothing; this prince Zigan may adventure in spite of
these five difficulties to put him to death, but who can carry his
enterprise to complete success? It is Qiji, I apprehend, who will have
the State of Chu. He is ruler of Chen and Cai, and all outside the
barrier wall belongs to him. He has perpetrated no oppression; the
banditti [in his jurisdiction] are quiet; he has not, to gratify
himself, gone against the people. They have no feeling of animosity
against him, and the Spirits formerly gave the appointment to him. The
people of the State believe in him, and it has been the regular custom
of Chu, that, when there is trouble in the House of Mi, the youngest
scion of it should get the State. Thus he has obtained the [approval of
the] Spirits:—that is one advantage. He has the [confidence of the]
people:—that is a second. His virtue is admirable:—that is a third. He
is favoured and noble:—that is a fourth. His succession would be in
regular order:—that is a fifth. With these five advantages to be set
against the five difficulties of the other, who can harm him? As to the
office of Zigan, he was director of the Right; if you calculate his
favour and nobility, he was [only] one of the [king's] sons by
concubines; if you judge by the appointment of the Spirits, he was far
off from the token which they gave of their approval. His nobility
wanting, his favour away from him, the people not cherishing him, and
there being no party for him in the State;—how should he become
established [in Chu]?"
'Xuanzi said, "Were not the cases of Huan of Qi and
[our] Wen of Jin like his?" Shuxiang replied, "Huan of Qi was the son of
a Ji of Wey who was a favourite with [duke] Xi. He had Bao Shuya, Bin
Xuwu, and Xi Peng as his assistants. He had Ju and Wey to support him
from abroad. He had the [chiefs] Guo and Gao to support him in the State
itself. He followed what was good like a flowing stream. He condescended
to the good, and was grave and reverent. He did not accumulate his
wealth; he did not follow his desires; he gave away unwearyingly; and he
was never tired of seeking for good men:—was it not right that with such
conditions he should have the State? As to our former ruler duke Wen, he
was the son of the younger Ji of Hu, who was a favourite of [duke] Xian.
He was fond of learning, and of an unchanging will. When he was 17 years
old, he had five officers [who readily followed him]. There were our
great officers Ziyu (Zhao Cui) and Zifan (Hu Yan) to be his counsellors;
there were Wei Chou and Jia Tuo to act as limbs to him; there were Qi,
Song, Qin, and Chu to support him from abroad; there were the Luan, Xi,
Hu, and Xian families to support him in the State itself. During his 19
years of exile, he kept his purpose with increased sincerity, while [the
dukes] Hui and Huai neglected the people. The people followed and joined
him. There was no [other] son of Xian [remaining]; the people could not
look for any other leader. Heaven was then favourably regarding Jin, and
who was there to take the place of Wen? The cases of those two princes
were different from that of Zigan. There is [another] favourite son of
[king] Gong; there is [another] lord more honoured in the State. He has
shown no beneficence to the people; he has no support from abroad. When
he left Jin, none escorted him; when he returned to Chu, none met
him:—how can he expect to have the State?"
Par. 4. Pingqiu was 9 li north of the present dis.
city of Chenliu (陳 留), dep. Kaifeng. The meeting at this place is
memorable as being the last of those on a great scale called by Jin. Its
supremacy among the States had long been waning. The murder of the king
of Chu, and the confusion prevailing in that State, encouraged Jin to
make this final effort to recover its former position; but its day had
gone by. To give more solemnity to the meeting, it secured the presence
of a representative of the king in the viscount of Liu; but Zhou had
long ceased to command the hearty and reverent homage of the States.
The Zhuan says:——'When Jin completed [the palace
of] Siqi, the princes who then went to its court (In the 8th year)
returned home, all alienated from it. It was about to lead the States on
a punitive expedition against us, and Shuxiang said, "The States must
have the terrors of our majesty displayed to them." They accordingly
summoned a meeting on a grand scale, sending notice of it [even] to Wu.
In autumn the marquis of Jin went to have a meeting with the viscount of
Wu in Liang, who declined it, on account of the difficulty of the
communication by water; and he returned [to Pingqiu]. In the 7th month,
the military array [of Jin] was drawn out, on Bingyin, in the south of
Zhu, to the number of 4000 chariots of war, Yangshe Fu having the duties
of marshal for the occasion; and the States were forthwith assembled at
Pingqiu. Zichan and Zitaishu attended the earl of Zheng to the
conference, the former marching with curtains and coverings for 9 tents,
while the latter had taken with him enow for 40. Of this, however, he
repented, and reduced the number at every station where they halted,
till, when they arrived at the meeting, his number was the same as that
of Zichan. When they halted in Wey, Shufu (Yangshe Fu), desiring to get
bribes from that State, allowed great license to his foragers and
fuel-gatherers. The people sent Tu Bo to present to Shuxiang a dish of
soup, and a basket of flowered silks, saying, "The other States do not
dare to swerve from their service of Jin, and how much less should Wey,
dwelling as it were beneath your eaves, presume to cherish any
disaffection! Your foragers and fuel-gatherers are not behaving as on
former occasions;—we venture to ask you to take measures with them."
Shuxiang accepted the soup, but returned the silks, saying, "There is
that Yangshe Fu, whose craving for bribes is insatiable;—evil will come
on him. It is he who has done this. If you give him these silks with
your ruler's orders, he will stop the trouble." The visitor did so; and
before he retired, a prohibition was issued [to the plunderers].'
Parr. 5, 6. The inartificial construction of the
classic appears in these two parr., compared with the preceding one.
From 4 and 5 we should certainly conclude that the duke took part in the
covenant, but from 6 it appears that he did not do so.
The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin wished to renew
the [existing] covenant, but they of Qi refused to do so. The marquis of
Jin sent Shuxiang to inform duke Xian of Liu [of the difficulty],
saying, "Since the people of Qi will not join in covenant, what is to be
done?" [The duke] replied, "A covenant is for the confirmation of faith.
If your ruler have good faith, the princes will not separate from him.
Why should you make a trouble of this matter? Set the thing before them
in civil terms, and follow this up with your military force; although Qi
do not take the covenant, your ruler will accomplish much. An elder of
the Son of Heaven, I beg to conduct the king's levies, and with ten
large chariots of war lead the way before you; —by-and-by or quickly, as
your ruler may determine." Shuxiang then went to inform Qi, saying, "The
princes have sought for a covenant and are here; but your lordship does
not think it will be profitable, and my ruler thinks it well to ask for
your views!" "When the States are about to punish the disaffected," was
the reply, "then there is a renewal of covenants; but if all are
obedient to your orders, why should there be any such renewal?" Shuxiang
said, "The ruin of States [happens in this way]:—If they have [meetings
of] business, but do not pay their contributions, the business become
irregular; if they pay their contributions, but do not observe the
[proper] ceremonies, there may be regularity, but there is a want of
order; if they observe the ceremonies, but do not have a feeling of awe,
the order comes to be without respect; if they have a feeling of awe,
but do not declare it [to the Spiritual powers], their respect is not
[sufficiently] displayed. The want of that display leads to the casting
away of respect; the various affairs of business are not brought to a
successful issue; and there ensue downfall and overthrow. For this
reason the statutes of the intelligent kings required the princes every
year to send a complimentary mission, that they might be kept in mind of
the contributions they had to pay; after the interval [of a year], they
went themselves to court for the practice of ceremonies; when the time
for a second visit to court came, there was a meeting for the display of
[the king's] majesty; and when the time for a second meeting came, there
was a covenant for the exhibition of his clear intelligence. The keeping
their duties in mind was to secure the [continuance of] friendly
relations; the practice of ceremonies served to maintain the
distinctions of rank; the display of majesty was before the multitude;
the clear intelligence was matter of appeal to the Spirits. From
antiquity downwards, these rules, we may say, were never neglected. The
principles of the preservation or the ruin [of States] depended on them.
It is the rule for Jin to be lord of covenants. Fearing lest our
government should be defective, we bring a victim for a covenant, and
announce our purpose to your lordship, seeking the completion of the
business. Your lordship, however, has said, 'I will have none of it.
What have we in common?' Let your lordship consider the matter well. Our
ruler will receive your commands." The people of Qi were afraid, and
replied, "Our small State said so; but the decision is with your great
State. How dare we not listen to and follow you? We have heard your
commands, and will reverently proceed [to the covenant]. Let it be early
or late as you please."
'Shuxiang said, "There is disaffection among the
princes. We must show our numbers." [Accordingly], in the 8th month, on
Xinwei, [Jin] reviewed its troops, raising up their [small] flags
without the banners; but [next day], Renshen, the banners were again
attached, and the States were afraid of them.
'The people of Zhu and Ju made a complaint to Jin,
saying, "Morning and night Lu keeps invading us, and we are nearly
ruined, That we cannot pay our contributions is caused by Lu." The
marquis of Jin would not see the duke, and sent Shuxiang to decline his
presence at the meeting, saying,"The States are going to make a covenant
on Jiaxu; but my ruler knows that he cannot serve your lordship;—and
prays your lordship not to trouble yourself" Zifu Huibo replied, "Your
ruler believes the accusations of those Man and Yi, and cuts off his
communications with a brother State, casting from him the descendants of
the duke of Zhou. Such is his pleasure. Our ruler has heard your order."
Shuxiang said, "Our ruler has here 4000 chariots of war. Although he
were acting contrary to right, it would be necessary to fear him; but
when he is acting in accordance with what is right, who can prove his
opponent? An ox may be meagre; but if it fall upon a pig, would you not
fear the pig would die? Can you forget your troubles with Nan Kuai and
Zizhong? If we lead on the multitudes of Jin, using also the forces of
the other States, and taking advantage of the anger against you of Zhu,
Ju, Qi, and Zeng; if we come thus to punish Lu for its offences, with
the opportunity afforded by those two spirits of trouble:——what can we
seek that we shall not get?"
'The people of Lu were frightened by these threats
and accepted Jin's commands. On Jiaxu the States made a covenant
together in Pingqiu;—together, as Qi had submitted.
'Orders were given that the princes should repair
to the cleared space [in front of the altar] at mid-day; and on Guiyou,
when they retired from the court [of Jin], Zichan commanded the
servants, who had attended them on the journey, to pitch the tents [of
Zheng] there. Zitaishu, however, stopped them, and told them to wait
till the next day. In the evening, Zichan, hearing that the tents were
not yet pitched, made the servants go immediately to do it; but by this
time there was no space left for them. When they came to make the
covenant, Zichan disputed about the amount of the contributions required
[from Zheng], saying, "Formerly, the sons of Heaven regulated the amount
of the contributions according to the rank of the States. Where the rank
was high, the contribution was heavy;—this is the rule of Zhou. [Only]
from the dian tenure, was a heavy contribution required, where the rank
was low. Zheng ranks as [the territory of] an earl or a baron, and yet
its contribution is on the scale of that of a duke or a marquis. I am
afraid we cannot render it, and venture to make a matter of request
concerning it. The States have agreed to abstain from wars, and to make
the cultivation of friendly relations their business, but the commands
of your messengers come to us every mouth. There is no regular rule for
our contributions; and when our small State fails [in rendering what is
required], it is held to be an offender. The object of the princes in
making covenants is to preserve the small States. When our contributions
and offerings have no limit set to them, we have only to wait till our
ruin comes. The rule for our preservation or ruin must be made to day."
The contention was continued from mid-day till dusk, when Jin at last
gave way.
'After the covenant, Zitaishu blamed Zichan,
saying, "If the States had [determined to] punish us, was it right to
take such a liberty [with Jin]?" Zichan replied, "The government of Jin
is in the hands of many families. They have no leisure, with their
differences and extravagances, to punish [any other State]. If a State
do not show itself strong, it will be insulted, and no longer be fit to
be a State."
Par. 7. Here and elsewhere Gongyang has 隱 如 for 意
如. The Zhuan says:——'The duke did not take part in the covenant, and the
people of Jin seized Jisun Yiru, and confined him in a tent, with some
Di to guard it. She, the herald, carrying some flowered silks in his
bosom, and having a vessel with ice to drink in his hand, crawled to the
tent. The guards stopped him, but he gave them the silks, and entered.
The people of Jin then took Pingzi back with them, Zifu Jiao (Huibo)
going in attendance on him.'
[The Zhuan appends here:——'When Zichan was
returning [from the meeting], before he got to Zheng, he heard that Zipi
was dead. He wept and cried, "There is an end of me! There is none [now]
to help me in doing good. It was only he who knew me." Zhongni said, "On
this occasion Zichan proved himself fit to be the foundation of his
State. The ode (Shi, II. ii. ode VII. 1) says,
|
"Objects of complacency are these gentlemen, |
|
The foundation of my State." |
Zichan was a superior man whom one could desire as
the object of his complacency." He also said, "When the States were
assembled, to adjust the business of their contributions was according
to rule."]
Par. 8. [The Zhuan appends here:——'The people of
Xianyu, having heard that all the forces of Jin had been raised [to go
to Pingqiu], ceased all care of their borders, and took no other
precautions. On this, Xunwu of Jin proceeded with the 1st army from
Zhuyong, and made an incursion into their territory; and when he had
reached Zhongren he made a rush upon them, took great spoil, and
returned.']
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'When Chu extinguished
Cai, king Ling removed Xu, Hu, Shen, Dao, Fang, and Shen within the
boundaries of Jing (= Chu). On the accession of king Ping, when he
reinstated Chen and Cai, he restored all these other States:—which was
proper. Lu, son of the eldest son Yin, returned to Cai:—which was
proper; and Wu, son of the eldest son Dao, returned to Chen:—which was
proper.'
The eldest son of the last marquis of Cai, whose
name was You and who is called in this Zhuan by his posthumous title,
was sacrificed by Chu, as related in xi. 9. His son Lu had since then
remained in Chu. Wu was the son of Yanshi, the heir-prince of Chen,
whose murder is related in viii. 1. He also had been kept in Chu. But
why the two princes should appear in the text, as if they had all along
been the marquises of their States, does not immediately appear. Taken
in connection with there being no mention of their restoration by the
new king of Chu, there is some ground for believing that Confucius
wished, so far as it was possible, to ignore all the proceedings of Chu
in regard to Cai and Chen. This cannot be argued, however, from the
omission of 復 before 歸, as there had been no previous mention of Lu and
Wu, as retiring from their States.
Par. 10. Zuoshi observes that this burial of duke
Ling was 'proper.' Thirty months had elapsed since he was put to death
by king Ling of Chu (See xi. 2). We are not to suppose that his body had
been all that time unburied. It had probably been put into a grave
without any honour; and now on the revival of the State, it was taken
from that, and reburied with the appropriate rites.
Par. 11. The duke was, probably, going to Jin to
make his peace with that State, and to try to get the liberation of
Jisun Yiru. The Zhuan says:——'The duke was going to Jin, but Xun Wu,
said to Han Xuanzi, "The princes visit at each other's courts to speak
about [and confirm] the old friendship existing between them. As we are
holding his minister a prisoner, though we receive the ruler at our
court, there is no friendship between us. We had better decline his
visit." Accordingly, Shi Jingbo was sent to the He to stop the duke's
further progress.'
Par. 12. Zhoulai;—see on VIII. vii. 7. Its position
is there given as a city of Chu. From the term 'extinguished' here,
however, we must suppose that it had originally been the centre of a
small State of whose chiefs we know nothing, and that, though it had
been incorporated with Chu, they had been allowed to continue the
sacrifices of their House.
The Zhuan says:——'When Wu extinguished Zhoulai, the
chief minister [of Chu], Ziqi, asked leave to invade Wu. The king,
however, refused it, saying, "I have not yet soothed [the minds of] the
people and the officers, nor done service to the Spirits, nor completed
our defences and other preparations, nor fully established [my
possession of] the State. If I were to use the strength of the people
[before these things have been done], and suffered defeat, repentance
would come too late. Zhoulai's being in Wu is the same as its being in
Chu; you have only to wait a while."
[We have here a narrative about the liberation of
Jisun Yiru from Jin:——'Jisun being still detained in Jin, Zifu Huibo
said privately to Zhonghang Muzi, "In what respect has Lu failed to
serve Jin as well as those small States of the Yi? [The princes of] Lu
[and yours] are brothers. Its territory is still large, and it can
provide what you command. If on account of the Yi you cast it away, and
make it serve Qi or Chu, what good will that do to Jin? Kindness to
relatives, the cultivation of the great, rewarding contributors, and
punishing those who do not contribute;—these are the duties of the
presidency of covenants. Do you consider the case. There is the common
saying, 'One subject may have two lords.' Have we no [other] great State
[but Jin]?" Muzi told this to Han Xuanzi, adding, "When Chu extinguished
Chen and Cai, we were not able to save those States; and now in behalf
of the Yi we have seized this relative [of our ruler]:——of what use was
it to do this?" They wished accordingly to restore Jisun, but Huibo
said, "Our ruler is ignorant of his offence; and yet, at the assembly of
the States, you seized his minister. If he still be chargeable with any
offence, it is competent for you to command his death. If you say that
he has no offence, and that you kindly let him go, the States not having
heard of it, he will appear to be making his escape from your commands.
There is no letting him go in this case; I beg to act in accordance with
your ruler's kindness, [declared] at a meeting." Xuanzi was perplexed by
this, and said to Shuxiang, "Can you get Jisun to return to Lu?" He
replied, "No; but Fu can." Accordingly, they sent Shuyu, who went and
saw Jisun, and said to him, "Formerly, I was an offender in Jin, and
betook myself to the ruler of Lu (In connection with the affairs of Luan
Ying in Xiang's 21st year). But for the help of [your grand-father]
Wuzi, I should not have come to my present position. Although I might
have got my bones restored to Jin, the case is as if you had put the
flesh on them. Must I not tell you the truth? You have been asked to
return, and you will not return. I have heard from the officers that the
ground is to be prepared for a lodging for you on the west of the He."
This story he followed up with tears. Pingzi was afraid and returned to
Lu before Huibo, who waited for the proper forms [of
dismissal].'] XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Yiru
arrived from Jin.
2. In the third month, Teng, earl of Cao, died.
3. It was summer, the fourth month.
4. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Wu of Cao.
5. In the eighth month, Quji, viscount of Ju, died.
6. In winter, Ju put to death the Gongzi, Yihui.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Zuo says that the style of this par., where
the name only is given, and not the clan-name, is expressive of honour
to Jin and of Lu's depreciation of itself; and he adds that this was
according to propriety. But this criticism may be called in question.
The 至 indicating the announcement of the minister's return in the
ancestral temple of the State, shows that that return was a subject on
which Lu congratulated itself; but we need not cast about for any
explanation of the omission of the clan-name. The Kangxi editors
themselves refer with approbation to the view of Sun Fu (孫 復):——'[Only]
when a great officer had been seized, was his arrival recorded. In that
record he must be named. The clan-name is not given, because it had been
previously mentioned (I. e, in Par. 7 of last year).'
[A narrative here gives the end of Nan Kuai's revolt
(See xii. 8):——'When Nan Kuai was about to revolt, he bound the people
of Bi by a covenant. Situ Laoqi and Lü Gui, pretending that they had
been taken ill, sent to beg of Nan Kuai, saying, "Your servants wished
to take the covenant, but we have become ill. If by your influence we do
not die, we ask that we may take it when we are somewhat better." Kuai
agreed; and [by and by], taking advantage of the wish of the people to
revolt [from him], they asked him to call the multitude together that
they might receive the covenant. They then seized him, and said to him,
"His servants have not forgotten their [proper] lord; but [yet] we have
listened to your commands. If you do not take speedy measures [for your
own safety], the people of Bi cannot endure [to be separated from] their
lord, and will not be able to stand in awe of you. Allow us to escort
you to any place whatever that you wish to go to." Kuai begged a delay
of 5 days, and then he fled to Qi. When he was standing by and drinking
with duke Jing, the duke called him by the name of "Revolter." "I
wished," he replied, "to increase the power of the ducal House." Zihan
Xi said, "There could not be a greater crime than for you, the minister
of a Family [merely], to wish to increase the authority of the ducal
House." Situ Laoqi and Lü Gui came and returned Bi [to Lu], and the
marquis of Qi also sent Bao Wenzi to surrender [his claim to] it.']
Par. 3. [There is appended here an account of the
procedures of king Ping in Chu:——'In summer, the viscount of Chu sent
Ran Dan to inspect the military forces of the upper part of the State in
Zongqiu, and at the same time to comfort the people, giving assistance
to the poor and relief to the distressed; nurturing orphans and the
young; nourishing the old and the sick; getting hold of the promising;
helping sufferers from calamity; remitting the taxes of orphans and
widows; pardoning [certain classes of] offenders; making strict inquiry
after the perverse and bad; lifting up those whose way was obstructed;
showing courtesy to new comers, and giving facilities to old residents;
rewarding merit, and bringing relatives together; giving employment to
the virtuous, and using officers according to their ability. He also
sent Qu Pi to inspect the forces of the east of the State at Shaoling,
and to take there the same methods. They were to maintain peace on the
borders, so that when the people had rested, they might be employed on
military services. All this was proper.']
Par. 5 The Zhuan says;—'In autumn, in the 8th month,
duke Zhuqiu of Ju died, and [his son], duke Jiao showed no grief, [in
consequence of which] the people were not willing to obey him, and
wished to raise Gengyu, the younger brother of Zhuqiu, to the State. Pu
Yuhou hated the Gongzi Yihui, and was friendly with Gengyu. Duke Jiao
hated the Gongzi Duo, and was on good terms with Yihui. The Gongzi Duo
formed an alliance with Pu Yuhou, and concerted a plan with him, saying,
"If you will kill Yihui, I will drive our ruler out, and we can then
make Gengyu ruler." [Yu]hou agreed to this.'
The death of the viscount of Ju is recorded here, it
having been, we must suppose, officially notified to Lu. We have no
subsequent entry however, of his burial, probably because Lu, smarting
under the indignities which it had received through Ju from Jin, would
not send an officer to attend it. [There is here appended a short
narrative about Chu:——'Ziqi, chief minister of Chu, had been of great
service to the king, and knew not how to keep himself within rule. He
formed a friendship with the Head of the Yang family, and was insatiable
in his desires. The king was vexed about it; and in the 9th month, on
Jiawu, he put Dou Chengran to death, and extinguished the branches of
the Yang family. He made Dou Xin (Son of Chengran), however, reside in
Yun, to show that he did not forget the old services [of his family].]
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 12th
month, Pu Yuhou (See on par. 5) and Zi Fu killed the Gongzi Yihui of Ju,
on which duke Jiao fled to Qi. The Gongzi Duo met Gengyu in Qi, from
which he was escorted by Xi Dang and the Gongzi Chu of that State, Qi
being promised a bribe of lands.'
The 其 in the text ='its,' but that word would be
awkward in English before 公子. Yihui was, I suppose, a brother of duke
Jiao; and we might translate, —'Ju put to death Yihui, the brother of
its ruler.' We should have thought that it would have been more
appropriate to intimate in the text the flight of duke Jiao. Ju being a
small State, we never read in the classic of its 'great officers,' else
the paragraph would have run 莒 殺 其 大 夫 公 子 意 恢. Comp. IX. xix. 10, 11;
et al.
[We have a narrative here of affairs in Jin:
—'Xinghou of Jin (The son of Wuchen of Chu; see the 1st narrative after
VIII. ii. 6, et al.) and Yongzi (Also a refugee from Chu; see the 2d
narr. after IX. xxvi. 7) had a dispute about some lands of Chu, which
continued after a long time unsettled. When Shi Jingbo went to Chu,
Shuyu was charged for the time with the administration of his duties,
and Han Xuanzi ordered him to settle this old litigation. Yongzi was in
the wrong, but he presented his daughter as a gift to Shuyu, who thereon
decided that Xinghou was in the wrong; and he, enraged, killed both
Shuyu and Yongzi in the court. Xuanzi consulted Shuxiang about this
crime, and was answered, "The three were all equally guilty. You must
put him who is alive to death, and expose his body, and you must
[further] disgrace the [two that are] dead. Yongzi knew that he was
wrong, and gave a bribe to buy a verdict in his favour; Fu sold his
judgment in the dispute; and Xinghou took it on him to kill them. Their
crimes were equally heinous. To try to make himself right when he was
wrong was an instance of moral blindness; through covetousness to defeat
the end of his office was an instance of black impurity; to put men to
death without fear [of the law] was the act of a ruffian. One of the
Books of Xia says, 'The morally blind, the blackly impure, and ruffians,
are to be put to death." Such was the punishment appointed by Gaoyao. I
beg you to follow it." Accordingly Xinghou was put to death, and his
body exposed, and the corpses of Yongzi and Shuyu were [also] exposed,
in the market place.
Zhongni said, "The justice of Shuxiang was that
which was transmitted from antiquity. In the government of the State,
and determining the punishment [for an assigned crime], he concealed
nothing in the case of his own relative. Thrice he declared the
wickedness of Shuyu without making any abatement. Whether we may say
that he was righteous [is doubtful], but he may be pronounced to have
been straightforward. At the meeting of Pingqiu, he declared his
[brother's] craving for bribes:——this was to give relief to Wey, and
save Jin from the practice of cruelty. In getting Jisun to return to Lu,
he declared his [brother's] deceit:—this was to relieve Lu, and save Jin
from the exercise of oppression. In this legal action of Xinghou, he
mentioned his [brother's] covetousness:—this was to keep the records of
punishment correct, and save Jin from partiality. By his three
declarations he took away three evils, and secured three advantages. He
put his brother to death and increased [his own] glory;—but this has the
semblance of righteousness [only]."] XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, Yimei, viscount of Wu, died.
2. In the second month, on Guiyou, there was a
sacrifice in the temple of duke Wu, when Shu Gong died as the
flute-players were entering. The musicians were [consequently] sent
away, and the sacrifice was finished [without them].
3. In summer, Zhao Wu of Cai fled from that State to
Zheng.
4. In the 6th month, on Dingsi, the first day of the
moon, the sun was eclipsed.
5. In autumn, Xun Wu of Jin led a force and invaded
Xianyu.
6. In winter, the duke went to Jin.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Gongyang makes the name of the viscount of
Wu 夷 昧.
Par. 2. 有事, we saw on VII. viii. 3, denotes the
celebration of a sacrifice; and the Zhuan says expressly that Lu now
celebrated a di (禘) sacrifice. It could not be 'the great di sacrifice,'
however, for that was performed in the grand temple; nor could it be a
repetition of 'the fortunate di (吉 禘),' for that would have fallen on
the previous year. We must suppose this was a special di (特 禘),
celebrated, probably, in contemplation of some military enterprise. See
the account of the erection of the temple of duke Wu on VIII. vi. 2. The
paragraph has its place in the classic not because of any thing peculiar
in the sacrifice, but because of the death of Shu Gong at it, and the
consequent action taken. Comp. VII. viii. 3, 4.
The Zhuan says:——'[The duke] being about to offer a
di sacrifice in the temple of duke Wu, orders had been given to all the
officers to fast [in preparation for it]. Zi Shen said, "I fear some
misfortune will happen on the day of the sacrifice, for I have seen a
red and black halo inauspicious for it; it is a vapour of death. Will it
take effect on the officer in charge of the business?" In the 2d month,
on Guiyou, the sacrifice was being performed, with Shu Gong as manager,
when he died as the flute-players were entering. The musicians were then
all sent away, and the business was concluded [without them]:—which was
according to rule.'
At the sacrifice mentioned in VII. viii. 3, only the
civil dancers put away their flutes, but on this occasion all the music
used at the service was stilled. The death of Shu Gong happening at it,
and while he was engaged in the superintendence of it, was a more
striking event than that of Sui, which took place at a distance. It was
not deemed proper, however, to suspend the sacrifice altogether.
Par. 3. For 朝 Gongyang has 昭, and he leaves out the
出. The part which Zhao Wu played in the revolution which seated king
Ping in Chu appears in the narrative on xiii. 2. He had been a faithful
minister of Cai.
The Zhuan says:——'Fei Wuji of Chu felt hurt at Zhao
Wu's being in Cai, and resolved to remove him. He accordingly said to
him, "In you only does the king repose confidence, and he has therefore
placed you in Cai. You are also grown up, and it is a disgrace that you
should be in an inferior position. You must seek a higher one, and I
will assist you in preferring your request." At the same time he spoke
to the men who were above him, saying, "The king reposes confidence only
in Zhao Wu, and has therefore placed him in Cai. You are not deemed
equal to him;—will you not find it hard to be above him? If you do not
take early measures for your safety, you will find yourselves in
difficulties." [In consequence of this], in summer they drove Zhao Wu
from Cai, when he fled to Zheng. The king was angry, and said, "It is
only in Wu that I have confidence, and therefore I placed him in Cai.
But for him, moreover, I should not have reached my present position.
Why have you sent him away?" Wuji replied, "Do not I wish Wu [well]? But
I knew before what a different man he is from others. With him in Cai,
it would be sure soon to take wings and fly. The removal of Wu was the
way to clip its wings."
Par. 4. This eclipse took place on the 10th of
April, B.C. 526, and was visible in the forenoon.
[There are appended here the following notices:——'In
the 6th month, on Yichou, Shou, the eldest son of the king, died. In
autumn, in the 8th month, on Wuyin, the queen Mu died.']
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——When he invaded Xianyu, Xun
Wu laid siege to Gu. Some of the inhabitants offered to revolt to him
and surrender the city, but he (Muzi in the Zhuan was Wu's designation.
He often appears as Zhonghang Muzi) declined the proposal. The people
about him said, "Since you could [in this way] get possession of the
city without any toilsome efforts of the army, why do you not adopt it?"
He replied, "I have heard from Shuxiang that, when the likings and
dislikings [of superiors] are all correct, the people know to whom to
commit themselves, and their affairs are all successful. If any one were
to revolt with a city of ours, I should hate him extremely; when other
people come to revolt with their city to us, why should I show a liking
for them? If I rewarded them whom I should be hating extremely, what
should I do in the case of those whom I loved? And if I did not reward
them, it would be a breach of faith. How should I thus protect the
people? [My way is] to advance when I am able, and to retire when my
strength fails, acting on the calculation of my resources. I must not
from any wish to get possession of the city have dealings with traitors.
What I should lose [thereby] would be much greater [than my gain]." [He
then informed] the people of Gu that they might kill those who proposed
to revolt, and put their defences in good order.
'When he had invested Gu 3 months, some of the
officers in it proposed to surrender it, and sent a party of the people
to see Wu; but he said to them, "You still look as if you had plenty of
food. Repair your walls for the present." The officers of the army said
to him, "When you might get the city, you do not take it, making the
people toil and continuing the troops here. In what way do you thus
serve our ruler?" He replied, "I act thus to serve our ruler. If I took
the city, and thereby taught the people to be indifferent to their duty,
of what use would the city be? Than to pay the price of that
indifference for the city it is better that they should maintain it in
their old allegiance. If you trade with that indifference, there will be
no success in the end; it is inauspicious to abandon old allegiance.
