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10. 昭 公

元 年

1. 元 年,春,王 正 月,公 即 位。

2. 叔 孫 豹 會 晉 趙 武,楚 公 子 圍,齊 國 弱,宋 向 戌,衛 齊 惡,陳 公 子 招,蔡 公 孫 歸 生,鄭 罕 虎,許 人,曹 人,於 虢。

3. 三 月 取 鄆。

4. 夏,秦 伯 之 弟 鍼 出 奔 晉。

5. 六 月 丁 巳,邾 子 華 卒。

6. 晉 荀 吳 帥 師 敗 狄 于 大 鹵。

7. 秋,莒 去 疾 自 齊 入 于 莒。

8. 莒 展 輿 出 奔 吳。

9. 叔 弓 帥 師 疆 鄆 田。

10. 葬 邾 悼 公。

11. 冬,十 有 一 月,己 酉,楚 子 麇 卒。

12. 楚 公 子 比 出 奔 晉。

左 傳 曰,元 年,春,楚 公 子 圍 聘 於 鄭,且 娶 於公 孫 段 氏,伍 舉 為 介,將 入 館,鄭 人 惡 之,使 行 人 子 羽 與 之 言,乃 館 於 外。既 聘,將 以 衆 逆,子 產 患 之,使 子 羽 辭 曰,以 敝 邑 褊 小,不 足 以 容 從 者,請 墠 聽 命。令 尹 命 大 宰 伯 州 犂 對 曰,君 辱 貺 寡 大 夫 圍,謂 圍,將 使 豐 氏 撫 有 而 室,圍 布 几 筵,告 於 莊 共 之 廟 而 來,若 野 賜之,是 委 君 貺 於 草 莽 也,是 寡 大 夫 不 得 列 於 諸 卿 也,不 寕 唯 是,又 使 圍 蒙 其 先 君,將 不 得 為 寡 君 老,其 蔑 以 復 矣,唯 大 夫 圖 之。子 羽 曰,小國 無 罪,恃 實 其 罪,將 恃 大 國 之 安 靖 己,而 無 乃 包 藏 禍 心 以 圖 之,小 國 失 恃,而 懲 諸 侯,使 莫 不 憾 者,距 違 君 命,而 有 所 壅 塞 不 行 是 懼,不 然,敝 邑,館 人 之 屬 也,其 敢 愛 豐 氏 之 祧,伍 舉 知 其 有 備 也,請 垂 櫜 而 入,許 之。正 月 乙 未,入 逆 而 出,遂 會 于 虢,尋 宋 之 盟 也。祁 午 謂 趙 文 子 曰,宋 之 盟,楚 人 得 志 於 晉,今 令 尹 之 不 信,諸 侯 之 所 聞 也,子 弗 戒,懼 又 如 宋,子 木 之 信,稱 於 諸 侯,猶 詐 晉 而 駕 焉,況 不 信 之 尤 者 乎,楚 重 得 志 於 晉,晉 之 恥 也,子 相 晉 國,以 為 盟 主,於 今 七 年矣,再 合 諸 侯,三 合 大 夫,服 齊 狄,寕 東 夏,平 秦 亂,城 淳 于,師 徒 不 頓,國 家 不 罷,民 無 謗 讟,諸 侯 無 怨,天 無 大 災,子 之 力 也,有 令 名 矣,而 終 之 以 恥 午 也 是 懼,吾 子 其 不 可 以 不 戒。文 子 曰,武 受 賜 矣,然 宋 之 盟,子 木 有 禍 人 之 心,武 有 仁 人 之 心,是 楚 所 以 駕 於 晉 也,今 武 猶 是 心 也,楚 又 行 僭,非 所 害 也,武 將 信 以 為 本,循 而 行 之,譬 如 農 夫,是 穮 是 蓘,雖 有 饑 饉,必 有 豐 年,且 吾 聞 之,能 信 不 為 人 下,吾 未 能 也,詩 曰,不 僭 不 賊,鮮 不 為 則,信 也,能 為 人 則 者,不 為 人 下 矣,吾 不 能 是 難,楚 不 為 患。楚 令 尹 圍 請 用 牲,讀 舊 書,加 於 牲 上 而 已,晉 人 許 之。三 月,甲 辰,盟。楚 公 子 圍 設 服 離 衛,叔 孫 穆 子曰,楚 公 子 美 矣,君 哉。鄭 子 皮 曰,二 執 戈 者 前 矣。蔡 子 家 曰,蒲 宮 有 前,不 亦 可 乎。楚 伯 州 犂 曰,此 行 也,辭 而 假 之 寡 君。鄭 行 人 揮 曰,假 不 反 矣。伯 州 犂 曰,子 姑 憂 子 皙 之 欲 背 誕 也。子 羽 曰,當 璧 猶 在,假 而 不 反,子 其 無 憂 乎,齊 國 子 曰,吾 代 二 子 愍 矣,陳 公 子 招 曰,不 憂 何 成,二 子 樂 矣,衛 齊 子 曰,苟 或 知 之,雖 憂 何 害。宋 合 左 師 曰,大 國 令 小 國 共,吾 知 共 而 已。晉 樂 王 鮒 曰,小 旻 之 卒 章 善 矣,吾 從 之。退 會,子 羽 謂 子 皮 曰,叔 孫 絞 而 婉,宋 左 師 簡 而 禮,樂 王 鮒 字 而 敬,子 與 子 家 持 之,皆 保 世 之 主 也,齊,衛,陳 大 夫,其 不 免 乎,國 子 代 人 憂,子 招 樂 憂,齊 子 雖 憂 弗 害,夫 弗 及 而 憂,與 可 憂 而 樂,與 憂 而 弗 害,皆 取 憂 之 道 也,憂 必 及 之,大 誓 曰,民 之 所 欲,天 必 從 之,三 大 夫 兆 憂,能 無 至 乎,言 以 知 物,其 是 之 謂 矣。

季 武 子 伐 莒,取 鄆。莒 人 告 於 會,楚 告 於 晉 曰,尋 盟 未 退,而 魯 伐 莒,瀆 齊 盟,請 戮 其 使。樂 桓 子 相 趙 文 子,欲 求 貨 於 叔 孫,而 為 之 請,使 請 帶 焉,弗 與,梁 其 踁 曰,貨 以 藩 身,子 何 愛 焉。叔 孫 曰,諸 侯 之 會,衛 社 稷 也,我 以 貨 免,魯 必 受 師,是 禍 之 也,何 衛 之 為,人 之 有 牆,以 蔽 惡 也,牆 之 隙 壞,誰 之 咎 也,衛 而 惡 之,吾 又 甚 焉,雖 怨 季 孫,魯 國 何 罪,叔 出 季 處,有 自 來 矣,吾 又 誰 怨,然 鮒 也 賄,弗 與 不 已。召 使 者 裂 裳 帛 而 與 之,曰,帶 其 褊 矣。趙 孟 聞 之 曰,臨 患 不 忘 國,忠 也,思 難 不 越 官,信 也,圖 國 忘 死,貞 也,謀 主 三 者,義 也,有 是 四 者,又 可 戮 乎。乃 請 諸 楚 曰,魯 雖 有 罪,其 執 事 不 辟 難,畏 威 而 敬 命 矣,子 若 免 之,以 勸 左 右,可 也,若 子 之 羣 吏,處 不 辟 污,出 不 逃 難,其 何 患 之 有,患 之 所 生,污 而 不 治,難 而 不 守,所 由 來 也,能 是 二 者,又 何 患 焉,不 靖 其 能,其 誰 從 之,魯 叔 孫 豹 可 謂 能 矣,請 免 之 以 靖 能 者,子 會 而 赦 有 罪,又 賞 其 賢,諸 侯 其 誰 不 欣 焉 望 楚 而 歸 之,視 遠 如 邇,疆 場 之 邑,一 彼 一 此,何 常 之 有,王 伯 之 令 也,引 其 封 疆,而 樹 之 官,舉 之 表 旗,而 著 之 制 令,過 則 有 刑,猶 不 可 壹,於 是 乎 虞 有 三 苗,夏 有 觀,扈,商 有 姺,邳,周 有 徐,奄,自 無 令 王,諸 侯 逐 進,狎 主 齊 盟,其 又 可 壹 乎,恤 大 舍 小,足 以 為 盟 主,又 焉 用 之,封 疆 之 削,何 國 蔑 有,主 齊 盟 者,誰 能 辯 焉,吳 濮 有 釁,楚 之 執 事,豈 其 顧 盟,莒 之 疆 事,楚 勿 與 知,諸 侯 無 煩,不 亦 可 乎,莒,魯,爭 鄆,為 日 久 矣,苟 無 大 害 於 其 社 稷,可 無 亢 也,去 煩 宥 善,莫 不 競 勸,子 其 圖 之。固 請 諸 楚,楚 人 許 之,乃 免 叔 孫,令 尹 享 趙 孟,賦 大 明 之 首 章,趙 孟 賦 小 宛 之 二 章,事 畢,趙 孟 謂 叔 向 曰,令 尹 自 以 為 王 矣,何 如。對 曰,王 弱,令 尹 疆,其 可 哉,雖 可 不 終,趙 孟 曰,何 故。對 曰,彊 以 克 弱 而 安 之,彊 不 義 也,不 義 而 彊,其 斃 必 速,詩 曰,赫 赫 宗 周,褒 姒 滅 之,彊 不 義 也,令 尹 為 王,必 求 諸 侯,晉 少 懦矣,諸 侯 將 往,若 獲 諸 侯,其 虐 滋 甚,民 弗 堪 也,將 何 以 終,夫 以 彊 取,不 義 而 克,必 以 為 道,道 以 淫 虐,弗 可 久 已 矣。

夏,四 月,趙 孟,叔 孫 豹,曹 大 夫,入 於 鄭,鄭 伯 兼 享 之。子 皮 戒 趙 孟,禮 終,趙 孟 賦 瓠 葉。子 皮 遂 戒 穆 叔,且 告 之。穆 叔 曰,趙 孟 欲 一 獻,子 其 從 之。子 皮 曰,敢 乎。穆 叔 曰,夫 人 之 所 欲 也,又 何 不 敢。及 享,具 五 獻 之 籩 豆 於 幕 下,趙 孟 辭,私 於 子 產 曰,武 請 於 冢 宰 矣。乃 用 一 獻。趙 孟 為 客。禮 終 乃 宴,穆 叔 賦 鵲 巢,趙 孟 曰,武 不 堪 也。又 賦 采 蘩,曰 小 國 為 蘩,大 國 省 穡 而 用 之,其 何 實 非 命。子 皮 賦 野 有 死 麕 之 卒 章,趙 孟 賦 常 棣,且 曰 吾 兄 弟 比 以 安,尨 也 可 使 無 吠 穆 叔,子 皮,及 曹 大 夫,興,拜,舉 兕 爵 曰,小 國 賴 子,知 免 於 戾 矣。飲 酒 樂,趙 孟 出 曰,吾 不 復 此 矣。

天 王 使 劉 定 公 勞 趙 孟 於 潁,館 於 雒 汭,劉 子 曰,美 哉 禹 功,明 德 遠 矣。微 禹,吾 其 魚 乎,吾 與 子 弁 冕 端 委,以 冶 民 臨 諸 侯,禹 之 力 也,子 盍 亦 遠 績 禹 功,而 大 庇 民 乎。對 曰,老 夫 罪 戾 是 懼,焉 能 恤 遠,吾 儕 偷 食,朝 不 謀 夕,何 其 長 也。劉 子 歸,以 語 王 曰,諺 所 謂 老 將 知 而 耄 及 之 者,其 趙 孟 之 謂 乎,為 晉 正 卿,以 主 諸 侯,而 儕 於 隸 入,朝 不 謀 夕,棄 神 人 矣,神 怒 民 叛,何 以 能 久,趙 孟 不 復 年 矣,神 怒 不 歆 其 祀,民 叛,不 即 其 事,祀 事 不 從,又 何 以 年。

叔 孫 歸,曾 夭 御 季 孫 以 勞 之,旦 及 日中,不 出。曾 夭 謂 曾 阜 曰,旦 及 日 中,吾 知 罪 矣,魯 以 相 忍 為 國 也,忍 其 外,不 忍 其 內,焉 用 之。阜 曰,數 月 於 外,一 旦 於 是,庸 何 傷,賈 而 欲 贏,而 惡 嚻 乎。阜 謂 叔 孫 曰,可 以 出 矣,叔 孫 指 楹 曰,雖 惡 是,其 可 去 乎。乃 出 見 之。

鄭 徐 吾 犯 之 妹 美,公 孫 楚 聘 之 矣,公 孫 黑 又 使 強 委 禽 焉。犯 懼,告 子 產。子 產 曰,是 國 無 政,非 子 之 患 也,唯 所 欲 與。犯 請 於 二 子,請 使 女 擇 焉。皆 許 之。子 皙 盛 飾 入,布 幣 而 出。子 南 戎 服 入,左 右 射,超 乘 而 出。女 自 房 觀 之,曰,子 皙 信 美 矣,抑 子 南 夫 也,夫 夫 婦 婦,所 謂 順 也。適 子 南 氏。子 皙 怒,既 而 櫜 甲 以 見 子 南,欲 殺 之,而 取 其 妻,子 南 知 之,執 戈 逐 之,及 衝,擊 之 以 戈。子 皙 傷 而 歸,告 大 夫 曰,我 好 見 之,不 知 其 有 異 志 也,故 傷。大 夫 皆 謀 之,子 產 曰,直 鈞,幼 賤,有 罪,罪 在 楚 也。乃 執 子 南 而 數 之 曰,國 之 大 節 有 五,女 皆 奸 之,畏 君 之 威,聽 其 政,尊 其 貴,事 其 長,養 其 親,五 者 所 以 為 國 也,今 君 在 國,女 用 兵 焉,不 畏 威 也,奸 國 之 紀,不 聽 政 也,子 皙 上 大 夫,女 嬖 大 夫,而 弗 下 之,不 尊 貴 也,幼 而 不 忌,不 事 長 也,兵 其 從 兄,不 養 親 也,君 曰,余 不 女 忍 殺,宥 女 以 遠,勉 速 行 乎,無 重 而 罪。五 月,庚 辰,鄭 放 游 楚 於 吳。將 行 子 南,子 產 咨 於 大 叔,大 叔 曰,吉 不 能 亢 身,焉 能 亢 宗,彼 國 政 也,非 私 難 也,子 圖 鄭 國,利 則 行 之,又 何 疑 焉,周 公 殺 管 叔 而 蔡 蔡 叔,夫 豈 不 愛,王 室 故 也,吉 若 獲 戾,子 將 行 之,何 有 於 諸 游。

秦 后 子 有 寵 於 桓,如 二 君 於 景。其 母 曰,弗 去,懼 選。癸 卯,鍼 適 晉,其 車 千 乘。書 曰 秦 伯 之 弟 鍼 出 奔 晉,罪 秦 伯 也。后 子 享 晉 侯,造 舟 於 河,十 里 舍 車,自 雍 及 絳,歸 取 酬 幣,終 事 八 反。司 馬 侯 問 焉,曰,子 之 車 盡 於 此 而 已 乎。對 曰,此 之 謂 多 矣,若 能 少 此,吾 何 以 得 見。女 叔 齊 以 告 公,且 曰,秦 公 子 必 歸,臣 聞 君 子 能 知 其 過,必 有 令 圖,令 圖,天 所 贊 也。后 子 見 趙 孟,趙 孟 曰,吾 子 其 曷 歸。對 曰,鍼 懼 選 於 寡 君,是 以 在 此,將 待 嗣 君。趙 孟 曰,秦 君 何 如,對 曰,無 道。趙 孟 曰,亡 乎。對 曰,何 為,一 世 無 道,國 未 艾 也,國 於 天 地,有 與 立 焉,不 數 世 淫,弗 能 斃 也。趙 孟 曰,天 乎。。對 曰,有 焉。趙 孟 曰,其 幾 何。對 曰,鍼 聞 之,國 無 道,而 年 穀 和 熟,天 贊 之 也,鮮 不 五 稔 趙 孟 視 蔭 曰,朝 夕 不 相 及,誰 能 待 五。后 子 出 而 告 人 曰,趙 孟 將 死 矣,主 民 翫 歲 而 愒 日,其 與 幾 何。

鄭 為 游 楚 亂 故,六 月,丁 巳,鄭 伯 及 其 大 夫 盟 於 公 孫 段 氏。罕 虎,公 孫 僑,公 孫 段,印 叚,游 吉,駟 帶,私 盟 於 閨 門 之 外,實 薰 隧。公 孫 黑 強 與 於 盟,使 大 史 書 其 名,且 曰 七 子。子 產 弗 討。

晉 中 行 穆 子 敗 無 終,及 羣 狄 于 大 原。崇 卒 也。將 戰,魏 舒 曰,彼 徒 我 車,所 遇 又 阨,以 什 共 車,必 克,困 諸 阨,又 克,請 皆 卒,自 我 始。乃 毀 車 以 為 行。五 乘 為 三 伍,荀 吳 之 嬖 人,不 肯 即 卒,斬 以 徇,為 五 陳 以 相 離,兩 於 前,伍 於 後,專 為 右 角,參 為 左 角,偏 為 前 拒,以 誘 之。翟 人 笑 之,未 陳 而 薄 之,大 敗 之。

莒 展 輿 立,而 奪 羣 公 子 秩,召 去 疾 於 齊。秋,齊 公 子 鉏 納 去 疾。

展 輿 奔 吳。

叔 弓 帥 師 疆 鄆 田。因 莒 亂 也。於 是 莒 務 婁,瞀 胡,及 公 子 滅 明,以 大 厖,與 常 儀 靡,奔 齊。君 子 曰,莒 展 之 不 立,棄 人 也 夫,人 可 棄 乎,詩 曰,無 競 維 人,善 矣。

晉 侯 有 疾,鄭 伯 使 公 孫 僑 如 晉 聘,且問 疾。叔 向 問 焉,曰,寡 君 之 疾 病,卜 人 曰,實 沈 臺 駘 為 祟,史 莫 之 知,敢 問 此 何 神 也。子 產 曰,昔 高 辛 氏 有 二 子,伯 曰 閼 伯,季 曰 實 沈,居 於 曠 林,不 相 能 也,日 尋 干 戈,以 相 征 討,后 帝 不 臧,遷 閼 伯 於 商 丘,主 辰,商 人 是 因,故 辰 為 商 星。遷 實 沈 于 大 夏,主 參,唐 人 是 因,以 服 事 夏 商,其 季 世 曰 唐 叔 虞,當 武 王 邑 姜 方 震 大 叔,夢 帝 謂 已,余 命 而 子 曰 虞,將 與 之 唐,屬 諸 參 而 蕃 育 其 子 孫。及 生,有 文 在 其 手,曰 虞,遂 以 命 之。及 成 王 滅 唐,而 封 大 叔 焉,故 參 為 晉 星,由 是 觀 之,則 實 沈,參 神 也。昔 金 天 氏 有 裔 子 曰 昧,為 玄 冥 師,生 允 格,臺 駘,臺 駘 能 業 其 官,宣 汾 洮,障 大 澤,以 處 大 原,帝 用 嘉 之,封 諸 汾 川,沈,姒,蓐,黃,實 守 其 祀,今 晉 主 汾 而 滅 之 矣,由 是 觀 之,則 臺 駘,汾 神 也,抑 此 二 者,不 及 君 身,山 川 之 神,則 水 旱 癘 疫 之 災,於 是 乎 禜 之,日 月 星 辰 之 神,則 雪 霜 風 雨 之 不 時,於 是 乎 禜 之,若 君 身,則 亦 出 入 飲 食 哀 樂 之 事 也,山 川 星 辰 之 神,又 何 為 焉。僑 聞 之,君 子 有 四 時,朝 以 聽 政,晝 以 訪 問,夕 以 脩 令,夜 以 安 身,於 是 乎 節 宣 其 氣,勿 使 有 所 壅 閉 湫 底,以 露 其 體,茲 心 不 爽,而 昏 亂 百 度,今 無 乃 壹 之,則 生 疾 矣。僑 又 聞 之,內 官 不 及 同 姓,其 生 不 殖,美 先 盡 矣,則 相 生 疾,君 子 是 以 惡 之,故 志 曰,買 妾 不 知 其 姓,則 卜 之,違 此 二 者,古 之 所 慎 也,男 女 辨 姓,禮 之 大 司 也,今 君 內 實 有 四 姬 焉,其 無 乃 是 也 乎,若 由 是 二 者,弗 可 為 也 已,四 姬 有 省 猶 可,無 則 必 生 疾 矣。叔 向 曰,善 哉,肸 未 之 聞 也,此 皆 然 矣。叔 向 出,行 人 揮 送 之,叔 向 問 鄭 故 焉,且 問 子 皙。對 曰,其 與 幾 何,無 禮 而 好 陵 人,怙 富 而 卑 其 上,弗 能 久 矣。晉 侯 聞 子 產 之 言,曰 博 物 君 子 也,重 賄 之。

晉 侯 求 醫 於 秦,秦 伯 使 醫 和 視 之。曰,疾 不 可 為 也,是 謂 近 女 室,疾 如 蠱,非 鬼 非 食,惑 以 喪 志,良 臣 將 死,天 命 不 祐。公 曰,女 不 可 近 乎。對 曰,節 之,先 王 之 樂,所 以 節 百 事 也,故 有 五 節,遲 速 本 末 以 相 及,中 聲 以 降,五 降 之 後,不 容 彈 矣,於 是 有 煩 手 淫 聲,慆 堙 心 耳,乃 忘 平 和,君 子 弗 聽 也,物 亦 如 之,至 於 煩,乃 舍 也 已,無 以 生 疾,君 子 之 近 琴 瑟,以 儀 節 也,非 以 慆 心 也,天 有 六 氣,降 生 五 味,發 為 五 色,徵 為 五 聲,淫 生 六 疾,六 氣,曰,陰,陽,風,雨,晦,明,也,分 為 四 時,序 為 五 節,過 則 為 菑,陰 淫 寒 疾,陽 淫 熱 疾,風 淫 末 疾,雨 淫 腹 疾,晦 淫 惑 疾,明 淫 心 疾,女 陽 物 而 晦 時,淫 則 生 內 熱 惑 蠱 之 疾,今 君 不 節 不 時,能 無 及 此 乎。出 告 趙 孟,趙 孟 曰,誰 當 良 臣。對 曰,主 是 謂 矣,主 相 晉 國,於 今 八 年,晉 國 無 亂,諸 侯 無 闕,可 謂 良 矣,和 聞 之,國 之 大 臣,榮 其 寵 祿,任 其 大 節,有 菑 禍 興 而 無 改 焉,必 受 其 咎,今 君 至 於 淫 以 生 疾,將 不 能 圖 恤 社 稷,禍 孰 大 焉,主 不 能 禦,吾 是 以 云 也。趙 孟 曰,何 謂 蠱。對 曰,淫 溺 惑 亂 之 所 生 也,於 文 皿 蟲 為 蠱,穀 之 飛,亦 為 蠱,在 周 易 女 惑 男,風 落 山,謂 之 蠱,皆 同 物 也。趙 孟 曰,良 醫 也。厚 其 禮 而 歸 之。

楚 公 子 圍 使 公 子 黑 肱,伯 州 犁,城 犫,櫟,郟,鄭 人 懼,子 產 曰,不 害,令 尹 將 行 大 事,而 先 除 二 子 也,禍 不 及 鄭,何 患 焉,冬,楚 公 子 圍 將 聘 於 鄭,伍 舉 為 介,未 出 竟,聞 王 有 疾 而 還,伍 舉 遂 聘。十一 月,己 酉,公 子 圍 至,入 問 王 疾,縊 而 弒 之,遂 殺 其 二 子 幕,及 平 夏。右 尹 子 干 出 奔 晉,宮 廐 尹 子 皙 出 奔 鄭。殺 大 宰 伯 州 犂 於 郟,葬 王 於 郟,謂 之 郟 敖。使 赴 於 鄭,伍 舉 問 應 為 後 之 辭 焉,對 曰,寡 大 夫 圍,伍 舉 更 之 曰,共 王 之 子 圍 為 長,子 干 奔 晉,從 車 五 乘,叔 向 使 與 秦 公子 同 食,皆 百 人 之 餼。趙 文 子 曰,秦 公 子 富。叔 向 曰,底 祿 以 德,德 鈞 以 年,年 同 以 尊,公 子 以 國,不 聞 以 富,且 夫 以 千 乘 去 其 國,彊 禦 已 甚,詩 曰,不 侮 鰥 寡,不 畏 彊 禦,秦,楚,匹 也,使 后 子 與 子 干 齒,辭 曰,鍼 懼 選,楚 公 子 不 獲,是 以 皆 來,亦 唯 命,且 臣 與 羇 齒,無 乃 不 可 乎,史 佚 有 言 曰,非 羇 何 忌。楚 靈 王 即 位,薳 罷 為 令 尹,薳 啟 彊 為 大 宰。鄭 游 吉 如 楚,葬 郟 敖,且 聘 立 君,歸,謂 子 產 曰,具 行 器 矣,楚 王 汰 侈,而 自 說 其 事,必 合 諸 侯,吾 往 無 日 矣,子 產 曰,不 數 年,未 能 也。

十 二 月,晉 既 烝,趙 孟 適 南 陽,將 會 孟 子 餘。甲 辰,朔,烝 於 溫,庚 戌 卒。鄭 伯 如 晉 弔,及 雍 乃 復。

二 年

1. 二 年,春,晉 侯 使 韓 起 來 聘。

2. 夏,叔 弓 如 晉。

3. 秋,鄭 殺 其 大 夫 公 孫 黑。

4. 冬,公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復,季 孫 宿 如 晉。

左 傳 曰,二 年,春,晉 侯 使 韓 宣 子 來 聘。且 告 為 政 而 來 見,禮 也。觀 書 於 大 史 氏,見 易 象 與 魯 春 秋,曰,周 禮 盡 在 魯 矣,吾 乃 今 知 周 公 之 德,與 周 之 所 以 王 也。公 享 之,季 武 子 賦 綿 之 卒 章,韓 子 賦 角 弓。季 武 子 拜 曰,敢 拜 子 之 彌 縫 敝 邑,寡 君 有 望 矣。武 子 賦 節 之 卒 章。既 享,宴 於 季 氏,有 嘉 樹 焉,宣 子 譽 之。武 子 曰,宿 敢 不 封 殖 此 樹,以 無 忘 角 弓。遂 賦 甘 棠。宣 子 曰,起 不 堪 也,無 以 及 召 公,宣 子 遂 如 齊 納 幣,見 子 雅,子 雅 召 子 旗,使 見 宣 子,宣 子 曰,非 保 家 之 主 也,不 臣,見 子 尾,子 尾 見 彊,宣 子 謂 之,如 子 旗。大 夫 多 笑 之,唯 晏 子 信 之,曰,夫 子,君 子 也,君 子 有 信,其 有 以 知 之 矣。自 齊 聘 於 衛,衛 侯 享 之,北 宮 文 子 賦 淇 澳,宣 子 賦 木 瓜。

夏,四 月,韓 須 如 齊 逆 女,齊 陳 無 宇 送 女,致 少 姜。少 姜 有 寵 於 晉 侯,晉 侯 謂 之 少 齊。謂 陳 無 宇 非 卿,執 諸 中 都,少 姜 為 之 請 曰,送 從 逆 班,畏 大 國 也,猶 有 所 易,是 以 亂 作。

叔 弓 聘 於 晉。報 宣 子 也。晉 侯 使 郊 勞,辭 曰,寡 君 使 弓 來 繼 舊 好,固 曰 女 無 敢 為 賓,徹 命 於 執 事,敝 邑 弘 矣,敢 辱 郊 使,請 辭。致 館,辭 曰,寡 君 命 下 臣 來 繼 舊 好,好 合 使 成,臣 之 祿 也,敢 辱 大 館。叔 向 曰,子 叔 子 知 禮 哉,吾 聞 之 曰,忠 信,禮 之 器 也,卑 讓,禮 之 宗 也,辭 不 忘 國,忠 信 也,先 國 後 己,卑 讓 也,詩 曰,敬 慎 威 儀,以 近 有 德,夫 子 近 德 矣。

秋,鄭 公 孫 黑 將 作 亂,欲 去 游 氏 而 代 其 位,傷 疾 作 而 不 果,駟 氏 與 諸 大 夫 欲 殺 之。子 產 在 鄙,聞 之,懼 弗 及,乘 遽 而 至,使 吏 數 之 曰,伯 有 之 亂,以 大 國 之 事,而 未 爾 討 也,爾 有 亂 心 無 厭,國 不 女 堪,專 伐 伯 有,而 罪 一 也,昆 弟 爭 室,而 罪 二 也,薰 隧 之 盟,女 矯 君 位,而 罪 三 也,有 死 罪 三,何 以 堪 之,不 速 死,大 刑 將 至。再 拜 稽 首 辭 曰,死 在 朝 夕,無 助 天 為 虐。子 產 曰,人 誰 不 死,凶 人 不 終,命 也,作 凶 事,為 凶 人,不 助 天,其 助 凶 人 乎。請 以 印 為 褚 師,子 產 曰,印 也 若 才,君 將 任 之,不 才,將 朝 夕 從 女,女 罪 之 不 恤,而 又 何 請 焉,不 速 死,司 寇 將 至。七 月,壬 寅,縊,尸 諸 周 氏 之 衢,加 木 焉。

晉 少 姜 卒。公 如 晉,及 河,晉 侯 使 士 文 伯 來 辭 曰,非 伉 儷 也,請 君 無 辱。公 還,季 孫 宿 遂 致 服 焉。叔 向 言 陳 無 宇 於 晉 侯 曰,彼 何 罪,君 使 公 族 逆 之,齊 使 上 大 夫 送 之,猶 曰 不 共,君 求 以 貪,國 則 不 共,而 執 其 使,君 刑 己 頗,何 以 為 盟 主,且 少 姜 有 辭。冬,十 月,陳 無 宇 歸。十 一 月,鄭 印 叚 如 晉 弔。

三 年

1. 三 年,春,王 正 月,丁 未,滕 子 原 卒。

2. 夏,叔 弓 如 滕。

3. 五 月,葬 滕 成 公。

4. 秋,小 邾 子 來 朝。

5. 八 月,大 雩。

6. 冬,大 雨 雹。

7. 北 燕 伯 欸 出 奔 齊。

左 傳 曰,三 年,春,王 正 月,鄭 游 吉 如 晉,至 少 姜 之 葬,梁 丙 與 張 趯 見 之,梁 丙 曰,甚 矣 哉,子 之 為 此 來 也。子 大 叔 曰,將 得 已 乎,昔 文 襄 之 霸 也,其 務 不 煩 諸 侯,令 諸 侯 三 歲 而 聘,五 歲 而 朝,有 事 而 會,不 協 而 盟,君 薨,大 夫 弔,卿 共 葬 事,夫 人,士 弔,大 夫 送 葬,足 以 昭 禮,命 事,謀 闕 而 已,無 加 命 矣,今 嬖 寵 之 喪,不 敢 擇 位,而 數 於 守 適,唯 懼 獲 戾,豈 敢 憚 煩,少 姜 有 寵 而 死,齊 必 繼 室,今 玆 吾 又 將 來 賀,不 唯 此 行 也。張 趯 曰,善 哉,吾 得 聞 此 數 也,然 自 今,子 其 無 事 矣,譬 如 火 焉,火 中,寒 暑 乃 退,此 其 極 也,能 無 退 乎,晉 將 失 諸 侯,諸 侯 求 煩 不 獲。二 大 夫 退,子 大 叔 告 人 曰,張 趯 有 知,其 猶 在 君 子 之 後 乎。

丁 未,滕 子 原 卒。同 盟,故 書 名。

齊 侯 使 晏 嬰 請 繼 室 於 晉,曰,寡 君 使嬰 曰,寡 人 願 事 君,朝 夕 不 倦,將 奉 質 幣,以 無 失 時,則 國 家 多 難,是 以 不 獲,不 腆 先 君 之 適,以 備 內 官,焜 燿 寡 人 之 望,則 又 無 祿,早 世 隕 命,寡 人 失 望,君 若 不 忘 先 君 之 好,惠 顧 齊 國,辱 收 寡 人,徼 福 於 大 公,丁 公,照 臨 敝 邑,鎮 撫 其 社 稷,則 猶 有 先 君 之 適,及 遺 姑 姊 妹 若 而 人,君 若 不 棄 敝 邑,而 辱 使 董 振 擇 之,以 備 嬪 嬙,寡 人 之 望 也。韓 宣 子 使 叔 向 對 曰,寡 君 之 願 也,寡 君 不 能 獨 任 其 社 稷 之 事,未 有 伉 儷,在 縗 絰 之 中,是 以 未 敢 請,君 有 辱 命,惠 莫 大 焉,若 惠 顧 敝 邑,撫 有 晉 國,賜 之 內 主,豈 惟 寡 君,舉 羣 臣 實 受 其 貺 其 自 唐 叔 以 下,實 寵 嘉 之。既 成 昏,晏 子 受 禮,叔 向 從 之 晏,相 與 語,叔 向 曰,齊 其 何 如。晏 子 曰,此 季 世 也,吾 弗 知,齊 其 為 陳 氏 矣,公 棄 其 民,而 歸 於 陳 氏,齊 舊 四 量,豆,區,釜, 鍾,四 升 為 豆,各 自 其 四,以 登 於 釜,釜 十 則 鍾,陳 氏 三 量,皆 登 一 焉,鍾 乃 大 矣,以 家 量 貸,而 以 公 量 收 之,山 木 如 市,弗 加 於 山,魚 鹽 蜃 蛤,弗 加 於 海,民 參 其 力,二 入 於 公,而 衣 食 其 一,公 聚 朽 蠹,而 三 老 凍 餒,國 之 諸 市,屨 賤 踊 貴,民 人 痛 疾,而 或 燠 休 之,其 愛 之 如 父 母,而 歸 之 如 流 水,欲 無 獲 民,將 焉 辟 之,箕 伯,直 柄,虞 遂, 伯 戲,其 相 胡 公 大 姬,已 在 齊 矣。叔 向 曰,然,雖 吾 公 室,今 亦 季 世 也,戎 馬 不 駕,卿 無 軍 行,公 乘 無 人,卒 列 無 長,庶 民 罷 敝,而 宮 室 滋 侈,道 殣 相 望,而 女 富 溢 尤,民 聞 公 命,如 逃 寇 讐,欒,郤,胥,原,狐,續,慶,伯,降 在 皁 隸,政 在 家 門,民 無 所 依,君 日 不 悛,以 樂 慆 憂,公 室 之 卑,其 何 日 之 有,讒 鼎 之 銘 曰,昧 旦 丕 顯,後 世 猶 怠,况 日 不 悛,其 能 久 乎。晏 子 曰,子 將 若 何。叔 向 曰,晉 之 公 族 盡 矣,肸 聞 之,公 室 將 卑,其 宗 族 枝 葉 先 落,則 公 從 之,肸 之 宗 十 一 族,唯 羊 舌 氏 在 而 已,肸 又 無 子,公 室 無 度,幸 而 得 死,豈 其 獲 祀 初,景 公 欲 更 晏 子 之 宅,曰,子 之 宅 近 市,湫 隘 囂 塵,不 可 以 居,請 更 諸 爽 塏 者。辭 曰,君 之 先 臣 容 焉,臣 不 足 以 嗣 之,於 臣 侈 矣,且 小 人 近 市,朝 夕 得 所 求,小 人 之 利 也,敢 煩 里 旅。公 笑 曰,子 近 市,識 貴 賤 乎。對 曰,既 利 之,敢 不 識 乎。公 曰,何 貴 何 賤。於 是 景 公 繁 於 刑,有 鬻 踊 者,故 對 曰,踊 貴 屨 賤 既 已 告 於 君,故 與 叔 向 語 而 稱 之。景 公 為 是 省 於 刑 君 子 曰,仁 人 之 言,其 利 博 哉,晏 子 一 言 而 齊 侯 省 刑,詩 曰,君 子 如 祉,亂 庶 遄 已,其 是 之 謂 乎。及 晏 子 如 晉,公 更 其 宅,反 則 成 矣。既 拜,乃 毀 之,而 為 里 室,皆 如 其 舊,則 使 宅 人 反 之,且 諺 曰,非 宅 是 卜,唯 鄰 是 卜,二 三 子 先 卜 鄰 矣 違 卜 不 祥,君 子 不 犯 非 禮,小 人 不 犯 不 祥,古 之 制 也,吾 敢 違 諸 乎。卒 復 其 舊 宅。公 弗 許,因 陳 桓 子 以 請,乃 許 之。

夏,四 月,鄭 伯 如 晉,公 孫 段 相,甚 敬 而 卑,禮 無 違 者,晉 侯 嘉 焉,授 之 以 策,曰,子 豐 有 勞 於 晉 國,余 聞 而 弗 忘,賜 女 州 田,以 胙 乃 舊 勳。伯 石 再 拜 稽 首,受 策 以 出,君 子 曰,禮 其 人 之 急 也 乎,伯 石 之 汏 也,一 為 禮 於 晉,猶 荷 其 祿,况 以 禮 終 始 乎,詩 曰,人 而 無 禮,胡 不 遄 死,其 是 之 謂 乎,初,州 縣,欒 豹 之 邑 也,及 欒 氏 亡,范 宣 子,趙 文 子,韓 宣 子,皆 欲 之,文 子 曰,溫 吾 縣 也。二 宣 子 曰,自 郤 稱 以 別,三 傳 矣,晉 之 別 縣 不 唯 州,誰 獲 治 之。文 子 病 之,乃 舍 之。二 子 曰,吾 不 可 以 正 議 而 自 與 也。皆 舍 之。及 文 子 為 政。趙 獲 曰,可 以 取 州 矣。文 子 曰,退,二 子 之 言,義 也,違 義,禍 也,余 不 能 治 余 縣,又 焉 用 州,其 以 徼 禍 也。君 子 曰,弗 知 實 難,知 而 弗 從,禍 莫 大 焉,有 言 州 必 死。豐 氏 故 主 韓 氏,伯 石 之 獲 州 也,韓 宣 子 為 之 請 之,為 其 復 取 之 之 故。

五 月,叔 弓 如 滕,葬 滕 成 公。子 服 椒 為 介,及 郊,遇 懿 伯 之 忌,敬 子 不 入,惠 伯 曰,公 事 有 公 利,無 私 忌,椒 請 先 入。乃 先 受 館。敬 子 從 之。

晉 韓 起 如 齊 逆 女,公 孫 蠆 為 少 姜 之 有 寵 也,以 其 子 更 公 女,而 嫁 公 子。人 謂 宣 子,子 尾 欺 晉,晉 胡 受 之,宣 子 曰,我 欲 得 齊,而 遠 其 寵,寵 將 來 乎。

秋,七 月,鄭 罕 虎 如 晉,賀 夫 人,旦 告 曰,楚 人 日 徵 敝 邑,以 不 朝 立 王 之 故,敝 邑 之 往,則 畏 執 事,其 謂 寡 君 而 固 有 外 心,其 不 往,則 宋 之 盟 云,進 退 罪 也,寡 君 使 虎 布 之。宣 子 使 叔 向 對 曰,君 若 辱 有 寡 君,在 楚 何 害,脩 宋 盟 也,君 苟 思 盟,寡 君 乃 知 免 於 戾 矣,君 若 不 有 寡 君,雖 朝 夕 辱 於 敝 邑,寡 君 猜 焉,君 實 有 心,何 辱 命 焉,君 其 往 也,苟 有 寡 君,在 楚 猶 在 晉 也,張 趯 使 謂 大 叔 曰,自 子 之 歸 也,小 人 糞 除 先 人 之 敝 廬,曰,子 其 將 來,今 子 皮 實 來,小 人 失 望。大 叔 曰,吉 賤 不 獲 來,畏 大 國,尊 夫 人 也,且 孟 曰,而 將 無 事,吉 庶 幾 焉。

小 邾 穆 公 來 朝,季 武 子 欲 卑 之,穆 叔 曰,不 可,曹,滕,二 邾,實 不 忘 我 好,敬 以 逆 之,猶 懼 其 貳,又 卑 一 睦 焉,逆 羣 好 也,其 如 舊 而 加 敬 焉,志 曰,能 敬 無 災,又 曰,敬 逆 來 者,天 所 福 也,季 孫 從 之。

八 月,大 雩,旱 也。

齊 侯 田 於 莒,盧 蒲 嫳 見,泣 且 請 曰,余 髮 如 此 種 種,余 奚 能 為。公 曰,諾,吾 告 二 子,歸 而 告 之,子 尾 欲 復 之,子 雅 不 可,曰,彼 其 髮 短 而 心 甚 長,其 或 寢 處 我 矣,九 月,子 雅 放 盧 蒲 嫳 於 北 燕。

燕 簡 公 多 嬖 寵,欲 去 諸 大 夫,而 立 其 寵 人。冬,燕 大 夫 比,以 殺 公 之 外 嬖,公 懼,奔 齊。書 曰,北 燕 伯 欸 出 奔 齊。罪 之 也。

十 月,鄭 伯 如 楚,子 產 相,楚 子 享 之,賦 吉 日。既 享,子 產 乃 具 田 備,王 以 田 江 南 之 夢。

齊 公 孫 竈 卒,司 馬 灶 見 晏 子 曰,又 喪 子 雅 矣,晏 子 曰,惜 也,子 旗 不 免,殆 哉,姜 族 弱 矣,而 媯 將 始 昌,二 惠 競 爽,猶 可,又 弱 一 個 焉,姜 其 危 哉。

四 年

1. 四 年,春,王 正 月,大 雨 雹。

2. 夏,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,鄭 伯,許 男,徐 子,滕 子,頓 子,胡 子,沈 子,小 邾 子,宋 世 子,佐 淮 夷,會 于 申。

3. 楚 人 執 徐 子。

4. 秋,七 月,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,許 男,頓 子,胡 子,沈 子,淮 夷,伐 吳。

5. 執 齊 慶 封 殺 之。

6. 遂 滅 賴。

7. 九 月,取 鄫。

8. 冬,十 有 二 月,乙 卯,叔 孫 豹 卒。

左 傳 曰,大 雨 雹,季 武 子 問 於 申 豐 曰,雹 可 禦 乎。對 曰,聖 人 在 上 無 雹,雖 有,不 為 災,古 者 日,在 北 陸 而 藏 冰,西 陸 朝 覿 而 出 之,其 藏 冰 也,深 山 窮 谷,固 陰 沍 寒,於 是 乎 取 之,其 出 之 也,朝 之 祿 位,賓 食 喪 祭,於 是 乎 用 之,其 藏 之 也,黑 牡 秬 黍,以 享 司 寒,其 出 之 也,桃 弧 棘 矢,以 除 其 災,其 出 入 也,時 食 肉 之 祿,冰 皆 與 焉,大 大 命 婦,喪 浴 用 冰,祭 寒 而 藏 之,獻 羔 而 啟 之,公 始 用 之,火 出 而 畢 賦,自 命 夫 命 婦,至 於 老 疾,無 不 受 冰,山 人 取 之,縣 人 傳 之,輿 人 納 之,隸 人 藏 之,夫 冰 以 風 壯,而 以 風 出,其 藏 之 也 周,其 用 之 也 徧,則 冬 無 愆 陽,夏 無 伏 陰,春 無 凄 風,秋 無 苦 雨,雷 出 不 震,無 菑 霜 雹,癘 疾 不 降,民 不 夭 札,今 藏 川 池 之 冰,棄 而 不 用,風 不 越 而 殺,雷 不 發 而 震,雹 之 為 菑,誰 能 禦 之。七 月 之 卒 章,藏 冰 之 道 也。

四 年,春,王 正 月,許 男 如 楚,楚 子 止 之,遂 止 鄭 伯,復 田 江 南,許 男 與 焉。使 椒 舉,如 晉 求 諸 侯,二 君 待 之。椒 舉 致 命 曰,寡 君 使 舉 曰,日 君 有 惠,賜 盟 於 宋,曰,晉 楚 之從,交 相 見 也,以 歲 之 不 易,寡 人 願 結 驩 於 二 三 君,使 舉 請 間,君 若 苟 無 四 方 之 虞,則 願 假 寵 以 請 於 諸 侯。晉 侯 欲 勿 許,司 馬 侯 曰,不 可,楚 王 方 侈,天 或 者 欲 逞 其 心,以 厚 其 毒,而 降 之 罰,未 可 知 也,其 使 能 終,亦 未 可 知 也,晉 楚 唯 天 所 相,不 可 與 爭,君 其 許 之,而 脩 德 以 待 其 歸,若 歸 於 德,吾 猶 將 事 之,況 諸 侯 乎,若 適 淫 虐,楚 將 棄 之,吾 又 誰 與 爭。公 曰,晉 有 三 不 殆,其 何 敵 之 有,國 險 而 多 馬,齊,楚,多 難,有 是 三 者,何 鄉 而 不 濟。對 曰,恃 險 與 馬,而 虞 鄰 國 之 難,是 三 殆 也,四 獄,三 塗,陽 城,大 室,荊 山,中 南,九 州 之 險 也,是 不 一 姓,冀 之 北 土,馬 之 所 生,無 興 國 焉,恃 險 與 馬,不 可 以 為 固 也,從 古 以 然,是 以 先 王 務 脩 德 音,以 亨 神 人,不 聞 其 務 險 與 馬 也,鄰 國 之 難,不 可 虞 也,或 多 難 以 固 其 國,啟 其 疆 土,或 無 難 以 喪 其 國,失 其 守 宇,若 何 虞 難,齊 有 仲 孫 之 難,而 獲 桓 公,至 今 賴 之,晉 有 里 平 之 難,而 獲 文 公,是 以 為 盟 主,衛,邢,無 難,敵 亦 喪 之,故 人 之 難,不 可 虞 也,恃 此 三 者,而 不 修 政 德,亡 於 不 暇,又 何 能 濟,君 其 許 之,紂 作 淫 虐,文 王 惠 和,殷 是 以 隕,周 是 以 興,夫 豈 爭 諸 侯。乃 許 楚 使,使 叔 向 對 曰,寡 君 有 社 稷 之 事,是 以 不 獲 春 秋 時 見,諸 侯 君 實 有 之,何 辱 命 焉。椒 舉 遂 請 昏,晉 侯 許 之。楚 子 問 於 子 產 曰,晉 其 許 我 諸 侯 乎。對 曰,許 君,晉 君 少 安,不 在 諸 侯,其 大 夫 多 求,莫 匡 其 君,在 宋 之 盟,又 曰 如 一,若 不 許 君,將 焉 用 之。王 曰,諸 侯 其 來 乎。對 曰,必 來,從 宋 之 盟,承 君 之 歡,不 畏 大 國,何 故 不 來,不 來 者,其 魯,衛,曹,邾 乎,曹 畏 宋,邾 畏 魯,魯 衛 偪 於 齊,而 親 於 晉,唯 是 不 來,其 餘,君 之 所 及 也,誰 敢 不 至。王 曰,然 則 吾 所 求 者,無 不 可 乎。對 曰,求 逞 於 人,不 可,與 人 同 欲,盡 濟。

夏,諸 侯 如 楚,魯,衛,曹,邾,不 會,曹,邾,辭 以 難,公 辭 以 時 祭,衛 侯 辭 以 疾。鄭 伯 先 待 於 申,六 月 丙 午,楚 子 合 諸 侯 於 申,椒 舉 言 於 楚 子 曰,臣 聞 諸 侯 無 歸,禮 以 為 歸,今 君 始 得 諸 侯,其 慎 禮 矣,霸 之 濟 否,在 此 會 也,夏 啟 有 鈞 臺 之 享,商 湯 有 景 亳 之 命,周 武 有 孟 津 之 誓,成 有 岐 陽 之 蒐,康 有 酆 宮 之 朝,穆 有 塗 山 之 會,齊 桓 有 召 陵 之 師 ,晉 文 有 踐 土 之 盟,君 其 何 用,宋 向 戌。鄭 公 孫 僑,在 諸 侯 之 良 也,君 其 選 焉。王 曰,吾 用 齊 桓。王 使 問 禮 於 左 師。與 子 產,左 師 曰,小 國 習 之,大 國 用 之,敢 不 薦 聞。獻 公 合 諸 侯 之 禮 六。子 產 曰,小 國 共 職 ,敢 不 薦 守。獻 伯,子,男,會 公 之 禮 六。君 子 謂 合 左 師 善 守 先 代,子 產 善 相 小 國。王 使 椒 舉 侍於 後,以 規 過,卒 事 不 規,王 問 其 故,對 曰,禮,吾 未 見 者 有 六 焉,又 何 以 規 宋 大 子 佐 後 至,王 田 於 武 城,久 而 弗 見,椒 舉 請 辭 焉,王 使 往 曰,屬 有 宗 祧 之 事 於 武 城,寡 君 將 墮 幣 焉,敢 謝 後 見。徐 子,吳 出 也,以 為 貳 焉,故 執 諸 申。楚 子 示 諸 侯 侈,椒 舉 曰,夫 六 王 二 公 之 事,皆 所 以 示 諸 侯 禮 也,諸 侯 所 由 用 命 也,夏 桀 為 仍 之 會,有 緡 叛 之,商 紂 為 黎 之 蒐,東 夷 叛 之,周 幽 為 大 室 之 盟,戎 狄 叛 之,皆 所 以 示 諸 侯 汏 也,諸 侯 所 由 棄 命 也,今 君 以 汏,無 乃 不 濟 乎。王 弗 聽,子 產 見 左 師 曰,吾 不 患 楚 矣,汏 而 愎 諫,不 過 十 年,左 師 曰,然,不 十 年 侈,其 惡 不 遠,遠 惡 而 後 棄,善 亦 如 之,德 遠 而 後 興。

秋,七 月,楚 子 以 諸 侯 伐 吳。宋 大 子,鄭伯,先 歸,宋 華 費 遂,鄭 大 夫 從。

使 屈 申 圍 朱 方,八 月,甲 申,克 之,執 齊 慶 封,而 盡 滅 其 族。將 戮 慶 封,椒 舉 曰,臣 聞 無 瑕 者 可 以 戮 人,慶 封 惟 逆 命,是 以 在 此,其 肯 從 於 戮 乎,播 於 諸 侯 焉 用 之。王 弗 聽,負 之 釜 鉞,以 徇 於 諸 侯,使 言 曰,無 或 如 齊 慶 封,弒 其 君,弱 其 孤,以 盟 其 大 夫,慶 封 曰,無 或 如 楚 共 王 之 庶 子 圍,弒 其 君 兄 之 子 麇,而 代 之 以 盟 諸 侯,王 使 速 殺 之。

遂 以 諸 侯 滅 賴,賴 子 面 縛 銜 璧,士 袒,輿 櫬 從 之,造 於 中 軍。王 問 諸 椒 舉,對 曰,成 王 克 許,許 僖 公 如 是,王 親 釋 其 縛,受 其 璧,焚 其 櫬。王 從 之。遷 賴 於 鄢,楚 子 欲 遷 許 於賴,使 鬪 韋 龜,與 公 子 棄 疾,城 之 而 還。申 無 宇 曰,楚 禍 之 首,將 在 此 矣,召 諸 侯 而 來,伐 國 而 克,城 竟 莫 校,王 心 不 違,民 其 居 乎,民 之 不 處,其 誰 堪 之,不 堪 王 命,乃 禍 亂 也。

九 月,取 鄫,言 易 也,莒 亂,著 丘 公 立 而 不 撫 鄫,鄫 叛 而 來,故 曰 取 凡 克 邑,不 用 師 徒 曰 取。

鄭 子 產 作 丘 賦,國 人 謗 之 曰,其 父 死 於 路,己 為 蠆 尾,以 令 於 國,國 將 若 之 何,子 寬 以 告,子 產 曰,何 害,苟 利 社 稷,死 生 以 之,且 吾 聞 為 善 者 不 改 其 度,故 能 有 濟 也,民 不 可 逞,度 不 可 改,詩 曰,禮 義 不 愆,何 恤 於 人 言,吾 不 遷 矣,渾 罕 曰,國 氏 其 先 亡 乎,君 子 作 法 於 涼,其 敝 猶 貪,作 法 於 貪,敝 將 若 之 何,姬 在 列 者,蔡 及 曹 滕,其 先 亡 乎,偪 而 無 禮,鄭 先 衛 亡,偪 而 無 法,政 不 率 法,而 制 於 心,民 各 有 心,何 上 之 有。

冬,吳 伐 楚,入 棘,櫟,麻,以 報 朱 方 之 役。楚 沈 尹 射 奔 命 於 夏 汭,箴 尹 宜 咎 城 鍾 離,薳 啟 疆 城 巢,然 丹 城 州 來,東 國 水,不 可 以 城,彭 生 罷 賴 之 師。

初,穆 子 去 叔 孫 氏,及 庚 宗,遇 婦 人,使 私 為 食 而 宿 焉,問 其 行,告 之 故,哭 而 送 之。適 齊,娶 於 國 氏,生 孟 丙,仲 壬。蔓 天 壓 己,弗 勝,顧 而 見 人,黑 而 上 僂,深 目 而 豭 喙,號 之 曰 牛,助 余,乃 勝 之,旦 而 皆 召 其 徒,無 之,且 曰 志 之。及 宣 伯 奔 齊,饋 之,宣 伯 曰,魯 以 先 子 之 故,將 存 吾 宗,必 召 女,召 女 何 如,對 曰,願 之 久 矣。魯 人 召 之,不 告 而 歸,既 立,所 宿 庚 宗 之 婦 人 獻 以 雉,問 其 姓,對 曰,余 子 長 矣 能 奉 雉 而 從 我 矣 召 而 見 之,則 所 夢 也,未 問 其 名,號 之 曰 牛,曰 唯,皆 召 其 徒,使 視 之,遂 使 為 豎,有 寵,長 使 為 政。公 孫 明 知 叔 孫 於 齊,歸,未 逆 國 姜,子 明 取 之,故 怒 其 子,長 而 後 使 逆 之。田 於 丘 蕕,遂 遇 疾 焉。豎 牛 欲 亂 其 室 而 有 之,強 與 孟 盟,不 可。叔 孫 為 孟 鐘 曰,爾 未 際,饗 大 夫 以 落 之。既 具,使 豎 牛 請 日,入 弗 謁,出 命 之 日,及 賓 至,聞 鐘 聲,牛 曰,孟 有 北 婦 人 之 客 怒 將 往,牛 止 之。賓 出,使 拘 而 殺 諸 外,牛 又 強 與 仲 盟,不 可,仲 與 公 御 萊 書,觀 於 公,公 與 之 環,使 牛 入 示 之,入 不 示,出 命 佩 之,牛 謂 叔 孫,見 仲 而 何。叔 孫 曰,何 為。曰,不 見,既 自 見 矣,公 與 之 環 而 佩 之 矣。遂 逐 之,奔 齊,疾 急,命 召 仲,牛 許 而 不 召,杜 洩 見,告 之 飢 渴,授 之 戈,對 曰,求 之 而 至,又 何 去 焉。豎 牛 曰,夫 子 疾 病,不 欲 見 人。使 寘 饋 於 个 而 退,牛 弗 進,則 置 虛,命 徹,十 二 月,癸 丑,叔 孫 不 食,乙 卯,卒。牛 立 昭 子 而 相 之。公 使 杜 洩 葬 叔 孫,豎 牛 賂 叔 仲 昭 子,與 南 遺,使 惡杜 洩 於 季 孫 而 去 之,杜 洩 將 以 路 葬,且 盡 卿 禮。南 遺 謂 季 孫 曰,叔 孫 未 乘 路,葬 焉 用 之,且 冢 卿 無 路,介 卿 以 葬,不 亦 左 乎。季 孫 曰,然,使 杜 洩 舍 路。不 可,曰,夫 子 受 命 於 朝,而 聘 於 王,王 思 舊 勳 為 賜 之 路,復 命 而 致 之 君,君 不 敢 逆 王 命,而 復 賜 之,使 三 官 書 之,吾 子 為 司 徒,實 書 名,夫 子 為 司 馬,與 工 正 書 服,孟 孫 為 司 空,以 書 勳,今 死 而 弗 以,是 棄 君 命 也,書 在 公 府 而 弗以,是 廢 三 官 也,若 命 服,生 弗 敢 服,死 又 不 以,將 焉 用 之。乃 使 以 葬。季 孫 謀 去 中 軍,豎 牛 曰,夫 子 固 欲 去之。