When the people of Gu are able to serve their ruler, our people will
also be able to serve theirs. By following the course of righteousness
without swerving from it, being correct in my likings and dislikings, I
shall get the city, and the people will know in what righteousness
consists; they will be prepared to die without any wavering in their
allegiance:—is not that desirable?"
'When the people of Gu announced that their
provisions and other resources were exhausted, then he took the city.
When he returned from its reduction, he had not put a single man to
death. He took Yandi, viscount of Gu, back with him to Jin.'
Par. 6. Zuo says this visit was on account of the
meeting of Pingqiu, meaning, acc. to Du, that it was to thank Jin for
the liberation of Yiru. We may suppose it was with a less worthy
object,—to get to be on fair terms with Jin at any price.
[We have a narrative here of the royal court and an
envoy of Jin:——'In the 12th month, Xun Li of Jin went to Zhou to the
funeral of queen Mu, Ji Tan being the assistant-commissioner. When the
funeral was over, and the king had put off his mourning, he invited
[Wenbo] (Xun Li) to a feast, at which the spirits were served from a
tankard presented by Lu. The king said [to his guest], "Elder Sir, the
States, with the single exception of Jin, have all [sent offerings] to
comfort the royal House; —how is this?" Wenbo motioned to Ji Tan, who
thereupon replied, "At the establishment of the States, all [the rest]
received brilliant articles from the royal House for the protection and
comfort of their altars, so that they are able to present valuable gifts
to the king. But the royal beneficence did not extend to Jin, placed
among high hills, in the neighbourhood of the Rong and the Di, and far
away from the royal House. It has hardly had time to repay its
obligations to the Rong; how should it have presented such articles [to
the court]?" "Have you forgotten, younger Sir?" said the king. "Our
uncle Tangshu (First lord of Jin) was own brother to king Cheng; was it
likely that he should not share [in the royal presents]? There were the
drum and the great chariot of Mixu, which [king] Wen used at his grand
reviews; and the cuirass of Quegong in which [king] Wu subdued
Shang:—Tangshu received them, to occupy the tract corresponding to Can
[in the heavens], and to subdue to himself the Rong and the Di.
Afterwards, there were the two chariots of [king] Xiang, the axes large
and small, the flavoured spirits of black millet, the red bow and a
party of life-guards:—duke Wen received these (See the Zhuan on V.
xxviii. 8), that he might hold the lands of Nanyang, and [according to
circumstances] either comfort or punish the eastern States of the
kingdom. Now when the services [of Jin] were [thus] not left without
acknowledgment, when its merits were recorded, when it was invested with
territory, gratified with valuable articles, distinguished with chariots
and robes, and made illustrious with banners, so that the descendants
[of its princes] could not forget [the royal favours], this is what may
be pronounced blessing. If blessing and bounty have not lighted on [the
State of] our uncle [Tangshu], on whom have they done so? Moreover, your
ancestor Sun Boyan had charge of the archives of Jin, and was consulted
on the great matters of the government, in consequence of which he got
the clanname of Ji. When the two sons of Xinyou, the Tongs, went to Jin,
that State had [also] the historiographers of that surname. You are the
descendant of the superintendent of the archives;—how is it that you are
so forgetful of these matters?" Ji Tan could not reply; and when his
guests went out, the king said, "Mr. Ji will not, we may anticipate,
leave any posterity. He must have numbered the archives, and yet he has
forgotten [the work of] his ancestors!"
'When Ji Tan returned [to Jin], he told all this to
Shuxiang, who said, 'The king will, probably, not complete his years. I
have heard that a man is sure to die of that in which he delights. Now
the king seeks pleasure in the midst of his grief. If he die [in the
midst] of grief, it cannot be said that he has completed his years. In
one year, he has had two deaths for each of which he should have mourned
3 years. At such a time to feast with the guests at his mourning, and to
be further asking for gifts of valuable articles, shows excessively what
he delights in in the midst of his grief. And moreover such conduct is
contrary to the rules of propriety. Gifts of valuable articles are
presented [by the States] on occasions of extraordinary merit, and not
on occasions of mourning. When a death that should be mourned for 3
years has occurred, even the noblest should, according to rule, complete
the mourning for it. If the son of Heaven should not complete that, yet
to feast and seek pleasure at an early period must be pronounced
contrary to propriety. The rules of propriety are the king's great
canons. On one occasion to neglect two of them shows that he has no
great canons. Words serve to make the archives; the archives serve to
record the canons. Forgetting the canons, and making a flourish of
words, what use does his reference to the archives
serve?"] XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, the
marquis of Qi invaded Xu.
2. The viscount of Chu inveigled the viscount of the
Manrong [into his power], and put him to death.
3. In summer, the duke arrived from Jin.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jihai, Yi,
marquis of Jin, died.
5. In the ninth month, we had a great sacrifice for
rain.
6. Jisun Yiru went to Jin.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the
burial of duke Zhao of Jin.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan has here a note about the duke's
remaining in Jin over the new year:——'This spring, the duke was detained
there by the people of Jin. The text does not mention it, concealing
[the disgrace].'
Par. 1. The marquis of Qi, aware of the decay of
Jin, was now scheming to revive the old presidency of his State, and
make himself another duke Huan. During the time of Huan, Xu had taken
the side of the northern States. After his time it came under the power
of Chu, and we have nothing about it in the text in all the years of
Xuan, Cheng, and Xiang. Soon after the accession of Zhao, it became an
object of suspicion to Chu, as being inclined to side against it with
Wu; and the marquis of Qi now took advantage of the disorders of Chu to
try and secure its adherence to himself. But he was not another Huan,
and Qi's time had gone by.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi invaded Xu. In
the 2d month, on Bingshen, his army arrived at Pusui, when the people of
Xu made their submission, and the viscount, with officers of Tan and Ju,
had a meeting in that place, and made a covenant with the marquis, who
received, as a bribe the tripod of Jiafu. Shusun Zhaozi said, "Alas for
the [small States] that there is now no leader among the princes! The
ruler of Qi, devoid of principle, raises an army and invades a distant
region. He assembles a conference, is successful, and returns;—no one
resisting him. Such is the consequence of there being no leader! To this
state of things may be applied the words of the ode (Shi II. iv., ode X.
2),
|
'The honoured House of Zhou is [nearly] extinguished; |
|
There is none to put an end to the disorders. |
|
The Heads of the officers have left their places. |
|
And none know my toil.'" |
Par. 2. For 蠻 Gongyang has 曼. In the Zhuan on VIII.
vi. 4. we read of the Manshi. They were a tribe of the Rong, whose
principal town or city was in the southwest of the pres. Ruzhou (汝 州),
in Henan.
The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu, having heard
that the Manshi were all in disorder, and that their viscount Jia had no
good faith, made Ran Dan inveigle him [into his power], and put him to
death. He then took [the territory of] the Manshi, but he proceeded to
appoint Jia's son in his place:—which was proper.' Against this
concluding decision of Zuo the Kangxi editors strongly
protest;—considering all the circumstances of the case.
[We have here three narratives connected with Han
Xuanzi of Jin in Zheng:—
1st. 'In the 3d month, Han Qi of Jin went on a
complimentary visit to Zheng, when the earl gave him an entertainment.
Zichan had warned [the various officers] beforehand, that all of them
who could claim positions in the court should behave with the utmost
respect. Kong Zhang, however, came late, and stood among the visitors.
From that place the director [of the ceremonies] made him remove. He
then took his place behind the visitors, from which also he was removed;
and he [finally] went among the instruments of music,—followed by the
smiles of the guests. When the ceremony was over, Fuzi reproved
[Zichan], saying, "With the officers of the great State we ought to be
particularly careful. If we often give them occasion to laugh at us,
they will despise us. Though we all of us observed the rules of
ceremony, those men would think meanly of us; but when a State does not
observe the rules of ceremony, how can it seek for glory? Kong Zhang's
losing his place was a disgrace to you." Zichan replied with
indignation, "If I issued commands which were not proper, gave out
orders without sincerity, took advantage of circumstances to be partial
in punishing, allowed litigations to be confused, were disrespectful at
meetings [of the States] and at other courts, caused the orders of the
government to be disregarded, brought on us the contempt of a great
State, wearied the people without accomplishing anything, or allowed
crimes to occur without taking knowledge of them;—any of these thing
would be a disgrace to me. But Kong Zhang is the descendant of Zikong
who was the elder brother of one of our rulers, [thus] the heir of a
chief minister and himself by inheritance a great officer. He has been
sent on missions to Zhou, is honoured by the people of other States, and
is known to the princes. He has had his place in our court, and
maintains the sacrifices in his family [temple]. He has endowments in
the State, and contributes his levies to the army. At funerals and
sacrifices [of our ruling House] he has [regular] duties; he receives of
the sacrificial flesh from our ruler, and sends of his own to him. At
the sacrifices in our ancestral temple, he has his assigned place. He
has been in offices under several rulers, and from one to another he has
kept his position. Though he forgot his proper course, how can that be a
disgrace to me? That prejudiced and corrupt men should all lay
everything on me as minister, is because the former kings did not
appoint sufficient punishments and penalties. You had better find fault
with me for something else?'
2d. 'Xuanzi had a ring of jade, the fellow of which
was in the possession of a merchant of Zheng, and he begged it from the
earl. Zichan, however, refused it, saying, "It is not an article kept in
our government treasury;—our ruler knows nothing about it." Zitaishu and
Ziyu said to him, "It is not a great request which Hanzi has made, nor
can we yet show any swerving from our allegiance to the State of
Jin;—-Hanzi of that State is not to be slighted. If any slanderous
persons should stir up strife between it and Zheng, and the Spirits
should assist them, so as to arouse its evil indignation, regrets [for
your refusal] would be in vain; why should you grudge a ring, and
thereby bring on us the hatred of the great State? Why not ask for it
and give it to him?" Zichan replied, "I am not slighting Jin, nor
cherishing any disaffection to it. I wish all my life to serve it, and
therefore I do not give [Hanzi this ring];—[the refusal] is a proof of
my loyalty and good faith. I have heard that a superior man does not
consider it hard to be without wealth, but that his calamity is to be in
office and not acquire a good name. I have heard that the minister of a
State does not consider the ability to serve great States and foster
small ones to be his difficulty, but thinks it a calamity when he does
not keep to the rules of propriety so as to establish his position. Now,
when the officers of a great State are sent to a small State, if they
all get what they seek, what will there be to give to them [all]? If one
be gratified and another denied, the number of its offences will be
[deemed to be] increased. If the requisitions of the great State are not
repulsed on the principles of propriety, it will become insatiable; we
shall become [as one of], its border cities, and so lose our position.
If Hanzi, sent here on his ruler's commission, asks for this gem, it
shows an excessive greed; shall we make an exception of this as if it
were not a crime? Why should we produce this piece of jade, thereby
originating two crimes, the loss of our own position, and the
development of Hanzi's greed? Would it not be very trivial traffic with
a piece of jade to purchase such crimes?"
'Hanzi [himself then went to] purchase [the ring]
from the merchant. When the price had been settled, the merchant said
that he must inform the ruler, and the great officers [of the
transaction], on which Hanzi made a request to Zichan, saying,
"Formerly, I asked for this ring, and when you thought that my doing so
was not right, I did not presume to repeat the request. Now I have
bought it of the merchant, who says that he must report the transaction,
and I venture to ask [that you will sanction it]." Zichan replied, "Our
former ruler, duke Huan, came with the [ancestor of this] merchant from
Zhou. Thus they were associated in cultivating the land, together
clearing and opening up this territory, and cutting down its tangled
southernwood and orach. Then they dwelt in it together, making a
covenant of mutual faith to last through all generations, which said,
'If you do not revolt from me, I will not violently interfere with your
traffic. I will not beg or take anything from you, and you may have your
profitable markets, precious things, and substance, without my taking
any knowledge of them.' Through this attested covenant, [our rulers and
the descendants of that merchant] have preserved their mutual relations
down to the present day. Now your Excellency having come to us on a
friendly mission, and asking our State to take away [the ring] from the
merchant by force, this was to request us to violate that covenant;—is
not such a thing improper? If you get the jade, and lose a State, you
would not [wish to] do the thing. If when your great State commands, we
must satisfy it without any law, Zheng becomes one of your border
cities, and I would not wish to be party to such a thing. If we present
the jade to you, I do not know what the consequence may be, and venture
privately thus to lay the case before you." Hanzi then declined the
jade, saying, "I presumed in my stupidity to ask for the jade, which
would have occasioned two [such] crimes;—let me now presume to decline
it."
3d.'In summer, in the 4th month, the 6 ministers of
Zheng gave a parting feast to Xuanzi in the suburbs, when he said to
them, "Let me ask all you gentlemen to sing from the odes, and I will
thence understand the views of Zheng." Zicuo, (Han Yingqi, son of Zipi)
then sang the Ye you man cao (Shi, I. vii. ode xx.), and Xuanzi said,
"Good! young Sir. I have the same desire." Zichan sang the Gao qiu of
[the odes of] Zheng (I. vii. ode VI); and Xuanzi said, "I am not equal
to this." Zitaishu sang the Qian chang (I. vii. ode XIII.), and Xuanzi
said, "I am here. Dare I trouble you to go to any other body?" on which
the other bowed to him. Xuanzi then said, "Good! your song is right. If
there were not such an understanding, could [the good relations of our
States] continue?" Ziyou sang the Feng yu (I. vii. ode XVI.); Ziqi (Feng
Shi, son of Gongsun Duan) sang the You nü tong ju (ode IX.); Ziliu (Yin
Gui, son of Yin Duan or Zishi) sang the Tuo xi (ode XI.). Xuanzi was
glad, and said, "Zheng may be pronounced near to a flourishing
condition! You, gentlemen, received the orders of your ruler to confer
on me this honour, and the odes you have sung are all those of Zheng,
and all suitable to this festive friendliness. You are all Heads of
clans that will continue for several generations; you may be without any
apprehensions." He then presented them all with horses, and sang the Wo
jiang (IV. i. Bk i. ode VII.). Zichan bowed in acknowledgment, and made
the other ministers do the same, saying, "You have quieted the confusion
[of the States]; must we not acknowledge your virtuous services." [After
this], Xuanzi went privately to Zichan, and presented him with a piece
of jade and [two] horses, saying, "You ordered me to give up that [ring
of] jade;—it was giving me a piece of jade, and saving my life. I dare
not but make my acknowledgments with these things in my hand."
Compare with the last of these narratives the
latter half of the Zhuan on IX. xxvii. 5.]
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'When the duke arrived
from Jin (He had been allowed at last to get away; see the note at the
beginning of the year), Zifu Zhaobo (Son of Huibo. The Zifus were an
offshoot from the Zhongshun clan) said to Ji Pingzi, "The ducal House of
Jin will soon be reduced to a low condition. The ruler is young and
weak, and the six ministers are strong, extravagant, and arrogant. They
will take advantage of this [feebleness of the ruler] to practise [their
bad ways], till the practice becomes a regular thing. Must not [the
House] be reduced low?" Pingzi said, "You are young; how should you know
[any thing about] a State?"
Par. 4. Zuo repeats this, merely with the
difference of 'duke Zhao' instead of the marquis's name.
Par. 5. Zuo observes that the sacrifice was because
there was a drought; and he appends the following narrative about Zheng.
which was suffering in the same way:——'There was a great drought in
Zheng, and Tu Ji, with the priest Kuan, and an attendant Fu, were sent
to sacrifice on mount Sang, when they cut down the trees; but there came
no rain. Zichan said, "A sacrifice on a hill is intended for the
nourishment of its forests. But these have cut down the trees;—their
crime could not be greater." He then took from them their offices and
lands.'
Parr. 6,7. The Zhuan says:—Pingzi had gone to Jin,
to attend the funeral of duke Zhao. He [then] said, "The words of Zifu
Hui (Zhaobo; see the Zhuan on par. 3) would seem to be true. The family
of Zifu has a [worthy] son!" XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, the
viscount of Little Zhu came to Lu to court.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Jiaxu, the first
day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
3. In autumn, the viscount of Tan came to the court
of Lu.
4. In the eighth month, Xun Wu of Jin led a force,
and extinguished the Rong of Luhun.
5. In winter, there was a comet in Dachen.
6. A body of men from Chu fought a battle with Wu in
Chang'an.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, duke Mu of
Little Zhu came to our court. The duke feasted with him, when Ji Pingzi
sang the Cai shu (Shi, II. vii. ode VIII.), and duke Mu responded with
the Qingqing zhe wo (II.iii.ode II). Zhaozi said, "Is he not able to
rule his State, so that it will continue long?"
Par. 2. This eclipse occurred in the afternoon of
August 14th, B. C. 524. The Zhuan says:——'When the eclipse occurred, the
priest and the historiographer asked for the offerings of silk which
should be employed. Zhaozi said, "On the occurrence of an eclipse, the
son of Heaven does not have his table fully spread, and causes the drum
to be beaten at the alter of the land, while the princes of States
present offerings of silk at that altar, and cause the drum to be beaten
in their courts. This is the rule". Pingzi opposed it, saying, "Stop; it
is only in the first month, before the evil influence has shown itself,
that it is the rule, on the occurrence of an eclipse, to beat the drum
and present those offerings. On other occasions there is no such rule."
The grand historiographer said, "That is just this month. After the sun
has passed the equinox and before he has arrived at the solstice, when
any calamity happens to the sun, moon, or stars, the various officers
put off their elegant robes, the ruler does not have his table fully
spread, and withdraws from his principal chamber, till the time [of the
eclipse] is past; the musicians beat the drums, the priest presents his
offerings, and the historiographer makes an address. Hence in one of the
Books of Xia (Shu, III. iv. 4) it is said, 'The sun and moon did not
meet harmoniously in Fang. The blind [musicians] beat their drums; the
inferior officers galloped and the common people ran about.' That is
said of the first day of his month:—it was in the 4th month of Xia,
which is called the first month of summer (The 4th month of Xia was the
6th of Zhou. But the present text of the Shu places the eclipse in the
9th month of the year)" [Notwithstanding this], Pingzi would not follow
their counsel, on which Zhaozi retired, and said. "He will [soon] show
that he is disaffected. He is not treating our ruler as his ruler."
Par. 3. Tan,—see VII. iv. 1. The viscounts of Tan
traced their lineage up to Jintian (金天氏), the dynastic title of Shaohao
(少狊), the eldest son of Huangdi.
The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Tan came to
our court, the duke feasted with him, and Zhaozi asked what was the
reason that Shaohao named his officers after birds, The viscount replid,
"He was my ancestor, and I know [all about] it. Before him, Huangdi came
to his rule with [the omen of] a cloud, and therefore he had cloud
officers, naming them after clouds; Yandi (Shennong) came to his with
the [omen of] fire, and therefore he had fire officers, naming them
after fire; Gonggong came to his with [the omen of] water, and therefore
he had water officers, naming them after water; Taihao (Fuxi) came to
his with [the omen of ] a dragon, and therefore he had dragon officers,
naming them after dragons. When my ancestor Shaohao Zhi succeeded to the
kingdom, there appeared at that time a pheonix, and therefore he
arranged his government under the nomenclature of birds, making bird
officers, and naming them after birds. There were so and so
Phoenix-bird, minister of the calendar; so and so Dark-bird (The
swallow), master of the equinoxes; so and so Bozhao (The shrike), master
of the solstices; so so and so Greenbird (A kind of sparrow), master of
the beginning [of spring and autumn; and so and so Carnation-bird, (The
golden pheasant), master of the close [of spring and autumn];—so and so
Zhujiu, minister of Instruction; so and so Jujiu, minister of War; so
and so Shijiu, minister of Works; so and so Shuangjiu, minister of
Crime; so and so Gujiu, minister of affairs. These five Jiu kept the
people collected together. The five Zhi (Pheasants) presided over the
five classes of mechanics;—they saw to the provision of implements and
utensils, and to the correctness of the measures of length and capacity,
keeping 'things equal among the people. The nine Hu were the ministers
of the nine departments of husbandry, and kept the people from becoming
dissolute. After the time of Zhuanxu [who came after Shaohao], they were
not able to arrange their offices by [such symbols coming] from afar,
and did so by what was near at hand. Their officers being over the
people, they named them from the business of the people, not being able
to do otherwise."
'Zhongni having heard of this, he had an interview
with the viscount of Tan, and learned from him. Afterward he said to
people, " I have heard that, when the officers of the son of Heaven are
not properly arranged, we may learn from the wild tribes all round
about. The remark seems to be true."
At this time Confucius was 27 years old. Du, by
mistake, makes him 28.
Par. 4. For 陸渾 Gongyang has 賁 渾,and Guliang omits
the 之 between 渾 and 戎. For these Rong, see on VII ii. 4.
The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin sent Tu Kuai to
Zhou, to ask leave to sacrifice to the Luo and to [the hill of] Santu.
Chang Hong said to the viscount of Liu, "The countenance of our visitor
looks fierce. Their object is not sacrifice, but probably an attack on
the Rong. The chief of Luhun is very friendly with Chu; that must be the
reason [for their movement]. You should make preparations for it."
Accordingly orders were given for preparations against the Rong.
'In the 9th month, on Dingmao, Xun Wu of Jin led a
force, crossed [the He] at the ford of Ji, and made an officer of
sacrifice first offer victims to the Luo. The people of Luhun knew
nothing [of their object, till] the army came after him; and on Gengwu
he took the opportunity to extinguish the [tribe of] Luhun, denouncing
it for its disaffection and adherence to Chu. The viscount of it fled to
Chu, and the multitudes to Ganlu, where [the troops of] Zhou captured
many of them. Xuanzi had dreamed that duke Wen led Xun Wu and gave him
Luhun, in consequence of which he made Muzi command the expedition and
[afterwards] present his prisoners in [the temple of] duke Wen.'
Par. 5. Dachen is another name for Dahuo (大火), the
seventh of the signs of the Chinese Zodiac, embracing part of Libra and
Scorpio,—the constellations of Fang, Xin, and Wei (房,心,尾) in the tract
of the Azure Dragon. The Zhuan says:——'In winter there was a comet on
the west of Dachen, which travelled [eastward] to the Milky way. Zi Shen
said, "This broomstar serves to take away what is old and arrange
something new. The doings of Heaven are constantly attended by such
appearances. Now the operation of taking away occurring in Huo, when Huo
appears again, the new arrangement will be seen. We may conclude that
the States are going to have the calamity of fires." Zi Shen said, "Last
year I saw it, when it was still small. It was visible when Huo
appeared. Now, this year, when Huo appeared, it was brilliant; —it must
have remained concealed when Huo disappeared; and it has thus dwelt
about Huo for a long time. It must happen as you say. Huo appears in the
3d month of Xia, the 4th of Shang, and the 5th of Zhou. The numbers of
Xia are the more correct deductions from the heavens. When Huo [again]
appears, the 4 States to which this comet has reference will be, I
apprehend, Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng. Song is the region corresponding
to Dachen; Chen was the old abode of Taihao; Zheng, that of Zhurong:—all
of them abodes of fire. The comet is travelling to the Han of the sky,
and the Han is ominous of water. Now Wey was the abode of Zhuanxu, hence
we have Diqiu in it, and its star is Dashui (Great Water). Water is the
husband of fire. The calamity will arise, probably, on a Bingzi day or a
Renwu, when there is a meeting of water and fire."
Pi Zao of Zheng said to Zichan, "There are going to
be fires in Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng on the same day. If we sacrifice
with a guan goblet and a libation cup of jade, Zheng will escape the
fire." Zichan did not agree to the proposal.'
Par. 6. Chang'an was in Chu, close on the southern
bank of the Yangtsze,—in the pres. dis. of Dangtu (當塗), dep. Taiping
(太平), Anhui.
The Zhuan says:——'Wu invaded Chu. Yang Gai, the
chief minister [of Chu]. consulted the tortoise-shell about fighting,
and got an unfavourable reply. The marshal Ziyu said, "We are at the
upper part of the stream; why should it be unfavourable? Moreover, it is
the old custom of Chu for the marshal to give the charge to the
shell;—allow me to divine again." [Accordingly], he propounded the
matter, saying, " If I and my followers die in the conflict, and the
army of Chu continue it, may we inflict a great defeat on the enemy?"
The answer was favourable, and they fought at Chang'an. Ziyu died in the
first onset, but the army of Chu came on afterwards and greatly defeated
that of Wu, capturing the [king's] vessel, Yuhuang. The men of Sui and
others who came late [for the fight] were then set to guard it. A ditch
was dug all round it, down to the water springs, and along the channel
[between it and the river] was piled up [lighted] charcoal. At the same
time the army was drawn up, waiting further orders.
'The Gongzi Guang of Wu made a request to all his
men, saying, " That we lost the vessel of our former kings is not my
fault only, but you all share in it. I would ask your help to retake it,
and you will thus save me from death." They all agreed; and he then sent
three men with long beards to lie hid by the side of the vessel, saying
to them, "When we cry out Yuhuang, you must answer." The army followed
in the night, and thrice cried out Yuhuang, when the men responded one
after another. The men of Chu came at the cries, and killed them; but
their army fell into confusion, and the men of Wu gave them a great
defeat, retook the Yuhuang, and carried it back with them."?
The men with long beards were intended to appear as
if they belonged to the army of Chu, few of the people of Wu having the
distinction of such an appendage. This circumstance helped to throw the
army of Chu into confusion. XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the
king's third month, Xu, earl of Cao, died.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Renwu, the
calamity of fire occurred in [the capitals of] Song, Wey, Chen, and
Zheng.
3. In the sixth month, a body of men from Zhu entered
Yu.
4. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Ping of
Cao.
5. In winter, Xu removed [its capital] to Boyu.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan gives here a short narrative about
affairs in Zhou:——'This spring, in the king's 2d month, on Yimao, Mao De
of Zhou killed Guo, earl of Mao, and took his place. Chang Hong said,
"Mao De is sure to become a fugitive. It was on this day that [the
wickedness of] Kunwu (The ba of the Xia dyn.) reached its height,—in
consequence of his extravagance. And [now, on this day] Mao De has
consummated his extravagance in the king's capital. What are we to wait
for but his becoming a fugitive]."]
Par. 1 Zuo repeats this par. with the change of
'duke Ping' for the earl's name.
Par. 1. We have here the fulfilment of the
vaticinations in connection with the comet of the preceding winter. The
Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 5th month, the Huo star made its first
appearance at dusk. On Bingzi there was wind, and Zi Shen said, "This is
called a northeast wind; it is a prelude of fire. In 7 days, we may
presume, the fire will breakout." On Wuyin the wind was great; on Renwu
it was vehement; and the capitals of Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng all
caught fire. Zi Shen went up on the top of the magazine of Dating to
look in the direction of them, and said, "In a few days, messengers from
Song, Wey, Chen and Zheng will be here with announcements of fire"
'Pi Zao said, "If you do not do as I said (See at
the end of the narrative on par. 5 of last year), Zheng will suffer from
fire again." The people [also] begged that his advice should be taken,
but Zichan still refused. Zitaishu said, "The use of precious articles
is to preserve the people. If there be [another] fire, our city will be
nearly destroyed. If they can save it from that destruction, why should
you grudge them?" Zichan replied, "The way of Heaven is distant, while
the way of man is near. We cannot reach to the former; what means have
we of knowing it? How should Zao know the way of Heaven? He is a great
talker, and we need not wonder if his words sometimes come true."
Accordingly he would not agree to the proposal, and there was no
repetition of the fire.
'Before the calamity occurred in Zheng, Li Xi said
to Zichan, "There are great portents of something to occur. The people
will be alarmed and excited; the city will be nearly ruined; I myself
will die, and not survive till its occurrence. Would it be proper to
remove the city to another site?" "It might be so," was the reply, "but
I am not sufficient to determine on such a removal." When the fire
occurred, Li Xi was dead; but as he was not yet buried, Zichan made 30
men remove his coffin. When the fire broke out, Zichan dismissed a
Gongzi and Gongsun of Jin, [who had just arrived], at the east gate. He
made the minister of Crime send recent visitors out of the city, and
prohibit older visitors from leaving their houses. He made Zikuan and
Zishang go round and inspect all the places of sacrifice, and go on to
the grand temple. He made Gongsun Deng remove the great tortoise-shell;
the priests and historiographers remove the Spirit-tablets to the stone
niches in the Zhou temple, and announce [the calamity] to the former
rulers; and the officers in charge of the treasuries and magazines to
look well after their departments. Shang Chenggong kept the keepers of
the palace on guard, sent out all the old inmates of the harem, and put
them in a place which the fire could not reach. The ministers of War and
Crime took post in order along the course of the fire, and went where it
was burning. The people at the foot of the wall were sent up upon it in
companies of five.
'Next day, orders were given to the magistrates in
the country to take good care of the people under them. The people of
the suburbs assisted the priests and historiographers in clearing the
ground on the north of the city. Deprecatory 'sacrifices against fire
were offered to Xuanming (The Spirit of water) and Huilu (The Spirit of
fire); and prayers were offered on the walls all round about. A writing
was made of the houses that had been burned; their taxes were remitted;
and materials were supplied to the owners. For three days there was a
[general] weeping, and markets were not opened. Messengers were sent to
announce [the calamity] to the [other States].
'Song and Wey [also] adopted similar measures. But
Chen took no measures against the fire, nor did Xu send any message of
condolence. From this a superior man might know that Chen and Xu would
be the first of the States to perish.'
Par. 3. Yu was a small State whose principal city
was 15 li north from the pres. dep. city of Yizhou. Song restored Yu in
the next year, but before long we shall find that it was absorbed by Lu.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, the people of Yu
were engaged upon the public lands, when a body of men from Zhu
surprised the city. One of the people was about to shut the gate, but a
Zhuite, Yang Luo, cut off his head, on which the attackers entered it,
made all in it prisoners, and carried them off to Zhu. The viscount of
Yu (We must suppose he had been with the people in the fields) said, "I
have nowhere to go to;" and he followed his family to Zhu. Duke Zhuang
of Zhu returned to him his wife, but kept his daughter.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, when there was
the burial of duke Ping of Cao, our officer who had gone to attend it
had an interview with Lu, earl of Yuan, and in conversation with him
found that he did not like learning. On his return he told this to Min
Zima, who said, "There will [soon] be disorder in Zhou. There must be
many there who talk in that way, before such an idea reaches the great
men. The great men are troubled at errors [of some who have learned],
and become deluded [on the subject], till they say, "Learning may be
done without. The want of learning does no harm." But it is an
accidental circumstance when the want of learning does no harm. From
such a condition inferiors will be usurping, and superiors will be set
aside;—is it possible that disorder should not ensue? Learning is like
cultivation; if people do not learn, there will be decadence and decay.
We may judge that the family of Yuan will come to ruin."
[We have here a sequel to the narrative under par.
2:——'Zichan of Zheng, in consequence of the fire, celebrated a great
sacrifice at the altar of the land, and ordered exorcisms and
deprecatory sacrifices throughout the State, in order to remove entirely
the plague of the fire; —all which was in accordance with propriety. He
then inspected the weapons, and was going to hold a review. For this it
was necessary to clear the way. The temple of Zitaishu was on the south
of the road, and his dwelling-house on the north of it, so that the
space between was small. [Orders were given to clear them away,] but
three days after the time [it was not done, and Zitaishu] made the
workmen stand with their implements on the south of the road and the
north of the temple, saying to them, "When Zichan passes by you, and
orders you to clear away quickly, then fall to pulling down right before
you." [Soon after], Zichan passed by, as he was going to court, and was
angry [at the dilatoriness], so the clearers began pulling down on the
south. However, when he came to the cross way, he made his attendants
stop them, saying, "Pull down on the north." When the fire occurred,
Zichan gave out weapons, and sent men on the parapets. Zitaishu said to
him, "Is not Jin likely to call us to account for this?" "I have heard,"
was the reply, "that, when a small State forgets to keep guard, it is in
a perilous position; how much more must it be so on an occasion of
calamity! It is being prepared which keeps a State from being made
little of." By and by, the officer of Jin, on the borders, came to
complain to Zheng, saying, "When Zheng suffered such a calamity, the
ruler of Jin and the great officers did not dare to dwell at ease. They
consulted the tortoise-shell and the reeds, and ran to sacrifice to the
hills and streams, grudging neither victims nor gems. The calamity of
Zheng was a grief to our ruler. And now, your minister, with looks of
determination, is giving out weapons and sending men up on the parapets.
On whom is he going to lay the blame? We are afraid, and dare not but
lay our thoughts before you." Zichan replied, "According to what you
say, the calamity of our State was a grief to your ruler. There were
defects about our government, and Heaven sent down the calamity. We are
further afraid, lest some evil, slanderous people should take the
opportunity to form a plot and excite the covetousness of people against
us, which would be still more disadvantageous to our State, and increase
the grief of your ruler. If we are fortunate enough to escape ruin, we
shall be able to explain [our conduct]. If we are not so fortunate,
however much your ruler may be grieved for our fate, explanation will be
too late. Zheng has other neighbours on its borders. Its hope is in Jin,
and to it is its recourse. We serve Jin;—how should we dare to admit a
spirit of disaffection to it?"]
Par. 5. Boyu was a city of Chu, called also Xi (析),
by which name it is mentioned in the Zhuan on V. xxv. 5. It was in the
pres. Dengzhou (鄧 州), dep. Nanyang, Henan. In the time of duke Yin, the
capital of Xu was Xuchang (See on I. xi. 3). In the 15th year of duke
Cheng, it was removed to She (葉. See VII. xv. 1). In ix. 2, a further
removal to Yi is recorded. In the 13th year, king Ling of Chu appears to
have removed it further within Chu; but his successor, king Ping,
removed Xu back to She; from which the change in the text was made.
The Zhuan says:——'The king's son Sheng of Chu,
director of the Left, said to the viscount, "Xu's natural position to
Zheng is that of an enemy; and through its situation in the territory of
Chu, it observes no ceremony to Zheng. Jin and Zheng are now on good
terms. If Zheng attack Xu and is assisted by Jin, Chu will lose the
territory;—why not remove Xu? Xu cannot at present be entirely devoted
to Chu. Zheng has now good government, so that Xu says, "It is my old
State;" and Zheng says [of Xu], "It is the State which I captured." She
in the State of Chu is like a screen outside the barrier wall. The
country is not to be thought little of; the State [of Zheng] is not to
be slighted; Xu is not to be captured; enmity is not to be excited:—your
lordship should consider the case." In winter the viscount of Chu
employed this Sheng to remove Xu to Xi, i.e., to
Boyu.' XIX. Nineteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] nineteenth year, the duke of Song
invaded Zhu.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Wuchen, Zhi,
heir-son of Xu, murdered his ruler Mai.
3. On Jimao, there was an earthquake.
4. In autumn, Gao Fa of Qi led a force and invaded
Ju.
5. In winter there was the burial of duke Dao of Xu.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan introduces here two short narratives
relative to Chu.
1st. 'This spring, Chi, director of Works in Chu,
removed Yin to Xiayin; and Zixia, the chief minister, walled Jia. Zhaozi
said, "Chu cannot occupy itself about the States [now]; it can barely
maintain itself, and try to preserve the succession of its rulers, one
after another."
2d. '[One time], when the viscount of Chu had gone
[on a mission] to Cai, the daughter of the border warden of Juyang had
sought his company, and the issue was [recognized as] the eldest son
Jian. When he succeeded to the State, he appointed Wu She tutor to Jian,
and Fei Wuji assistant-tutor. Wuji was no favourite with his charge; and
wishing to discredit him with the king, he suggested that it was time
Jian should be married. The king [accordingly] engaged for Jian a
daughter of Qin, and Wuji took part in meeting her, and advised the king
to take her for himself. In the 1st month, she, the lady Ying, [who
became] wife of the ruler of Chu, arrived from Qin.']
Par. 1. See on the 3d par. of last year. The Zhuan
here says:——'The wife of [the viscount of] Yu was a daughter of Xiang Xu
of Song, and therefore Xiang Ning [now] begged that an expedition might
be undertaken [against Zhu]. In the 2d month, the duke of Song invaded
that State, and laid siege to Chong, which he took in the third month.
Zhu then returned all the captives whom it had taken from Yu. Officers
of Zhu, Ni, and Xu, had a meeting with the duke of Song; and on Yihai
they made a covenant together in Chong.'
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, duke Dao of Xu
had fever; and in the 5th month, on Wuchen, he drank some medicine from
his eldest son Zhi, and died. The son then fled to Jin. On the words of
the text,—murdered his ruler,' the superior man will say, "If a man use
all his mind and strength in serving his ruler, he may let his physic
alone." Guliang gives rather a different account of this matter:——'Zhi
did not commit the murder, but it is here said that he did so,—in
reproof of Zhi. Zhi said, "I have been a party with the murderer." He
therefore would not take his father's place, but resigned the State to
his younger brother, wept and refused proper nourishment, so that he
died within a year. Therefore the superior man here reproves him, as he
reproved himself.' Gongyang, also, without going into particulars, says
that Zhi was not the murderer. The critics conclude from Guliang's
account that Zhi's crime was that he had not tasted, as he ought to have
done, the medicine supplied to his father before he gave it to him,
whereas Zuo would seem to say that he had himself ignorantly prepared
the medicine, a wrong one, which led to his father's death. Whatever the
real facts were, it is difficult to reconcile the bare, hard statement
of the text with our ideas of historical justice.
Par. 3. 地震,—see VI. ix. 11. Of the 5 earthquakes
mentioned in the Chunqiu two occurred in the time of duke Zhao; this
one, and one in his 23d year.
[The Zhuan appends a narrative here about affairs in
Chu:——'The viscount of Chu prepared a naval expedition to invade Pu. Fei
Wuji said to him, "Jin's leading position is owing to its being near to
the great States, while Chu, through its remote and obscure position, is
unable to contend with it. If you wall Chengfu on a great scale, and
place your eldest son there, to communicate with the northern regions,
while your majesty keeps together those of the south, you will get
possession of all under heaven." The king was pleased, and took his
advice. In consequence of this, Jian, the king's eldest son, dwelt in
Chengfu. [About the same time], the chief minister Zixia went on a
complimentary mission to Qin, to make acknowledgments for [the king's]
wife.]'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'When Gao Fa invaded Ju,
the viscount of that State fled to Jizhang, and Fa sent Sunshu to attack
it. At an carlier period, the viscount of Ju had put to death the
husband of a woman of Ju, who thenceforth lived as a widow; and in her
old age she had taken up her residence in Jizhang, where she span a rope
with which she measured [the height of the wall] and then kept
concealed; but when the troops [of Qi] came, she threw it over the wall,
[hanging down] outside. Some one showed it to Zizhan (Sunshu), who made
his soldiers climb up by means of it. When 60 of them had got up, the
rope broke; but the troops then beat their drums and shouted, the men on
the wall shouting also, so that duke Gong of Ju became frightened,
opened the west gate, and left the place. In the 7th month, on Bingzi,
the army of Qi entered Ji.'
Par. 5. Many of the critics think that this entry of
the burial of duke Dao of Xu is a condonation by the sage of his son's
share in his death. Confucius is thus made to charge the son first with
the murder of his father, of which he was not guilty, and then in this
indirect way to withdraw the charge!
[We have here four narratives appended in the
Zhuan:—
1st, of affairs in Zheng. 'This year, Si Yan
(Ziyou; 子 游) of Zheng died. He had married the daughter of one of the
great officers of Jin, by whom he had Si, who was still young [when his
father died]. The elder members of his family, however, raised Zixia,
(an uncle of Yan, called Si Qi; 駟 乞) in his room. Zichan, who disliked
his character, and because the proceeding, moreover, was not according
to the natural order, did not approve of the appointment, neither did he
stop it; thereby alarming the Si family. In the meantime, Si sent word
to his mother's brother of it; and in the winter the people of Jin sent
a messenger with some offerings of silk to Zheng, and to ask about the
cause of the appointment of Si Qi. The Si family were frightened in
consequence, and Qi wished to run away. Zichan would not allow him to
go; and when he begged leave to consult the tortoise-shell, neither
would the minister agree to that. The great officers were consulting
what reply should be given [to the envoy of Jin], but without waiting
[for the result of their deliberations], Zichan replied to him, "
Through want of the blessing of Heaven on Zheng, several of our ruler's
officers have died in pestilences, great and small, or by too early
deaths, or even before they had got any name; and now we have lost our
late great officer Yan. His son being young and feeble, the elders of
the family, fearing lest their ancestral temple should be without a
[proper] master, consulted privately among themselves, and appointed the
oldest of his near relatives. Our ruler and the elders [of his council]
said [to themselves], 'Heaven, perhaps, is causing [the family] to fall
into disorder;—why should we take knowledge of it?' There is the common
saying about not passing by the gate of a family in disorder. If in [any
family of] the people there be the confusion of strife, and we are still
afraid to pass by it, how much more should we be afraid in a case where
the disorder is caused by Heaven! Your Excellency now asks the cause [of
this appointment]; but since our ruler does not presume to take
knowledge of it, who is there that really knows it? At the meeting of
Pingqiu, in renewing the old covenants, your ruler said, 'Let no State
fail in the discharge of its duties; but if, when any of the ministers
of our ruler leaves the world, the great officers of Jin must determine
who shall be his successor, this is to make Zheng a district or border
of Jin;—it ceases to be a State." He then declined the offerings, and
replied to the mission by one to Jin, the people of which let the matter
drop.'
2d, relating to affairs in Chu. " The people of Chu
walled Zhoulai (See XIII. 12. Chu must have retaken the place.), on
which Xu, director of Shen, said, 'The men of Chu are sure to be
defeated there. Formerly, when Wu extinguished Zhoulai, Ziqi asked leave
to attack it, but the king said, 'I have not yet comforted the minds of
the people.' The state of things is still the same; and we are walling
Zhoulai to provoke Wu:—is it possible we should not be defeated?" An
attendant who was by him said, " The king has been unwearied in his
beneficence, and has allowed five years' rest to the people;—he may be
said to have comforted their minds." Xu replied, "I have heard that he
who comforts the minds of the people is moderate in all his internal
expenditure, and establishes the proofs of his virtue abroad, so that
the people rejoice in their life, and there are no marauders nor
enemies. Now [the king's] palaces are [built and beautified] without
measure; the people are kept in daily terror, so that they are dying or
removing, wearied with their toils, and forgetful both of their sleep
and food. There is no comforting of them."
3rd, relating to affairs in Zheng. 'There were
great floods in Zheng; and [some] dragons fought in the pool of Wei,
outside the Shi gate. The people asked leave to sacrifice to them; but
Zichan refused it, saying, "If we are fighting, the dragons do not look
at us; when dragons are fighting, why should we look at them? We may
offer a deprecatory sacrifice, but that is their abode. If we do not
seek anything of the dragons, they will not seek anything from us." On
this [the people] desisted [from their request.
4th, relating to Chu and Wu. 'Zixia, the chief
minister, spoke to the viscount of Chu about Jueyou (See the Zhuan on V.
8) saying, " What offence is he chargeable with?' The words of the
common saying might be applied to Chu,— He is angry with the members of
his family, and he shows his anger in the marketplace.' It would be well
to put away the former resentment against him." [The viscount]
accordingly sent Jueyou back to Wu]. XX. Twentieth year.
1. In the [duke's]. twentieth year, it was spring,
the king's first month.
2. In summer, the Gongsun Hui of Cao fled from Meng
to Song.
3. In autumn, some ruffians killed Zhi, the elder
brother of the marquis of Wey.
4. In winter, in the tenth month, Hua Hai, Xiang
Ning, and Hua Ding of Song fled from that State to Chen.
5. In the eleventh month, on Xinmao, Lu, marquis of
Cai, died.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan introduces under this spring two
narratives. The 1st is astrological; and Zuoshi, in introducing it,
seems to change the 'king's first month' of the text into the king's 2d
month, the 1st day of which was the day of the winter solstice. The
officers of the calendar had omitted to make an intercalary month after
the 12th month of last year, which they ought to have done, making this
year commence on the day of the solstice. The 5th year of duke Xi
commenced on that day; seven periods of 19 years (= 133 years) had
intervened. This 20th year of Zhao, therefore, was the 1st of another
period, and should, had the intercalation been always correctly made,
have fallen on the solstice. There is here the indication of another
error in the calendar, for in this year, which was Jimao (已 卯), the
solstice fell on Xinmao, (辛 卯), two days later than Zuoshi's Jichou.
'This year, in spring, in the king's second month,
on Jichou, the sun reached the limit of his southern path (I. e., it was
the winter solstice). Zi Shen, having looked at all the indications of
the sky, said, "This year there will be confusion in Song. That State
will be nearly brought to ruin, and it will be 3 years before the evil
is arrested. There will [also] be a great death in Cao." Shusun Zhaozi
said, "Well then, [the evil in Song] will arise from [the descendants of
dukes] Dai and Huan; their ambitious extravagance and want of propriety
are excessive; it is there that the disorder will be found." '
2d, relating to affairs in Chu. 'Fei Wuji said to
the viscount of Chu, "Jian, with Wu She, is intending to revolt with the
territory beyond the barrier wall, considering himself there equal to
Song or Zheng. Qi and Jin also will both assist him, with the intention
of injuring Chu. The thing will be successful." The king believed him,
and asked Wu She, who replied "The one fault which you committed
(Appropriating to himself his son's bride) was more than enough; why do
you believe slanderers?" The king then made him be seized, and sent Fen
Yang, the marshal of Chengfu, to kill his own eldest son, but that
officer warned Jian to go away before his arrival; and in the 3d month
that prince fled to Song. The king then called Fen Yang [back to the
capital], who made the people of Chengfu seize him, and carry him
thither. "The words," said the king, "went forth from my mouth, and
entered into your ears;—who told Jian of them?" "I did," was the reply.
"O ruler and king, you had [formerly] commanded me to serve Jian as I
would serve yourself. In my want of ability I could not allow myself in
any way to deviate from this, but regulated my conduct by that first
command. The second I could not bear to execute, and therefore sent the
prince away. When the thing was done, I repented of it; but that was
then of no avail." The king asked, "How [in these circumstances] did you
dare to come here?" Yang said, "I had been sent on a commission which I
had failed to execute; if I had refused to come when called here, I
should have been twice a traitor; and though I might have made my
escape, no place would have received me." The king said, "Return, and
discharge the duties of your office as before."
'Wuji said [to the king], " The sons of She are men
of ability. If they should be in Wu, it would be to the grief of Chu.
Why not call them, making their coming a condition of their father's
pardon? They are virtuous and loving, and are sure to come. If you do
not do so, there will be trouble hereafter." On this the king sent to
call them, saying, "Come, and I will liberate your father." Shang, the
commandant of Tang, said to his younger brother Yun, "Do you go to Wu,
and I will return [to the capital], and die. My wisdom is not equal to
yours. I can die, and you can repay. Having received this summons, based
on the promise to liberate our father, it would not do not to go. When
one's nearest relatives are slaughtered, it would not do not to repay
the injury. To hurry to death for the liberation of our father is filial
duty; to act on a calculation of what can be accomplished is virtue; to
select one's duty to be performed and go to it is wisdom; to know death
is before him and not try to avoid it is valour. Our father must not be
abandoned; our name must not be allowed to perish. Do you exert yourself
to the utmost. Our best plan is for each to allow the other to take his
way."
'Wu Shang then returned [to Ying]; and when She
heard that Yun had not come, he said, "The ruler of Chu and his great
officers will [now] take their meals late," Both father and son were put
to death in Chu. Yun went to Wu, and spoke to Zhouyu of the advantages
of attacking Chu. The Gongzi Guang, however, said, "He wishes to revenge
the murder of the members of his family, and should not be listened to."
[On this] Yun said, "That Guang has another object in his mind. I will
in the meantime seek for braves to take service with him, and will wait
in the borders of the State [for the development of his ambition]."
Accordingly, he introduced Zhuan Shezhu [to Guang], and commenced
farming himself on the borders']
Par. 2. For 鄸 Guliang has 夢. Meng was a city of Cao,
in the north of the pres. dept. of Caozhou. The specification of Hui's
flight as not taking place from Cao simply, but from Meng in Cao, has
led to much speculation among the critics. We must suppose that Meng was
the city belonging to Hui's family; but whether he had been holding it
in revolt against the earl of Cao, or what other unsatisfactory
relations there had been between them, can only be matter of conjecture.
Comp. XXII. 2.
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Song:——'Duke
Yuan of Song was without good faith, and had many private favourites,
while he hated the clans of Hua and Xiang. Hua Ding and Hua Hai
consulted with Xiang Ning, saying, "It is better to be driven into exile
than to die. Let us anticipate [the duke]." [Accordingly], Hua Hai
pretended to be ill, to inveigle [into his power] the scions of the
ducal House; and when they came to inquire for him, he made them be
seized. In the 6th month, on Bingshen, he put to death the Gongzis Yin,
Yurong, Zhu, and Gu, and the Gongsuns Yuan and Ding, and confined Xiang
Sheng and Xiang Hang in his granary. The duke went to the house of the
Hua to beg [the liberation of those two], but Hai refused it, and made
the duke himself a prisoner. On Guimao he received the duke's eldest son
Luan, and his full brother Chen, with the Gongzi Di, as hostages. The
duke on his part took Wuqi the son of Hua Hai, Luo the son of Xiang
Ning, and Qi the son of Hua Ding, as hostages; and made a covenant with
the Hua.']
Par. 3. For 縶 Gong and Gu have 輙. This Zhi was the
rightful heir of the State of Wey. For the reason why he was passed
over, and the succession given to his younger brother, see on VII. 8.
The Zhuan says:——'Gongmeng Zhi of Wey treated Qi Bao with contempt, and
deprived him of his office of minister of Crime, and of [his city] Juan,
which he would restore to him when he was engaged on service, and take
from him [again] when he was not so engaged. He [also] hated Beigong Xi
and Pu superintendent of markets, and wished to put them out of the way.
[At the same time] the Gongzi Zhao had an intrigue with Xuan Jiang, the
widow of duke Xiang; and, being afraid, he wished to take advantage of
circumstances to raise an insurrection. In this way, Qi Bao, Beigong Xi,
Pu the superintendent of markets, and the Gongzi Zhao united in an
insurrection.
'Before this, Qi Bao had introduced Zong Lu to
Gongmeng, who appointed him to the 3d place in his chariot.
Contemplating the insurrection, [Bao now] said [to Lu], "You are
acquainted with the badness of Gongmeng. Do not ride in his chariot with
him, for I am going to kill him." Lu replied, "It is through you that I
am in the service of Gongmeng. You recommended me on the ground of my
character, and therefore he has not been distant to me. Although he is
bad, and I was aware of it, yet for the gain of it I have served him,
and would not leave him;—that was my fault. If now I should slink away
on hearing of the [impending] calamity, I should falsify your [words
about me]. Do what you have in hand. I will die in it, and thereby
complete my service of you. I will return and die with Gongmeng."
'On Bingchen, the marquis of Wey was at Pingshou,
and Gongmeng had a sacrifice outside the Gaihuo gate. Qizi's family
pitched a tent outside the gate, and concealed men-at-arms in it. He
made the priest Wa place a spear amid the faggots in a waggon which was
set to stop up the gate, and at the same time he sent a carriage to
follow Gongmeng, if he should get out. Hua Qi was acting as charioteer
to Gongmeng, Zong Lu being the 4th person in the chariot; and when they
came to the turn in the gate, one of the Qis took the spear to strike
Gongmeng, whom Zong Lu tried to cover with his back. The blow cut off
his arm, and then fell on the shoulder of Gongmeng, both of whom were
slain.
'When the duke heard of the insurrection, he
hurried rapidly to the capital, which he entered by the Yue gate. Qing
Bi drove his chariot, in which was also Gongnan Chu, while Hua Yin
occupied the supporting chariot. When they arrived at the palace, Hong
Liutui got as a 4th man into the chariot of the duke, who then took into
it his most valuable articles and left. Zishen, a superintendent of the
markets, met him in the Malu street, and followed him. When he passed
the house of the Qi, he made Hua Yin, with the upper part of his body
bared, hold an umbrella to cover where he was exposed. One of the Qis
let fly an arrow at the duke, which hit Nan Chu in the back. In this way
the duke got out of the city, and Yin shut the gate of the suburbs
behind them, getting over the wall himself afterwards and following. The
duke went to Siniao. Xi Zhuchu in the night got out at a hole, and
followed him on foot.
'The marquis of Qi had sent Gongsun Qing on a
complimentary mission to Wey. When he had left [the capital of Qi], he
heard of the confusion in Wey, and sent to ask where he should go to
accomplish his mission. The marquis said, "He is still within the
boundaries of the State, and is the ruler of Wey; do you discharge your
mission to him." Qing then went to Siniao, and begged there to deliver
his message. [The marquis of Wey], however, declined to receive it,
saying, "A fugitive, without ability, I have failed in guarding my
altars, and am here in the jungle. There is no place in which you can
condescend to deliver your ruler's message." The guest replied, "My
ruler charged me in his court that I should deport myself humbly as one
of your officers. I dare not think of anything else." The host rejoined,
"If your ruler, kindly regarding the friendship between his predecessors
and mine, [has sent you] on a bright visit to my poor State, to support
and comfort its altars, there is my ancestral temple, [where I should
receive you]." On this [the envoy] desisted from his purpose. The
marquis begged earnestly to see him, but could not obtain a favourable
reply. Qing, however, sent him [some good] horses in place of seeing
him, [that being impossible] while he had not yet discharged his
commission; and the marquis employed them for his chariot.
'The guest proposed keeping watch at night; but the
host declined [the service], saying, "The sad circumstances of my
condition as a fugitive must not be allowed to affect you, Sir. Your
followers must not be subjected to the duties arising from my position
here in the jungle. I venture to decline your proposal." The guest
replied, "I am an inferior officer of my ruler, as a herdsman or a groom
of your Lordship. If I am not allowed to share in guarding you when you
are thus abroad, I shall be forgetting my duty to my ruler. I am afraid
I shall not escape the charge of being an offender, and beg you to
deliver me from the risk of death." He then himself took bell in hand,
and joined all night long the torch-bearers.
'Quzi, the steward of the Qi family, had called
Beigongzi [to an interview with him]. The steward of Beigong was not
privy to the matter, and laid a plot to kill Quzi, after which he
attacked the Qi family, and extinguished it. On Dingsi, the last day of
the moon, the marquis [again], entered [his capital], and made a
covenant with Beigong Xi near the river Peng. In autumn, in the 7th
month, on Wuwu, he imposed a covenant on the people. In the 8th month,
on Xinhai, the Gongzi Zhao, Pu the superintendent of markets, Ziyu Xiao.
and Zigao Fang, fled to Jin. In the intercalary month, on Wuchen, Xuan
Jiang was put to death. The marquis conferred on Beigong Xi the honorary
epithet of Zhenzi, and on Xi Zhuchu that of Chengzi, and bestowed on
them the burial place of the Qi family. He announced the [restoration
of] tranquillity to Qi, making mention of the [admirable] behaviour of
Zishi (The Gongsun Qing). The marquis of Qi was about to drink, [when
the message arrived], and he gave [a cup] to the great officers all
round, saying, "There is a lesson for you, gentlemen." Yuan Heji
declined the cup, saying, "If we share in Qing's reward, we must also
share in any punishment [he may incur]. In the Announcement to the
prince of Kang (Shu, V. ix. 6; but the words quoted are not in the text,
and they are a very roundabout deduction from what it says), it is said,
'The crimes of father or son, younger or elder brother, do not reach
beyond the individual's self;' how much more is this rule applicable to
officers! I do not presume to desire your gift in violation of [that
rule of] the former kings."
'When Qin Zhang (A disciple of Confucius; see Ana.
IX. vi. 4) heard of the death of Zong Lu, he wished to pay a visit of
condolence to his family. Zhongni, however, said to him, "Why should you
pay such a visit for him, through whom Qi Bao proved a ruffian and Meng
Zhi was murdered? A superior man does not eat [the bread of] the wicked,
nor receive [the advances of] rebels; he does not for the sake of gain
endanger himself by corruption, nor treat others evilly, nor conceal
unrighteousness, nor violate the rules of propriety."
On the 盜 in the text compare on IX. x. 8. The
individual intended by the term here is Qi Bao.
Par. 4. Gongyang has 甯 for 寕. The Zhuan says:——'On
the insurrection of the Hua and the Xiang in Song, the Gongzi Cheng (A
son of duke Ping, XI. 1), the Gongsun Ji, Yue She, the marshal Qiang,
Xiang Yi, Xiang Zheng, Jian of Chu (See the 2d narrative at the
beginning of the year) and Jia (The reading here is uncertain, whether 申
or 甲 of Ni, left the State to flee to Zheng. Their followers fought with
the Hua clan at Guiyan, where Zicheng was defeated, after which he went
to Jin. Hua Hai and his wife were accustomed to wash their hands and
then feed the Gongzis who were hostages with them, taking afterwards
their own meal. The duke and his wife every day would go to their house
with food for the Gongzis, and then return to the palace. Hua Hai was
annoyed at this, and wished to send the Gongzis home. Xiang Ning said to
him, "It was because he has not good faith, that you took his son as a
hostage. If you send them back, we shall die very soon." The duke begged
[the assistance] of Hua Feisui, and proposed to attack the Huas; but
that officer replied, "I do not grudge dying [for you], but while you
wish to get rid of your sorrow, will it not be increased and prolonged
[by such a step]? This is why I am afraid of it; should I [otherwise]
presume not to obey your command?" The duke said, "My son will die
according as it is appointed for him, but I cannot bear the disgrace [of
my position]."
'In winter, in the 10th month, the duke put to
death the hostages left with him by the Hua and Xiang, and attacked
those clans, when their chiefs fled to Chen, and Hua Deng to Wu. Xiang
Ning had wished to put to death the [duke's] eldest son, but Hua Hai
said, "We have opposed our ruler and are going forth; if we also kill
his son, who will receive us? And moreover to send him back will be an
act of merit." [Accordingly], he made the sub-minister of Crime, Keng,
take [the hostages] back to the duke, saying to him, "You are advanced
in years, and cannot take service in any other [State]. If you take
these three Gongzis back as evidence of your faith, you will be
pardoned," As the Gongzis entered [the palace], Hua Keng was going away
from the gate, when the duke suddenly saw him, took him by the hand, and
said, "I know that you are not guilty. Come in, and resume your office.'
Par. 5. For 廬 Zuoshi has 盧. See the record of Lu's
succession to the marquisate of Cai in XIII. 9.
[We have here four narratives in the Zhuan:——1st,
relating to affairs in Qi:——'The marquis of Qi had a scabbiness which
issued in intermittent fever, and for a whole year he did not get
better, so that there were many visitors from the various States [in the
capital], who had come to inquire for him. Ju of Liangqiu and Yi Kuan
said to him, "We have served the Spirits more liberally than former
rulers did; but now your lordship is very ill, to the grief of all the
princes;—it must be the crime of the priests and the historiographers.
The States, not knowing this, will say that it is because we have not
been reverential [to the Spirits]; why should your lordship not put to
death the priest Gu and the historiographer Yin, and thereupon give an
answer to your visitors." The marquis was pleased and laid the proposal
before Yanzi, who replied, "Formerly, at the covenant of Song, Qu Jian
asked Zhao Wu of what kind had been the virtue of Fan Hui (See the
narrative on IX. xxvii. 2, 5), and was answered, "The affairs of his
family were well regulated; when conversing [with his ruler] about the
State, he told the whole truth, without any private views of his own.
His priests and historiographers, at his sacrifices, set forth the
truth, and said nothing to be ashamed of. The affairs of his family
afforded no occasion for doubt or fear, and his priests and
historiographers did not pray about them. "Jian reported this to king
Kang, who said, "Since neither Spirits nor men could resent his conduct,
right was it he should distinguish and aid five rulers, and make them
lords of covenants." The marquis said, 'Ju and Kuan said that I was able
to serve the Spirits, and therefore they wished the priest and
historiographer to be executed; why have you repeated these words [in
reference to their proposal]?" Yanzi replied, "When a virtuous ruler is
negligent of nothing at home or abroad, when neither high nor low have
any cause for dissatisfaction, and none of his movements are opposed to
what circumstances require, his priests and historiographers set forth
the truth, and he has nothing to be ashamed of in his mind. Therefore
the Spirits accept his offerings, and the State receives their blessing,
in which the priests and historiographers share. The plenty and
happiness [of the State] and the longevity [of the people] are caused by
the truth of the ruler; the words [of the priests and historiographers]
to the Spirits are leal and faithful accordingly. If they meet with a
ruler abandoned to excesses, irregular and vicious at home and abroad,
causing dissatisfaction and hatred to high and low, his movements and
actions deflected from and opposed to the right, following his desires
and satisfying his private aims, raising lofty towers and digging deep
ponds, surrounding himself with the music of bells and with dancing
girls, consuming the strength of the people, and violently taking from
them their accumulations of wealth;—[if they meet with a ruler] who thus
carries out his violation of the right, not caring for his posterity,
oppressive and cruel, giving the reins to his lusts, wildly proceeding
without rule or measure, without reflection or fear, giving no thought
to the maledictions of the people, having no fear of the Spirits, and
however the Spirits may be angry and the people may suffer, entertaining
no thought of repentance:—the priests and historiographers, in setting
forth the truth, must speak of his offences. If they cover his errors
and speak of excellences, they are bearing false testimony; when they
would advance or retire, they have nothing which they can rightly say,
and so they may vainly seek to flatter. Therefore the Spirits will not
accept the offerings, and the State is made to suffer misery, in which
the priests and historiographers share, Short lives, premature deaths,
bereavements and sicknesses, are caused by the oppression of the ruler;
the words [of the priests and historiographers] are false, and an insult
to the Spirits."