五 年

1. 五 年,春,王 正 月,舍 中 軍。

2. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 屈 申。

3. 公 如 晉。

4. 夏,莒 牟 夷 以 牟 婁 及 防 兹 來 奔。

5. 秋,七 月,公 至 自 晉。

6. 戊 辰,叔 弓 帥 師 敗 莒 師 于 蚡 泉。

7. 秦 伯 卒。

8. 冬,楚 子,蔡 侯,陳 侯,許 男,頓 子,沈 子,徐 人,越 人,伐 吳。

左 傳 曰,五 年,春,王 正 月,舍 中 軍,卑 公 室 也,毀 中 軍 於 施 氏,成 諸 臧 氏 。初,作 三 軍,三 分 公 室,而 各 有 其 一,季 氏 盡 征 之,叔 孫 氏 臣 其 子 弟,孟 氏 取 其 半 焉,及 其 舍 之 也,四 分 公 室,季 氏 擇 二,二 子 各 一,皆 盡 征 之,而 貢 於 公。以 書 使 杜 洩 告 於 殯 曰,子 固 欲 毀 中 軍,既 毀 之 矣,故 告。杜 洩 曰,夫 子 唯 不 欲 毀 也,故 盟 諸 僖 閎,詛 諸 五 父 之 衢。受 其 書 而 投 之,帥 士 而 哭 之,叔 仲 子 謂 季 孫 曰,帶 受 命 於 子 叔 孫 曰,葬 鮮 者 自 西 門。季 孫 命 杜 洩,杜 洩 曰,卿 喪 自 朝,魯 禮 也,吾 子 為 國 政,未 改 禮 而 又 遷 之,羣 臣 懼 死 不 敢 自 也。既 葬 而 行,仲 至 自 齊,季 孫 欲 立 之,南 遺 曰,叔 孫 氏 厚 則 季 氏 薄,彼 實 家 亂,子 勿 與 知,不 亦 可 乎。南 遺 使 國 人 助 豎 牛,以 攻 諸 大 庫 之 庭,司 宮 射 之,中 目 而 死,豎 牛 取 東 鄙 三 十 邑,以 與 南 遺。昭 子 即 位,朝 其 家 衆 曰,豎 牛 禍 叔 孫 氏,使 亂大 從,殺 適 立 庶,又 披 其 邑,將 以 赦 罪,罪 莫 大 焉,必 速 殺 之,豎 牛 懼,奔 齊,孟 仲 之 子,殺 諸 塞 關 之 外,投 其 首 於 寕 風 之 棘 上。仲 尼 曰,叔 孫 昭 子 之 不 勞,不 可 能 也,周 任 有 言 曰,為 政 者 不 賞 私 勞,不 罰 私 怨,詩 云,有 覺 德 行,四 國 順 之。初,穆 子 之 生 也,莊 叔 以 周 易 筮 之,遇 明 夷 之 謙。以 示 卜 楚 丘。曰,是 將 行,而 歸 為子 祀,以 讒 人 入,其 名 曰 牛,卒 以 餒 死,明 夷,日 也,日 之 數 十,故 有 十 時,亦 當 十 位,自 王 已 下,其 二 為 公,其 三 為 卿,日 上 其 中,食 日 為 二,旦 日 為 三,明 夷 之謙,明 而 未 融,其 當 旦 乎,故 曰 為 子 祀,日 之 謙 當 鳥,故 曰 明 夷 于 飛,明 之 未 融,故 曰 垂 其 翼,象 日 之 動,故 曰 君 子 于 行,當 三 在 旦,故 曰 三 日 不 食,離,火 也,艮,山 也,離 為 火,火 焚 山,山 敗,於 人 為 言,敗 言 為 讒,故 曰 有 攸 往,主 人 有 言,言 必 讒 也,純 離 為 牛,世 亂 讒 勝,勝 將 適 離,故 曰 其 名 曰 牛,謙 不 足,飛 不 翔,垂 不 峻,翼 不 廣,故 曰 其 為 子 後 乎,吾 子,亞 卿 也,抑 少 不 終。

楚 子 以 屈 伸 為 貳 於 吳,乃 殺 之。以 屈 生 為 莫 敖,使 與 令 尹 子 蕩 如 晉 逆 女。過 鄭,鄭 伯 勞 子 蕩 於 氾,勞 屈 生 於 菟 氏,晉 侯 送 女 於 邢 丘,子 產 相 鄭 伯,會 晉 侯 於 邢 丘。

公 如 晉,自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄,無 失 禮,晉 侯 謂 女 叔 齊 曰,魯 侯 不 亦 善 於 禮 乎。對 曰,魯 侯 焉 知 禮。公 曰,何 為,自 郊 勞 至 于 贈 賄,禮 無 違 者 ,何 故 不 知。對 曰,是 儀 也,不 可 謂 禮,禮 所 以 守 其 國,行 其 政 令,無 失 其 民 者 也,今 政 令 在 家,不 能 取 也,有 子 家 羈,弗 能 用 也,奸 大 國 之 盟,陵 虐 小 國,利 人 之 難,不 知 其 私,公 室 四 分,民 食 於 他,思 莫 在 公,不 圖 其 終,為 國 君,難 將 及 身,不 恤 其 所,禮 之 本 末,將 於 此 乎 在,而 屑 屑 焉 習 儀 以 亟,言 善 於 禮,不 亦 遠 乎。君 子 謂 叔 侯 於 是 乎 知 禮。

晉 韓 宣 子 如 楚 送 女,叔 向 為 介,鄭 子皮,子 大 叔,勞 諸 索 氏。大 叔 謂 叔 向 曰,楚 王 汰 侈 已 甚,子 其 戒 之。叔 向 曰,汰 侈 已 甚,身 之 災 也,焉 能 及 人,若 奉 吾 幣 帛,慎 吾 威 儀,守 之 以 信,行 之 以 禮,敬 始 而 思 終,終 無 不 復,從 而 不 失 儀,敬 而 失 威,道 之 以 訓 辭,奉 之 以 舊 法,考 之 以 先 王,度 之 以 二 國,雖 汰 侈,若 我 何。及 楚,楚 子 朝 其 大 夫 曰 ,晉,吾 仇 敵 也,苟 得 志 焉,無 恤 其 他,今 其 來 者,上 卿 上 大 夫 也,若 吾 以 韓 起 為 閽,以 羊 舌 肸 為 司 宮,足 以 辱 晉,吾 亦 得 志 矣,可 乎。大 夫 莫 對,薳 啟 彊 曰,可,苟 有 其 備,何 故 不 可,恥 匹 夫 不 可 以 無 備,况 恥 國 乎,是 以 聖 王 務 行 禮,不求 恥 人,朝 聘 有 珪,享 覜 有 璋,小 有 述 職,大 有 巡 功,設 机 而 不 倚,爵 盈 而 不 飲,宴 有 好 貨,飧 有 陪 鼎,入 有 郊 勞,出 有 贈 賄,禮 之 至 也,國 家 之 敗,失 之 道 也,則 禍 亂 興,城 濮 之 役,晉 無 楚 備,以 敗 於 邲,邲 之 役,楚 無 晉 備,以 敗 於 鄢,自 鄢 以 來,晉 不 失 備,而 加 之 以 禮,重 之 以 睦,是 以 楚 弗 能 報,而 求 親 焉,既 獲 姻 親,又 欲 恥 之,以 召 窛 讐,備 之 若 何,誰 其 重 此,若 有 其 人,恥 之 可 也,若 其 未 有,君 亦 圖 之。晉 之 事 君,臣 曰 可 矣,求 諸 侯 而 麇 至,求 昏 而 薦 女,君 親 送 之。上 卿 及 上 大 夫 致 之,猶 欲 恥 之,君 其 亦 有 備 矣,不 然,奈 何,韓 起 之下,趙 成,中 行 吳,魏 舒,范 鞅,知 盈,羊 舌 肸 之 下,祁 午,張 趯,籍 談,女 齊。梁 丙,張 骼,輔 躒,苗 賁 皇,皆 諸 侯 之 選 也,韓 襄 為 公 族 大 夫,韓 須 受 命 而 使 矣,箕 襄,邢 帶,叔 禽,叔 椒,子 羽,皆 大 家 也,韓 賦 七 邑,皆 成 縣 也,羊 舌 四 族,皆 彊 家 也,晉 人 若 喪 韓 起,楊 肸,五 卿,八 大 夫 輔 韓 須,楊 石 ,因 其 十 家 九 縣,長 轂 九 百,其 餘 四 十 縣,遺 守 四 千,奮 其 武 怒,以 報 其 大 恥,伯 華 謀 之,中 行 伯,魏 舒 帥 之,其 蔑 不 濟 矣,君 將 以 親 易 怨 ,實 無 禮 以 速 寇,而 未 有 其 備,使 群 臣 往 遺 之 禽,以 逞 君 心,何 不 可 之 有。王 曰,不 穀 之 過 也,大 夫 無 辱。厚 為 韓 子 禮,王 欲 敖 叔 向 以 其 所 不 知,而 不 能,亦 厚 其 禮。韓 起 反,鄭 伯 勞 諸 圉,辭 不 敢 見,禮 也。

鄭 罕 虎 如 齊,娶 於 子 尾 氏,晏 子 驟 見 之,陳 桓 子 問 其 故,對 曰,能 用 善 人,民 之 主 也。

夏,莒 牟 夷 以 牟 婁 及 防 玆 來 奔。牟 夷 非 卿 而 書,尊 地 也。

莒 人 愬 于 晉 ,晉 侯 欲 止 公,范 獻 子 曰,不 可,人 朝 而 執 之,誘 也,討 不 以 師,而 誘 以 成 之,惰 也,為 盟 主 而 犯 此 二者,無 乃 不 可 乎,請 歸 之,閒 而 以 師 討 焉,乃 歸 公。秋,七 月,公 至 自 晉。

莒 人 來 討,不 設 備。戊 辰,叔 弓 敗 諸 蚡 泉。莒 未 陳 也。

冬,十 月,楚 子 以 諸 侯 及 東 夷 伐 吳。以 報 棘,櫟,麻,之 役,薳 射 以 繁 揚 之 師,會 於 夏 汭,越 大 夫 常 壽 過 帥 師 會 楚 子 于 瑣。聞 吳 師 出,薳 啟 彊 帥 師 從 之,遽,不 設 備,吳 人敗 諸 鵲 岸。楚 子 以 馹 至 于 羅 汭,吳 子 使 其 弟 蹶 由 犒 師,楚 人 執 之,將 以 釁 鼓,王 使 問 焉,曰,女 卜 來 吉 乎。對 曰,吉,寡 君 聞 君 將 治 兵 於 敝 邑,卜 之 以 守 龜,曰,余 亟 使 人 犒 師,請 行 以 觀 王 怒 之 疾 徐,而 為 之 備,尚 克 知 之,龜 兆 告 吉,曰,克 可 知 也,君 若 驩 焉,好 逆 使 臣,滋 敝 邑 休 怠 而 忘 其 死,亡 無 日 矣。今 君 奮 焉,震 電 馮 怒,虐 執 使 臣,將 以 釁 鼓,則 吳 知 所 備 矣,敝 邑 雖 羸,若 早 修 完,其 可 以 息 師,難 易 有 備,可 謂 吉 矣,且 吳 社 稷 是 卜,豈 為 一 人,使 臣 獲 釁 軍 鼓,而 敝 邑 知 備,以 禦 不 虞,其 為 吉 孰 大 焉。國 之 守 龜,其 何 事 不 卜,一 臧 一 否,其 誰 能 常 之,城 濮 之 兆,其 報 在 邲,今 此 行 也,其 庸 有 報 志,乃 弗 殺。楚 師 濟 於 羅 汭,沈 尹 赤 會 楚 子,次 於 萊 山,薳 射 帥 繁 揚 之 師,先 入 南 懷,楚 師 從 之,及 汝 清,吳 不 可 入,楚 子 遂 觀 兵 於 坻 箕 之 山。是 行 也,吳 早 設 備,楚 無 功 而 還,以 蹶 由 歸。楚 子 懼 吳,使 沈 尹 射 待 命 于 巢,薳 啟 彊 待 命 于 雩 婁,禮 也。

秦 后 子 復 歸 於 秦,景 公 卒 故 也。

六 年

1. 六 年,春,王 正 月,杞 伯 益 姑 卒。

2. 葬 秦 景 公。

3. 夏,季 孫 宿 如 晉。

4. 葬 杞 文 公。

5. 宋 華 合 比 出 奔 衛。

6. 秋,九 月,大 雩。

7. 楚 薳 罷 帥 師 伐 吳。

8. 冬,叔 弓 如 楚。

9. 齊 侯 伐 北 燕。

左 傳 曰,六 年,春,王 正 月,杞 文 公 卒。弔 如 同 盟,禮 也。

大 夫 如 秦。葬 景 公。禮 也。

三 月,鄭 人 鑄 刑 書,叔 向 使 詒 子 產 書曰,始 吾 有 虞 於 子,今 則 已 矣,昔 先 王 議 事 以 制,不 為 刑 辟,懼 民之 有 爭 心 也,猶 不 可 禁 禦,是 故 閑 之 以 義,糾 之 以 政,行 之 以 禮,守 之 以 信,奉 之 以 仁,制 為 祿 位,以 勸 其 從,嚴 斷 刑 罰,以 威 其 淫,懼 其 未 也,故 誨 之 以 忠,聳 之 以 行,教 之 以 務,使 之 以 和,臨 之 以 敬,涖 之 以 彊,斷 之 以 剛,猶 求 聖 哲 之 上,明 察 之 官,忠 信 之 長,慈 惠 之師,民 於 是 乎 可 任 使 也,而 不 生 禍 亂,民 知 有 辟,則 不 忌 於 上,竝 有 爭 心,以 徵 於 書,而 徼 幸 以 成 之,弗 可 為 矣,夏 有 亂 政 而 作 禹 刑,商 有 亂 政,而 作 湯 刑,周 有 亂 政,而 作 九 刑,三 辟 之 興,皆 叔 世 也,今 吾 子相 鄭 國,作 封 洫,立 謗 政,制 參 辟,鑄 刑 書,將 以 靖 民,不 亦 難 乎,詩 曰,儀 式 刑 文 王 之 德,日 靖 四 方,又 曰,儀 刑 文 王,萬 邦 作 孚,如 是 何 辟 之 有,民 知 爭 端 矣,將 棄 禮 而 徵 於 書,錐 刀 之 末,將 盡 爭 之,亂 獄 滋 豐,賄 賂 竝 行,終 子 之 世,鄭 其 敗 乎,肸 聞 之,國 將 亡,必 多 制,其 此 之 謂 乎。復 書 曰,若 吾 子 之 言,僑 不 才,不 能 及 子 孫,吾 以 救 世 也,既 不 承 命,敢 忘 大 惠 士 文 伯 曰,火 見,鄭 其 火 乎,火 未 出 而 作 火,以 鑄 刑 器,藏 爭 辟 焉,火 如 象 之,不 火 何 為。

夏,季 孫 宿 如 晉。拜 莒 田 也。晉 侯 享 之,有 加 籩,武 子 退,使 行 人 告 曰,小 國 之 事 大 國 也,苟 免 於 討,不 敢 求 貺,得 貺,不 過 三 獻,今 豆 有 加,下 臣 弗 堪,無 乃 戾 也。韓 宣 子 曰,寡 君 以 為 驩 也,對 曰,寡 君 猶 未 敢,况 下 臣,君 之 隸 也,敢 聞 加 貺,固 請 徹 加,而 後 卒 事,晉 人 以 為 知 禮,重 其 好 貨。

宋 寺 人 柳 有 寵,大 子 佐 惡 之,華 合 比 曰,我 殺 之。柳 聞 之,乃 坎 用 牲 埋 書,而 告 公 曰,合 比 將 納 亡 人 之族,既 盟 於 北 郭 矣。公 使 視 之,有 焉。遂 逐 華 合 比,合 比 奔 衛,於 是 華 亥 欲 代 右 師,乃 與 寺 人 柳 比,從 為 之 徵,曰,聞 之 久 矣。公 使 代 之。見 於 左 師,左 師 曰,女 夫 也 必 亡,女 喪 而 宗 室,於 人 何 有,人 亦 於 女 何 有,詩 曰,宗 子 維 城,毋 俾 城 壞,毋 獨 斯 畏,女 其 畏 哉。

六 月,丙 戌,鄭 災。

秋,九 月,大 雩。旱 也。

徐 儀 楚 聘 於 楚,楚 子 執 之。逃 歸。懼 其 叛 也,使 薳 洩 伐 徐。吳 人 救 之。令 尹 子 蕩 帥 師 伐 吳,師 於 豫 章,而 次 於 乾 谿,吳 人 敗 其 師 於 房 鍾,獲 宮 廐 尹 棄 疾。子 蕩 歸,罪 於 薳 洩 而 殺 之。

冬,叔 弓 如 楚。聘,且 弔 敗 也。

十 一 月,齊 侯 如 晉,請 伐 北 燕 也。士 匄 相 士 鞅 逆 諸 河,禮 也。晉 侯 許 之,十 二 月,齊 侯 遂 伐 北 燕,將 納 簡 公,晏 子 曰,不 入,燕 有 君 矣,民 不 貳,吾 君 賄,左 右 諂 諛,作 大 事 不 以 信,未 嘗 可 也,

七 年

1. 七 年,春,王 正 月,暨 齊 平。

2. 三 月,公 如 楚。

3. 叔 孫 舍 如 齊,涖 盟。

4. 夏,四 月,甲 辰 朔,日 有 食 之。

5. 秋,八 月,戊 辰,衛 侯 惡 卒。

6. 九 月,公 至 自 楚。

7. 冬,十 有 一 月,癸 未,季 孫 宿 卒。

8. 十 有 二 月,癸 亥,葬 衛 襄 公。

左 傳 曰,七 年,春,王 正 月,暨 齊 平。齊 求 之 也。癸 巳,齊 侯 次 於 虢,燕 人 行 成,曰,敝 邑 知 罪,敢 不 聽 命,先 君 之 敝 器,請 以 謝 罪。公 孫 皙 曰,受 服 而 退,俟 釁 而 動,可 也。二 月,戊 午,盟 於 濡 上,燕 人 歸 燕 姬,賂 以 瑤 罋,玉 櫝,斝 耳。不 克 而 還。

楚 子 之 為 令 尹 也,為 王 旌,以 田,芋 尹無 宇 斷 之,曰,一 國 兩 君,其 誰 堪 之。及 即 位,為 章 華 之 宮,納 亡 人 以 實 之,無 宇 之 閽 入 焉。無 宇 執 之,有 司 弗 與,曰,執 人 於 王 宮,其 罪 大 矣。執 而 謁 諸 王。王 將 飲 酒,無 宇 辭 曰,天 子 經 畧,諸 侯 正 封,古 之 制 也,封 畧 之 內,何 非 君 土,食 土 之 毛,誰 非 君 臣,故 詩 曰,普 天 之 下,莫 非 王 土,率 土 之 濱,莫 非 王 臣,天 有 十 日,人 有 十 等,下 所 以 事 上,上 所 以 共 神 也,故 王 臣 公,公 臣 大 夫,大 夫 臣 士,士 臣 皁,皁 臣 輿,輿 臣 隸,隸 臣 僚,僚 臣 僕,僕 臣 臺,馬 有 圉,牛 有 牧,以 待 百 事,今 有 司 曰,女 胡 執 人 於 王 宮,將 焉 執 之,周 文 王 之 法 曰,有 亡 荒 閱,所 以 得 天 下 也,吾 先 君 文 王,作 僕 區 之 法,曰,盜 所 隱 器,與 盜 同 罪,所 以 封 汝 也,若 從 有 司,是 無 所 執 逃 臣 也,逃 而 舍 之,是 無 陪 臺 也,王 事 無 乃 闕 乎,昔 武 王 數 紂 之 罪,以 告 諸 侯,曰,紂 為 天 下 逋 逃 主,萃 淵 藪,故 夫 致 死 焉,君 王 始 求 諸 侯,而 則 紂,無 乃 不 可 乎,若 以 二 文 之 法 取 之,盜 有 所 在 矣。王 曰,取 而 臣 以 往,盜 有 寵,未 可 得 也。遂 赦 之。

楚 子 成 章 華 之 臺,願 與 諸 侯 落 之。大 宰 薳 啟 彊 曰,臣 能 得 魯 侯。薳 啟 彊 來 召 公,辭 曰,昔 先 君 成 公,命 我 先 大 夫 嬰 齊 曰,吾 不 忍 先 君 之 好,將 使 衡 父 照 臨 楚 國,鎮 撫 其 社 稷,以 輯 寕 爾 民,嬰 齊 受 命 於 蜀,奉 承 以 來,弗 敢 失 隕,而 致 諸 宗 祧,曰,我 先 君 共 王,引 領 北 望,日 月 以 冀,傳 序 相 授,於 今 四 王 矣,嘉 惠 未 至,唯 襄 公 之 辱 臨 我 喪,孤 與 其 二 三 臣,悼 心 失 圖,社 稷 之 不 皇,况 能 懷 思 君 德,今 君 若 步 玉 趾,辱 見 寡 君,寵 靈 楚 國,以 信 蜀 之 役,致 君 之 嘉 惠,是 寡 君 既 受 貺 矣,何 蜀 之 敢 望,其 先 君 鬼 神,實 嘉 賴 之,豈 唯 寡 君,君 若 不 來,使 臣 請 問 行 期,寡 君 將 承 質 幣,而 見 於 蜀,以 請 先 君 之 貺。公 將 往,夢 襄 公 祖。梓 慎 曰,君 不 果 行,襄 公 之 適 楚 也,夢 周 公 祖 而 行,今 襄 公 實 祖,君 其 不 行。子 服 惠 伯 曰,行,先 君 未 嘗 適 楚,故 周 公 祖 以 道 之,襄 公 適 楚 矣,而 祖 以 道 君,不 行 何 之。三 月,公 如 楚,鄭 伯 勞 於 師 之 梁,孟 僖 子 為 介,不 能 相 儀,及 楚,不 能 答 郊 勞。

夏,四 月,甲 辰 朔,日 有 食 之。晉 侯 問 於 士 文 伯 曰,誰 將 當 日 食。對 曰,魯 衛 惡 之,衛 大 魯 小。公 曰,何 故。對 曰,去 衛 地 如 魯 地,於 是 有 災,魯 實 受 之,其 大 咎,其 衛 君 乎,魯 將 上 卿。公 曰,詩 所 謂 彼 日 而 食,于 何 不 臧 者,何 也。對 曰,不 善 政 之 謂 也,國 無 政,不 用 善,則 自 取 謫 於 日 月 之 災,故 政 不 可 不 慎 也,務 三 而 已,一 曰 擇 人,二 曰 因 民,三 曰 從 時。

晉 人 來 治 杞 田,季 孫 將 以 成 與 之,謝息 為 孟 孫 守,不 可。曰,人 有 言 曰,雖 有 挈 缾 之 知,守 不 假 器,禮 也,夫 子 從 君,而 守 臣 喪 邑,雖 吾 子 亦 有 猜 焉。季 孫 曰,君 之 在 楚,於 晉 罪 也,又 不 聽 晉,魯 罪 重 矣,晉 師 必 至,吾 無 以 待 之,不 如 與 之,閒 晉 而 取 諸 杞,吾 與 子 桃,成 反 ,誰 敢 有 之,是 得 二 成 也,魯 無 憂 而 孟 孫 益 邑,子 何 病 焉。辭 以 無 山,與 之 萊 柞,乃 遷 於 桃,晉 人 為 杞 取 成。

楚 子 享 公 於 新 臺,使 長 鬣 者 相,好 以大 屈,既 而 悔 之,薳 啟 彊 聞 之,見 公,公 語 之,拜 賀。公 曰,何 賀。對 曰,齊 與 晉 越,欲 此 久 矣,寡 君 無 適 與 也,而 傳 諸 君,君 其 備 禦三 鄰,慎 守 寶 矣,敢 不 賀 乎。公 懼,乃 反 之。

鄭 子 產 聘 於 晉,晉 侯 有 疾,韓 宣 子 逆 客,私 焉 曰,寡 君 寢 疾,於 今 三 月 矣,竝 走 羣 望,有 加 而 無 瘳,今 夢 黃 熊 入 於 寢 門,其 何 厲 鬼 也。對 曰,以 君 之 明,子 為 大 政,其 何 厲 之 有,昔 堯 殛 鯀 於 羽 山,其 神 化 為 黃 熊,以 入 于 羽 淵,實 為 夏 郊,三 代 祀 之,晉 為 盟 主,其 或 者 未 之 祀 也 乎。韓 子 祀 夏 郊,晉 侯 有 間,賜 子 產 莒 之 二 方 鼎。子 產 為 豐 施 歸 州 田 於 韓 宣 子,曰,日 君 以 夫 公 孫 段 為 能 任 其 事,而 賜 之 州 田,今 無 祿 早 世,不 獲 久 享 君 德,其 子 弗 敢 有,不 敢 以 聞 於 君,私 致 諸 子。宣 子 辭,子 產 曰,古 人 有 言 曰,其 父析 薪,其 子 弗 克 負 荷,施 將 懼 不 能 任 其 先 人 之 祿,其 况 能 任 大 國 之 賜,縱 吾 子 為 政 而 可,後 之 人 若 屬 有 疆 埸 之 言,敝 邑 獲 戾,而 豐 氏 受 其大 討,吾 子 取 州,是 免 敝 邑 於 戾。而 建 置 豐 氏 也,敢 以 為 請。宣 子 受 之,以 告 晉 侯,晉 侯 以 與 宣 子,宣 子 為 初 言,病 有 之,以 易 原 縣 於 樂 大 心。

鄭 人 相 驚 以 伯 有,曰 伯 有 至 矣。則 皆走,不 知 所 往。鑄 刑 書 之 歲 二 月 ,或 夢 伯 有 介 而 行,曰,壬 子,余 將 殺 帶 也,明 年,壬 寅,余 又 將 殺 段 也。及 壬 子,駟 帶 卒,國 人 益 懼。齊 燕 平 之 月,壬 寅,公 孫 段 卒,國 人 愈 懼。其 明 月,子 產 立 公 孫 洩,及 良 止 以 撫 之,乃 止。子 大 叔 問 其 故,子 產 曰,鬼 有 所 歸,乃 不 為 厲,吾 為 之 歸 也。大 叔 曰,公 孫 洩 何 為。子 產 曰,說 也,為 身 無 義 而 圖 說,從 政,有 所 反 之,以 取 媚 也,不 媚 不 信,不 信,民 不 從 也。及 子 產 適 晉,趙 景 子 問 焉,曰,伯 有 猶 能 為 鬼 乎。子 產 曰,能,人 生 始 化 曰 魄,既 生 魄,陽 曰 魂,用 物 精 多,則 魂 魄 強,是 以 有 精 爽,至 於 神 明,匹 夫 匹 婦 強 死,其 魂 魄 猶 能 馮 依 於 人,以 為 淫 厲,況 良 霄,我 先 君 穆 公 之 冑,子 良 之 孫,子 耳 之 子,敝 邑 之 卿,從 政 三 世 矣,鄭 雖 無 腆,抑 諺 曰,蕞 爾 國,而 三 世 執 其 政 柄,其 用 物 也 弘 矣,其 取 精 也 多 矣,其 族 又 大,所 馮 厚 矣,而 強 死,能 為 鬼,不 亦 宜 乎。

子 皮 之 族,飲 酒 無 度,故 馬 師 氏 與 子皮 氏 有 惡,齊 師 還 自 燕 之 月,罕 朔 殺 罕 魋,罕 朔 奔 晉。韓 宣 子 問 其 位 於 子 產,子 產 曰,君 之 羈 臣,苟 得 容 以 逃 死,何 位 之 敢 擇,卿 違,從 大 夫 之 位,罪 人 以 其 罪 降,古 之 制 也,朔 於 敝 邑,亞 大 夫 也,其 官,馬 師 也,獲 戾 而 逃,唯 執 政 所 寘 之,得 免 其 死,為 惠 大 矣,又 敢 求 位。宣 子 為 子 產 之 敏 也,使 從 嬖 大 夫。

秋,八 月,衛 襄 公 卒。晉 大 夫 言 於 范 獻 子 曰,衛 事 晉 為 睦,晉 不 禮 焉 ,庇 其 賊 人,而 取 其 地,故 諸 侯 貳,詩 曰,鶺 鴒 在 原,兄 弟 急 難,又 曰,死 喪 之 威,兄 弟 孔 懷,兄 弟 之 不 睦,於 是 乎 不 弔,况 遠 人,誰 敢 歸 之,今 又 不 禮 於 衛 之 嗣,衛 必 叛 我,是 絕 諸 侯 也。獻 子 以 告 韓 宣 子,宣 子 說,使 獻 子 如 衛 弔,且 反 戚 田。衛 齊 惡 告 喪 於 周,且 請 命,王 使 成 簡 公 如 衛 弔,且 追 命 襄 公,曰,叔 父 陟 恪,在 我 先 王 之 左 右,以 佐 事 上 帝,余 敢 忘 高 圉 亞 圉。

九 月,公 至 自 楚。孟 僖 子 病 不 能 相 禮,乃 講 學 之,苟 能 禮 者 從 之。及 其 將 死 也,召 其 大 夫 曰,禮,人 之 幹 也,無 禮,無 以 立,吾 聞 將 有 達 者,曰 孔 丘,聖 人 之 後 也,而 滅 於 宋,其 祖 弗 父 何,以 有 宋 而 授 厲 公,及 正 考 父 佐 戴,武,宣,三 命 茲 益 共,故 其 鼎 銘 云,一 命 而 僂,再 命 而 傴,三 命 而 俯,循 牆 而 走,亦 莫 余 敢 侮,饘 於 是,鬻 於 是,以 餬 余 口,其 共 也 如 是,臧 孫 紇 有 言 曰,聖 人 有 明 德 者,若 不 當 世,其 後 必 有 達 人,今 其 將 在 孔 丘 乎,我 若 獲 沒,必 屬 說 與 何 忌 於 夫 子,使 事 之,而 學 禮 焉,以 定 其 位 故 孟 懿 子,與 南 宮 敬 叔,師 事 仲 尼。仲 尼 曰,能 補 過 者,君 子 也,詩 曰,君 子 是 則 是 效,孟 僖 子 可 則 效 已 矣。

單 獻 公 棄 親 用 羇,冬,十 月,辛 酉,襄,頃 之 族,殺 獻 公 而 立 成 公。

十 一 月,季 武 子 卒。晉 侯 謂 伯 瑕 曰,吾 所 問 日 食,從 矣,可 常 乎。對 曰 ,不 可,六 物 不 同,民 心 不 壹,事 序 不 類,官 職 不 則,同 始 異 終,胡 可 常 也,詩 曰,或 燕 燕 居 息,或 憔 悴 事 國,其 異 終 也 如 是。公 曰,何 謂 六 物。對 曰,歲 時 日 月 星 辰,是 謂 也。公 曰,多 語 寡 人,辰 而 莫 同,何 謂 辰。對 曰,日 月 之 會 是 謂 辰,故 以 配 日。

衛 襄 公 夫 人 姜 氏,無 子,嬖 人 婤 姶 生 孟 縶,孔 成 子 夢 康 叔 謂 己 立 元 ,余 使 羇 之 孫 圉,與 史 苟,相 之。 朝 亦 夢 康 叔 謂 己,余 將 命 而 子 苟,與 孔 烝 鉏 之 曾 孫 圉,相 元 史 朝 見 成子,告 之 夢,夢 協。晉 韓 宣 子 為 政 ,聘 於 諸 侯 之 歲,婤 姶 生 子,名 之 曰 元,孟 縶 之 足 不 良,弱 行,孔 成 子 以 周 易 筮 之,曰,元 尚 享 衛 國,主 其 社 稷。遇 屯。又 曰,余 尚 立 縶,尚 克 嘉 之。遇 屯 之 比 以 示 史 朝,史 朝 曰,元 亨,又 何 疑 焉,成 子 曰,非 長 之 謂 乎,對 曰,康 叔 名 之,可 謂 長 矣,孟 非 人 也,將 不 列 於 宗,不 可 謂 長,且 其 繇 曰,利 建 侯,嗣 吉 何 建,建 非 嗣 也,二 卦 皆 云,子 其 建 之,康 叔 命 之,二 卦 告 之,筮 襲 於 夢,武 王 所 用 也,弗 從 何 為,弱 足 者 居,侯 主 社 稷,臨 祭 祀,奉 民 人,事 鬼 神,從 會 朝,又 焉 得 居,各 以 所 利,不 亦 可 乎。故 孔 成 子 立 靈 公。十 二 月,癸 亥,葬 衛 襄 公。

1. 八 年,春,陳 侯 之 弟 招 殺 陳 世 子 偃 師。

2. 夏,四 月,辛 丑,陳 侯 溺 卒。

3. 叔 弓 如 晉。

4. 楚 人 執 陳 行 人 干 徵 師,殺 之。

5. 陳 公 子 留 出 奔 鄭。

6. 秋,蒐 于 紅。

7. 陳 人 殺 其 大 夫 公 子 過。

8. 大 雩。

9. 冬,十 月,壬 午,楚 師 滅 陳,執 陳 公 子 招,放 之 于 越,殺 陳 孔 奐。

10. 葬 陳 哀 公。

左 傳 曰,八 年,春,石 言 於 晉 魏 榆,晉 侯 問 於 師 曠 曰,石 何 故 言。對 曰,石 不 能 言,或 馮 焉,不 然,民 聽 濫 也,抑 臣 又 聞 之 曰,作 事 不 時,怨 讟 動 於 民,則 有 非 言 之 物 而 言,今 宮 室 崇 侈,民 力 彫 盡,怨 讟 竝 作,莫 保 其 性,石 言 不 亦 宜 乎。於 是 晉 侯 方 築 虒 祁 之 宮,叔 向 曰,子 野 之 言,君 子 哉,君 子 之 言,信 而 有 徵,故 怨 遠 於 其 身,小 人 之 言,僭 而 無 徵,故 怨 咎 及 之,詩 曰,哀 哉 不 能 言,匪 舌 是 出,唯 躬 是 瘁,哿 矣 能 言,巧 言 如 流,俾 躬 處 休,其 是 之 謂 乎,是 宮 也 成,諸 侯 必 叛,君 必 有 咎,夫 子 知 之 矣。

陳 哀 公 元 妃 鄭 姬,生 悼 大 子 偃 師,二 妃 生 公 子 畱,下 妃 生 公 子 勝。二 妃 嬖,留 有 寵,屬 諸 司 徒 招 與 公 子 過。哀 公 有 廢 疾,三 月,甲 申,公 子 招,公 子 過,殺 悼 大 子 偃 師,而 立 公 子 畱。

夏,四 月,辛 亥,哀 公 縊。

叔 弓 如 晉。賀 虒 祁 也。游 吉 相 鄭 伯 以 如 晉,亦 賀 虒 祁 也。史 趙 見 子 大 叔,曰,甚 哉 其 相 蒙 也,可 弔 也,而 又 賀 之。子 大 叔 曰,若 何 弔 也,其 非 唯 我 賀,將 天 下 實 賀。

干 徵 師 赴 於 楚,且 告 有 立 君,公 子 勝 愬 之 於 楚,楚 人 執 而 殺 之,公 子 畱 奔 鄭。書 曰,陳 侯 之 弟 招 殺 陳 世 子 偃 師,罪 在 招 也。楚 人 執 陳 行 人 干 徵 師,殺 之,罪 不 在 行 人 也。

秋,大 蒐 于 紅。自 根 牟 至 於 商 衛,革 車 千 乘。

七 月,甲 戌,齊 子 尾 卒,子 旗 欲 治 其 室,丁 丑,殺 梁 嬰,八 月,庚 戌 ,逐 子 成,子 工,子 車,皆 來 奔,而 立 子 良 氏 之 宰。其 臣 曰,孺 子 長 矣,而 相 吾 室,欲 兼 我 也。授 甲 將 攻 之,陳 桓 子 善 於 子 尾,亦 授 甲 將 助 之。或 告 子 旗,子 旗 不 信,則 數 人 告 將 往,又 數 人 告 於 道,遂 如 陳 氏。桓 子 將 出 矣,聞 之 而 還,游 服 而 逆 之。請 命。對 曰,聞 彊 氏 授 甲,將 攻 子,子 聞 諸。曰,弗 聞。子 盍 亦 授 甲,無 宇 請 從。子 旗 曰,子 胡 然,彼 孺 子 也,吾 誨 之,猶 懼 其 不濟,吾 又 寵 秩 之,其 若 先 人 何,子 盍 謂 之,周 書 曰,惠 不 惠,茂 不 茂,康 叔 所 以 服 弘 大 也,桓 子 稽 顙 曰,頃,靈,福 子,吾 猶 有 望。遂 和 之 如 初。

陳 公 子 招 歸 罪 於 公 子 過 而 殺 之。

九 月,楚 公 子 棄 疾 帥 師,奉 孫 吳 圍 陳,宋 戴 惡 會 之。冬,十 一 月,壬 午,滅 陳。輿 嬖 袁 克 殺 馬 毀 玉 以 葬,楚 人 將 殺 之,請 寘 之,既 又 請 私 ,私 於 幄,加 絰 於 顙 而 逃。使 穿 封 戌 為 陳 公,城 麇 之 役 不 諂。侍 飲 酒 於 王,王 曰,城 麇 之 役,女 知 寡 人 之 及 此,女 其 辟 寡 人 乎。對 曰,若 知 君 之 及 此,臣 必 致 死 禮 以 息 楚。晉 侯 問 於 史 趙 曰,陳 其 遂 亡 乎。對 曰,未 也。公 曰,何 故。對 曰,陳 顓 頊 之 族 也,歲 在 鶉 火,是 以 卒 滅,陳 將 如 之 今 在 析 木 之 津,猶 將 復 由,且 陳 氏 得 政 於 齊,而 後 陳 卒 亡,自 幕 至 于 瞽 瞍,無 違 命,舜 重 之 以 明 德,寘 德 於 遂,遂 世 守 之,及 胡 公 不 淫,故 周 賜 之 姓,使 祀 虞 帝,臣 聞 盛 德 必 百 世 祀,虞 之 世 數 未 也,繼 守 將 在 齊,其 兆 既 存 矣。

九 年

1. 九 年,春,叔 弓 會 楚 子 于 陳。

2. 許 遷 于 夷。

3. 夏,四 月,陳 災。

4. 秋,仲 孫 貜 如 齊。

5. 冬,築 郎 囿。

左 傳 曰,九 年,春,叔 弓,宋 華 亥,鄭 游 吉,衛 趙 黶,會 楚 子 于 陳。

二 月,庚 申,楚 公 子 棄 疾,遷 許 于 夷,實 城 父,取 州 來 淮 北 之 田 以 益 之。伍 舉 授 許 男 田,然 丹 遷 城 父 人 於 陳,以 夷 濮 西 田 益 之。遷 方 城 外 人 於 許。

周 甘 人 與 晉 閻 嘉 爭 閻 田,晉 梁 丙,張趯,率 陰 戎 伐 潁。王 使 詹 桓 伯 辭 於 晉 曰,我 自 夏 以 后 稷,魏,駘,芮,岐,畢,吾 西 土 也,及 武 王 克 商,蒲 姑,商 奄,吾 東 土 也,巴,濮,楚,鄧,吾 南 土 也,肅 慎,燕 亳,吾 北 土 也,吾 何 邇 封 之 有 文,武,成,康 之 建 母 弟,以 蕃 屏 周,亦 其 廢 隊 是 為,豈 如 弁 髦,而 因 以 敝 之,先 王 居 檮 杌 於 四 裔,以 禦 螭 魅,故 允 姓 之 姦,居 於 瓜 州,伯 父 惠 公 歸 自 秦,而 誘 以來,使 偪 我 諸 姬,入 我 郊 甸,則 戎 焉 取 之,戎 有 中 國,誰 之 咎 也,后 稷 封 殖 天 下,今 戎 制 之,不 亦 難 乎,伯 父 圖 之,我 在 伯 父,猶 衣 服 之 有 冠 冕,木 水 之 有 本 原,民 人 之 有 謀 主 也,伯 父 若 裂 冠 毀 冕,拔 本 塞 原 ,專 棄 謀 主,雖 戎 狄 其 何 有 余 一 人。叔 向 謂 宣 子 曰,文 之 伯 也,豈 能 改 物,翼 戴 天 子,而 加 之 以 共,自 文 以 來,世 有 衰 德,而 暴 滅 宗 周,以 宣 示 其 侈,諸 侯 之 貳,不 亦 宜 乎,且 王 辭 直,子 其 圖 之。宣 子 說,王 有 姻 喪,使 趙 成 如 周 弔,且 致 閻 田 與 襚,反 潁 俘。王 亦 使 賓 滑 執 甘 大 夫 襄,以 說 於 晉。晉 人 禮 而 歸 之。

夏,四 月,陳 災。鄭 裨 竈 曰,五 年,陳 將 復 封,封 五 十 二 年 而 遂 亡。子 產 問 其 故。對 曰,陳,水 屬 也,火,水 妃 也,而 楚 所 相 也,今 火 出 而 火 陳,逐 楚 而 建 陳 也,妃 以 五 成,故 曰 五 年,歲 五 及 鶉 火,而 後 陳 卒 亡,楚 克 有 之,天 之 道 也,故 曰 五 十 二 年。

孟 僖 子 如 齊 殷 聘。禮 也。

冬,築 郎 囿。書 時 也。季 平 子 欲 其 速 成 也,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,詩 曰,經 始 勿 亟,庶 民 子 來,焉 用 速 成,其 以 勦 民 也,無 囿 猶 可,無 民,其 可 乎。

晉 荀 盈 如 齊 逆 女,還,六 月,卒 于 戲 陽,殯 于 絳,未 葬,晉 侯 飲 酒 樂。膳 宰 屠 蒯 趨 入,請 佐 公 使 尊。許 之,而 遂 酌 以 飲,工,曰,女 為 君 耳,將 司 聰 也,辰 在 子 卯,謂 之 疾 日,君 徹 宴 樂,學 人 舍 業,為 疾 故 也,君 之 卿 佐,是 謂 股 肱,股 肱 或 虧,何 痛 如 之,女 弗 聞 而 樂,是 不 聰 也。又 飲 外 嬖 嬖 叔,曰,女 為 君 目,將 司 明 也,服 以 旌 禮,禮 以 行 事,事 有 其 物,物 有 其 容,今 君 之 容,非 其 物 也,而 女 不 見,是 不 明 也。亦 自 飲 也,曰,味 以 行 氣,氣 以 實 志,志 以 定 言,言 以 出 令,臣 實 司 味,二 御 失 官,而 君 弗 命,臣 之 罪 也。公 說,徹 酒,初,公 欲 廢 知 氏,而 立 其 外 嬖,為 是 悛 而 止。秋,八月,使 荀 躒 佐 下 軍 以 說 焉。

1. 十 年,春,王 正 月。

2. 夏,齊 欒 施 來 奔。

3. 秋,七 月,季 孫 意 如,叔 弓,仲 孫 貜,帥 師 伐 莒。

4. 戊 子,晉 侯 彪 卒。

5. 九 月,叔 孫 婼 如 晉,葬 晉 平 公。

6. 十 有 二 月,甲 子,宋 公 成 卒。

左 傳 曰,十 年,春,王 正 月,有 星 出 於 婺 女,鄭 裨 竈 言 於 子 產 曰,七 月 戊 子,晉 君 將 死,今 茲 歲 在 顓 頊 之 虛,姜 氏 任 氏,實 守 其 地,居 其 維 首,而 有 妖 星 焉,告 邑 姜 也,邑 姜,晉 之 妣 也,天 以 七 紀,戊 子,逢 公 以 登,星 斯 於 是 乎 出,吾 是 以 譏 之。

齊 惠 欒,高 氏,皆 耆 酒,信 內,多 怨,彊 於 陳 鮑 氏,而 惡 之。夏,有 告 陳 桓 子 曰,子 旗,子 良,將 攻 陳,鮑,亦 告 鮑 氏,桓 子 授 甲 而 如 鮑 氏,遭 子 良 醉 而 騁,遂 見 文 子,則 亦 授 甲 矣,使 視 二 子,則 皆 從 飲 酒。桓 子 曰,彼 雖 不 信,聞 我 授 甲,則 必 逐我,及 其 飲 酒 也,先 伐 諸。陳 鮑 方 睦,遂 伐 欒 高 氏。子 良 曰,先 得 公,陳 鮑 焉 往。遂 伐 虎 門,晏 平 仲 端 委 立 於 虎 門 之 外,四 族 召 之,無 所 往。其 徒 曰,助 陳 鮑 乎。曰,何 善 焉。助 欒 高 乎,曰,庸 愈 乎。然 則 歸 乎。曰,君 伐 焉 歸。公 召 之 而 後 入,公 卜 使 王 黑 以 靈 姑 銔 率。吉。請 斷 三 尺 焉 而 用 之。五 月,庚 辰,戰 於 稷,欒 高 敗,又 敗 諸 莊,國 人 追 之,又 敗 諸 鹿 門,欒 施 高 彊 來 奔,陳 鮑 分 其 室。晏 子 謂 桓 子,必 致 諸 公,讓,德 之 主 也,讓 之 謂 懿 德,凡 有 血 氣,皆 有 爭 心,故 利 不 可 彊,思 義 為 愈,義,利 之 本 也,蘊 利 生 孽,姑 使 無 蘊 乎,可 以 滋 長,桓 子 盡 致 諸 公,而 請 老 于 莒。桓 子 召 子 山,私 具 幄 幕 器 用,從 者 之 衣 屨,而 反 棘 焉,子 商 亦 如 之,而 反 其 邑,子 周 亦 如 之,而 與 之 夫 于,反子 城,子 公,公 孫 捷,而 皆 益 其 祿,凡 公 子 公 孫 之 無 祿 者,私 分 之 邑,國 之 貧 約 孤 寡 者,私 與 之 粟,曰,詩 云,陳 錫 載 周,能 施 也,桓 公 是 以 霸。公 與 桓 子 莒 之 旁 邑。辭。穆 孟 姬 為 之 請 高 唐,陳 氏 始 大。

秋,七 月,平 子 伐 莒,取 郠,獻 俘,始 用 人 於 亳 社。臧 武 仲 在 齊,聞 之,曰,周 公 其 不 饗 魯 祭 乎,周 公 饗 義,魯 無 義,詩 曰,德 音 孔 昭,視 民 不 佻,佻 之 謂 甚 矣,而 壹 用 之,將 誰 福 哉。

戊 子,晉 平 公 卒。鄭 伯 如 晉,及 河,晉 人 辭 之,游 吉 遂 如 晉。

九 月,叔 孫 婼,齊 國 弱,宋 華 定,衛 北 宮 喜,鄭 罕 虎,許 人,曹 人,莒 人,邾 人,滕 人,薛 人,杞 人,小 邾 人,如 晉,葬 平 公 也。鄭 子 皮 將 以 幣 行,子 產 曰,喪 焉 用 幣,用 幣 必 百 兩,百 兩 必 千 人,千 人 至,將 不 行,不 行,必 盡 用 之,幾 千 人 而 國 不 亡。子 皮 固 請 以 行。既 葬,諸 侯 之 大 夫 欲 因 見 新 君,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,非 禮 也。弗 聽。叔 向 辭 之 曰,大 夫 之 事 畢 矣,而 又 命 孤,孤 斬 焉 在 衰 絰 之 中,其 以 嘉 服 見,則 喪 禮 未 畢,其 以 喪 服 見,是 重 受 弔 也,大 夫 將 若 之 何。皆 無 辭 以 見。子 皮 盡 用 其 幣,歸,謂 子 羽 曰,非 知 之 實 難,將 在 行 之,夫 子 知 之 矣,我 則 不 足,書 曰,欲 敗 度,縱 敗 禮,我 之 謂 矣,夫 子 知 度 與 禮 矣,我 實 縱 欲,而 不 能 自 克 也。昭 子 至 自 晉,大 夫 皆 見,高 彊 見 而 退,昭 子 語 諸 大 夫 曰,為 人 子,不 可 不 慎 也 哉,昔 慶 封 亡,子 尾 多 受 邑,而 稍 致 諸 君,君 以 為 忠,而 甚 寵 之,將 死,疾 於 公 宮,輦 而 歸,君 親 推 之,其 子 不 能 任,是 以 在 此,忠 為 令 德,其 子 弗 能 任,罪 猶 及 之,難 不 慎 也,喪 夫 人 之 力,棄 德 曠 宗 ,以 及 其 身,不 害 乎,詩 曰,不 自 我 先,不 自 我 後,其 是 之 謂 乎。

冬,十 二 月,宋 平 公 卒。初,元 公 惡 寺 人 柳,欲 殺 之,及 喪,柳 熾 炭 於 位,將 至,則 去 之,比 葬,又 有 寵。

十 有 一 年

1. 十 有 一 年,春,王 二 月,叔 弓 如 宋,葬 宋 平 公。

2. 夏,四 月,丁 巳,楚 子 虔 誘 蔡 侯 般,殺 之 于 申。

3. 楚 公 子 棄 疾 帥 師 圍 蔡。

4. 五 月,甲 申,夫 人 歸 氏 薨。

5. 大 蒐 于 比 蒲。

6. 仲 孫 貜 會 邾 子,盟 于 祲 祥。

7. 秋,季 孫 意 如 會 晉 韓 起,齊 國 弱,宋 華 亥,衛 北 宮 佗,鄭 罕 虎,曹 人,杞 人,于 厥 憖。

8. 九 月,己 亥,葬 我 小 君 齊 歸。

9. 冬,十 有 一 月,丁 酉,楚 師 滅 蔡,執 蔡 世 子 有,以 歸 用 之。

左 傳 曰,十 一 年,春,王 二 月,叔 弓 如 宋。葬 平 公 也。

景 王 問 於 萇 弘 曰,今 玆 諸 侯,何 實 吉,何 實 凶。對 曰,蔡 凶,此 蔡 侯 般 弒 其 君 之 歲 也,歲 在 豕 韋,弗 過 此 矣,楚 將 有 之 然 壅 也,歲 及 大 梁,蔡 復 楚 凶,天 之 道 也。楚 子 在 申,召 蔡 靈 侯,靈 侯 將 往,蔡 大 夫 曰,王 貪 而 無 信,唯 蔡 於 感,今 幣 重 而 言 甘,誘 我 也,不 如 無 往,蔡 侯 不 可。三 月,丙 申,楚 子 伏 甲 而 饗 蔡 侯 於 申,醉 而 執 之。夏,四 月,丁 巳,殺 之,刑 其 士 七 十 人。

公 子棄 疾 帥 師 圍 蔡。韓 宣 子 問 於 叔 向 曰,楚 其 克 乎。對 曰,克 哉,蔡 侯 獲罪 於 其 君,而 不 能 其 民,天 將 假 手 於 楚 以 斃 之,何 故 不 克,然 肸 聞 之,不 信 以 幸,不 可 再 也,楚 王 奉 孫 吳 以 討 於 陳,曰,將 定 而 國,陳 人 聽 命,而 遂 縣 之,今 又 誘 蔡 而 殺 其 君,以 圍 其 國,雖 幸 而 克,必 受 其 咎,弗 能 久 矣,桀 克 有 緡,以 喪 其 國,紂 克 東 夷,而 隕 其 身,楚 小 位 下,而 亟 暴 於 二 王,能 無 咎 乎,天 之 假 助 不 善,非 祚 之 也,厚 其 凶 惡,而 降 之 罰 也,且 譬 之 如 天,其 有 五 材,而 將 用 之,力 盡 而 敝 之,是 以 無 拯,不 可 沒 振。

五 月,齊 歸 薨。

大 蒐 于 比 蒲,非 禮 也。

孟 僖 子 會 邾 莊 公,盟 于 祲 祥。脩 好,禮 也。泉 丘 人 有 女,夢 以 其 帷 幕 孟 氏 之 廟,遂 奔 僖 子。其 僚 從 之,盟 于 清 丘 之 社,曰 有 子,無 相 棄 也。僖 子 使 助 薳 氏 之 簉,反 自 祲 祥,宿 於 薳 氏,生 懿 子,及 南 宮 敬 叔 於 泉 丘 人。其 僚 無 子,使 字 敬 叔。

楚 師 在 蔡,晉 荀 吳 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,不 能 救 陳,又 不 能 救 蔡,物 以 無 親,晉 之 不 能,亦 可 知 也,己 為 盟 主,而 不 恤 亡 國,將 焉 用 之。秋,會 于 厥 憖。謀 救 蔡 也。鄭 子 皮 將 行,子 產 曰,行 不 遠,不 能 救 蔡 也,蔡 小 而 不 順,楚 大 而 弗 德,天 將 棄 蔡 以 壅 楚,盈 而 罰 之,蔡 必 亡 矣,且 喪 君 而 能 守 者 鮮 矣,三 年,王 其 有 咎 乎,美 惡 周 必 復,王 惡 周 矣。晉 人 使 狐 父 請 蔡 於 楚。弗 許。

單 子 會 韓 宣 子 於 戚,視 下 言 徐。叔 向曰,單 子 其 將 死 乎,朝 有 著 定,會 有 表,衣 有 襘,帶 有 結,會 朝 之 言,必 聞 於 表 著 之 位,所 以 昭 事 序 也,視 不 過 結 襘 之 中,所 以 道 容 貌 也,言 以 命 之,容 貌 以 明 之,失 則 有 闕,今 單 子 為 王 官 伯,而 命 事 於會,視 不 登 帶,言 不 過 步,貌 不 道 容 ,而 言 不 昭 矣,不 道 不 共,不 昭 不 從,無 守 氣 矣。

九 月,葬 齊 歸,公 不 慼。晉 士 之 送 葬 者,歸 以 語 史 趙,史 趙 曰,必 為 魯 郊。侍 者 曰,何 故。曰,歸,姓 也,不 思 親,祖 不 歸 也。叔 向 曰,魯 公 室 其 卑 乎,君 有 大 喪,國 不 廢 蒐,有 三 年 之 喪,而 無 一 日 之 慼,國 不 恤 喪,不 忌 君 也,君 無 慼 容,不 顧 親 也,國 不 忌 君,君 不 顧 親,能 無 卑 乎,殆 其 失 國。

冬,十 一 月,楚 子 滅 蔡,用 隱 大 子 於 岡 山。申 無 宇 曰,不 祥,五 牲 不 相 為 用,况 用 諸 侯 乎,王 必 悔 之。

十 二 月,單 成 公 卒。

楚 子 城 陳 蔡 不 羹,使 棄 疾 為 蔡 公。王問 於 申 無 宇 曰,棄 疾 在 蔡,何 如。對 曰,擇 子 莫 如 父,擇 臣 莫 如 君,鄭 莊 公 城 櫟 而 寘 子 元 焉,使 昭 公 不 立,齊 桓 公 城 穀 而 寘 管 仲 焉,至 於 今 賴 之,臣 聞 五 大 不 在 邊,五 細 不 在 庭,親 不 在 外,羇 不 在 內,今 棄 疾 在 外,鄭 丹 在 內,君 其 少 戒。王 曰,國 有 大 城,何 如。對 曰,鄭 京,櫟,實 殺 曼 伯,宋 蕭,亳,實 殺 子 游,齊 渠 丘 實 殺 無 知,衛 蒲 戚,實 出 獻 公,若 由 是 觀 之,則 害 於 國,末 大 必 折,尾 大 不 掉,君 所 知 也。