'The duke said, "Well then, what is to be done?"
Yanzi replied, "[What is proposed] will be of no avail. The trees of the
hills and forests are watched over [for your use] by the henglu; the
reeds and flags of the marshes by the zhoujiao; the firewood of the
meres by the yuhou; and the salt and cockles of the sea [shore] by the
qiwang. The people of the districts and borders are made to enter and
share in the services of the capital. At the barrier-passes near the
capital, oppressive duties are levied on the private [baggage of
travellers]. The places of the great officers which should come to them
by inheritance are forcibly changed for bribes. There are no regular
rules observed in issuing the common measures of government.
Requisitions and exactions are made without measure. Your palaces and
mansions are daily changed. You do not shun licentious pleasures. The
favourite concubines in your harem send forth and carry things away from
the markets; your favourite officers abroad issue false orders in the
borders;—thus nourishing the gratification of what they selfishly
desire. And if people do not satisfy them, they [make them criminals] in
return. The people are pained and distressed; husbands and wives join in
cursing [the government]. Blessings are of benefit, but curses are
injurious. From Liaoshe on the east, and from Guyou on the west, the
people are many. Although your prayers may be good, how can they prevail
against the curses of millions? If your lordship wishes to execute the
priest and the historiographer, cultivate your virtue, and then you may
do it." The marquis was pleased, and made his officers institute a
generous government, pull down the barrier-passes, take away
prohibitions, make their exactions more light, and forgive debts.'
2d, relating to an incident in Qi:——'In the 12th
month, the marquis of Qi was hunting in Pei, and summoned the forester
to him with a bow. The forester did not come forward, and the marquis
caused him to be seized, when he explained his conduct, saying, "At the
huntings of our former rulers, a flag was used to call a great officer,
a bow to call an inferior one, and a fur cap to call a forester. Not
seeing the fur cap, I did not dare to come forward." On this he was let
go. Zhongni said, "To keep the rule [of answering a ruler's summons] is
not so good as to keep [the special rule for] one's office. Superior men
will hold this man right."
3d, still relating to the marquis of Qi and
Yanzi:——'When the marquis of Qi returned from his hunt, Yanzi was with
him in the tower of Chuan, and Ziyou (Ju of Liangqiu of the 1st
narrative) drove up to it at full speed. The marquis said, "It is only
Ju who is in harmony with me!" Yanzi replied, "Ju is an assenter merely;
how can he be considered in harmony with you?" "Are they different,"
asked the marquis,—harmony and assent?" Yanzi said, "They are different.
Harmony may be illustrated by soup. You have the water and fire,
vinegar, pickle, salt, and plums, with which to cook fish. It is made to
boil by the firewood, and then the cook mixes the ingredients,
harmoniously equalizing the several flavours, so as to supply whatever
is deficient and carry off whatever is in excess. Then the master eats
it, and his mind is made equable. So it is in the relations of ruler and
minister. When there is in what the ruler approves of anything that is
not proper, the minister calls attention to that impropriety, so as to
make the approval entirely correct. When there is in what the ruler
disapproves of anything that is proper, the minister brings forward that
propriety, so as to remove occasion for the disapproval. In this way the
government is made equal, with no infringement of what is right, and
there is no quarrelling with it in the minds of the people. Hence it is
said in the ode (Shi IV. iii. ode II.),
|
'There are also the well-tempered soups, |
|
Prepared beforehand, the ingredients rightly proportioned |
|
By these offerings we invite his presence without a word; |
|
Nor is there now any contention in the service.' |
As the ancient kings established the doctrine of
the five flavours, so they made the harmony of the five notes, to make
their minds equable and to perfect their government. There is an analogy
between sounds and flavours. There are the breath, the two classes of
dances, the three subjects, the materials from the four quarters, the
five notes, the six pitch-pipes, the seven sounds, the eight winds, the
nine songs;—[by these nine things the materials for music] are
completed. Then there are [the distinctions of] clear and thick, small
and large, short and long, fast and slow, solemn and joyful, hard and
soft, lingering and rapid, high and low, the commencement and close, the
close and the diffuse, by which the parts are all blended together. The
superior man listens to such music, that his mind may be composed. His
mind is composed, and his virtues become harmonious. Hence it is said in
the ode (Shi, I. xv. ode VII. 2),
'There is no flaw in his virtuous fame.' Now it is
not so with Ju. Whatever you say 'Yes' to, he also says 'Yes.' Whatever
you say 'No' to, he also says 'No.' If you were to try to give water a
flavour with water, who would care to partake of the result? If lutes
were to be confined to one note, who would be able to listen to them?
Such is the insufficiency of mere assent."
'They were drinking and joyous, when the marquis
said, "If from ancient times till now there had been no death, how great
would [men's] pleasure have been!" Yanzi replied, "If from ancient times
till now there had been no death, how could your lordship have shared in
the pleasure of the ancients? Anciently the Shuangjiu occupied this
territory. To them succeeded [the House of] Ji Ze. Boling of Feng
followed; and then the House of Pugu, after which came [your ancestor]
Taigong. If the ancients had not died, the happiness of the Shuangjiu is
what you never could have desired.'
4th, the dying counsels of Zichan:——'Zichan was
ill, and said to Zitaishu, "When I die, the government is sure to come
into your hands. It is only the [perfectly] virtuous, who can keep the
people in submission by clemency. For the next class [of rulers] the
best thing is severity. When fire is blazing, the people look to it with
awe, and few of them die from it. Water again is weak, and the people
despise and make sport with it, so that many die from it. It is
difficult therefore to carry on a mild government."
'After being ill several months, he died, and
Taishu received the administration of the govt. He could not bear to use
severity, and tried to be mild. The consequence was that there were many
robbers in the State, who plundered people about the marsh of Huanfu.
Taishu repented of his course, saying, "If I had sooner followed the
advice of Zichan, things would not have come to this." He then raised
his troops, and attacking the robbers of Huanfu, killed them all, on
which robbers [generally] diminished and disappeared. Zhongni said,
"Good! When govt. is mild, the people despise it. When they despise it,
severity must take its place. When govt. is severe, the people are
slaughtered. When this takes place, they must be dealt with mildly.
Mildness serves to temper severity, and severity to regulate
mildness;—it is in this way that the administration of government is
brought to harmony. The ode says (III. ii. ode IX. 1.):—
|
The people indeed are heavily burdened:—— |
|
'But perhaps a little ease may be got for them. |
|
Deal kindly in this centre of the kingdom, |
|
And so give rest to the four quarters of it;'— |
that has reference to the employment of mildness.
[Again]:—
|
Give no indulgence to deceit and obsequiousness, |
|
In order to make the unconscientious careful, |
|
And repress robbers and oppressors, |
|
Who have no fear of the clear [will of Heaven];'— |
' that has reference to the substitution for it of
severity. [And further]:—
|
So may you encourage the distant |
|
'And help the near, |
|
And establish [the throne of] our king;'— |
that has reference to the harmonious blending of
both of these. Another ode (IV. iii. ode IV. 4) says:—
|
He was neither violent nor remiss, |
|
Neither hard nor soft. |
|
Gently he spread his instructions abroad, |
|
And all dignities and riches were concentrated in him;'— |
that has reference to the perfection of such
harmony." When Zichan died and Zhongni heard of it, he shed tears and
said, "He afforded a specimen of the love transmitted from the
ancients!"] XXI. Twenty-first year.
1. In the [duke's] Twenty-first year, in spring, in
the king's third month, there was the burial of duke Ping of Cai.
2. In summer, the marquis of Jin sent Shi Yang to Lu
on a complimentary mission.
3. Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, and Hua Ding of Song entered
Nanli [in the capital] of that State from Chen, and held it in revolt.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Renwu, the
first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
5. In the eighth month, on Yihai, Shu Zhe died.
6. In winter, Zhu, marquis of Cai, fled from that
State to Chu.
7. The duke was going to Jin; but when he had got to
the He, he returned.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan introduces here the following
narrative:——'This spring, the king by Heaven's grace proposed to cast
[the bell] Wuyi (The name of the 11th of the musical pipes). The
musician Zhoujiu said, "The king is likely to die from disease of the
heart! Music comes within the duties of the son of Heaven. The notes are
the vehicle of music. The bell is the vessel that contains the notes.
The son of Heaven examines the manners [of the people], to guide him in
making his [instruments of] music. In his instruments he collects the
notes, and by those notes the music goes forth. The smaller notes must
not be too small, nor the greater too great. [This being the case],
there ensues a harmony with things without, and admirable music is the
result. Hence the harmonious sounds enter the ear, and descend into the
heart. When repose is given to the heart, there is pleasure. If the
notes be too small, the heart is not satisfied; if they be too large, it
cannot bear them. It is consequently agitated, and the agitation
produces disease. This bell will be too large, and the king's heart will
not be able to endure it. Is it possible he can continue long?"
Kong Yingda traces the history of this bell to the
commencement of the Sui dynasty, about the end of the 6th century, when
it was destroyed.]
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'At the burial of duke
Ping, Zhu, his heir son (太子 must here be =世子 ), erred in not taking his
proper place, and took a lower one (I. e., a place below an elder
brother, the son of a concubine). Our great officer, who had gone to the
burial, saw Zhaozi on his return, and, being asked by him about the
affairs of Cai, told him of this incident. Zhaozi said, with a sigh, "Is
Cai going to perish? If it do not perish, this ruler will not die in his
State. The ode says (Shi, III. ii. ode V. 4.):—
|
Not idly occupying his office, |
|
'The people will have rest in him.' |
Since the marquis of Cai, immediately on his
accession, [thus] took a lower [place than was proper], so it will
happen to his person."
Par. 2. The object of this mission, Du thinks, was
to open communications between the new ruler of Jin and the court of Lu.
But it was now the 5th year of duke Qing of Jin;—he had been remiss in
his attentions to the faithful Lu. What is more remarkable,—this was the
last mission of the kind sent to Lu by Jin, which thereby acquiesced in
its own decline. Nor does the text of the classic mention any ping or
friendly mission of compliment from any other State to Lu, which had
fallen much from the high position which it had once occupied in the
kingdom.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, when Shi Yang of Jin
came on a complimentary mission, Shusun was the principal minister of
the State. Jisun wishing to bring on him the enmity of Jin, made the
officers pay to the envoy the same ceremonies which had been paid to Bao
Guo of Qi when he came to return Bi (See the narrative appended to XIV.
1). Shi Yang was angry, and said, "The rank of Bao Guo was inferior to
mine, and his State was smaller [than Jin]; and to treat me with the
same number of oxen which he received, is to lower my State. I will
report the thing to my ruler." The people of Lu became afraid, and added
four sets of animals, making [in all] eleven."
Par. 3. Gongyang has 畔 for 叛. In 南 里 we are to take
里 in the sense of 'neighbourhood,' according to the 1st meaning given to
the character in the dictionary (里,居 也, 里 者,止 也,五 十 家 共 居 止). A certain
neighbourhood inside the wall of the capital went by this name of Nanli,
or 'the south district.'
The Zhuan says:——'Hua Feisui (See on par. 4 of last
year) had [3 sons], Yu, Duoliao, and Deng. Yu was assistant-minister of
War, and Duoliao was charioteer [to the duke], cherishing a hostile
feeling to Yu, whom he slandered to the duke, saying, "Yu will bring the
fugitives back (See the narrative referred to). He often speaks of it."
The duke replied, "The minister of War on my account has lost his good
son (Hua Deng, one of the fugitives). Death and exile are as determined.
I must not cause him the loss of another son in the same way." "If your
Grace," said Duoliao, "[thus] loves the minister of War, you had better
abandon the State. If death can be avoided, no matter to what distance
you flee." The duke became frightened, and made one of his attendants
call Yiliao, an attendant of the minister of War, entertain him with
spirits, and instruct him to inform the minister [of what was agitated].
The minister heard it with a sigh, and said,"This must have been
Duoliao. I have a slanderous son, and have not been able to put him to
death. I myself also have not [managed to] die [before this]. But since
the duke issues his commands, what can be done?" He then took counsel
with the duke about driving Yu from the State, and proposed to send him
to hunt at Mengzhu, and thence to send him away. The duke entertained Yu
to drink, and gave him large presents at the feast, making gifts also to
his followers. [His father] the minister did the same. Zhang Gai was
surprised at it, and said, "There must be a reason for this." He made
Zipi (Hua Yu) question Yiliao with his sword at his neck, and all the
truth was thus disclosed to them. Gai wanted to kill Duoliao, but Zipi
said, "The minister is old, and [the exile of] Deng was too great a
trial to him. I should [thus] be increasing [his sorrow]. My best plan
is to flee."
'In the 5th month, on Bingshen, Zipi was going to
see the minister and take his leave, when he met Duoliao driving their
father to court. Zhang Gai could not restrain his anger, and along with
Zipi, Jiu Ren, and Zheng Pian, he killed Duoliao. [At the same time]
they carried off the minister, thereon declared a revolt, and recalled
the exiles. On Renyin, the Huas and Xiangs entered the State. Yue Daxin,
Feng Qian, and Hua Keng tried to withstand them at Heng. The house of
the Hua family was near the Lu gate, and they took possession therefore
of the south district (Nanli, which was adjacent), and held it in
revolt. In the 6th month, on Gengwu, [the duke] repaired the old wall of
the city and the gate of Sanglin, and appointed guards at them.'
Par. 4. This eclipse took place in the forenoon of
June 3d, B.C. 520. The Zhuan says:——'On the occurrence of this eclipse
the duke asked Zi Shen saying, "What is this for? What calamity does it
indicate, or what blessing?" "At the solstices and equinoxes," was the
reply, "an eclipse of the sun does not indicate calamity. The sun and
the moon, in their travelling, are at the equinoxes, in the same path;
and at the solstices, they pass each other. On other months, an eclipse
indicates calamity. The yang principle cannot overcome [the yin], and
hence there is always [disaster from] water."
Par. 5. Gongyang has 痤 for 輙. Shu Zhe was the son
of Shu Gong, styled Bozhang (伯 張). He has not appeared in connexion with
the business of the State, and this record of his death must have been
made simply because of his relationship to the ducal House.
The Zhuan says:——'At this time Shu Zhe wept because
of the eclipse of the sun. Zhaozi said, "Zishu will [soon] die. He weeps
when there is no occasion for it." [Accordingly], in the 8th month, Shu
Zhe died'.
[The Zhuan resumes here the narrative of the
troubles in Song:——'In winter, in the 10th month, Hua Deng came with an
army of Wu, to relieve the Huas. [About the same time], Wu Zhiming of Qi
[had arrived] to garrison [the capital of] Song. Pu, the commandant of
Chu, said, "We find in the 'Art of War,' that, if beforehand with the
enemy, we should make up our minds to attack them, and that, if
behindhand with them, we should wait the decay [of their strength]. [Why
should we not attack them now], while they are tired and have not yet
got settled? If they enter [the city] and establish themselves, the Huas
will be very numerous, and our regrets will then be too late." His
advice was followed; and on Bingyin the armies of Qi and Song defeated
that of Wu at Hongkou, capturing its two commanders, the Gongzi Kuqian,
and Yanzhou Yun. Hua Deng led the remainder of the army, and with it
defeated the army of Song, on which the duke wanted to quit [the city
and flee]. Pu of Chu said to him, "A small man like myself can take the
opportunity to die [for you], but I cannot escort you in your flight. I
beg your Grace to wait [the result of another battle]." He then sent
round [the city] saying, "They who display a flag will be for the duke."
The people all did so, and the duke, who saw them from the Yang gate,
descended, and went round among them, saying, "If the State perish and
your ruler die, it will be a disgrace to you, and not the fault of me
alone." Wu Zhiming of Qi said, "It is better that we all be prepared to
sacrifice our lives than that we [merely] use a small force. And that we
be so prepared the best plan is to cast away our long weapons. The enemy
have many such weapons, but let us all use swords." This was agreed to,
and the Huas were put to flight. They followed and engaged them again,
when Pu of Chu took his lower garment, wrapped up a head in it, with
which he ran about, shouting, "I have got Hua Deng." On this they
defeated the Huas at Xinli.
'Zhai Lüxin dwelt in Xinli, and after the fight he
took off his armour before the duke, and returned to his allegiance. Hua
Tou, who lived in Gongli, did the same.
'In the 11th month, on Guiwei, the Gongzi Cheng
(See on par. 4 of last year) arrived with a force from Jin. Han Hu of
Cao effected a junction with Xun Wu of Jin; and along with Yuan Heji of
Qi, and the Gongzi Zhao of Wey, they came to the relief of Song. On
Bingxu they fought with the Huas at Zheqiu. Zheng Pian wished to draw
the troops up in the crane fashion, while his charioteer preferred that
of the goose. Zilu (Xiang Yi) drove the Gongzi Cheng, and Zhuang Jin was
spearman on the right. Gan Chou drove Hua Bao warden of Lü, with Zhang
Gai as spearman. These two chariots met, and Cheng was withdrawing, when
Hua Bao called out, "Cheng!" on which he was angry and returned [to the
fight]. As he was adjusting his arrow to the string, Bao had already
bent his bow. [Cheng] said, "May the powerful influence of duke Ping]
[now] assist me!" On this the arrow of Bao went past between him [and
Zilu]. [Again] he was adjusting his arrow, when [Bao] had again bent his
bow. "If you don't let me return your shot," said [Cheng], "it will be
mean." [Bao on this] took away his arrow, and Cheng shot him dead. Zhang
Gai took his spear, and descended from the chariot. An arrow [from
Cheng] broke his thigh, but he supported himself on the ground, and
struck at Cheng, breaking the crossboard of his chariot. Another arrow
killed him; and then Gan Chou begged for his death from an arrow. "I
will report you to our ruler," said Cheng; but he replied, "He who does
not die, being in the same file or the same chariot, is doomed to the
greatest punishment in the army. If I expose myself to this doom and
follow you, how should the ruler use me? Be quick." On this [Cheng] shot
him dead. A great defeat was inflicted on the Huas, and they were
besieged in Nanli.
'Hua Hai beat his breast and cried out. Seeing Hua
Yu, he said, "I am [another] Luan (See the rebellion and fate of Luan
Ying of Jin in Xiang's 23d year)." "Do not frighten me," said Yu. "It
will be my misfortune if I die after you." They then sent Hua Deng to
Chu, to ask assistance. Hua Yu, with 15 chariots and 70 footmen, broke
through the duke's army, ate with Deng near the Sui, wept and escorted
him on his route, and then returned and reentered [Nanli]. Wei Yue of
Chu led a force to [rescue and] meet the Huas. Fan, the
grand-administrator, remonstrated, saying, "Of all the States it is only
in Song that they have served their ruler, but there also they are now
contending for the capital. Is it not improper to pass over the ruler,
and assist his subject?" The king said, "You mention this too late. I
have promised them my assistance]".']
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Fei Wuji of Chu took
bribes from Dongguo (An uncle of Zhu), and said to the people of Cai,
"Zhu is not observant of the orders of Chu; our ruler and king intends
to set up Dongguo in his room. If you do not anticipate the king's
wishes, he will lay siege to Cai." The people of Cai were afraid,
expelled Zhu, and made Dongguo marquis. Zhu complained to Chu, and the
viscount was about to punish Cai, when Fei Wuji said to him, "The
marquis Ping had a covenant with Chu, and therefore he was raised to the
State. His son was disaffected, and therefore we [now] displace him.
King Ling put to death Yin, heir-son [of Cai]. His son (Dongguo) and you
had the same object of hatred, and his gratitude to you must be extreme.
Is it not proper further to make him the marquis of Cai? Moreover to
make and unmake rests with you. Cai has no other [to look to]."
Par. 6. "The Zhuan says, "The duke was going to
Jin; but when he arrived at the He, Gu (See on XV. 5) had revolted from
Jin, which was going to attack Xianyu. In consequence of this the duke's
visit was declined.' XXII. Twenty-second year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-second year, in spring, the
marquis of Qi invaded Ju.
2. Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, and Hua Ding of Song, fled
from Nanli of that State to Chu.
3. We had a grand review in Changjian.
4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Yichou, the
king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
5. In the sixth month, Shu Yang went to the capital
to the burial of king Jing.
6. The royal House was in confusion.
7. The viscounts of Liu and Shan, having with them
the king Meng, took up their residence in Huang.
8. In autumn, the viscounts of Liu and Shan entered
the royal city with the king Meng.
9. In winter, in the tenth month, the king's son Meng
died.
10. In the twelfth month, on Guiyou, the first day
of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, in the 2d
month, on Jiazi, Beiguo Qi of Qi led a force and invaded Ju. The
viscount of Ju was going to fight, when Yuanyang Muzhi remonstrated with
him, saying, "The force of Qi is a poor one, and its demands are not
great. Our best plan is to yield to it; a great State should not be
angered." The viscount would not listen to this counsel, and defeated
the troops of Qi at Shouyu. [On this], the marquis of Qi [himself]
invaded Ju, when the viscount made his submission. The marshal Zao went
to Ju to superintend a covenant, and the viscount went to Qi for the
same purpose. The covenant was made outside the Ji gate. In consequence
of all this Ju conceived a great hatred of its ruler.'
Par. 2. Read the narrative after par. 5 of last
year. The Zhuan here says:——'Wei Yue of Chu sent a message to [the duke
of] Song, saying, "My ruler has heard that you have some bad officers,
who are occasioning you sorrow. Had you not better [send them away], to
the disgrace of their ancestral temples? My ruler begs to receive them,
and execute them." [The duke] replied, "From my want of ability I was
not able to love my uncles and elder brothers, thereby occasioning
sorrow to your ruler. I thank you for the condescension of your message.
Ruler and subjects, we are here fighting daily, and your ruler says, 'I
must assist the subjects.' Still I accept his commands. But people have
a saying, that one should not pass by the door of a house in confusion.
If your ruler vouchsafe his kind protection to my poor State, it is my
hope that he will not give honour to the worthless, thereby encouraging
men to create disorder. Let your ruler think of the case."
'The people of Chu were troubled by this reply; but
[the officers in charge of] the auxiliaries from different States took
counsel together, saying, "If the Hua, knowing to what straits they are
reduced, should sell their lives dearly, and if Chu, ashamed of not
accomplishing its object, should fight with spirit, this will not be to
our advantage. The better plan is to send [the rebels] away, as if it
were brought about by Chu; nor can they do anything after this. We came
to succour Song, and we shall remove the authors of its injury;—what
more should we seek for?" They therefore begged earnestly that [the
rebels] might be allowed to go away, and the people of Song agreed. On
Jisi, Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, Hua Ding, Hua Chu, Hua Deng, Huang Yanshang.
Sheng Zang, and Shi Ping, went forth and fled to Chu. The duke make
Gongsun Ji grand-minister of War, Bian Yang grand-minister of
Instruction, Yue Qi minister of Works, Zhong Ji master of the Left, Yue
Daxin master of the Right, and Yue Wan grand minister of Crime,—in order
to quiet the minds of the people.'
Par. 3. Gongyang has 姦 for 間. Du says nothing on the
situation of Changjian, but it has been referred, with every appearance
of correctness, to a place in the pres. dis, of Sishui (泗水), dep.
Yanzhou, 蒐 is to be taken here as in VIII. 6, XI. 5. See what is said on
it under VIII, 6. Xu Han (許翰; Song dyn.) says:——'In the 8th year a 蒐
appears as taking place in autumn; and one in the 11th year in summer;
at both of which seasons it was inappropriate. The observance of it now
in the spring was appropriate so far as the season was concerned; but
all the notices of 蒐 in the time of duke Zhao have for their principal
object the condemnation of the great officers, whose power was
excessive.' Most of the critics think that the duke himself took no part
in any of these reviews.
Par. 4. This was king Jing (景王), who was now in the
25th year of his reign. The Zhuan says:——'His son Zhao, and Bin Qi
(Zhao's tutor) were favourites with king Jing, who had spoken to Bin
Meng (I. q., Bin Qi) about his wish to make Zhao his successor. Bofen,
son by a concubine to duke Xian of Liu, did service to duke Mu of Shan,
and, hating the character of Bin Meng, wished to put him to death. He
also disliked the words of the king's son Zhao, as likely to lead to
disorder, and wished to remove him out of the way.
'[On one occasion] Bin Meng had gone to the suburbs,
where he saw a cock plucking out its tail. He asked what could be the
meaning of such a thing, and his attendants said, "It is afraid for
itself lest it should be used as a victim." He hurried back, and
reported the thing to the king, adding, "The cock would seem to be
afraid of its being used as a victim by men. It is different with men
[who like to be favoured and nourished as animals for victims are]. For
such favourites you must use [good] men. To favour other men in such a
way may occasion difficulties; but what injury can come from so
favouring [a son of] your own?" The king made no reply.
'In summer, in the 4th month, the king hunted on the
North hill, and made all the dukes and ministers follow him, intending
to put to death the viscounts of Shan and Liu. He was suffering,
however, from disease of the heart, and on Yichou he died in the house
of Rongyi. On Wuchen, Zhi, viscount of Liu, died, leaving no son [by his
wife], and the viscount of Shan raised Liu Fen to his place. In the 5th
month, they had an interview with the [new] king, and proceeded to
attack Bin Qi, and killed him, after which they imposed a covenant on
all the [other] sons of the [late or former] kings, in the house of the
[viscount of] Shan.'
Par. 5. Shu Yang, who appears here, was a son of Shu
Gong, a younger brother of Zhe, whose death was recorded last year. The
burial of the king took place only 3 months after his death;—the
unseemly haste was in consequence, no doubt, of the troubles referred to
in the next paragraph.
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Jin and the
city of Gu:——'When Jin took Guyu (See on XV. 5), it sent back the
viscount of that city, after presenting him [in the ancestral temple].
He afterwards revolted, and joined Xianyu. In the 6th month, Xun Wu was
marching near Dongyang, and made some of his soldiers, disguised as
buyers of rice, carry their armour on their backs [in bags], and rest
outside the gate of Xiyang. He then surprised Gu, and extinguished [its
sacrifices], took the viscount Yandi, back with him, and appointed She
Tuo to guard the city.']
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'On Dingsi, king Jing was
buried. His son Zhao, by means of the many old officers who had lost
their offices and emoluments, and of the families sprung from [the
kings] Ling and Jing, proceeded to raise an insurrection, and led the
men-at-arms of Jiao, Yao, and Jian, to drive out the viscount of Liu,
who on Renxu fled to Yang. The viscount of Shan then took king Dao (king
Jing's son Meng of par. 9), and carried him back from the Zhuang palace
[to his own house]; but in the night Huan, [another] son of king [Jing],
took him again and went to the palace; and [next day], on Guihai, the
viscount left [the capital]. Huan took counsel with duke Zhuang of Shao,
saying, "If we do not kill Shan Qi (The viscount), we shall not succeed.
If we [propose to] make a second covenant with him, he is sure to come.
There are many who have conquered by violating their covenants." His
proposal was agreed to, but Fan Qingzi said, "Such language is wrong.
The thing is sure not to succeed." They then carried the king with them,
and pursued the viscount of Shan. At Ling they made a great covenant,
and [all] returned, [after which] they put to death Zhi Huang, by way of
apology for themselves. The viscount of Liu went to Liu, and the
viscount of Shan absconded, fleeing, on Yichou, to Pingzhi. The body of
the king's sons pursued him, when he killed Huan, Gu, Fa, Ruo, Zong,
Yan, Ding, and Chou. The king's son Zhao [on this] fled to Jing, which
was attacked on Pingyin, when the inhabitants fled to the hills. The
viscount of Liu entered the royal city. On Xinwei, duke Jian of Gong was
shamefully defeated at Jing. On Yihai, duke Ping of Gan was also
defeated.
'When Shu Yang arrived from the capital, he spoke
of the confusion of the royal House. Min Mafu said, "The king's son Zhao
is sure not to succeed. Those with whom he is associated are those whom
Heaven has disowned."
This is the third time in the period of the Chunqiu
that the House of Zhou was nearly ruined by dissensions in itself, but
the classic takes no notice of the two former occasions. Its silence is
difficult to account for, and the same course would probably have been
pursued here but for the visit of Shu Yang to the capital when the
troubles were going on. Dai Xi (戴溪; Song dyn.) says, 'From the beginning
of the Chunqiu till now, the royal House had thrice been in confusion,
the calamity always arising from relations in it between father and
sons, elder and younger brothers, through which the distinction between
sons of the queen proper and of other ladies of the harem was not kept
clear. King Hui, by his favouritism of his son Dai, had nearly
endangered the position of his eldest son, when duke Huan made the
covenant in the prince's behalf at Shouzhi (See V. v. 4, 5), and his
place was established. Then king Xiang, through again favouring Dai, was
obliged to leave the capital and reside in Zheng (See V. xxiv. 4), till
duke Wen of Jin restored him, and established the royal House. But for
those two leaders, the confusion of the House of Zhou would not have
been postponed till this time. The Chunqiu makes record of it now,
through pity for the feeble condition to which the House was reduced,
and regret that such leaders as Huan and Wen were no more to be found.
Alas!'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Shan
wished to send notice of [the king's] distress to Jin. In autumn, in the
7th month, on Wuyin, he carried the king with him to Pingzhi; thence
they went to Puju, and halted in Huang.'
Huang was a city of Zhou, in the northwest of the
pres. dis. of Gong (鞏), dep. Henan. The Meng was a son of king Jing,
probably by his proper queen. The death of the king's eldest son Shou is
mentioned in the Zhuan after par. 4 of the 15th year. We may suppose
that Meng was a younger brother of Shou, on whom the succession to the
throne now naturally devolved, and that he had been so designated. We
have seen, however, that the king had wished, before his death, to
divert the succession to Zhao, older in years, but the son of a
concubine. Hence arose the two parties, whose struggles produced so much
confusion. Liu Chang, Hu An'guo, and others, take the 以 in the text, as
condemnatory of the viscounts, but the Kangxi editors remark correctly
that 以 itself expresses neither praise nor blame, and that the
supporters of Meng were in the right. Meng died before the end of the
year, and therefore does not enter into the chronological line of kings,
though he received the posthumous epithet of king Dao (悼王). Altogether
his position was anomalous, and hence the style of the text, where he is
not called 王 simply, nor 天王, but 王 with his name attached (王猛).
Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Liu went
to Liu, and the viscount of Shan made king [King's] son Chu keep guard
in the royal city, having bound by a covenant in the temple of [king]
Ping all the officers. On Xinmao, Xun Xi attacked Huang, but he suffered
a great defeat; and, being taken, he was burned on Renchen in the
market-place of the royal city. In the 8th month, on Xinyou, the
minister of Instruction, Chou, with the royal army, was shamefully
defeated at Qiancheng, after which all the officers revolted. On Jisi,
they attacked the palace of the viscount of Shan, and were defeated. On
Gengwu he returned their attack. On Xinwei he attacked Dongyu.