十 有 二 年

1. 十 有 二 年,春,齊 高 偃 帥 師,納 北 燕 伯 于 陽。

2. 三 月,壬 申,鄭 伯 嘉 卒。

3. 夏,宋 公 使 華 定 來 聘。

4. 公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。

5. 五 月,葬 鄭 簡 公。

6. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 成 熊。

7. 秋,七 月。

8. 冬,十 月,公 子 憖 出 奔 齊。

9. 楚 子 伐 徐。

10. 晉 伐 鮮 虞。

左 傳 曰,十 二 年,春,齊 高 偃 納 北 燕 伯 欸 于 唐。因 其 衆 也。

三 月,鄭 簡 公 卒。將 為 葬 除,及 游 氏 之 廟,將 毀 焉,子 大 叔 使 其 除 徒 執 用 以 立,而 無 庸 毀,曰,子 產 過 女,而 問 何 故 不 毀,乃 曰,不 忍 廟 也,諾,將 毀 矣,既 如 是,子 產 乃 使 辟 之。司 墓 之 室,有 當 道 者,毀 之,則 朝 而 塴,弗 毀,則 日 中 而 塴,子 大 叔 請 毀 之,曰,無 若 諸 侯 之 賓 何。子 產 曰,諸 侯 之 賓,能 來 會 吾 喪,豈 憚 日 中,無 損 於 賓,而 民 不 害,何 故 不 為。遂 弗 毀,日 中 而 葬。君 子 謂 子 產 於 是 乎 知 禮,禮 無 毀 人 以 自 成 也。

夏,宋 華 定 來 聘。通 嗣 君 也。享 之,為 賦 蓼 蕭,弗 知,又 不 答 賦。昭 子 曰,必 亡,宴 語 之 不 懷,寵 光 之 不 宣,令 德 之 不 知,同 福 之 不 受,將 何 以 在。

齊 侯,衛 侯,鄭 伯,如 晉,朝 嗣 君 也。

公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。取 郠 之 役,莒 人 愬 於 晉,晉 有 平 公 之 喪,未 之 治 也,故 辭 公。公 子 憖 遂 如 晉。

晉 侯 享 諸 侯,子 產 相 鄭 伯,辭 於 享,請 免 喪 而 後 聽 命,晉 人 許 之。禮 也。晉 侯 以 齊 侯 宴,中 行 穆 子 相,投 壺,晉 侯 先,穆 子 曰,有 酒 如 淮,有 肉 如 坻,寡 君 中 此,為 諸 侯 師。中 之。齊 侯 舉 矢 曰,有 酒 如 澠,有 肉 如 陵,寡 人 中 此,與 君 代 興。亦 中 之。伯 瑕 謂 穆 子 曰,子 失 辭,吾 固 師 諸 侯 矣,壺 何 為 焉,其 以 中 雋 也,齊 君 弱吾 君,歸 弗 來 矣。穆 子 曰,吾 軍 帥 彊 禦,卒 乘 競 勸,今 猶 古 也,齊 將 何 事,公 孫 傁 趨 進,曰,日 旰 君 勤,可 以 出 矣,以 齊 侯 出。

楚 子 謂 成 虎,若 敖 之 餘 也,遂 殺 之。或 譖 成 虎 於 楚 子,成 虎 知 之,而 不 能 行,書 曰,楚 殺 其 大 夫 成 虎,懷 寵 也。

六 月,葬 鄭 簡 公。

晉 荀 吳 偽 會 齊 師 者,假 道 於 鮮 虞,遂 入 昔 陽,秋,八 月,壬 午,滅 肥,以 肥 子 綿 皋 歸。

周 原 伯 絞 虐 其 輿 臣,使 曹 逃。冬,十 月,壬 申 朔,原 輿 人 逐 絞,而 立 公 子 跪 尋,絞 奔 郊。

甘 簡 公 無 子,立 其 弟 過,過 將 去 成,景之 族,成,景 之 族 賂 劉 獻 公,丙 申 ,殺 甘 悼 公,而 立 成 公 之 孫 鰌。丁 酉,殺 獻 大 子 之 傅 庾 皮 之 子 過,殺 瑕 辛 於 市,及 宮 嬖 綽,王 孫 沒,劉 州 鳩,陰 忌,老 陽 子。

季 平 子 立 而 不 禮 於 南 蒯 南 蒯 謂 子 仲,吾 出 季 氏,而 歸 其 室 於 公,子 更 其 位,我 以 費 為 公 臣。子 仲 許 之,南 蒯 語 叔 仲 穆 子,且 告 之 故。季 悼 子 之 卒 也,叔 孫 昭 子 以 再 命 為 卿,及 平 子 伐 莒 克 之,更 受 三 命,叔 仲 子 欲 構 二 家,謂 平 子 曰,三 命踰 父 兄,非 禮 也。平 子 曰,然。故 使 昭 子。昭 子 曰,叔 孫 氏 有 家 禍,殺 適 立 庶,故 婼 也 及 此,若 因 禍 以 斃 之,則 聞 命 矣,若 不 廢 君 命,則固 有 著 矣,昭 子 朝 而 命 吏 曰,婼 將 與 季 氏 訟,書 辭 無 頗。季 孫 懼,而 歸 罪 於 叔 仲 子,故 叔 仲 小,南 蒯,公 子 憖,謀 季 氏,憖 告 公,而 遂 從 公 如 晉,南 蒯 懼 不 克,以 費 叛,如 齊,子 仲 還,及 衛,聞 亂,逃 介 而 先,及 郊,聞 費 叛,遂 奔 齊。南 蒯 之 將 叛 也,其 鄉 人 或 知 之,過 之 而 歎,且 言 曰,恤 恤 乎,湫 乎 攸 乎,深 思 而 淺 謀,邇 身 而 遠 志,家 臣 而 君 圖,有 人 矣 哉。南 蒯 枚 筮 之,遇 坤 之 比,曰,黃 裳 元 吉,以 為 大 吉 也,示 子 服 惠 伯,曰,即 欲 有 事,何 如。惠 伯 曰,吾 嘗 學 此 矣,忠 信 之 事,則 可,不 然,必 敗,外 彊 內 溫,忠 也,和 以 率 貞,信 也,故 曰 黃 裳 元 吉,黃,中 之 色 也,裳,下 之 飾 也,元,善 之 長 也,中 不 忠,不 得 其 色,下 不 共,不 得 其 飾,事 不 善,不 得 其 極,外 內 倡 和 為 忠,率 事 以 信 為 共,供 養 三 德 為 善,非 此 三 者 弗 當,且 夫 易,不 可 以 占 險,將 何 事 也,且 可 飾 乎,中 美 能 黃,上 美 為 元,下 美 則 裳,參 成 可 筮,猶 有 闕 也,筮 雖 吉,未 也。將 適 費,飲 鄉 人 酒,鄉 人 或 歌 之,曰,我 有 圃,生 之 杞 乎,從 我 者 子 乎,去 我 者 鄙 乎,倍 其 鄰 者 恥 乎,已 乎 已 乎,非 吾 黨 之 士 乎。平 子 欲 使 昭 子 逐 叔 仲 小,小 聞 之,不 敢 朝,昭 子 命 吏 謂 小 待 政 於 朝,曰,吾 不 為 怨 府。

楚 子 狩 於 州 來,次 於 潁 尾,使 蕩 侯,潘 子,司 馬 督,囂 尹 午,陵 尹 喜,帥 師 圍 徐 以 懼 吳,楚 子 次 於 乾 谿,以 為 之 援。雨 雪,王 皮 冠,秦 復 陶,翠 被 豹 舄,執 鞭 以 出,僕 析 父 從。右 尹 子 革 夕,王 見 之,去 冠 被,舍 鞭,與 之 語 曰,昔 我 先 王 熊 繹,與 呂 級,王 孫 牟,燮 父,禽 父,並 事 康 王,四 國 皆 有 分,我 獨 無 有,今 吾 使 人 於 周,求 鼎 以 為 分,王 其 與 我 乎。對 曰,與 君 王 哉,昔 我 先 王 熊 繹,辟 在 荊 山,篳 路 藍 縷,以 處 草 莽,跋 涉 山 林,以 事 天子,唯 是 桃 弧 棘 矢,以 共 禦 王 事,齊 王 舅 也,晉 及 魯 衛,王 母 弟 也,楚 是 以 無 分,而 彼 皆 有,今 周 與 四 國 服 事 君 王,將 唯 命 是 從,豈 其 愛 鼎。王 曰,昔 我 皇 祖 伯 父 昆 吾 舊 許 是 宅,今 鄭 人 貪 賴 其 田,而 不 我 與,我 若 求 之,其 與 我 乎。對 曰,與 君 王 哉,周 不 愛 鼎,鄭 敢 愛 田。王 曰,昔 諸 侯 遠 我 而 畏 晉,今 我 大 城 陳 蔡 不 羹,賦 皆 千 乘,子 與 有 勞 焉,諸 侯 其 畏 我 乎。對 曰,畏 君 王 哉,是 四 國 者,專 足 畏 也,又 加 之 以 楚,敢 不 畏 君 王 哉。工 尹 路 請 曰,君 王 命 剝 圭 以 為 鏚 柲,敢 請 命。王 入 視 之,析 父 謂 子 革,吾 子 ,楚 國 之 望 也,今 與 王 言 如 響,國 其 若 之 何,子 革 曰,摩 厲 以 須,王 出,吾 刃 將 斬 矣。王 出,復 語,左 史 倚 相 趨 過,王 曰,是 良 史 也,子 善 視 之,是 能 讀 三 墳,五 典,八 索,九 丘。對 曰,臣 嘗 問 焉,昔 穆 王 欲 肆 其 心,周 行 天 下,將 皆 必 有 車 轍 馬 跡 焉,祭 公 謀 父 作 祈 招 之 詩,以 止 王 心,王 是 以 獲 沒 於 祗 宮,臣 問 其 詩 而 不 知 也,若 問 遠 焉,其 焉 能 知 之。王 曰,子 能 乎。對 曰,能,其 詩曰,祈 招 之 愔 愔,式 昭 德 音,思 我 王 度,式 如 玉,式 如 金,形 民 之 力,而 無 醉 飽 之 心。王 揖 而 入,饋 不 食,寢 不 寐,數 日 不 能 自 克,以 及 於 難,仲 尼 曰,古 也 有 志,克 己 復 禮,仁 也。信 善 哉,楚 靈 王 若 能 如 是,豈 其 辱 於 乾 谿。

晉 伐 鮮 虞。因 肥 之 役 也。

十 有 三 年

1. 十 有 三 年,春,叔 弓 帥 師 圍 費。

2. 夏,四 月,楚 公 子 比 自 晉 歸 于 楚,弒 其 君 虔 于 乾 谿。

3. 楚 公 子 棄 疾 殺 公 子 比。

4. 秋,公 會 劉 子,晉 侯,齊 侯,宋 公,衛 侯,鄭 伯,曹 伯,莒 子,邾 子 ,滕 子,薛 伯,杞 伯,小 邾 子,于 平 丘。

5. 八 月,甲 戌,同 盟 于 平 丘。

6. 公 不 與 盟。

7. 晉 人 執 季 孫 意 如 以 歸。

8. 公 至 自 會。

9. 蔡 侯 廬 歸 于 蔡,陳 侯 吳 歸 于 陳。

10. 冬,十 月,葬 蔡 靈 公。

11. 公 如 晉,至 河 乃 復。

12. 吳 滅 州 來。

左 傳 曰,十 三 年,春,叔 弓 圍 費。弗 克,敗 焉。平 子 怒,令 見 費 人,執 之,以 為 囚 俘,冶 區 夫 曰,非 也,若 見 費 人,寒 者 衣 之,飢 者 食 之,為 之 令 主,而 共 其 乏 困,費 來 如 歸,南 氏 亡 矣,民 將 叛 之,誰 與 居 邑,若 憚 之 以 威,懼 之 以 怒,民 疾 而 叛,為 之聚 也,若 諸 侯 皆 然,費 人 無 歸,不 親 南 氏,將 焉 入 矣。平 子 從 之,費 人 叛 南 氏。

楚 子 之 為 令 尹 也,殺 大 司 馬 薳 掩,而 取 其 室,及 即 位 奪 薳 居 田,遷 許 而 質 許 圍,蔡 洧 有 寵 於 王,王 之 滅 蔡 也,其 父 死 焉,王 使 與 於 守 而 行,申 之 會,越 大 夫 戮 焉,王 奪 鬪 韋 龜 中 犫,又 奪 成 然 邑,而 使 為 郊 尹,蔓 成 然 故 事 蔡 公,故 薳 氏 之 族,及 薳 居,許 圍,蔡 洧,蔓 成 然,皆 王 所 不 禮 也,因 羣 喪 職 之 族,啟 越 大 夫 常 壽 過 作 亂,圍 固 城,克 息 舟,城 而 居 之,觀 起 之 死 也,其 子 從 在 蔡,事 朝 吳,曰,今 不 封 蔡,蔡 不 封 矣,我 請 試 之。以 蔡 公 之 命,召 子 干,子 皙,及 郊 而 告 之 情,強 與 之 盟,入 襲 蔡。蔡 公 將 食,見 之 而 逃,觀 從 使 子 干 食,坎 用 牲,加 書 而 速 行,已 徇 於 蔡,曰,蔡 公 召 二 子,將 納 之,與 之 盟 而 遣 之 矣,將 師 而 從 之。蔡 人 聚,將 執 之,辭 曰,失 賊 成 軍,而 殺 余,何 益。乃 釋 之。朝 吳 曰,二 三 子 若 能 死 亡,則 如 違 之,以 待 所 濟,若 求 安 定,則 如 與 之,以 濟 所 欲,且 違 上,何 適 而 可。衆 曰,與 之。乃 奉 蔡 公,召 二 子 而 盟 於 鄧,依 陳 蔡人 以 國。楚 公 子 比,公 子 黑 肱,公 子 棄 疾,蔓 成 然,蔡 朝 吳,帥 陳,楚,不 羹,許,葉,之 師,因 四 族 之 徒 以 入 楚,及 郊,陳 蔡 欲 為 名,故 請 為 武 軍。蔡 公 知 之,曰,欲 速,且 役 病 矣,請 藩 而 巳。乃 藩 為 軍,蔡 公 使 須 務 牟,與 史 猈 先 入,因 正 僕 人,殺 大 子 祿,及 公 子 罷 敵。公 子 比 為 王,公 子 黑 肱 為 令 尹,次 於 魚 陂,公 子 棄 疾 為 司 馬,先 除 王 宮,使 觀 從 從 師 于 乾 谿,而 遂 告 之,且 曰,先 歸 復 所,後 者 劓。師 及 訾 梁 而 潰。王 聞 羣 公 子 之 死 也,自 投 於 車 下,曰,人 之 愛 其 子 也,亦 如 余 乎。侍 者 曰,甚 焉,小 人 老 而 無 子,知 擠 於 溝 壑 矣。王 曰,余 殺 人 子 多 矣,能 無 及 此 乎。右 尹 子 革 曰,請 待 于 郊,以 聽 國 人。王 曰,衆 怒 不 可 犯 也。曰,若 入 於 大 都,而 乞 師 於 諸 侯。王 曰,皆 叛 矣。曰,若 亡 於 諸 侯,以 聽 大 國 之 圖 君 也。王 曰,大 福 不 再,祇 取 辱 焉。然 丹 乃 歸 於 楚。王 沿 夏,將 欲 入 鄢,芋 尹 無 宇 之 子 申 亥 曰,吾 父 再 奸 王 命,王 弗 誅,惠 孰 大 焉,君 不 可 忍,惠 不 可 棄,吾 其 從 王。乃 求 王,遇 諸 棘 闈,以 歸。夏,五 月,癸 亥,王 縊 於 芋 尹 申 亥 氏,申 亥 以 其 二 女 殉,而 葬 之。

觀 從 謂 子 干 曰,不 殺 棄 疾,雖 得 國,猶 受 禍 也。子 干 曰,余 不 忍 也。子 玉 曰,人 將 忍 子,吾 不 忍 俟 也。乃 行。國 每 夜 駭 曰,王 入 矣。乙 卯 夜,棄 疾 使 周 走 而 呼 曰,王 至 矣。國 人 大 驚,使 蔓 成 然 走 告 子 干,子 皙,曰,王 至 矣,國 人 殺 君 司 馬,將 來 矣,君 若 早 自 圖 也,可 以 無 辱,衆 怒 如 水 火 焉,不 可 為 謀。又 有 呼 而 走 至 者 曰,衆 至 矣。二 子 皆 自 殺。丙 辰,棄 疾 即 位,名 曰 熊 居,葬 子 干 於 訾,實 訾 敖,殺 囚,衣 之 王 服,而 流 諸 漢,乃 取 而 葬 之,以 靖 國 人,使 子 旗 為 令 尹。楚 師 還 自 徐,吳 人 敗 諸 豫 章,獲 其 五 帥。平 王 封 陳,蔡,復 遷 邑,致 羣 賂,施 舍 寬 民,宥 罪,舉 職。召 觀 從,王 曰,唯 爾 所 欲。對 曰,臣 之 先 佐 開 卜。乃 使 為 卜 尹。使 枝 如 子 躬 聘 於 鄭,且 致 犨 櫟 之 田。事 畢,弗 致,鄭 人 請 曰,聞 諸 道 路,將 命 寡 君 以 犨 櫟,敢 請 命。對 曰,臣 未 聞 命。既 復,王 問 犨 櫟,降 服 而 對,曰,臣 過 失 命,未 之 致 也。王 執 其 手 曰,子 毋 勤,姑 歸,不 穀 有 事,其 告 子 也。他 年 芋 尹 申 亥,以 王 柩 告,乃 改 葬 之。初,靈 王 卜 曰,余 尚 得 天 下。不 吉,投 龜 詬 天 而 呼 曰,是 區 區 者 而 不 余 畀,余 必 自 取 之。民 患 王 之 無 厭 也,故 從 亂 如 歸。初,共 王 無 適,有 寵 子 五 人,無 適 立 焉,乃 大 有 事 於 羣 望,而 祈 曰,請 神 擇 於 五 人 者,使 主 社 稷。乃 徧 以 璧 見 於 羣 望 曰,當 璧 而 拜 者,神 所 立 也,誰 敢 違 之。既 乃 與 巴 姬 密 埋 璧 於 大 室 之 庭,使 五 人 齊 而 長 入 拜。康 王 跨 之,靈 王 肘 加 焉,子 干 子 皙,皆 遠 之,平 王 弱,抱 而 入,再 拜,皆 厭 紐,鬪 韋 龜 屬 成 然 焉,且 曰,棄 禮 違 命,楚 其 危 哉。子 干 歸,韓 宣 子 問 於 叔 向 曰,子 干 其 濟 乎。對 曰,難。宣 子 曰,同 惡 相 求,如 市 賈 焉,何 難。對 曰,無 與 同 好,誰 與 同 惡,取 國 有 五 難,有 寵 而 無 人,一 也,有 人 而 無 主,二 也,有 主 而 無 謀,三 也,有 謀 而 無 民,四 也,有 民 而 無 德,五 也,子 干 在 晉,十 三 年 矣,晉 楚 之 從,不 聞 達 者,可 謂 無 人,族 盡 親 叛,可 謂 無 主,無 釁 而動,可 謂 無 謀,為 羇 終 世,可 謂 無 民,亡 無 愛 徵,可 謂 無 德,王 虐 而 不 忌,楚 君 子 干,涉 五 難 以 弑 舊 君,誰 能 濟 之,有 楚 國 者,其 棄 疾 乎,君 陳 蔡,城 外 屬 焉,苛 慝 不 作,盜 賊 伏 隱,私 欲 不 違,民 無 怨 心,先 神 命 之,國 民 信 之,芊 姓 有 亂,必 季 實 立,楚 之 常 也,獲 神,一 也,有 民,二 也,令 德,三 也,寵 貴,四 也,居 常,五 也,有 五 利 以 去 五 難,誰 能 害 之,子 干 之 官,則 右 尹 也,數 其 貴 寵,則 庶 子 也,以 神 所 命,則 又 遠 之,其 貴 亡 矣,其 寵 棄 矣,民 無 懷 焉,國 無 與 焉,將 何 以 立。宣 子 曰,齊 桓 晉 文,不 亦 是 乎。對 曰,齊 桓,衛 姬 之 子 也,有 寵 於 僖,有 鮑 叔 牙,賓 須 無,隰 朋,以 為 輔 佐,有 莒 衛 以 為 外 主,有 國,高,以 為 內 主,從 善 如 流,下 善 齊 肅,不 藏 賄,不 從 欲,施 舍 不 倦,求 善 不 厭,是 以 有 國,不 亦 宜 乎,我 先 君 文 公,狐 季 姬 之 子 也,有 寵 於 獻,好 學 而 不 貳,生 十 七 年,有 士 五 人,有 先 大 夫 子 餘,子 犯,以 為 腹 心,有 魏 犨,賈 佗,以 為 股 肱,有 齊,宋,秦,楚,以 為 外 主,有 欒,郤,狐,先,以 為 內 主,亡 十 九 年,守 志 彌 篤,惠,懷,棄 民,民 從 而 與 之,獻 無 異 親,民 無 異 望,天 方 相 晉,將 何 以 代 文,此 二 君 者,異 於 子 干,共 有 寵 子,國 有 奧 主,無 施 於 民,無 援 於 外,去 晉 而 不 送,歸 楚 而 不 逆,何 以 冀 國。

晉 成 虒 祁,諸 侯 朝 而 歸 者,皆 有 貳 心。為 取 郠 故,晉 將 以 諸 侯 來 討。叔 向 曰,諸 侯 不 可 以 不 示 威。乃 竝 徵 會,告 於 吳,秋,晉 侯 會 吳 子 於 良,水 道 不 可,吳 子 辭,乃 還。七 月,丙 寅,治 兵 於 邾 南,甲 車 四 千 乘,羊 舌 鮒 攝 司 馬,遂 合 諸 侯 于 平 丘。子 產,子 大 叔 相 鄭 伯 以 會,子 產 以 幄 幕 九 張 行,子 大 叔 以 四 十,既 而 悔 之,每 舍,損 焉,及 會,亦 如 之 ,次 於 衛 地,叔 鮒 求 貨 於 衛,淫 芻 蕘 者,衛 人 使 屠 伯 饋 叔 向 羹,與 一 篋 錦,曰,諸 侯 事 晉,未 敢 攜 貳,况 衛 在 君 之 宇 下,而 敢 有 異 志,芻 蕘 者 異 於 他 日,敢 請 之。叔 向 受 羹,反 錦 曰,晉 有 羊 舌 鮒 者,瀆 貨 無 厭,亦 將 及 矣,為 此 役 也,子 若 以君 命 賜 之,其 已。客 從 之。未 退 而 禁 之。

晉 人 將 尋 盟,齊 人 不 可。晉 侯 使 叔 向 告 劉 獻 公 曰,抑 齊 人 不 盟,若 之 何。對 曰,盟 以 厎 信,君 苟 有 信,諸 侯 不 貳,何 患 焉,告 之 以 文 辭,董 之 以 武 師,雖 齊 不 許,君 庸 多 矣,天 子 之 老,請 帥 王 賦,元 戎 十 乘,以 先 啟 行,遲 速 唯 君。叔 向 告 於 齊 曰,諸 侯 求 盟,已 在 此 矣,今 君 弗 利,寡 君 以 為 請。對 曰,諸 侯 討 貳,則 有 尋 盟,若 皆 用 命,何 盟 之 尋。叔 向 曰,國 家 之 敗,有 事 而 無 業,事 則 不 經,有 業 而 無 禮,經 則 不 序,有 禮 而 無 威,序 則 不 共,有 威 而 不 昭,共 則 不 明,不 明 棄 共,百 事 不 終,所 由 傾 覆 也,是 故 明 王 之 制,使 諸 侯 歲 聘 以 志 業,閒 朝 以 講 禮,再 朝 而 會以 示 威,再 會 而 盟 以 顯 昭 明,志 業 於 好,講 禮 於 等,示 威 於 衆,昭 明 於 神,自 古 以 來,未 之 或 失 也,存 亡 之 道,恆 由 是 興,晉 禮 主 盟,懼 有 不 治,奉 承 齊 犧,而 布 諸 君,求 終 事 也,君 曰 余 必 廢 之,何 齊 之 有,唯 君 圖 之,寡 君 聞 命 矣。齊 人 懼,對 曰,小 國 言 之,大 國 制 之,敢 不 聽 從,既 聞 命 矣,敬 共 以 往,遲 速 唯 君。叔 向 曰,諸 侯 有 間 矣,不 可 以 不 示 衆。八 月,辛 未,治 兵,建 而 不旆,壬 申,復 旆 之,諸 侯 畏 之。邾 人 莒 人 愬 於 晉 曰,魯 朝 夕 伐 我,幾 亡 矣,我 之 不 共,魯 故 之 以。晉 侯 不 見 公,使 叔 向 來 辭,曰,諸 侯 將 以 甲 戌 盟,寡 君 知 不 得 事 君 矣,請 君 無 勤。子 服 惠 伯 對 曰,君 信 蠻 夷 之 訴,以 絕 兄 弟 之 國,棄 周 公 之 後,亦 唯 君,寡 君 聞 命 矣。叔 向 曰,寡 君 有 甲 車 四 千 乘 在,雖 以 無 道 行 之,必 可 畏 也,況 其 率 道,其 何 敵 之 有,牛 雖 瘠,僨 於 豚 上,其 畏 不 死。南 蒯 子 仲 之 憂,其 庸 可 棄 乎,若 奉 晉 之 衆,用 諸 侯 之 師,因 邾,莒,杞,鄫 之 怒,以 討 魯 罪,閒 其 二 憂,何 求 而 弗 克。魯 人 懼 聽 命。甲 戌,同 盟 于 平 丘。齊 服 也。令 諸 侯 日 中 造 於 除,癸 酉,退 朝,子 產 命 外 僕 速 張 於 除,子 大 叔 止 之,使 待 明 白,及 夕,子 產 聞 其 未 張 也,使 速 往,乃 無 所 張 矣,及 盟,子 產 爭 承,曰,昔 天 子 班 貢,輕 重 以 列,列 尊 貢 重,周 之 制 也,卑 而 貢 重 者,甸 服 也,鄭,伯 男 也,而 使 從 公 侯 之 貢,懼 弗 給 也,敢 以 為 請,諸 侯 靖 兵,好 以 為 事,行 理 之 命,無 月 不 至,貢 之 無 藝,小 國 有 闕,所 以 得 罪 也,諸 侯 修 盟,存 小 國 也,貢 獻 無 極,亡 可 待 也,存 亡 之 制,將 在 今 矣。自 日 中 以 爭,至 於 昏。晉 人 許 之。既 盟,子 大 叔 咎 之 曰,諸 侯 若 討,其 可 瀆 乎。子 產 曰,晉 政 多 門,貳 偷 之 不 暇,何 暇 討,國 不 競 亦 陵,何 國 之 為。

公 不 與 盟。晉 人 執 季 孫 意 如,以 幕 蒙 之,使 狄 人 守 之,司 鐸 射 懷 錦,奉 壺 飲 冰,以 蒲 伏 焉,守 者 御 之,乃 與 之 錦,而 入,晉 人 以 平 子 歸,子 服 湫 從。

子 產 歸,未 至,聞 子 皮 卒,哭 且 曰,吾 已,無 為 為 善 矣,唯 夫 子 知 我。仲 尼 謂 子 產 於 是 行 也,足 以 為 國 基 矣,詩 曰,樂 只 君 子,邦 家 之 基,子 產,君 子 之 求 樂 者 也,且 曰,合 諸 侯,藝 貢 事,禮 也。

鮮 虞 人 聞 晉 師 之 悉 起 也,而 不 警 邊,且 不 修 備。晉 荀 吳 自 著 雍,以 上 軍 侵 鮮 虞,及 中 人,驅 衝 競,大 獲 而 歸。

楚 之 滅 蔡 也,靈 王 遷 許,胡,沈,道,房,申,於 荊 焉。平 王 即 位,既 封 陳 蔡,而 皆 復 之,禮 也。隱 大子 之 子 廬 歸 于 蔡,禮 也。悼 大 子 之 子 吳,歸 于 陳,禮 也。

冬,十 月,葬 蔡 靈 公,禮 也。

公 如 晉,荀 吳 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,諸 侯 相 朝,講 舊 好 也,執 其 卿 而 朝 其 君,有 不 好 焉,不 如 辭 之。乃 使 士 景 伯 辭 公 于 河。

吳 滅 州 來。令 尹 子 期 請 伐 吳,王 弗 許,曰,吾 未 撫 民 人,未 事 鬼 神,未 修 守 備,未 定 國 家,而 用 民 力,敗 不 可 悔,州 來 在 吳,猶 在 楚 也, 子 姑 待 之。

季 孫 猶 在 晉,子 服 惠 伯 私 於 中 行 穆 子,曰,魯 事 晉,何 以 不 如 夷 之 小 國,魯,兄 弟 也,土 地 猶 大,所 命 能 具,若 為 夷 棄 之,使 事 齊 楚,其 何 瘳 於 晉,親 親,與 大,賞 共,罰 否,所 以 為 盟 主 也,子 其 圖 之,諺 曰,臣 一 主 二,吾 豈 無 大 國。穆 子 告 韓 宣 子,且 曰,楚 滅 陳 蔡 不 能 救,而 為 夷 執 親,將 焉 用 之。乃 歸 季 孫。惠 伯 曰,寡 君 未 知 其 罪,合 諸 侯 而 執 其 老,若 猶 有 罪,死 命 可 也,若 曰 無 罪,而 惠 免 之,諸 侯 不 聞,是 逃 命 也,何 免 之 為,請 從 君 惠 於 會。宣 子 患 之,謂 叔 向 曰,子 能 歸 季 孫 乎。對 曰,不 能,鮒 也 能,乃 使 叔 魚。叔 魚 見 季 孫 曰,昔 鮒 也 得 罪 於 晉 君,自 歸 於 魯 君,微 武 子 之 賜,不 至 於 今,雖 獲 歸 骨 於 晉,猶 子 則 肉 之,敢 不 盡 情 歸 子,而 不 歸,鮒 也 聞 諸 吏,將 為 子 除 館 於 西 河,其 若 之 何。且 泣。平 子 懼,先 歸,惠 伯 待 禮。

十 有 四 年

1. 十 有 四 年,春,意 如 至 自 晉。

2. 三 月,曹 伯 滕 卒。

3. 夏,四 月。

4. 秋,葬 曹 武 公。

5. 八 月,莒 子 去 疾 卒。

6. 冬,莒 殺 其 公 子 意 恢。

左 傳 曰,十 四 年,春,意 如 至 自 晉,尊 晉,罪 己 也。尊 晉 罪 己,禮 也。

南 蒯 之 將 叛 也,盟 費 人。司 徒 老 祁,慮 癸,偽 廢 疾,使 請 於 南 蒯 曰,臣 願 受 盟 而 疾 興,若 以 君 靈 不 死,請 侍 閒 而 盟,許 之。二 子 因 民 之 欲 叛 也,請 朝 衆 而 盟,遂 劫 南 蒯 曰,羣 臣 不 忘 其 君,畏 子 以 及 今,三 年 聽 命 矣,子 若 弗 圖,費 人 不 忍 其 君,將 不 能 畏 子 矣,子 何 所 不 逞 欲,請 送 子。請 期 五 日,遂 奔 齊,侍 飲 酒 於 景 公,公 曰,叛 夫。對 曰,臣 欲 張 公 室 也,子 韓 皙 曰,家 臣 而 欲 張 公 室,罪 莫 大 焉,司 徒 老 祁,慮 癸 來 歸 費,齊 侯 使 鮑 文 子 致 之。

夏,楚 子 使 然 丹 簡 上 國 之 兵 於 宗 丘,且 撫 其 民,分 貧 振 窮,長 孤 幼, 養 老 疾,收 介 特,救 災 患,宥 孤 寡,赦 罪 戾,詰 姦 慝,舉 淹 滯,禮 新,敘 舊,祿 勳,合 親,任 良,物 官。使 屈 罷 簡 東 國 之 兵 於 召 陵,亦 如 之,好 於 邊 疆,息 民 五 年,而 後 用 師。禮 也。

秋,八 月,莒 著 丘 公 卒。郊 公 不 慼,國 人 弗 順,欲 立 著 丘 公 之 弟 庚 與,蒲 餘 侯 惡 公 子 意 恢,而 善 於 庚 與,郊 公 惡 公 子 鐸,而 善 於 意 恢。公 子 鐸 因 蒲 餘 侯 而 與 之 謀,曰,爾 殺 意 恢,我 出 君 而 納 庚 與。許 之。

楚 令 尹 子 旗 有 德 於 王,不 知 度,與 養 氏比,而 求 無 厭。王 患 之。九 月,甲 午,楚 子 殺 鬪 成 然 而 滅 養 氏 之 族,使 鬪 辛 居 鄖,以 無 忘 舊 勳。

冬,十 二 月,蒲 餘 侯 玆 夫,殺 莒 公 子 意 恢,郊 公 奔 齊,公 子 鐸 逆 庚 與 於 齊,齊 隰 黨,公 子 鉏 送 之,有 賂 田。

晉 邢 侯 與 雍 子 爭 鄐 田,久 而 無 成,士景 伯 如 楚,叔 魚 攝 理,韓 宣 子 命 斷 舊 獄。罪 在 雍 子,雍 子 納 其 女 於 叔 魚,叔 魚 蔽 罪 邢 侯,邢 侯 怒,殺 叔 魚 與 雍 子 於 朝。宣 子 問 其 罪 於 叔 向,叔 向 曰,三 人 同 罪,施 生 戮 死,可 也,雍 子 自 知 其 罪,而 賂 以 買 直,鮒 也 鬻 獄,邢 侯 專 殺,其 罪 一 也,已 惡 而 掠 美 為 昏,貪 以 敗 官 為 墨,殺 人 不 忘 為 賊,夏 書 曰,昏 墨 賊 殺,皋 陶 之 刑 也,請 從 之。乃 施 邢 侯,而 尸 雍 子 與 叔 魚 於 市。仲 尼 曰,叔 向,古 之 遺 直 也,治 國 制 刑,不 隱 於 親,三 數 叔 魚 之 惡, 不 為 末 減,曰 義 也 夫,可 謂 直 矣,平 丘 之 會,數 其 賄 也,以 寬 衛 國,晉 不 為 暴,歸 魯 季 孫,稱 其 詐 也,以 寬 魯 國,晉 不 為 虐,邢 侯 之 獄,言 其 貪 也,以 正 刑 書,晉 不 為 頗,三 言 而 除,三 惡 加 三 利,殺 親 益 榮,猶 義 也 夫。

十 有 五 年

1. 十 有 五 年,春,王 正 月,吳 子 夷 末 卒。

2. 二 月,癸 酉,有 事 于 武 宮,籥 入,叔 弓 卒,去 樂 卒 事。

3. 夏,蔡 朝 吳 出 奔 鄭。

4. 六 月,丁 巳 朔,日 有 食 之。

5. 秋,晉 荀 吳 帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。

6. 冬,公 如 晉。

左 傳 曰,十 五 年,春,將 禘 於 武 公,戒 百 官。梓 慎 曰,禘 之 日,其 有 咎 乎,吾 見 赤 墨 之 祲,非 祭 祥 也,喪 氛 也,其 在 涖 事 乎。二 月,癸 酉,禘,叔 弓 涖 事,籥 入 而 卒。去 樂 卒 事,禮 也。

楚 費 無 極 害 朝 吳 之 在 蔡 也,欲 去 之,乃 謂 之 曰,王 唯 信 子,故 處 子 於 蔡,子 亦 長 矣,而 在 下 位,辱,必 求 之,吾 助 子 請,又 謂 其 上 之 人,曰,王 唯 信 吳,故 處 諸 蔡,二 三 子 莫 之 如 也,而 在 其 上,不 亦 難 乎,弗 圖,必 及 於 難。夏,蔡 人 逐 朝 吳,朝 吳 出 奔 鄭,王 怒 曰,余 唯 信 吳,故 寘 諸 蔡,且 微 吳,吾 不 及 此,女 何 故 去 之。無 極 對 曰,臣 豈 不 欲 吳,然 而 前 知 其 為 人 之 異 也,吳 在 蔡,蔡 必 速 飛,去 吳,所 以 翦 其 翼 也。

六 月,乙 丑,王 大 子 壽 卒。

秋,八 月,戊 寅,王 穆 后 崩。

晉 荀 吳 帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。圍 鼓,鼓,人 或 請 以 城 叛,穆 子 弗 許。左 右 曰,師 徒 不 勤,而 可 以 獲 城,何 故 不 為。穆 子 曰,吾 聞 諸 叔 向 曰,好 惡 不 愆,民 知 所 適,事 無 不 濟,或 以 吾 城 叛,吾 所 甚 惡 也,人 以 城 來,吾 獨 何 好 焉,賞 所 甚 惡,若 所 好 何,若 其 弗 賞,是 失 信 也,何 以 庇 民,力 能 則 進,否 則 退,量 力 而 行,吾 不 可 以 欲 城 而 邇 姦,所 喪 滋 多。使 鼓 人 殺 叛 人,而 繕 守 備。圍 鼓 三 月,鼓 人 或 請 降,使 其 民 見。曰,猶 有 食 色,姑 修 而 城。軍 吏 曰,獲 城 而 弗 取,勤 民 而 頓 兵,何 以 事 君,穆 子 曰,吾 以 事 君 也,獲 一 邑 而 教 民 怠, 焉 用 邑,邑 以 賈 怠,不 如 完 舊,賈 怠 無 卒,棄 舊 不 祥,鼓 人 能 事 其 君,我 亦 能 事 吾 君,率 義 不 爽,好 惡 不 愆,城 可 獲 而 民 知 義,所 有 死 命 而 無 二 心,不 亦 可 乎,鼓 人 告 食 竭 力 盡,而 後 取 之,克 鼓 而 反,不 戮 一 人,以 鼓 子 鳶 鞮 歸。

冬,公 如 晉。平 丘 之 會 故 也。

十 二 月,晉 荀 躒 如 周 葬 穆 后,籍 談 為介。既 葬,除 喪,以 文 伯 宴,樽 以 魯 壺。王 曰,伯 氏,諸 侯 皆 有 以 鎮 撫 王 室,晉 獨 無 有,何 也。文 伯 揖 籍 談,對 曰,諸 侯 之 封 也,皆 受 明 器 於 王 室,以 鎮 撫 其 社 稷,故 能 薦 彝 器 於 王,晉 居 深 山,戎 狄 之 與 鄰,而 遠 於 王 室,王 靈 不 及,拜 戎 不 暇,其 何 以 獻 器。 曰,叔 氏, 忘 諸 乎,叔 父 唐 叔,成 王 之 母 弟 也,其 反 無 分 乎,密 須 之 鼓,與 其 大 路,文 所 以 大 蒐 也,闕 鞏 之 甲,武 所 以 克 商 也,唐 叔 受 之,以 處 參 虛,匡 有 戎 狄,其 後 襄 之 二 路,鏚 鉞 秬 鬯,彤 弓 虎 賁,文 公 受 之,以 有 南 陽 之 田,撫 征 東 夏,非 分 而 何,夫 有 勳 而 不 廢,有 績 而 載,奉 之 以 土 田,撫 之 以 彝 器,旌 之 以 車 服,明 之 以 文 章,子 孫 不 忘,所 謂 福 也,福 祚 之 不 登 叔 父,焉 在,且 昔 而 高 祖 孫 伯 黶 司 晉 之 典 籍,以 為 大 政,故 曰 籍 氏,及 辛 有 之 二 子 董 之,晉 於 是 乎 有 董 史,女 司 典 之 後 也,何 故 忘 之。籍 談 不 能 對。賓 出,王 曰,籍 父 其 無 後 乎,數 典 而 忘 其 祖。籍 談 歸,以 告 叔 向,叔 向 曰,王 其 不 終 乎,吾 聞 之,所 樂 必 卒 焉,今 王 樂 憂,若 卒 以 憂,不 可 謂 終,王 一 歲 而 有 三 年 之 喪 二 焉,於 是 乎 以 喪 賓 宴,又 求 彝 器,樂 憂 甚 矣,且 非 禮 也,彝 器 之 來,嘉 功 之 由,非 由 喪 也,三 年 之 喪,雖 貴 遂 服,禮 也,王 雖 弗 遂,宴 樂 以 早,亦 非 禮 也,禮,王 之 大 經 也,一 動 而 失 二 禮,無 大 經 矣,言 以 考 典,典 以 志 經,忘 經 而 多 言,舉 典 將 焉 用 之。

十 有 六 年

1. 十 有 六 年,春,齊 侯 伐 徐。

2. 楚 子 誘 戎 蠻 子 殺 之。

3. 夏,公 至 自 晉。

4. 秋,八 月,己 亥,晉 侯 夷 卒。

5. 九 月,大 雩。

6. 季 孫 意 如 如 晉。

7. 冬,十 月,葬 晉 昭 公。

左 傳 曰,十 六 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 晉,晉 人 止 公。不 書,諱 之 也。

齊 侯 伐 徐。

二 月,丙 申,齊 師 至 於 蒲 隧,徐 人 行 成。徐 子 及 郯 人,莒 人,會 齊 侯 盟 於 蒲 隧,賂 以 甲 父 之 鼎。叔 孫 昭 子 曰,諸 侯 之 無 伯,害 哉,齊 君 之 無 道 也,興 師 而 伐 遠 方,會 之 有 成 而 還,莫 之 亢 也,無 伯 也 夫,詩 曰,宗 周 既 滅,靡 所 止 戾,正 大 夫 離 居,莫 知 我 肄,其 是 之 謂 乎。楚 子 聞 蠻 氏 之 亂 也,與 蠻 子 之 無 質 也,使 然 丹 誘 戎 蠻 子 嘉 殺 之,遂 取 蠻 氏,既 而 復 立 其 子 焉。禮 也。

三 月,晉 韓 起 聘 於 鄭,鄭 伯 享 之,子 產 戒 曰,苟 有 位 於 朝,無 有 不 共 恪。孔 張 後 至,立 於 客 間,執 政 禦 之,適 客 後,又 禦 之,適 縣 間,客 從 而 笑 之。事 畢,富 子 諫 曰,夫 大 國 之 人,不 可 不 慎 也,幾 為 之 笑 而 不 陵 我,我 皆 有 禮,夫 猶 鄙 我,國 而 無 禮。何 以 求 榮,孔 張 失 位,吾 子 之 耻 也,子 產 怒 曰,發 命 之 不 衷,出 令 之 不 信,刑 之 頗 類,獄 之 放 紛,會 朝 之 不 敬,使 命 之 不 聽,取 陵 於 大 國,罷 民 而 無 功,罪 及 而 弗 知,僑 之 耻 也,孔 張,君 之 昆 孫,子 孔 之 後 也,執 政 之 嗣 也,為 嗣 大 夫,承 命 以 使,周 於 諸 侯,國 人 所 尊,諸 侯 所 知,立 於 朝 而 祀 於 家,有 祿 於 國,有 賦 於 軍,喪 祭 有 職,受 脤 歸 賑,其 祭 在 廟,已 有 著 位,在 位 數 世,世 守 其 業,而 忘 其 所 僑,焉 得 耻 之,辟 邪 之 人,而 皆 及 執 政,是 先 王 無 刑 罰 也,子 寕 以 他 規 我。

宣 子 有 環,其 一 在 鄭 商,宣 子 謁 諸 鄭 伯,子 產 弗 與,曰,非 官 府 之 守 器 也,寡 君 不 知。子 大 叔,子 羽,謂 子 產 曰,韓 子 亦 無 幾 求,晉 國 亦 未 可 以 貳,晉 國 韓 子 不 可 偷 也,若 屬 有 讒 人 交 鬪 其 間,鬼 神 而 助 之,以 興 其 凶 怒,悔 之 何 及,吾 子 何 愛 於 一 環,其 以 取 憎 於大 國 也,盍 求 而 與 之。子 產 曰,吾 非 偷 晉 而 有 二 心,將 終 事 之,是 以 弗 與,忠 信 故 也,僑 聞 君 子,非 無 賄 之 難,立 而 無 令 名 之 患,僑 聞 為 國,非 不 能 事 大 字 小 之 難,無 禮 以 定 其 位 之 患,夫 大 國 之 人,令 於 小 國,而 皆 獲 其 求,將 何 以 給 之,一 共 一 否,為 罪 滋 大,大 國 之 求,無 禮 以 斥 之,何 饜 之 有,吾 且 為 鄙 邑,則 失 位 矣,若 韓 子 奉 命 以 使,而 求 玉 焉,貪 淫 甚 矣,獨 非 罪 乎,出 一 玉 以 起 二 罪,吾 又 失 位,韓 子 成 貪,將 焉 用 之,且 吾 以 玉 賈 罪,不 亦 銳 乎。韓 子 買 諸 賈 人,既 成 賈 矣,商 人 曰,必 告 君 大 夫。韓 子 請 諸 子 產 曰,日 起 請 夫 環,執 政 弗 義,弗 敢 復 也,今 買 諸 商 人,商 人 曰,必 以 聞,敢 以 為 請。子 產 對 曰,昔 我 先 君 桓 公,與 商 人 皆 出 自 周,庸 次 比 耦,以 艾 殺 此 地,斬 之 蓬 蒿 藜 藿,而 共 處 之,世 有 盟 誓,以 相 信 也,曰 爾 無 我 叛,我 無 強 賈,毋 或 匄 奪,爾 有 利 市 寶 賄,我 勿 與 知,恃 此 質 誓,故 能 相 保,以 至 於 今,今 吾 子 以 好 來 辱,而 謂 敝 邑 強 奪 商 人,是 教 敝 邑 背 盟 誓 也,毋 乃 不 可 乎,吾 子 得 玉 而 失 諸 侯,必 不為 也,若 大 國 令 而 共 無 藝,鄭 鄙 邑 也,亦 弗 為 也,僑 若獻 玉,不 知 所 成,敢 私 布 之。韓 子 辭 玉 曰,起 不 敏,敢 求 玉 以 徼 二 罪,敢 辭 之。

夏,四 月,鄭 六 卿 餞 宣 子 於 郊。宣 子 曰,二 三 君 子 請 皆 賦,起 亦 以 知 鄭 志。子 齹 賦 野 有 蔓 草,宣 子 曰,孺 子 善 哉,吾 有 望 矣。子 產 賦 鄭 之 羔 裘,宣 子 曰,起 不 堪 也。子 大 叔 賦 褰 裳,宣 子 曰,起 在 此,敢 勤 子 至 於 他 人 乎。子 大 叔 拜,宣 子 曰,善 哉,子 之 言 是,不 有 是 事,其 能 終 乎。子 游 賦 風 雨,子 旗 賦 有 女同 車,子 柳 賦 蘀 兮,宣 子 喜 曰,鄭 其 庶 乎,二 三 君 子 以 君 命 貺 起,賦 不 出 鄭 志,皆 昵 燕 好 也,二 三 君 子,數 世 之 主 也,可 以 無 懼 矣。宣 子 皆 獻 馬 焉,而 賦 我 將,子 產 拜,使 五 卿 皆 拜,曰,吾 子 靖 亂,敢 不 拜 德,宣 子 私 覲 於 子 產 以 玉 與 馬, 曰,子 命 起 舍 夫 玉,是 賜 我 玉,而 免 吾 死 也,敢 藉 手 以 拜。

公 至 自 晉。子 服 昭 伯 語 季 平 子 曰,晉 之 公 室,其 將 遂 卑 矣,君 幼 弱,六 卿 彊 而 奢 傲,將 因 是 以 習,習 實 為 常,能 無 卑 乎。平 子 曰,爾 幼,惡 識 國。

秋,八 月,晉 昭 公 卒。

九 月,大 雩,旱 也。

鄭 大 旱,使 屠 擊,祝 欸,豎 柎,有 事 於 桑 山。斬 其 木,不 雨,子 產 曰,有 事 於 山,蓺 山 林 也,而 斬 其 木,其 罪 大 矣。奪 之 官 邑。

冬,十 月,季 平 子 如 晉,葬 昭 公。平 子 曰,子 服 囘 之 言 猶 信,子 服 氏 有 子 哉。

十 有 七 年

1. 十 有 七 年,春,小 邾 子 來 朝。

2. 夏,六 月,甲 戌 朔,日 有 食 之。

3. 秋,郯 子 來 朝。

4. 八 月,晉 荀 吳 帥 師,滅 陸 渾 之 戎。

5. 冬,有 星 孛 于 大 辰。

6. 楚 人 及 吳 戰 于 長 岸。

左 傳 曰,十 七 年,春,小 邾 穆 公 來 朝。公 與 之 燕,季 平 子 賦 采 叔,穆 公 賦 菁 菁 者 莪,昭 子 曰,不 有 以 國,其 能久 乎。

夏,六 月,甲 戌 朔,日 有 食 之。祝 史 請 所 用 幣,昭 子 曰,日 有 食 之 ,天 子 不 舉,伐 鼓 於 社,諸 侯 用 幣 於 社,伐 鼓 於 朝,禮 也。平 子 禦 之,曰,止 也,唯 正 月 朔,慝 未 作,日 有 食 之,於 是 乎 有 伐 鼓 用 幣,禮 也,其 餘 則 否。大 史 曰,在 此 月 也,日 過 分 而 未 至,三 辰 有 災,於 是 乎 百 官 降 物,君 不 舉 辟,移 時 樂 奏 鼓,祝 用 幣,史 用 辭,故 夏 書 曰,辰 不 集 於 房,瞽 奏 鼓,嗇 夫 馳,庶 人 走,此 月 朔 之 謂 也,當 夏 四 月,是 謂 孟 夏。平 子 弗 從,昭 子 退 曰,夫 子 將 有 異 志。不 君 君 矣。

秋,郯 子 來 朝.公 與 之 宴,昭 子 問 焉,曰,少 皞 氏 鳥 名 官,何 故 也.郯 子 曰,吾 祖 也,我 知 之,昔 者 黃 帝 氏 以 雲 紀,故 為 雲 師 而 雲 名,炎 帝 氏 以 火 紀,故 為 火 師 而 火 名,共 工 氏 以 水 紀,故 為 水 師 而 水 名,大 皞 氏 以 龍 紀,故 為 龍 師 而 龍 名,我 高 祖 少 皞 摯 之 立 也,鳳 鳥 適 至,故 紀 於 鳥,為 鳥 師 而 鳥 名,鳳 鳥 氏,歷 正 也,玄 鳥 氏,司 分 者 也,伯 趙 氏,司 至 者 也,青 鳥 氏,司 啟 者 也,丹 鳥 氏,司 閉 者 也,祝 鳩 氏,司 徒 也,鴠 鳩 氏,司 馬 也,鳲 鳩 氏,司 空 也,爽 鳩 氏,司 寇 也,鶻 鳩 氏,司 事 也,五 鳩 鳩 民 者 也,五 雉 為 五 工 正,利 器 用,正 度 量,夷 民 者 也,九 扈 為 九 農 正,扈 民 無 淫 者 也,自 顓 頊 以 來,不 能 紀 遠,乃 紀 於 近,為 民 師 而 命 以 民 事,則 不 能 故 也.仲 尼 聞 之,見 於 郯 子 而 學 之.既 而 告 人 曰,吾 聞 之,天 子 失 官,學 在 四 夷,猶 信。

晉 侯 使 屠 蒯 如 周,請 有 事 於 雒。與 三 塗。萇 弘 謂 劉 子 曰,客 容 猛,非 祭 也,其 伐 戎 乎,陸 渾 氏 甚 睦 於 楚 必 是 故 也,君 其 備 之。乃 警 戎 備。九 月,丁 卯 晉 荀 吳 帥 師,涉 自 棘 津,使 祭 史 先 用 牲 於 雒。陸 渾 人 弗 知,師 從 之。庚 午,遂 滅 陸 渾 數 之 以 其 貳 於 楚 也。陸 渾 子 奔 楚, 其 衆 奔 甘 鹿,周 大 獲。宣 子 夢 文 公 攜 荀 吳 而 授 之 陸 渾,故 使 穆 子 帥 師,獻 俘 於 文 宮。

冬,有 星 孛 于 大 辰,西 及 漢。申 須 曰,彗 所 以 除 舊 布 新 也,天 事 恆 象,今 除 於 火,火 出 必 布 焉,諸 侯 其 有 火 災 乎。梓 慎 曰,往 年 吾 見 之,是 其 徵 也,火 出 而 見,今 玆 火 出 而 章,必 火 入 而 伏,其 居 火 也 久 矣,其 與 不 然 乎,火 出 於 夏 為 三 月,於 商 為 四 月,於 周 為 五 月,夏 數 得 天,若 火 作,其 四 國 當 之,在 宋,衛,陳,鄭,乎,宋,大 辰 之 虛 也,陳,大 皞 之 虛 也,鄭,祝 融 之 虛 也,皆 火 房 也,星 孛 天 漢,漢,水 祥 也,衛,顓 頊 之 虛 也,故 為 帝 丘,其 星 為 大 水,水,火 之 牡 也,其 以 丙 子 若 壬 午 作 乎,水 火 所 以 合 也,若 火 入 而 伏,必 以 壬 午,不 過 其 見 之 月。鄭 裨 竈 言 於 子 產 曰,宋,衛,陳,鄭,將 同 日 火,若 我 用 瓘 斝 玉 瓚,鄭 必 不 火。子 產 弗 與。

吳 伐 楚,陽 匄 為 令 尹,卜 戰 不 吉。司 馬 子 魚 曰,我 得 上 流,何 故 不 吉,且 楚 故 司 馬令 龜,我 請 改 卜。令 曰,魴 也 以 其 屬 死 之,楚 師 繼 之,尚 大 克 之。吉。戰 于 長 岸,子 魚 先 死,楚 師 繼 之,大 敗 吳 師,獲 其 乘 舟 餘 皇,使 隨 人 與 後 至 者 守 之,環 而 塹 之,及 泉,盈 其 隧 炭,陳 以 待 命。吳 公 子 光 請 於 其 衆 曰,喪 先 王 之 乘 舟,豈 唯 光 之 罪,眾 亦 有 焉,請 藉 取 之,以 救 死。衆 許 之,使 長 鬣 者 三 人 潛 伏 於 舟 側,曰,我 呼 餘 皇,則 對,師 夜 從 之,三 呼 皆 迭 對,楚 人 從 而 殺 之,楚 師 亂,吳 人 大 敗 之,取 餘 皇 以 歸。

十 有 八 年

1. 十 有 八 年,春,王 三 月,曹 伯 須 卒。

2. 夏,五 月,壬 午,宋,衛,陳,鄭,災。

3. 六 月,邾 人 入 鄅。

4. 秋,葬 曹 平 公。

5. 冬,許 遷 于 白 羽。

左 傳 曰,十 八 年,春,王 二 月,乙 卯,周 毛 得 殺 毛 伯 過 而 代 之。萇 弘 曰,毛 得 必 亡,是 昆 吾 稔 之 日 也,侈 故 之 以,而 毛 得 以 濟 侈 於 王 都,不 亡,何 待 三 月,曹 平 公 卒。

夏,五 月,火 始 昏 見,丙 子,風,梓 慎 曰,是 謂 融 風,火 之 始 也,七 日,其 火 作 乎,戊 寅,風 甚,壬 午,大 甚,宋,衛,陳,鄭,皆 火,梓 慎 登 大 庭 氏 之 庫 以 望 之,曰,宋,衛,陳,鄭,也,數 日 皆 來 告 火。裨 竈 曰,不 用 吾 言,鄭 又 將 火。鄭 人 請 用 之,子 產 不 可。子 大 叔 曰,寶,以 保 民 也,若 有 火,國 幾 亡,可 以 救 亡,子 何 愛 焉,子 產 曰,天 道 遠 ,人 道 邇,非 所 及 也,何 以 知 之,竈 焉 知 天 道,是 亦 多 言 矣,豈 不 或 信。遂 不 與,亦 不 復 火。鄭 之 未 災 也,里 析 告 子 產 曰,將 有 大 祥,民 震 動,國 幾 亡,吾 身 泯 焉,弗 良 及 也,國 遷,其 可 乎。子 產 曰,雖 可,吾 不 足 以 定 遷 矣。及 火,里 析 死 矣,未 葬,子 產 使 輿 三 十 人 遷 其 柩。火 作,子 產 辭 晉 公 子 公 孫 於 東 門,使 司 寇 出 新 客,禁 舊 客 勿 出 於 宮,使 子 寬,子 上,巡 羣 屏 攝,至 於 大 宮,使 公 孫 登 徙 大 龜,使 祝 史 徙 主 祏 於 周 廟,告 於 先 君,使 府 人 庫 人 各 儆 其 事,商 成 公 儆 司 宮,出 舊 宮 人,寘 諸 火 所 不 及,司 馬 司 寇,列 居 火 道,行 火 所 焮,城 下 之 人,伍 列 登 城。明 日,使 野 司寇,各 保 其 徵,郊 人 助 祝 史 除 於 國 北,禳 火 於 玄 冥,回 祿,祈 於 四 鄘。書 焚 室 而 寬 其 征,與 之 材,三 日 哭,國 不 市,使 行 人 告 於 諸 侯。宋,衛,皆 如 是,陳 不 救 火,許 不 弔 災,君 子 是 以 知 陳,許,之 先 亡 也。

六 月,鄅 人 藉 稻,邾 人 襲 鄅,人 將 閉 門,邾 人 羊 羅 攝 其 首 焉,遂 入 之,盡 俘 以 歸。鄅 子 曰,余 無 歸 矣。從 帑 於 邾,邾 莊 公 反 鄅 夫 人,而 舍 其 女。

秋,葬 曹 平 公。往 者 見 周 原 伯 魯 焉,與 之 語,不 說 學,歸 以 語 閔 子 馬,閔子 馬 曰,周 其 亂 乎,夫 必 多 有 是 說,而 後 及 其 大 人,大 人 患 失 而 惑,又 曰,可 以 無 學,無 學 不 害,不 害 而 不 學,則 苟 而 可,於 是 乎 下 陵 上 替,能 無 亂 乎,夫 學,殖 也,不 學 將 落,原 氏 其 亡 乎。

七 月,鄭 子 產 為 火 故,大 為 社,祓 禳 於 四 方,振 除 火 災,禮 也。乃 簡 兵 大 蒐,將 為 蒐 除,子 大 叔 之 廟 在 道 南,其 寢 在 道 北,其 庭 小,過 期 三 日,使 除 徒 陳 於 道 南 廟 北,曰,子 產 過 女,而 命 速 除,乃 毀 於 而 鄉,子 產 朝,過 而 怒 之,除 者 南 毀,子 產 及 衝,使 從 者 止 之,曰,毀 於 北 方。火 之 作 也,子 產 授 兵 登 陴,子 大 叔 曰,晉 無 乃 討 乎。子 產 曰,吾 聞 之,小 國 忘 守 則 危,況 有 災 乎,國 之 不 可 小,有 備 故 也。既 晉 之 邊 吏 讓 鄭 曰,鄭 國 有 災,晉 君 大 夫 不 敢 寕 居,卜 筮 走 望,不 愛 牲 玉,鄭 之 有 災,寡 君 之 憂 也,今 執 事 撊 然 授 兵 登 陴,將 以 誰 罪,邊 人 恐 懼,不 敢 不 告。子 產 對 曰,若 吾 子 之 言,敝 邑 之 災 君 之 憂 也,敝 邑 失 政,天 降 之 災,又 懼 讒 慝 之 閒 謀 之,以 啟 貪 人,薦 為 敝 邑 不 利,以 重 君 之 憂,幸 而 不 亡,猶 可 說 也,不 幸 而 亡,君 雖 憂 之,亦 無 及 也,鄭 有 他 竟,望 走 在 晉,既 事 晉 矣,其 敢 有 二 心。

楚 左 尹 王 子 勝 言 於 楚 子 曰,許 於 鄭。仇 敵 也,而 居 楚 地,以 不 禮 於 鄭,晉 鄭 方 睦,鄭 若 伐 許,而 晉 助 之,楚 喪 地 矣,君 盍 遷 許,許 不 專 於 楚,鄭 方 有 令 政,許 曰,余 舊 國 也,鄭 曰,余 俘 邑 也,葉 在 楚 國,方 城 外 之 蔽 也,土 不 可 易,國 不 可 小,許 不 可 俘,讐 不 可 啟,君 其 圖 之。楚 子 說。冬,楚 子 使 王 子 勝 遷 許 於 析,實 白 羽。

十 有 九 年

1. 十 有 九 年,春,宋 公 伐 邾。

2. 夏,五 月,戊 辰,許 世 子 止 弒 其 君 買。

3. 己 卯,地 震。

4. 秋,齊 高 發 帥 師 伐 莒。

5. 冬,葬 許 悼 公。

左 傳 曰,十 九 年,春,楚 工 尹 赤 遷 陰 於 下 陰,令 尹 子 瑕 城 郟,叔 孫 昭 子 曰,楚 不 在 諸 侯 矣,其 僅 自 完 也,以 持 其 世 而 已。

楚 子 之 在 蔡 也,郹 陽 封 人 之 女 奔 之,生 大 子 建。及 即 位,使 伍 奢 為 之 師。費 無 極 為 少 師,無 寵 焉,欲 譖 諸 王,曰,建 可 室 矣。王 為 之 聘 於 秦,無 極 與 逆,勸 王 取 之。正 月,楚 夫 人 嬴 氏 至 自 秦。

鄅 夫 人,宋 向 戌 之 女 也,故 向 寕 請 師。二 月,宋 公 伐 邾 圍 蟲,三 月,取 之,乃 盡 歸 鄅 俘。邾 人,郳 人,徐 人,會 宋 公,乙 亥,同 盟 於 蟲。

夏,許 悼 公 瘧,五 月,戊 辰,飲 大 子止 之 藥,卒。大 子 奔 晉。書 曰 弒 其 君,君 子 曰,盡 心 力 以 事 君,舍 藥 物 可 也。

楚 子 為 舟 師 以 伐 濮,費 無 極 言 於 楚 子 曰,晉 之 伯 也,邇 於 諸 夏,而 楚 辟 陋,故 弗 能 與 爭,若 大 城 城 父,而 寘 大 子 焉,以 通 北方,王 收 南 方,是 得 天 下 也。王 說,從 之,故 太 子 建 居 於 城 父。令 尹子 瑕 聘 於 秦,拜 夫 人 也。

秋,齊 高 發 帥 師 伐 莒。莒 子 奔 紀 鄣,使 孫 書 伐 之。初,莒 有 婦 人,莒 子 殺 其 夫,己 為 嫠 婦,及 老,託 於 紀 鄣,紡 焉 以 度 而 去 之,及 師 至,則 投 諸 外。或 獻 諸 子 占,子 占 使 師 夜 縋 而 登,登 者 六 十 人,縋 絕,師 鼓 譟,城 上 之 人 亦 譟,莒 共 公 懼,啟 西 門 而 出,七 月,丙 子,齊 師 入 紀。

是 歲 也,鄭 駟 偃 卒。子 游 娶 於 晉 大 夫,生 絲,弱,其 父 兄 立 子 瑕,子 產 憎 其 為 人 也,且 以 為 不 順,弗 許,亦 弗 止,駟 氏 聳。他 日,絲 以 告 其 舅,冬,晉 人 使 以 幣 如 鄭,問 駟 乞 之 立 故。駟 氏 懼,駟 乞 欲 逃,子 產 弗 遣,請 龜 以 卜,亦 弗 予。大 夫 謀 對,子 產 不 待 而 對 客 曰,鄭 國 不 天,寡 君 之 二 三 臣,札 瘥 夭 昏,今 又 喪 我 先 大 夫 偃,其 子 幼 弱,其 一 二 父 兄,懼 隊 宗 主,私 族 於 謀,如 立 長 親,寡 君 與 其 二 三 老 曰,抑 天 實 剝 亂 是,吾 何 知 焉,諺 曰,無 過 亂 門,民 有 亂 兵,猶 憚 過 之,而 况 敢 知 天 之 所 亂,今 大 夫 將 問 其 故,抑 寡 君 實 不 敢 知,其 誰 實 知 之,平 丘 之 會,君 尋 舊 盟 曰,無 或 失 職,若 寡 君 之 二 三 臣,其 即 世 者,晉 大 夫 而 專 制 其 位,是 晉 之 縣 鄙 也,何 國之 為,辭 客 幣 而 報 其 使,晉 人 舍 之。

楚 人 城 州 來,沈 尹 戌 曰,楚 人 必 敗,昔 吳 滅 州 來,子 旗 請 伐 之,王 曰,吾 未 撫 吾 民,今 亦 如 之,而 城 州 來 以 挑 吳,能 無 敗 乎。侍 者 曰,王 施 舍 不 倦,息 民 五 年,可 謂 撫 之 矣。戌 曰,吾 聞 撫 民 者,節 用 於 內,而 樹 德 於 外,民 樂 其 性,而 無 寇 讐,今 宮 室 無 量,民 人 日 駭,勞 罷 死 轉,忘 寢 與 食,非 撫 之 也。

鄭 大 水,龍 鬪 於 時 門 之 外 洧 淵,國 人請 為 禜 焉。子 產 弗 許,曰,我 鬪,龍 不 我 覿 也,龍 鬪,我 獨 何 覿 焉,禳 之,則 彼 其 室 也,吾 無 求 於 龍,龍 亦 無 求 於 我。乃 止 也。

令 尹 子 瑕 言 蹶 由 於 楚 子,曰,彼 何 罪,諺 所 謂 室 於 怒,市 於 色 者,楚 之 謂 矣,舍 前 之 忿,可 也,乃 歸 蹶 由。

二 十 年

1. 二 十 年,春,王 正 月。

2. 夏,曹 公 孫 會 自 鄸 出 奔 宋。

3. 秋,盜 殺 衛 侯 之 兄 縶。

4. 冬,十 月,宋 華 亥 向 寕,華 定,出 奔 陳。

5. 十 有 一 月,辛 卯,蔡 侯 盧 卒。

左 傳 曰,二 十 年,春,王 二 月,己 丑,日 南 至,梓 慎 望 氛 曰,今 玆 宋 有 亂,國 幾 亡,三 年 而 後 弭,蔡 有 大 喪。叔 孫 昭 子 曰,然 則 戴,桓 也,汰 侈 無 禮,已 甚,亂 所 在 也。

費 無 極 言 於 楚 子 曰,建 與 伍 奢 將 以 方 城 之 外 叛,自 以 為 猶 宋,鄭 也,齊,晉,又 交 輔 之,將 以 害 楚,其 事 集 矣。王 信 之,問 伍 奢,伍 奢 對 曰,君 一 過 多 矣,何 信 於 讒。王 執 伍 奢,使 城 父 司 馬 奮 揚 殺 大 子,未 至,而 使 遣 之。三 月,大 子 建 奔 宋,王 召 奮 揚,奮 揚 使 城 父 人 執 己 以 至。王 曰,言 出 於 余 口,入 於 爾 耳,誰 告 建 也。對 曰,臣 告 之,君 王 命 臣 曰 ,事 建 如 事 余,臣 不 佞,不 能 苟 貳,奉 初 以 還,不 忍 後 命,故 遣 之,既 而 悔 之,亦 無 及 巳。王 曰,而 敢 來,何 也。對 曰,使 而 失 命,召 而 不 來,是 再 奸 也,逃 無 所 入。王 曰,歸,從 政 如 他 日。無 極 曰 奢 之 子 材,若 在 吳,必 憂 楚 國,盍 以 免 其 父 召 之,彼 仁,必 來,不 然,將 為 患。王 使 召 之,曰,來,吾 免 而 父。棠 君 尚 謂 其 弟 員 曰,爾 適 吳,我 將 歸 死,吾 知 不 逮,我 能 死,爾 能 報,聞 免 父 之 命,不 可 以 莫 之 奔 也,親 戚 為 戮,不 可 以 莫 之 報 也,奔 死 免 父,孝 也,度 功 而 行,仁 也,擇 任 而 往,知 也,知 死 不 辟,勇 也,父 不 可 棄,名 不 可 廢,爾 其 勉 之,相 從 為 愈。伍 尚 歸,奢 聞 員 不 來,曰,楚 君 大 夫 其 旰 食 乎。楚 人 皆 殺 之,員 如 吳,言 伐 楚 之 利 於 州 于,公 子 光 曰,是 宗 為 戮,而 欲 反 其 讐,不 可 從 也。員 曰。彼 將 有 他 志,余 姑 為 之 求 士,而 鄙 以 待 之。乃 見 鱄 設 諸 焉,而 耕 於 鄙。

宋 元 公 無 信 多 私 而 惡,華 向,華 定,華 亥,與 向 寕 謀,曰,亡 愈 於 死,先 諸 華 亥 偽 有 疾,以 誘 羣 公 子,公 子 問 之,則 執 之。夏,六 月,丙 申,殺 公 子 寅,公 子 御 戎,公 子 朱,公 子 固,公 孫 援,公 孫 丁,拘 向 勝,向 行 於 其 廩,公 如 華 氏,請 焉,弗 許,遂 劫 之。癸 卯,取 大 子 欒,與 母 弟 辰,公 子 地,以 為 質。公 亦 取 華 亥 之 子 無 慼,向 寕 之 子 羅,華 定 之 子 啟,與 華 氏 盟 以 為 質。

衛 公 孟 縶 狎 齊 豹,奪 之 司 寇 與 鄄,有 役 則 反 之,無 則 取 之,公 孟 惡 北 宮 喜,褚 師 圃,欲 去 之,公 子 朝 通 於 襄 夫 人 宣 姜,懼 而 欲 以 作 亂,故 齊 豹,北 宮 喜,褚 師 圃,公 子 朝,作 亂。初,齊 豹 見 宗 魯 於 公 孟,為 驂 乘 焉,將 作 亂,而 謂 之 曰,公 孟 之 不 善,子 所 知 也,勿 與 乘,吾 將 殺 之。對 曰,吾 由 子 事 公 孟,子 假 吾 名 焉,故 不 吾 遠 也,雖 其 不 善, 吾 亦 知 之,抑 以 利 故,不 能 去,是 吾 過 也,今 聞 難 而 逃,是 僭 子 也,子 行 事 乎,吾 將 死 之,以 周 事 子,而 歸 死 於 公 孟,其 可 也。丙 辰,衛 侯 在 平 壽,公 孟 有 事 於 蓋 獲 之 門 外,齊 子 氏 帷 於 門 外,而 伏 甲 焉,使 祝 鼃 寘 戈 於 車 薪,以 當 門,使 一 乘 從 公 孟 以 出。使 華 齊 御 公 孟,宗 魯 驂 乘,及 閎 中,齊 氏 用 戈 擊 公 孟,宗 魯 以 背 蔽 之,斷 肱,以 中 公 孟 之 肩,殺 皆 之。公 聞 亂,乘 驅 自 閱 門 入,慶 比 御 公,公 南 楚 驂 乘,使 華 寅 乘 貳 車,及 公 宮,鴻 駵 魋 駟 乘 於 公,公 戴 寶 以 出,褚 師 子 申,遇 公 於 馬 路 之 衢,遂 從,過 齊 氏,使 華 寅 肉 袒 執 器,以 當 其 闕,齊 氏 射 公,中 南 楚 之 背,公 遂 出,寅 閉 郭 門,踰 而 從 公,公 如 死 鳥,析 朱 鉏 宵 從 竇 出,徒 行 從 公。齊 侯 使 公 孫 青 聘 於 衛,既 出,聞 衛 亂,使 請 所 聘。公 曰,猶 在 竟 內,則 衛 君 也,乃 將 事 焉。遂 從 諸 死 鳥,請 將 事,辭 曰,亡 人 不 佞,失 守 社 稷,越 在 草 莽,吾 子 無 所 辱 君 命。賓 曰,寡 君 命 下 臣 於 朝 曰,阿 下 執 事,臣 不 敢 貳。主 人 曰,君 若 惠 顧 先 君 之 好,昭 臨 敝 邑,鎮 撫 其 社 稷,則 有 宗 祧 在。乃 止。衛 侯 固 請 見 之,不 獲 命,以 其 良 馬 見,為 未 致 使 故 也,衛 侯 以 為 乘 馬,賓 將 掫,主 人 辭 曰,亡 人 之 憂,不 可 以 及 吾 子,草 莽 之 中,不 足 以 辱 從 者,敢 辭。賓 曰,寡 君 之 下 臣,君 之 牧 圉 也,若 不 獲 扞 外 役,是 不 有 寡 君 也,臣 懼 不 免 於 戾,請 以 除 死。親 執 鐸,終 夕 與 於 燎。齊 氏 之 宰 渠 子,召 北 宮 子,北 官 氏 之 宰 不 與 聞,謀 殺 渠 子 遂 伐 齊 氏,滅 之。丁 巳,晦,公 入,與 北 宮 喜 盟 於 彭 水 之 上。秋,七 月,戊 午 朔,遂 盟 國 人。八 月,辛 亥,公 子 朝,褚 師 圃,子 玉 霄,子 高 魴,出 奔 晉。閏 月,戊 辰,殺 宣 姜。衛 侯 賜 北 宮 喜 謚,曰 貞 子,賜 析 朱 鉏 謚 曰 成 子,而 以 齊 氏 之 墓 予 之。衛 侯 告 寕 於 齊,且 言 子 石,齊 侯 將 飲 酒,徧 賜 大 夫 曰,二 三 子 之 教 也。苑 何 忌 辭 曰,與 於 青 之 賞,必 及 於 其 罰,在 康 誥 曰,父 子 兄 弟,罪 不 相 及,况 在 羣 臣,臣 敢 貪 君 賜,以 干 先 王。琴 張 聞 宗 魯 死,將 往 弔 之,仲 尼 曰,齊 豹 之 盜,而 孟 縶 之 賊,女 何 弔 焉,君 子 不 食 姦,不 受 亂,不 為 利 疚 於 囘,不 以 囘 待 人,不 蓋 不 義,不 犯 非 禮。

宋 華 向 之 亂,公 子 城,公 孫 忌,樂 舍,司 馬 疆,向 宜,向 鄭,楚 建,郳 甲,出 奔 鄭,其 徒 與 華 氏 戰 於 鬼 閻,敗 子 城,子 城 適 晉。華 亥 與 其 妻 必 盥 而 食 所 質 公 子 者,而 後 食,公 與 夫 人,每 日,必 適 華 氏,食 公 子 而 後 歸,華 亥 患 之,欲 歸 公 子,向 寕 曰,唯 不 信,故 質 其 子,若 又 歸 之,死 無 日 矣。公 請 於 華 費,遂 將 攻 華 氏,對 曰,臣 不 敢 愛 死,無 乃 求 去 憂 而 滋 長 乎,臣 是 以 懼,敢 不 聽 命。公 曰,子 死 亡 有 命,余 不 忍 其 詢。冬,十 月,公 殺 華 向 之 質 而 攻 之,戊 辰,華 向 奔 陳,華 登 奔 吳,向 寕 欲 殺 大 子,華 亥 曰,干 君 而 出,又 殺 其 子,其 誰 納 我,且 歸 之 有 庸。使 少 司 寇 牼 以 歸,曰,子 之 齒 長 矣,不 能 事 人,以 三 公 子 為 質,必 免。公 子 既 入,華 牼 將 自 門 行,公 遽 見 之,執 其 手 曰,余 知 而 無 罪 也,入 復 而 所。

齊 侯 疥,遂 痁,期 而 不 瘳,諸 侯 之 賓 問 疾 者 多 在,梁 丘 據 與 裔 欸 言 於 公 曰,吾 事 鬼 神 豐,於 先 君 有 加 矣,今 君 疾 病,為 諸 侯 憂,是 祝 史 之 罪 也,諸 侯 不 知,其 謂 我 不 敬,君 盍 誅 於 祝 固 史 嚚,以 辭 賓。公 說,告 晏 子,晏 子 曰,日 宋 之 盟,屈 建 問 范 會 之 德 於 趙 武,趙 武 曰,夫 子 之 家 事 治,言 於 晉 國,竭 情 無 私,其 祝 史 祭 祀,陳 信 不 愧,其 家 事 無 猜,其 祝 史 不 祈,建 以 語 康 王,康 王 曰,神 人 無 怨,宜 夫 子 之 光 輔 五 君,以 為 諸 侯 主 也。公 曰,據 與 款 謂 寡 人 能 事 鬼 神,故 欲 誅 於 祝 史,子 稱 是 語,何 故,對 曰,若 有 德 之君,外 內 不 廢,上 下 無 怨,動 無 違 事,其 祝 史 薦 信,無 愧 心 矣,是 以鬼 神 用 饗,國 受 其 福,祝 史 與 焉,其 所 以 蕃 祉 老 壽 者,為 信 君 使 也,其 言 忠 信 於 鬼 神。其 適 遇 淫 君,外 內 頗 邪,上 下 怨 疾,動 作 辟 違,從 欲 厭 私,高 臺 深 池,撞 鍾 舞 女,斬 刈 民 力,輸 掠 其 聚,以 成 其 違,不 恤 後 人,暴 虐 淫 從,肆 行 非 度,無 所 還 忌,不 思 謗 讟,不 憚 鬼 神,神 怒 民 痛,無 悛 於 心,其 祝 史 薦 信,是 言 罪 也,其 蓋 失 數 美,是 矯 誣 也,進 退 無 辭,則 虛 以 求 媚,是 以 鬼 神 不 饗 其 國 以 禍 之,祝 史 與 焉,所以 夭 昏 孤 疾 者,為 暴 君 使 也。其 言 僭 嫚 於 鬼 神。公 曰,然 則 若 之 何。對 曰,不 可 為 也,山 林 之 木,衡 鹿 守 之,澤 之 萑 蒲,舟 鮫 守 之,藪 之 薪 蒸,虞 候 守 之,海 之 鹽 蜃,祈 望 守 之,縣 鄙 之 人,入 從 其 政,偪 介之 關,暴 征 其 私,承 嗣 大 夫,強 易 其 賄,布 常 無 藝,徵 斂 無 度,宮 室日 更,淫 樂 不 違,內 寵 之 妾,肆 奪 於 市,外 寵 之 臣,僭 令 於 鄙,私 欲 養 求,不 給 則 應,民 人 苦 病,夫 婦 皆 詛,祝 有 益 也,詛 亦 有 損,聊 攝 以 東,姑 尤 以 西,其 為 人 也,多 矣 ,雖 其 善 祝,豈 能 勝 億 兆 人 之 詛,君 若 欲 誅 於 祝 史,修 德 而 後 可。公 說,使 有 司 寬 政,毀 關,去 禁,薄 斂 已 責。

十 二 月,齊 侯 田 於 沛,招 虞 人 以 弓,不 進,公 使 執 之。辭 曰,昔 我 先 君 之 田 也,旃 以 招 大 夫,弓 以 招 士,皮 冠 以 招 虞 人,臣 不 見 皮 冠,故 不 敢 進。乃 舍 之。仲 尼 曰,守 道 不 如 守 官,君 子 韙 之。

齊 侯 至 自 田,晏 子 侍 於 遄 臺,子 猶 馳 而 造 焉,公 曰,唯 據 與 我 和 夫。晏 子 對 曰,據 亦 同 也,焉 得 為 和。公 曰,和 與 同 異 乎。對 曰,異,和 如 羹 焉,水 火 醯 醢 鹽 梅,以 烹 魚 肉,燀 之 以 薪,宰 夫 和 之,齊 之 以 味,濟 其 不 及,以 洩 其 過,君 子 食 之,以 平 其 心,君 臣 亦 然,君 所 謂 可,而 有 否 焉,臣 獻 其 否,以 成 其 可,君 所 謂 否,而 有 可 焉,臣 獻 其 可,以 去 其 否,是 以 政 平 而不 干 民 無 爭 心,故 詩 曰,亦 有 和 羹,既 戒 既 平,鬷 假 無 言,時 靡 有 爭,先 王 之 濟 五 味,和 五 聲 也,以 平 其 心,成 其 政 也,聲 亦 如 味,一 氣,二 體,三 類,四 物,五 聲,六 律,七 音,八 風,九 歌,以 相 成 也,清 濁,大 小,短 長,疾 徐,哀 樂,剛 柔,遲 速,高 下,出 入,周 疏,以 相 濟 也,君 子 聽 之,以 平 其 心,心 平 德 和,故 詩 曰,德 音 不 瑕,今 據 不 然,君 所 謂 可,據 亦 曰 可,君 所 謂 否,據 亦 曰 否,若 以 水 濟 水,誰 能 食 之,若 琴 瑟 之 專 壹,誰 能 聽 之,同 之 不 可 也 如 是。飲 酒 樂,公 曰,古 而 無 死,其 樂 若 何。晏 子 對 曰,古 而 無 死,則 古 之 樂 也,君 何 得 焉,昔 爽 鳩 氏 始 居 此 地,季 萴 因 之,有 逢 伯 陵 因 之,蒲 姑 氏 因 之,而 後 大 公 因 之,古 者 無 死,爽 鳩 氏 之 樂,非 君 所 願 也。

鄭 子 產 有 疾,謂 子 大 叔 曰,我 死,子 必 為 政,唯 有 德 者,能 以 寬 服 民 ,其 次 莫 如 猛,夫 火 烈,民 望 而 畏 之,故 鮮 死 焉,水 懦 弱,民 狎 而 翫 之,則 多 死 焉,故 寬 難。疾 數 月 而 卒,大 叔 為 政,不 忍 猛 而 寬,鄭 國 多 盜,取 人 於 萑 苻 之 澤,大 叔 悔 之,曰,吾 早 從 夫 子,不 及 此。興 徒 兵 以 攻 萑 苻 之 盜,盡 殺 之,盜 少 止,仲 尼 曰,善 哉,政 寬 則 民 慢,慢 則 糾 之 以 猛,猛 則 民 殘,殘 則 施 之 以 寬,寬 以 濟 猛,猛 以 濟 寬,政 是 以 和,詩 曰,民 亦 勞 止,汔 可 小 康,惠 此 中 國,以 綏 四 方,施 之 以 寬 也,毋 從 詭 隨,以 謹 無 良,式 遏 寇 虐,慘 不 畏 明,糾 之 以 猛 也,柔 遠 能 邇,以 定 我 王,平 之 以 和 也,又 曰,不 競 不 絿,不 剛 不 柔,布 政 優 優,百 祿 是 遒,和 之 至 也。及 子 產 卒,仲 尼 聞 之,出 涕 曰,古 之 遺 愛 也。

二 十 有 一 年

1. 二 十 有 一 年,春,王 三 月,葬 蔡 平 公。

2. 夏,晉 侯 使 士 鞅 來 聘。

3. 宋 華 亥,向 寕,華 定,自 陳 入 于 宋 南 里 以 叛。

4. 秋,七 月,壬 午 朔,日 有 食 之。

5. 八 月,乙 亥,叔 輒 卒。

6. 冬,蔡 侯 朱 出 奔 楚。

7. 公 如 晉 至 河 乃 復。

左 傳 曰,二 十 一 年,春,天 王 將 鑄 無 射,泠 州 鳩 曰,王 其 以 心 疾 死 乎,夫 樂,天 子 之 職 也,夫 音,樂 之 輿 也,而 鐘,音 之 器 也,天 子 省 風 以 作 樂,器 以 鍾 之,輿 以 行 之,小 者 不 窕,大 者 不 槬,則 和 於 物,物 和 則 嘉 成,故 和 聲 入 於 耳,而 藏 於 心,心 億 則 樂,窕 則 不 咸,總 則 不 容,心 是 以 感,感 實 生 疾,今 鐘 槬 矣,王 心 弗 堪,其 能 久 乎。

三 月,葬 蔡 平 公,蔡 大 子 朱 失 位,位 在 卑,大 夫 送 葬 者,歸 見 昭 子,昭 子 問 蔡 故,以 告。昭 子 歎 曰,蔡 其 亡 乎,若 不 亡,是 君 也 必 不 終,詩 曰,不 解 于 位,民 之 攸 塈,今 蔡 侯 始 即 位 而 適 卑,身 將 從 之。

夏,晉 士 鞅 來 聘。叔 孫 為 政,季 孫 欲 惡 諸 晉,使 有 司 以 齊 鮑 國 歸 費 之 禮 為 士 鞅,士 鞅 怒 曰,鮑 國 之 位 下,其 國 小,而 使 鞅 從 其 牢 禮,是 卑 敝 邑 也,將 復 諸 寡 君,魯 人 恐,加 牢 焉,為 十 一 牢。

宋 華 費 遂 生 華 貙,華 多 僚,華 登。貙 爲 少 司 馬,多 僚 為 御 士,與 貙 相 惡,乃 譖 諸 公,曰,貙 將 納 亡 人,亟 言 之,公 曰,司 馬 以 吾 故,亡 其 良 子,死 亡 有 命,吾 不 可 以 再 亡 之。對 曰,君 若 愛 司 馬,則 如 亡,死 如 可 逃,何 遠 之 有。公 懼,使 侍 人 召 馬 之 侍 人 宜 僚,飲 之 酒,而 使 告 司 馬。司 馬 歎 曰,必 多 僚 也,吾 有 讒 子,而 弗 能 殺,吾 又 不 死,抑 君 有 命,可 若 何。乃 與 公 謀 逐 華 貙,將 使 田 孟 諸 而 遣 之,公 飲 之 酒,厚 酬 之,賜 及 從 者,司 馬 亦 如 之,張 匄 尤 之,曰,必 有 故,使 子 皮 承 宜 僚 以 劍 而 訊 之,宜 僚 盡 以 告,張 匄 欲 殺 多 僚,子 皮 曰,司 馬老 矣,登 之 謂 甚,吾 又 重 之,不 如 亡 也。五 月,丙 申,子 皮 將 見 司 馬 而 行,則 遇 多 僚 御 司 馬 而 朝,張 匄 不 勝 其 怒,遂 與 子 皮,臼 任,鄭 翩,殺 多 僚,劫 司 馬 以 叛,而 召 亡 人,壬 寅,華 向 入,樂 大 心,豐 愆,華 牼,禦 諸 橫,華 氏 居 盧 門,以 南 里 叛。六 月,庚 午,宋 城 舊 鄘,及 桑 林 之 門,而 守 之。

秋,七 月,壬 午 朔,日 有 食 之。 問 於 梓 慎 曰,是 何 物 也,禍 福 何 為。對 曰,二 至 二 分,日 有 食 之,不 為 災,日 月 之 行 也,分 同 道 也,至 相 過 也,其 他 月 則 為 災,陽 不 克 也,故 常 為 水。

於 是 叔 輒 哭 日 食,昭 子 曰,子 叔 將 死,非 所 哭 也,八 月,叔 輒 卒。

冬,十 月,華 登 以 吳 師 救 華 氏,齊 烏 枝 鳴 戍 宋,廚 人 濮 曰,軍 志 有 之,先 人 有 奪 人 之 心,後 人 有 待 其 衰,盍 及 其 勞,且 未 定 也,伐 諸,若 入 而 固,則 華 氏 衆 矣,悔 無 及 也。從 之,丙 寅,齊 師,宋 師,敗 吳 師 於 鴻 口,獲 其 二 帥,公 子 苦 雂,偃 州 員,華 登 帥 其 餘 以 敗 宋 師,公 欲 出,廚 人 濮 曰,吾 小 人,可 藉 死,而 不 能 送 亡,君 請 待 之。乃 徇 曰,楊 徽 者,公 徒 也。衆 從 之。公 自 楊 門 見 之,下 而 巡 之,曰,國 亡 君 死,二 三 子 之 耻 也,豈 專 孤 之 罪 也,齊 烏 枝 鳴 曰,用 少 莫 如 齊 致 死,齊 致 死 莫 如 去 備,彼 多 兵 矣,請 皆 用 劍。從 之,華 氏 北,復 即 之。廚 人 濮 以 裳 裹 首,而 荷 以 走,曰,得 華 登 矣。遂 敗 華 氏 于於 新 里。翟 僂 新 居 於 新 里,既 戰,說 甲 於 公 而 歸,華 姓 居 於 公 里,亦 如 之。十 一 月,癸 未,公 子 城 以 晉 師 至,曹 翰 胡 會 晉 荀 吳,齊 苑 何 忌,衛 公 子 朝 救 宋。丙 戌,與 華 氏 戰 於 赭 丘,鄭 翩 願 為 鸛,其 御 願 為 鵝,子 祿 御 公 子 城,莊 堇 為 右,于 犨 御 呂 封 人 華 豹 張 匄 為 右,相 遇,城 還,華 豹 曰,城 也,城 怒,而 反 之,將 注,豹 則 關 矣,曰,平 公 之 靈,尚 輔 相 余。豹 射 出 其 間,將 注,則 又 關 矣,曰,不 狎 鄙。抽 矢,城 射 之,殪。張 匄 抽 殳 而 下,射 之,折 股,扶 伏 而 擊 之,折 軫,又 射 之,死。干 犨 請 一 矢,城 曰,余 言 汝 於 君。封 曰,不 死 伍 乘,軍 之 大 刑 也,干 刑 而 從 子,君 焉 用 之,子 速 諸,乃 射 之,殪。大 敗 華 氏,圍 諸 南 里,華 亥 搏 膺 而 呼,見 華 貙 曰,吾 為 欒 氏 矣。貙 曰 子 無 我 迋,不 幸 而 後 亡。使 華 登如 楚 乞 師,華 貙 以 車 十 五 乘,徒 七 十 人,犯 師 而 出,食 於 睢 上,哭 而 送 之,乃 復 入。楚 薳 越 帥 師,將 逆 華 氏,大 宰 犯 諫 曰,諸 侯 唯 宋 事 其 君,今 又 爭 國,釋 君 而 臣 是 助,無 乃 不 可 乎。王 曰,而 告 我 也 後,既 許 之 矣。

蔡 侯 朱 出 奔 楚。費 無 極 取 貨 於 東 國,而 謂 蔡 人 曰,朱 不 用 命 於 楚,君 王 將 立 東 國,若 不 先 從 王 欲,楚 必 圍 蔡。蔡 人 懼,出 朱 而 立 東 國,朱 愬 於 楚,楚 子 將 討 蔡,無 極 曰,平 侯 與 楚 有 盟,故 封 其 子 有 二 心, 故 廢 之,靈 王 殺 隱 大 子,其 子 與 君 同 惡,德 君 必 甚,又 使 立 之,不 亦 可 乎,且 廢 置 在 君,蔡 無 他 矣。

公 如 晉,及 河,鼓 叛 晉,晉 將 伐 鮮 虞,故 辭 公。

二 十 有 二 年

1. 二 十 有 二 年,春,齊 侯 伐 莒。

2. 宋,華 亥,向 寕,華 定,自 宋 南 里 出 奔 楚。

3. 大 蒐 于 昌 間。

4. 夏,四 月,乙 丑,天 王 崩。

5. 六 月,叔 鞅 如 京 師,葬 景 王。

6. 王 室 亂。

7. 劉 子,單 子,以 王 猛 居 于 皇。

8. 秋,劉 子,單 子,以 王 猛 入 于 王 城。

9. 冬,十 月,王 子 猛 卒。

10. 十 有 二 月,癸 酉 朔,日 有 食 之。

左 傳 曰,二 十 二 年,春,王 二 月,甲 子,齊 北 郭 啟 帥 師 伐 莒,莒 子 將 戰,苑 羊 牧 之 諫 曰,齊 帥 賤,其 求 不 多,不 如 下 之,大 國 不 可 怒 也。弗 聽,敗 齊 師 於 壽 餘。齊 侯 伐 莒,莒 子 行 成,司 馬 竈 如 莒 涖 盟,莒 子 如 齊 涖 盟,盟 於 稷 門 之 外。莒 於 是 乎 大 惡 其 君。

楚 薳 越 使 告 於 宋 曰,寡 君 聞 君 有 不 令 之 臣,為 君 憂,無 寕 以 為 宗 羞,寡 君 請 受 而 戮 之。對 曰,孤 不 佞,不 能 媚 於 父 兄,以 為 君 憂,拜 命 之 辱,抑 君 臣 曰 戰,君 曰,余 必 臣 是 助,亦 唯 命,人 有 言 曰,唯 亂 門 之 無 過,君 若 惠 保 敝 邑,無 亢 不 衷,以 獎 亂 人,孤 之 望 也,唯 君 圖 之。楚 人 患 之,諸 侯 之 戍 謀 曰,若 華 氏 知 困 而 致 死,楚 耻 無 功 而 疾 戰,非 吾 利 也,不 如 出 之,以 為 楚 功,其 亦 無 能 為 也 已,救 宋 而 除 其 害,又 何 求。乃 固 請 出 之,宋 人 從 之,己 巳,宋 華 亥,向 寕,華 定,華 貙,華 登,皇 奄 傷,省 臧,士 平,出 奔 楚。宋 公 使 公 孫 忌 為 大 司 馬,邊 卬 為 大 司 徒,樂 祁 為 司 城,仲 幾 為 左 師,樂 大 心 為 右 師,樂 輓 為 大 司 窛,以 靖 國 人。

王 子 朝,賓 起,有 寵 於 景 王,王 與 賓 孟 說 之,欲 立 之,劉 獻 公 之 庶 子 伯 蚡 事 單 穆 公,惡 賓 孟 之 為 人 也,願 殺 之,又 惡 王 子 朝 之 言,以 為 亂,願 去 之。賓 孟 適 郊,見 雄 雞 自 斷 其 尾,問 之,侍 者 曰,自 憚 其 犧 也。遽 歸 告 王,且 曰,雞 其 憚 為 人 用 乎,人 異 於 是,犧 者 實 用 人,人 犧 實 難,己 犧 何 害。王 弗 應。夏,四 月,王 田 北 山,使 公 卿 皆 從,將 殺 單 子,劉 子。王 有 心 疾,乙 丑,崩 於 榮 錡 氏。戊 辰,劉 子 摯 卒,無 子,單 子 立 劉 蚠,五 月,庚 辰,見 王。遂 攻 賓 起,殺 之,盟 羣 王 子 於 單 氏。

晉 之 取 鼓 也,既 獻,而 反 鼓 子 焉。又 叛 於 鮮 虞。六 月,荀 吳 略 東 陽,使 師 偽 糴 者,負 甲 以 息 於 昔 陽 之 門 外,遂 襲 鼓 滅 之,以 鼓 子 鳶 鞮 歸,使 涉 佗 守 之。

丁 巳,葬 景 王,王 子 朝 因 舊 官 百 工 之 喪 職 秩 者,與 靈,景,之 族 以 作 亂,帥 郊,要,餞,之 甲,以 逐 劉 子。壬 戌,劉 子 奔 揚,單 子 逆 悼 王 于 莊 宮,以 歸,王 子 還,夜 取 王,以 如 莊 宮,癸 亥,單 子 出,王 子 還 與 召 莊 公 謀,曰,不 殺 單 旗,不 捷,與 之 重 盟,必 來,背 盟 而 克 者 多 矣。從 之,樊 頃 子 曰 ,非 言 也,必 不 克。遂 奉 王 以 追 單 子,及 領,大 盟 而 復,殺 摯 荒 以 說 ,劉 子 如 劉,單 子 亡,乙 丑,奔 于 平 畤,羣 王 子 追 之,單 子 殺 還,姑,發,弱,鬷,延,定,稠,子 朝 奔 京,丙 寅,伐 之,京 人 奔 山,劉 子 入 于 王 城,辛 未,鞏 簡 公 敗 績 於 京,乙 亥,甘 平 公 亦 敗 焉。叔 鞅 至 自 京 師,言 王 室 之 亂 也,閔 馬 父 曰,子 朝 必 不 克,其 所 與 者,天 所 廢 也 。

單 子 欲 告 急 於 晉,秋,七 月,戊 寅,以 王 如 平 畤,遂 如 圃 車,次 于 皇。

劉 子 如 劉,單 子 使 王 子 處 守 于 王 城,盟 百 工 于 平 宮。辛 卯,鄩 肸 伐 皇,大 敗,獲 鄩 肸,壬 辰,焚 諸 王 城 之 市。八 月,辛 酉,司 徒 醜 以 王 師 敗 績 於 前 城,百 工 叛。己 巳,伐 單 氏 之 宮,敗 焉,庚 午,反 伐 之,辛 未,伐 東 圉。冬,十 月,丁 巳,晉 籍 談,荀 躒,帥 九 州 之 戎,及 焦,瑕,溫,原,之 帥,以 納 王 于 王 城,庚 申,單 子 劉 蚠,以 王 師 敗 績 於 郊,前 城 人 敗 陸 渾 于 社。

十 一 月,乙 酉,王 子 猛 卒。不 成 喪 也。己 丑,敬 王 即 位,館 於 子 旅 氏。

十 二 月,庚 戌,晉 籍 談,荀 躒,賈 辛,司 馬 督,帥 師 軍 於 陰,於 侯 氏,於 谿 泉,次 於 社,王 師 軍 於 氾,於 解,次 於 任 人。閏 月,晉 箕 遺,樂 徵,右 行 詭,濟 師,取 前 城,軍 其 東 南,王 師 軍 於 京 楚,辛 丑,伐 京,毀 其 西 南。

二 十 有 三 年

1. 二 十 有 三 年,春,王 正 月,叔 孫 舍 如 晉。

2. 癸 丑,叔 鞅 卒。

3. 晉 人 執 我 行 人 叔 孫 舍。

4. 晉 人 圍 郊。

5. 夏,六 月,蔡 侯 東 國 卒 于 楚。

6. 秋,七 月,莒 子 庚 輿 來 奔。

7. 戊 辰,吳 敗 頓,胡,沈,蔡,陳,許 之 師 于 雞 父,胡 子 髡,沈 子 逞,滅,獲 陳 夏 齧。

8. 天 王 居 于 狄 泉,尹 氏 立 王 子 朝。

9. 八 月,乙 未,地 震。

10. 冬,公 如 晉,至 河,有 疾,乃 復。

左 傳 曰,邾 人 城 翼,還,將 自 離 姑,公 孫 鉏 曰,魯 將 御 我。欲 自 武 城 還,循 山 而 南,徐 鉏,丘 弱,茅 地 曰,道 下,遇 雨 將 不 出,是 不 歸 也。遂 自 離 姑。武 城 人 塞 其 前,斷 其 後 之 木 而 弗 殊,邾 師 過 之,乃 推 而 蹶 之,遂 取 邾 師,獲 鉏,弱,地,邾 人 愬 於 晉,晉 人 來 討,叔 孫 婼 如 晉,晉 人 執 之,書 曰,晉 人 執 我 行 人 叔 孫 婼,言 使 人 也。晉 人 使 與 邾 大 夫 坐,叔 孫 曰,列 國 之 卿,當 小 國 之 君,固 周 制 也,邾 又 夷 也,寡 君 之 命 介 子 服 囘 在,請 使 當 之,不 敢 廢 周 制 故 也。乃 不 果 坐。韓 宣 子 使 邾 人 取 其 衆,將 以 叔 孫 與 之,叔 孫 聞 之,去 衆 與 兵,而 朝。士 彌 牟 謂 韓 宣 子 曰,子 弗 良 圖,而 以 叔 孫 與 其 讐,叔 孫 必 死 之,魯 亡 叔 孫,必 亡 邾, 邾 君 亡 國,將 焉 歸,子 雖 悔 之,何 及,所 謂 盟 主,討 違 命也,若 皆 相 執,焉 用 盟 主。乃 弗 與,使 各 居 一 館,士 伯 聽 其 辭,而 愬 諸 宣 子,乃 皆 執 之。士 伯 御 叔 孫,從 者 四 人,過 邾 館 以 如 吏。先 歸 邾 子。士 伯 曰,以 芻 蕘 之 難,從 者 之 病,將 館 子 於 都。叔 孫 旦 而 立,期 焉,乃 館 諸 箕, 舍 子 服 昭 伯 於 他 邑。范 獻 子 求 貨 於 叔 孫,使 請 冠 焉。取 其 冠 法,而 與 之 兩 冠,曰,盡 矣。為 叔 孫 故,申 豐 以 貨 如 晉,叔 孫 曰,見 我,吾 告 女 所 行 貨。見 而 不 出。吏 人 之 與 叔 孫 居 於 箕 者,請 其 吠 狗,弗 與,及 將 歸,殺 而 與 之 食 之。叔 孫 所 館 者,雖 一 日,必 葺 其 牆 屋,去 之 如 始 至。

春,王 正 月,壬 寅,朔,二 師 圍 郊。癸 卯,郊,鄩 潰。丁 未,晉 師 在 平 陰,王 師 在 澤 邑,王 使 告 閒。庚 戌 還。

莒 子 庚 輿,虐 而 好 劍,苟 鑄 劍,必 試 諸 人。國 人 患 之,又 將 叛 齊,烏 存 帥 國 人 以 逐 之。庚 輿 將 出,聞 烏 存 執 殳 而 立 於 道 左,懼,將 止 死。苑 羊 牧 之 曰,君 過 之,烏 存 以 力 聞 可 矣,何 必 以 弒 君 成 名。遂 來 奔,齊 人 納 郊 公。

吳 人 伐 州 來,楚 薳 越 帥 師,及 諸 侯 之 師,奔 命 救 州 來。吳 人 禦 諸 鍾 離,子 瑕 卒,楚 師 熸。吳 公 子 光 曰,諸 侯 從 於 楚 者 衆,而 皆 小 國 也,畏 楚 而 不 獲 已,是 以 來,吾 聞 之 曰,作 事 威 克 其 愛,雖 小 必 濟,胡,沈,之 君 幼 而 狂,陳 大 夫 齧 壯 而 頑,頓 與 許,蔡,疾 楚 政,楚 令尹 死,其 師 熸,帥 賤 多 寵,政 令 不 壹,七 國 同 役 而 不 同 心,帥 賤 而 不 能 整,無 大 威 命,楚 可 敗 也,若 分 師 先 以 犯 胡,沈,與 陳,必 先 奔,三 國 敗,諸 侯 之 師 乃 搖 心 矣,諸 侯 乖 亂,楚 必 大 奔,請 先 者 去 備 薄 威,後 者 敦 陳 整 旅。吳 子 從 之,戊 辰,晦,戰 于 雞 父,吳 子 以 罪 人 三 千,先 犯 胡,沈,與 陳,三 國 爭 之,吳 為 三 軍 以 繫 於 後,中 軍 從 王,光 帥 右,掩 餘 帥 左,吳 罪 之 人,或 奔 或 止,三 國 亂,吳 師 擊 之,三 國 敗,獲 胡,沈,之 君,及 陳 大 夫,舍 胡,沈,之 囚,使 奔 許,與 蔡,頓,曰,吾 君 死 矣,師 譟 而 從 之,三 國 奔,楚 師 大 奔,書 曰,胡 子 髡,沈 子 逞,滅,獲 陳 夏 齧,君 臣 之 辭 也,不 言 戰,楚 未 陳 也。

夏,四 月,乙 酉,單 子 取 訾,劉 子 取 牆 人,直 人,六月,壬 午,王 子 朝 入 於 尹。癸 未,尹 圉 誘 劉 佗 殺 之,丙 戌,單 子 從 阪 道,劉 子 從 尹 道,伐 尹,單 子 先 至 而 敗,劉 子 還。己 丑,召 伯 奐,南 宮 極,以 成 周 人 戍 尹,庚 寅,單 子,劉 子,樊 齊,以 王 如 劉。甲 午,王 子 朝 入 于 王 城,次 於 左 巷,秋,七 月,戊 申,鄩 羅 納 諸 莊 宮,尹 辛敗 劉 師 於 唐。丙 辰,又 敗 諸 鄩,甲 子,尹 辛 取 西 闈,丙 寅,攻 蒯,蒯 潰。

八 月,丁 酉,南 宮 極 震。萇 弘 謂 劉 文 公 曰,君 其 勉 之,先 君 之 力 可 濟 也,周 之 亡 也,其 三 川 震,今 西 王 之 大 臣 亦 震,天 棄 之 矣,東 王 必 大 克。

楚 大 子 建 之 母 在 郹,召 吳 人 而 啟 之。冬,十 月,甲 申,吳 大 子 諸 樊 入 郹,取 楚 夫 人,與 其 寶 器 以 歸。楚 司 馬 薳 越 追 之,不 及,將 死,衆 曰,請 遂 伐 吳,以 徼 之。薳 越 曰,再 敗 君 師,死 且 有 罪,亡 君 夫 人,不 可 以 莫 之 死 也。乃 縊 於 薳 澨。

公 為 叔 孫 故 如 晉,及 河,有 疾 而 復。

楚 囊 瓦 為 令 尹,城 郢。沈 尹 戌 曰,子 常 必 亡 郢,苟 不 能 衛,城 無 益 也,古 者 天 子 守 在 四 夷,天 子 卑,守 在 諸 侯,諸 侯 守 在 四 鄰,諸 侯 卑,守 在 四 竟,慎 其 四 竟,結 其 四 援,民 狎 其 野,三 務 成 功,民 無 內 憂,而 又 無 外 懼,國 焉 用 城,今 吳 是 懼 而 城 於 郢,守 巳 小 矣,卑 之 不 獲,能 無 亡 乎。昔 梁 伯 溝 其 公 宮,而 民 潰,民 棄 其 上,不 亡 何 待,夫 正 其 疆 埸,脩 其 土 田,險 其 走 集,親 其 民 人,明 其 伍 候,信 其 鄰 國,慎 其 官 守,守 其 交 禮,不 僭 不 貪,不 懦 不 耆,完 其 守 備,以 待 不 虞,又 何 畏 矣,詩 曰,無 念 爾 祖,聿 脩 厥 德,無 亦 監 乎 若 敖,蚡 冒,至 於 武,文,土 不 過 同,慎 其 四 竟,猶 不 城 郢,今 土 數 圻,而 郢 是城,不 亦 難 乎。

二 十 四 年

1. 二 十 四 年,春,王 二 月,丙 戌,仲 孫 貜 卒。

2. 叔 孫 婼 至 自 晉。

3. 夏,五 月,乙 未 朔,日 有 食 之。

4. 秋,八 月,大 雩。

5. 丁 酉,杞 伯 郁 釐 卒。

6. 冬,吳 滅 巢。

7. 葬 杞 平 公。

左 傳 曰,二 十 四 年,春,王 正 月,辛 丑,召 簡 公,南 宮 嚚。以 甘 桓 公 見 王 子 朝。劉 子 謂 萇 弘 曰,甘 氏 又 往 矣。對 曰,何 害,同 德 度 義,大 誓 曰,紂 有 億 兆 夷 人,亦 有 離 德,余 有 亂 臣 十 人,同 心 同 德,此 周 所 以 興 也,君 其 務 德,無 患 無 人,戊 午,王 子 朝 入 於 鄔。

晉 士 彌 牟 逆 叔 孫 於 箕,叔 孫 使 梁 其 踁 待 于 門 內,曰,余 左 顧 而 欬,乃 殺 之,右 顧 而 笑,乃 止。叔 孫 見 士 伯,士 伯 曰,寡 君 以 為 盟 主 之 故,是 以 久 子,不 腆 敝 邑 之 禮 將 致 諸 從 者,使 彌 牟 逆 吾 子,叔 孫 受 禮 而 歸。二 月,婼 至 自 晉。尊 晉 也。

三 月,庚 戌,晉 侯 使 士 景 伯 涖 問 周 故,士 伯 立 於 乾 祭,而 問 於 介 衆,晉 人 乃 辭 王 子 朝,不 納 其 使。

夏,五 月,乙 未 朔,日 有 食 之。梓 慎 曰,將 水。昭 子 曰,旱 也,日 過 分 而 陽 猶 不 克,克 必 甚,能 無 旱 乎,陽 不 克 莫,將 積 聚 也。

六 月,壬 申,王 子 朝 之 師 攻 瑕 及 杏,皆 潰。

鄭 伯 如 晉,子 大 叔 相,見 范 獻 子,獻 子 曰,若 王 室 何。對 曰,老 夫 其 國 家 不 能 恤,敢 及 王 室,抑 人 亦 有 言 曰,嫠 不 恤 其 緯,而 憂 宗 周 之 隕,為 將 及 焉,今 王 室 實 蠢 蠢 焉,吾 小 國 懼 矣,然 大 國 之 憂 也,吾 儕 何 知 焉,吾 子 其 早 圖 之,詩 曰,缾 之 罄 矣,惟 罍 之 恥,王 室 之 不 寕,晉 之 耻 也,獻 子 懼,而 與 宣 子 圖 之,乃 徵 會 於 諸 侯,期 以 明 年。

秋,八 月,大 雩。旱 也。

冬,十 月,癸 酉,王 子 朝 用 成 周 之 寶 珪 於 河。甲 戌,津 人 得 諸 河 上,陰 不 佞 以 溫 人 南 侵,拘 得 玉 者,取 其 玉,將 賣 之,則 為 石,王 定 而 獻 之,與 之 東 訾。

楚 子 為 舟 師,以 畧 吳 疆,沈 尹 戌 曰,此 行 也,楚 必 亡 邑,不 撫 民 而 勞 之,吳 不 動 而 速 之,吳 踵 楚,而 疆 埸 無 備,邑 能 無 亡 乎。越 大 夫 胥 犴 勞 王 於 豫 章 之 汭,越 公 子 倉 歸 王 乘 舟,倉 及 壽 夢 帥 師 從 王,王 及 圉 陽 而 還。吳 人 踵 楚,而 邊 人 不 備,遂 滅 巢,及 鍾 離 而 還。沈 尹 戌 曰,亡 郢 之 始。於 此 在 矣,王 壹 動 而 亡 二 姓 之 帥,幾 如 是 而 不 及 郢,詩 曰,誰 生 厲 階,至 今 為 梗,其 王 之 謂 乎。

二 十 有 五 年

1. 二 十 有 五 年,春,叔 孫 舍 如 宋。

2. 夏,叔 詣 會 晉 趙 鞅,宋 樂 大 心,衛 北 宮 喜,鄭 游 吉,曹 人,邾 人,滕 人,薛 人,小 邾 人,于 黃 父。

3. 有 鸜 鵒 來 巢。

4. 秋,七 月,上 辛,大 雩,季 辛,又 雩。

5. 九 月,巳 月 己 亥,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。

6. 齊 侯 唁 公 于 野 井。

7. 冬,十 月,戊 辰,叔 孫 舍 卒。

8. 十 有 一 月,己 亥,宋 公 佐 卒 于 曲 棘。

9. 十 有 二 月,齊 侯 取 鄆。

左 傳 曰,二 十 五 年,春,叔 孫 婼 聘 於 宋,桐 門 右 師 見 之,語 卑 宋 大 夫,而 賤 司 城 氏。昭 子 告 其 人 曰,右 師 其 亡 乎,君 子 貴 其 身,而 後 能 及 人,是 以 有 禮,今 夫 子 卑 其 大 夫,而 賤 其 宗,是 賤 其 身 也,能 有 禮 乎,無 禮 必 亡。宋 公 享 昭 子,賦 新 宮,昭 子 賦 車 轄。明 日 宴,飲 酒 樂,宋 公 使 昭 子 右 坐,語 相 泣 也。樂 祁 佐,退 而 告 人 曰,今 茲 君 與 叔 孫,其 皆 死 乎,吾 聞 之,哀 樂 而 樂 哀,皆 喪 心 也,心 之 精 爽,是 謂 魂 魄,魂 魄 去 之,何 以 能 久。 季 公 若 之 姊 為 小 邾 夫 人,生 宋 元 夫 人,生 子,以 妻 季 平 子,昭 子 如 宋 聘,且 逆 之。公 若 從,謂 曹 氏 勿 與,魯 將 逐 之,曹 氏 告 公,公 告 樂 祁,樂 祁 曰,與 之,如 是,魯 君 必 出,政 在 季 氏 三 世 矣,魯 君 喪 政 四 公 矣,無 民 而 能 逞 其 志 者,未 之 有 也,國 君 是 以 鎮 撫 其 民,詩 曰,人 之 云 亡,心 之 憂 矣,魯 君 失 民 焉,焉 得 逞 其 志,靖 以 待 命,猶 可,動 必 憂。