'In winter, in the 10th month, on Dingsi, Ji Tan
and Xun Li, led the Rong of Jiuzhou, with the troops of Jiao, Xia, Wen,
and Yuan, to replace the king in the royal city. On Gengshen, the
viscount of Shan and Fen of Liu, with the king's army, were shamefully
defeated at Jiao, and the men of Qiancheng defeated the [Rong] of Luhun
at She.
The 'royal city' is correctly said by Du to have
been Jiaru (郟鄏). Mao observes that to this city king Wu removed the 9
tripods, and that it is to be distinguished from Chengzhou (成周) or the
'lower capital (下都),' which was built by the duke of Zhou to receive the
refractory people of Yin. From the time of king Ping's removal of the
seat of govt. eastwards, down to king Jing, all the kings of Zhou had
dwelt in Jiaru. It was not till 4 years after this, that King's
successor, of whom we must also speak in English as king Jing (敬王),
occupied Chengzhou, in consequence of the present disturbances still
continuing. Gongyang says that the 'royal city' of the text is the
western Zhou, or western capital of Zhou (西周), but it was not till after
the period of the Chunqiu that Jiaru came to be thus denominated.
Par. 9. The Zhuan continues:——'In the 11th month
(The text says the 10th), on Yiyou, the king's son Meng died, and the
proper mourning and funeral rites could not be performed for him. On
Jichou, king Jing (敬王 , an own brother of Meng;—his name was Gai, 匄)
succeeded to the throne, and lodged in the house of Zilü.
'In the 12th month, on Gengxu, Ji Tan, Xun Li, Jia
Xin, and the marshal Du, of Jin, led their forces, and encamped at Yin,
at Houshi, at Qiquan, halting at She; while the king's army encamped at
Fan, and at Xie, halting at Renren. In the intercalary month, Ji Yi, Yue
Zheng, and Gui of the right column, of Jin, crossed [the Yi and Luo]
with their forces, and took Qiancheng. The king's army encamped at
Jingchu; and on Xinchou it attacked Jingchu, and threw down the [wall on
the] west and south.'
Du thinks that the sentence 不成喪也, in the Zhuan,
gives the reason why 王猛 of parr. 8, 9 is here replaced by 王子猛; but this
is not necessary. Had Meng lived, his reign would have dated only from
the next year. Of the sons of the dukes of Lu, who came to an untimely
end before the expiry of the year in which their fathers died, the text
simply says, 'Son So-and-so died (See VI. xviii. 6: IX. xxxi. 3).' Here
in writing of the royal House, it was necessary to prefix the 王.
Par. 10. This eclipse took place in the afternoon,
on the 18th November, B.C. 519. Du would change the Guiyou into Guimao
(癸卯); but calculation shows the day to be correct. He was led to the
conclusion that there was no Guiyou day in this 12th month, by accepting
the statement in the preceding Zhuan about the intercalary month which
is incorrect. The intercalary month this year must have been a double
4th. XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, in
the king's first month, Shusun Chuo went to Jin.
2. On Guichou, Shu Yang died.
3. The people of Jin seized our internuncius, Shusun
Chuo.
4. The troops of Jin laid siege to Jiao.
5. In summer, in the sixth month, Dongguo, marquis of
Cai, died in Chu.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, Gengyu, viscount
of Ju, came a fugitive to Lu.
7. On Wuchen, Wu defeated the armies of Dun, Hu,
Shen, Cai, Chen, and Xu at Jifu, when Kun, viscount of Hu, and Cheng,
viscount of Shen, were killed, and Xia Nie of Chen was taken.
8. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] resided at Diquan,
and the chief of the House of Yin raised king [King's] son Zhao to the
throne.
9. In the eighth month, on Yiwei, there was an
earthquake.
10. In winter, the duke was going to Jin; but when
he arrived at the He, he fell ill and returned.
COMMENTARY
Parr. 1, 3. Here, as elsewhere, Zuoshi has 婼 for 舍.
The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from [the capital of] Zhu had been
walling Yi, and on their return were to go by way of Ligu. Gongsun Chu
said, "Lu will withstand us. If we want to return by Wucheng, let us
keep along the hills to the south." Xu Chu, Qiu Ruo, and Mao Di said,
"The way [there] lies low; if we meet with rain, it will be impassable,
and we shall not [be able to] return." Accordingly they determined to go
by Ligu, [first passing Wucheng]. The men of Wucheng had blocked up the
way in front [of a pass], and cut the trees in the rear, only not quite
through; but when the troops of Zhu had entered, they pushed the trees
down, and took the whole of them, killing Chu, Ruo, and Di. The people
of Zhu complained of this to Jin, which sent an officer to Lu to inquire
into the matter. On this Shusun Chuo went to Jin where they seized and
held him. The words of the text are, "The people of Jin seized our
internucius Shusun Chuo," because he was a commissioner [from the
State].
'The people of Jin required him to argue the matter
on trial along with a great officer of Zhu; but Shusun said, "It is the
old rule of Zhou, that the minister of one of the regular States should
rank with the ruler of a small State. Zhu, moreover, is one of the Yi.
Zifu Hui is here, commissioned by my ruler as my assistant. I beg that
you will let him be confronted with [the officer of Zhu], for I do not
dare to disallow the rule of Zhou." Accordingly, he would not be put
upon his trial.
'Han Xuanzi made the men of Zhu collect all their
people, intending to deliver Shusun to them. When that minister heard of
it, he dispensed with the attendance of his people and his weapons, and
went to court. Shi Mimou said to Han Xuanzi, "Your measures are not
good. If you deliver Shusun to his enemies, he will die [first]. If Lu
lose Shusun, it is sure to destroy Zhu, and where will the ruler of Zhu
turn to when he has lost his State? You may then repent of it, but of
what use will that be? What is called the lordship of covenants implies
the punishment of the disobedient. If [the princes of the States] are
all to seize one another, of what use is a lordship of covenants?" After
this [Shusun] was not delivered [to Zhu], but [he and Zifu Hui] were
assigned, each of them, a separate lodging. Shi Bo received their
statements, and accused them to Xuanzi, when they were both seized; and
Shi Bo drove, Shusun, with four of his followers, past the lodging of
the Zhuites, on the way to the officer [who should take charge of him].
The viscount of Zhu was then sent home first, and Shi Bo said [to
Shusun], "In consequence of the difficulty of getting forage, and the
sickness of your followers, we will assign you a lodging in [another of
our] great cities." Shusun stood from one morning [till next], waiting
for his orders; and then a lodging was assigned to him in Ji, and Zifu
Zhaobo was placed in another city.
'Fan Xianzi sought bribes from Shusun, and sent to
ask him for some caps. He got the fashion of the [other's] cap, and sent
two caps to him saying, "These are all." Shen Feng, on account of
Shusun, went with bribes to Jin; but Shusun sent word to him to come and
see him, and he would tell him how to distribute the bribes. When Feng
came to see him, he did not let him go forth. The officers in charge who
lived with him at Ji begged from him his watchdog. He refused it; but
when he was about to return to Lu, he killed it, and gave it to them to
eat. Wherever Shusun was lodged, though it might be only for one day, he
would have the walls and roof put in repair. When he left the house, it
was [always] as when he first came to it.'
Par. 2. See on par. 5 of last year. Shu Yang was
succeeded, as a great officer of Lu, by his son Shu Yi (叔 詣).
Par. 4. The Zhuan continues here the narrative of
the troubles in Zhou, and should be read in connection with that on par.
9 of last year:——'This spring, in the king's 1st month, on Renyin, the
1st day of the moon, the two armies (I. e., of the king and of Jin) laid
siege to Jiao. On Guimao, the people of Jiao and Xun dispersed. On
Dingwei, the army of Jin was at Pingyin, and the king's at Zeyi. The
king sent word that he was more at ease; and on Gengxu [the army of Jin
returned].'
Jiao was a city of Zhou, but its particular locality
has not been ascertained. I translate 晉人 'the troops of Jin.' Hu An'guo
says that the 人 is used as if the commander had been only an inferior
officer; and as we know that he was not such, he adds that he is
represented so, to express the sage's disapproval of all Jin's
proceedings in succouring so feebly the king in his distress! According
to the Zhuan, the siege of Jiao began on Renyin, 12 days before Guichou,
on which Shu Yang died. This 4th par., therefore, should precede the 2d;
but we may suppose that as the official notice from Jin to Lu of the
siege could not arrive till after that officer's death, and was given as
in the text without the specification of the day, the historiographers
entered the event according to the time of its communication.
Par. 5. Dongguo owed his elevation to the marquisate
of Cai to Chu (See on XX. i. 6); and he was probably on a visit to the
court of that State when he died.
Par. 6. About Gengyu and duke Jiao, mentioned in the
end of the Zhuan here, see the narrative on XIV. 5. The Zhuan says:——
'Gengyu, viscount of Ju, was oppressive and fond of swords. Whenever he
had a sword cast, he would try it on people. The people felt sore under
him, and he was also intending to revolt from Qi, when Wu Cun led the
people on to expel him. As he was about to leave the city, he heard that
Wu Cun was standing with a spear on the left of the road; and, being
afraid, he proposed to stop, and die [where he was]. Yuanyang Muzhi,
however, said to him, "Let your lordship pass by him. It will be
sufficient for Wu Cun to be spoken of for his strength. Why should he
seek to make himself famous by murdering you?" On this, he came a
fugitive to Lu, and the people of Qi restored duke Jiao.'
Par. 7. Guliang has here 甫 for 父, and 盈 for 逞.
Gongyang has 楹 for 逞. Jifu was in the pres. Shouzhou (壽州), dep.
Fengyang, Anhui. The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from Wu invaded
Zhoulai, to the rescue of which hurried Wei Yue with the army of Chu and
the forces of [several of] the States. The men of Wu withstood him at
Zhongli, when [just at that time] Zixia (The chief minister of Chu,
unable to command in this expedition) died, and the courage of the army
of Chu died away. The Gongzi Guang of Wu said, "The States that follow
with Chu are numerous, but they are small. They have come through fear
of Chu, and because they could not help it. I have heard that, in the
conduct of affairs, the party whose energy is superior to its hesitancy,
though it may be the smaller, is sure to be successful (See the Shu,
III. iv. 7; but the application is very forced). The rulers of Hu and
Shen are young and reckless. Nie, the great officer of Chen, is stout,
but stupid. Dun, Xu, and Cai hate the govt. of Chu. Its chief minister
is [just] dead, and the courage of its army has become chilled. The
commander is of low rank, and has many favourites; no unity marks his
procedures and orders. The seven States are engaged in the same service,
but they have not the same heart. With this commander of low rank and
incompetent, his commands cannot inspire any great awe;—Chu can be
defeated. If we divide our forces, and first fall on Hu, Shen, and Chen,
they are sure to flee. When those three States are defeated, the forces
of the others will be shaken in mind. They will all get into confusion,
and Chu will be put to a great rout. Let our men in front put away their
preparations and assume but small appearance of martial energy, while
those that follow afterwards go in strong array, with ranks well
ordered."
'The viscount of Wu followed this counsel, and on
Wuchen, the last day of the moon, a battle was fought at Jifu. He sent
300 criminals in front to attack the troops of Hu, Shen, and Chen, which
maintained a struggle with them; but behind these criminals the army of
Wu was drawn out in three divisions, that in the centre following the
king, the right commanded by Guang, and the left by Yanyu. Some of the
criminals fled, and some held their ground; but the troops of the three
States were thrown into confusion by them, and being then attacked by
the army of Wu, they were defeated. The rulers of Hu and Shen were
taken, and the great officer of Chen. The Wuites set free their other
prisoners, and made them flee to [the men of] Xu, Cai, and Dun, saying,
"Our rulers are dead." They themselves followed them with shouts, and
the troops of those three States took to flight. The army [also of Chu]
was greatly routed. The phraseology of the text, that "The two viscounts
were extinguished, and Xia Nie of Chen taken," is varied, from its
application to rulers and an officer. (This seems to mean that the
capture or the death of a ruler was spoken of as his "extinction," while
the capture of an officer might be spoken even of his "death"). The text
does not say that "a battle was fought,"—because [the army of] Chu had
not formed in order of battle.'
These two canons, the one on the use of the terms 滅
and 獲, and the other on the silence of the text about Chu, have given
rise to a great deal of speculation. I should judge myself, that 滅 must
imply the death of the party to whom it is applied, but then 獲 should
indicate capture, and capture only.
Par. 8. Diquan was a neighbourhood outside the wall
of the royal city, within which, we shall find, it was subsequently
embraced in the 1st year of duke Ding. It was so named from the Di
spring and pool, and was on the east of the city, so that king Jing (敬王)
was styled 'the eastern king,' in distinction from his rival, who
occupied the city itself, and was called 'the western king.'
I have translated 尹氏 by 'the chief of the House of
Yin (See VIII. xvi. 10),' which must be the meaning of the terms. The
viscount of Yin took the lead in supporting Zhao, whose elevation to the
throne is therefore ascribed to him;—we need not seek any other recondue
meaning in the use of 氏. There were now two kings. The text decides in
favour of king Jing by the name of 天王 applied to him.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 4th month, on
Yiyou, the viscount of Shan took Zi, and the viscount of Liu took
Qiangren and Zhiren. In the 6th month, on Renwu, king Jing's (景王) son
Zhao entered Yin. On Guiyou, Yu, [viscount] of Yin, inveigled and killed
Liu Tuo. On Bingxu, the viscount of Shan came by way of Fan, and the
viscount of Liu by way of Yin to attack Yin. The former arrived first
and was defeated, when the other returned. On Jichou, Huan earl of Shao,
and Nangong Ji led a body of men from Chengzhou to garrison Yin. On
Gengyin, the viscounts of Shan and Liu, and Fan Qi, conducted the king
to Liu. On Jiawu, the [late] king's son, Zhao, entered the royal city,
and halted in Zuoxiang. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Wushen, Xun Luo
placed him in the palace of Zhuang. Xin of Yin defeated the army of Liu
in Tang, and on Bingchen it was defeated again at Xun. On Jiazi, Xin of
Yin took Xiwei. On Bingyin, he attacked Kuai, the people of which
dispersed.'
Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, on
Dingyou, Nangong Ji was killed by an earthquake. Chang Hong said to duke
Wen of Liu, "Let your lordship exert yourself. By the strength of your
father your enterprize will be successful. When [the kings of] Zhou
[formerly] perished, there were earthquakes along the three rivers (The
Jing, Wei, and Luo; 涇,渭,洛). Now a great officer of the western king has
perished in this earthquake; —Heaven is casting him off. The eastern
king will have a great triumph.'
The earthquake in the text was felt in Lu. That in
the Zhuan on the 2d day after was in Zhou. The words of the Zhuan 南宮極震
must be translated as I have done. Du supposes that Ji was killed by the
overthrow of his house.
[We have here a narrative relating to the affairs
of Chu and Wu:——'The mother of Jian, the eldest son of [the king of] Chu
was in Ju, to which she invited the people of Wu, opening also its gate
for them. In winter, in the 10th month, on Jiashen, Zhufan, the eldest
son of [the king of] Wu, entered Ju, and carried back with him from it
the above lady, with her treasures and other articles. The marshal Wei
Yue of Chu pursued them; but not being able to overtake them, he was
about to die (I. e., kill himself). All his people said, "Let us take
the opportunity to attack Wu, and try the chance of our succeeding;" but
he said, "If I should again be defeated with our ruler's army, I should
have to die, and would be [doubly] criminal. Having lost our ruler's
wife, I must die on that account." He then strangled himself in
Weishi.']
Par. 10. After 河 Gong and Gu introduce a 公, thus
making two parr. Zuo says the visit was on account of Shusun Chuo, who
was still detained in Jin, to effect his liberation if possible. The
critics are unanimous in holding that the sickness was feigned. Either
the duke grew afraid, or he was warned back by Jin, and then he caused
his return to be attributed to illness in order to hide his disgrace
(殺恥).
[The Zhuan returns to affairs in Chu:—
'In Chu, Nang Wa became chief minister (In place of
Yang Gai or Zixia;—see on par. 7), and proceeded to fortify Ying. Xu,
director of Shen, said, "Zichang (Nang Wa) is sure to lose Ying. If we
are not able to defend it, walling it is of no use. Anciently, the
defences of the sons of Heaven were the rude tribes on every side of the
kingdom; and when their authority became low, their defences were the
various States. The defences of those States were their neighbours, all
round them; and when their power became low, their defences were their
four borders. They attended carefully to them, and formed alliances with
their neighbours as helpers. Then the people quietly cultivated the
country, and the important labours of the three [seasons] were
successfully accomplished. The people had no cause for anxiety in the
State, and there were no apprehensions from abroad; it was not thought
necessary to fortify the cities. But now we are afraid of Wu, and are
fortifying Ying. Small is the defence. Even that proper to a State, when
its power is low, is beyond us;—how can we escape the loss [of Ying]?
Formerly, the earl of Liang dug a moat about his palace, and the people
dispersed (See on V. xix. 8). When the people abandon their superiors,
nothing but ruin can come. If we adjusted correctly our borders, kept
our lands and fields well regulated, made our stations of refuge and
assembly where they were most difficult of access, cultivated the
affection of the people, arranging them clearly in companies of five, so
as to be on the look out [against danger], maintained good faith with
the neighbouring States, looked well after the discharge of their duties
by our officers, maintained all the ceremonies of intercourse, were
neither assuming nor covetous, neither weak nor violent, thus completing
our defences and preparations, and awaiting whatever might occur, what
should we have to fear? The ode (III. i. ode I. 6) says,
|
'Ever think of your ancestor, |
|
Cultivating his virtue.' |
Have we not examples in Ruo'ao, and Fenmao, down to
Wu and Wen? Their territory did not exced 100 li square. But they
carefully attended to their borders, and did not fortify Ying? Now our
territory is several 1000 li square, and we must fortify Ying! Is not
our case a hard one?"] XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fourth year, in spring, in
the king's second month, on Bingxu, Zhongsun Jue died.
2. Shusun Chuo arrived from Jin.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Yiwei, the first
day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a great
sacrifice for rain.
5. On Dingyou, Yuli, earl of Qi, died.
6. In winter, Wu extinguished Chao.
7. There was the burial of duke Ping of Qi.
COMMENTARY
[The Zhuan continues here its narrative of the
troubles in Zhou:——'This spring, in the king's first month, on Xinchou,
duke Jian of Shao and Nangong Yin introduced duke Huan of Gan to the
[late] king's son Zhao. The viscount of Liu said to Chang Hong, "The Gan
is also gone to him." "What harm will that do?" was the reply. "It is
only those who have virtue in common that can concert righteous measures
(See the Shu, V. i. Pt. i. 8, where the characters, however, have a
difft. meaning). The Great Declaration says (Shu, V. i. Pt. ii. 6),
'Zhou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, but they
are all divided in their ways. I have of ministers, capable of
government, ten men, one in heart, and one in practice." It was through
this that Zhou arose. Let your lordship's care be about virtue, and do
not be concerned about the want of men." On Wuwu, the king's son Zhao
entered Wu.]
Par. 1. See ix. 4; et al. This was Meng Xizi. He was
succeeded by his son Heji (何忌), who is numbered among the disciples of
Confucius.
Par. 2. Comp. XIV. 1, where the return of Jisun Yiru
from his detention in Jin is recorded, as that of Shusun Chuo is
recorded here. There, however, only the name Yiru, appears in the text,
without the surname, and here both Zuoshi and Guliang omit the surname,
having also 婼 instead of 舍. The critics have much to say on these
points, with which we need not trouble ourselves. See the Kangxi editors
in loc.
The Zhuan says:——'Shi Mimou of Jin went to meet
Shusun in Ji (See on parr. 1, 3 of last year), [and bring him away].
Shusun made Liang Qixing wait inside the door, having said to him, "If I
look to the left and cough, kill him; but if I look to the right and
laugh, hold your hand." When Shusun saw Shi Bo, the latter said, "My
ruler, thinking his duty as lord of covenants required him to do so, has
detained you long. There are some small gifts of our poor State, which
he now presents to your followers, and he has sent me to meet you, Sir."
Shusun received the offerings, and returned [to Lu]. The words of the
text, "In the second month, Chuo (婼; without the clanname) arrived from
Jin," are intended to honour Jin (?).
[There is appended here a short note about the
affairs in Zhou:——'In the 3d month, on Gengxu, the marquis of Jin sent
Shi Jingbo to go and ask about affairs in Zhou. He took his position by
the Ganzhai [gate], and questioned great multitudes. In consequence, the
people of Jin repulsed the [late] king's son Zhao, and would not receive
his messengers.']
Par. 3. This eclipse took place at sunrise, on the
1st April, B.C. 517. The Zhuan says:——'On the occurrence of this
eclipse, Zi Shen said, "There will be floods." But Zhaozi said, "There
will be drought. The sun has passed the equinox, and the yang influence
has not yet predominated. When it does do so, it will be in a very great
degree, and we must have drought. The yang influence, not getting vent
(莫=布), will be accumulated.'
[The affairs of Zhou are here resumed:——1st. 'In the
6th month, on Renshen, the army of the [late] king's son Zhao attacked
Xia and Xing, the people of both of which dispersed.
2d. 'The earl of Zheng went to Jin, with Zitaishu in
attendance on him. At an interview with Fan Xianzi, the latter asked
Zitaishu what he thought about the state of the royal House. "I am an
old man," was the reply, "who cannot do as he ought for his own State;
how dare I think about the royal House? But people have a saying that
the widow does not regard her woof, but is anxious about the fall of the
honoured [House of] Zhou, meaning that [she is afraid of] what will
happen to herself. The royal House is now indeed shaking, and our small
State is full of apprehension. But it should be matter of anxiety to
your great State; what knowledge can we take of it? You, Sir, should
take speedy measures in reference to it. The ode (II. v. ode VIII. 3)
says:—
|
'When the pitcher is exhausted, |
|
It is to the shame of the jar.' |
The disquietude of the royal House is to the shame
of Jin." Xianzi became frightened, and consulted with Xuanzi, upon which
they summoned a meeting of the States for the next year.']
Par. 4. This sacrifice was offered, says Zuo,
because of drought; and thus Shusun's anticipation, mentioned under par.
3, was verified. Wang Tao observes here, 'The vaticination of Pi Zao was
not equal to that of Zichan, and the vaticination of Zi Shen was not
equal to that of Zhaozi. This may show that the astrologers could not
calculate so well by their art as the officers could on grounds of
reason.'
Par. 5. Gongyang has 鬱 for 郁. Du observes that
Dingyou was the 5th of the 9th month. The characters 九 月, therefore, he
thinks, have been inadvertently omitted.
[We have another notice about affairs in Zhou:——'In
winter, in the 10th month, on Guiyou, the [late] king's son Zhao offered
the precious sceptre of Chengzhou in sacrifice to the He. On Jiaxu, a
ferryman found it [again] on the bank. Yin Buning with a body of men
from Wen was making an incursion southwards, caught this man, and took
the jade from him. He wished [afterwards] to sell it, but it then
changed into a stone. When the king was settled [on the throne], Buning
presented it to him, and received the city of East Zi.']
Par. 6. Chao,—see VI. xii. 4. It now belonged to
Chu. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu fitted out a naval expedition
to approach the borders of Wu. Xu, commandant of Shen, said, "In this
expedition Chu is sure to lose a city. Instead of soothing the people,
we are toiling them. While Wu is keeping quiet, we are stimulating it to
move. If Wu follow in our footsteps, as preparations have not been made
on our borders, is it possible we should not lose [one or more] cities?"
'Xu An, a great officer of Yue, met the king with
complimentary offerings at the bend of Yuzhang, and the Gongzi Cang of
that State sent him a ship, following him also with a force, along with
Shoumeng. When he had got to Yuyang, the king returned.
'The men of Wu then followed; and as the people on
the borders were not prepared for them, they extinguished Chao and
Zhongli, and returned. The commandant of Shen said, "Here is the
commencement of the loss of Ying. By this one movement of the king, we
have lost two commanders. How often can this be repeated without the
consequences reaching Ying? Might not the words of the ode (III. iii.
ode III. 3),
|
'Who laid the steps of the evil, |
|
Which has reached the present distress?' |
be spoken of the king?"
Du says here that Chao was a city of Chu to which
Liu Chang objects that in that case the term 'extinguished' (滅) could
not be applied to it. The truth, no doubt, is that Chao had once been
independent, but had been reduced by Chu to the State of a fuyong, or
attached territory. XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring,
Shusun Chuo went to Song.
2. In summer, Shu Yi had a meeting with Zhao Yang of
Jin, Yue Daxin of Song, Beigong Xi of Wey, You Ji of Zheng, and officers
of Cao, Zhu, Teng, Xue, and Little Zhu, in Huangfu.
3. Grackles came to Lu and built nests in trees.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on the first Xin
day there was a great sacrifice for rain. On the last Xin day, we
sacrificed for rain again.
5. In the ninth month, on Jihai, the duke retired to
Qi. He halted at Yangzhou.
6. The marquis of Qi came to condole with the duke in
Yejing.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Wuchen, Shusun
Chuo died.
8. In the eleventh month, on Jihai, Zuo, duke of
Song, died in Quji.
9. In the twelfth month, the marquis of Qi took Yun.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan, which Mao Qiling says that he
cannot understand, as introduced here, says:——'This spring, Shusun Chuo
having gone to Song on a complimentary mission, the master of the Right,
who lived near the Tong gate, visited him, and spoke meanly of the great
officers of the State, and especially so of the minister of Works.
Zhaozi told his people about the conversation, saying, "The master of
the Right will, probably, have to flee from the State. The superior man
tries to dignify his own person, and then goes on to dignify others; he
thereby observes the rules of propriety. But the master vilifies the
great officers [of his State], and speaks contemptuously of the Head of
his own surname. He is thereby treating his own person with contempt;
and can he have any rules of propriety? But without those rules, he is
sure to come to ruin."
'The duke of Song gave Zhaozi a public reception,
and sang the Xin gong (A lost ode), to which Zhaozi responded with the
Ju xia (II. vii. ode IV.). Next day, at the feast, when they were merry
with drinking, the duke made him sit on his right, when they wept as
they talked together. Yue Qi was assisting [at the ceremonies], and
reported this to others, when he had retired, saying, "This year both
our ruler and Shusun are likely to die. I have heard that joy in the
midst of grief and grief in the midst of joy are signs of a loss of
mind. The essential vigour and brightness of the mind is what we call
the hun and the po. When these leave it, how can the man continue long?"
'The sister of Ji Gongruo (An uncle of Ji Pingzi)
was the wife of [the viscount of] Little Zhu, and the mother of the wife
of [duke] Yuan of Song. [She, again,] bore a daughter, who was now being
given as wife to Ji Pingzi. Zhaozi, having come to Song on his
complimentary mission, was also to receive her, [and conduct her to Lu].
Gongruo was in his suite, and said to the lady Cao (The duchess) that
she should not give [her daughter to Pingzi] for that Lu was going to
expel him. She reported this to the duke, who stated it to Yue Qi. "You
will do right," was that officer's reply, "in giving her to him. The
ruler of Lu will have to quit his State. The government of it has been
for three generations in the hands of the Ji (Wenzi Hangfu; Wuzi Su; and
now Pingzi Yiru). Four rulers of [the House of] Lu have now lost the
control of the government (Xuan, Cheng, Xiang, and Zhao). There has not
been a case when [the ruler] could carry out his will without the
people. The ruler of a State should on this account be the protector and
comforter of his people. The ode (III. iii. ode X. 6) says,
|
'The men are not;— |
|
It is the sorrow of my heart.' |
The ruler of Lu has lost the people; how can he get
his will? If he keep quiet, and wait the issue of events, he may get on;
any movement will be to his sorrow."
Par. 2. Here and afterwards Gong and Gu have 叔倪 for
叔詣? . In the same way, Gongyang has 世心 for 大心. Shu Yi was the son of Shu
Yang;—see on XXIII. 2. Huangfu was another name for the Heirang of VII.
vii. 5. This meeting here was that given notice of in the previous
year;—see the 2d narrative there after par. 3.
The Zhuan says:——In summer, a meeting was held at
Huangfu, to consult about the royal House. Zhao Jianzi [of Jin] (Zhao
Yang) gave orders to the great officers of the various States to
contribute grain to the king, and to provide men to guard his territory,
saying, "Next year we will instate him."
'Zitaishu had an interview with Zhao Jianzi, and was
asked by him about the ceremonies of bowing, yielding precedence, and
moving from one position to another. "These," said Zitaishu "are matters
of deportment, and not of ceremony." "Allow me to ask," said Jianzi,
"what we are to understand by ceremonies." The reply was, "I have heard
our late great officer Zichan say, 'Ceremonies [are founded in] the
regular procedure of Heaven, the right phænomena of earth, and the
actions of men.' Heaven and earth have their regular ways, and men take
these for their pattern, imitating the brilliant bodies of Heaven, and
according with the natural diversities of the Earth. [Heaven and Earth]
produce the six atmospheric conditions, and make use of the five
material elements. Those conditions [and elements] become the five
tastes, are manifested in the five colours, and displayed in the five
notes. When these are in excess, there ensue obscurity and confusion,
and the people lose their [proper] nature. The rules of ceremony were
therefore framed to support [that nature]. There were the six domestic
animals, the five beasts [of the chase], and the three [classes of]
victims, to maintain the tastes. There were the nine [emblematic]
ornaments [of robes] (See the Shu, II. iv. 4), with their six colours
and five methods of display, to maintain the five colours. There were
the nine songs, the eight winds, the seven sounds, and the six
pitch-pipes, to maintain the five notes. There were ruler and minister,
high and low, in imitation of the distinctive characteristics of the
earth. There were husband and wife, with the home and the world abroad,
the spheres of their respective duties. There were father and son, elder
and younger brother, aunt and sister, maternal uncles and aunts,
father-in-law and connexions of one's children with other members of
their mother's family, and brothers-in-law,—to resemble the bright
luminaries of heaven. There were duties of govt. and administration,
services specially for the people, [legislative] vigour, the force of
conduct, and attention to what was required by the times,—in accordance
with the phænomena of the four seasons. There were punishments and
penalties, and the terrors of legal proceedings, making the people stand
in awe, resembling the destructive forces of thunder and lightning.
There were mildness and gentleness, kindness and harmony, in imitation
of the producing and nourishing action of Heaven. There were love and
hatred, pleasure and anger, grief and joy, produced by the six
atmospheric conditions. Therefore [the sage kings] carefully imitated
these relations and analogies [in forming ceremonies], to regulate those
six impulses. To grief there belong crying and tears; to joy, songs and
dancing; to pleasure, beneficence; to anger, fighting and struggling.
Pleasure is born of love, and anger of hatred. Therefore [the sage
kings] were careful judges of their conduct, and sincere in their
orders, appointing misery and happiness, rewards and punishments, to
regulate the death and life [of the people]. Life is a good thing; death
is an evil thing. The good thing brings joy; the evil thing gives grief.
When there is no failure in the joy and grief, we have a state in
harmony with the nature of Heaven and Earth, which consequently can
endure long."