夏,會 于 黃 父。謀 王 室 也。趙 簡 子 令 諸 侯 之 大 夫 輸 王 粟,具 戌 人,曰,明 年 將 納 王。子 大 叔 見 趙 簡 子,簡 子 問 揖 讓 周 旋 之 禮 焉。對 曰,是 儀 也,非 禮 也。簡 子 曰,敢 問 何 謂 禮。對 曰,吉 也 聞 諸 先 大 夫 子 產 曰,夫 禮,天 之 經 也,地 之 義 也,民 之 行 也,天 地 之 經,而 民 實 則 之,則 天 之 明,因 地 之 性,生 其 六 氣,用 其 五 行,氣 為 五 味,發 為 五 色,章 為 五 聲,淫 則 昏 亂,民 失 其 性,是 故 為 禮 以 奉 之,為 六 畜,五 牲,三 犧,以 奉 五 味,為 九 文,六 采,五 章,以 奉 五 色,為 九 歌,八 風,七 音,六 律,以 奉 五 聲,為 君 臣 上 下,以 則 地 義,為 夫 婦,外 內,以 經 二 物,為 父 子,兄 弟,姑 姊,甥 舅,昏 媾,姻 亞,以 象 天 明,為 政 事,庸 力,行 務,以 從 四 時,為 刑 罰,威 獄,使 民 畏 忌,以 類 其 震 曜 殺 戮,為 溫 慈 惠 和,以 效 天 之 生 殖 長 育,民 有 好 惡,喜 怒,哀 樂,生 於 六 氣,是 故,審 則 宜 類,以 制 六 志,哀 有 哭 泣,樂 有 歌 舞,喜 有 施 舍,怒 有 戰 鬪,喜 生 於 好,怒 生 於 惡,是 故 審 行 信 令,禍 福 賞 罰,以 制 死 生,生,好 物 也,死,惡 物 也,好 物 樂 也,惡 物,哀 也,哀 樂 不 失,乃 能 協 於 天 地 之 性,是 以 長 久,簡 子 曰,甚 哉 禮 之 大 也。對 曰,禮,上 下 之 紀,天 地 之 經 緯 也,民 之 所 以 生 也,是 以 先 王 尚 之,故 人 之 能 自 曲 直 以 赴 禮 者,謂 之 成 人,大,不 亦 宜 乎。簡 子 曰,鞅 也,請 終 身 守 此 言 也。宋 樂 大 心 曰,我 不 輸 粟,我 於 周 為 客。若 之 何 使 客,晉 士 伯 曰,自 踐 土 以 來,宋 何 役 之 不 會,而 何 盟 之 不 同,曰,同 恤 王 室,子 焉 得 辟 之,子 奉 君 命 以 會 大 事,而 宋 背 盟,無 乃 不 可 乎。右 師 不 敢 對,受 牒 而 退。士 伯 告 簡 子 曰,宋 右 師 必 亡,奉 君 命 以 使,而 欲 背 盟,以 干 盟 主,無 不 祥 大 焉。

有 鸜 鵒 來 巢。書 所 無 也。師 己 曰,異 哉,吾 聞 文 武 之 世,童 謠 有 之 曰,鴝 之 鵒 之,公 出 辱 之,鴝 鵒 之 羽,公 在 外 野,往 饋 之 馬,鴝 鵒 跦 跦,公 在 乾 侯,徵 褰 與 襦,鴝 鵒 之 巢,遠 哉 遙 遙,稠 父 喪 勞,宋 父 以 驕,鴝 鵒 鴝 鵒,往 歌 來 哭,童 謠 有 是,今 鴝 鵒 來 巢,其 將 及 乎。

秋,書 再 雩。旱 甚 也。

初,季 公 鳥 娶 妻 於 齊 鮑 文 子,生 甲。公 鳥 死 ,季 公 亥,與 公 思 展,與 公 鳥 之 臣 申 夜 姑,相 其 室。及 季 姒 與 饔 人 檀 通,而 懼,乃 使 其 妾 抶 己,以 示 秦 遄 之 妻,曰,公 若 欲 使 余,余 不 可,而 抶 余。又 訴 於 公 甫,曰,展 與 夜 姑 將 要 余。秦 姬 以 告 公 之,公 之 與 公 甫 告 平 子,平 子 拘 展 於 卞,而 執 夜 姑,將 殺 之。公 若 泣 而 哀 之,曰,殺 是,是 殺 余 也。將 為 之 請,平 子 使 豎 勿 內。日 中 不 得 請,有 司 逆 命,公 之 使 速 殺 之,故 公 若 怨 平 子。季,郈,之 雞 鬪,季 氏 介 其 雞,郈 氏 為 之 金 距,平 子 怒,益 宮 於 郈 氏,且 讓 之,故 郈 昭 伯 亦 怨 平 子。臧 昭 伯 之 從 弟 會,為 讒 於 臧 氏,而 逃 於 季 氏,臧 氏 執 旃,平 子 怒,拘 臧 氏 老,將 褅 於 襄 公,萬 者 二 人,其 衆 萬 於 季 氏,臧 孫 曰,此 之 謂 不 能 庸 先 君 之 廟,大 夫 遂 怨 平 子。公 若 獻 弓 於 公 為,且 與 之 出 射 於 外,而 謀 去 季 氏,公 為 告 公 果,公 賁,公 果,公 賁,使 侍 人 僚 柤 告 公,公 寢,將 以 戈 擊 之,乃 走,公 曰,執 之,亦 無 命 也。懼 而 不 出,數 月 不 見,公 不 怒,又 使 言,公 執 戈 以 懼 之,乃 走,又 使 言,公 曰,非 小 人 之 所 及 也,公 果 自 言,公 以 告 臧 孫,臧 孫 以 難。告 郈 孫,郈 孫 以 可 勸。告 子 家 懿 伯,懿 伯 曰,讒 人 以 君 徼 幸,事 若 不 克,君 受 其 名,不 可 為 也,舍 民 數 世,以 求 克 事,不 可 必 也,且 政 在 焉,其 難 圖 也,公 退 之,辭 曰,臣 與 聞 命 矣,言 若 洩,臣 不 獲 死,乃 館 於 公。叔 孫 昭 子 如 闞,公 居 於 長 府,九 月,戊 戌,伐 季 氏,殺 公 之 於 門,遂 入 之,平 子 登 臺 而 請 曰,君 不 察 臣 之 罪,使 有 司 討 臣 以 干 戈,臣 請 待 於 沂 上,以 察 罪。弗 許。請 囚 於 費。弗 許。請 以 五 乘 亡。弗 許。子 家 子 曰,君 其 許 之,政 自 之 出 久 矣,隱 民 多 取 食 焉,為 之 徒 者 衆 矣,日 入 慝 作,弗 可 知 也,衆 怒 不 可 蓄 也,蓄 而 弗 治,將 薀,薀 蓄,民 將 生 心,生 心 同 求,將 合,君 必 悔 之。弗 聽。郈 孫 曰,必 殺 之。公 使 郈 孫 逆 孟 懿 子。叔 孫 氏 之 司 馬 鬷 戾 言 於 其 衆 曰,若 之 何。莫 對。又 曰,我 家 臣 也,不 敢 知 國,凡 有 季 氏 與 無 於 我 孰 利。皆 曰,無 季 氏,是 無 叔 孫 氏 也。鬷 戾 曰,然 則 救 諸,帥 徒 以 往,陷 西 北 隅 以 入,公 徒 釋 甲 執 冰 而 踞,遂 逐 之。孟 氏 使 登 西 北 隅 以 望 季 氏,見 叔 孫 氏 之 旌,以 告,孟 氏 執 郈 昭 伯,殺 之 於 南 門 之 西,遂 伐 公 徒。子 家 子 曰,諸 臣 偽 劫 君 者,而 負 罪 以 出,君 止,意 如 之 事 君 也,不 敢 不 改。公 曰,余 不 忍 也。 臧 孫 如 墓 謀,遂 行。己 亥,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。

齊 侯 將 唁 公 于 平 陰,公 先 至 于 野 井。齊 侯 曰,寡 人 之 罪 也,使 有 司 待 於 平 陰,為 近 故 也。書 曰,公 孫 于 齊,次 于 陽 州。齊 侯 唁 公 于 野 井,禮 也。將 求 於 人,則 先 下 之,禮 之 善 物 也,齊 侯 曰,自 莒 疆 以 西,請 致 千 社 以 待 君 命,寡 人 將 帥 敝 賦 以 從 執 事,唯 命 是 聽,君 之 憂,寡 人 之 憂 也。公 喜,子 家 子 曰,天 祿 不 再,天 若 胙 君,不 過 周 公。以 魯 足 矣,失 魯 而 以 千 社 為 臣,誰 與 之 立,且 齊 君 無 信,不 如 早 之 晉。弗 從。臧 昭 伯 率 從 者 將 盟,載 書 曰,戮 力 壹 心,好 惡 同 之,信 罪 之 有 無,繾 綣 從 公,無 通 外 內。以 公 命 示 子 家 子,子 家 子 曰,如 此,吾 不 可 以 盟,羈 也 不 佞,不 能 與 二 三 子 同 心,而 以 為 皆 有 罪,或 欲 通 外 內,且 欲 去 君,二 三 子 好 亡 而 惡 定,焉 可 同 也,陷 君 於 難,罪 孰 大 焉,通 外 內 而 去 君,君 將 速 入,弗 通 何 為 而 何 守 焉。乃 不 與 盟。

昭 子 自 闞 歸,見 平 子,平 子 稽 顙 曰,子 若 我 何。昭 子 曰,人 誰 不 死,子 以 逐 君 成 名,子 孫 不 忘,不 亦 傷 乎,將 若 子 何。平 子 曰,苟 使 意 如 得 改 事 君,所 謂 生 死 而 肉 骨 也。昭 子 從 公 於 齊,與 公 言,子 家 子 命 適 公 館 者 執 之,公 與 昭 子 言 於 幄 內,曰,將 安 衆 而 納 公。公 徒 將 殺 昭 子,伏 諸 道,左 師 展 告 公,公 使 昭 子 自 鑄 歸。平 子 有 異 志,冬,十 月,辛 酉,昭 子 齊 於 其 寢,使 祝 宗 祈 死,戊 辰,卒,左 師 展 將 以 公 乘 馬 而 歸,公 徒 執 之。

壬 申,尹 文 公 涉 於 鞏,焚 東 訾,弗 克。

十 一 月,宋 公 元 公 將 為 公 故 如 晉,夢 大 子 欒 即 位 於 廟,已 與 平 公,服 而 相 之,旦 召 六 卿,公 曰,寡 人 不 佞,不 能 事 父 兄,以 為 二 三 子 憂,寡 人 之 罪 也,若 以 羣 子 之 靈,獲 保 首 領 以 歿,唯 是 楄 柎 所 以 藉 幹 者,請 無 及 先 君。仲 幾 對 曰,君 若 以 社 稷 之 故,私 降 昵 宴,羣 臣 弗 敢 知,若 夫 宋 國 之 法,死 生 之 度,先 君 有 命 矣,羣 臣 以 死 守 之,弗 敢 失 隊,臣 之 失 職,常 刑 不 赦,臣 不 忍 其 死,君 命 祗 辱。宋 公 遂 行,己 亥,卒 于 曲 棘。

十 二 月,庚 辰,齊 侯 圍 鄆。

初,臧 昭 伯 如 晉,臧 會 竊 其 寶 龜 僂 句,以 卜 為 信 與 僭。僭 吉。臧 氏 老 將 如 晉 問,會 請 往,昭 伯 問 家 故,盡 對,及 內 子 與 母 弟 叔 孫,則 不 對,再 三 問,不 對。歸 及 郊,會 逆 問,又 如 初 至,次 於 外 而 察 之,皆 無 之,執 而 戮 之,逸 奔 郈,郈 魴 假 使 為 賈 正 焉。計 於 季 氏,臧 氏 使 五 人 以 戈 楯 伏 諸 桐 汝 之 閭,會 出,逐 之,反 奔,執 諸 季 氏 中 門 之 外,平 子 怒 曰,何 故 以 兵 入 吾 門,拘 臧 氏 老,季 臧 有 惡。及 昭 伯 從 公,平 子 立 臧 會,會 曰,僂 句 不 余 欺 也。

楚 子 使 薳 射 城 州 屈,復 茄 人 焉,城 丘 皇,遷 訾 人 焉。使 熊 相 禖 郭 巢,季 然 郭 卷,子 大 叔 聞 之,曰,楚 王 將 死 矣,使 民 不 安 其 土,民 必 憂,憂 將 及 王,弗 能 久 矣。

二 十 有 六 年

1. 二 十 有 六 年,春,王 正 月,葬 宋 元 公。

2. 三 月,公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。

3. 夏,公 圍 成。

4. 秋,公 會 齊 侯,莒 子,邾 子,杞 伯,盟 于 鄟 陵。

5. 公 至 自 會,居 于 鄆。

6. 九 月,庚 申,楚 子 居 卒。

7. 冬,十 月,天 王 入 于 成 周。

8. 尹 氏,召 伯,毛 伯,以 王 子 朝 奔 楚。

左 傳 曰,二 十 六 年,春,王 正 月,葬 宋 元 公,如 先 君。禮 也。

庚 申,齊 侯 取 鄆。

三 月,公 至 自 齊,處 于 鄆,言 魯 地 也。

夏,齊 侯 將 納 公,命 無 受 魯 貨。申 豐 從 女 賈,以 幣 錦 二 兩,縛 一 如 瑱,適 齊 師,謂 子 猶 之 人 高 齮,能 貨 子 猶,為 高 氏 後,粟 五 千 庾。高 齮 以 錦 示 子 猶,子 猶 欲 之,齮 曰,魯 人 買 之,百 兩 一 布,以 道 之 不 通,先 入 幣 財。子 猶 受 之,言 於 齊 侯 曰,羣 臣 不 盡 力 於 魯 君 者,非 不 能 事 君 也,然 據 有 異 焉,宋 元 公 為 魯 君 如 晉,卒 於 曲 棘,叔 孫 昭 子 求 納 其 君,無 疾 而 死,不 知 天 之 棄 魯 耶,抑 魯 君 有 罪 於 鬼 神,故 及 此 也,君 若 待 於 曲 棘,使 羣 臣 從 魯 君 以 卜 焉,若 可,師 有 濟 也,君 而 繼 之,玆 無 敵 矣,若 其 無 成,君 無 辱 焉。齊 侯 從 之,使 公 子 鉏 帥 師 從 公,成 大 夫 公 孫 朝 謂 平 子 曰,有 都,以 衛 國 也,請 我 受 師。許 之。請 納 質,弗 許,曰,信 女 足 矣。告 於 齊 師,曰,孟 氏,魯 之 敝 室 也,用 成 已 甚,弗 能 忍 也,請 息 肩 於 齊。齊 師 圍 成,成 人 伐 齊 師 之 飲 馬 於 淄 者。曰,將 以 厭 衆。魯 成 備 而 後 告,曰,不 勝 衆。師 及 齊 師 戰 於 炊 鼻,齊 子 淵 捷 從 洩 聲 子,射 之,中 楯 瓦,繇 朐 汏 輈,匕 入 者 三 寸。聲 子 射 其 馬,斬 鞅,殪。改 駕,人 以 為 鬷 戾 也,而 助 之。子 車 曰,齊 人 也。將 擊 子 車,子 車 射 之,殪。其 御 曰,又 之。子 車 曰,衆 可 懼 也,而 不 可 怒 也。子 囊 帶 從 野 洩,叱 之,洩 曰,軍 無 私 怒,報 乃 私 也,將 亢 子。又 叱 之。亦 叱 之。冉 豎 射 陳 武 子,中 手,失 弓 而 罵。以 告 平 子 曰,有 君 子,白 皙 鬒 鬚 眉,甚 口。平 子 曰,必 子 彊 也,無 乃 亢 諸。對 曰,謂 之 君 子,何 敢 亢 之。林 雍 羞 為 顏 鳴 右,下,苑 何 忌 取 其 耳,顏 鳴 去 之。苑 子 之 御 曰,視 下 顧。苑 子 刜 林 雍,斷 其 足。鑋 而 乘 於 他 車 以 歸。顏 鳴 三 入 齊 師,呼 曰,林 雍 乘。

四 月,單 子 如 晉 告 急。五 月,戊 午,劉 人 敗 王 城 之 師 於 尸 氏。戊 辰, 王 城 人,劉 人,戰 于 施 谷,劉 師 敗 績。

秋,盟 于 剸 陵。謀 納 公 也。

七 月,己 巳,劉 子 以 王 出,庚 午,次 于 渠,王 城 人 焚 劉,丙 子,王 宿 于 褚 氏,丁 丑,王 次 于 萑 谷,庚 辰,王 入 于 胥 靡,辛 巳,王 次 于 滑,晉 知 躒,趙 鞅,帥 師 納 王,使 汝 寬 守 關 塞。

九 月,楚 平 王 卒,令 尹 子 常 欲 立 子 西,曰 大 子 壬 弱,其 母 非 適 也,王 子 建 實 聘 之,子 西 長 而 好 善,立 長 則 順,建 善 則 治,王 順 國 治,可 不 務 乎。子 西 怒 曰,是 亂 國 而 惡 君 王 也,國 有 外 援,不 可 瀆 也,王 有 適 嗣,不 可 亂 也,敗 親 速 讐,亂 嗣 不 祥,我 受 其 名,賂 吾 以 天 下,吾 滋 不 從 也,楚 國 何 為,必 殺 令 尹。令 尹 懼,乃 立 昭 王。

冬,十 月,丙 申,王 起 師 於 滑,辛 丑,在 郊,遂 次 於 尸。十 一 月,辛 酉,晉 師 克 鞏,召 伯 盈 逐 王 子 朝,王 子 朝 及 召 氏 之 族,毛 伯 得,尹 氏 固,南 宮 嚚,奉 周 之 典 籍 以 奔 楚,陰 忌 奔 莒 以 叛。召 伯 逆 王 於 尸,及 劉 子,單 子 盟,遂 軍 圉 澤,次 於 隄 上,癸 酉,王 入 於 成 周,甲 戌,盟 於 襄 宮,晉 師 成 公 般 戍 周 而 還。十 二 月,癸 未,王 入 於 莊 宮。王 子 朝 使 告 於 諸 侯,曰,昔 武 王 克 殷,成 王 靖 四 方,康 王 息 民,竝 建 母 弟,以 蕃 屏 周,亦 曰,吾 無 專 享 文 武 之 功,且 為 後 人 之 迷 敗 傾 覆,而 溺 入 於 難,則 振 救 之,至 於 夷 王,王 愆 於 厥 身,諸 侯 莫 不 竝 走 其 望,以 祈 王 身,至 於 厲 王,王 心 戾 虐,萬 民 弗 忍,居 王 於 彘,諸 侯 釋 位,以 閒 王 政,宣 王 有 志,而 後 效 官,至 於 幽 王,天 不 弔 周,王 昏 不 若,用 愆 厥 位,攜 王 奸 命,諸 侯 替 之,而 建 王 嗣,用 遷 郟 鄏,則 是 兄 弟 之 能 用 力 於 王 室 也,至 於 惠 王,天 不 靖 周,生 頹 禍 心,施 於 叔 帶,惠,襄,辟 難,越 去 王 都,則 有 晉,鄭,咸 黜 不 端,以 綏 定 王 家,則 是 兄 弟 之 能 率 先 王 之 命 也,在 定 王 六 年,秦 人 降 妖,曰,周 其 有 頾 王,亦 克 能 修 其 職,諸 侯 服 享,二 世 共 職,王 室 其 有 間 王 位,諸 侯 不 圖,而 受 其 亂 災,至 於 靈 王,生 而 有 頾,王 甚 神 聖,無 惡 於 諸 侯,靈 王,景 王,克 終 其 世,今 王 室 亂,單 旗,劉 狄,剝 亂 天 下,壹 行 不 若,謂 先 王 何 常 之 有,唯 余 心 所 命,其 誰 敢 請 之,帥 羣 不 弔 之 人,以 行 亂 於 王 室,侵 欲 無 厭,規 求 無 度,貫 瀆 鬼 神,慢 棄 刑 法,倍 奸 齊 盟 傲 狠 威 儀,矯 誣 先 王,晉 為 不 道,是 攝 是 贊,思 肆 其 罔 極,玆 不 穀 震 盪 播 越,竄 在 荊 蠻,未 有 攸 厎,若 我 一 二 兄 弟 甥 舅 獎 順 天 法,無 助 狡 猾,以 從 先 王 之 命,毋 速 天 罰,赦 圖 不 穀,則 所 願 也,敢 盡 布 其 腹 心,及 先 王 之 經,而 諸 侯 實 深 圖 之,昔 先 王 之 命 曰,王 后 無 適,則 擇 立 長,年 鈞 以 德,德 鈞 以 卜,王 不 立 愛,公 卿 無 私,古 之 制 也,穆 后 及 大 子 壽,早 天 即 世,單,劉,贊 私,立 少,以 閒 先 王,亦 唯 伯,仲,叔,季,圖 之。 馬 父 聞 子 朝 之 辭,曰,文 辭 以 行,禮 也,子 朝 干 景 之 命,遠 晉 之 大,以 專 其 志,無 禮 甚 矣,文 辭 何 為。

齊 有 彗 星,齊 侯 使 禳 之,晏 子 曰,無 益 也,祇 取 誣 焉,天 道 不 謟,不 貳。其 命,若 之 何 禳 之,且 天 之 有 彗 也,以 除 穢 也,君 無 穢 德,又 何 禳 焉,若 德 之 穢,禳 之 何 損,詩 曰,惟 此 文 王,小 心 翼 翼,昭 事 上 帝,聿 懷 多 福,厥 德 不 囘,以 受 方 國,君 無 違 德,方 國 將 至,何 患 於 彗,詩 曰,我 無 所 監,夏 后 及 商,用 亂 之 故,民 卒 流 亡,若 德 囘 亂,民 將 流 亡,祝 史 之 為,無 能 補 也。公 說,乃 止。

齊 侯 與 晏 子 坐 於 路 寢,公 歎 曰,美 哉 室,其 誰 有 此 乎。晏 子 曰,敢 問 何 謂 也。公 曰,吾 以 為 在 德。對 曰,如 君 之 言,其 陳 氏 乎,陳 氏 雖 無 大 德,而 有 施 於 民,豆 區 釜 鍾 之 數,其 取 之 公 也 薄,其 施 之 民 也 厚,公 厚 斂 焉,陳 氏 厚 施 焉,民 歸 之 矣,詩 曰,雖 無 德 與 女,式 歌 且 舞,陳 氏 之 施,民 歌 舞 之 矣,後 世 若 少 惰,陳 氏 而 不 亡,則 國 其 國 也 已。公 曰,善 哉,是 可 若 何。對 曰,唯 禮 可 以 已 之,在 禮,家 施 不 及 國,民 不 遷,農 不 移,工 賈 不 變,士 不 濫,官 不 滔,大 夫 不 收 公 利。公 曰,善 哉,我 不 能 矣,吾 今 而 後 知 禮 之 可 以 為 國 也。對 曰,禮 之 可 以 為 國 也 久 矣,與 天 地 並,君 令 臣 共,父 慈 子 孝,兄 愛 弟 敬,夫 和 妻 柔,姑 慈 婦 聽,禮 也,君 令 而 不 違,臣 共 而 不 貳,父 慈 而 教,子 孝 而 箴,兄 愛 而 友,弟 敬 而 順,夫 和 而 義,妻 柔 而 正,姑 慈 而 從,婦 聽 而 婉,禮 之 善 物 也。公 曰 善 哉,寡 人 今 而 後 聞 此 禮 之 上 也。對 曰,先 王 所 稟 於 天 地,以 為 其 民 也,是 以 先 王 上 之。

1. 二 十 有 七 年,春,公 如 齊,公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。

2. 夏,四 月,吳 弒 其 君 僚。

3. 楚 殺 其 大 夫 郤 宛。

4. 秋,晉 士 鞅,宋 樂 祁 犂,衛 北 宮 喜,曹 人,邾 人,滕 人,會 于 扈。

5. 冬,十 月,曹 伯 午 卒。

6. 邾 快 來 奔。

7. 公 如 齊。

8. 公 至 自 齊,居 于 鄆。

左 傳 曰,二 十 七 年,春,公 如 齊,公 至 自 齊,處 于 鄆,言 在 外 也。

吳 子 欲 因 楚 喪 而 伐 之,使 公 子 掩 餘,公 子 燭 庸,帥 師 圍 潛。 使 延 州 來 季 子 聘 於 上 國,遂 聘 於 晉,以 觀 諸 侯。楚 莠 尹 然,玉 尹 麇,帥 師 救 潛,左 司 馬 沈 尹 戌 帥 都 君 子,與 王 馬 之 屬,以 濟 師,與 吳 師 遇 於 窮,令 尹 子 常 以 舟 師 及 沙 汭 而 還。左 尹 郤 宛,工 尹 壽,帥 師 至 於 潛,吳 師 不 能 退。吳 公 子 光 曰,此 時 也,弗 可 失 也。告 鱄 設 諸 曰,上 國 有 言 曰,不 索 何 獲,我 王 嗣 也,吾 欲 求 之,事 若 克,季 子 雖 至,不 吾 廢 也。鱄 設 諸 曰,王 可 弒也,母 老 子 弱,是 無 若 我 何。光 曰,我,爾 身 也。夏,四 月,光 伏 甲 於 堀 室 而 享 王,王 使 甲 坐 於 道,及 其 門,門,階,戶,席,皆 王 親 也,夾 之 以 鈹,羞 者 獻 體 改 服 於 門 外,執 羞 者 坐 行 而 入,執 鈹 者 夾 承 之,及 體 以 相 授 也,光 偽 足 疾,入 於 堀 室,鱄 設 諸 寘 劍 於 魚 中 以 進,抽 劍 刺 王,鈹 交 於 胸,遂 弒 王。闔 廬 以 其 子 為 卿。季 子 至 曰,苟 先 君 無 廢 祀,民 人 無 廢 主,社 稷 有 奉,國 家 無 傾 乃 吾 君 也,吾 誰 敢 怨,哀 死 事 生,以 待 天 命,非 我 生 亂,立 者 從 之,先 人 之 道 也,復 命 哭 墓,復 位 而 待 吳 公 子 掩 餘 奔 徐,公 子 燭 庸 奔 鍾 吾,楚 師 聞 吳 亂 而 還。

郤 宛 直 而 和,國 人 說 之,鄢 將 師 為 右 領,與 費 無 極 比 而 惡 之。令 尹 子 常 賄 而 信 讒,無 極 譖 郤 宛 焉,謂 子 常 曰,子 惡 欲 飲 子 酒。又 謂 子 惡,令 尹 欲 飲 酒 於 子 氏。子 惡 曰,我 賤 人 也,不 足 以 辱 令 尹,令 尹 將 必 來 辱,為 惠 巳 甚,吾 無 以 酬 之,若 何。無 極 曰,令 尹 好 甲 兵,子 出 之,吾 擇 焉。取 五 甲 五 兵,曰,寘 諸 門,令 尹 至,必 觀 之,而 從 以 酬 之。及 饗 日,帷 諸 門 左,無 極 謂 令 尹 曰,吾 幾 禍 子,子 惡 將 為 子 不 利,甲 在 門 矣,子 必 無 往,且 此 役 也,吳 可 以 得 志,子 惡 取 賂 焉 而 還,又 誤 羣 帥,使 退 其 師,曰,乘 亂 不 祥,吳 乘 我 喪,我 乘 其 亂,不 亦 可 乎。令 尹 使 視 郤 氏,則 有 甲 焉,不 往,召 鄢 將 師 而 告 之,將 師 退,遂 令 攻 郤 氏,且 爇 之,子 惡 聞 之,遂 自 殺 也,國 人 弗 爇,令曰,不 爇 郤 氏,與 之 同 罪,或 取 一 編 菅 焉,或 取 一 秉 秆 焉,國 人 投 之,遂 弗 爇 也,令 尹 炮 之,盡 滅 郤 氏 之 族 黨,殺 陽 令 終,與 其 弟 完,及 佗,與 晉 陳,及 其 子 弟,晉 陳 之 族,呼 於 國 曰,鄢 氏,費 氏,自 以 為 王,專 禍 楚 國,弱 寡 王 室,蒙 王 與 令 尹,以 自 利 也,令 尹 盡 信 之 矣,國 將 如 何。令 尹 病 之。

秋,會 于 扈。令 戍 周,且 謀 納 公 也。宋 衛 皆 利 納 公,固 請 之,范 獻 子 取 貨 於 季 孫,謂 司 城 子 梁,與 北 宮 貞 子,曰,季 孫 未 知 其罪,而 君 伐 之,請 囚 請 亡,於 是 乎 不 獲,君 又 弗 克,而 自 出 也,夫 豈 無 備 而 能 出 君 乎,季 氏 之 復,天 救 之 也,休 公 徒 之 怒,而 啟 叔 孫 氏 之 心,不 然,豈 其 伐 人 而 說 甲 執 冰 以 游,叔 孫 氏 懼 禍 之 濫,而 自 同 於 季 氏,天 之 道 也,魯 君 守 齊,三 年 而 無 成,季 氏 甚 得 其 民,淮 夷 與 之,有 十 年 之 備,有 齊,楚 之 援,有 天 之 贊,有 民 之 助,有 堅 守 之 心,有 列 國 之 權,而 弗 敢 宣 也,事 君 如 在 國,故 鞅 以 為 難,二 子 皆 圖 國 者 也,而 欲 納 魯 君,鞅 之 願 也,請 從 二 子 以 圍 魯,無 成,死 之。二 子 懼,皆 辭,乃 辭 小 國,而 以 難 復。

孟 懿 子 陽 虎,伐 鄆,鄆 人 將 戰,子 家 子 曰,天 命 不 慆 久 矣,使 君 亡 者,必 此 衆 也,天 既 禍 之,而 自 福 也,不 亦 難 乎,猶 有 鬼 神,此 必 敗 也,嗚 呼,為 無 望 也 夫,其 死 於 此 乎。公 使 子 家 子 如 晉。公 徒 敗 於 且 知。

楚 郤 宛 之 難,國 言 未 已,進 胙 者 莫 不 謗 令 尹,沈 尹 戌 言 於 子 常 曰,夫 左 尹 與 中 廄 尹 莫 知 其 罪,而 子 殺 之,以 興 謗 讟,至 於 今 不 已,戌 也 惑 之,仁 者 殺 人 以 掩 謗,猶 弗 為 也,今 吾 子 殺 人 以 興 謗,而 弗 圖,不 亦 異 乎,夫 無 極,楚 之 讒 人 也,民 莫 不 知,去 朝 吳,出 蔡 侯 朱,喪 大 子 建,殺 連 尹 奢,屏 王 之 耳 目,使 不 聰 明,不 然,平 王 之 溫 惠 共 儉,有 過 成 莊,無 不 及 焉,所 以 不 獲 諸 侯,邇 無 及 也,今 又 殺 三 不 辜,以 興 大 謗,幾 及 子 矣,子 而 不 圖,將 焉 用 之,夫 鄢 將 師 矯 子 之 命,以 滅 三 族,國 之 良 也,而 不 愆 位,吳 新 有 君,疆 埸 日 駭,楚 國 若 有 大 事,子 其 危 哉,知 者 除 讒 以 自 安 也,今 子 愛 讒 以 自 危 也,甚 矣 其 惑 也。子 常 曰,是 瓦 之 罪,敢 不 良 圖,九 月,己 未,子 常 殺 費 無 極,與 鄢 將 師,盡 滅 其 族,以 說 於 國,謗 言 乃 止。

冬,公 如 齊,齊 侯 請 饗 之,子 家 子 曰,朝 夕 立 於 其 朝,又 何 饗 焉,其 飲 酒 也。乃 飲 酒,使 宰 獻 而 請 安,子 仲 之 子 曰 重,為 齊 夫 人,曰,請 使 重 見,子 家 子 乃 以 君 出。

十 二 月,晉 籍 秦 致 諸 侯 之 戍 於 周,魯 人 辭 以 難。

二 十 有 八 年

1. 二 十 有 八 年,春,王 三 月,葬 曹 悼 公。

2. 公 如 晉,次 于 乾 侯。

3. 夏,四 月,丙 戌,鄭 伯 寕 卒。

4. 六 月,葬 鄭 定 公。

5. 秋,七 月,癸 巳,滕 子 寕 卒。

6. 冬,葬 滕 悼 公。

左 傳 曰,二 十 八 年,春,公 如 晉,將 如 乾 侯,子 家 子 曰,有 求 於 人,而 即 其 安,人 孰 矜 之,其 造 於 竟。弗 聽,使 請 逆 於 晉,晉 人 曰,天 禍 魯 國,君 淹 恤 在 外,君 亦 不 使 一 个 辱 在 寡 人,而 即 安 於 甥 舅,其 亦 使 逆 君。使 公 復 於 竟,而 後 逆 之。

晉 祁 勝 與 鄔 臧 通 室,祁 盈 將 執 之,訪 於 司 馬 叔 游,叔 游 曰,鄭 書 有 之,惡 直 醜 正,實 蕃 有 徒,無 道 立 矣,子 懼 不 免,詩 曰,民 之 多 辟,無 自 立 辟,姑 已,若 何。盈 曰,祁 氏 私 有 討,國 何 有 焉。遂 執 之。祁 勝 賂 荀 躒,荀 躒 為 之 言 於 晉 侯,晉 侯 執 祁 盈。祁 盈 之 臣 曰,鈞 將 皆 死,憖 使 吾 君 聞 勝 與 臧 之 死 也,以 為 快。乃 殺 之。夏,六 月,晉 殺 祁 盈 及,楊 食 我。食 我,祁 盈 之 黨 也,而 助 亂,故 殺 之,遂 滅 祁 氏,羊 舌 氏。初,叔 向 欲 娶 於 申 公 巫 臣 氏,其 母 欲 娶 其 黨,叔 向 曰,吾 母 多 而 庶 鮮,吾 懲 舅 氏 矣。其 母 曰,子 靈 之 妻,殺 三 夫,一 君,一 子,而 亡 一 國,兩 卿 矣,可 無 懲 乎,吾 聞 之,甚 美 必 有 甚 惡,是 鄭 穆 少 妃,姚 子 之 子,子 貉 之 妹 也,子 貉 早 死 無 後,而 天 鍾 美 於 是,將 必 以 是 大 有 敗 也,昔 有 仍 氏,生 女,黰 黑,而 甚 美,光 可 以 鑑,名 曰 玄 妻,樂 正 后 夔 取 之,生 伯 封,實 有 豕 心,貪 惏 無 饜,忿 纇 無 期,謂 之 封 豕,有 窮 后 羿 滅 之,夔 是 以 不 祀,且 三 代 之 亡,共 子 之 廢,皆 是 物 也。女 何 以 為 哉,夫 有 尤 物,足 以 移 人,苟 非 德 義,則 必 有 禍。叔 向 懼,不 敢 取,平 公 強 使 取 之,生 伯 石,伯 石 始 生,子 容 之 母 走 謁 諸 姑,曰,長 叔 姒 生 男。姑 視 之,及 堂,聞 其 聲 而 還,曰,是 豺 狼 之 聲 也,狼 子 野 心,非 是 莫 喪 羊 舌 氏 矣。遂 弗 視。

秋,晉 韓 宣 子 卒,魏 獻 子 為 政,分 祁 氏 之 田,以 為 七縣,分 羊 舌 氏 之 田,以 為 三 縣,司 馬 彌 牟 為 鄔 大 夫,賈 辛 為 祁 大 夫,司 馬 烏 為 平 陵 大 夫,魏 戊 為 梗 陽 大 夫,知 徐 吾 為 塗 水 大 夫,韓 固 為 馬首 大 夫,孟 丙 為 盂 大 夫,樂 霄 為 銅 鞮 大 夫,趙 朝 為 平 陽 大 夫,僚 安 為 楊 氏 大 夫,謂 賈 辛,司 馬 烏,為 有 力 於 王 室,故 舉 之,謂 知 徐 吾,趙 朝,韓 固,魏 戊,餘 子 之 不 失 職,能 守 業 者 也,其 四 人 者,皆 受 縣 而 後 見 於 魏 子,以 賢 舉 也。魏 子 謂 成 鱄,吾 與 戊 也 縣,人 其 以 我 為 黨 乎。對 曰,何 也,戊 之 為 人 也,遠 不 忘 君,近 不 偪 同,居 利 思 義,在 約 思 純,有 守 心 而 無 淫 行,雖 與 之 縣,不 亦 可 乎,昔 武 王 克 商,光 有 天 下,其 兄 弟 之 國 者,十 有 五 人,姬 姓 之 國 者,四 十 人,皆 舉 親 也,夫 舉 無 他,唯 善 所 在,親 疏 一 也,詩 曰,唯 此 文 王,帝 度 其 心,莫 其 德 音,其 德 克 明,克 明 克 類,克 長 克 君,王 此 大 國,克 順 克 比,比 于 文 王,其 德 靡 悔,既 受 帝 祉,施 於 孫 子,心 能 制 義 曰 度,德 正 應 和 曰 莫,照 臨 四 方 曰 明,勤 施 無 私 曰 類,教 誨 不 倦 曰 長,賞 慶 刑 威 曰 君,慈 和 徧 服 曰 順,擇 善 而 從 之 曰 比,經 緯 天 地 曰 文,九 德 不 愆,作 事 無 悔,故 襲 天 祿,子 孫 賴 之,主 之 舉 也,近 文 德 矣,所 及 其 遠 哉。賈 辛 將 適 其 縣,見 於 魏 子,魏 子 曰,辛 來,昔 叔 向 適 鄭,鬷 蔑 惡,欲 觀 叔 向,從 使 之 收 器 者,而 往,立 於 堂 下,一 言 而 善,叔 向 將 飲 酒,聞 之 曰,必 鬷 明 也,下 執 其 手 以 上,曰,昔 賈 大 夫 惡,娶 妻 而 美,三 年 不 言 不 笑,御 以 如 皋,射 雉 獲 之,其 妻 始 笑 而 言,賈 大 夫 曰,才 之 不 可 以 已,我 不 能 射,女 遂 不 言 不 笑 夫,今 子 少 不 颺,子 若 無 言,吾 幾 失 子 矣,言 不 可 以 已 也 如 是,遂 如 故 知,今 女 有 力 於 王 室,吾 是 以 舉 女,行 乎 敬 之 哉,毋 墮 乃 力。仲 尼 聞 魏 子 之 舉 也,以 為 義,曰,近 不 失 親,遠 不 失 舉,可 謂 義 矣。又 聞 其 命 賈 辛 也,以 為 忠,詩 曰,永 言 配 命,自 求 多 福,忠 也,魏 子 之 舉 也 義,其 命 也 忠,其 長 有 後 於 晉 國 乎。

冬,梗 陽 人 有 獄,魏 戊 不 能 斷,以 獄 上,其 大 宗 賂 以 女 樂,魏 子 將 受 之。魏 戊 謂 閻 沒,女 寬,曰,主 以 不 賄 聞 於 諸 侯,若 受 梗 陽 人。賄 莫 甚 焉,吾 子 必 諫。皆 許 諾,退 朝 待 於 庭,饋 入,召 之,比 置,三 歎。既 食,使 坐,魏 子 曰,吾 聞 諸 伯 叔,諺 曰,唯 食 忘 憂,吾 子 置 食之 間,三 歎 何 也。同 辭 而 對,曰,或 賜 二 小 人 酒,不 夕 食,饋 之 始 至,恐 其 不 足,是 以 歎,中 置 自 咎 曰,豈 將 軍 食 之,而 有 不 足,是 以 再 歎,及 饋 之 畢,願 以 小 人 之 腹,為 君 子 之 心,屬 厭 而 已。獻 子 辭 梗 陽 人。

二 十 有 九 年

1. 二 十 有 九 年,春,公 至 自 乾 侯,居 于 鄆,齊 侯 使 高 張 來 唁 公。

2. 公 如 晉,次 于 乾 侯。

3. 夏,四 月,庚 子,叔 詣 卒。

4. 秋,七 月。

5. 冬,十 月,鄆 潰。

左 傳 曰,二 十 九 年,春,公 至 自 乾 侯,處 于 鄆,齊 侯 使 高 張 來 唁 公,稱 主 君。子 家 子 曰,齊 卑 君 矣,君 祇 辱 焉。公 如 乾 侯。

三 月,己 卯,京 師 殺 召 伯 盈,尹 氏 固,及 原 伯 魯 之 子。尹 固 之 復 也,有 婦 人 遇 之 周 郊,尤 之 曰,處 則 勸 人 為 禍,行 則 數 日 而 反,是 夫 也,其 過 三 歲 乎。夏,五 月,庚 寅,王 子 趙 車 入 於 鄻 以 叛,陰 不 佞 敗 之。

平 子 每 歲 賈 馬,具 從 者 之 衣 屨,而 歸 之 于 乾 侯,公 執 歸 馬 者 賣 之。乃 不 歸 馬。衛 侯 來 獻 其 乘 馬,曰 啟 服,塹 而 死,公 將 為之 櫝,子 家 子 曰,從 者 病 矣,請 以 食 之。乃 以 幃 裹 之。公 賜 公 衍 羔 裘,使 獻 龍 輔 於 齊 侯,遂 入 羔 裘,齊 侯 喜,與 之 陽 穀。公 衍,公 為,之 生 也,其 母 偕 出,公 衍 先 生,公 為 之 母 曰,相 與 偕 出,請 相 與 偕 告。三 日,公 為 生 其 母 先 以 告,公 為 為 兄。公 私 喜 於 陽 穀,而 思 於 魯,曰,務 人 為 此 禍 也,且 後 生 而 為 兄,其 誣 也 久 矣。乃 黜 之,而 以 公 衍 為 太 子。

秋,龍 見 於 絳 郊。魏 獻 子 問 於 蔡 墨 曰,吾 聞 之,蟲 莫 知 於 龍,以 其 不 生 得 也,謂 之 知,信 乎。對 曰,人 實 不 知,非 龍 實 知,古 者 畜 龍,故 國 有 豢 龍 氏,有 御 龍 氏,獻 子 曰,是 二 氏 者,吾 亦 聞 之,而 知 其 故,是 何 謂 也。對 曰,昔 有 飂 叔 安 有 裔 子 曰 董 父,實 甚 好 龍,能 求 其 耆 欲,以 飲 食 之,龍 多 歸 之,乃 擾 畜 龍,以 服 事 帝 舜,帝 賜 之 姓 曰 董,氏 曰 豢 龍,封 諸 鬷 川,鬷 夷 氏,其 後 也,故 帝 舜 氏 世 有 畜 龍,及 有 夏 孔 甲,擾 於 有 帝,帝 賜 之 乘 龍,河 漢 各 二,各 有 雌 雄,孔 甲 不 能 食,而 未 獲 豢 龍 氏,有 陶 唐 氏 既 衰,其 後 有 劉 累,學 擾 龍 於 豢 龍 氏,以 事 孔 甲,能 飲 食 之 夏 后 嘉 之,賜 氏 曰 御 龍,以 更 豕 韋 之 後,龍 一 雌 死,潛 醢 以 食,夏 后,夏 后 饗 之,既 而 使 求 之,懼 而 遷 于於 魯 縣,范 氏 其 後 也。獻 子 曰,今 何 故 無 之。對 曰,夫 物,物 有 其 官,官 修 其 方,朝 夕 思 之,一 日 失 職,則 死 及 之,失 官 不 食,官 宿 其 業,其 物 乃 至,若 泯 棄 之,物 乃 坻 伏,鬱 湮 不 育,故 有 五 行 之 官,是 謂 五 官,實 列 受 氏 姓,封 為 上 公,祀 為 貴 神,社 稷 五 祀,是 尊 是 奉,木 正 曰 句 芒,火 正 曰 祝 融,金 正 曰 蓐 收,水 正 曰 玄 冥,土 正 曰 后 土,龍,水 物 也,水 官 棄 矣,故 龍 不 生 得,不 然,周 易 有 之,在 乾 之 姤,曰,潛 龍 勿 用,其 同 人 曰,見 龍 在 田,其 大 有 曰,飛 龍 在 天,其 夬 曰,亢 龍 有 悔,其 坤 曰,見 羣 龍 無 首,吉,坤 之 剝 曰,龍 戰 于 野,若 不 朝 夕 見,誰 能 物 之。獻 子 曰,社 稷 五 祀,誰 氏 之 五 官 也。對 曰,少 皞 氏 有 四 叔,曰 重,曰 該,曰 修,曰 熙,實 能 金 木 及 水,使 重 為 句 芒,該 為 蓐 收,修 及 熙 為 玄 冥,世 不 失 職,遂 濟 窮 桑,此 其 三 祀 也,顓 頊 氏 有 子 曰 犁,為 祝 融,共 工 氏 有 子 曰 句 龍,為 后 土,此 其 二 祀 也,后 土 為 社,稷,田 正 也,有 烈 山 氏 之 子 曰 柱,為 稷,自 夏 以 上 祀 之,周 棄 亦 為 稷,自 商 以 來 祀 之。

冬,晉 趙 鞅,荀 寅,帥 師 城 汝 濱,遂 賦 晉 國 一 鼓 鐵,以 鑄 刑 鼎,著 范 宣 子 所 謂 刑 書 焉。仲 尼 曰,晉 其 亡 乎,失 其 度 矣,夫 晉 國 將 守 唐 叔 之 所,受 法 度,以 經 緯 其 民,卿 大 夫 以 序 守 之,民 是 以 能尊 其 貴,貴 是 以 能 守 其 業,貴 賤 不 愆,所 謂 度 也,文 公 是 以 作 執 秩 之官,為 被 廬 之 法,以 為 盟 主,今 棄 是 度 也,而 為 刑 鼎,民 在 鼎 矣,何 以 尊 貴,貴 何 業 之 守,貴 賤 無 序,何 以 為 國,且 夫 宣 子 之 刑,夷 之 蒐也,晉 國 之 亂 制 也,若 之 何 以 為 法。蔡 史 墨 曰,范 氏,中 行 氏,其 亡 乎,中 行 寅 為 下 卿,而 干 上 令,擅 作 刑 器,以 為 國 法,是 法 姦 也,又 加 范 氏 焉,易 之,亡 也,其 及 趙 氏,趙 孟 與 焉,然 不 得 已,若 德,可 以 免。

1. 三 十 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。

2. 夏,六 月,庚 辰,晉 侯 去 疾 卒。

3. 秋,八 月,葬 晉 頃 公。

4. 冬,十 有 二 月,吳 滅 徐,徐 子 章 禹 奔 楚。

左 傳 曰,三 十 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。不 先 書 鄆 與 乾 侯,非 公,且 徵 過 也。

夏,六 月,晉 頃 公 卒,秋,八 月,葬 鄭 游 吉 弔,且 送 葬,魏 獻 子 使 士 景 伯 詰 之,曰,悼 公 之 喪,子 西 弔,子 蟜 送 葬,今 吾 子 無 貳,何 故。對 曰,諸 侯 所 以 歸 晉 君,禮 也,禮 也 者,小 事 大,大 字 小 之 謂,事 大,在 共 其 時 命,字 小,在 恤 其 所 無,以 敝 邑 居 大 國 之 閒,共 其 職 貢,與 其 備 御 不 虞 之 患,豈 忘 共 命,先 王 之 制,諸 侯 之 喪,士 弔,大 夫 送 葬,唯 嘉 好 聘 享 三 軍 之 事,於 是 乎 使 卿,晉 之 喪 事,敝 邑 之 閒,先 君 有 所 助 執 紼 矣,若 其 不 閒,雖 士 大 夫,有 所 不 獲 數 矣,大 國 之 惠,亦 慶 其 加,而 不 討 其 乏,明 厎 其 情,取 備 而 已,以 為 禮 也,靈 王 之 喪,我 先 君 簡 公 在 楚,我 先 大 夫 印 段 實 往,敝 邑 之 少 卿也,王 吏 不 討,恤 所 無 也,今 大 夫 曰,女 盍 從 舊,舊 有 豐 有 省,不 知 所 從,從 其 豐,則 寡 君 幼 弱,是 以 不 共,從 其 省,則 吉 在 此 矣,唯 大 夫 圖 之,晉 人 不 能 詰。

吳 子 使 徐 人 執 掩 餘,使 鍾 吾 人 執 燭 庸,二 公 子 奔 楚,楚 子 大 封 而 定 其 徙,使 監 馬 尹 大 心,逆 吳 公 子,使 居 養,莠 尹 然,左 司 馬 沈 尹 戌,城 之,取 於 城 父,與 胡 田,以 與 之,將 以 害 吳 也。子 西 諫 曰,吳 光 新 得 國,而 親 其 民,視 民 如 子,辛 苦 同 之,將 用 之 也,若 好 吾 邊 疆,使 柔 服 焉,猶 懼 其 至,吾 又 疆 其 讐,以 重 怒 之,無 乃 不 可 乎,吳,周 之 冑 裔 也,而 棄 在 海 濱,不 與 姬 通,今 而 始 大,比 於 諸 華,光 又 甚 文,將 自 同 於 先 王,不 知 天 將 以 為 虐 乎,使 翦 喪 吳 國,而 封 大 異 姓 乎,其 抑 亦 將 卒 以 祚 吳 乎,其 終 不 遠 矣,我 盍 姑 億 吾 鬼 神,而 寕 吾 族 姓,以 待 其 歸,將 焉 用 自 播 揚 焉。王 弗 聽。吳 子 怒,冬,十 二 月,吳 子 執 鍾 吾 子,遂 伐 徐,防 山 以 水 之,己 卯,滅 徐,徐 子 章 禹 斷 其 髮,攜 其 夫 人,以 逆 吳 子,吳 子 唁 而 送 之,使 其 邇 臣 從 之,遂 奔 楚,楚 沈 尹 戌 帥 師 救 徐,弗 及,遂 城 夷,使 徐 子 處 之。

吳 子 問 於 伍 員 曰,初 而 言 伐 楚,余 知 其 可 也,而 恐 其 使 余 往 也,又 惡 人 之 有 余 之 功 也,今 余 將 自 有 之 矣,伐 楚 何 如。對 曰,楚 執 政 衆 而 乖,莫 適 任 患,若 為 三 師 之 肄 焉,一 師 至,彼 必 皆 出,彼 出 則 歸,彼 歸 則 出,楚 必 道 敝,亟 肄 以 罷 之,多 方 以 誤 之,既 罷 而 後 以 三 軍 繼 之,必 大 克 之。闔 廬 從 之,楚 於 是 乎 始 病。

三 十 有 一 年

1. 三 十 有 一 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。

2. 季 孫 意 如 會 晉,荀 躒 于 適 歴。

3. 夏,四 月,丁 巳,薛 伯 穀 卒。

4. 晉 侯 使 荀 躒 唁 公 于 乾 侯。

5. 秋,葬 薛 獻 公。

6. 冬,黑 肱 以 濫 來 奔。

7. 十 有 二 月,辛 亥 朔,日 有 食 之。

左 傳 曰,三 十 一 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯,言 不 能 外 內 也。

晉 侯 將 以 師 納 公,范 獻 子 曰,若 召 季 孫 而 不 來,則 信 不 臣 矣,然 後 伐 之,若 何。晉 人 召 季 孫,獻 子 使 私 焉,曰,子 必 來,我 受 其 無 咎。季 孫 意 如 會 晉 荀 躒 于 適 歴,荀 躒 曰,寡 君 使 躒 謂 吾 子,何 故 出 君,有 君 不 事,周 有 常 刑,子 其 圖 之。季 孫 練 冠,麻 衣,跣 行,伏 而 對 曰,事 君,臣 之 所 不 得 也,敢 逃 刑 命,君 若 以 臣 為 有 罪,請 囚 於 費,以 待 君 之 察 也,亦 唯 君,若 以 先 臣 之 故,不 絕 季 氏,而 賜 之 死,若 弗 殺 弗 亡,君 之 惠 也,死 且 不 朽,若 得 從 君 而 歸,則 固 臣 之 願 也,敢 有 異 心。

薛 伯 穀 卒。同 盟 故 書。

夏,四 月,季 孫 從 知 伯 如 乾 侯,子 家 子 曰,君 與 之 歸,一 慚 之 不 忍,而 終 身 慙 乎。公 曰,諾。衆 曰,在 一 言 矣,君 必 逐 之。荀 躒 以 晉 侯 之 命 唁 公,且 曰,寡 君 使 躒 以 君 命 討 於 意 如,意 如 不 敢 逃 死,君 其 入 也。公 曰,君 惠 顧 先 君 之 好,施 及 亡 人,將 使 歸 糞 除 宗 祧 以 事 君,則 不 能 見 夫 人,己 所 能 見 夫 人 者,有 如 河。荀 躒 掩 耳 而 走,曰,寡 君 其 罪 之 恐,敢 與 知 魯 國 之 難,臣 請 復 於 寡 君。退 而 謂 季 孫,君 怒 未 怠,子 姑 歸 祭。子 家 子 曰,君 以 一 乘 入 於 魯 師,季 孫 必 與 君 歸。公 欲 從 之,衆 從 者 脅 公,不 得 歸。

秋,吳 人 侵 楚,伐 夷,侵 潛 六。楚 沈 尹 戌 帥 師 救 潛,吳 師 還,楚 師 遷 潛 於 南 岡 而 還。吳 師 圍 弦,左 司 馬 戌,右 司 馬 稽,帥 師 救 弦,及 豫 章,吳 師 還。始 用 子 胥 之 謀 也。

冬,邾 黑 肱 以 濫 來 奔。賤 而 書 名,重 地 故 也。君 子 曰,名 之 不 可 不 慎 也,如 是 夫,有 所 有 名,而 不 如 其 已,以 地 叛,雖 賤 必 書,地 以 名 其 人,終 為 不 義,弗 可 滅 已,是 故 君 子 動 則 思 禮,行 則 思 義,不 為 利 囘,不 為 義 疚,或 求 名 而 不 得,或 欲 蓋 而 名 章,懲 不 義 也,齊 豹 為 衛 司 寇,守 嗣 大 夫,作 而 不 義,其 書 為 盜,邾 庶 其,莒 牟 夷,邾 黑 肱,以 土 地 出,求 食 而 已,不 求 其 名,賤 而 必 書,此 二 物 者,所 以 懲 肆 而 去 貪 也,若 艱 難 其 身,以 險 危 大 人,而 有 名 章 徹,攻 難 之 士,將 奔 走 之,若 竊 邑 叛 君,以 徼 大 利 而 無 名,貪 冒 之 民,將 寘 力 焉,是 以 春 秋 書 齊 豹 曰 盜,三 叛 人 名,以 懲 不 義,數 惡 無 禮,其 善 志 也,故 曰,春 秋 之 稱,微 而 顯,婉 而 辨,上 之 人 能 使 昭 明,善 人 勸 焉,淫 人 懼 焉,是 以 君 子 貴 之。

十 二 月,辛 亥 朔,日 有 食 之。是 夜 也,趙 簡 子 夢 童 子 臝 而 轉 以 歌。旦,占 諸 史 墨,曰,吾 夢 如 是,今 而 日 食,何 也。對 曰,六 年 及 此 月 也,吳 其 入 郢 乎 終 亦 弗 克,入 郢 必 以 庚 辰,日 月 在 辰 尾,庚 午 之 日,日 始 有 謫,火 勝 金,故 弗 克。

三 十 有 二 年

1. 三 十 有 二 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯 取 闞。

2. 夏,吳 伐 越。

3. 秋,七 月。

4. 冬,仲 孫 何 忌 會 晉 韓 不 信,齊 高 張,宋 仲 幾,衛 世 叔 申,鄭 國 參,曹 人,莒 人,薛 人,杞 人,小 邾 人,城 成 周。

5. 十 有 二 月,己 未,公 薨 于 侯。

左 傳 曰,三 十 二 年,春,王 正 月,公 在 乾 侯。言 不 能 外 內,又 不 能 用 其 人 也。

夏,吳 伐 越。始 用 師 於 越 也。史 墨 曰,不 及 四 十 年,越 其 有 吳 乎,越 得 歲 而 吳 伐 之,必 受 其 凶。

秋,八 月,王 使 富 辛,與 石 張 如 晉,請 城 成 周。天 子 曰,天 降 禍 于 周,俾 我 兄 弟,竝 有 亂 心,以 為 伯 父 憂,我 一 二 親 昵 甥 舅,不 皇 啟 處,於 今 十 年,勤 戍 五 年,余 一 人 無 日 忘 之,閔 閔 焉 如 農 夫 之 望 歲,懼 以 待 時,伯 父 若 肆 大 惠,復 二 文 之 業,弛 周 室 之 憂,徼 文 武 之 福,以 固 盟 主,宣 昭 令 名,則 余 一 人 有 大 願 矣,昔 成 王 合 諸 侯 城 成 周,以 為 東 都,崇 文 德 焉,今 我 欲 徼 福 假 靈 於 成 王,修 成 周 之 城,俾 戍 人 無 勤,諸 侯 用 寕,蝥 賊 遠 屏,晉 之 力 也,其 委 諸 伯 父,使 伯 父 實 重 圖 之,俾 我 一 人 無 徵 怨 於 百 姓,而 伯 父 有 榮 施,先 王 庸 之。范 獻 子 謂 魏 獻 子 曰,與 其 戍 周,不 如 城 之,天 子 實 云,雖 有 後 事,晉 勿 與 知,可 也,從 王 命 以 紓 諸 侯,晉 國 無 憂,是 之 不 務,而 又 焉 從 事。魏 獻 子 曰,善。使 伯 音 對,曰,天 子 有 命,敢 不 奉 承,以 奔 告 於 諸 侯,遲 速 衰 序,於 是 焉 在。冬,十 一 月,晉 魏 舒,韓 不 信,如 京 師,合 諸 侯 之 大 夫 於 狄 泉,尋 盟,且 令 城 成 周,魏 子 南 面,衛 彪 徯 曰,魏 子 必 有 大 咎,干 位 以 令 大 事,非 其 任 也,詩 曰,敬 天 之 怒,不 敢 戲 豫,敬 天 之 渝,不 敢 馳 驅,况 敢 干 位 以 作 大 事 乎,己 丑,士 彌 牟 營 成 周,計 丈 數,揣 高 卑,度 厚 薄,仞 溝 洫,物 土 方,議 遠 邇,量 事 期,計 徒 庸,慮 財 用,書 餱 糧,以 令 役 於 諸 侯,屬 役 賦 丈,書 以 授 帥,而 效 諸 劉 子,韓 簡 子 臨 之,以 為 成 命。

十 二 月,公 疾,徧 賜 大 夫,大 夫 不 受,賜 子 家 子 雙 琥,一 環,一 璧, 輕 服,受 之,大 夫 皆 受 其 賜。己 未,公 薨。子 家 子 反 賜 於 府 人,曰,吾 不 敢 逆 君 命 也。大 夫 皆 反 其 賜。書 曰,公 薨 于 乾 侯,言 失 其 所 也。趙 簡 子 問 於 史 墨 曰,季 氏 出 其 君,而 民 服 焉,諸 侯 與 之,君 死 於 外,而 莫 之 或 罪 也。對 曰,物 生 有 兩,有 三 有 五,有 陪 貳,故 天 有 三 辰,地 有 五 行,體 有 左 右,各 有 妃 耦,王 有 公,諸 侯 有 卿,皆 有 貳 也,天 生 季 氏,以 貳 魯 侯,為 日 久 矣,民 之 服 焉,不 亦 宜 乎,魯 君 世 從 其 失,季 氏 世 修 其 勤,民 忘 君 矣,雖 死 於 外,其 誰 矜 之,社 稷 無 常 奉,君 臣 無 常 位,自 古 以 然,故 詩 曰,高 岸 為 谷,深 谷 為 陵,三 后 之 姓,於 今 為 庶,王 所 知 也,在 易 卦,雷 乘 乾 曰,大 壯,天 之 道 也,昔 成 季 友,桓 之 季 也,文 姜 之 愛 子 也,始 震 而 卜,卜 人 謁 之,曰,生 有 嘉 聞,其 名 曰 友,為 公 室 輔。及 生,如 卜 人 之 言,有 文 在 其 手 曰 友,遂 以 名 之,既 而 有 大 功 於 魯,受 費 以 為 上 卿,至 於 文 子,武 子,世 增 其 業,不 費 舊 績,魯 文 公 薨,而 東 門 遂 殺 適 立 庶,魯 君 於 是 乎 失 國,政 在 季 氏,於 此 君 也,四 公 矣,民 不 知 君,何 以 得 國,是 以 為 君,慎 器 與 名,不 可 以 假 人。

BOOK X. DUKE ZHAO.