'Jianzi said, "Extreme is the greatness of
ceremonies!" "Ceremonies," replied Zitaishu, "determine the relations of
high and low; they are the warp and woof of Heaven and Earth; they are
the life of the people. Hence it was that the ancient kings valued them,
and hence it is that the man who can now bend, now straighten, himself
so as to accord with ceremony is called a complete man. Right is it that
ceremonies should be called great!" Jianzi said, "I would wish all my
life to keep these words in mind, [and observe them]."
'Yue Daxin of Song said, "We shall not contribute
grain; our [dukes] are guests of Zhou:—how can such a thing be required
of guests?" Shi Bo said, "Since [the covenant of] Jiantu, what service
has there been in which Song has not shared? what covenant in which it
has not taken part? It was then said that the States should together
support the royal House. How can you evade this condition? You are here
by the command of your ruler to join in the great business in
hand:——would it not be improper for Song to violate the covenant?" The
master of the Right did not dare to reply, but received the schedule,
and retired.
'Shi Bo reported the incident to Jianzi, saying,
"The master of the Right of Song is sure to become an exile. Bearing his
ruler's orders as a commissioner here, he wished to break the covenant,
aud thereby come into collision with the lord of covenants. There could
be nothing more inauspicious than this."
Par. 3. Gongyang has 鸛 instead of 鸜. Quyu was the
ancient name for the mino grackle, which is now commonly called the bage
(八哥). Zuoshi says the record is of a thing previously unknown, and Yan
Shigu observes that while the mino is found in many places in China, it
does not cross the Ji river, and was therefore not found in Lu. Du
further lays stress on the 巢 as meaning to build a nest in a tree, which
is contrary to the habits of the mino, which breeds in holes in walls
and banks; so that there were in the phænomenon of the text two
prodigies. The Zhuan gives a ridiculous narrative:——'Shi Ji said, "How
strange! I have heard that in the times of [the dukes] Wen and Cheng the
boys had a ditty, which said,
|
Here are grackles apace! |
|
'The duke flies in disgrace. |
|
'Look at the grackles' wings! |
|
'To the wilds the duke flings, |
|
'A horse one to him brings. |
|
'Look how the grackles go! |
|
'In Ganhou he is low, |
|
'Wants coat and trowsers now. |
|
'Behold the grackles' nest! |
|
'Far off the duke doth rest. |
|
'Choufu has lost his state, |
|
'Songfu comes proud and great. |
|
'O the grackles so strange! |
|
'The songs to weeping change.' |
So ran the ditty, and now the grackles are here,
and building their nests. Is the [other thing] about to happen?"
The flight of duke Zhao from Lu was near at hand.
We may be sure it had taken place before the above ditty was composed
and the appearance of the grackles received its interpretation.
Par. 4. On the sacrifice for rain see the Zhuan on
II. v. 7. The 6th month of Zhou, or the 4th of Xia, was the season for
it; but there is no difficulty in conceiving of its occurrence shortly
after, in the 7th month of Zhou. As there are three xin days in every
month, the 1st must have been near the beginning of the 7th month;
—Yingda makes it out to have been, this year, the 3d day of it. The
repetition of the sacrifice indicates, as Zuo says, the greatness of the
drought (旱甚). Gongyang's idea, that the second sacrifice was a feint to
bring the people together, with the intention of attacking and expelling
Jisun, is inadmissible.
Par. 5. For 己亥 Guliang has 乙亥. On the euphemism of
孫 (-遜) for 奔, see on III. i. 2. Gongyang has 楊 for 陽. Yangzhou was in
the northeast of the present Tungp'ing Zhou (東平州), dep. of Tai'an. It
had originally belonged to Lu, but was taken by Qi, we may presume in
the 21st year of duke Xiang. It was therefore a kind of border city, and
here the duke stayed his flight for a time, until he could ascertain the
mind of the marquis of Qi regarding him.
The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Ji Gongniao (An
uncle of Jisun Pingzi, by a concubine of his grandfather) had married a
daughter of Bao Wenzi of Qi, who bore to him [a son] Jia; and on
Gongniao's death, [his brother] Gonghai, with his steward Shen Yegu, and
Gongsi Zhan (Also a Ji), undertook the management of his house. By and
by, [his widow] Ji Si had an intrigue with her cook Tan; and becoming
afraid, she made a concubine beat her, and then showed the marks to the
wife of Qin Chuan (A great officer of Lu whose wife was a sister of
Gongniao), saying, "Gongruo (Gonghai) wanted to use me, and when I
refused, he [thus] beat me." She also complained to Gongfu (A brother of
Pingzi), that Zhan and Yegu had tried to force her. Qin Ji (the wife of
Qin Chuan) reported what she had heard to Gongzhi (Another brother of
Pingzi), who, along with Gongfu, laid it before Pingzi. On this, the
minister made Zhan a prisoner in Bian. and seized [also] Yegu, intending
to put him to death. Gongruo wept and bewailed the case, saying, "To
kill these is to kill me. I will make intercession for them." Pingzi,
however, made his waiting boy refuse him admittance, and up to mid-day
he had no opportunity of presenting his request. [In the meantime], the
officer in change of [Yegu] came to ask for his orders, and Gongzhi made
him dispatch his prisoner without delay. In consequence of this Gongruo
had a grudge against Pingzi.
'The cocks of Ji [-sun] and the [Head of the] Hou
[family] were in the habit of fighting. Jisun sheathed the head of his
cock, on which Houshi put metal spurs on his. In consequence Pingzi was
enraged, and increased his own mansion at the expense of that of the
other, reproving him besides; and this made Hou Zhaobo also have a
grudge at Pingzi.
'Hui, a cousin of Zang Zhaobo, had circulated
slanders against Zangshi, and then fled to Jishi. Zangshi [attempted to]
seize him, but Pingzi was enraged, and made a prisoner of Zangshi's
steward. [About this time] it had been arranged to offer the di
sacrifice in the temple of duke Xiang, but only sixteen dancers were
forthcoming, all the rest being employed at Jishi's. On this Zangsun
said, "This may make us say that we cannot use [the proper ceremonies]
in the temple of our late ruler;" and this made the great officers have
a grudge at Pingzi.
'Gongruo presented a bow to Gongwei (a son of the
duke), and went with him to shoot outside the city, when they consulted
about doing away with Jishi. Gongwei informed [his brothers] Gongguo and
Gongfen of the design, and they made the attendant Liaonan communicate
it to the duke. The duke had been sleeping, and seized a spear to strike
the attendant, who ran off. The duke said he would seize [the plotters];
and though he gave no orders to that effect, they were afraid, and did
not come forth, nor see the duke for some months. [Finding at the end of
that time that] he was not angry with them, they made the attendant
speak to him again. The duke used a spear to frighten him, when he again
ran off. A third time they made him speak of the matter, and the duke
said, "This is a thing beyond a small man like you." Gongguo then spoke
himself, and the duke consulted Zangsun, who saw the difficulty of the
attempt. He then communicated it to Housun, who thought it feasible, and
encouraged it. He next told it to Zijia Yibo, who said, "They are
slanderers who urge your lordship on to such a hazardous thing. If it do
not succeed, you will receive the name (=blame) of it. It is not to be
done. You and several of your predecessors have lost your hold of the
people. If you would now seek by means of them to accomplish this
object, you cannot be sure of success. The government, moreover, is in
his hands, and it will be difficult to take measures against him." The
duke would have dismissed him, but he declined to go, saying, "I have
now been a party to your wishes in this thing. If word of it should leak
out, I should not be allowed to die a natural death." So he took up his
lodging with the duke.
'Shusun Zhaozi was gone to Kan, and the duke was
residing in the Long treasury (See Ana. XI. xiii.). In the 9th month, on
Wuxu, he attacked Jishi, and having killed Gongzhi in the gate, entered
the house. Pingzi ascended a tower, and made a request, saying, "Your
lordship, without examining into my offences, has sent your officers to
punish me with shield and spear. Allow me to wait near the Yi, till my
offences are investigated." This was refused, and he requested that he
might be imprisoned in Bi. This also was refused, and he then asked to
be allowed to leave the country with five chariots; but neither was this
granted. Zijiazi said, "Your lordship should grant his request. The
government has long been in his hands. Many of the suffering people get
their food from him. His followers are many. If traitors rise when the
sun has gone down, we cannot know what the result may be. The anger of
his many [adherents] should not be nourished. Nourished and not dealt
with, it will accumulate. When it is so nourished and accumulated, the
people will begin to have new purposes, and they will then unite with
those who seek the same objects as he. Your lordship will repent of it."
The duke did not listen to this counsel, and Housun strongly urged that
Pingzi should be put to death. The duke sent him to meet Meng Yizi
(Zhongsun Heji), [and bring him to him].
'[In the meantime], Zong Li, Shusun's master of the
Horse, said to all his people, "What do you think of matters?" No one
giving any reply, he said, "I am but an officer of a family, and do not
pretend to know about the [business of the] State; but whether will it
be better for us that Jishi be, or that there be no Jishi?" All replied,
"No Jishi is no Shusunshi. Li then said, "Then let us go, and rescue
him?" And with this he led his followers off to Jishi's, burst through
the leaguer at the northwest corner, and entered the house. The duke's
men had put off their buff-coats, and were squatting about, with their
quiver lids in their hands, so that they were [easily] driven away.
Mengshi made a soldier get up at the northwest corner to see what Jishi
was doing, and when he told him that he saw Shusun's flag, Mengshi
seized Hou Zhaobo and killed him on the west of the south gate, after
which he attacked the duke's men. Zijiazi said, "All we officers who
have on false pretences forced the duke to this will leave the State
with our offence upon our heads. Let your lordship remain. Yiru will now
feel himself compelled to change his conduct in the service of your
lordship." The duke said, "I cannot bear to do it." He then went with
Zangsun to the tombs, and took counsel with him, after which he took his
departure. On Jihai he withdrew to Qi, halting in Yangzhou.'
This flight of duke Zhao was mainly the result of
his own weakness and incapacity. During all his rule, he had enjoyed
only the name of marquis. The power of the State had been in the hands
of the three clans, and principally in those of the Jisun; and in this
condition things might have gone on. Pingzi was not prepared to seize
the State for himself, and Zhao precipitated his own fate.
Par. 6. Yejing was a city of Qi, in the east of the
pres. dis. of Qihe (齊河), dep. Jinan. The marquis of Qi, we shall see,
proposed to meet the duke in Pingyin, but Zhao went as far as Yejing, to
shorten his host's journey. 唁 means to condole with the living, and so
is distinguished from 弔, to condole on occasion of a death
(唁者弔也,生事曰唁,死事曰弔).
The Zhuan says; —'The marquis of Qi having proposed
to condole with the duke in Pingyin, the duke advanced beyond that place
to Yejing. The marquis said, "This is my fault. I ordered my officers to
wait [for you] in Pingyin, because it was near [to Yangzhou]." What the
text says about the duke 's halting in Yangzhou, and the marquis's
condoling with him in Yejing, describes what was proper. When one has
anything to seek from another, it is a good thing in propriety to take
the initiative in being humble to him.
'The marquis said, "From the borders of Ju to the
west, I will surrender to you the territory of 25,000 families, and
await your lordship's further commands. I will then lead my poor levies,
and follow your officers, obedient to whatever you command. Your grief
is my grief." The duke was glad; but Zijiazi said to him, "Heaven's
bounties are not repeated. The gift of Heaven to your lordship should
not exceed that to the duke of Zhou. Lu is sufficient. If you lose Lu,
and with this territory become a subject of Qi, who will stand along
with you? And moreover, the ruler of Qi is devoid of good faith; —you
had better soon go to Jin." This counsel the duke would not follow. Zang
Zhaobo, at the head of the [other] followers, proposed to make a
covenant. The words of it were, "With our utmost strength, and with one
heart, we shall cherish the same likings and dislikings, making it clear
who are criminals and who are not. We will follow the duke and not
separate ourselves from him, nor will we allow any communication between
us here abroad and those who are in Lu." By the duke's orders, he showed
this to Zijiazi, who said, "On these terms I cannot take the covenant.
In my want of ability, I cannot be of the same mind with you all, and
must think that all are criminals. Perhaps I may wish to communicate
from abroad with those in Lu, and may wish to leave our ruler. You all
love your exile, and dislike any settlement;—how can we be of one mind?
What could be a greater crime than to have brought our ruler into his
difficulties? If we open a communication with Lu, and leave our ruler,
he will soon enter Lu [again]. If we do not open such communication,
what shall we do? And what shall we guard?" Accordingly he did not take
part in the covenant.'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Zhaozi returned from Kan
(See the narrative on par. 5), and went to see Pingzi, who bowed his
forehead before him to the ground, and said, "What do you think of me?"
Zhaozi said, "What man is there but must die? You have given the
finishing touch to your name by expelling our ruler. Your descendants
will not forget it:——is it not a sore subject?" Pingzi went on, "If you
can bring it about that I have an apportunity to serve our ruler in a
different manner from the past, you will be giving, as we say, life to
the dead, and flesh to the [bare] bones."
'[After this], Zhaozi followed the duke to Qi, and
conferred with him, Zijiazi causing all who went to the duke's lodging
to be seized, [lest they should discover what was going on]. They spoke
together inside a tent, and Zhaozi proposed to dispose [somehow] of all
[his followers], and to restore the duke [alone]. The followers wished
to kill Zhaozi, and placed men in ambush for the purpose in the way [by
which he must return to Lu]; but Zhan, the master of the Left, told the
duke of their plan, who made Zhaozi return by way of Zhu.
[Notwithstanding this], Pingzi was [now] of a different mind; and in
winter, in the 10th month, on Xinyou, Zhaozi fasted in his chamber, and
made his priest and the keeper of his ancestral temple pray that he
might die. On Wuchen (The 7th day after) he died. Zhan, the master of
the Left, was going to return with the duke on horseback to Lu; but the
other followers seized and held him.
['The Zhuan gives here a short note about the
progress of the struggle in Zhou:——'On Renshen, duke Wen of Yin crossed
[the Luo] itto Gong, and [attempted to] set fire to Dongzi, but his
attempt was unsuccessful.']
Par. 8. Quji, was a city of Song,—in the pres. dis.
of Qi (杞), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the duke
of Song was preparing to go to Jin on the duke's account, when he dreamt
that his eldest son, Luan, was succeeding to the dukedom in the temple,
and that he himslf and [his father], duke Ping were attending on him in
their full robes. In the morning, he called the six ministers together,
and said to them, "In my want of ability, I was not able to serve my
uncles and elder brothers, [as I ought to do] (Referring to the events
in XX. 4, et al.), to the grief of yourselves;—this was my fault. If by
your powerful help I preserve my head and neck till I die a natural
death, then let the board in my coffin on which my limbs are stretched
not equal that used for my predecessors." Zhong Ji replied, "If your
grace, for the sake of the altars, should privately diminish any of the
accompaniments of your feasts, we, your servants, should not presume to
take any knowledge of it. But as to the laws of the State of Song, and
the rules for life and death, there are the ordinances of our former
rulers. Your servants must keep to them to the death; we dare not fail
in observing them. There are regular punishments for such failure as an
unpardonable offence. Your servants dare not incur such a death; your
order would only disgrace us."
'After this the duke went on his journey; but on
Jihai, he died in Quji.'
Par. 9. Yun,—see VI. xii. 8, et al. Zuo says the
marquis of Qi laid siege to Yun. We must understand that he did so in
the interest of duke Zhao, so that the people yielded the city at once,
and the text simply says he took it.
[The Zhuan gives here two narratives. 1st, about
the Zangsun family. "At an earlier period, Zang Zhaobo had gone to Jin,
when Zang Hui stole his valued tortoise-shell of Lüju, and consulted it
as to whether a course of good faith or its opposite would be better for
him. The answer was in favour of a deceitful course. The steward of
Zangshi wanted to go to Jin to ask him [about some matters], and Hui
begged to go instead. Zhaobo asked him about [other] affairs of his
family, and he told him everything; but when he asked him about his
wife, and his full brother Shusun, he gave him no reply. Thrice he asked
in this way; and when on his return Hui met him in the suburbs, he asked
him again, and got no answer. On his arrival he halted outside [his
house], and made inquiries, to find that there was nothing the matter
with those parties, on which he seized and disgraced Hui who fled to
Hou. Fang Jia of Hou made him superintendent of the market there. When
he had carried his accounts to Jishi, Zangshi made five men, with spear
and shield, lie in wait for him in the Tongru street. When he came
forth, they pursued him, on which he turned, and fled, but was seized
outside the central gate of Jishi's mansion. "Why do ye enter my gate
with arms," said Pingzi, enraged, and he [seized and] confined Zangshi's
steward. This produced ill will between the two officers; and when
Zhaobo followed the duke, Pingzi gave his place to Hui, who then said,
"The Lüju did not deceive me!"
2d, about Chu:——'The viscount of Chu made Wei She
wall Zhouqu, and bring back the people of Jia to it, and wall Qiuhuang,
and remove the people of Zi to it. He also made Xiong Xiangmei wall
round the suburbs of Chao, and Ji Ran do the same with those of Juan.
When Zitaishu heard of these things, he said, "The king of Chu will
[soon] die. He is not allowing the people to rest in their settlements,
which must make them sad and distressed. The distress will reach the
king;—he cannot continue long.'] XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-sixth year, in spring, in
the king's first month, there was the burial of duke Yuan of Song.
2. In the third month, the duke arrived from Qi, and
resided in Yun.
3. In summer, the duke laid siege to Cheng.
4. In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Qi, the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, and the earl of Qi, when they made a
covenant in Zhuanling.
5. The duke arrived from the meeting, and resided in
Yun.
6. In the ninth month, on Gengshen, Ju, viscount of
Chu, died.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, the king [by]
Heaven's [grace] entered Chengzhou.
8. The chief of the House of Yin, and the earls of
Shao and Mao, fled to Chu, having with them the [late] king's son Zhao.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Zuo observes that duke Yuan was now buried
with the same ceremonies as the former rulers of Song. His request as
related under par. 8 of last year was thus not attended to.
[Zuoshi here introduces the statement that on
Gengshen of the 1st month the marquis of Qi took Yun. But the concluding
par. of last year records the taking of Yun; and Du thinks it is
mentioned here in the Zhuan, to explain the fact of the duke's residing
in Yun, as stated in the next par. Fu Qian, however, is probably correct
in holding that in the 12th month of last year the marquis of Qi
commenced the siege of Yun, as stated by Zuoshi, and that the place was
not captured till the time now given. This, of course, leaves XXV. 9
open to the charge of inaccuracy, but we have often met in the text with
much greater divergences from fact.]
Par. 2. Zuo repeats this par. with the variation of
處 for 居, adding that it is composed as from the point of view of Lu
(言魯地); on which Du remarks that, the duke having now entered within the
boundaries of Lu, we have the term 至, 'arrived;' but as he was still not
in his capital, we have the name of the place given. The 至自齊, according
to the analogy of other passages, would imply that the duke had been to
the capital of Qi, and announced his return in the ancestral temple in
his own capital. He had not been to the capital of Qi, but as he had had
an interview with the ruler of that State, the 齊 is held to be
justified. There is more difficulty with the use of the 至. Jia Kui
inferred from the term that Ji Pingzi, while keeping the duke in a State
of exile, yet made the usual sacrifice and announcement in the temple
for him, as if he had been present! This is not at all likely. We may
suppose, with Mao, that the duke went through the usual ceremonies,
after a fashion, in Yun.
Par. 3. Cheng,—the city of the Mengsun clan; see on
IX. xv. 3, 4. The poor duke was not able to besiege Cheng himself; the
real assailants were the troops of Qi. Because the marquis of Qi,
however, took no part in the operations in person, and the attempt came
to nothing, the text, it is supposed, ignores the action of Qi in the
matter.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the marquis of Qi,
intending to restore the duke, gave orders that [his officers] should
not receive any bribes from Lu. Shen Feng, however, followed Ru Jia to
the army of Qi, carrying with him two pieces of flowered silk, rolled up
tight like an ear-stopper, and said to Gao Yi, an officer of Ziyou (Ju
of Liangqiu, a great officer of Qi), that, if he could bribe him, he
should be made successor to the present Head of the Gao family, and
should receive 5000 yu of grain. [In consequence of this], Gao Yi showed
the silk to Ziyou, who desired to have it, and then Yi said to him that
the people of Lu had bought such silks, made up in 1000 pieces, but that
the roads not being open, they had first sent him these as a specimen.
Ziyou accepted the silks, and said to the marquis, "That your officers
do not do their utmost for the ruler of Lu is not because they are
unable to serve you, but because of the strange things which have
occurred. Duke Yuan of Song was going on his account to Jin, and died in
Quji. Shusun Zhaozi was seeking to restore his ruler, when he died
without any illness. I do not know whether Heaven has abandoned Lu, or
whether the ruler of it has somehow offended the Spirits, in consequence
of which these things have happened. If your lordship wait in Quji, you
can send us to follow the ruler of Lu, and form an opinion in the case.
If the enterprise be feasible, let the force be increased, and you can
then follow;—there will be no opposition. If it should not be
successful, your lordship need not take the trouble to follow."
'The marquis adopted this advice, and sent the
Gongzi Chu with a force to follow the duke. The commandant of Cheng,
Gongsun Zhao had said to Pingzi, "I am charged with this great city to
defend the State. I beg to be allowed to cope with the enemy." His
request was granted; but when he wished to give hostages for his
fidelity, Pingzi refused, saying, "I believe you, and that is enough."
The commandant then sent word to the army of Qi, saying, "The Meng is a
worn-out House of Lu. Its calls upon Cheng have been excessive, and we
cannot endure them. We ask to be allowed to rest our shoulders [now] on
Qi." The army of Qi then laid siege to Cheng, the people of which
attacked the soldiers who were watering their horses at the Zi; but [the
commandant] said that was done to satisfy the minds of the multitude.
But when Lu had completed its preparations, he then sent word that he
could not overcome the [reluctance of the] multitude [to surrender].
'The armies of Lu and Qi fought at Chuibi. Ziyuan
Jie of Qi pursued Xie Shengzi, and discharged an arrow, which hit the
ridge of his shield. Passing the yoke, it glanced on the pole, and its
point entered [the shield] to the depth of 3 inches. Shengzi sent back
an arrow, which cut the martingale of one of his [pursuer's] horses, and
killed it. Jie was putting another horse to his chariot, and some of the
men [of Lu], thinking he was Zong Li, helped him, on which he (子車 is
understood to be the same as Jie. It would seem to be so; but we have
thus two designations of him,—Ziyuan and Ziju) said that he was a man of
Qi. They were then going to strike at him, but he shot one of them dead.
His charioteer cried to him to shoot another, but he said, "The
multitude may be frightened, but they should not be enraged." Zinang Dai
continued the pursuit of Ye Xie, shouting out insulting language. Xie
said, "Battle is not the place for such expressions of private anger; in
return for such personal conduct, I will fight with you," The other
repeated his insults, and Xie then also answered him in the same way.
'Ran Shu sent an arrow at Chen Wuzi, which hit him
in the hand so that he let fall his bow, and began reviling. Shu told
this to Pingzi saying, "There is a superior man, with a white face, with
thick beard and evebrows, and an awful mouth." Pingzi said, "It must be
Ziqiang. Were you not fighting with him." "I called him," replied the
other, 'a superior man;—how should I dare to fight with him?"
'Lin Yong was ashamed to remain as spearman on the
right of Yan Ming, and descended from the chariot. [When he was on the
ground], Yuan Heji cut off one of his ears, on which Yan Ming abandoned
him. Yuanzi's charioteer said to him, "Look firmly at his feet;" and he
struck Lin Yong, and cut off one of his feet, after which he got on one
leg into another chariot, and went back [to the army of Lu]. Yan Ming
thrice entered the army of Qi, crying out to Lin Yong to get into his
chariot.'
It does not appear from the Zhuan what was the
issue of the battle of Chuibi; but we may conclude that the siege of
Cheng was fruitless.
['The Zhuan resumes the narrative of the
distractions in Zhou:——'In the 4th month, the viscount of Shan went to
Jin, to report the urgency [of the king's affairs]. In the 5th month, on
Wuwu, an officer of Liu defeated an army from the royal city at Shishi.
On Wuchen an officer of the royal city and one of Liu fought in Shigu,
when the forces of Liu suffered a severe defeat.']
Parr. 4, 5. We may presume that Zhuanling was in
Qi; but its position has not been determined. The covenant there, says
Zuo, had reference to the plans to restore the duke. It came to nothing,
however. The duke returned to his residence in Yun. On the 至 in par. 5,
see on par. 2.
[The Zhuan continues the narrative about Zhou:——'In
the 7th month, on Jisi, the viscount of Liu went forth [from his city]
with the king. On Gengwu, they halted in Qu, and a body of men from the
royal city burned Liu. On Bingzi the king passed the night in Chushi,
and on Dingchou they halted at Wangu. On Gengchen the king entered Xumi,
and on Xinsi he halted at Hua. Zhi Li and Zhao Yang of Jin led a force
to reestablish the king's authority, and made Ru Kuan guard the
difficult pass of Que.']
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, on the
death of king Ping of Chu, Zichang, the chief minister, wanted to
appoint Zi[xi], in his place.
"The heir-son Ren," said he, "is young, nor was his
mother the [king's] proper wife, for she had really been contracted to
his son Jian. Zixi is old and a lover of what is good. To give the
appointment to him as the eldest will be in the order of nature, and
when we elect him for his goodness the State will be well governed.
Ought we not to make these things of primary regard,—a king in the order
of nature, and the good government of the State?" Zixi was angry, and
said, "This is to throw the State into confusion, and show hatred of our
[late] ruler and king. There is the State which is our support
abroad;—it ought not to be insulted. There is the legitimate heir of the
king;—he ought not to be disowned. If we set aside the relative [of
Qin], we shall accelerate its enmity. To disown the heir will be
inauspicious, and I shall receive the name of the deed. Though you gave
me all under heaven, I would still not agree to such a proposal; why
should I do it for the State of Chu? The chief minister must be put to
death." On this the minister was afraid, and raised king Zhao in the
place [of his father].'
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th
month, on Bingshen, the king set out with his troops from Hua. On
Xinchou, he was in Jiao, after which he halted in Shi. In the 11th
month, on Xinyou, the army of Jin reduced Gong, [on which] Ying, earl of
Shao, drove out the late [king's] son Zhao, who fled to Chu, along with
members of the House of Shao, De earl of Mao, Gu Head of the House of
Yin, and Nangong Yin, carrying with them the archives of Zhou. Yin Ji
fled to Ju, and held it in revolt. The earl of Shao met the king at Shi,
and made a covenant with the viscounts of Liu and Shan, and they then
proceeded to attack Yuze, and halted at Dishang. On Guiyou the king
entered Chengzhou. On Jiaxu a covenant was made in the temple of [king]
Xiang. The army of Jin [then] returned, Chenggong Ban being left with
troops to guard [the territory of] Zhou. In the 12th month, on Guiwei,
the king entered the Zhuang palace.
"The [late] king's son Zhao sent an announcement to
the various States, saying, "King Wu subdued Yin; king Cheng secured
tranquillity throughout the kingdom, and king Kang gave the people rest.
They all invested their full brothers with the rule of States, which
might serve as defences and screens for Zhou. They also felt that they
would not enjoy themselves alone the result of the achievements of Wen
and Wu, and [reasoned] that if any of their descendants went astray or
were overthrown, getting plunged into calamity, [the princes, their
relatives] would succour and save them. By-and-by, king Yi suffered from
an evil disease, and the princes all hurried to sacrifice to their hills
and rivers, praying for the king's person. The mind of king Li proved
stubborn and tyrannical, but the myriads of the people could not bear
[to hurt him], and made him take up his residence in Zhi. [Two of the]
princes gave up their own places, that they might attend to the king's
government, and when king Xuan showed that he had [firm and wise]
purpose, they surrendered all their offices to him. After him, in the
days of king You, Heaven had not pity upon Zhou. The king blindly
pursued an improper course, and lost his throne. Then came king Yi in
violation of the statutes, so that the princes set him aside, and raised
king [You's] proper heir to the throne, who removed [the capital] to
Jiaru:—thus were the brothers [of the king] able to employ their
strength in support of the royal House.
"In the time of king Hui, Heaven did not grant
tranquillity to Zhou, and allowed Tui (See the Zhuan after III. xix. 4)
to be born, with his calamitous propensities, which extended
subsequently to Shudai (See on V. xxiv. 4), so that both Hui and [king]
Xiang had to escape from danger, and leave the royal capital. Then Jin
and Zheng took off those evil parties, and gave comfort and settlement
to the royal House:—thus were our brothers able to fulfil the commands
of the former kings.
"In the 6th year of king Ding (The 8th year of duke
Xuan) there came down among the people in Qin these ominous
utterances:——'Zhou shall have a king with moustaches, who will be able
to discharge well the duties of his office. The States will be
submissive, and present their offerings, for two reigns attentive to
their duties. Then in the royal House will be an intruder on the throne,
and the princes, not taking the [necessary] measures, shall experience
disorder and calamity in consequence.' When king Ling was born, he had a
moustache, but he was a king of very spirit-like and sage qualities, and
had no bad relations with the States. Both he and king Jing happily
finished their reigns. But now the royal House is in confusion. Qi of
Shan and Di of Liu have torn all under heaven into disorder, violating
with an imperious conduct all rules, and saying, 'The former kings
received the throne on no regular law. Let us give out our commands,
according to our own minds; who will dare to call us to account?' They
thus led on their merciless partizans, and threw the royal House into
disorder, insatiable in their encroaching desires, covetous beyond all
measure, and guilty of disrespect to the Spirits. They insolently cast
aside all penal laws, violated the covenants which they had taken, were
haughty and violent in their demeanour, and falsified the orders of the
former king, while Jin, against all principle, supported and assisted
them, with the intention of allowing them to carry out their illimitable
designs.
'"[Thus] my unworthy self, in terror and agitation,
am driven abroad and am skulking here in Jingman (Chu), not knowing what
things will come to. If you, my brothers, and relatives of other
surnames, will vindicate and obey the laws of Heaven, and not assist
those cunning knaves, thus following the rules of the former kings, and
not accelerating the approach of Heaven's judgments, but pardoning my
unworthy self, and taking measures about me:——this is what I desire. I
venture to set forth all that is in my heart, and the regular rules of
the former kings, that the States may deeply consider it. The
instructions of the former kings were to this effect:——'When the queen
has no son, another, the eldest son of the king, should be selected.
Where years are equal, the choice must fall on the most virtuous. Where
the virtue is equal, the choice must be decided by the tortoise-shell.
The king must not appoint a son [merely] because he loves him; the gong
and other ministers must not be influenced by their private
leanings:'—these were the ancient rules. The queen Mu and the [late]
king's eldest son Shou died prematurely, and left the world (See the
Zhuan after XV. 4). Shan and Liu selfishly aided and appointed a younger
son, in violation of the rule of the former kings; which is matter for
all you princes, old and young, to take action upon."