I. First year.

1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.

2. Shusun Bao had a meeting with Zhao Wu of Jin, the Gongzi Wei of Chu, Guo Ruo of Qi, Xiang Xu of Song, Qi E of Wey, the Gongzi Shao of Chen, the Gongsun Guisheng of Cai, Han Hu of Zheng, a minister of Xu, and a minister of Cao, in Guo.

3. In the third month, we took Yun.

4. In summer, Qian, younger brother of the earl of Qin, fled from that State to Jin.

5. In the sixth month, on Dingsi, Hua, viscount of Zhu, died.

6. Xun Wu of Jin led a force, and defeated the Di at Dalu.

7. In autumn, Quji of Ju entered into that State from Qi.

8. Zhanyu of Ju fled from that State to Wu.

9. Shu Gong led a force, and laid out the boundaries of the lands of Yun.

10. There was the burial of duke Dao of Zhu.

11. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jiyou, Jun, viscount of Chu, died.

12. The Gongzi Bi of Chu fled from that State to Jin.

COMMENTARY

Title of the Book.—昭公,'Duke Zhao.' We have seen, in the Zhuan on par. 3 of last year, that duke Zhao's name was Chou (稠), and that he was a son of duke Xiang by a concubine, called Qi Gui (齊歸), of the State of Hu (胡). He was 19 years old at his accession, and still possessed a boy's heart, more fond of sport than beseemed his position. He was marquis of Lu from B.C. 540 to 509. His honorary title denotes 'In demeanour respectful and intelligent (威儀共明曰昭).'

Zhao's 1st year synchronized with the 4th of king Jing (景王); the 17th of Ping (平 公) of Jin; the 7th of Jing (景) of Qi; the 3d of Xiang (襄) of Wey; the 2d of Ling (靈) of Cai; the 25th of Jian (簡) of Zheng; the 14th of Wu (武) of Cao; the 28th of Ai (哀) of Chen; the 9th of Wen (文) of Qi; the 35th of Ping of Song; the 36th of Jing of Qin; the 4th of Jiao'ao (郟敖) of Chu, and the 3d of Yimei (夷未) [Yuji 餘祭?] of Wu.

Par. 2. For 國弱 Gongyang has 國酌; for 齊惡, 石惡; for 罕虎, 軒虎. For 虢 Gong has 漷, and Gu 郭. Guo was in Zheng. It had been the capital of the State of east Guo, which had been extinguished by Zheng before the commencement of the Chunqiu period;—in the dis. of Fanshui (汜 水), dep. Kaifeng. The object of the meeting in Guo was to renew the covenant of Song, which was repeated here, though not with all the formalities; and many critics see the 'pruning style' and mysterious meaning of the sage in making mention of the meeting only. The details in the Zhuan illustrate the remarks appended to IX. xxvii. 2, 5, on the decadence of Jin, the growing power of Chu, and the encroachments of the great officers on the prerogatives of the princes of the States.

The Zhuan says:——'In spring, the Gongzi Wei of Chu went on a complimentary visit to Zheng, and at the same time to marry a daughter of Gongsun Duan; Wu Ju being the assistant commissioner. They proposed lodging inside the capital, but the people of Zheng were adverse to this, and sent the internuncius Ziyu to speak with them on the subject; on which they occupied a reception-house outside. When the business of the visit was over, [Wei] proposed [entering the city], with all his company, to meet his bride. The thing troubled Zichan, who sent Ziyu to decline the proposal, saying, "In consequence of the smallness of our poor city, which is not sufficient to contain your followers, we beg to [level a piece of ground outside, and] rear a high structure where we can receive your commands." The chief minister ordered the grand-administrator, Bo Zhouli, to reply, "Your ruler condescended to confer his kindness on our great officer Wei, saying that he would send the lady Feng (Feng was the surname of Gongsun Duan) to take soothing possession of his family. Wei then set forth his offerings on the stands in the temples of [the kings] Zhuang and Gong (His grand-father and father), and is come here. If the lady be given to him in the open country, it will be throwing your ruler's gift among the grass and weeds; and our great officer will not have his rank among the other ministers [of our State]. And not only this:—the proceeding will also make Wei to have deceived his former rulers, and he will not be able to retain his place as an ancient of our [present] ruler. He will not [dare to] return [to Chu]. Let your great officers consider it." Ziyu said, "Our small State [means] no offence; its offence has been in the confidence [it has reposed in you]. Meaning to confide in your great State's desire to secure its respose and quiet, and you, on the contrary, having hid in your breasts an evil mind to scheme against it, it will have erred in its confidence, and must announce the thing to the States, moving the indignation of them all, so that they will resist your ruler's orders, and your progress will be stopped:—this is what we are afraid of. If it were not for this, our State is but a sort of keeper of a reception house for you; would it presume to grudge you the use of the temple of the Feng family?"

'Wu Ju, knowing that they were prepared [in Zheng against any hostile attempt], begged that they might enter the city, with their quivers slung upside down;—which was granted. In the 1st month, on Yiwei, [Wei] entered the city, received his bride, and went out again.

'He then went on to meet [the representatives of the States] in Guo, the object being to renew the covenant of Song. Qi Wu said to Zhao Wenzi, "At the covenant of Song, the men of Chu got their will, as against Jin. The want of faith of the present chief-minister [of Chu] is what all the States have heard of. If you do not take precautions, things will turn out as in Song. The good faith of Zimu was celebrated among the States, and still he deceived Jin, and got the advantage over it; how much more may we expect deceit from one notorious for his want of faith! If Chu a second time get its will as against Jin, it will be a disgrace to Jin. You have guided the government of Jin, maintaining it as lord of covenants now for 7 years. Twice have you assembled the princes of the States, and three times their great officers. You brought to submission Qi and the Di; you tranquillized the States of the east; you pacified the confusion of Qin; you walled Chunyu (The capital of Qi); yet our troops have not been exhausted; the State has not been wearied; the people have uttered no slanders nor revilings; the other States have felt no resentment; Heaven has inflicted no great calamities:—all this has been due to you. You have got a good name, and what I am afraid of is, lest you should bring shame on it in the end. Sir, you must not neglect to take precautions." Wenzi said, "Thank you for the lesson you have given me. But at the covenant of Song, the heart of Zimu was set on injuring others, while my heart was set on the well-being of others; and it was thereby that Chu got the advantage of Jin. And now I still cherish the same heart, and Chu is still assuming and arrogating. No harm will result from it. Good faith shall be held by me as a fundamental thing, and I will act in accordance with it. The case will be like that of the husbandman who clears away the weeds and digs up the earth about his plants; although there may be seasons of famine or scarcity, he will, as a rule, have abundant harvests. Moreover, I have heard that he who can maintain his good faith is sure not to be below others:—I cannot fully attain to this. The ode (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 8) says,

'Not going beyond the right, inflicting no injury,
Seldom is it that such an one does not become a pattern to others;'

showing the power of good faith. He who can be a pattern to others, is not beneath them. My inability to attain this is my difficulty; I am not troubled about Chu."

'Wei, the chief minister of Chu begged that they might simply use a victim, and, having read the words of the former covenant, place the writing over its [blood]. This was agreed to on the part of Jin; and on the 3d month, on Jiachen, they covenanted. Wei was in [ruler's] robes, with guards displayed [before him]. Shusun Muzi said, "The Gongzi of Chu is beautiful, how ruler-like!"

Zipi of Zheng said, "Yes, with those two spearmen before him!"

'Zijia of Cai said, "They are before the Pu palace; may he not have them [here] also?" 'Bo Zhouli of Chu said, "In taking leave for this journey, he borrowed them from our ruler."

'Hui, the internuncius of Zheng, said "He borrowed them, but will not return them!"

'Bo Zhouli replied, "You may find a subject for your sorrow in the rebellious, incoherent ambition of Zixi." Ziyu rejoined, "While the designate of the bi (See the Zhuan on XIII. 3) remains, do you find no subject for sorrow in the borrowing these things, and not returning them?"

'Guozi of Qi said, "I commiserate the two of you."

The Gongzi Shao of Chen said, "But for their anxious sorrow, what would they accomplish? They will have occasion for joy."

'Qizi of Wey said, "If they know it [before-hand], although they may be sorrowful, what harm will there be?"

'The master of the Left of Song—-he of He-—said, "A great State commands, and a small State obeys. I know nothing but to obey."

'Yue Wangfu of Jin said, ["The sentiment of] the last stanza of the Xiao min (Shi, II. v. ode I.) is good; I will follow it."

'When they retired from the meeting, Ziyu said to Zipi, "Shusun was sharp, and yet mild. The master of the Left of Song was sententious, and agreeable to propriety. Yue Wangfu was loving and reverent. You and Zijia held [the Mean]. You are all men who will preserve your families for generations. But the great officers of Qi, Wey, and Chen, will not escape [an evil death]. Guozi was sorry for them; Zishao found in sorrow ground for joy; and Qizi said that though they were sorrowful, there would be no harm. Now to be sorry before the thing happens, to find joy in what is occasion for sorrow, and to see no harm in being sorry;—all this is the way to bring sorrow. Sorrow will come to them. The Great Declaration says, 'What the people desire, Heaven is sure to grant.' Those three officers prognosticated sorrow;—is it possible but that sorrow should come to them? This is an illustration of the saying, 'From words you know things.'"

Par. 3. Yun,—see on IX. xii. 1, 2. The Zhuan says:——'Ji Wuzi invaded Ju and took Yun. The people of Ju sent word [of the outrage] to the meeting, and Chu represented to Jin, "Before we have retired from this renewal of the covenant, Lu has invaded Ju, thus treating contumeliously our common stipulations. Allow us to execute its envoy." Yue Huanzi (Wangfu) was in attendance on Zhao Wenzi; and wishing to ask a bribe from Shusun, he interceded for him, and sent a messenger to ask from him a sash. Shusun refused it, on which Liang Qixing said, "Why should you grudge giving your property to protect yourself?" Shusun replied, "The meeting of the States is for the defence of our altars. If I by such a method secure my own escape, yet Lu will be attacked. I shall have brought calamity on it, instead of being a defence to it. Men build walls to prevent the approach of evil. When there are cracks in a wall, or it falls to ruin, on whom will the blame be laid? If I, set for the defence [of Lu], should yet do it evil, I should be more to blame [than the wall]. Though I can resent the conduct of Jisun [in this matter], what offence has Lu committed? That the Shu should go abroad [on missions], and the Ji remain at home, is an established custom [of our State]:—with whom should I feel dissatisfied? But as to a gift to Wangfu, if I do not give him something, he will not cease [importuning me]." With this he called the messenger, tore up a piece of silk for a lower garment, and gave it to him, saying, "The sash-silk is all done."

'When Zhaomeng heard of all this, he said, "In misfortune, not forgetting his State, he is loyal; in prospect of difficulties, not [wishing] to overstep his office, he is faithful. Forgetting the risk of death in his interest for the State, he is incorrupt. Holding to these three things in his counsels, he is righteous. Ought a man with these four qualities to be executed?" He therefore made a request to [the minister of] Chu, saying, "Although Lu be chargeable with an offence, its minister here has not [sought to] avoid difficult services, and [now] in awe of your majesty he [is prepared] to submit reverently to your orders. It will be well for you to spare him as an encouragement to all about you. If your officers, in the State, do not seek to avoid laborious services, and when they go abroad, do not try to evade difficulties [that they may meet with]. to what calamities will you in that case be exposed? What calamities arise from is officers' not performing laborious services, and not maintaining their characters on occasions of difficulty. If they are able for these two things, there will be no calamities. If you do not quiet [the apprehensions of] those who are able, who will follow you? Shusun Bao may be pronounced such an able man, and I beg you to spare him, in order to quiet the minds of others who are so [also]. If you, having assembled [the ministers of] the States, will pardon the guilty [Lu], and reward its worthy officer, which of the States will not rejoice? They will look to Chu, and turn to it, and see it, though far off, as if it were near. The States that lie on their borders [between Jin and Chu] follow now the one and now the other, without any regularity. The good kings and presiding princes drew out for them their boundaries, set up for them their officers, raised in them their flags of distinction, and issued among them enactments and ordinances. Transgressors among them they punished, and yet they could not secure a oneness [of obedience]. Thus it was that Yu had its Sanmiao; Xia its Guan and Hu; Shang its Xian and Pi; and Zhou its Xu and Yan. After there ceased to be good kings, the States struggled for the precedence, and one and another have presided in turns over the general covenants. Under such a condition can absolute oneness be looked for? The State which can sympathize with others in great [calamities], and overlook small matters, is fit to be lord of covenants; why should it occupy itself [with the small matters]? What State has not questions about encroachments on its borders? What presiding State could attend to them all? If Wu or Pu were to commit a trespass, would the ministers of Chu pay any regard to our covenants? There is no reason why Chu should not decline to take notice of this matter about the borders of Ju, and why the States should be troubled about it. Ju and Lu have quarrelled about Yun for long. If there be no great harm done to the altars [of Ju], you need not resist [the present aggression]. Do you remove this occasion of trouble, and deal kindly with this good man, and all will be strong to encourage [one another, in the appreciation of Chu]. Do you consider the matter." He [thus] earnestly urged his request, and the minister of Chu granted it, so that Shusun was spared.

'The chief minister feasted Zhaomeng, and sang the first stanza of the Da ming (Shi, III. i. ode II.). Zhaomeng sang the second stanza of the Xiao yuan (Shi, II. v. ode II.). When the feast was over;, Zhaomeng said to Shuxiang, "The chief minister looks upon himself as king. How will it be?" Shuxiang replied, "The king is weak, and the minister is strong. His ambition will be gratified, but notwithstanding he will not die a natural death." "Why so?" "When strength overcomes weakness, and is satisfied in doing so, the strength is not righteous. Of strength which is unrighteous the doom will come quick. The ode (Shi, II. iv. ode VIII. 8) says,

'The majestic honoured capital of Zhou
Is extinguished by Bao Si:——

that was a case of strength which was not righteous. When the chief minister becomes king, he will be sure to ask [from Jin] the presidency of the States; and Jin is somewhat weakened. The States will go [to Chu]; and when he has got them, his oppressiveness will be greatly increased. The people will not be able to bear it, and how shall he obtain a natural death? Taking [his position] by strength, overcoming by unrighteousness, he must look on these things as the proper course. Pursuing that course in dissoluteness and oppression, he cannot continue long."

[We have four narratives appended here:—

1st. "In summer, in the 4th month, Zhaomeng, Shusun Bao, and the great officer of Cao, entered the capital of Zheng, where the earl gave them all an entertainment. Zipi conveyed to Zhaomeng the notice of the time; and when the ceremony [of doing so] was over, Zhaomeng sang the Hu ye (Shi, II. viii. ode VII.). Zipi went on to give the notice to Mushu, and told this to him, when Mushu said, "Zhaomeng wishes that there should only be one cup and the response to it. You should order it so." "How dare I?" said Zipi. "When it is what a man wishes, why should you not dare to do a thing?" was the reply. When the time came, the vessels for the ceremony of five cups were all provided under a tent. Zhaomeng declined [such a celebration], and told Zichan apart how he had begged of the chief minister [that it might be otherwise]. On this only one cup was presented, Zhaomeng being the [principal] guest; and when that ceremony was over, they proceeded to the feast. Mushu sang the Quechao (Shi, I ii. ode I.). when Zhaomeng said, "I am not worthy of that." The other then sang the Cai fan. (I. ii. ode II.), and added, "Our small States are like that southernwood. If your great State will gather it sparingly and use it, we will in everything obey your commands." Zipi sang the last stanza of the Ye you si jun (I. ii. ode XII.). Zhaomeng sang the Changdi (II. i. ode IV.), and said, "Let us who are brothers seek to rest in harmony, and that dog may be kept from barking at us." Mushu, Zipi, and the great officer of Cao, rose up at this, and bowed their acknowledgments. Each of them raised a cup made of a rhinoceros' horn, and said, "We small States depend on you, and know that we shall escape punishment." They then drank and were joyous. When Zhaomeng went out, he said, "I shall not have a repetition of this [enjoyment]."

2d. 'The king by Heaven's grace sent duke Ding of Liu to the Ying to compliment Zhaomeng on the accomplishment of the toils of his journey; and [he accompanied him] to his lodging-house near a bend of the Luo. "How admirable," said the viscount of Liu, "was the merit of Yu! His intelligent virtue reached far. But for Yu, we should have been fishes. That you and I manage the business of the princes in our caps and robes is all owing to Yu. Why should you not display a merit as far-reaching as that of Yu, and extend a great protection to the people?" Zhaomeng replied, "I am old, and constantly afraid of incurring guilt; how should I be able to send my regards far into the future? We can but think about our food, in the morning laying no plans for the evening, and are incapable of any long forethought." When the viscount returned [to the court], he told the king of this conversation, saying, "The common saying, 'An old man is just becoming wise, when senility comes upon him,' might be spoken of Zhaomeng. He is the chief minister of Jin, and presides over the States, and yet he likens himself to a common servant, who in the morning has no plans for the evening, casting from him [the care of] both Spirits and men. The Spirits must be angry with him, and the people revolt from him:—how can he continue long? Zhaomeng will not see another year. The Spirits, angry with him, will not accept his sacrifices; the people, revolting from him, will not repair to execute his affairs. His sacrifices and affairs both unattended to, what should he do with more years?"

3d. 'When Shusun returned [to Lu], Zeng Yao drove Jisun to congratulate him on the accomplishment of his journey. The morning passed and mid-day came, without his "coming forth. Zeng Yao said to Zeng Fu, "[Kept here] from morning to mid-day, we know our offence. But the government of Lu goes on through the mutual forbearance [of the ministers]. Abroad he could bear [with our master], and [now] in the State he does not do so;—what is the meaning of this?" Fu (Shusun's steward) said, "He has been several months abroad;—what does it harm you to be here one morning? Does the trader who desires his profit dislike the clamour [of the market-place]?" Fu then said to his master that he might come forth, and Shusun pointing to one of the pillars [of his house], said, "Though I should dislike this, could it be removed?" With this he went out and saw Jisun.'

4th. 'Xuwu Fan of Zheng had a beautiful sister, who was betrothed to Gongsun Chu (Designated Zinan). Gongsun Hei (Zixi), however, also sent a messenger who violently insisted on leaving a goose at the house (A ceremony of espousal). Fan was afraid, and reported the matter to Zichan, who said, "This is not your sorrow [only]; it shows the want of government in the State. Give her to which of them you please." Fan then begged of the two gentlemen that they would allow him to leave the choice between them to the lady; and they agreed to it.

'Zixi then, splendidly arrayed, entered the house, set forth his offerings, and went out. Zinan entered in his military dress, shot an arrow to the left and another to the right, sprang into his chariot, and went out. The lady saw them from a chamber, and said, "Zixi is indeed handsome, but Zinan is my husband. For the husband to be the husband, and the wife to be the wife, is what is called the natural course." So she went to Zinan's. Zixi was enraged, and by-and-by went with his bow-case and in his buff-coat to see Zinan, intending to kill him and take away his wife. Zinan knew his purpose, seized a spear, and pursued him. Coming up to him at a cross road, he struck him with the weapon. Zixi went home wounded, and informed the great officers, saying, "I went in friendship to see him, not knowing that he had any hostile purpose; and so I received the wound."

'The great officers all consulted about the case. Zichan said, "There is a measure of right on both sides; but as the younger, and lower in rank, and chargeable with an offence, we must hold Chu to be the criminal." Accordingly he [caused] Zinan to be seized, and enumerated his offences, saying, "There are the five great rules of the State, all of which you have violated:—awe of the ruler's majesty; obedience to the rules of the government; honour to the nobler in rank; the service of elders; and the kindly cherishing of relatives. These five things are necessary to the maintenance of the State. Now you, while the ruler was in the city, presumed to use your weapon; —you had no awe of his majesty. You violated the laws of the State;—not obedient to the rules of government. Zixi is a great officer of the 1st degree, and you would not acknowledge your inferiority;—you have not honoured the nobler in rank. Younger than he, you showed no awe of him;—not serving your elder. You lifted your weapon against your cousin;—not kindly cherishing your relative. The ruler says that he cannot bear to put you to death, and will deal gently with you in sending you to a distance. Make an effort and take your departure quickly, so as not to incur a second offence."

'In the 5th month, on Gengchen, Zheng banished You (Zinan's clan-name) Chu, to Wu. When he was about to send him away, Zichan consulted with Taishu (You Ji) on the subject. Taishu said, "I cannot protect myself; how should I be able to protect the members of my clan? The affair belongs to the government of the State, and is not any private hardship. If you have planned for the benefit of the State, carry out your decision. Why should you have any hesitancy? The duke of Zhou put to death Guanshu, and banished Caishu, not because he did not love them, but because it was necessary for the royal House. If I were to be found in any crime, you would send me away; what difficulty need you have in the case of any other You?"]

Par. 4. The Zhuan says :——'Houzi of Qin had been a favourite with [his father, duke] Huan, and was like another ruler by the side of [his brother, duke] Jing. Their mother said to him, "If you do not go away, I am afraid you will be found fault with." On Guimao, therefore, Qian went to Jin, with his chariots amounting to a thousand. The words of the text, "Qian, younger brother of the carl of Qin fled from that State to Jin," are condemnatory of the earl.

'Houzi gave an entertainment to the marquis of Jin, when he made a bridge of boats over the He. His chariots were placed at stages, 10 li distant from one another, [all the way] from Yong to Jiang, returning [to Qin] to fetch the offerings for the different pledgings [at the entertainment], thereby completing the business in eight journeys back to it.

'The marshal Hou asked him whether those were all his chariots, and if he had no more, to which he replied, "These may be pronounced many; if they had been fewer, how should I have got to see you?" Ru Shuqi (The marshal) told this to the marquis, and added, "The prince of Qin is sure to return to that State. I have heard that when a superior man is able to know his errors, he is sure to take good measures in regard to them; and good measures receive the assistance of Heaven."

'Houzi visited Zhaomeng, who asked him when he would return [to Qin], and he replied, "I was afraid of being found fault with by my ruler, and therefore I am here. I will wait for the accession of his successor." The other then asked him about the character of the ruler of Qin, and he replied that he was without principle. "So that [the State] will perish?" asked Zhaomeng. "How should that be?" replied he. "For one rule without principle a State will not come to an end. The State stands related to Heaven and Earth;—they stand together. Unless licentiousness has prevailed for several incumbencies, it will not come to ruin." Zhaomeng said, "Does Heaven [act in the matter]?" "Yes." "And for how long?" "I have heard," was the reply, "that when [a ruler] is without principle, and yet the yearly harvest is good, Heaven is assisting him; it is seldom it does not do so for 5 years." Zhaomeng, observing the shadows, said, "The morning may not extend to the evening, nor the evening to the morning. Who can wait for five years?" When Houzi went out [from the interview], he said to his friends, "Zhaomeng will [soon] die. When the president of the people trifles about years, and desires [length of] days, he cannot endure long."

The Kangxi editors say that the three Zhuan agree in regarding the words of the text as condemnatory of the earl of Qin, because he had not done his duty in the training of his younger brother; but they also quote the criticism of Jia Xuanweng (家鉉翁; end of Song dyn.), who finds a condemnation of Qian in it as well;—and of this view they approve. But both the views are imported into the text, we may believe. Certainly the latter is. A more serious difficulty presents itself to my mind in connexion with the text. Admitting the narrative in the Zhuan, though parts in it are not easy to believe or understand, the going of Qian to Jin was of a very different character from all the departures from one State and flights to another which we have yet met with. A faithful and accurate chronicler would have varied his language to mark that difference.

[We have appended here:——'Because of the troubles connected with the affair of You Chu in Zheng, in the 6th month, the earl and his great officers made a covenant in the house of Gongsun Duan. Han Hu, Gongsun Qiao, Gongsun Duan, Yin Duan, You Ji, and Si Dai, privately covenanted together outside the Gui gate, which was in fact [the covenant of] Xunsui. Gongsun Hei violently insisted on taking part in the covenant, and made the grand historiographer write his name, and enter the phrase—the seven officers." Zichan did not attempt to punish him.']

Par. 6. For 大鹵 Gong and Gu have 大原; and Gu observes that the place or tract was called by the former name among the Di, and by the latter among the States of the kingdom. The name of Taiyuan remains in the dis. and dep. so called, in Shanxi.

The Zhuan says:——'Zhonghang Muzi defeated the Wuzhong and other tribes of the Di in Taiyuan, through collecting the men attached to the chariots and making them foot-soldiers. When they were about to fight, Wei Shu said, "They are all footmen, while our force consists of chariots. We must meet them, moreover, in a narrow pass. Let us substitute ten men for each chariot, and we shall overcome them. Even though straitened in the pass, we shall do so. Let us all turn ourselves into footmen. I will begin." Accordingly, he put aside his chariots, and formed the men into ranks, five chariots furnishing three ranks of five men each. A favourite officer of Xun Wu (The Zhonghang Muzi) was not willing to take his place among the soldiers, and Shu beheaded him, and made the execution known through the army. Five dispositions were then made at a distance from one another:—liang, in front; wu, behind; zhuan. on the right horn; can, on the left; and pian, in the van. This was done to deceive the Di, who laughed at the arrangement. [The troops of Jin] then fell on the enemy before they could form in order, and inflicted on them a great defeat.'

Parr. 7, 8. See on IX. xxxi. 7. The Zhuan here says:——'When Zhanyu succeeded to the rule of Ju, he deprived all the sons of previous rulers of their offices. In consequence of this, they called Quji from Qi; and in autumn, the Gongzi Chu of Qi instated him in Ju, while Zhanyu fled to Wu.' Gong and Gu leave out the 輿 after 展.

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong led a force, and laid out the boundaries of the lands of Yun;—taking advantage of the disorder in Ju. At this time, Wu Lou, Mao Hu, and the Gongzi Mieming, fled to Qi, offering to that State the cities of Damang and Changyimi. The superior man will say that Zhan's not maintaining himself in Ju was owing to his throwing men from him. Can men be thrown away? The ode (Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode IV.) says,

"Nothing gives strength more than [the use of right] men."

The sentiment is good."

Par. 10. This is the first time that we meet, in the Chunqiu, with the burial of a prince of Zhu; and the same thing is recorded also, for the 1st time under duke Zhao, in reference to rulers of Teng, Xue, and Qin. The entries mark the decay of Lu, now seeking by such an attention to ingratiate itself with small States like Zhu, Teng, and Xue, and with a distant State like Qin.

[We have here the two following narratives :—

1st. 'The marquis of Jin being ill, the earl of Zheng sent Gongsun Qiao to Jin on a complimentary visit, and to inquire about the marquis's illness. Shuxiang then asked Qiao, saying, "The diviners say that our ruler's illness is inflicted on him by [the Spirits] Shichen and Taitai, but the historiographers do not know who these are. I venture to ask you." Zichan said, "Anciently, [the emperor Gaoxin had two sons, of whom the elder was called Ebo, and the younger Shichen. They dwelt in Kuanglin, but could not agree, and daily carried their shields and spears against each other. The sovereign emperor (Yao) did not approve of this, and removed Ebo to Shangqiu, to preside over the star Tahuo (See the Zhuan on IX. ix. 1). The ancestors of Shang followed him [in Shangqiu], and hence Tahuo is the star of Shang. [Yao also] removed Shichen to Daxia, to preside over the star Shen (? in Orion]. The descendants of Tang (Yao) followed him, and in Daxia served the dynasties of Xia and Shang. The prince at the end of their line was Tang Shuyu. When Yi Jiang, the wife of king Wu, was pregnant with Taishu, she dreamt that God said to her, "I have named your son Yu, and will give Tang to him,—Tang which belongs to the star Sin, where I will multiply his descendants." When the child was born, there appeared on his hand the character Yu [by which he was named accordingly]. And when king Cheng extinguished [the old House of] Tang, he invested Taishu with the principality; and hence Shen is the star of Jin. From this we may perceive that Shichen is the Spirit of Shen.

'"[Again], anciently, among the descendants of the emperor Jintian was Mei, chief of the officers of the waters, who had two sons, Yun'ge and Taitai. Taitai inherited his father's office, cleared the channels of the Fen and Tao, and embanked the great marsh, so as to make the great plain habitable. The emperor (Zhuanxu) commended his labours, and invested him with the principality of Fenchuan. [The States of] Shen, Si, Ru, and Huang maintained sacrifices to him. But now Jin, when it took on itself the sacrifices to the Fen, extinguished them. From this we may perceive that Taitai is the Spirit of the Fen.

'"But these two Spirits cannot affect your ruler's person. The Spirits of the hills and streams are sacrificed to in times of flood, drought, and pestilence. The Spirits of the sun, moon, and stars are sacrificed to on the unseasonable occurrence of snow, hoarfrost, wind, or rain. Your ruler's person must be suffering from something connected with his movements out of the palace and in it, his meat and drink, his griefs and pleasures; what can these Spirits of the mountains and stars have to do with it?

'"I have heard that the superior man [divides the day] into 4 periods:—the morning, to hear the affairs of the government; noon, to make full inquiries about them; the evening, to consider well and complete the orders [he has resolved to issue]; and the night, for rest. By this arrangement [of his time], he attempers and dissipates the humours [of the body], so that they are not allowed to get shut up, stopped, and congested, so as to injure and reduce it. Should that take place, his mind loses its intelligence, and all his measures are pursued in a dark and confused way. But has not [your ruler] been making these four different periods of his time into one? This may have produced the illness.

'"I have heard again that the ladies of the harem should not be of the same surname as the master of it. If they be, their offspring will not thrive. When their first admiration for each other [as relatives] is exhausted, they occasion one another disease. On this account the superior man hates such unions, and one of our Books says, 'In buying a concubine, if you do not know her surname, consult the tortoise-shell for it.' The ancients gave careful attention to the two points which I have mentioned. That husband and wife should be of different surnames is one of the greatest points of propriety; but now your ruler has in his harem four Jis:—may it not be from this [that his illness has arisen]? If it have come from the two things [I have mentioned], nothing can be done for it. If he had seldom to do with the four Jis, he might get along; if that be not the case, disease was the necessary result."

'Shuxiang said, "Good. I had not heard of this. But both the things are so." When he went out, the internuncius Hui escorted him. and Shuxiang asked him about the affairs of Zheng, and especially about Zixi. "He will not remain long," was the reply. "Unobservant of propriety, and fond of insulting others; trusting in his riches and despising his superiors,—he cannot continue long."

'When the marquis heard of what Zichan had said, he remarked that he was a superior man of vast information, and gave him large gifts.'

2d. 'The marquis of Jin asked the help of a physician from Qin, and the earl sent one He to see him, who said, "The disease cannot be cured,—according to the saying that when women are approached, the chamber disease becomes like insanity. It is not caused by Spirits nor by food; it is that delusion which has destroyed the mind. Your good minister will [also] die; it is not the will of Heaven to preserve him." The marquis said, "May women [then] not be approached?" The physician replied, "Intercourse with them must be regulated. The ancient kings indicated by their music how all other things should be regulated. Hence there are the five regular intervals. Or slow or quick, from beginning to end, they blend in one another. Each note rests in the exact intermediate place; and when the five are thus determined, no further exercise on the instruments is permitted. Thus the superior man does not listen to music where the hands work on with licentious notes, pleasing the ears but injurious to the mind. where the rules of equable harmony are forgotten. So it is with all things. When they come to this, they should stop; if they do not do so, it produces disease. The superior man repairs to his lutes, to illustrate his observance of rules, and not to delight his mind [merely].

'[In the same way] there are six heavenly influences, which descend and produce the five tastes, go forth in the five colours, and are verified in the five notes; but when they are in excess, they produce the six diseases. Those 6 influences are denominated the yin, the yang, wind, rain, obscurity, and brightness. In their separation, they form the four seasons; in their order, they form the five [elementary] terms. When any of them is in excess, there ensues calamity. An excess of the yin leads to diseases of cold; of the yang, to diseases of heat; of wind, to diseases of the extremities; of rain, to diseases of the belly; of obscurity, to diseases of delusion; of brightness, to diseases of the mind. [The desire of] woman is to the yang, and [she is used in the] season of obscurity. If this be done to excess, disease is produced of internal heat and utter delusion. Was it possible for your lordship, paying no regard to moderation or to time, not to come to this?"

'When [the physician] went out, he told what he had said to Zhaomeng, who asked who was intended by "the good minister." "You," was the reply. "You have been chief minister of Jin now for 8 years. There has been no disorder in the State itself, and the other States have not failed [in their duty to it]; that epithet of 'good' may be applied to you. But I have heard that when the great minister of a State enjoys the glory of his dignity and emoluments, and sustains the burden of his great employments, if calamity and evil arise, and he do not alter his ways [to meet them], then he must receive the blame and the consequences. Here is your ruler, who has brought disease on himself by his excesses, so that he will [soon] be unable to consult at all for [the good of] the altars. What calamity could be greater? And yet you were unable to ward it off. It was on this account that I said what I did."

'Zhaomeng [further] asked what he meant by "insanity;" and [the physician] replied, "I mean that which is produced by the delusion and disorder of excessive sensual indulgence. Look at the character;—it is formed by the characters for a vessel and for insects (蠱=皿 and 蟲). It is used also of grain which [moulders and] flies away. In the Zhou yi, [the symbols of] a woman deluding a young man, [of] wind throwing down [the trees of] a mountain, go by the same name (蠱; ☶ under ☴):—all these point to the same signification." Zhaomeng pronounced him a good physician, gave him large gifts, and sent him back [to Qin].']

Par. 11. For 麇 Gong and Gu have 卷. See the account of Jun's accession in the Zhuan after IX. xxix. 2.

The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Wei of Chu sent the Gongzi Heigong and Bo Zhouli to wall Chou, Li, and Jia; which frightened the people of Zheng, but Zichan said, "It will not harm [us]. The chief minister is about to make the grand coup, and will first take off those two. The evil will not reach Zheng; there is no occasion for our being troubled." In winter, Wei was proceeding on a complimentary visit to Zheng, with Wu Ju as his subordinate in the mission, when he heard, before they had crossed the borders [of the State], that the king was ill. On this he returned [to the capital], leaving Wu Ju to proceed to Zheng. On the 11th month, on Jiyou, he entered [as if] to inquire about the king's illness, and strangled him. He then proceeded to put to death the king's two sons, Mo and Pingxia. Zigan, director of the Right, fled to Jin; and Zixi, director of the royal stables, fled to Zheng. [Wei] put to death the grand-administrator, Bo Zhouli, in Jia; and there he buried the king, whom he called in consequence Jia'ao. He sent an announcement [of the king's death] to Zheng, and Wu Ju asked what was said about who ought to be the successor. "Our great officer, Wei," was the reply, which Wu Ju changed into "King Gong's Wei is the first [in the line]."?

'When Zigan fled to Jin, he had 5 chariots with him. Shuxiang caused him to receive the same allowance as the prince of Qin,—enough to each to support 100 men, on which Zhao Wenzi observed that the prince of Qin was rich. Shuxiang replied, "Allowances are made according to the virtue [of the parties]; where their virtue is equal, according to their years; where their years are equal, according to their rank; to the sons of rulers of States, according to the State. I have not heard that they are to be regulated by a consideration of their wealth. Moreover, that [the prince of Qin] left his State with 1000 charists shows how strong and powerful he was. And the ode (Shi, III. iii. ode VI. 5) says,

'He does not insult the wifeless or the widow'
He does not fear the strong or the powerful.,

Qin and Chu are peers." In accordance with this, Houzi and Zigan were made to take place according to their years. The former declined, saying, "I was afraid of being found fault with, and the prince of Chu could find no safety [in his State]. We are therefore both here, and it is for you to assign us our places according to your pleasure. And does it not seem improper that I should be made equal to him who is a stranger? The historiographer Yi said, 'To whom will you show respect if not to a stranger?'"

'When king Ling of Chu came to the rule of that State, Wei Pi was made chief minister, and Wei Qiqiang grand-administrator. You Ji of Zheng went to Chu to the funeral of Jia'ao, and on a complimentary visit to the new ruler. On his return, he said to Zichan, "Make all your preparations for travelling. The extravagance of the king of Chu is excessive, and he is delighted with his position. He is sure to call the States together. We shall be going there in no time." Zichan replied, "He cannot do that till some years have elapsed."

Par. 12. The Gongzi Bi here is the Zigan mentioned in the Zhuan on the prec. par. Zhan Ruoshui (湛若水; Ming dyn.) says that this entry makes it clear that the death of the king of Chu, was a deed of atrocious wickedness. But the criticism is a very lame attempt to excuse the silence of the classic in reference to the true nature of that event.

[There is appended here:——'In the 12th month, when [the marquis of] Jin had offered the winter sacrifice, Zhaomeng went to Nanyang, to be present [at the sacrifice to] Meng Ziyu (probably Zhao Cui). On Jiachen, the 1st day of the moon, he offered the winter sacrifice in Wen; and on Gengxu he died. The earl of Zheng was going to Jin to offer his condolences [on this event]; but when he had got to Yong, he returned.']

II. Second year.

1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the marquis of Jin sent Han Qi to Lu on a complimentary visit.

2. In summer, Shu Gong went to Jin.

3. In autumn, Zheng put to death its great officer, the Gongsun Hei.

4. In winter, the duke was going to Jin, but when he got to the He, he returned; and Jisun Su went to Jin.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Han Qi was a son of Han Jue or Han Xianzi (韓厥,韓獻子), who retired from public life in the 7th year of duke Xiang and a younger brother of Han Wuji (韓無忌), known as Gongzu Muzi (公族穆子). He is frequently mentioned as Han Xuanzi (韓宜子), and, on the death of Zhao Wu in the end of last year, had succeeded to him as the principal minister of Jin.

The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin sent Han Xuanzi on this complimentary visit (With reference to duke Zhao's accession), and he came also to inform Lu that the administration of Jin was now in his hands;—which was acc. to rule. When he looked at the [various] documents in the charge of the grand historiographer and the Chunqiu of Lu, he said, "The institutes of Zhou are all in Lu. Now, indeed, I know the virtue of the duke of Zhou, and how it was that [the House of] Zhou attained to the royal dignity." The duke gave him an entertainment, at which Ji Wuzi sang the last stanza of the Mian (Shi, III. i. ode III.), and Hanzi sang the Jiao gong (Shi, II. vii. ode IX.). [When Hanzi had done], Ji Wuzi bowed to him saying, "I venture to make my acknowledgments for the kind feeling you express to our poor State. Our ruler may [now] have hope;" and he went on to sing the last stanza of the Jie (Shi, II. iv. ode VII.).

'When the entertainment was over, [Hanzi] went to a feast at Ji's, and praised a beautiful tree [in the garden]. Wuzi said, "Shall I not encourage the growth of this tree, so as not to forget the Jiao gong?" And he sang the Gantang (Shi, I. ii. ode V.), on which the other said, "I am not worthy of this. It is impossible for me to attain to be like the duke of Shao."

'[From Lu] Xuanzi went on to Qi, and presented the marriage-offerings [of the marquis]. Visiting there Ziya (the Gongsun Zao), [that prince] called [his son] Ziqi and introduced him, when Xuanzi said, "He is not one who will preserve his family. He has not the air of a subject." Visiting Ziwei (the Gongsun Chai), [that prince] introduced [his son] Qiang to him, of whom he said, "He is like Ziqi." Many of the great officers laughed at these remarks, but Yanzi believed them, and said, "He is a superior man. A superior man is to be believed; he has means of knowing what he says."

'From Qi [Xuanzi] went on a complimentary visit to Wey, the marquis of which gave him an entertainment. Beigong Wenzi sang the Qi yu (Shi, I. v. ode. I.), and Xuanzi the Mu gua (I. v. ode X.)'

Zuoshi says above that this visit of Han Qi was 'according to rule.' But he is in error. There is no other instance in the classic of the chief minister of the leading State going on a complimentary mission. It was below his dignity to do so. Han Qi probably took the step, thinking thereby to gratify the States and confirm their attachment to the failing fortunes of Jin.

It is mentioned in the narrative that Qi presented the marriage offerings in Qi, the marquis of Jin, heedless of the warnings of Zichan and the physician of Qin, having now arranged to give a new mistress to his harem in the person of a lady of Qi. 'The sequel is appended:——'In summer, in the 4th month, Han Xu (Son of Qi) went to Qi to meet the [marquis's] bride. Chen Wuyu escorted her—the young Jiang—to Jin, and was to be there till the completion of the marriage. She obtained favour with the marquis, who called her the young Qi. Thinking, however, on the circumstance that Wuyu was not of the rank of minister, he seized him in Zhongdu, but the young Jiang pleaded for him saying, "The escort was chosen according to the rank of your officer who met me. [Qi] stood in awe of your great State, and thought that it also might make a change, and so the disorder arose."

Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong [now] went to Jin, to return the visit of Xuanzi. The marquis sent to comfort and refresh him after the toils of his journey in the suburbs, but he declined the honour, saying, "When my ruler sent me to continue the old friendship [between our States], he gave me a strict charge that I should not presume to take the position of a guest. Let me communicate my message to your ministers, and the favour to our poor State will be great. I dare not trouble a messenger to come to the suburbs. Let me decline the honour." When a reception-house was assigned to him, he declined it, saying, "My ruler commissioned me to come here to continue the old friendship [between our States]. If I can but establish the friendly uuion, that is my reward. I dare not accept this great reception-house." Shuxiang said, "Zishuzi knows the rules of propriety. I have heard that loyalty and good faith are vessels containing the [principle of] propriety, and that humility and submission are essential things in it. In declining [the honours offered to him], he is not forgetful of his State;—thus showing his loyalty and good faith. His State is the first consideration with him, and himself the last;—thus showing his humility and self-abasement. The ode (Shi, III. ii. ode IX. 3) says,

'Be reverently careful of your demearour, In order to approximate to the virtuous.' He is one who approximates to virtue."

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, the Gongsun Hei was about to raise an insurrection, desiring to remove the chief of the You clan, and to take his place [in the govt.]. His wound (See the 4th narrative after par. 3 of last year), however, broke out afresh, and he did not carry out his purpose. The Si and the other great officers wished to put him to death, and when Zichan, who was in the borders, heard of it, he was afraid he should be too late, and hurried by rapid stages to the capital. [Arrived there], he sent an officer to enumerate in the following away his offences to Hei:——"At the time of the insurrection of Boyou (IX.xxx.7), being occupied with the business of the great State, we did not punish you; but your insubordinate disposition is insatiable, and the State cannot endure you. Your taking it on yourself to attack Boyou was one offence; your contention with your cousin about his wife (See the 4th nar. after par. 3 of last year) was a second; your acting as if you had been the ruler at the covenant of Xunsui (See the nar. after par. 4 of last year) was a third. With those three capital offences, how can the State endure you? If you do not quickly die [by your own hand], the great punishment will come upon you." Hei bowed twice with his head to the ground, and replied, "Death may occur any morning or evening; but do not you aid [the act of] Heaven by cruelty." Zichan said, "Who of men is exempted from death? but that bad men should not die a natural death, is the appoiutment. He who does bad villainous things is a villain. If we do not aid Heaven, shall we aid him?" Hei then begged that [his son] Yin might be made superintendent of the market, and Zichan replied, "If Yin have ability, the ruler will give him office; if he have not, he will [at any time] follow you, morning or evening. You have no consideration of your offences; how do you continue making such requests? If you do not quickly die, the minister of Crime will visit you."

'In the 7th month, on Renyin, Hei strangled himself, and his body was exposd in the street of Zhoushi, with [an inscription on] a board by it.'

Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'The young Jiang, [married to the marquis] of Jin, having died, the duke was proceeding to Jin; but when he had gone to the He, the marquis sent Shi Wenbo to meet him, and decline his visit, saying, "She was not my equal wife. I beg you will not condescend to come further." On this the duke returned, and Jisun Su proceeded to Jin to present the grave-clothes [for the deceased.]

'Shuxiang spoke to the marquis about Chen Wuyu, saying, "Of what offence was he guilty? You sent [a great officer of] a ducal clan to meet your bride, and [Qi] sent a great officer of the highest rank to escort her; and if you still say that was not respectful, you desire what was excessive. It was our State which was not respectful, and in seizing the messenger [of Qi], you are punishing him unjustly:——how can you thus be the lord of covenants? The young Jiang moreover, explained and interceded for him." In winter, in the 10th month, Chen Wuyu returned [to Qi]. In the 11th month, Yin Duan of Zheng went to Jin, to present the condolences of that State.

Evidently duke Zhao was going to Jin at this time, contrary to precedent and rule, demeaning himself to curry favour with the marquis; and he returned on receiving the rebuke. Gongyang and the glossarist of Guliang strangely imagine that he returned because he was afraid that Jin had an intention to seize him, and hold him a prisoner.

III. Third year.

1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Dingwei, Yuan, viscount of Teng, died.

2. In summer, Shu Gong went to Teng.

3. In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Cheng of Teng.

4. In autumn, the viscount of Little Zhu came to the court [of Lu].

5. In the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.

6. In winter there was a great fall of hail.

7. Kuan, earl of North Yan, fled from his State to Qi.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative, which comes in before the death of the viscount of Teng:——'In the 1st month of this year, You Ji of Zheng went to Jin, to attend the funeral of the young Jiang, and was visited by Liang Bing and Zhang Ti. The former said to him, "It is [too much] that you should have come here on this account." Zitaishu (You Ji) replied, "Could I have stopped away? Formerly, under the presidency of Wen and Xiang, they made it their object not to trouble the States [too much], ordering the princes once in three years to send a complimentary visit, once in five years to appear in person at their court, to meet when there was business [to be done], and to covenant when there were cases of discordant [States to be dealt with]. When a ruler died, a great officer [was sent] to present condolences, and a minister to assist at the burial. When a ruler's wife died, a [simple] officer presented condolences, and a great officer attended the funeral. These rules were sufficient to illustrate the ceremonial observances, for orders as to what business was to be done, and to take measures in reference to the shortcomings [of States]. Nothing more was required; no extraordinary commands were given. But now, on the death of [this] favourite lady, we must not presume to regulate our services by her rank, but they must be the same as are due to a wife, the keeper [of the harem]. We are only afraid of being found offenders, and dare not shrink from any trouble. But as this young Jiang found favour, and has died [thus soon], Qi is sure to propose a successor to her; and then on that occasion I shall come again to offer our congratulations, and shall not have had this journey only." Zhang Ti said, "Good! I have heard your statement; but after this you will have nothing to do. This case may be illustrated by [the star] huo, according to the culmination of which the cold or the heat retires. Now the case has come to an extreme; —must there not be a recession? Jin will lose the States. Though it seek to trouble them, it will not be able to do so." On this the two great officers withdrew; and Zitaishu said to his people, "Zhang Ti is wise, but his place is notwithstanding, I apprehend, in the rear of superior men."]

Zuoshi says, 'The viscount of Teng had been associated in covenants (with the duke [Xiang] of Lu), and therefore the text gives his name.'

[Zuoshi introduces here the following long narrative:—1st. 'The marquis of Qi sent Yan Ying to Jin with the following speech, begging to be allowed to supply a successor in the harem [to the young Jiang]:——"My ruler has sent me to say, 'I wish to serve your lordship, morning and evening without tiring, and would bring my presents and offerings so as never to lose a season; but there have been many difficulties in my State, so that I have not been able [to come myself]. The poor daughter of my father [was sent] to complete the offices in your harem, and shed a blaze [of glory] upon my hopes; but she was unfortunate and died an early death, to the disappointment of my hope. If your lordship, not forgetful of the friendship between our former rulers, will kindly regard the State of Qi, and condescend to accept me so that I may seek the blessing of the Great duke and duke Ding, sending brightness down upon my State, protecting and comforting its altars, then there are still so many of the daughters of my father by his proper wife, and of his sisters who remain. If your lordship, not casting off my poor State, will send some one to judge and select among them those who may complete the ladies of your bed-chamber, this will satisfy my hope."

'Han Xuanzi made Shuxiang return a reply, saying, "It is the desire of our ruler. He is not able to discharge alone the duties to his altars; but being now in mourning, he has not ventured to prefer a request [for a successor to the young Jiang]. No kindness could be greater than the message which your lordship has condescended to send. If you will kindly regard our poor State, and comfort Jin by giving a mistress to its harem, not our ruler only, but all his ministers as well, will receive the benefit of your gift. Yea, from Tangshu downwards, [our former rulers] will feel the favour and admire it."

'When the marriage was settled, Yanzi received the courtesy [of an entertainment], from which Shuxiang followed him to the feast. When they conversed together, Shuxiang asked about the state of affairs in Qi, and Yanzi replied, "This is its last age. I know nothing but this,—that Qi will become the possession of the Chen family. The duke is throwing away his people, and they are turning to the Chen. Qi from of old has had four measures, the dou, the ou, the fu, and the zhong. Four sheng make a dou, and up to the fu, each measure is four times the preceding; and then ten fu make a zhong. The Chen family makes each of the [first] three measures once again greater, so that the zhong is [very] large, lending according to their own measure, and receiving back again according to the public measure. The wood on their hills and that in the markets is charged the same price, so that it costs no more in the market than on the hill. Their fish, salt, and frogs cost the same [in the market as at the water]. The produce of the people's strength is divided into three parts, two of which are paid to the State, while only one is [left to them] for food and clothes. The [grain in the] ducal stores rots and is eaten by insects, while the three [classes of the] old are cold and starving. In all the markets of the State, [ordinary] shoes are cheap, while those for criminals whose toes have been cut off are dear. The common people and others groan bitterly [for all this], and there is one who shows an ardent sympathy for them. He loves them as a parent, and they go to him as a flowing stream. Though he wished not to win them to himself, how shall he escape doing so? There were Jibo, Zhibing, Yusui, and Pihhe, whose help was given to duke Hu and Taiji, and [now, in their spiritual influence,] they are [all] in Qi."

'Shuxiang said, "Yes; and even with our ducal House, this also is the last age. The war-horses are not yoked; the ministers never take the field. There are no men over the duke's chariots, no [proper] officers over the soldiers. The multitudes of the people are weary and worn, while the duke's mansions are multiplied and most costly. The people [feel], when they hear the duke's commands, as if they must escape from robbers and enemies. The Luan, the Xi, the Xu, the Yuan, the Hu, the Xu, the Qing, and the Bo, are reduced to the position of menials. The government is ordered by the Heads of the clans. The people have none on whom to rely. The ruler goes on from day to day without stop, burying all sorrow in pleasure. No future day need be waited for the humiliation of the ducal House. The inscription on the tripod of Chan says, 'You may get up early in the morning and become greatly distinguished, but in future generations [your descendants] will still become idle.' Much more may we say that he who holds on [an evil course] from day to day without stopping cannot continue long." Yanzi then asked him what would become of himself, and Shuxiang replied, "The ducal clans of Jin are at an end. I have heard that when the ducal House is about to be brought low, its clan-branches first fall to the ground, and that then the duke follows them. Of the same ducal ancestry with me were eleven clans, and only the Yangshe remains. I moreover have no son. In the lawless course of the ducal House, I shall be fortunate if I die a natural death, for I shall have none to sacrifice to me."

'Before this, duke Jing had wished to change the residence of Yanzi, saying. "Your house is near the market, low, small, noisy, and dusty. You should not live in it. Let me change it for you for one bright and lofty." The officer, however, declined the offer, saying, "Your lordship's former minister, [my father], could bear it. I am not fit to be his successor; [the change which you propose] would be extravagance in me. And besides, a small man like me, living near the market, can get what I desire morning and evening, which is a benefit." I dare not trouble the people of the neighbourhood. The duke laughed and asked him whether, through his nearness to the market, he knew what things were cheap and what dear. "Since it is to my advantage to do so," was the reply, "should I dare not to know that?" "What things then are cheap, and what dear?" pursued the marquis. Now duke Jing punished so many that there were people who sold shoes for those whose toes had been cut off. Yanzi therefore answered, "Shoes for people whose toes have been cut off are dear, and [other] shoes are cheap." As he had told this to his ruler, he mentioned it in his conversation with Shuxiang.

'In consequence of this remark, duke Jing more rarely inflicted punishments. The superior man may say, "How widely extends the benefit of a benevolent man's words! By one word of Yanzi the marquis of Qi was led to reduce the number of his punishments;—an illustration of the words of the ode (Shi, II. v. ode IV. 2),

'If he were to rejoice [in the words of the wise],
The disorder perhaps would disappear."

'When Yanzi [on this occasion] went to Jin, the duke changed his house into a new one, so that it was completed on his return. After he had made his acknowledgments, however, [for the kindness], he pulled the house down, rebuilt the dwellings in the neighbourhood as they had been before, and sent to the old residents to return to them. [When they declined to do so], he said, "There is the common saying, 'It is not about the house that the tortoise-shell is consulted, but about the neighbours.' My friends, the tortoise-shell was formerly consulted about this neighbourhood. To go against the divination is inauspicious; and that the superior man do not violate the rules of propriety, while smaller men do not incur the risk of what is inauspicious, is an old regulation;—shall I dare to disobey it?" In the end, he brought them back to their old houses. The duke refused his sanction, but he granted it, when Yanzi got Chen Huanzi to intercede with him.'