'When Min Mafu heard this notification of Zhao the
[late] king's son, he said "It is right that such notifications should
be circulated. But Zhao violated the charge of [king] Jing, and kept
aloof from the great Jin, seeking his own exclusive aim;—he has been
guilty of the greatest impropriety. What can this composition do?"
[There follow here two narratives, having reference
to Qi:——'There appeared a comet in Qi, and the marquis gave orders for a
deprecatory sacrifice. Yanzi said to him, "It is of no use; you will
only practise a delusion. There is no uncertainty in the ways of Heaven;
it does not waver in its purposes:—why should you offer a deprecatory
sacrifice? Moreover, there is a broom-star in the sky;—it is for the
removal of dirt. If your lordship have nothing about your conduct that
can be so described, what have you to deprecate? If you have, what will
it be diminished by your deprecation? The ode (Shi, III. I. ode II. 3),
says,
|
'Then this king Wen, |
|
Watchfully and reverently, |
|
Did bright service to God. |
|
So did he secure great blessing. |
|
His virtue was without deflection, |
|
And he received the allegiance of the States from all
quarters.'
|
Let your lordship do nothing contrary to virtue,
and from all quarters the States will come to you;—why should you be
troubled about a comet? The ode (A lost ode) says,
|
'I have no beacon to look at, |
|
[But] the sovereigns of Xia and Shang. |
|
It was because of their disorders |
|
That the people fell away from them.' |
If the conduct be evil and disorderly, the people
are sure to fall away, and nothing that priests and historiographers can
do will mend the evil." The marquis was pleased, and stopped the
sacrifice.'
2d. 'The marquis of Qi was sitting with Yanzi in
his State-chamber, and said, "How beautiful is this chamber! Who will
have it [hereafter]?" "Allow me to ask," said Yanzi, "what you mean." "I
suppose," the marquis replied, "the possession of this will depend on
[men's] virtue." The minister said, "According to what your lordship
says, the possessor will perhaps be Head of the Chen family. Although
that family has not great virtue, it dispenses bounties to the people.
The dou, the ou, the fu, and the zhong, with which it receives [its
payments] from the State are small (See the 1st narrative after III. 1),
but those with which it gives out to the people are large. Your
exactions are great, and the benefactions of the Chen are great; so that
the people are giving their affections to that family. The ode (II. vii.
ode IV. 3) says,
|
Though I have no virtue to impart to you, |
|
We will sing and dance.' |
'The bounties of the Chen family to the people are
making them sing and dance. Hereafter, should any of your descendants be
somewhat remiss, and the Chen family not have disappeared, the State
will belong to it." "Good!" said the duke; "what then ought to be done?"
Yanzi replied, "It is only an attention to rules of propriety which can
stop [the progress of events]. By those rules, the bounties of a family
cannot extend to all the State. Sons must not change the business of
their fathers,—husbandry, some mechanical art, or trade; inferiors must
not be negligent; higher officers must not be insolent; great officers
must not take to themselves the privileges of the ruler." "Good!" said
the marquis. "I am not able to attain to this; but henceforth I know how
a State can be governed by the rules of propriety." "Long have those
rules possessed such a virtue," was the reply. "Their rise was
contemporaneous with that of Heaven and Earth. That the ruler order and
the subject obey, the father be kind and the son dutiful, the elder
brother loving and the younger respectful, the husband be harmonious and
the wife gentle, the mother-in-law be kind and the daughter-in-law
obedient; —these are things in propriety. That the ruler in ordering
order nothing against the right, and the subject obey without any
duplicity; that the father be kind and at the same time reverent, and
the son be dutiful and at the same time able to remonstrate; that the
elder brother, while loving, be friendly, and the younger docile, while
respectful; that the husband be righteous, while harmonious, and the
wife correct, while gentle; that the mother-in-law be condescending,
while kind, and the daughter-in-law be winning, while obedient;—those
are excellent things in propriety." "Good!" said the duke, [again];
"henceforth I have heard the highest style of propriety." Yanzi replied,
"It was what the ancient kings received from Heaven and Earth for the
government of their people, and therefore they ranked it in the highest
place.'] XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, he went to
Qi. He arrived from Qi. and resided in Yun.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, Wu murdered its
ruler, Liao.
3. Chu put to death its great officer, Xi Yuan.
4. In autumn, Shi Yang of Jin, Yue Qili of Song,
Beigong Xi of Wey, and officers of Cao, Zhu, and Teng, had a meeting in
Hu.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, Wu, earl of Cao,
died.
6. Kuai of Zhu came a fugitive to Lu.
7. The duke went to Qi.
8. The duke arrived from Qi, and resided in Yun.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. A second time the duke had been to the
marquis of Qi without accomplishing anything, and he returns to his
quarters in Yun. That city is always specified, because 至自齊 alone would
indicate that he returned to the capital of Lu. As Zuo says, the mention
of Yun tells how the duke was kept from his capital (言在外地).
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Wu,
wishing on occasion of the death of [the king of] Chu to invade that
State, sent the two Gongzis Yanyu and Zhuyong with a force to lay siege
to Qian, and sent Jizi of Yan and Zhoulai on a mission to the upper
States, and to go on to Jin, to observe how it was going on with the
different princes. The You-director Ran, and Jun director of Yu, (The 莠,
and 王 or 玉 or 工, are of doubtful meaning) proceeded with a force from
Chu to relieve Qian, and were reinforced by the marshal of the Left, Xu,
director of Shen, at the head of the gentry of the capital and the men
belonging to the king's Horse. They met with the army of Wu at Qiong;
and in the meantime, the chief minister Zichang proceeded with a naval
force to the bend of the Sha, and then returned. Xi Yuan, director of
the Left, and Shou director of Works, proceeded to Qian with another
force, so that the army of Wu could not retreat.
'The Gongzi Guang of Wu thought, "This is my time;
it must not be lost;" and he said to Zhuan Shezhu, (See at the end of
the 2d narrative after XX. 1), "The upper States have a saying that if
you do not seek for a thing you will not get it. I am the [former]
king's heir. I wish to seek the kingdom. If the thing succeed, although
Jizi come [back], he will not displace me." Shezhu said, "The king may
be killed; but my mother is old and my son is young; what can I do in
this matter?" Guang replied, "I will be as you [to them]."
'In summer, in the 4th month, Guang concealed some
men-at-arms in an underground chamber, and invited the king to a feast.
The king made his men-at-arms line the road, [from his palace] to
[Guang's] gate. At the gate, the steps, the [inner] doors, and the mats,
were the king's friends, on either side of them, with swords. They
stripped the bodies of the attendants who brought in the viands, and
made them change their clothes outside the door; and those attendants
then crawled in on their knees, [other] sword-bearers going with them on
either side, close to their persons; and thus the viands were handed [to
the king]. Guang pretending that he was suffering in his feet, entered
the underground chamber, and Zhuan Shezhu came in with a fish in which
he had placed a dagger. Seizing the weapon, he stabbed the king, and at
the same time [two] swords met in his breast. Thus he killed the
king;—and Helu made his son a minister.
'When Jizi arrived, he said, "If the sacrifices to
our former rulers be not neglected, nor the people be without a [proper]
master; if the offerings be presented at our altars, and the State be
not allowed to fall;—he shall be my ruler. Against whom should I cherish
resentment? I will mourn the dead and serve the living, while I await
the decree of Heaven;—I will not create disorder. Him who is on the
throne I will follow;—according to the way of our former kings." He then
reported the execution of his mission and wept, at the grave [of Liao],
after which he resumed his position, and awaited the orders [of the new
king].
'The Gongzi Yanyu fled to Xu, and Zhuyong fled to
Zhongwu. The army of Chu withdrew, on hearing of the confusion in Wu.'
The critics have exercised their ingenuity, and that
with little success, to find out the ground on which the murder of Liao
is ascribed to Wu. The Kangxi editors say, 'It was Guang who murdered
his ruler, and yet the text assigns the deed to Wu, and not to Guang. Hu
An'guo holds that the guilt is thereby ascribed to the great
ministers;—which is one view. Zhan Ruoshui (湛若水, Ming dyn.) says that
the style of the text is intended to make people investigate the matter,
when they will discover the true criminal; —which view is preferable. Du
Yu held that guilt is thereby fixed on Liao himself, and Kong Yingda and
Liu Chang argue that all the people wished the death of Liao; but this
view cannot be sustained. See our remarks at length under VI. xvi. 7.'
Par. 3. Guliang has 郄 for 郤. The Zhuan says:——'Xi
Yuan was a man upright and peaceable, but he was hated by Fei Wuji, and
Yan Jiangshi commander of the Left, who was a partizan of Wuji. The
chief minister, Zichang, was fond of gifts and lent an ear to slander.
[Accordingly], Wuji, to calumniate Xi Yuan, said to Zichang, "Zi'e
(Yuan's designation) wishes to invite you to drink with him;" and then
he said to Zi'e that the chief minister wished to come and drink with
him in his house. That officer said, "I am of low rank, and unworthy of
a visit from the chief minister. If he insist on paying me a visit, the
kindness is extreme; wherewith shall I recompense him?" Wuji replied,
"The chief minister is fond of buff-coats and sharp weapons. Bring forth
what you have of these, and I will make a selection from them." In this
way he took five of each, and said, "Place these at your gate. When he
comes, he is sure to see them, and you can then present them to him."
'On the day for the feast, [Yuan] erected a tent on
the left of his gate, [with those things in it]; on which Wuji said to
the minister, "I had nearly brought misfortune on you. Zi'e is intending
evil to you, and has got men-at-arms at his gate. You must not go.
Moreover, in the recent expedition, we should have got our will upon Wu,
but for Zi'e who took bribes and returned. He also imposed on the other
commanders, and made them retire, saying that it would be inauspicious
to take advantage of the disorders [in Wu]. As Wu had taken advantage of
our mourning, would it not have been proper to take advantage of its
confusion?" The minister sent a messenger to look at Xi's house, and
there were the buff-coats. He did not go [to the feast] therefore, but
called for Yan Jiangshi, and told him the circumstances. When Jiangshi
retired, he gave orders to attack Xi's house, and to burn it. When Zi'e
heard of it, he killed himself. [Meantime], the people would not burn
the house, and an order was issued that all who would not burn it should
be held as equally guilty with Xi. On this some took a rush rope, and
some took a handful of straw, but they threw them down [again], and
would not burn the house. The chief minister then caused it to be done,
and extinguished all the branches of the Xi family and its partizans,
putting to death Yang Lingzhong with his younger brothers Wan and Tuo,
and Jin Chen, with his sons and younger brothers. The kindred of Jin
Chen cried out in the city, "Yan and Fei are making themselves kings,
and by their own authority working calamity to the State of Chu;
weakening and thinning the royal House, and deceiving the king and the
chief minister for their own gain. The chief minister believes them
entirely;—what is to become of the State?" This distressed the chief
minister.'
On this paragraph again we have much speculation,
to explain the ascription of the death of Yuan to Chu.
Par. 4. Hu,—see III. xxiii. 10, et al. On III.
xxiii. 10, Du says that Hu was in Zheng, to which the Kangxi editors
assent, nor do they make mention of any other Hu there or in other
places. But if there were only the one Hu of Zheng, why was no minister
of that State present at this meeting? On VII. ix. 9, Gongyang says that
Hu was a city of Jin. There were probably two places of the name.
The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Hu in the autumn
was to give orders about guarding Zhou, and to consult about restoring
the duke [of Lu]. Song and Wey were eager for his restoration, and
strongly urged it. Fan Xianzi, however, had taken bribes from Jisun, and
said to Ziliang (Yue Qili), the minister of Works [of Song], and Beigong
Zhenzi (Xi), "Jisun knew not what offence he had committed, when his
ruler attacked him. He offered to submit to imprisonment, or to go into
exile, but both these things were refused to him. The ruler also left
the State himself, when his attempt proved unsuccessful. How should
Jisun have been able, without any preparations, to expel his ruler? His
recovery [of his position] must have been by the help of Heaven, hushing
the rage of the duke's followers, and guiding the minds of [the
adherents of] Shusun. If it were not so, how should those followers,
when engaged in an attack, have thrown off their armour and sauntered
about with their quiver lids in their hands? Then for the adherents of
Shusun, afraid of the overflow of calamity, to join themselves to those
of Jishi, was from Providence. The ruler of Lu has been keeping himself
in Qi for 3 years, and has accomplished nothing. Jisun has greatly won
the hearts of the people, and the Yi tribes of the Huai are joined to
him. He has ten years' preparations, the support of Qi and Chu, the
assistance of Heaven, the help of men, the mind to maintain himself
firmly, and the power of various States, and yet he does not presume to
use [those resources], but serves his ruler as if he were in the
capital:—it is for these reasons that I think it difficult to deal with
him. You both are versed in the councils of States, and you wish to
restore the ruler of Lu. This also is my desire. I will ask to follow
you, and lay siege to [the capital of] Lu. If we do not succeed, you
shall die for it." The two ministers were afraid, and declined the
undertaking; and [Xianzi] then dismissed the [representatives of the]
smaller States, and reported [to his ruler] the difficulty [of restoring
the duke].'
Par. 6. This Kuai must have been a great officer of
Zhu, but what were the particulars of his flight to Lu, we do not know.
The critics are severe in condemning Lu for receiving such fugitives.
Five officers from Zhu thus found shelter in it at different times.
[The Zhuan appends here two narratives:—
1st, about the affairs of Lu. 'Meng Yizi and Yang
Hu attacked Yun, the men of which proposed to fight. Zijiazi, however,
said, "There has been no doubt about the will of Heaven for long. The
multitude of these will surely cause our ruler to be ruined. Is it not a
difficult thing for a man to make himself happy when Heaven is sending
down calamity on him? Even if there were Spirits [to help him], he must
be defeated here. Alas! there is no hope. He is likely to die here!" The
duke then sent Zijiazi on a mission to Jin, after which his followers
were defeated at Juzhi.'
2d, about affairs in Chu. 'Throughout Chu the
language of the people about the fate of Xi Yuan (See on par. 3) never
ceased, and all, when presenting their sacrifices, reviled the chief
minister. Xu, director of Shen, spoke to Zichang, saying, "No one knows
what were the offences of the director of the Left (Xi Yuan), and of the
director of the middle stables, (Yang Lingzhong) and yet you put them to
death, thereby producing those revilings and murmurings, which to this
day have not ceased. I am myself in doubts about it. A virtuous man
would not kill another even to stop revilings;—is it not strange that
you should kill men to excite them, and take no measures in the matter?
Now Wuji is the slanderer of Chu, as all the people know. He removed
Zhao Wu (See on XV. 3); caused the expulsion of Zhu the marquis of Cai
(See on XXI. 6); ruined our late king's eldest son Jian, and caused the
death of the Lian Yin, She (See the 2d narrative at the beginning of ths
20th year). He has stood like a screen before the king's ears and eyes,
so that he should neither hear nor see. But for this, the gentle
mildness, the humility and economy, of king Ping, who excelled both
Cheng and Zhuang, would have been universally acknowledged. That he did
not gain to himself all the States was simply owing to Wuji. Now he has
further put to death three innocent men, so as to excite great
revilings, which have almost affected yourself. And yet you are taking
no measures in regard to him;—what can you expect from such a course?
Then Yan Jiangshi, by falsifying an order from you, utterly destroyed
the families of three officers, among the best men of the State, who had
committed no failure of duty in their offices. Wu has got a new ruler,
and the borders are daily in a state of terror. If any great affair
occur in our State, you will be in peril. Wise men take off slanderers,
to secure their own repose, but you love slanderers to put yourself in
peril. Extreme is your delusion!" Zichang said, "I am guilty in this,
and shall now take good measures in the case." In the 9th month, on
Jiwei, Zichang put to death Fei Wuji and Yan Jiangshi, utterly
destroying all the branches of their families. Thus he satisfied the
people, and the revilings ceased.']
Par. 7. The Zhuan says, "In winter, the duke went
to Qi, when the marquis begged to offer him an entertainment. Zijiazi
said, "Morning and evening you stand in his court; —how should he invite
you to [the ceremony of] an entertainment. It is to a drinking [feast
only]." Accordingly there was a drinking feast, and [the marquis] made
the assistant-administrator offer the cup, and asked leave to take his
own ease [elsewhere].
'A daughter of Zizhong (the Gongzi Yin, who fled to
Qi in the duke's 12th year. See on XII. 8) who was called Chong was in
the harem of the marquis, and intimated that she wished the duke to call
her to see him. On this Zijiazi left the feast, carrying the duke with
him.'
Par. 8. [The Zhuan appends here a brief note:——'In
the 12th month, Ji Qin of Jin required the guards from the different
States to go to Zhou. The people of Lu declined the service on account
of the troubles in their State.'] XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-eighth year, in spring, in
the king's third month, there was the burial of duke Dao of Cao.
2. The duke went to Jin. He halted in Ganhou.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingxu, Ning,
earl of Zheng, died.
4. In the sixth month, there was the burial of duke
Ding of Zheng.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Guisi, Ning,
viscount of Teng, died.
6. In winter, there was the burial of duke Dao of
Teng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This was the 6th month since his death. The
burial was late.
Par. 2. Ganhou was a city of Jin, in the southeast
of the pres. dis. of Cheng'an (成安), dep. Guangping (廣平), Zhili. The duke
found that Qi was tired of him, and now threw himself on the protection
of Jin.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the duke was going to
Jin, and wanted to proceed to Ganhou. Zijiazi said to him, "When one has
to request a refuge from another, and at once proceeds to where he would
be at ease, who will have any pity for him? You should go [only] to the
borders [at first]." The duke would not listen to this suggestion, [and
proceeded to Ganhou], and sent word [from it] to the capital of Jin,
begging that he might be met there. The marquis, however, said, "Heaven
is afflicting the State of Lu, and its ruler has long endured his sorrow
abroad. Without sending a single messenger to me, however, he threw
himself upon one merely related to him by affinity. It should suffice
for him to have got [the marquis of Qi] to meet him." The duke was made
to return to the borders, and then he was met.'
The critics think that all these notices of the
movements of the duke, where he went, where he halted, etc., are from
the pencil of Confucius himself;—to show that the ruler of Lu was still
in existence, and indicate his condemnation of the usurpation of Jisun.
See the note by the Kangxi editors on this par.
Parr. 3, 4. Gongyang has 甯 for 寧. The burial of the
earl of Zheng in the 3d month after his death must have been so hastened
on for some extraordinary reason.
[The Zhuan introduces here a narrative of affairs in
Jin:——'Qi Sheng and Wu Zang of Jin exchanged wives, in consequence of
which Qi Ying (Head of the Qi family, and son of Qi Wu mentioned in the
Zhuan appended to IX. iii. 4,) purposed to seize them. Consulting,
however, the marshal Shu You on the subject, that officer said, "We read
in a book of Zheng that those who hate what is right and dislike what is
correct are very many. The sway of what is unprincipled is established.
I am afraid you will not escape evil consequences, [if you do it]. The
ode (Shi, III. ii. ode X. 6) says,
|
'The people have many perversities; |
|
Do not you set up your perversity before them.' |
Suppose you let them alone for the present." Ying
said, "If our Qi family privately punish them, what is it to the State?"
Accordingly he seized the criminals. [In the meantime] Qi Sheng bribed
Xun Li, who spoke for him to the marquis; and Qi Ying was seized. One of
his officers said, "He is sure in any case to die; but let my master
hear of the death of Sheng and Zang, and it will be a satisfaction to
him." On this he put both those men to death. In summer, in the 6th
month, Jin put Qi Ying to death, and Shiwo of Yang, who was a partizan
of his and had aided his lawlessness. On this account he [also] was put
to death, and the families of Qi and Yangshe were extinguished.
'Formerly Shuxiang had wished to marry a daughter of
Wuchen, duke of Shen, but his mother wanted him to take one of her
kindred rather. He said to her, "My mothers (I. e. the inmates of his
father's harem) are many, but my father has few children by them. I must
keep aloof from your kindred." She replied, "The wife of Ziling (Wuchen.
His wife was Xia Ji. See on VII. x. 8, et al.) proved the death of three
husbands, one ruler, and her son, and ruined a State, and two of its
ministers. Ought you not to keep aloof from her? I have heard that,
where there is extreme beauty, there is sure to be extreme wickedness.
She was the daughter of Yao Zi, a younger wife of [duke Mu] of Zheng,
and the younger sister of Zimo. The brother died early, leaving no
offspring; and since Heaven accumulated so much beanty in her, there
must [still] be great ruin to be accomplished by her.
"In ancient times the prince of Reng had a daughter,
with splendid black hair and very beautiful, so that her brightness cast
a light around her, and she was named 'the dark Lady.' The prince Kui,
[Shun's] minister of Music, married her, and she bore to him Bofeng, who
in truth had the heart of a pig, insatiably covetous and gluttonous,
quarrelsome and perverse without measure, so that men called him 'the
great Pig.' Yi, the prince of Qiong, extinguished him [and his House],
and so Kui had none to maintain his sacrifices. Moreover, the ruin of
the three dynasties and the setting aside of [our prince] Gongzi (See
the Zhuan appended to III. xxviii. 1, et al.) were brought about by such
creatures. Why are you going to do such a thing? Those strange Beings
are sufficient to move men [from their principles]; and if virtue and
righteousness are not maintained, calamity is sure to come."
'Shuxiang was afraid, and did not dare to take the
lady, but duke Ping forced him to do so. She bore to him Boshi (Shiwo of
Yang above). At the time of his birth, the mother of Zirong ran to tell
her mother-in-law, saying, "My sister-in-law has a boy." The
mother-in-law was going to see the child, but when she got to the hall,
she heard his voice, and returned, saying, "It is the voice of a wolf. A
wolfish child will have a wild heart. None but he will destroy the clan
of Yangshe." So she would not look at him.']
Par. 5. Here again Gongyang has 甯 for 寧.
[The Zhuan has here another long narrative about
affairs in Jin:——'In autumn, Han Xuanzi of Jin died, and the government
passed into the hands of Wei Xianzi (Mentioned before in the Zhuan on
IX. xxiii. 7). He divided the lands of the Qi and Yangshe families, the
former into 7, and the latter into 3 districts; and made Sima Mimou
great officer of Wu; Jia Xin, of Qi; Sima Wu, of Pingling; Wei Mou, of
Gengyang; Zhi Xuwu, of Tushui; Han Gu, of Mashou; Meng Bing, of Yu; Yue
Xiao, of Tongdi; Zhao Zhao, of Pingyang; Liao An, of Yangshi. He gave
their appointments to Jia Xin and Sima Wu because of their services to
the royal House; and theirs to Zhi Xuwu, Zhao Zhao, Han Gu, and Wei Mou,
because he considered that, though they were the sons of concubines,
they would not fail in their offices and could maintain the inheritance
of their fathers. The [other] four all received their districts, and
then appeared before Weizi, showing that they were appointed because of
their worthiness. He said to Cheng Zhuan, "As I have given Mou (His own
son by a concubine) a district, will men say that I am acting
partially?" "Why should they do so?" was the reply. Mou is of such a
character that, though kept at a distance, he does not forget his ruler,
and, though kept as a near favourite, he will not assume anything over
his associates. In presence of gain he thinks of righteousness; in the
midst of difficulties, he seeks to maintain his purity. He can keep his
heart, and abstain from all licentious conduct. You have given him a
district, but was it not proper to do so? Formerly, when king Wu subdued
Shang, and obtained grand possession of all the land, 15 of his brothers
received States, and 40 other princes of the surname of Ji did the
same;—these were all appointments of kindred. They were made because of
the virtue of their subjects, whether nearly or distantly related. The
ode (Shi, III. i. ode VII. 4) says,
|
'Now this king Wen |
|
Was gifted by God with the power of judgment, |
|
So that the fame of his virtue silently grew. |
|
His virtue was highly intelligent, |
|
Highly intelligent and of rare discrimination; |
|
Capable of leading, capable of ruling,— |
|
To rule over this great nation, |
|
Rendering a cordial submission, able to produce cordial
union.
|
|
When the sway came to king Wen, |
|
His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with. |
|
He received the blessing of God, |
|
And it was extended to his descendants.' |
To have a mind able to determine what is right is
called 'the power of judgment.' When virtue through its correctness is
responded to with harmony, we have its 'silent exertion.' Extending a
bright influence over all quarters is called 'illumination.' Earnest
beneficence without selfish partiality is called 'discrimination.'
Teaching without being weary is called 'leading.' 'The ruler' is he who
makes happy by his rewards and awes by his punishments. 'Submission' is
when there is a universal subjection to gentleness aud harmony. 'Cordial
union' is the effect of the choice of what is good, and following it.
Character of which heaven and earth are the warp and woof is called
'accomplished.' When these nine virtues are found without error, there
is nothing in the conduct to occasion dissatisfaction. Thus it was that
king Wen received his dignity from Heaven, and his descendants were
blessed' through him. In your promotions you have approximated to the
virtue of Wen. Far-extending will be the effect!"
'When Jia Xin was about to proceed to his district,
he appeared before Weizi, who said to him, "Come here, Xin. Formerly,
when Shuxiang went to Zheng, Zong Mie of that State, who was an ugly
man, wished to see him, and followed for that purpose the servants who
were removing the dishes [of the feast]. As he stood below the hall, he
uttered one sentence so excellent, that when Shuxiang, who was about to
drink, heard it, he said, 'That must be Zong Ming;' and with this he
descended the steps, took him by the hand, and ascended with him,
saying, 'Formerly, a great officer of Jia, who was ugly, married a wife
who was beautiful; but for 3 years she neither laughed nor spoke. He
drove with her to [the marsh of] Gao, and there shot at a pheasant and
hit it, upon which she laughed for the first time and spoke, so that the
officer said, 'One's ability should not be unexercised. If I had not
been able to shoot, you would not have laughed nor spoken.' Now Sir,
your features are rather undistinguished, and if you had not spoken, I
should probably have remained unacquainted with you. Your [ability of]
speech must not be unexercised.' In this way they became like old
acquaintances. Now you have done good service to the royal House, and
therefore I have given you your appointment. Go and be reverently
attentive to your duty. Minish not aught in the energy of your
services."
'When Zhongni heard of the appointments made by
Weizi, he considered them to be just, and said, "He has not failed in
his duty to those near him of his own House, nor has he erred in his
promotion of others more remote. His conduct may be pronounced just."
When he heard of his charge to Jia Xin, he considered it to be loyal.
The ode (III. i. ode I. 6) says,
|
'Ever strive to be in accordance with the will [of Heaven], |
|
And you will be seeking for yourselves much happiness.' |
This is loyalty. Weizi's appointments were just,
and his charge was loyal;—was it not likely that his posterity would
continue long in the State of Jin?"
Par. 6. Though the duke was in exile, we see that
Jisun kept up the reciprocities of Lu with foreign States, as if there
had been nothing the matter with itself.
[The Zhuan gives a narrative here, illustrating the
faithfulness of Wei Mou above:——'In winter, a man of Gengyang had a
lawsuit, which Wei Mou was not able to determine, and he referred it [to
the capital]. The principal member of the man's family offered a bribe
of some female musicians, which Weizi was going to receive. Mou said to
Yan Mo and Ru Kuan, "Our lord is noted through the States for not
receiving bribes, but there could be no greater case of such acceptance,
if he receive [what is offered by] this man of Gengyang. You must
remonstrate with him." They agreed to do so; and when [Weizi] retired
from the audience of the marquis, they were waiting in his courtyard.
When his meal was brought in, he called them [to join in it]; and during
its course, they sighed three times. When it was over, he made them sit
down [with him], and said, "I have heard my uncles repeat the common
saying that 'Meat makes a man forget his sorrow;'—what was the reason
that while the food was being served up, you gave [those] three sighs."
They answered both together, saying, "We were drinking with a friend,
and ate nothing [last] evening. When the first course came in, we were
afraid there might not be sufficient, and therefore we sighed. When the
second course came, we condemned ourselves, and thought, 'How could we
be feasted by the general, and not get enough?' This was the reason of
the second sigh. And when the last course was ended, [we thought],
'Would that it were with minds of superior men as it is with the bellies
of small men like us!—that they were satisfied when they had enough!" On
this Weizi refused [the bribe of] the man of
Gengyang.'] XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, he came from
Ganhou, and resided in Yun. The marquis of Qi sent Gao Zhang there to
condole with him.
2. The duke went to Jin, and halted in Ganhou.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Gengzi, Shu Yi
died.
4. It was autumn, the ninth month.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, [the people] of Yun
dispersed.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. In XXVI. 2, it is said that the duke came
from Qi (至自齊) and resided in Yun. Though he had not been to the capital
of Qi, he had had a meeting with the marquis, which was held sufficient
to authorize the record that he came from Qi. But though he had entered
Jin, and been met perhaps on its borders (See the Zhuan on XXVIII. 2) by
officers from its court, he had not had a meeting with the marquis; and
therefore it could only be said here that'he arrived from Ganhou.
The Zhuan says:——'When the duke came from Ganhou,
and [again] resided in Yun, the marquis of Qi sent Gao Zhang to condole
with him, and that officer merely addressed him by the title of "Sir;"
on which Zijiazi said, "The ruler of Qi is humbling you. You are only
being disgraced." The duke then went [back] to Ganhou.' The duke had
left Qi and gone to Jin, hoping that he would receive better treatment,
and substantial help. On the contrary he found himself worse off, and on
his return to Yun, the marquis of Qi only treated him with contempt. The
style of the messenger in calling him 'Sir (主君)' was the mode of
addressing a great officer. The message of condolence was really a
message of mockery.
[There is a narrative here about affairs in
Zhou:——'In the 3d month, on Jimao, Ying earl of Shao, Gu chief of the
House of Yin, and the son of Lu earl of Yuan (See the Zhuan on XVIII. 4)
were put to death in the capital. On the return of Gu of Yin (See on
XXVI. 8), a woman met him in the suburbs of Zhou, and condemned his
conduct, saying, "When in Zhou, he encouraged others to do evil; when he
left it, he numbered the days till his return:——this fellow is not
likely to last beyond 3 years." In summer, in the 5th month, on Gengyin,
the [late] king's son Zhaoju entered Lian, and held it in revolt. Yin
Buning defeated him.']
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Every year Pingzi bought
horses, and provided clothes and shoes for the [duke's] followers, and
sent them to Ganhou. The duke seized those who brought the horses and
sold them, on which the horses were not again sent.
'The marquis of Wey sent him a horse of his own
chariot, which was called Qifu. It fell into a ditch and died, and the
duke was going to have a coffin made for it, but Zijiazi said to him,
"Your followers are in distress. Please give [the value] to them to get
food." On this he had it wrapped up in a curiain, [and buried it].
'The duke gave Gongyan a robe of lamb's fur, and
sent him to present a Longfu [piece of jade] to the marquis of Qi.
Gongyan took the opportunity to present [also] the robe, and the marquis
was pleased, and gave him [the city of] Yanggu.
'The mothers of Gongyan and Gongwei (Both, the
duke's sons. See the Zhuan on XXV. 5) were both withdrawn to the
birth-chamber, when their sons were born. Gongyan was born first, but
Gongwei's mother said, "We retired here together. Let us announce the
births of our children [also] together." Three days after, Gongwei was
born, and his mother gave the announcement of his birth first, so that
the duke considered him the elder of the two. Now, however, the duke was
selfishly glad because of [the gift of] Yanggu; and thinking [also] of
what had happened in Lu, he said, "It was Wuren (Gongwei) who wrought
this misery, and though the lastborn he is considered the elder;—his
falsity is of long standing." Accordingly he degraded him, and appointed
Gongyan to be his eldest son and heir.'
Par. 3. Guliang says here:——'Jisun Yiru, said, "Shu
has died without any illness. This is [another proof of] why we are
without the duke. It is by the will of Heaven, and not from any offence
of mine." His glossarist Fan Ning observes that Shu Yi had wished to
bring the duke back. Of this Zuoshi says nothing, nor of Yi's dying
without any apparent cause.
Par. 4. [The Zhuan appends here a long narrative on
the subject of dragons:——'In autumn, a dragon appeared in the suburbs of
Jiang, on which Wei Xianzi asked Cai Mo [the grand historiographer],
saying, "I have heard that of all the scaly tribes the dragon in the
most knowing, because it cannot be got alive. Is it true to say that it
is thus knowing?" Mo replied, "This is only men's want of knowledge; it
is not that the dragon is really knowing. Anciently they kept dragons,
and hence there were in the kingdom the families of Huanlong,
(Dragon-rearer) and Yulong (Dragon-ruler)." Xianzi said, "I have heard
myself of those two families, but do not know their history;—what is the
meaning of their names?" [The historiographer] replied, "Formerly, there
was Shu'an of Liu, who had a distant descendant called Dongfu, very fond
of dragons, and able to find out their tastes and likings, so as to
supply them with meat and drink. Many dragons came to him, and he,
according to their nature, reared them in the service of the emperor
Shun, who gave him the surname of Dong, and the clanname of Huanlong. He
was [also] invested with [the principality of] Zongchuan, and the family
of Zongyi is of his posterity. Thus in the time of the emperor Shun, and
for generations after, dragons were reared.
'"We come [then] to Kongjia of the Xia dynasty, who
was [so] obedient and acceptable to God, that God gave him teams of
dragons; two from the He and two from the Han,—in pairs, male and
female. Kongjia could not feed them, and no members of the Huanlong
family were to be found. But amid the remains of the family of Taotang
(Yao) was a descendant called Liu Lei, who had learned the art of
rearing dragons from the family of Huanlong. With this he undertook to
serve Kongjia, and was able to feed the dragons. The sovereign esteemed
his service, gave him the clan-name of Yulong. and appointed him to the
place of the descendants of Shiwei (See on IX.xxiv. 1). One of the
female dragons died, and he secretly preserved it as minced meat in
brine, supplying with it the table of the sovereign of Xia, who enjoyed
it, and required him to find others [for the same use]. On this Liu Lei
was afraid, and removed to Luxian. The family of Fan is descended from
him."
'Xianzi said, "What is the reason that there are
none now?" Mo replied, "Every kind of creatures must have its own
officers, who carefully attend to the laws of its nature, morning and
evening thinking of them, and who, if for a single day they fail in
their duties, should be liable to death, lose their offices, and have no
support. When the officers rest in the performance of their appointed
duties, the creatures come to them [abundantly]. If they neglect and
abandon those duties, the creatures cease to appear, and lie
concealed;—their production is restrained and stopped. In this way there
were the officers of the five elementary principles, who were called the
five officers, received their several clan-names and surnames, and were
appointed dukes of the highest rank. They were sacrificed to, [after
death], as Spirits, and received honour and offerings, at the altars of
the land and grain, and at the five [regular] sacrifices. The chief
officer of wood was called Goumang; of fire, Zhurong; of metal, Rushou;
of water, Xuanming; of earth, Houtu. The dragon is a creature of the
water; there is no longer an officer of the water; and therefore it is
not got alive. If this be denied, [consider] what we have in the Yi of
Zhou. In the case of the diagram Qian (䷀), on the line which appears
changed in Gou (䷫), we have, 'The dragon lies hid in the water; it is
not the time for active employment;' on that which is changed in Tongren
(䷌), 'The dragon appears in the fields;' on that which is changed in
Dayou (䷍), 'Flies the dragon in the heavens;' and on that which is
changed in Guai (䷪),'The dragon goes too far. There will be reason for
repentance;" and where all its lines would be as in Kun (䷁), 'There
appear all the dragons without a Head. It is fortunate.' Then in the
case of Kun, on that line which is changed in Pou (䷖), we have, 'The
dragons fight in the wilderness.' If the dragon had not constantly
—morning and evening—appeared, who could have thus described it?" Xianzi
asked, "What were the families of the five officers, sacrificed to at
the altars of the land and grain, and of the five Spirits of the
elementary substances?" Mo again replied, "In the time of Shaohao, there
were four men, called Chong, Gai, Xiu, and Xi, able to regulate [the
kingdoms of'] metal, wood, and water. Chong was made Goumang; Gai,
Rushou; and Xiu and Xi, Xuanming. For ages those families did not fail
in their duties, but completed the merit of Qiongsang (Shaohao). These
shared in three of the sacrifices. Zhuanxu had a son called Li. who
became the Zhurong. Gonggong had a son called Goulong, who became the
Houtu. These shared in two of the sacrifices. Houtu was sacrificed to at
the altar of the land; at that of the Spirit of the grain, the director
of Agriculture. A son of Lieshan was called Zhu, and he shared in this
sacrifice. During the Xia dynasty and previously they sacrificed to him.
Qi, the 'ancestor of Zhou, was also director of Agriculture. From the
Shang dynasty downwards, they have sacrificed to him."
Par. 5. This event put the climax to the duke's
misery and destitution. Henceforth he had no foothold in Lu. ?,—see on
VI. iii. 1. The people, no doubt, found the residence of the duke and
his followers in the city to be both troublesome and burdensome. They
dispersed, therefore, and left his followers the sole occupants of it.
The duke himself was at this time in Ganhou.
[We have here another narrative about affairs in
Jin!—'In winter, Zhao Yang and Xun Yin of Jin led a force, and walled
Rubin, after which they laid upon the [districts of the] State a
contribution of a gu (=480 catties) of iron, in order to cast penal
tripods, on which they inscribed the penal laws prepared by Fan Xuanzi.'
'Zhongni said, "Jin is going to ruin! It has lost
its [proper] rules [of administration]. Jin ought to keep the laws and
rules which Tangshu received for the regulation of his people. If the
ministers and great officers would keep them in their several positions,
the people would be able to honour their higher classes, and those
higher classes would be able to preserve their inheritances. There would
be nothing wrong with the noble or the mean. We should have what might
be called the [proper] rules. For this purpose duke Wen made his
officers of different degrees, and formed the laws of Beilu (See on V.
xxvii. 5), thus becoming lord of covenants. When those rules are now
abandoned, and tripods with the penal laws on them are formed instead,
the people will study the tripods, and not care to honour their men of
rank. But when there is no distinction of noble and mean, how can a
State continue to exist? Moreover, the penal laws of Xuanzi are those
adopted at the review in Yi (See the Zhuan at the beginning of VI.
vi.),—the enactments which led to the disorder of Jin; how can they be
made its laws?" The historiographer Cai Mo said, "The families of Fan
and Zhonghang are in danger of perishing. Zhonghang Yin (I. q. Xun Yin)
is an inferior minister, and yet he intrudes into the duties of a higher
rank, presuming to make these articles with the penal statutes, to form
the laws of the State. This is giving an example of lawlessness; and
moreover he involves the Fan family, and will ruin it by the change he
is making. Wherein the Zhao family is concerned, Zhaomeng indeed has
been a party to this, but he could not help it. If he cultivate his
virtue, he may escape [the fate of Yin]."
Compare with the remarks attributed here to
Confucius the narrative appended to VI. 2.] XXX. Thirtieth year.
1. In his thirtieth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, the duke was in Ganhou.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, Quji, marquis of
Jin, died.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was the
burial of duke Qing of Jin.
4. In winter, in the twelfth month, Wu extinguished
Xu, and Zhangyu, viscount of Xu, fled to Chu.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1 The duke had gone, the previous spring, to
Ganhou, and, we may suppose, had remained there. It was of no use for
him to think now of returning to Yun, as that city had been abandoned by
the inhabitants. The 在 in the text, instead of the 居 in XXVII. 1 et al.,
is accounted for by the fact that Yun was in Lu, a city belonging to the
duke, in which circumstances obliged him for a time to take up his
residence, whereas he could only be described as 'being in Ganhou,'
which belonged to another State. But is there anything more, any
judgment of Confucius, indicated by the record, 公在乾侯, repeated as it is
at the commencement of the two next years? Dukes of Lu had more than
once, on previous occasions during the period of the Chunqiu, been
absent from their capitals at the beginning of the year, but once only
does the text record the fact, in the 公在楚 of IX. xxix.1. See the notes
there. The critics are divided on the question. Du Yu (Trying to explain
Zuo's language here, which the Kangxi editors do not give, and which I
have tried in vain to understand) finds in the language the expression
of condemnation,—indicating that the duke was an exile, through his own
misconduct, and obstinacy in rejecting the counsels of Zijia; and this
view is strongly advocated by Mao Xihe. Liu Chang and others see in the
language the expression of the sage's sympathy with the duke. Lu had
cast him out, but the sage would thus keep Lu in mind of him (所以存公), and
show his own opinion that the duke was still the only ruler of the
State. It is sufficient for the student to be content with the fact as
it is recorded.
Parr. 2, 3. The funeral of the marquis took place
earlier than it should have done, according to the rule prescribed for
such a ceremony. That the duke, though in Jin, took no action on the
occasion, shows that his residence in that State was barely permitted.
The Zhuan says:——'You Ji of Zheng went to Jin to
offer the condolences of his State, and to accompany the funeral. Wei
Xianzi sent Shi Jingbo to question him, saying, "On the death of duke
Dao, Zixi came with condolences, and Zijiao attended the funeral (See
the 1st narrative of the Zhuan after IX. xv.7); what is the reason that
you, Sir, have no second commissioner with you?" Ji replied, "The reason
why the States acknowledge the supremacy of the ruler of Jin lies in the
rules of proprity, by which are [here] to be understood the service of a
great State by a small one, and the cherishing of the small State by the
great one. The service appears in obedience to the commands which are
given from time to time; the cherishing, in the great State's compassion
for the other's wants or inabilities. In consequence of the situation of
our poor State between great States, we perform our duties and render
our contributions. If we have unhappily not been able [at any time] to
present our contribution against unforeseen evils, it was not because we
presumed to forget your commands.
'The rule of the ancient kings was, that, on the
death of the prince of a State, a simple officer should be sent from
other States to express their condolences, and a great officer to attend
the funeral. Only on occasions of marriage, friendly alliances,
complimentary missions, and offerings, was a minister to be sent. On
occasions of death among the rulers of Jin, when there was leisure in
our poor State, our former rulers have at times assisted, and held the
traces of the bier. If there was no leisure [from existing affairs],
even an officer and great officer have not been sent as the letter of
the rule required. Your great State approved, in its kindness, where our
observances exceeded, and did not condemn where they were deficient,
entering intelligently into the circumstances of our condition, and
accepting what we were able to do, as a compliance with propriety. On
the death of king Ling (In the 29th year of duke Xiang), our ruler was
in Chu, and our great officer Yin Duan went to the capital. He was but a
junior minister of our State, but the king's officers threatened no
punishment;—they pitied our not having the means to do otherwise. Now,
Sir great officer, you ask why we have not followed the old fashion. The
old fashion went sometimes beyond the rule,. and sometimes fell short of
it. I do not know which old fashion we ought to have followed. If you
say that which went beyond the rule, our ruler is too young to have
observed it. If you say that which fell short of the rule, then I am
here. Do you consider the matter."
'The people of Jin could not question him any
further.'
Par. 4. Gongyang has 禹 for 羽. The Zhuan says:——'The
viscount of Wu required the people of Xu to seize Yanyu, and the people
of Zhongwu to seize Zhuyong (See the Zhuan on XXVII. 1), on which those
two Gongzis fled to Chu. The viscount of that State made them a large
grant of land, and determined where they should remove to, making Daxin,
the inspector of [the king's] horses, meet them and conduct them to Yang
as their residence. Ran the you-director, and Xu commandant of Shen, the
marshal of the Left, walled that city, and annexed to it part of the
lands of Chengfu and Hu./ This was done with the intention of injuring
Wu; but Zixi remonstrated, saying, "Guang of Wu has lately got that
State, and is showing affection to his people. He regards them as his
sons, and shares in all their sufferings;—it must be with the intention
of using them. If we were to cultivate good relations with the borders
of Wu, and make them submit to our gentleness, we should have reason to
fear that State's attacking us; but we go and give territory to its
enemies, and thereby increase its anger;—this surely is improper. Wu is
connected by a long descent with the House of Zhou; but lying apart
along the sea, it has not had intercourse with the other Ji States. Now,
however, it has begun to be great, and may be compared with one of the
States of the kingdom. Guang also is very accomplished, and will wish to
pursue a similar course to the former kings. We do not know whether
Heaven will make him the object of its wrath, causing him to clip and
ruin the State of Wu, and aggrandize with it some other surname, or
whether it will in the end make him the instrument of blessing Wu. The
result will not be distant; why should we not meanwhile allow our
Spirits to be quiet, and our people to rest in peace, till we see how
the scale turns? Why should we ourselves commence a toilsome struggle?"
The king would not listen to this advice; and the viscount of Wu,
enraged [with the course of Chu], in the 12th month seized the viscount
of Zhongwu, and then went on to invade Xu. He raised embankments on the
hills so as to lay the capital under water, and on Jimao he extinguished
the State. Zhangyu, the viscount of Xu, cut off his hair, and went
forth, with his wife, to meet his enemy, who condoled with him and sent
him away, making his most intimate officers follow him; on which he fled
to Chu. Xu, commandant of Shen, was leading a force to relieve Xu, but
he did not arrive in time; so he walled Yi and assigned it to the
viscount of Xu for a residence. The viscount of Wu asked Wu Yun, saying,
"When you spoke formerly of invading Chu, I knew the advisableness of
such a measure (See XX. the 2d narr. at the beginning). But I was afraid
the king would send myself, and I disliked another man's receiving the
merit of my exploits. Now it will be my own;—what do you say to
attacking Chu?" Yun replied, "The govt. of Chu is in the hands of many,
who are at variance among themselves, and not one of them could bear the
burden of calamity. If we form three armies to harass it, when one of
them approaches, all the forces of Chu will turn out. Let it then
retire; and when they retire let us advance again. Chu will thus be
weary with marching; and when we have thus repeatedly harassed and worn
it out, leading it wrong also in many ways, if we follow up our plan
with all our three armies, we are sure to make a great conquest." Helu
followed this counsel, and Chu thus began to be
distressed.' XXXI. Thirty-first year.
1. In his thirty-first year, in spring, in the king's
first month, the duke was in Ganhou.
2. Jisun Yiru, had a meeting with Xun Li of Jin in
Dili.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Dingsi, Gu,
earl of Xue, died.
4. The marquis of Jin sent Xun Li to condole with the
duke in Ganhou.
5. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Xian of
Xue.
6. In winter Heigong came a fugitive to Lu with [the
city of] Lan.
7. In the twelfth month, on Xinhai, the first day of
the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. See on the 1st par. of last year. Zuoshi
observes here that the record 'indicates the duke's incompetency both in
Lu and abroad.' His own subjects would not have him in Lu, and neither
Qi nor Jin would afford him effectual succour.
Par. 2. We have here and in par. 4 an account of
negotiations which might have ended in the restoration of the duke to
Lu, but for the obstinacy of him and his followers. Duke Qing of Jin had
been succeeded by his son Wu (午),—duke Ding,—who was anxious to
signalize his accession by such an exercise of his influence. Gongyang,
here and afterwards, has 櫟 for 歷. Dili was a city of Jin. The Zhuan
says:——'The marquis of Jin proposed sending an army to restore the duke,
but Fan Xianzi said to him, "If you summon Jisun and he do not come, it
will be evident that he is a traitor to his ruler. What do you say to
attacking him after [he has refused to come]?" [Accordingly], the people
of Jin summoned Jisun to their State, and Xianzi privately sent word to
him to be sure to come, saying that he would undertake that he should
not suffer anything. When they met as described in the text, Xun Li
said, "My ruler has charged me to say to you, 'Why have you expelled
your ruler? Zhou has a regular punishment for him who has a ruler and
does not serve him.' Do you consider the case." Jisun, who had on a cap
of white silk, wore clothes of sackcloth, and was barefoot, prostrated
himself, and replied, "I have not found it in my power to serve my
ruler, and I will not presume to flee from the punishment which he may
order. If he considers that I am chargeable with guilt, let me be
confined in Bi to await the result of his investigation; and then let it
be with me as he shall determine. If out of regard to my fathers, he do
not entirely cut off the family of Ji, but appoint [only] me to die, or
if he do not put me to death, or send me into exile, it will be his
kindness, which till death even I will not forget. But if I am allowed
to follow him, and return to Lu, this is what I desire. Should I dare to
have any other thought?"
Par. 3. Zuoshi observes here that we have this
record, because the earl of Xue and the duke had covenanted together;
and to illustrate his meaning, Du says that this is the first time that
the name of an earl of Xue has appeared in the text, and Zuoshi thought
it necessary to assign the reason for it. Other canons, however, account
for the occurrence of the name here differently.
Par. 4. This is the sequel of par. 2. The
Zhuan.says:——'In summer, in the 4th month, Jisun followed Zhi Bo (Xun
Li) to Ganhou, when Zijiazi said [to the duke], "Let your lordship
return with him. If you cannot bear the shame of [a day], how can you
bear that of your whole life?" The duke assented, but all [the rest of
his followers] said, "It all lies in a single word. You must [get Jin
to] expel him."
'Xun Li expressed to the duke the condolences of the
marquis of Jin, and said, "My ruler charged me, in accordance with your
lordship's orders, to reprove Yiru. He does not presume to flee from [a
sentence of] death. You can [now] enter Lu." The duke said, "Through the
kindness of your ruler, having regard to the friendship between our
predecessors, and extended to me a fugitive, I will return, and cleanse
and set in order my ancestral temple to do service to him, but I cannot
see that man. I swear by the He that I will not see him." Xun Li covered
his ears, and ran away, saying, "My ruler feared that this would be his
offence. He dare not take any further knowledge of the troubles of Lu. I
will report to him what has occurred." He then retired, and said to
Jisun, "Your ruler's anger is not yet abated. Do you return for the
present, and offer the sacrifices." Zijiazi urged the duke to enter
among the troops of Lu with a single chariot, assuring him that Jisun
would in that case return to Lu with him; and he wished to do so, but
all the [other] followers put such a constraint upon him that he could
not return.'
Guliang gives a different account of this affair.
Acc. to Zuoshi's account, there is a difficulty with the 唁. If the way
was now open for the duke's return to Lu, there was occasion for
congratulation rather than condolence. Acc. to Guliang, Xun Li was sent
to condole with the duke that he could not enter Lu, and to say, 'I have
spoken about it in your behalf, but Yiru refused.' The Kangxi editors
seem to admit both accounts, or to think at least that Guliang gives the
truth, which is veiled under the speeches in Zuoshi.
Par. 5. [The Zhuan here continues the narrative at
the end of last year:——'In autumn, a body of men from Wu made a stealthy
inroad into Chu, attacked Yi, and overran the country about Qian and
Liu. Xu, commandant of Shen, led a force to relieve Qian, on which the
troops of Wu retired. Those of Chu did the same, after removing the
people of Qian to Nangang.
'A force from Wu [then] laid siege to Xian; and Xu
and Qi, marshals of the Left and the Right, led troops to relieve it;
and when they had got to Yuzhang, the Wuites retired. In this way Wu
began to use the plan of Zixu (Wu Yun).']
Par. 6. Gongyang has 弓 for 肱. There should be a 邾
before 黑, but it was inadvertently omitted by the historiographers, or,
which is more likely, has dropped out of the text. Lan was a city of
Zhu,—in the southeast of the pres. dis. of Teng (滕), dep. Yanzhou.
The Zhuan says:——'The fugitive was of low rank, but
his name is given, importance being attached to the [fact of his
surrendering] territory (See on V. 4). The superior man will say, "The
care which is to be exercised in the case of the name appears here.
[Heigong] had this territory, and so he has his name [recorded], though
it would have been better for him that it had not been so. Revolting
with the territory, although he was of low rank, it was necessary to
mention the territory, and thence to name the man, so that in the end
his doing what was not righteous could not be obliterated; therefore the
superior man is anxious that his movements should be in accordance with
propriety, and his conduct with righteousness. He does not take a
crooked course for gain, nor does he think the doing of righteousness a
distress. Some seek to have their name [famous], and cannot get it; some
wish to have their name concealed, and it is displayed [instead];—it is
a warning against unrighteousness. Qi Bao was Wey's minister of Crime, a
great officer by inheritance, but he did what was unrighteous, and is
recorded as'a ruffian' (See XX. 3). Shuqi of Zhu (IX. xxi. 2), Mouyi of
Ju (V.4), and Heigong of Zhu, left their States, carrying their lands
with them. Their object was simply to seek for their support, not to
have their names famous; but though their rank was low, it was necessary
to give their names. These two cases serve as a warning against an
unbridled temper, and a stigma upon covetousness. As to those who in
their own persons attempt difficult enterprises to imperil great men, if
their names were distinguished, men who are fond of hazardous
undertakings would hurry to follow them. As to those who filch cities
and revolt from their rulers, thinking they may, perchance, get great
gain, if they were left unnamed, covetous and audacious men would more
strongly attempt the same thing. Thence it is that the Chunqiu mentions
Qi Bao simply as 'a ruffian,' and gives the names of those three
revolters, as a warning to unrighteousness;—the excellent design of its
style is [thus] to point out wickedness and the want of propriety. Hence
it is said, 'The style of the Chunqiu, in speaking of men, is quiet but
perspicuous, gentle but discriminating.' Men of high rank can make
themselves illustrious; good men are encouraged, and bad men are made
afraid. Therefore the superior man highly esteems it."
Par. 7. This eclipse occurred in the forenoon of
Nov. 7th, B.C. 510.
The Zhuan says:——'The night [before this eclipse],
Zhao Jianzi dreamt that there was a boy naked, and singing in a
prolonged tone of voice. In the morning, he asked the historiographer Mo
to divine about it, saying, "I had this dream, and now the sun is
eclipsed; what can the meaning be?" Mo replied, "Six years from this, in
this month, Wu will enter Ying. But in the end it will not be
successful. The day of its entering Ying will be Gengchen. The sun and
moon are in Wei of [Da] chen (See on XVII. 5), but Gengwu was that in
which the change in the sun's appearance appeared. Fire overcomes metal;
therefore Wu will not succeed." XXXII. Thirty-second year.
1. In his thirty-second year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke was in Ganhou. He took Kan.
2. In summer, Wu invaded Yue.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, Zhongsun Heji joined Han Buxin of Jin,
Gao Zhang of Qi, Zhong Ji of Song, Shishu Shen of Wey, Guo Can of Zheng,
and officers of Cao, Ju, Xue, Qi, and Little Zhu, in walling Chengzhou.
5. In the twelfth month, on Jiwei, the duke died in
Ganhou.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Kan,—see II. xi. 9. Zuo repeats on this par.
his remark on the first of last year, with the addition that it shows
also how the duke could not use his friends,—referring to his repeated
neglect of the counsels of Zijia. He says nothing of the duke's capture
of Kan. Gongyang erroneously says it was a city of Zhu, but this is
inconsistent with what we read of it in the Zhuan on XI. i. 4. The
questions of how and why the duke took it must be left unanswered.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'This was the first
instance of a [regular] expedition on the part of Wu against Yue. The
historiographer Mo said, "In less than 40 years Yue is likely to have
possession of Wu! The year-star is now in Yue's quarter of the heavens,
and Wu, invading that State, is sure to experience an evil influence
from it."
Par. 4, Guliang has 太叔 for 世叔, and after 莒 人 he has
邾人, where Gongyang also has 邾婁人.
The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 8th month, the
king sent Fu Xin and Shi Zhang to Jin, to ask that Chengzhou might be
walled. The son of Heaven said "Heaven sent down calamity on Zhou, and
made my brothers all have a feeling of insubordination, to the grief of
you my uncle. You princes of my own surname, and those of other
surnames, have not dwelt in quiet, [because of my troubles], now for ten
years, and for five you have had the labour of guarding my territory.
There is not a day in which, I, the one man, forget your service. My
grief is like that of the husbandman, who is looking for a good year
[after one of scarcity], and trembling waits for the [coming] season. If
you, my uncle, will extend your great kindness, and repeat the service
of [your ancestors], the two Wen, by removing the sorrow of the House of
Zhou, thereby getting the blessing of Wen and Wu, to establish your
position as lord of covenants, and publish abroad your good name, then
I, the one man, will have got what I greatly wish. Formerly king Cheng
assembled the princes, and fortified Chengzhou, that it might be the
eastern capital [of the kingdom];—thus honouring the virtue of [king]
Wen. Now I wish, by the blessing and powerful influence of king Cheng,
to repair the walls of Chengzhou, that my guards may be relieved of
their toil, that the States may be able to rest, that the evils which
prey on us like insects may be removed far away;—and this is to be done
by the strength of Jin. I lay it upon you, my uncle, that you may take
it into serious consideration, and thus I, the one man, will not excite
[any longer] the dissatisfaction of the people, and you will have the
glory of the beneficence, which [the Spirits of] my predecessors will
reckon to be your merit.
'Fan Xianzi said to Wei Xianzi, "It is better to
wall the city than to keep on guarding Zhou,—as the son of Heaven has
said. If there be any future troubles, Jin need not take any knowledge
of them. By following the king's orders, we shall give relief to the
States, and Jin will be freed from a cause of anxiety;—if we do not
earnestly address ourselves to this, in what other thing should we
engage?" Wei Xianzi approved, and sent Boyin to reply, "We dare not but
receive with reverence the orders of the son of Heaven, and will at once
send instructions to the various States. How early or how late and in
what order [the work is to be done], shall be as you prescribe."
'In winter, in the 11th month, Wei Shu and Han Buxin
went to the capital, and assembled the great officers of the [various]
States in Diquan, where they renewed the [existing] covenant, and gave
orders for the walling of Chengzhou. [On this occasion] Weizi took a
position with his face to the south (As if he had been a ruler giving
audience), which made Biao Xi of Wey say, "Weizi is sure to meet with
[some] great calamity. To arrogate such a place, and there give orders
for our great undertaking, does not belong to his office. The ode (Shi,
III. ii. ode X. 8) says:—
|
'Revere the anger of Heaven, |
|
And presume not to be mocking and self-complacent. |
|
Revere the changing moods of Heaven, |
|
And presume not to be gadding about;' |
how much less should one arrogate a place [that is
not his], to carry out a great undertaking.'"
'On Jichou, Shi Mimou surveyed Chengzhou, and
calculated the height and thickness of the wall [that had to be built],
measured the depth of the moats and ditches, determined the situation of
the ground, estimated the distance of the parts [from one another],
reckoned the time for the work and the number of the workmen, made
provision for the materials, and wrote down the amount of provisions, in
order to assign their services to the different States, with the
quantity of work to be done by their men. He gave his specifications to
the officers [of the different States], and submitted the whole to the
viscount of Liu. Han Jianzi undertook the superintendence of the work;
and thus the [king's] command was executed.'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 12th month, the
duke was ill, and gave gifts to his great officers all round, which they
would not receive. Zijiazi, however, received what were presented to
him,—a piece of jade with two tigers cut upon it, a ring, and a bi; on
which all the others accepted their gifts. On Jiwei, the duke died, and
Zijiazi returned the gifts to the treasurer, saying, "[I took them
because] I did not dare to oppose the ruler's order." All the others did
the same. The style of the text, that "the duke died in Ganhou," shows
how he was not in the proper place for such an event.
'Zhao Jianzi asked the historiographer Mo, saying,
"Jishi expelled his ruler, and the people submitted to him, and the
States assented to his act. His ruler has died out of Lu, and no one
incriminates him." Mo replied, "Things are produced in twos, in threes
in fives,—in pairs. Hence in the heavens there are the three Chen; in
earth there are the five elementary substances; the body has the left
[side] and the right, and every one has his mate or double. Kings have
their dukes, and princes have their ministers who are their doubles.
Heaven produced the Ji family to be the double of the marquis of Lu, as
has been the case for long. Is it not right that the people should
submit in this case? The rulers of Lu have, one after another, lost
their power, and the Heads of the Ji family have, one after another,
diligently improved their position. The people have forgotten their
ruler, and, though he has [now] died abroad, who pities him? The [same]
altars are not always maintained in a State; rulers and ministers do not
always retain their [different] positions; from of old it has been so.
Hence the ode (II. iv. ode IX. 3) says,
|
'High banks become valleys, |
|
Deep valleys become heights.' |
The surnames of the sovereigns of the three
[previous dynasties] are now borne by men among the people,—as you know.
Among the diagrams of the Yi there is Dazhuang (大壯) (䷡), where we have
the [trigram of] thunder mounted upon that of heaven;—thus showing the
way of Heaven. Cheng Jiyou was the youngest son of duke Huan, the
beloved son of Wen Jiang. When she first felt that she was pregnant, she
consulted the tortoise-shell, and the diviner told her that she would
have a son of admirable character and famous, that his name would be
You, and that he would be a help to the ducal House (Comp. the narrative
appended to IV. ii. 5). When the child was born, as the diviner had
said, there was the character You (友) on his hand, by which he was
named. Afterwards, he did great and good service to Lu, received Bi, and
was made minister of the highest rank. His descendants Wenzi and Wuzi
suceessively increased their patrimony, and did nothing contrary to the
old services of their family. On the death of duke Wen of Lu, when
Dongmen (the Gongzi Sui of VI. xviii. 5, et al.; called also Xiangzhong]
killed his proper heir, and raised the son of a concubine to the
marquisate, the rulers of Lu from that time lost their power, and the
government was in the hands of the Ji family. The deceased was the
fourth of them. When the people have ceased to know the ruler as such,
how should he possess the State? Hence it appears that rulers of States
should be careful of the insignia and names of rank, and should not let
them be in the hands of others."
The last eight years of duke Zhao's life were thus
spent by him as a fugitive from Lu in Qi and Jin. He was evidently a man
of little character or capacity; and the wonder is that Jisun Yiru did
not take the title of marquis of Lu to himself.
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