2d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, the earl of Zheng went to Jin, when Gongsun Duan was in attendance on him, and behaved so very respectfully and humbly, violating in nothing the proper rules, that the marquis commended him, and gave him a tablet [of investiture], saying, "Zifeng (Duan's father) did hard service for the State of Jin. I have heard of it, and do not forget it, and [now] bestow on you the lands of Zhou, as a recompense for the old services of your [father]." Boshi bowed twice, with his head to the ground, received the tablet, and went out. The superior man will say on this, "How important to a man are the rules of propriety! Here was an extravagant man like Boshi, and to his once observing those rules in Jin he was indebted for dignity and wealth in that State. Here surely was an illustration of what the ode (Shi, I. iv. Ode VIII. 3), says,

'If a man be not observant of propriety,
Why does he not quickly die?"

'Before this the district of Zhou had belonged to Luan Bao; and on the ruin of the Luan family, Fan Xuanzi, Zhao Wenzi, and Han Xuanzi, all wished to have it. Wenzi said, "All Wen (Zhou had once been part of it) belongs to me." The two Xuanzi said, "Since the time of Xi Cheng, [Zhou] has been handed down, separate [from Wen], in three families. There are other districts in Jin, separated [in this way], and not Zhou only;—who can get the right to take the rule of them?" Wenzi was vexed by this, but gave Zhou up. The other two ministers said, "We ought not, having given a correct decision [in reference to his claim] to take it to ourselves;" and so they all gave it up. When the administration [of Jin] came into the hands of Wenzi, Zhao Huo advised him to take Zhou, but he said to him, "Begone! The words of those two were righteous, and to oppose righteousness is the way to misery. I cannot rule properly my own district; of what use would Zhou be to me? I should only thereby occasion misery to myself."

'The superior man may say on this, "His case is hard who does not know [whence misery will arise]. When one knows this and does not act accordingly, nothing can exceed the misery. There was a saying that [the possessor of] Zhou was sure to die."

'Fengshi (Gongsun Duan), according to his wont, was a guest with Hanshi. His getting Zhou was upon the request of Han Xuanzi in his behalf, to be the ground of his taking it [himself] again.'

Par. 2. The viscount of Teng had come to Lu to the funeral of duke Xiang, and Lu now returns the compliment by sending a minister to attend his funeral. The one proceeding and the other were contrary to rule and precedent. The Zhuan says:——'In the 5th month, Shu Gong went to Teng, to the burial of duke Cheng, Zifu Jiao being the assistant commissioner. When they got to the suburbs, it happened to be the anniversary of the death of Yibo (Jiao's uncle), and Jingzi (Shu Gong) proposed not to enter the city. Huibo (Jiao), however, said, "We are on public business. Where there is a public benefit, there should be no recognition of one's private death-days." With this he preceded the other, and received the reception-house [assigned to them], Jingzi coming after him." See a somewhat different account of this matter in the Li ji, II. ii. Bk. II. 26.

[We have two narratives appended here:—

1st. 'Han Qi of Jin went to Qi, to meet the [marquis's] bride, when Gongsun Chai, because of the favour which the young Jiang had found, substituted a daughter of his own for the duke's, whom he gave in marriage [to another husband]. Some people told Han Qi of the deceit put upon Jin by Ziwei, and said that he should not accept the lady; but that minister replied, "I want to get [the adherence of] Qi; and if I keep the favourite [minister] away from us [in that way], will the favourite come to us?"

2d. 'In autumn, in the 7th month, Han Hu of Zheng went to Jin, to offer congratulations on the marquis's marriage. At the same time he made the following announcement;—-"The people of Chu are daily summoning our State, because we have not been to the court of their new king. If we go to Chu, we are afraid of your ministers, lest they say that our ruler has done so because his heart is indeed set on that other alliance; while, if we do not go, there is the covenant of Song. Whether we advance or retreat, we may be held offenders; and my ruler has instructed me to lay the case before you." Xuanzi made Shuxiang reply, "If your ruler condescends to be true to ours, his being in Chu will do no harm;—it will be but observing the covenant of Song. If he thinks of that covenant, our ruler knows that he will escape any charge of doing wrong [in regard to it]. If your ruler is not true [in heart] to ours, although he were to condescend morning and evening to come to our poor State, our ruler would be suspicious of him. If he be indeed true in heart, there was no necessity for the trouble of this message. Let your ruler go to Chu. If he be true to ours, his being in Chu is the same as if he were in Jin."

'[At this time], Zhang Ti sent a messenger [to Zheng], to say to Taishu, "After you went back [to Zheng], I removed the dirt from the poor cottage of my father, saying to myself that you would be coming [again]; now it is Zipi who has come, and I am disappointed." Taishu replied, "My rank was too mean to get to come [on this occasion]. We were in awe of your great State, and [wanted] to honour the [new] wife; and moreover you said that I should have nothing [more] to do. It has nearly proved so with me."]

Par. 4. This was duke Mu (穆公) of Little Zhu, who appeared now at the court of Lu, to congratulate duke Zhao on his accession. The Zhuan says:——'Ji Wuzi proposed to give the viscount a very slender reception; but Mushu said, "No. Since Cao, Teng, and the two Zhus, do not forget their old friendship with us, we should meet them with respect, and even more, fearful of their being alienated from us. And moreover, if we receive in a humbling way one of those friendly States, we shall provoke the others, our friends, [to fall away]. We should show greater respect than in any former time. It is said in a Book, 'No calamities befal the respectful;' and also, 'They who meet the comer respectfully receive blessing from Heaven." Jisun followed this advice.'

Par. 5. Zuoshi says that there was now 'a drought.' Of the 21 instances of this sacrifice for rain, which are mentioned in the classic, 7 occur during the time of duke Zhao, and Zuo leaves only the one in the 8th year unnoted as a time of 'drought.'

[We have a narrative appended with reference to the fortunes of Lupu Pie whose banishment to the northern borders of Qi is mentioned in the 2d narrative appended to the Zhuan on IX. xxviii. 6:——'The marquis of Qi was hunting in Ju, when Lupu Pie sought an introduction to him, and begged with tears [that he might be permitted to return], saying, "With my hair so short and thin, what can I [now] do?" The marquis replied, as if assenting, that he would inform the two ministers of it. He did tell them accordingly on his return, and Ziwei was willing that Pie should be allowed to come back, but Ziya objected, saying, "His hair may be short, but his heart is very long. Perhaps he will [still] make our [skins] his beds (See the Zhuan on IX. xxviii. 6)." In the 9th month, Ziya drove Lupu Pie to North Yan.']

Par. 6. Here and in par. 1. of next year, the (雨) is the verb. The hail, we must understand, was very large; and we must also remember that though it was now the winter of Zhou, that embraced two months of autumn.

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Duke Jian of Yan had many favourites, and wanted to make away with all the great officers, and appoint his favourites in their room. The great officers united [in consequence], and killed those favourites who were of other surnames than their own. The duke was frightened, and fled to Qi. The style of the text, that "The earl of Yan, Kuan, fled to Qi, is condemnatory of him." The Kangxi editors object to this judgment of Zuoshi on the words of the text, and expunge it from their edition of the Chunqiu. They will not have it supposed that the sage could, on any grounds, sanction a proceeding of rebellious opposition to a ruler.

[There are here two narratives:—

1st. 'In the tenth month the earl of Zheng went to Chu, with Zichan in attendance on him. The viscount entertained him. and sang the Ji ri (Shi, II. iii. ode VI.) When the entertainment was over, Zichan proceeded to make the preparations for a hunt. The king then hunted along [the marsh of] Meng (See on the Shu, III i. Pt. i. 50), on the south of the Jiang, [having the earl] with him.'

2d. 'Gongsun Zao of Qi having died, Zao, minister of War, visited Yanzi, and said, "We have further lost Ziya." Yanzi replied, "Alas! [his son] Ziqi will not escape [an evil end]. It is a perilous time! The House of Jiang is weak, and that of Gui will begin to flourish. While the two [grandsons of duke Hui were strong and vigorous, they might make head, and now there is the weakness induced by the loss of this one. The [House of] Jiang is tottering to its fall!']

IV. Fourth year.

1. In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, there was a great fall of hail.

2. In summer, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of Cai and Chen, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the viscounts of Xu, Teng, Dun, Hu, Shen, and Little Zhu, Zuo, heir-son of Song, and [the chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Huai, had a meeting in Shen.

3. The people seized and held the viscount of Xu.

4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of Cai and Chen, the baron of Xu, the viscounts of Dun, He, and Shen, aud [the chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Huai, invaded Wu.

5. They seized Qing Feng of Qi, and put him to death.

6. They then went on to extinguish Lai.

7. In the ninth month, we took Zeng.

8. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yimao, Shusun Bao died.

COMMENTARY

Par, 1. Du says that there ought now to have fallen snow and not hail, and the fall of the hail is recorded as a calamity. Gao Kang connects the par. with the 6th of last year, and supposes that the hail had continued to fall all the winter. This would account reasonably for the notice of the phaenomenon.

The Zhuan says:—-'Ji Wuzi asked Shen Feng whether the hail could be stopped, and was answered, "When a sage is in the highest place, there is no hail; or if some should happen to fall, it does not amount to a calamity. Anciently, they stored up the ice, when the sun was in his northern path; and they brought it out when he was in his western, and [the Kui (奎) constellation] was seen [in the east] in the morning. At the storing of the ice, they took it from the low valleys of the deep hills, where the cold was most intense and as it were shut in; and when it was brought out, the dignitaries and place-men of the court, in their entertainment of guests, for their food, on occasions of death and of sacrifice, shared in the use of it. At the storing of it, a black bull and black millet were presented to the Ruler of cold; and when it was brought out, a bow of peach wood and arrows of thorn were employed to put away calamitous influences. For the delivery and the storing of it there were their seasons; and it was given to all who were entitled by their station to eat flesh. Great officers and their declared wives used it in their washings on occasions of death. It was deposited with a sacrifice to the [Ruler of] cold; the depositories were opened with the offering of a lamb. The duke first used it, and when the [star] Huo made its appearance, it was distributed. From the commissioned [great] officers and their wives, down to officers retired from age or illness, all received the ice. The commissioners of hills took it; the officers of districts sent it on; the cart-men received it; and the inferior servants stored it. Now it is the [cold] wind which makes the ice strong; and it was when the [warm] winds [prevailed], that it was brought forth. The depositories were made close; the use of it was very extensive. In consequence there was no heat out of course in the winter; no lurking cold in the summer; no biting winds in the spring; and no pitiless rains in the autumn. When thunder came, it was not with a shaking crash. There were no calamitous hoarfrosts and hail. Pestilences did not descend [on the land]. The people died no premature deaths.

'But now the ice of the streams and pools is what is stored up; [much also] is cast away and not used. The winds go abroad as they ought not to do and carry death with them; so does the thunder come with shaking crash. Who can put a stop to this plague of hail? The last stanza of the Qi yue (Shi, I. xv. ode I.) shows the method of storing ice."

[We have here a long narrative about a further step on the part of Chu towards wresting the presidency of the States from Jin:——'In the 1st month, the baron of Xu went to Chu, where the viscount detained him, going on also to detain the earl of Zheng, with whom he again hunted on the south of the Jiang, having the baron of Xu with them. [At the same time] he sent Jiao Ju to Jin, to ask from that Power the attendance of the States, the above two princes waiting in Chu for the answer. Jiao Ju delivered his message in the following terms:——"My ruler has sent me to say in his own words, 'Formerly your lordship's kindness granted the covenant of Song, by which it was agreed that the States which adhered to Jin and Chu respectively should appear at the courts of both. Because of the troubles occurring from year to year, I wish to knit more closely a good understanding with the princes, and have sent Ju to ask from you an opportunity to do so. If your lordship have no anxiety in regard to the States around you, I wish to borrow your favour to make a request of the various princes." The marquis of Jin wanted to give a refusal to this application, but the marshal Hou said to him, "Do not do so. The [course of the] king of Chu is extravagant. Heaven perhaps wishes, by gratifying his ambition, to increase the poison of his [mood], and send down punishment on him. That we cannot know, nor can we know whether it means to grant him a [peaceful] end. But Jin and Chu depend on the aid of Heaven for the superiority of the one over the other. Let us not quarrel with it, but let your lordship grant the [king's] request, and cultivate your virtue, while we wait and see to what he will turn. If he turn to virtue, even we will serve him, and how much more will the States do so! If he go on to licentiousness and oppression, Chu itself will abandon him, and we shall have no one to contend with."

'The marquis said, "Jin has three securities against peril, and needs not to fear an enemy. There are the mountainous passes of the State; its many horses; and the many troubles of Qi and Chu. With these three securities, we must be successful in every direction." The marshal replied, "Trust in mountains and in horses, and to calculate on the difficulties of neighbouring States, are three sources of peril. The four Yue, Santu, Yangcheng, Taishi, mount Jing, and Zhongnan, are the most difficult mountains of the 9 provinces, and they do not all belong to one surname. The northern region of Ji is most noted for its production of horses, but no [distinguished] State has there arisen. A trust in mountains and horses cannot be considered a sure one. So it has been from of old, and therefore the ancient kings made the cultivation of virtue their object, in order to affect both Spirits and men. I have not heard that they made it their object to have difficult mountains and horses. And [the result of] the difficulties of neighbouring States cannot be calculated on. They may have many difficulties, which will issue [only] in strengthening them and the enlargement of their boundaries; or they may have no difficulties, and the result will be their ruin, and their losing the boundaries of which they were in charge. How is it possible to foresee the [issue of such] difficulties? Qi had the troubles with Zhongsun (The Gongsun Wuzhi, who was marquis of Qi for a month; see the 9th year of duke Zhuang), and the result was that it got duke Huan, whose influence on it extends till now. Jin had the troubles of Li and Pi (Li Ke and Pi Zheng; see the 9th and other years of duke Xi), and the result was that it got duke Wen, through whom it became lord of covenants. Wey and Xing had no troubles [of the same kind], and yet their enemies brought them to ruin. The difficulties of others therefore cannot be calculated on. If you trust in the three things you have mentioned, and do not diligently attend to the duties of government and to virtue, we shall find that the danger of ruin leaves us no leisure for anything but to escape from it:—how can you speak of our being sure of success? Let your lordship grant the request [of Chu]. Zhou acted licentiously and oppressively, while king Wen behaved kindly and harmoniously, and the result was the fall of Yin and the rise of Zhou. How then should you quarrel about the States?"

'Accordingly, [it was resolved to] grant the request of Chu, and Shuxiang was appointed to give the following reply, "Our ruler, being occupied with the business of his altars, has not been able always to visit [your court] in spring and autumn. Your ruler in fact has the States; there was no necessity to take the trouble of your message." Jiao Ju then proceeded to beg a marriage with a daughter of Jin [on the part of his king], to which the marquis agreed.

'The viscount of Chu asked Zichan whether Jin would grant him the States. "It will," said that minister. "The ruler occupies himself only with small matters, and does not think about the States. His great officers have many desires of their own, and not one seeks to correct his ruler's [errors]. At the covenant of Song it said also that [Jin and Chu] were as one. If it do not grant your request, of what use will that [covenant] have been?" The king further asked whether the States would come [at his call]. "They are sure to come," replied Zichan. "In obedience to the covenant of Song; to gratify your lordship; not standing in fear of the great State:—why should they not come? Perhaps Lu, Wey, Cao, and Zhu may not come. Cao stands in fear of Song; Zhu stands in fear of Lu; Lu and Wey are pressed on by Qi, and the best-affected to Jin. Only these will not come. The others, are under your influence;—what one of them will not come?" The king said, "Then, may I succeed in all that I seek for?" "Not," was the reply, "if you seek from others for your own gratification; but if you seek what they and you wish and can share together, you will be entirely successful."]

Par 2. We have here the result of Chu's application to Jin for the presidency of the States. Of the northern States, however, only Cai, Chen, Zheng, and Xu responded to its call, for Little Zhu is hardly to be taken account of, and the princes of Zheng and Xu were in a manner detained and obliged to be present at the meeting.

At the commencement of the Chunqiu period, Shen was a marquisate, held by Jiangs, having for its capital Xie (謝), 20 li to the north of the dep. city of Nanyang, Henan. In the Zhuan at the end of III. vi. we find it invaded by the then king of Chu, who seems to have extinguished it, and incorporated it with his own State.

The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the [other] princes of the States went to Chu, but those of Lu, Wey, Cao and Zhu did not attend the meeting, Cao and Zhu declining on account of troubles, the duke on the ground of the seasonal sacrifice, and the marquis of Wey on the ground that he was ill. The earl of Zheng preceded the others, and was waiting at Shen, where in the sixth month, on Bingwu, the viscount of Chu assembled the States.

'Jiao Ju said to him "I have heard that with the States the thing which regulates their preference and adhesion is the ceremonies which are observed to them. Your lordship has now got them for the first time, and must be careful of your ceremonies. Whether you will secure the presidency of the States or not depends on this meeting. Qi of the Xia dynasty gave the entertainment of Juntai; Tang of the Shang dynasty gave his commands at Jingbo; Wu of Zhou issued his declaration at Mengjin; [king] Cheng had the review at Qiyang; [king] Kang held his audience in the palace of Feng; [king] Mu had the meeting at mount Tu; Huan of Qi had the campaign of Shaoling; and Wen of Jin had the covenant of Jiantu:—the ceremonies of which of those occasions will your lordship use? Xiang Xu of Song and Gongsun Qiao of Zheng are both here, the best men of all the States. Let your lordship make a choice." The king said, "I will use those employed by Huan of Qi."

'The king sent to ask the master of the Left and Zichan about the ceremonies. The master of the Left said, "They are what a small State practises, what a large State employs. I will describe them according to my knowledge." He then exhibited six ceremonies for a duke assembling the States. Zichan said, "A small State [like ours] discharges its duties. I will describe what we have observed." He then exhibited six ceremonies to be observed by earls, viscounts, and barons, at meetings with a duke. A superior man will say that the master of the Left—he of He—knew well how to guard [the rules of] former dynasties, and that Zichan knew well how to aid and direct a small State. The king caused Jiao Ju to stand behind him, to regulate any errors [which they might make]; but the whole thing was concluded without any correction. The king asked him the reason, and he replied, "Those six ceremonies I had never seen; how could I make any correction?"

'The eldest son of [the duke of] Song was late in arriving, and the king was then hunting in Wucheng, so that he was long in giving him an interview. Jiao Ju begged that he would send an explanation [of the delay], on which the king sent him to say, "It happens that we are engaged in the business of the ancestral temple at Wucheng. My ruler must bury the offerings set forth [in the temple]:—I venture to apologize for the delay in seeing you." The viscount of Xu was the son of a daughter of Wu; and [the viscount of Chu], thinking that he was disaffected, caused him to be seized in Shen. He also displayed his extravagance to all the princes. Jiao Ju said to him, "The instances of the six kings and two dukes, [which I adduced], all illustrated the courtesy which they showed to the States, and were the reason of the States' accepting their commands. Jie of the Xia dynasty held the meeting of Jing, and, the prince of Min revolted from him. Zhou of the Shang dynasty held the review of Li, and the Yi of the east revolted from him. You of Zhou made the covenant of Taishi, and the Rong and the Di revolted from him. In all these cases, [those kings] showed to the States the extravagance [of their aims], and so it was that the States cast their commands away from them. Since your majesty is now showing your extravagance, will it not interfere with your success?"

'The king would not listen to him; and Zichan, seeing the master of the Left, said to him, "I am not troubled about Chu. So extravagant, and deaf to remonstrance, [the king] will not endure more than ten years. The master of the Left replied, "Yes, but without ten years' extravagance his wickedness will not have reached far. When that has reached far, he will be cast off. So it is with goodness. When goodness has reached far, there ensue advancement and prosperity."

It deserves to be mentioned further that at this first meeting of the States called by Chu we find that the wild tribes of the east were represented. We met before with an instance of the Di being present at one of the meetings called by Jin; but our knowledge of the fact was derived from the Zhuan. No notice of it was taken in the text of the classic.

Parr. 4, 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount of Chu, taking the princes [who had been present at Shen] with him, invaded Wu. The prince of Song, however, and the earl of Zheng returned to their States, before [the expedition set out]; but Hua Feisuy of Song and a great officer of Zheng accompanied it.

'[The viscount] made Qu Shen lay siege to Zhufang, which was reduced in the 8th month on Jiashen. Qing Feng was then seized (See the Zhuan on IX. xxviii. 6) and the members of his clan exterminated. When [the viscount] was about to execute Qing Feng, Jiao Ju said to him, "I have heard that [only] he who is without flaw may [safely] execute another [publicly]. Qing Feng is here because of his opposition to [his ruler's] orders:—will he be willing to submit [quietly] to be executed? Of what use is it to publish his case before the States?" The king would not listen to this counsel, but made Feng go round [the encampment of] the various States, with an axe upon his shoulder, and ordered him to say, "Let no one follow the example of Qing Feng of Qi, who murdered his ruler, despised the weakness of his young successor, and imposed a covenant on the great officers." Qing Feng, however, said, "Let no one follow the example of Wei, son by a concubine to king Gong of Chu, who murdered Jun, his ruler and the son of his elder brother, and went on to impose a covenant upon the States." The king caused him to be quickly put to death; and then he proceeded with [the forces] of the States to extinguish Lai. The viscount of that State repaired to the army of the centre, with his hands bound behind him, and a bi in his mouth, followed by officers with the upper part of their bodies half-bared, and by a carriage with a coffin in it. The king asked Jiao Ju [what this meant], and was answered, "When king Cheng reduced Xu (See the Zhuan at the end of V. vi.), duke Xi of Xu appeared before him in this manner. The king loosed his bonds, received his bi, and burned his coffin." The king followed this example, and removed [the prince and people of] Lai to Yan. As he wished to remove Xu to Lai, he made Dou Weigui and the Gongzi Qiji wall the city [for Xu], and returned [to Chu].

'Shen Wuyu said, "The beginning of Chu's calamity will be here. [The king] called the princes, and came with them here, invading States and vanquishing them, and walling cities on the borders, while no one offered any opposition. The king will allow no resistance to his will; but will the people dwell [here quietly]? When the people refuse to dwell [quietly], who will be able to endure him? From that inability to endure the king's commands, calamity and disorder will ensue."

For (賴) Gong and Gu have (厲). It was a small State, whose principal city was in the pres. dis. of Shangcheng (商城), in Kuangzhou (光州), Henan.

Par. 7. Zeng;—see on IX. vi. 5, where it is said that Ju extinguished the State of Zeng. What Lu now took, therefore, was the city of Zeng from Ju. The Zhuan says:——'[The words] that "in the 9th mouth we took Zeng," indicate the ease [with which the thing was done]. Ju had been in confusion, and when duke Zhuqiu obtained the rule of it, he showed no kindly treatment to Zeng. In consequence of this, [the commandant of] Zeng revolted, and came with it to Lu. Hence it is said, "We took it." Any reduction of a city where soldiers were not employed is expressed by this phrase.'

[The Zhuan takes us here to Zheng and Zichan, and to Wu:——'Zichan of Zheng made [new and harder regulations for the] contributions from the qiu (See on VIII. i. 4], on which the people of the State reviled him, saying, "His father died on the road, and he himself is a scorpion's tail. Issuing such orders for the State, what will the State do under them?" Zikuan reported these remarks to Zichan, who said, "There is no harm in it. If it only benefit the altars, I will either live or die. Moreover, I have heard that when the good-doer does not change his measures, he can calculate on success. The people are not to be gratified in this; the measure must not be altered. The ode (A lost ode) says,

'If one's rules and righteousness be not in error,
Why regard the words of people.'

I will not change it."

Hun Han (Zikuan) said, "The Guo, I apprehend, will be the first [of the families of Zheng] to perish. The superior man makes laws with slight requirements. The danger is of his still desiring more. If he makes his laws at first under the influence of that desire, what will the danger not be? Of the Ji among the various States, Cai, with Cao and Teng, are likely to perish first. They are near [to great States], and observe no rules of propriety. Zheng will perish before Wey, for it is near [to the great States], and has no [good] laws. If the government do not follow the [established] laws, but one may make new ones according to his own mind, every one of the people has a mind of his own;—what place will be left for the ruler?"

'In winter, Wu invaded Chu, and entered [the cities of] Ji, Li, and Ma:—in return for the campaign of Zhufang. She, director of Shen, hurried away with orders [from the King] to Xiarui. Yijiu, director of Remonstrances, fortified Zhongli. Wei Qiqiang fortified Chao. Ran Dan fortified Zhoulai. The places in the east of the State could not be fortified because of the water. Pengsheng withdrew the troops from Lai.']

Par. 8. Shusun Bao had been actively engaged in the business of the State from the 2d year of duke Xiang. On the way in which he became Head of the Shusun clan, see on VIII. xvi. 14. The Zhuan here gives a strange narrative of his life:——'At an early period [of his life], Muzi left [his brother], the Head of the Shusun family, [and went to Qi]. When he had got to Gengzong [on his way], he met a woman, whom he asked to prepare some food for him, and then passed the night with her. She asked him where he was going; and when he told her all about it, she wept and escorted him [part of the way]. He then went to Qi, and married there a lady of the Guo family, by whom he had Mengbing and Zhongren. [One night], he dreamt that the sky came down upon him, and [when he tried to hold it up], he was not able to do so. Looking round, he saw a man, black and hump-backed, with deepset eyes, and a pig's mouth, to whom he called out, "Niu, help me!" and on this he was able to hold the sky up. In the morning, he called all his followers, but there was no such man among them. He told them, however, to remember the circumstances, [which he had mentioned].

'When [his brother] Xuanbo fled to Qi, he supplied him with food. Xuanbo said to him, "Out of regard to [the services of] our father, Lu will preserve our ancestral temple, and is sure to call you back to it. If it call you, what will you do?" "It is what I have desired for long," was the reply. The people of Lu did call him, and he returned, without informing [his brother].

'When he had been appointed [a minister], the woman of Gengzong, with whom he had spent the night, [came and] presented him with a pheasant; and when he asked her whether she had a son, she replied, "My son is a big boy; he was able to carry the pheasant and follow me." Muzi called for him, and as soon as he saw him, lo! it was the person he had seen in his dream. Without asking him, he called out to him,—Niu!" and the boy answered, "Here I am!" He then called all his followers, and made them look at him, after which he made him his waiting boy. The lad became a favourite with him, and, when grown up, was entrusted with the management of his house.

'The Gongsun Ming had known Shusun in Qi, and when, after his return [to Lu], he did not send for [his wife] Guo Jiang, Ziming took her to himself. This enraged Shusun, and it was not till his sons [by her] were grown up, that he sent for them.

'Having hunted [on one occasion] in Qiuyou, he became ill in consequence. The waiting-boy Niu had wanted to create a confusion in the house and get possession of it, and tried to force Meng to act with him, but he refused to do so. [Now], Shusun made a bell for Meng, [to celebrate the declaration of him as his successor], and said to him, "You have not yet had any intercourse with the great officers. Invite them to an entertainment at which you may consecrate it." When all was made ready for this, [Mengbing] sent Niu to ask his father to fix a day for the entertainment. Niu went in to the house, but did not see Shusun, and then came out and appointed a day. When the guests arrived, [Shusun] heard the sound of the bell, and Niu said to him, "Meng has got [the husband of] your northern wife as his guest." The father, in a rage, wanted to go [to Meng's apartment], but Niu prevented him. However, when the guests were gone, he caused him to be seized and put to death outside [the house].

'Niu then tried likewise to force the second son to act with him, but he [also] refused. [Once], this Zhong was looking about the duke's palace with the duke's charioteer, Laishu, when the duke [saw him, and] gave him a ring. He sent Niu with it to show it to his father, and Niu went into the house, but did not show it; and when he came out, he told Zhong, [as from his father], to wear it at his girdle. Niu then said to Shusun, "Why did you introduce Zhong [at the court]?" "What do you mean?" asked Shusun. Niu replied, "If you did not introduce him, he has introduced himself. The duke gave him a ring, and he wears it at his girdle." On this Shusun drove out Zhongren, who fled to Qi.

'When his illness became severe, he ordered [Niu] to call Zhong [from Qi]. Niu promised, but did not do it. Du Xie went to see Shusun, who told him how he was suffering from hunger and thirst, and gave him a spear, [with which to kill Niu]. But Xie replied, "If you desire anything it will be brought you. Why must you seek to make away with him?"

'Niu, giving out that the master was very ill and did not wish to see any one, made the attendants place the food in the two side-chambers, and retire; while he himself, instead of taking it in, emptied the dishes, replaced them, and ordered them to be removed. From Guichou of the 12th month to Yimao, when he died, Shusun had nothing to eat, Niu raised [his son by a concubine], Zhaozi, to his place, and acted as manager and helper to him.

'The duke commissioned Du Xie to bury Shusun, but the waiting-boy Niu bribed Shuzhong Zhaozi and Nan Yi, and got them to make Xie odious to Jisun, and have him removed. Xie was going to convey the coffin to the grave in the carriage [which the king had given to Muzi], and to use all the ceremonies proper to a minister. Nan Yi, however, said to Jisun, "Shusun never rode in this carriage; what is the use of employing it at his funeral? A carriage moreover, is not used at the funeral of our chief minister; is it not improper to use it at the funeral of an assistant-minister? Jisun said, "Yes," and ordered Xie to leave the carriage out. But that officer would not do so. "The master," he said, "received his commission in the court, and went on a complimentary mission to the king. The king, thinking of the ancient services of his family, conferred this carriage upon him. When he returned with the report of his mission, he surrendered it to our ruler; but he did not dare to go against the king's order, and returned it, making the three [great] officers make a record of the matter. You were minister of Instruction, and wrote the name. My master was minister of War, and made the chief of his subordinate officers write the royal gifts. Mengsun was minister of Works, and recorded [my master's] service. If now that he is dead we do not use the carriage, we shall be casting away our ruler's orders. Since the record is in the public repository, if we do not use it, we shall be setting at nought the three [great] officers. When alive he did not presume to wear the robes given to him by the king, and if we do not put them on him, now that he is dead, of what use were they?" Accordingly, the carriage was used at the funeral.

'Jisun took counsel to do away with the army of the Centre; and Niu said, "The master did certainly wish to do away with it."

V. Fifth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, we disbanded the army of the centre.

2. Chu put to death its great officer, Qu Shen.

3. The duke went to Jin.

4. In summer, Mouyi of Ju came a fugitive [to Lu], giving over to it [the cities of] Moulou, Fang, and Zi.

5. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from Jin.

6. On Wuchen, Shu Gong led a force, and defeated an army of Ju at Fenquan.

7. The earl of Qin died.

8. In winter, the viscount of Chu, the marquises of Cai and Chen, the viscounts of Dun and Shen, an officer of Xu, and an officer of Yue, invaded Wu.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. See the account of the formation of the 3d or army of the centre under IX. xi. 1. The Zhuan here says:——'The disbanding of the army of the centre was to reduce [still] lower the ducal House. The disbanding was [proposed] at the house of the Shi family, and determined on at that of the Zang.

'Formerly, when the army of the centre was first constituted, the ducal House was [as it were] divided into three parts, each [of the three families] having one of them. The Ji family took to itself all the men and contributions of its part. The Shusun made [only] the sons and younger brothers of its part to be its subjects. The Meng took the one half. When they [now] disbanded that army, they divided [the prerogative of] the ducal House into four parts, of which the [head of the] Ji family took two, and each of the other ministers one; but they all took the entire control of the men and their contributions, paying [only] a tribute to the duke. They gave a notice to Du Xie, and required him to announce it to [Muzi in] his coffin, to this effect, "You did desire the disbanding of the middle army. We have disbanded it, and therefore announce the thing to you." Du Xie said, "But my master did not wish the army to be disbanded, and therefore he insisted on the covenant at the gate of Xi's temple, and the imprecations in the street of Wufu (See on IX. xi. 1)." He then took the notice, and threw it on the ground, led [to the coffin] the officers [of Muzi], and wept over it.

'Shuzhongzi said to Jisun, "I received a charge from my father Shusun, that, in burying [a minister] who had not died a natural death from age, the coffin should be taken from the western gate [of the court.]" Jisun gave orders accordingly to Du Xie; but that officer said, "The coffin of a minister, according to the rules of Lu, is taken from [the principal gate of] the court. The government of the State is in your hands, but you have not changed this rule. If we notwithstanding [now] depart from it, we are afraid of dying [for it], and dare not follow your order." When the funeral was over, Xie went away.

'[Soon after,] Zhong[-ren, the second son of Muzi by his Qi wife], arrived from Qi (See the Zhuan at the end of last year), and Jisun proposed to appoint him in his father's place. Nan Yi, however, said to him, "The stronger the Shusun, the weaker the Jisun. You had better simply take no knowledge of the disorder in that family." At the same time Nan Yi made the people of the State assist Niu in an attack in the open space before the grand arsenal on Zhong, who received an arrow in one of his eyes from the superintendent of the palace, and died. Niu then took 30 towns in the eastern borders, [belonging to the Shusun], and gave them to Nan Yi.

'Zhaozi [finally] succeeded to his father's place, when he gave audience to all the members of his clan, and said. "The waiting boy Niu has done evil to the House of Shusun, and thrown into confusion the grand [principle of] natural order. Having put to death the children by the wife, and secured the succession to the son of a concubine, he has gone on to distribute its towns, that he might thereby get forgiveness for his offences. His crimes could not be more heinous, and we must quickly put him to death." Niu got frightened, and fled to Qi, where he was killed, outside the gate between the two States, by the sons of Meng and Zhong, who threw his head into a thorn tree near Ningfeng. Zhongni said, "The conduct of Shusun Zhaozi in not being influenced by services done to himself is what [few] could attain to." [The historiographer] Zhou Ren has said, "The administrator of government does not reward services done to himself, nor does he punish his private wrongs." As the ode (Shi, III. iii. ode II. 2) says,

"To an evident virtuous conduct
All States render their homage!"

'At an earlier period, on the birth of Muzi, [his father] Zhuangshu, consulted the Zhou yi by the reeds about him, and got the diagram Mingyi (明夷; ䷣), which then became Qian (謙; ䷎). He showed this to the diviner Chu Qiu, who said, "This [son] will have to leave [the State], but he will return and offer the sacrifices to you. The entrance of a slanderer, of the name of Niu, will be sufficient to make him die of starvation. [The diagram] Mingyi relates to the sun. The solar numbers are 10. Hence there are 10 periods in the day, which correspond also to the ten ranks. Reckoning from the king downwards, the rank of duke is the 2d, and that of minister is the 3d. The highest point of the day is when the sun is in the meridian. When it is meal time, that represents the 2d rank; and early dawn represents the third. Mingyi's becoming Qian represents brightness, but that which is not yet fully developed,—corresponding, we may presume, to the early dawn. Therefore I say, [this child will be minister and] offer the sacrifices for you. [The diagram for] the sun's becoming Qian has its correspondency in a bird. Hence we read (On the lowest line of the diagram Mingyi), 'The brightness is injured in its flight.' And as the brightness is not fully developed, we read, 'It droops its wings.' There is an emblem of the movement of the sun, and hence we read, 'The superior man goes away.' This happens with the third rank, in the early dawn, and hence we read, "Three days he does not eat.'

[Again] Li (☲, the lower half of Mingyi) represents fire, aud Gen (☶, the lower half of Qian) represents a hill. Li is fire; fire burns the hill, and the hill is destroyed. But applied to men, [Gen] denotes speech, and destroying speech is slander. Hence we read, 'He goes whither he would; and to him, the lord, there is speech.' That speech must be slander. In [the diagram of] the double Li (䷝) there is [mention made of] a cow. The age is in disorder and slander overcomes; the overcoming goes on to dismemberment; and therefore I say, "His name will be Niu (牛 bull or cow).' Qian denotes insufficiency. The flight is not high. Descending from on high, the wings do not reach far. Hence, while I say that this child will be your successor, yet you are the second minister, and he will fall somewhat short of your dignity."

604頁右 Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu, considering that Qu Shen was disaffected and leant towards Wu, put him to death. He then made Qu Sheng the Mo'ao, and sent him, along with the chief minister, Zidang, to Jin to meet his bride. As they passed by [the capital of] Zheng, the earl sent to pay the compliments of the journey to Zidang at Fan, and to Qu Sheng at Tushi. The marquis of Jin escorted his daughter to Xingqiu, where the earl of Zheng had an interview with him, with the attendance and under the direction of Zichan.'

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The duke went to Jin; and from his reception in the suburbs to the gifts at his departure, he did not fail in any point of ceremony. The marquis of Jin said to Ru Shuqi, "Is not the marquis of Lu good at propriety?" "How does the marquis of Lu know propriety?" was the reply. "Wherefore [do you say so]?" asked the marquis. "Considering that, from his reception in the suburbs to the gifts at his departure, he did not err in a single point, why should you say that he does not know propriety?" "That was deportment" said Shuqi, "and should not be called propriety. Propriety is that by which [a ruler] maintains his State, carries out his governmental orders, and does not lose his people. Now the government [of Lu] is ordered by the [three great] clans, and he cannot take it [from them]. There is Zijia Ji, (A descendant of duke Zhuang, called elsewhere Zijia Yibo) and he is not able to employ him. He violates the covenants of our great State, and exercises oppression on the small State [of Ju]. He makes his gain of the distresses of others, and is ignorant of his own. The [patrimony] of his House is divided into four parts, and [like one of] the people he gets his food from others. No one thinks of him, or takes any consideration for his future. The ruler of a State, calamity will come upon him, and he has no regard to what is proper for him to do. The beginning and end of his propriety should be in these matters; and in small particulars he practises deportment, as if that were all-important:——is it not far from correct to say that he is well acquainted with propriety?"

'The superior man will say that Shuhou showed by these remarks that he knew propriety.'

[We have now a long narrative of a visit to Chu by Han Qi and Shuxiang:——'Han Xuanzi of Jin went to Chu as escort to [the king's] bride, Shuxiang being the assistant commissioner. Zipi and Zitaishu of Zheng visited them on their journey at Suoshi, and the latter said to Shuxiang, "The extravagance of the king of Chu is excessive; you must be on your guard against it." "His excessive extravagance," replied Shuxiang, "will be calamitous to himself, but how can it affect others? If we present our offerings, and be careful of our deportment, maintaining our good faith, and observing the rules of propriety, reverently attentive to our first proceedings and thinking at the same time of our last, so that all might be done over again; if we comply [with his requirements] so as not to lose our decorum, and, while respectful, do not lose our dignity; if our communications be according to the lessons [of wisdom], our service be performed according to the laws of antiquity, and our duty be discharged according to [the rules of] the ancient kings, and regulated by a consideration of [what is due to] our two States, however extravagant he be, what can he do to us?"

'When they arrived at [the capital of] Chu, the viscount gave audience to his great officers, and said, "Jin is my enemy. If I can get my will, I have no regard to anything else. Those who are now come from it are its highest minister and a great officer of the highest rank. If I [cut off his feet, and] make Han Qi a janitor, and [castrate] Yangshe Xi and make him superintendent of my harem, that will be enough to disgrace Jin, and I shall get my will. May it be done?" None of the great officers gave any reply, till Wei Qiqiang said, "It may. If you are prepared for it, why may it not be done? But a common man may not be put to shame without preparations for it, and how much less a State! On this account the sage kings made it their object to observe the rules of propriety, and did not seek to put people to shame. For appearances at court and complimentary visits there were the jade tokens of rank; for entertainments and receptions there were the semi-tokens; the small (= all the princes) had to make a report of their duties; the great one (= the king) had to make tours to observe the merits [of the princes]; when the benches were spread [with the dishes], there was no leaning forward on them, and when the cup was filled, there was no drinking of it, [till the time came]; for feasts there was the provision of good gifts; for meals there were double the usual number of dishes; on the arrival of guests they were met in the suburbs and condoled with on the toils of their journey, and at their departure, there were gifts presented to them. These embrace the most important usages of ceremony. The ruin of States and families has been from the neglect of these, which has given occasion to miseries and disorders.

'After the battle of Chengpu, Jin made no preparations against Chu, and was defeated at Bi. After the battle of Bi, Chu made no preparations against Jin, and was defeated at Yan. Since Yan, Jin has not neglected its preparations, and has added to them the observance of propriety and a double measure of harmony in itself, so that Chu had not been able to retaliate [for that defeat at Yan], but has sought marriage with Jin. You have obtained that affinity of marriage, and you wish further to put Jin to shame, thereby calling forth its violent animosity :—what preparations have you made for such an issue? If you have the men [to meet it], well :—put Jin to shame. If you have them not, your lordship should consider well what you propose to do. In my opinion, the service which Jin has done to you may be pronounced sufficient. You sought the States from it, and they have all come to you; you sought marriage with it, and it has sent you its daughter. Its ruler himself escorted her. Its highest minister and a great officer of the highest rank have come to the completion of the union; and still you wish to put it to shame. You must surely be prepared for such a thing; if you are not, what will be the consequences?

' Below Han Qi there are [in Jin] Zhao Cheng, Zhonghang Wu, Wei Shu, Fan Yang, and Zhi Ying. Below Yangshe Xi there are Qi Wu, Zhang Ti, Ji Tan, Ru Qi, Liang Bing, Zhang Ge, Fu Li, and Miao Fenhuang;—all of them the choice of all the States. Han Xiang is great officer of a ducal clan; Han Xu receives his ruler's orders, and goes forth with them to other States; Ji Xiang, Xing Dai, Shuqin, Shujiao, and Ziyu, all belong to great families. The Han draw their levies from seven cities, round each of which is a full district. The Yangshe embraces 4 clans,— all consisting of strong families. If the people of Jin lose Han Qi and Yang Xi, those 5 [other] ministers, and 8 [other] great officers, will give their aid to Han Xu and Yangshi. From their 10 families and 9 districts they can raise 900 chariots of war, while 4000 chariots will be left to guard the remaining 40 districts [of the State]. With their martial rage all in fury, they will come to be revenged for the great disgrace [put upon them]. With Bohua to direct their plans, and with Zhonghang Bo and Wei Shu to lead on their armies, they are sure to be successful. Your lordship intends to change the friendship of marriage for enmity, and violate all propriety to accelerate the approach of the enemy; and if you have not made preparations for such an issue, you will be sending all of us your servants, and leaving us to be captured, to gratify yourself. But what is there in this that may not be done?" The king said, "It was my error. Do not you, my great officers, trouble yourselves [any further]." He then treated Hanzi with courtesy. He wished, however, to get a triumph over Shuxiang on matters he might not be acquainted with, but was not able to do so; and he also showed great courtesy to him.

'When Han Qi was returning, the earl of Zheng came to Yu, to show him there the compliments of the journey; but Han declined to be introduced to him :—which was according to rule.'

There is another short narrative :——'Han Hu of Zheng went to Qi, to marry a daughter of Ziwei. Yanzi paid him frequent visits, and when Chen Huanzi asked the reason, he replied, "He is able to employ good men;—he is a fitting lord of the people."]

Parr. 4, 5. Moulou,—see on I, iv. 1. Fang was 60 li to the southwest of the pres. dis. city of Anqiu (安丘), dep. of Qingzhou. Zi was in the northwest of Zhucheng (諸城) dis., in the same dep. Zuoshi says, 'Mouyi was not a minister, yet his name is given here, importance being attached to the territory [which he surrendered] (?). The people of Ju made a complaint on the subject to Jin, and the marquis wished to detain the duke [as a prisoner]. Fan Xianzi, however, said to him, "You should not do so. When a prince comes to your court, if you seize him there, you have enticed him. To punish him without using your troops, and entice him, thereby effecting your purpose, is the procedure of indolence. Would it not be improper for the lord of covenants to be guilty of these two things? I beg you to send him back. When we have leisure, we can go with troops and punish him." The duke accordingly was allowed to return, and in autumn, in the 7th month, he arrived from Jin.'

Par. 6. For 岎 Gongyang has 濆, and Guliang, 賁. Fenquan was in Lu, but its site is not determined more particularly. The Zhuan says :—— 'A body of men from Ju came to make reprisals [for the reception of] Mouyi. They made no preparations [against surprise], and on Wuchen, Shu Gong defeated them at Fenquan, before they could form in order of battle.'

Par. 8. Here for the first time in the text of the classic there appears the great State of Yue, which was held by viscounts, who had the surname of Si (姒), and claimed to be descended from king Xiaokang of the Xia dyn. Their capital was Kuaiji (會稽), in the present dis. of Shanyin (山陰), dep. Shaoxing (紹興), Zhejiang. Yue was helpful to Chu, as a counterpoise to the power of Wu, and became subsequently a powerful antagonist of Chu itself.

The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th month, the viscount of Chu, along with several princes and [the chiefs of] the eastern Yi, invaded Wu, in retaliation for that State's taking Ji, Li, and Ma (See the 2d narrative after par. 7 of last year). Wei She joined him with the army of Fanyang at Xiarui. Chang Shouguo, a great officer of Yue, joined him with a force at Suo. Hearing that the army of Wu had come forth, Wei Qijiang led a force and pursued; but in his hurry he did not make [sufficient] preparations, and the men of Wu defeated him at Que'an. The viscount came by hasty stages to the bend of the Luo, and there the viscount of Wu sent his brother, Jueyou, with refreshments for the troops. The people of Chu seized him, and were about to smear their drums with his blood, when the king caused him to be asked whether he had consulted the tortoise-shell if his coming would be fortunate. Jueyou replied, "[We were told it would be] fortunate. My ruler having heard that your lordship was going to regulate your troops in our State, consulted our guardian shell in this way,— I will at once send a messenger with refreshments to the army [of Chu], and ask him to go and observe whether the king's anger be furious or slow, that we may make preparations accordingly. Shall we be able to ascertain this?' The reply given by the indications of the shell was, 'That may be known.' If your lordship had been gracious, and received me, the messenger, in a friendly way, that would have increased the feeling of ease and indifference in our State, and it would have forgotten that its ruin might soon happen. But now your lordship is furious, surcharged with rage as with thunder and lightning. You have oppressively seized me, and are going to smear your drums with my blood: —Wu will thus know what preparations to make. Feeble though our State is, with all its equipment put early in good order, it may secure rest for its army. To be prepared alike for a difficult or for an easy contest may be said to be fortunate.

"And moreover, the tortoise-shell was consulted with reference to the altars of Wu, and not for a single individual. If my blood be used to smear the drums of your army, and our State thereby knows to make preparations to meet all casualties, what could be more fortunate than this? The State has its carefully guarded shell, which in all things it consults. Who can calculate on the regularity of the good fortune or the evil? Chengpu gave an omen, and the answer to it was at Bi. As to this present journey of mine, [Wu] will keep it in mind to make you a return for it." After this the envoy was not put to death.

'The army of Chu crossed the river at the bend of the Luo, when Chi, director of Shen, effected a junction with the viscount at mount Lai. Wei Qiqiang then led forward the army of Fanyang, and entered Nanhuai, while the [rest of] the army followed as far as Ruqing; but it was found that Wu could not be penetrated. The viscount therefore made [simply] a display of his troops at the hill of Zhiji. In this campaign, Wu had made early preparations, so that Chu was obliged to return without effecting anything, [only] taking Jueyou back with it. The viscount, being afraid of Wu, made She, the director of Shen, wait for orders from him at Chao, and Wei Qiqiang do the same at Yulou:—which was according to rule.'

[We have a short notice here about the prince of Qin, who fled to Jin in the duke's 1st year:——'Houzi of Qin returned again to his position in Qin;—in consequence of the death of duke Jing.']

VI. Sixth year.

1. In the duke's sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Yigu, earl of Qi, died.

2. There was the burial of duke Jing of Qin.

3. In summer, Jisun Su went to Jin.

4. There was the burial of duke Wen of Qi.

5. Hua Hebi of Song fled from that State to Wey.

6. In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.

7. Wei Pi of Chu led a force and invaded Wu.

8. In winter, Shu Gong went to Chu.

9. The marquis of Qi invaded North Yan.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Yigu is the viscount of Qi, who came to the court of Lu in the 29th year of Xiang. Here he is mentioned with the rank of earl. The marquis of Jin, interested in Qi through his mother, had probably obtained the advancement of rank for the viscount.

Zuo says, 'Duke Wen of Qi now died, and [the duke] sent his condolences to that State as the deceased ruler had covenanted with a marquis of Lu:—which was according to rule.'

Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'A great officer went to Qin, to attend the funeral of duke Jing;—which was according to rule.' This is the first instance in the classic where the burial of an earl of Qin is mentioned. It shows how, with the progress of time, the intercourse between States at a considerable distance from one another was increasing.

[We have here the following narrative about a proceeding of Zichan in Zheng:——'In the 3d month, they cast [tripods] in Zheng, with descriptions [of crimes and their] punishments [upon them]. In consequence of this, Shuxiang sent a letter to Zichan, saying, "At first I considered you [as my model], but now I have ceased to do so. The ancient kings deliberated on [all the circumstances], and determined [on the punishment of crimes]; they did not make [general] laws of punishment, fearing lest it should give rise to a contentious spirit among the people. But still, as crimes could not be prevented, they set up for them the barrier of righteousness, sought to bring them all to a conformity with their own rectitude, set before them the practice of propriety, and the maintenance of good faith, and cherished them with benevolence. They also instituted emoluments and places to encourage them to follow [their example], and laid down strictly punishments and penalties to awe them from excesses. Fearing lest these things should be insufficient, they therefore taught the people [the principles of] sincerity, urged them by [discriminations of] conduct, instructed them in what was most important, called for their services in a spirit of harmony, came before them in a spirit of reverence, met exigencies with vigour, and gave their decisions with firmness. And in addition to this, they sought to have sage and wise persons in the highest positions, intelligent discriminating persons in all offices, that elders should be distinguished for true-heartedness and good faith, and teachers for their gentle kindness. In this way the people could be successfully dealt with, and miseries and disorder be prevented from arising.

"When the people know what the exact laws are, they do not stand in awe of their superiors. They also come to have a contentious spirit, and make their appeal to the express words, hoping peradventure to be successful in their argument. They can no longer be managed. When the government of Xia had fallen into disorder, the penal code of Yu was made; under the same circumstances of Shang, the penal code of Tang; and in Zhou, the code of the nine punishments:—those three codes all originated in ages of decay. And now in your administration of Zheng, you have made [your new arrangements for] dykes and ditches (See the narrative at the end of IX. xxx.), you have established your [new system of] governmental [requisitions], which has been so much spoken against (See the 1st narr. after iv. 7), and you have framed [this imitation of] those 3 codes, casting your descriptions of [crimes and their] punishments:—will it not be difficult to keep the people quiet, as you wish to do? The ode (Shi, IV. i. [i.] ode VII.) says,

'I imitate, follow, and observe the virtue of king Wen,
And daily there is tranquillity in all the regions;'

and again (III. i. ode I. 7),

'Take your pattern from king Wen,
And the myriad States will repose confidence in you.'

In such a condition, what need is there for any code? When once the people know the grounds for contention, they will cast propriety away, and make their appeal to your descriptions. They will all be contending about a matter as small as the point of an awl or a knife. Disorderly litigations will multiply, and bribes will walk abroad. Zheng will go to ruin, it is to be feared, in the age sueceeding yours. I have heard the saying that 'When a State is about to perish, there will be many new enactments in it.' Is your proceeding an illustration of it?"

'To this letter Zichan returned the following reply, "As to what you say, I have not the talents nor the ability to act for posterity; my object is to save the present age. I cannot accept your instructions, but I dare not forget your great kindness."

'Shi Wenbo said, "The Huo (Fire) star has made its appearance. Is there going to be fire in Zheng? Before the appearance of the Huo, it made use of fire to cast its punishment-tripods. If the Huo is an emblem of fire, must we not expect fire [in Zheng]?"].

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Jisun Su went to Jin, to make our acknowledgments for the lands of Ju, [which Mouyi had given over to Lu]. The marquis gave him an entertainment at which there was more than the usual number of dishes. On seeing this, he retired, and sent an internuncius to say, "In its service of [your] great State, [our] small State, if it can [only] escape measures of punishment, does not seek for any gifts. I should get no more than three rounds of the cup. But now there are more dishes than are sufficient for that, and I dare not accept [such distinction]:—would it not be an offence if I did so?" Han Xuanzi said, "Our ruler intended to promote your joy;" but [Wuzi] replied,"It is what my ruler would not [accept]; how much less dare I, who am but as a menial servant of [your] ruler, listen to such an addition to his gift!" He then firmly requested that the additional dishes might be removed, and only when that was done did he return to the completion of the entertainment. The people of Jin, out of respect to the knowledge of propriety [which he thus showed], made the [usual] offerings of friendship to him very large.'

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Liu, master of the eunuchs, of Song was a favourite, but was hated by Zuo, [the duke's] eldest son; and Hua Hebi undertook to kill him. Liu heard of it, dug a hole, killed a victim and buried [its blood], with the tablets [of a covenant] over it." He then informed the duke, saying, "Hebi is about to bring back the fugitive (Hua Chen; see on IX. xvii. 6) and his family, and has made a covenant to that effect in the northern suburbs." The duke sent to see, and [the evidence] was found, on which he drove out Hua Hebi, who fled to Wey.

'On this, Hua Hai (Younger brother of Hebi) wished to get the office of master of the Right in the room [of Hebi], and by agreement with the eunuch Liu, came and gave confirmatory evidence, saying that he had heard of his brother's purpose for a long time; so the duke gave him the appointment. [Having received this], he went to see the master of the Left. who said to him, "A fellow like you is sure to come to ruin. You have ruined the members of your own House. What part have you in men, and what part have men in you? The ode (Shi, III. ii. ode X. 7) says,

'The circle of relatives is like a wall.
Do not let your wall be destroyed;
Do not, solitary, be consumed with terrors.'

You have reason to live in such terror!" [We have here two narratives:—

1st. 'In the 6th month, on Bingxu, a fire broke out in Zheng (See the conclusion of the narrative after par. 2).'

2d. 'The Gongzi Qiji went to Jin,—to return the visit of Hanzi. As he was passing by [the capital of] Zheng, Han Hu, Gongsun Qiao, and You Ji followed the earl to pay him the compliments of the journey at Zha; but he declined and would not presume to see them. [The earl], however, earnestly begged that he would do so, [which he did], behaving [to the earl] as if he were having an interview with [his own king]. [Afterwards] he had a private audience of [the earl], with eight of his chariots [as his offering]; he saw Zipi, as if he were seeing the highest minister [of Chu], with an offering of 6 horses; Zichan, with 4; and Zitaishu with 2. He forbade his foragers, grooms, and fuel-collectors to go into the fields. No trees were to be cut down for fuel; no grain nor vegetables were to be gathered; no houses were to be unroofed; there was to be no violent begging. He made a declaration that whoever should violate his orders, if he were an officer, he should be dismissed, and if he were a smaller man, he should be reduced still lower. His men were to exercise no oppression where they lodged; hosts should not be troubled by their guests. In going and returning he observed these rules. The three ministers of Zheng all knew that he would [yet] be king [of Chu].

'When Han Xuanzi went to Chu, they did not meet him; and now when the Gongzi Qiji was come to the borders of Jin, the marquis intended in the same way not to meet him. Shuxiang, however, said, "Chu is perverse, and we are correct:—why should we imitate its perversity? The ode (Shi, II. vii. ode IX. 2) says,

'What you teach
The people all imitate.'

Let us follow our own way; should we imitate the perversity of others? The Shu says, 'The sage forms a pattern.' Instead of taking good men for our pattern, shall we find it in men who are perverse? If an ordinary man do what is good, the people will take him for their pattern; —how much more will they do so in the case of the ruler of a State!"

'The marquis of Jin was pleased, and sent to meet the envoy accordingly'].

Par. 6. This sacrifice was offered because, as Zuo says, there was now 'a drought.'

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Yichu, of Xu came on a complimentary visit to Chu, where he was seized by the viscount; but he effected his escape and returned home. The viscount, fearing that Xu would revolt, sent Wei Xie to invade it, when a body of men from Wu went to its aid. On this. Zidang, the chief minister, led a force and invaded Wu. He collected his troops at Yuzhang, and halted at Ganqi. The men of Wu defeated his army at Fangzhong, taking prisoner Qiji, director of the palace stables. Zidang laid the blame [of the defeat] on Wei Xie, and put him to death.'

Par. 8. Zuo says this was a complimentary visit, and to offer Lu's condolences on the defeat [sustained from Wu].

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the marquis of Qi went to Jin, to ask leave to invade North Yan, when Shi Gai, in attendance on Shi Yang, met him at the He:——which was according to rule. The marquis having given his assent, in the 12th month the marquis of Qi invaded North Yan, intending to reinstate duke Jian. Yanzi said, 'They will not enter [the capital of] Yan. Yan has a ruler, and the people are not disaffected to him. Our ruler [desires] bribes; those about him flatter him; and so he commences a great undertaking, but not in good faith. Such enterprises have never been successful."

VII. Seventh year.

1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the king's first month, [North Yan] made peace with Qi.

2. In the third month, the duke went to Chu.

3. Shusun She went to Qi to make a covenant.

4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jiachen, the sun was eclipsed.

5. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Wuchen, Wu, marquis of Wey, died.

6. In the ninth month, the duke arrived from Chu.

7. In winter in the eleventh month, on Guiwei, Jisun Su died.

8. In the twelfth month, on Guihai, there was the burial of duke Ling of Wey.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This peace was what Qi sought for. On Guisi, the marquis was halting at Guo, and the people of Yan made proffers of accommodation, saying, "Our poor State knows its guilt, and dares not but listen to your orders. With some worthless articles of our former rulers, we beg to apologize for our offence." Gongsun Xi said, "Having received its submission we can return; and when an occasion is presented we can make [another] movement." In the 2d month, on Wuwu, a covenant was made at Ershang. The people of Yan sent to the marquis a daughter of their ruling House, and the bribes of a yao vase, a casket of jade, and a white jade goblet with ears. He then returned [to Qi], without having succeeded in his [professed] object.'

According to this Zhuan, the peace made in the text was between North Yan and Qi, and 北 燕 must be supplied from the concluding par. of last year. Gongyang and Guliang, however, took a different view, and supposed that Lu and Qi were the parties in the pacification;—a view in which they have been followed by a host of critics. Certainly there are many paragraphs in the classic where 'Lu' or 'we' has to be supplied as the subject; and so far this would be in analogy with them. Still there is no evidence of there being any strife between Lu and Qi at this time, which could furnish a reason for their making peace; and considering the allusions to a peace between Yan and Qi in subsequent narratives, the view of Zuoshi is decidedly to be preferred. No stress is to be laid on the use of 暨, which simply =及. The critics, who find mysteries in the terms of the classic, say that 及 is used from the standpoint of Lu, and 暨 from the standpoint of the other party with which Lu has covenanted; that when Lu has taken the initiative, 及 is used, and where it has followed suit, we find 暨.

[There is here appended the following narrative about the king of Chu:——'When the viscount of Chu was chief minister of the State, he had made for himself a royal flag which he used in hunting. The Hu-director, Wuyu, broke [the staff of] it, saying, "Two rulers in one State!— this is what no one can endure." When the chief minister became king, he built the palace of Zhanghua, and recalled [a number of] exiles to fill [the offices in] it, and among them was a janitor of Wuyu, whose master tried to seize him. The [king's] officers would not give the man up, saying, "It is a great offence to seize a man in the royal palace;" and with this they seized [Wuyu, and carried him off], to lay the matter before the king. The king was about to fall to drinking, and Wuyu defended himself, saying, "The dominion of the Son of Heaven extends everywhere; the princes of States have their own defined boundaries. This is the ancient rule;—within the State and the kingdom, what ground is there which is not the ruler's? What individual of all whom the ground supports is there that is not the ruler's subject? Hence the ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I. 2) says,

'Under the wide heavens
All is the king's land.
Along the coasts of the land
All are the king's servants.'

The day has its ten divisions of time, and of men there are the ten classes; and so it is that inferiors serve their superiors, and that superiors perform their duties to the Spirits. Hence, the king makes the duke (=the prince of a State) his servant; the duke, the great officer; the great officer, the [simple] officer; the officer, the lictor; the lictor, the crowd of underlings; the underling, the menials: the menial, the labourer; the labourer, the servant; the servant, the helper. There are also grooms for the horses, and shepherds for the cattle;—and thus there is provision for all things.

"Your officers say, 'Why do you seize a man in the king's palace?' but where else should I seize him? A law of king Wen of Zhou says, 'Make great inquisition for fugitives;' and it was thus he got the kingdom. Our former ruler king Wen made the law of Pu'ou, which says, 'He with whom the thief conceals his booty is as guilty as the thief;' and it was he who extended his boundary to the Ru. If we are to accept what your officers say, we shall have no means of apprehending runaway servants; if we are to let them go without trying to apprehend them, we shall have no servants at all. There is surely some misconduct of your majesty's affairs here.

"Formerly when king Wu was enumerating the crimes of Zhou, for the information of the princes, he said, 'Zhou is the host of all the vagabonds under heaven, who collect about him as fish in the deep (See the Shu, V. iii. 6).' On this account every one was willing to go to the death [against Zhou). You, our ruler and king, have just begun to seek [the adherence of] the States;—does it not seem improper in you to be imitating Zhou? If we are to apprehend them according to the laws of the two Wen, there is [another] thief here!" The king said, "Take your servant and begone. That [other] thief is a favourite, and cannot yet be got!" With this he pardoned [Wuyu].']

Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Chu had completed the tower of Zhanghua, he wished to have the princes of the States present at the inauguration feast. The grand-administrator Wei Qiqiang, having said that he could secure the attendance of the marquis of Lu, came to Lu to call the duke, and made the following speech, "Your former ruler, duke Cheng, gave his commands to our former great officer Yingqi, to the effect that he would not forget the friendship between his predecessors and our rulers, and would send Hengfu on a brightening visit to Chu, to support and comfort its altars, in order that the peace of its people might be secured. Yingqi received his commands at Shu (See on VIII. ii. 9), brought them along with him, careful that nothing should be lost, and made an announcement of them in our ancestral temple. From that time our ruler, king Gong, looked with outstretched neck to the north, from day to day and month to month hoping [that the ruler of Lu would come to his court]. In the order of succession four kings have since given our State one to the other, and the acceptable kindness [of Lu] has not come to us. Duke Xiang alone condescended to come to the funeral [of our last king], and then our ruler and his ministers, in the grief of their hearts, were not able to take proper measures. They had not leisure to attend to the business of the altars, and much less were they able to show how they cherished and thought of his kindness. If now your lordship will direct your gemmeous steps, and condescend to visit our ruler, and extend your favouring influence to our State, so as to make good the agreement at Shu, and reach to us with your acceptable kindness, our ruler will have received your favour, and not presume to look for anything like what was promised at Shu. The Spirits of his predecessors will be pleased also, and feel their obligation;—not he only will be indebted to you. If your lordship will not come, let me ask the time when we must put ourselves in motion. Our ruler will bring his hostages and offerings, and see you in Shu, to beg from you the gift promised by your predecessor."

'When the duke was about to go, he dreamt that duke Xiang was offering [for his safe journey] the sacrifice to the Spirits of the way. [On this], Zi Shen said, "You must not carry out the purpose of going. When duke Xiang was going to Chu, he dreamt that the duke of Zhou offered this sacrifice for him, und went accordingly. And now he himself is offering it for you. Your lordship must not go." Zifu Huibo, however, said, " You must go. Our former ruler had never gone to Chu, and therefore the duke of Zhou offered the sacrifice to lead him on. Duke Xiang went to Chu; and now he offers the sacrifice to lead you on the way. If you do not go [to Chu], where should you go to?"

'In the 3d month, the duke went to Chu. The earl of Zheng paid him the compliments of the journey at Shizhiliang. Meng Xizi, who was with the duke as assistant, could not direct the observances to be employed; and when they arrived at Chu, he could not respond properly at the complimentary meeting in the suburbs.'

Par. 3. For 舍, here and afterwards, Zuoshi and Guliang have 婼. This was the son of Shusun Bao or Muzi, raised to succeed his father by the 'waiting-boy Niu,' as related in the narrative at the end of the 5th year. He is called generally in the Zhuan by his posthumous title of Zhaozi (昭子).

涖,—see on V. iii. 6. Those who contend that the peace in the 1st par. was between Lu and Qi press this notice in support of their view, and understand that the covenant here was in confirmation of that peace. Zuoshi says nothing on this par. 涖 is not decisive in the case. It is sometimes employed of the renewal or confirmation of a covenant (尋 盟); but we find it employed also where there had been no previous agreement.

Par. 4. This eclipse took place in the fore-noon of March 11th, B.C. 534.

The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin asked Shi Wenbo in whom [the omen of] the eclipse would be fulfilled, and was answered, "Lu and Wey will both feel its evil effects;—Wey to a greater extent, and Lu to a less," "Why so?" said the marquis. "It went," said Wenbo, "from Wey on to Lu. There will be calamity in the former, and Lu will also feel it. The greater evil indicated is to light, perhaps, on the ruler of Wey, and [the less] on the highest minister of Lu." The marquis said, " What does the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode IX. 2) mean, when it says,

'When the sun is eclipsed,
How bad it is!'

The officer replied, "It shows the effects of bad government. When there is not good govt. in a State, and good men are not employed, it brings reproof to itself from the calamity of the sun and moon. Government, therefore, must not in any wise be neglected. The three things to be specially attended to in it are—1st, the selection of good men [for office]; 2d, consideration of the people; and 3d, the right observance of the seasons." '

[We have five narratives appended here:—

1st. 'An officer came to Lu from Jin to settle the question about the lands of Qi (See on IX. xxix. 7), and Jisun was about to give Cheng [up] to him. Xie Xi, who was holding that city for Mengsun, objected, saying, "There is a saying that though a man have only knowledge enough to carry a pitcher, as he is in charge of it, he must not lend it to another; and it expresses what is proper. My master is in attendance on our ruler; and if I lose the city of which I am in charge, [during his absence], even you yourself will be suspicious of me." Jisun replied, "Our ruler's being in Chu is held by Jin to be an offence; and if [in this matter] we do not listen to Jin, Lu's offence will be aggravated. The army of Jin will be upon us, and I am not prepared for it. We had better give the city [up], and when Jin affords an opportunity, we can take it [again] from Qi. I will give you Tao [instead];—when Cheng is got back, who will dare to hold it [but Mengsun]? You will thus get two Cheng. Lu will not have to sorrow, and Mengsun will have an additional city. Why should you be distressed [by what I propose]?" Xie Xi objected to Tao, because there was no hill near it, on which Jisun gave him the hills of Lai and ZUo. He then removed to Tao, and the officer of Jin took Cheng in behalf of Qi.'

2d. 'The viscount of Chu entertained the duke in his new tower, having a man with a long beard to direct [the ceremonies]. His gift of friendship [to the duke] was the [bow called] Daqu. He repented afterwards that he had given it, and Wei Qiqiang, having heard that he did so, visited the duke, who told him about it, on which he bowed, and offered his congratulations. "What is there to congratulate me about?" said the duke. " Qi, Jin, and Yue," replied Qiqiang, "have wished to get this [bow] for a long time. Our ruler could not make up his mind to which to give it, and now he has given it to you. You must be prepared to withstand [the attempts of] those three neighbours [to take it from you], and carefully guard the precious treasure." The duke on this got frightened, and returned the article.

3d. 'Zichan having gone on a complimentary visit to Jin, the marquis was then ill, and Han Xuanzi met the guest, and had a private conversation with him. "Our ruler," said he, "has been ill in bed, now for 3 months. We have been all running about and sacrificing to all the hills and streams in Jin, but his illness has got worse instead of better. He has now dreamt that a yellow bear entered the door of his chamber;—what evil devil can that be?" " With a prince so intelligent as your ruler," replied Zichan, "and with the government in your hands, what evil devil can there be? Anciently, when Yao put Gun to death on mount Yu, his spirit changed into a yellow bear, which entered into the abyss of Yu. He was under the Xia dynasty the assessor at its sacrifice to Heaven, and in fact the three dynasties all sacrificed to him. Jin, though lord of covenants, has perhaps not yet sacrificed to him." Han Xuanzi on this offered the Xia sacrifice to Heaven, when the marquis became somewhat better, and gave to Zichan the two square tripods of Ju.

'Zichan, in behalf of Feng Shi, restored the lands of Zhou (See the 2d narr. after iii. 2) to Han Xuanzi, saying "Formerly, your ruler, from regard to the ability with which Gongsun Duan discharged his duties, conferred on him the lands of Zhou. Now he has, unfortunately, died an early death, and has not been able to enjoy long your ruler's kindness. His son does not presume to hold the lands. I do not presume to represent the matter to your ruler, and privately surrender them to you." Xuanzi declined the proffer, but Zichan said to him,"People have the saying, 'The father split the firewood, and the son was not able to carry it.' Shi will be afraid lest he should not be able to sustain the weight of his father's office; how much less can he sustain the weight of that gift from your great State. Though it might be possible for him to do so, while the govt. is in your hands, yet with other men that will follow you, if there should come to be any words about border matters, our poor State will be held to be an offender, and the Feng family will experience the weight of [Jin's] indignation. If you will take [back] Zhou, you will save our poor State from any charge of offence, and you will make the Feng family stronger:—I venture to make it my request that you will do so." Xuanzi on this received Zhou, and informed the marquis of it, who gave it to him. Because of what he had said before (See the narrative already referred to), however, he was distressed by the idea of holding it, and exchanged it with Yue Daxin for the district of Yuan.'

4th. 'The people of Zheng frightened one another about Boyou (See on IX. xxx. 7), saying, "Boyou is here!" on which they would all run off, not knowing where they were going to. In the 2d month of the year when the descriptions of punishments were cast (I. e., the last year), one man dreamt that Boyou walked by him in armour, and said, 'On Renzi I will kill Dai, and next year, on Renyin, I will kill Duan.' When Si Dai did die on Renzi, the terror of the people increased. [This year], in the month that Qi and Yan made peace, on Renyin, Gongsun Duan died, and the people were still more frightened, till in the following month Zichan appointed Gongsun Xie (Son of Zikong, the Gongzi Jia, put to death in the 19th year of duke Xiang), and Liang Zhi (Son of Boyou), [as successors to their fathers], in order to soothe the people, after which [their terrors] ceased. Zitaishu asked his reason for making these arrangments, and Zichan replied, "When a ghost has a place to go to, it does not become an evil spirit. I have made such a place for the ghost." "But why have you done so with Gongsun Xie?" pursued Taishu. "To afford a reason for my conduct," was the reply. "I contrived that there might be such a reason, because of the unrighteousness [of Boyou]. The administrator of government has his proper course; and if he takes the contrary one, it is that he may give pleasure [to the people]. If they are not pleased with him, they will not put confidence in him; and if they do not put confidence in him, they will not obey him."

'When Zichan went to Jin, Zhao Jingzi asked him whether it was possible for Boyou to become a ghost. "Yes," replied Zichan. "When a man is born, [we see] in his first movements what is called the animal soul. After this has been produced, it is developed into what is called the spirit. By the use of things the subtle elements are multiplied, and the soul and spirit become strong. They go on in this way, growing in etherealness and brightness, till they become [thoroughly] spiritual and intelligent. When an ordinary man or woman dies a violent death, the soul and spirit are still able to keep hanging about men in the shape of an evil apparition; how much more might this be expected in the case of Liang Xiao, a descendant of our former ruler duke Mu, the grandson of Ziliang, the son of Zi'er, all ministers of our State, engaged in its government for three generations! Although Zheng be not great, and in fact, as the saying is, an insignificant State, yet belonging to a family which had held for three generations the handle of government, his use of things had been extensive, the subtle essences which he had imbibed had been many. His clan also was a great one, and his connexions were distinguished. Is it not entirely reasonable that, having died a violent death, he should be a ghost?"

5th. 'Among the members of Zipi's clan there were measureless drinkers, in consequence of which there arose enmity between Mashi and Zipi. In the month when the army of Qi returned from Yan, Han Shuo (Mashi) killed Han Tui (a brother of Zipi), and fled to Jin. Han Xuanzi asked Zichan what rank should be assigned to him, and was answered, "He is a refugee with your ruler. If he be received by you so that he shall escape death, what rank will he dare to seek? It is the ancient rule, that when a minister withdraws [from his State], his rank becomes that of a great officer, and that criminals descend according to their crimes. In our State Shuo was a great officer of the second degree. His office was that of Master of the Horse (Mashi,馬 師). He fled after the commission of a crime. Assign to him whatever place you, as administrator of the govt. [of Jin], please. If he escape death, your kindness will be great. How dare he beyond that ask for any rank?" Han Xuanzi, out of regard to the ability of Zichan, made Shuo be ranked among great officers of the lowest degree.']

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, duke Xiang of Wey died. One of the great officers of Jin spake to Fan Xianzi, saying, "Wey's service of Jin has been most faithful, and Jin has not treated it with courteous propriety. It has protected its rebel (Sun Linfu; see on IX. xxvi. 2, et al.], and accepted his territory, causing disaffection among the States. The ode (Shi, II. i. ode iv. 3 and 2) says,

'There is the wagtail on the plain;—
A brother brings swift succour in difficulty;'

and again,

'On the dreaded occasions of death and mourning,
They are brothers who will greatly sympathize.'

If we do not cultivate harmony with [the States of] our brethren, and so do not condole with them [in their sorrows], how much more will we behave so to States that are not related to us! and who will seek our alliance? If now we go on to show discourtesy to the heir of Wey, that State is sure to revolt from us,—we shall be cutting ourselves off from the States." Xianzi reported these remarks to Han Xuanzi, who was pleased with them, and sent Xianzi to Wey to offer condolences, and also restored to it the lands of Qi.

'Qi E of Wey went to announce the duke's death in Zhou, and also begged an expression of [the king's] favour. The king sent duke Jian of Cheng to Wey to present his condolences, and gave the following expression of his favour to the deceased duke Xiang:——"My uncle has ascended in his reverence, and is at the right and left of the kings, my predecessors, to assist them in the service of God. I dare not forget [our ancestors] Gaoyu and Yayu."

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, the duke arrived from Chu. Meng Xizi felt distressed that he had not been able to direct the ceremonial observances (See on par. 2), and set about learning them. If there were any one well skilled in them, he would repair to him. [Afterwards], when he was about to die, he called to him his great officers, and said to them, "[A knowledge of] propriety is the stem of a man. Without it, it is impossible for him to stand firm. I have heard that there is arising a man of vast intelligence, called Kong Qiu, a descendant of the sage [Tang], but whose family was driven [to Lu] from Song. His ancestor Fufu He might have possessed Song, but he resigned it to duke Li. After him there was Zheng Kaofu who gave his aid to [the dukes] Dai, Wu, and Xuan. He rose to the third degree of office, and with every step his humility increased. Hence the inscription on the tripod [in his ancestral temple] said, "When he got the 1st appointment, he walked with his head bowed down. When he got the 2d, with his shoulders bent; when he got the 3d, with his whole body bent. In this way he hurried along the walls, [saying to himself], "Thus no one will presume to despise me. I will have congee in this [boiler]; I will have gruel in this [boiler],—to satisfy my hunger (See the prolegomena to vol. IV., par. 18)." Such was his humility. [Now], Zangsun He used to say, 'If a sagely man of brilliant virtue do not get distinguished in his time, among his posterity there is sure to be some one of vast intelligence.' This is now to be verified, probably, in Kong Qiu. If I get to die a natural death, you must put Yue and Heji under his charge, making them serve him and learn ceremonial observances from him, in order that they may be established in their places."

'In this way Meng Yizi (Heji) and Nangong Jingshu (Yue) became disciples of Zhongni. Zhongni said, "He who can mend his errors is a superior man. The ode (Shi, II. i. ode I. 2) says,

'The officers have in them a model for imitation.'

Meng Xizi may serve for such a model."

[There is here a brief notice:——'Xian, viscount of Shan, threw on one side his relatives, and employed refugees. This winter, in the 10th month, on Xinyou, the elans descended from [the dukes] Xiang and Qing, put duke Xian to death, and appointed [his younger brother], duke Cheng, in his room.']

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th mouth, Ji Wuzi died. The marquis of Jin said to Boxia, "What you said, when I asked you about the eclipse of the sun, has been fulfilled. May such verification be constantly calculated on?" "No," was the reply. "The six things are not the same. People's minds are not one. The order of things is not similar. Offices and duties are not of the same pattern. The beginning may be the same, and the end different. How can the verification be constantly calculated on? The ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I. 4) says,

'Some enjoy their ease and rest;
Some are all-worn in the service of the State.'

Such may be the difference of the end." "What do you mean by the six things?" said the marquis. Boxia replied, 'The year, the seasons, the days, the months, the stars, and the zodiacal spaces." The duke continued, "Tell me more. What do you mean by saying that the zodiacal spaces are not the same?" "The conjunctions of the sun and moon," was the answer, "form what are called the zodiacal spaces. Hence they serve to order the regulation of the days [of the months]."

Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The lady Jiang, wife of duke Xiang of Wey, had no son, but his favourite, Zhou'e, bore to him, first of all, Zhi. Kong Chengzi dreamt that Kangshu (The 1st marquis of Wey) told him that he must secure the succession to Yuan, adding, "I will make Ji's grandson Yu, and Shi Gou, his ministers." Shi Zhao also dreamt that Kangshu said to him, "I will appoint your son Gou, and Yu, the great-grandson of Kong Zhengchu, to be ministers to Yuan." Zhao went to see Chengzi, and told him this dream,—agreeing with that which he had had.

'In the year that Han Xuanzi became chief minister of Jin, and went paying complimentary visits to the States, Zhou'e bore a [second] son, and gave him the name of Yuan. The feet of Mengzhi were not good, so that he was feeble in walking. Kong Chengzi consulted the Zhou yi by the reeds, propounding the inquiry whether Yuan would enjoy the State of Wey, and preside over its altars; and he got the diagram Zhun (屯, ䷂). He also propounded the inquiry whether he should set up Zhi, and if this appointment would be acceptable, in answer to which he got Zhun and then Bi (比, ䷢). He showed these results to Shi Zhao, who said, "under Zhun we have the words, 'Great and penetrating (元 亨; as if 'Great' were the name Yuan);' after this, can you have any doubts?" "But is it not," said Chengzi, "a description of the elder?" "Kangshu," was the reply, "so named him, and we may therefore interpret it of the superior. Meng is not a [complete] man; he cannot have a place in the ancestral temple; he cannot be pronounced the superior. And moreover, under Zhun it is said, 'A prince must be set up.' If the heir were lucky, no other would have to be set up. That term indicates another, and not the heir. The same words occur in both your divinations. You must set up Yuan. Kangshu commanded it, and both your diagrams direct it. When the reeds accorded with his dream, king Wu followed them. If you do not do so, what will you do? He who is feeble in walking must remain at home. The prince has to preside at the altars, to be present at sacrifices, take the charge of the people and officers, serve the Spirits, attend at conferences and visit other courts; how is it possible that he should remain at home? Is it not right that each [of the brothers] should have what is most advantageous to him?" In consequence of this, Kong Chengzi appointed [Yuan or] duke Ling in his father's place; and in the 12th month, on Guihai, duke Xiang was buried.'

VIII. Eighth year.

1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, Shao, younger brother of the marquis of Chen, put to death Yanshi, heir-son of the State.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Xinchou, Ni, marquis of Chen, died.

3. Shu Gong went to Jin.

4. The people of Chu seized Gan Zhengshi, the messenger of Chen, and put him to death.

5. The Gongzi Liu of Chen fled from that State to Zheng.

6. In autumn, we held a review in Hong.

7. The people of Chen put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Guo.

8. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.

9. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renwu, an army of Chu extinguished Chen, seized the Gongzi Shao and banished him to Yue, and put to death Kong Huan.

10. There was the burial of duke Ai of Chen.

COMMENTARY

Parr. 1, 2, 4, 5. [The Zhuan has a narrative of a stone talking, which has place here:——'This spring, a stone spoke in Weiyu of Jin. The marquis asked the music-master Kuang why it was that it did so, and was answered, "Stones cannot speak. Perhaps this was possessed [by a Spirit]. If not, then the people heard wrong. And yet I have heard, that when things are done out of season, and discontent and complaints are stirring among the people, then speechless things do speak. Now palaces are reared, lofty and extravagant, and the strength of the people is tasked to an exhausting degree. Discontent and complaints are everywhere rife, [people feeling that] their life is not worth preserving. Is it not right that in such circumstances stones should speak?" At this time the marquis was engaged in building the palace of Siqi.

'Shuxiang said, "The words of Ziye (The music-master) show him to be a superior man. The words of a superior man are true and supported by evidence, so that they keep enmity far from his own person; but the words of a small person are false and without evidence, so that enmity and blame come upon himself. Herein we have an illustration of what is said in the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode X. 5),

'Alas that right words cannot be spoken,
Which come not from the tongue [only]!
The speakers of them are sure to suffer.
It is well for the words that can be spoken;
The artful speech flows like a stream,
And the speakers dwell thereby in prosperity.'

When this palace has been completed, the States are sure to revolt, and our ruler will bear the blame. This [the music-master] is aware of."]

This brother of the marquis of Chen appears in i. 2, as the Gongzi Shao. The Zhuan says:——'The head wife of duke Ai of Chen, a Ji of Zheng, bore to him Yanshi, [known as] Dao the eldest son. The second wife bore him the Gongzi Liu, and the third bore him the Gongzi Sheng. The second wife was the favourite, and Liu in consequence had more regard shown to him [than his brothers had], and was entrusted to the care of Shao, minister of Instruction, and the Gongzi Guo. [At this time], duke Ai was suffering from an incurable disease, and in the 3d month, on Jiashen, the Gongzis Shao and Guo killed Dao the eldest son, Yanshi, and raised the Gongzi Liu to his place.

'In summer, in the 4th month, on Xinhai, duke Ai strangled himself.

'Gan Zhengshi went to Chu to announce [the marquis's death], and the appointment of a [new ruler]. The Gongzi Sheng [at the same time] accused him to Chu, where they seized and put him to death, on which the Gongzi Liu fled to Zheng.

'The words of the text, "Shao, brother of the marquis of Chen, killed its heir-son Yanshi," show the guilt of Shao, while the statement that "The viscount of Chu seized Chen's messenger Gan Zhengshi, and put him to death," shows that the guilt did not rest on the messenger(?).'

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Shu Gong went to Jin, to offer congratulations on [the completion of the palace of] Siqi. You Ji attended the earl of Zheng to Jin, also to offer similar congratulations. The historiographer Zhao visited him, Zitaishu, and said, "Most excessive is the delusion you practise on one another. The thing is matter for condolence, and yet you offer congratulations on it." The other replied, "How is it matter for condolence? It is not we only who offer congratulations on it. [All the States] under heaven are sure to do the same."

Par. 6. The Zhuan says that at this review the leather or war-chariots, collected from Genmou (On the east of Lu) to the borders of Shang (I. e., Song) and Wey, amounted to a thousand. Hong was in Lu, but where it was exactly remains a matter of doubt. 蒐 is the name of the spring hunting, and many of the critics find matter for remark in the employment of the name for what was done in autumn, to the hunting in which the term 獮 is appropriate. But these terms are interchanged (Mao; 通 稱) in the sense which 蒐 has here of a military review. Du explains it by 數 軍 實, 簡 車 馬 'A numbering of the equipments of the army, and an examination of the chariots and horses.' Similarly, Gongyang;—簡 車 徒. Du thinks that the character 'grand' has been inadvertently omitted at the beginning of the par. Other critics call attention to the omission of 公, characteristic of this and other subsequent similar notices, accounting for it from the fact that the military power of Lu was now in the hands of the three families, and the ruler had nothing to do with it.

[We have a narrative here about affairs in Qi:——'In the 7th month, on Jiaxu, Ziwei of Qi died. Ziqi, wishing to take the regulation of his House, on Dingchou put to death Liang Ying (Ziwei's steward). In the 8th month, on Gengxu, he drove out Zicheng, Zigong, and Ziju, all of whom came fugitives to Lu; and he then appointed a [new] steward for Ziliang (Ziwei's son). [Ziliang's] servants, however, said, "Our young master is grown up. His taking the direction of our House shows that he wishes to absorb it." They gave out the buff-coats, and were proceeding to attack Ziqi.

'Chen Huanzi had been on good terms with Ziwei, and also gave out his buff-coats, intending to assist [the servants of Ziliang]. One told Ziqi [of all this], and he did not believe it; but when several men repeated the information, he was about to go [to Ziliang's]. On the way several others brought him the same news, when he went to Chen's. Huanzi was then about to go out; but when he heard [that Ziqi] was coming to him], he turned back, put on his garments of ease, and met him. [Ziqi] begged him to tell him [where he was going]. "I had heard," replied he, "that Qiang [Ziliang] had given out his buff-coats, and was going to attack you, Have you heard it?" Being answered, "No," [he continued], "Why should you not also give out your buff-coats, and allow me to follow you?" Ziqi said, "Why should you do so? I have instructed that young gentleman, and, apprehensive lest that should not be enough, I have also shown him the favour of appointing [a steward] for him. How would [our quarreling] appear to his father? Why should you not tell him this? One of the Books of Zhou (Shu, V. ix. 6) says, 'Be kind to the unkindly, and stimulate the sluggish;'—it was thus that the doings of Kangshu became so great." Huanzi bowed with his forehead to the ground, saying, "[The dukes] Qing and Ling will bless you. I also hope you will do thus." He then made peace between [the two families], as there had been before.']

Parr. 7, 9. Gongyang has 瑗 for 奐. The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Shao of Chen laid the blame [of the murder of Yanshi] on the Gongzi Guo, and put him to death.

'In the 9th month, the Gongzi Qiji of Chu led a force, [as if] in support of [the Gong-]sun Wu (Yanshi's son), and laid siege to [the capital of] Chen, where he was joined by Dai E of Song. In winter in the 11th month, on Renwu, he extinguished Chen. Yuan Ke a great officer of the lowest degree, master of [the duke's] chariots, [wanted to] kill horses and break articles of jade in pieces, to bury [with the duke]. The people of Chu would have put him to death, when he asked leave to let the horses and jade alone. Afterwards, he also begged that he might privately [do his duty to his late ruler's corpse]; and having done so in a tent, he wrapt a mourning band about his head, and fled.

'[The king of Chu then] appointed Chuanfeng Xu duke of Chen, saying it was because Xu had not flattered him in the affair at Chengjun (See after IX. xxvi. 4). When he was sitting near the king as they were drinking, the king said to him, At the affair of Chengjun, if you had known that I would reach my present position, would you then have given place to me?" Xu replied, "If I had known that you would reach your present position, I would have done my duty to the death, to secure the peace of the State of Chu.

'The marquis of Jin asked the historiographer Zhao whether Chen was now indeed to perish, and was answered that its end was not yet. "Why [do you say so]?" asked the duke. The historiographer replied, "[The house of] Chen is a branch of the descendants of Zhuanxu. When the year [i. e., star, Jupiter] was in Chunhuo, [the dynasty of Zhuanxu] was thereby extinguished; and the extinction of Chen will happen similarly. Now it is in Ximu, at the ford of the Milky Way;—[Chen] will still again arise. Moreover, the branch of the House of Chen which is in Qi will get the government of that State, and not till after that will Chen perish. From Mu to Gusou there was not [a chief of the family] who acted contrary to the laws [of Heaven]. Shun then renewed the family by his brilliant virtue, which secured the establishment [of his descendants] in Sui. From age to age they kept that State, till Zhou conferred his surname on duke Hu because of his freedom from all excess, and made him sacrifice to the emperor Yu (Shun). I have heard that sacrifices to [an ancestor of] complete virtue continue for a hundred generations. The number of the generations of Yu is not yet complete. The continuation of them will be in Qi;—there are sufficient indications of that."

Many critics read the 10th par. as belonging to the preceding one, so that the burial of the marquis of Chen was the act of Chu. There would be no difficulty in accepting this construction, but for the account in the Zhuan, which ascribes the burial to Yuan Ke, an inferior officer of the deceased marquis. Du Yu understands the notice in the same way as the many similar ones of burials in this classic, and says that Lu sent a great officer to be present at it. The Kangxi editors allow that the notice is to be accepted according to the analogy of similar ones, and yet they say that Lu did not by a representative take any part in the funeral! The entry was made, they fancy, 'by a change of the rule' for such notices, to disallow Chu's extinction of the State of Chen!

IX. Ninth year.

1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, Shu Gong went to an interview with the viscount of Chu in Chen.

2. Xu removed [its capital] to Yi.

3. In summer, in the fourth month, there was a fire in [the capital of] Chen.

4. In autumn, Zhongsun Jue went to Qi.

5. In winter, we enclosed the park of Lang.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Shu Gong, Hua Hai of Song, You Ji of Zheng, and Zhao Yan of Wey, had a meeting with the viscount of Chu in Chen.'

This was not one of the formal meetings summoned by the ruling State, and therefore the text does not give the names of the ministers of other States who now repaired to Chen to see the king of Chu. His dealing with Chen had fluttered them all, and they hurried to pay their respects to him. Compare VII. xv. 1. To mark the difference between this and the other usage of 會, I have translated the term differently.

Par. 2. We saw, in VIII. xv. 11, how Xu, to escape the pressure of Zheng, moved from its original capital in the present Xuzhou, Henan, to She, which is still the name of a district, in Nanyang dep. of the same province. The same cause operated to produce a removal, still farther south and nearer to Chu, to Yi, which had formerly been called Chengfu, 70 le southeast from Bozhou (亳州), dep. Yingzhou (潁州), in Anhui. The movement was carried out by Chu but originated in the desire of Xu itself; and hence the text ascribes it to Xu.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d month, on Gengchen, the Gongzi Qiji of Chu removed [the capital, of] Xu to Yi, i.e., to Chengfu, and took the lands of Zhoulai on the north of the Huai to increase its territory. Wu Ju delivered over those lands to the baron of Xu; and [at the same time] Ran Dan removed the people of Chengfu (I. e. Yi) to Chen, giving them in addition the lands of Yi on the west of the Pu. He also removed the people outside [Chu's] barrier wall to [the old capital of] Xu.'

[We have here a narrative about the relations between Zhou and Jin:——'The commandant of Gan in Zhou had a quarrel with Jia, the commandant of Yan in Jin, about the lands of Yan; on which Liang Bing and Zhang Ti of Jin led the Yin Rong to attack Ying. The king then sent Huanbo of Zhan to address the following remonstrance to Jin:——"We [of Zhou], from the time of the Xia dynasty, in consequence of [the services of] Houji, had Wei, Tai, Rui, Qi, and Bi as our territories on the west. When king Wu subdued Shang, Pugu and Shangyan were our territories on the east; Ba, Pu, Chu, and Deng, our territories on the south; Sushen, Yan, and Bo, our territories on the north:—no narrow limits could be assigned to our boundaries. When Wen, Wu, Cheng, and Kang granted fiefs to their own brothers, that they might be fences and screens to Zhou, it was also as a precaution against weakness and losses [in the future]:—was it that they should be like the [first] cap for the hair which is subsequently thrown away? The ancient kings located Taowu in [one of] the four distant regions, to encounter the sprites and other evil things (See on VI. xviii. 9), and so it was that the villains of the surname Yun dwelt in Guazhou. When [our] uncle, [your] duke Hui, returned from Qin (In the 15th year of duke Xi), he induced them to come in this direction (In Xi's 22d year), so that they have since pressed on all our Ji States, and entered our suburbs and the districts beyond them;—these the Rong have taken to themselves. That the Rong have thus [a footing in] the Middle State, whose is the blame? Houji [taught how to] divide the lands and sow grain all under heaven, and now the Rong regulate them after their own fashion; —is not the case a hard one? Let my uncle well consider it. I am to you as the cap or crown to the other garments, as the root to the tree, or the spring to the stream, as their counsellor to the people. If you tear the cap and break the crown in pieces, tear up the root, stop up the spring, and take it on you to cast the counsellor away, what can be expected by me, the One man, from the Rong and the Di?"

'Shuxiang said to Xuanzi, "Even Wen, as leader of the States, was not able to change the order of the kingdom. He acted as the supporter of the son of Heaven, showing towards him extraordinary respect. Since the time of Wen, our virtue has decayed generation after generation, and we have tyrannized over and reduced lower and lower the Head of Zhou, thereby proclaiming the extravagance of our course. Is it not right that the States should become disaffected to us? And moreover the king's words are right. Do you consider the case well." Xuanzi was pleased; and as the king was then in mourning for one of the queen's kindred, he sent Zhao Cheng to Zhou to offer condolences, and to surrender the lands of Yan, and present an offering of grave-clothes. He also sent back the captives of Ying. The king on his part made Bin Hua seize Xiang, the commandant of Gan, to please Jin, where, however, they treated him with courtesy, sending him afterwards back [to Zhou].']

Par. 3. Gong and Gu have here 火 instead of 災.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 4th month, there was a fire in Chen. Pi Zao of Zheng said, "In 5 years the State of Chen will be re-established; and after 52 years of re-establishment, it will finally perish." Zichan asked the reason [of his saying so], and he replied, "Chen, (As representing the dynasty of Zhuanxu), belongs to [the element of] water. Fire is the antagonistic [element] to water, and is under the regulation of Chu (The rulers of Chu being descended from Zhurong). Now the Huo [star] has appeared, and kindled this fire in Chen, [indicating] the expulsion of Chu and the establishment of Chen. Antagonistic elements are ruled by the number five [in their conjunctions]; and therefore I say in 5 years. The year [star] must five times come to Chunhuo, and then Chen will finally perish, and Chu be able to keep it in possession. This is the way of Heaven, and therefore I said 52 years."

Acc. to the explanation of Du, Jupiter was this year in Xingji (星 紀) (Sagittarius-Capricorn). In 5 years (Inclusive of the 1st and last), it would be in Daliang (大 梁) (Aries-Taurus), when Chen would be re-established; and in 4 years after it would be in Chunhuo (Cancer-Leo). When in 48 years it had been again 4 times in Chunhuo, these added to the above 4 years, give the 52 years mentioned.

In this par. and the 1st, as well as in the concluding par. of last year, the text continues to speak of Chen as if that State were still existing, after its extinction by Chu. There would appear to be, it is thought, in this way of writing, some indication of Confucius' disapprobation of the procedure of Chu.

[The Zhuan appends here a narrative, which we find, with some differences, in the Li ji, II., Pt. II. ii. 12:——'Xun Ying of Jin had gone to Qi, to meet his bride; and as he was returning, he died, in the 6th month, at Xiyang. While his coffin remained unburied in Jiang, the marquis was, [one day], drinking and enjoying himself, when the chief cook, Tu Kuai, rushed into the apartment, and asked leave to assist the cupbearer. The duke having granted it, he proceeded to fill a cup, which he presented to the music-master, saying, "You are the ruler's ears, and should see to his hearing well. If the day be Zimao, it is called an evil day, and the ruler does not feast on it nor have music, and learners give up their study [of music] on it;—because it is recognized as an evil day. The ruler's ministers and assistants are his limbs. If one of his limbs be lost, what equal occasion for sorrow could there be? You have not heard of this, and are practising your music here;—showing that your hearing is defective." He then presented another cup to the inferior officer of the Exterior, the officer Shu, saying, "You are the ruler's eyes, and should see to his seeing clearly. The dress is intended to illustrate the rules of propriety, and those rules are seen in the conduct of affairs. Affairs are managed according to the things [which are the subject of them]; and those things are shown in the appearance of the person. Now the ruler's appearance is not in accordance with the [great] thing [of to day], and you do not see this:——your seeing is defective." He also drank a cup himself, saying, "The combination of flavours [in diet] is to give vigour to the humours [of the body], the effect of which is to give fulness and stability to the mind. The mind is thus able to determine the words in which the orders of the government are given forth. To me belongs that combination of flavours, and as you two in attendance here have failed in the duties of your offices, and the ruler has given no orders [condemnatory of you], I am chargeable with the crime."

'The marquis was pleased, and ordered the spirits to be removed. Before this, he had wished to remove the Head of the Zhi family (Xun Ying) from his office, and to give it to a favourite officer of an extraneous clan; but in consequence of this incident he repented of his purpose and gave it up. In autumn, in the 8th month, he made Xun Li (Ying's son) assistant-commander of the 3d army, by way of apology [for his dislike of the family].']

Par. 4. This Zhongsun Jue is the Meng Xizi of whose ignorance of the rules and observances of propriety we read under the 7th year. For twenty years, since the 20th year of Xiang, there had been no interchange of complimentary visits between Lu and Qi. The present mission was therefore, dispatched on a grand scale. The Zhuan says:——'Meng Xizi went to Chu, to pay a complimentary visit of the completest order (殷 盛):—which was proper.'

Par. 5. This par. is literally, 'We built the park of Lang.' But the 'building' must refer principally to the enclosing walls, and I have therefore translated 築 by 'enclosed.'

The Zhuan' says:——'We enclosed the park of Lang. Ji Pingzi (Grandson of Su or Ji Wuzi) wished the work to be quickly completed; but Shusun Zhaozi said, "The ode (Shi, III. i. ode VIII. 1) says,

'When he planned the commencement, [he said], "Be not in a hurry;"
But the people came as if they were his children.'

Why must it be quickly completed? That would tend to destroy the people. We can get on without a park; but can we get on without the people?" Lang,—see I. ix. 4, et al.

X. Tenth year.

1. In the [duke's] tenth year, it was spring, the king's first month.

2. In summer, Luan Shi of Qi came to Lu a fugitive.

3. In autumn, in the seventh month, Jisun Yiru, Shu Gong, and Zhongsun Jue, led [our] army and invaded Ju.

4. On Wuzi, Biao, marquis of Jin, died.

5. In the ninth month, Shusun Chuo went to Jin, to the burial of duke Ping.

6. In the twelfth month, on Jiazi, Cheng, duke of Song, died.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. [The Zhuan gives here an astrological narrative:——'This spring, in the king's first month, a [strange] star appeared in [the constellation] Wunü. Pi Zao of Zheng said to Zichan, "In the 7th month, on Wuzi, the ruler of Jin will die. This year, the year [star] is in the xu of Zhuanxu (I. e., the zodiacal sign of Xuanxiao (玄枵), or Capricorn-Aquarius). The Houses of Jiang and Ren (I. e., of Qi and Xue) are the guardians of the territory corresponding thereto. Right at the commencing constellation of that sign, there is this ominous star;—with a communication evidently to Yi Jiang, the ancestress of the House of Jin. [The constellations of] heaven are arranged in sevens; and it was on Wuzi that duke Feng [anciently] ascended on high, when a [strange] star appeared in this same place. Thus it is that I make this observation."]

Par. 2. Instead of 齊 Gongyang has 晉, having confounded the Luan clan of Jin, which had played a prominent part in the former period of the Chunqiu, with that of Qi.

The Zhuan says:——'The chiefs of the families of Luan and Gao, which were descended from duke Hui of Qi, were both addicted to drink, gave credit to women's stories, and had many animosities. They felt themselves stronger than the families of Chen and Bao, and hated them. This summer, some one told Chen Huanzi that Ziqi (Luan Shi) and Ziliang (Gao Qiang) were about to attack the Chen and the Bao; and similar information was conveyed to the chief of the Bao. Huanzi [on this] gave out his buff-coats, and proceeded to the house of Bao, when [on the way] he met Ziliang, dashing along in his chariot drunk. He went on, however, and saw Wenzi (Bao Guo), who also gave out his buff-coats, while they sent to see what the two chiefs were doing. It turned out that they were setting to to drink, but Huanzi said, "Although our informant was not correct, yet when they hear that we have given out our buff-coats, they will be sure to [try to] drive us out. While they are drinking, let us take the initiative and attack them."

'Chen and Bao were then on the best of terms, and accordingly they proceeded to attack the Luan and Gao. Ziliang said, "If we first get [the countenance of] the duke, where can Chen and Bao go to?" [The duke refusing to see them], they attacked the Hu gate. Gan Pingzhong took his place outside it in his court robes. The four clans all called him, but he would not go to any of them. His followers asked him whether he would help Chen and Bao, but he said that they had no goodness to make him do so. Would he help Luan and Gao then? They were no better, he said. Would he then return to his own house? "When the ruler is attacked," said he, "how should I return?" [By and by] the duke called him, and he entered the palace, where the duke consulted the tortoise-shell, as to whether he should give Wang Hei the [banner] Linggupi, and order him to lead forth his troops. The answer being favourable, that officer asked leave to cut off 3 feet [from the border], and took the banner.

'In the 5th month, on Gengchen, they fought near the altar of [Hou]ji, when Luan and Gao were defeated. They were defeated again in the Zhuang [street], pursued by the people, and defeated a third time near the Lu gate, after which Luan Shi and Gao Qiang fled to Lu. Chen and Bao divided all their property between themselves, but Yanzi advised Huanzi to surrender it to the duke, saying, "Courteous deference is the essential point of virtue. It is an admirable quality. All who have blood and breath have a disposition to quarrel with one another, and hence gain is not to be sought for by violence. It is better to think of righteousness. Righteousnes is the root of gain. The accumulation of gain produces misfortune; let me advise you for the present not to seek such accumulation. You will find such a course conduce to the growth of your superiority." On this Huanzi gave up everything to the duke, and asked leave, as being old, to retire to [the city of] Ju. [Subsequently], he called Zishan (Who, with Zishang and Zizhou, had been driven away in Xiang's 21st year) [back to Qi], privately provided for him tents and articles of furniture, and clothes and shoes for his followers, and restored [his city of] Ji. So he dealt by Zishang, restoring his city; and by Zizhou, giving him [the city of] Fuyu. He brought back [also] Zicheng, Zigong, and Gongsun Jie (Driven out by Ziqi in Zhao's 8th year), and increased the emoluments of them all. To all the sons and grandsons of former rulers, who had no revenues, he gave cities of his own; and to all the poor and straitened, the orphans and widows, in the State, he distributed of his grain, saying, "The ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 2) says,

'He displayed his gifts in every direction.' So was [King Wen] able to dispense his bounties; and it was in this way that duke Huan became the leader of the States."

'The duke [wanted to] give to Huanzi the city adjoining Ju, but he declined it. Mu Mengji (The duke's mother) begged Gaotang for him; and the Chen family began to be greater than it had been.'

The text mentions the flight of Luan Shi only, as Gao Qiang was not a minister of Qi.

Par. 3. Here and afterwards Gongyang has 隱 如 for 意 如 . Yiru is Ji Pingzi, who was now chief of the House of Jisun. The whole expedition was under him, but the text mentions the other commanders also, because they were all three ministers. Hu An'guo confounds Shu Gong with the chief of the Shusun House. He may also have been in this expedition as assistant-commander to one or other of the others.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 7th month, Pingzi invaded Ju, and took Geng. In presenting his captives, he for the 1st time sacrificed a human victim at the altar of Bo. When Zang Wuzhong heard of this in Qi, he said, 'The duke of Zhou will not accept the sacrifice of Lu. What he accepts is righteousness, of which Lu has none. The ode (Shi, II. i. ode I. 2) says,

'Their virtuous fame is grandly brilliant;
They show the people not to be mean.'

The disregard of the people in this must be pronounced excessive. Thus using men as victims, who will confer a blessing [on Lu]?'

Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'On Wuzi, duke Ping of Jin died. The earl of Zheng was going [in consequence] to Jin; but when he had got to the He, the people of Jin declined his visit and You Ji then went on to Jin.'

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, Shusun Chuo (I. q. She 舍), Guo Ruo of Qi, Hua Ding of Song, Beigong Xi of Wey, Han Hu of Zheng, an officer of Xu, an officer of Cao, an officer of Ju, an officer of Zhu, an officer of Xue, an officer of Qi, and an officer of Little Zhu, went to Jin to the burial of duke Ping. Zipi (Han Hu) of Zheng wished to take silks and other offerings with him [expecting to have an audience of the new marquis]; but Zichan said, "On a funeral occasion how [can you think of] using such offerings? If you take offerings, you must have 100 carriages, which will require 1000 men. When the 1000 men have got there, you will find that [what you intend] cannot be done; and when that cannot be done, you will be sure to use the whole [in some other way]. How many times could you take 1000 men with you, and the State not be ruined?" Zipi, however, urgently begged that he might go [as he proposed].

'After the funeral, the great officers of the States wished to take the opportunity to see the new marquis; and though Shusun Zhaozi said it was contrary to rule to do do so, they would not listen to him. Shuxiang, however, declined their proposal, saying, [as if from the marquis], "The business of you, great officers, is ended; and still you have your orders for me. But I am in the deepest mourning, wearing the unhemmed clothes and headband. If I were to put on the auspicious garments to see you, the rites of mourning are not yet finished; and if I were to see you in my mourning robes, I should be receiving your condolences a second time:—what would you think of that?" The officers had no words with which to urge their request for an interview, and Zipi had to dispose of all his offerings. When he returned to Zheng, he said to Ziyu, "It is not the knowing a thing that is difficult, but it is the acting accordingly. He, our master, knew [that my purpose was impracticable], but I was not capable [of taking his advice]. The words of the Shu (IV. v. Pt. II. 3), 'By my desires I was setting at nought the rules [of conduct]; by my self-indulgence I was violating the rules of propriety,' might be spoken of me. He knew both of those rules; but I gave way to my self-indulgence and desires, and was not able to deny myself."

'When Zhaozi arrived from Jin, all the great officers visited him. Gao Qiang, [also] came to see him, and when he had retired, Zhaozi said to the great officers, "How careful ought a son to be! Formerly, when Qing Feng was driven into exile, Ziwei received many cities, a few of which he gave up to his ruler. The marquis of Qi considered him loyal, and made him a great favourite. When he was near his death, he was taken ill in the marquis's palace; and when he was conveyed home in a hand carriage, the marquis himself assisted in pushing it along. His son could not sustain his office, and therefore he is [a fugitive] here. [The father's] loyalty was an excellent virtue, but the son could not sustain it [in the same way], and the charge of guilt came moreover on him;—the evil was that he was not careful. He has ruined what his father had achieved, thrown away his virtue, and emptied his ancestral temple, involving also his own person;—is not the injury he has done [great]? To him we may apply the words of the ode (II. iv. ode VII. 2),

[Why was this time] not before me,
Or [why was it] not after me?"

Par. 6. For 成 Gongyang has 戌. The historiographers appear to have inadvertently omitted the character 冬, 'in the winter,' at the beginning of this par.

The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 12th month, duke Ping of Song died. Before this, [his son], duke Yuan, had hated the chief of the eunuchs, Liu, and wished to put him to death (See on vi. 5). On [Ping's] death, Liu placed lighted charcoal in the [mourner's] place, [so as to make it warm], and when the duke was coming [to occupy it], he removed it. After the burial, he continued a favourite as before.'

XI. Eleventh year.

1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the king's second month, Shu Gong went to Song, to the burial of duke Ping.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Dingsi, Qian, viscount of Chu, beguiled Ban, marquis of Cai, to Shen, and there put him to death.

3. The Gongzi Qiji of Chu led an army and laid siege to [the capital of] Cai.

4. In the fifth month, on Jiashen, the lady Gui, wife [of duke Xiang], died.

5. We celebrated a grand review in Bipu.

6. Zhongsun Jue had a meeting with the viscount of Zhu, when they made a covenant in Jinxiang.

7. In autumn, Jisun Yiru had a meeting with Han Qi of Jin, Guo Ruo of Qi, Hua Hai of Song, Beigong Tuo of Wey, Han Hu of Zheng, and officers of Cao and Qi, in Jueyin.

8. In the ninth month, on Jihai, we buried our duchess Qi Gui.

9. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Dingyou, the army of Chu extinguished Cai, seized You, heir-son of the State, and carried him back [to Chu], where he was sacrificed as a victim.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. For 二 月 Gongyang has 正 月. Zuoshi repeats the words of the par., with hardly any alteration; for what reason it would be hard to say, unless the last four characters of the paragraph have been introduced into it from the Zhuan.

Par. 2. The name of the king of Chu originally was Wei (圍), but he had changed it to Qian. The mention of the name in the notice is quite anomalous. That the name of the marquis of Cai should appear is in accordance with the general practice in the case of princes killed, or dying, or driven from their States, but the name of the prince inflicting the death or the banishment only appears in this place. Nearly half a dozen different explanations of the thing have been propounded, but it is not worth while to adjudicate among them, or to cast about for any new solution. Guliang has 乾 for 虔, and 班 for 般.

The Zhuan says:——'The king Jing asked Chang Hong which of the princes would be lucky this year, and which would suffer evil in it, and was answered, "It will be disastrous for Cai. This is the [return of the] year in which Ban, the marquis of Cai, murdered his ruler (See IX. xxx. 2). The year [star] is [again] in Shiwei (Aquarius-Pisces); he will not go beyond this year. Chu will possess Cai;—but to the accumulation [of its own wickedness]. When the year [star] reaches Daliang (Aries-Taurus], Cai will be restored, and Chu will have calamity;—this is the way of Heaven."

'The viscount of Chu, being in Shen, called the marquis Ling of Cai to come to him. When the marquis was about to go, the great officers of the State said, "The king is greedy, and has no good faith. He is full of indignation against Cai. Now his offerings are great and his words are sweet;—he is beguiling us. You had better not go." The marquis, however, would not be stopped.

'In the 3d month, on Bingshen, the viscount of Chu entertained the marquis of Cai in Shen, having [previously] placed soldiers in concealment, who seized the marquis when he was drunk. In the 4th month, on Dingsi, [the viscount] put him to death, and killed [also] his officers, to the number of 70 men."

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Qiji having led an army and laid siege to [the capital of] Cai, Han Xuanzi asked Shuxiang whether Chu would succeed in taking it. "It will succeed," was the reply. "The marquis of Cai was a criminal against his ruler, and he was not able [to conciliate] his people. Heaven will borrow the agency of Chu to destroy [the State]. Why should it not succeed? But I have heard that success which happens to be gained through want of good faith cannot be repeated. The king of Chu took the [Gong]sun Wu with him, when he went to punish Chen, saying, "I will settle your State;" on which the people of Chen accepted his orders;—and he proceeded to reduce that State to be a district of Chu. Now he has further beguiled Cai, put its ruler to death, and gone on to besiege its capital. Although he may chance to reduce it, he is sure to receive an evil retribution;—he cannot continue long. Jie vanquished the prince of Min, but thereby lost his kingdom. Zhou vanquished the Yi of the east. but thereby lost his life. Chu is [comparatively] small and its rank is low, but its [ruler's] acts of tyranny are more than those of those two kings;—is it possible he should not suffer for his evil? When Heaven borrows the assistance of the bad, it is not blessing them; it is increasing their evil and wickedness, and will then send down punishment upon them. We may use [in such a case] this comparison:—There are five kinds of materials supplied [to men] by Heaven. They will use them till their substance is exhausted, and then they are worn out. In consequence of this there is no help for them; they are done with, and cannot be repaired."

Par. 4. From par. 8, and the Zhuan on IX. xxxi. 3, we understand that this lady was the mother of duke Zhao. But according to Zuoshi, she was not the wife proper of duke Xiang, though in this par. she appears as such. He Xiu, on Gongyang, contends that she was the proper wife. It has been thought that there is some confirmation of this view in the fact that the text nowhere mentions the death of any other wife of duke Xiang. We need not, however, discredit the account of Zuoshi. On the elevation of duke Zhao, his mother would be raised to the place of the proper wife.

Par. 5. Du does not attempt to fix the situation of Bipu. It is generally understood to have been somewhere in the south of Lu. 蒐,—see on viii. 6. We have here the description of this as 'a grand review,' when everything connected with the defences and army of the State was regulated. Zuoshi says that this review was 'contrary to rule;' meaning that it was improper to hold it when the duke must have been mourning for his mother. The poor duke, however, would have very little to do with it. It was ordered and conducted, no doubt, by the three clans.

Par. 6. Neither does Du identify Jinxiang; but its site is to be sought somewhere in the pres. dis. of Ziyang (滋 陽), dep. Yenchow. Gongyang has 侵 羊.

The Zhuan says:——'Meng Xizi had a meeting with duke Zhuang of Cao [Zhu], when they made a covenant in Jinxiang, to cultivate the good relations [between the two States]:——which was according to rule. [Before this], the daughter of a man of Quanqiu dreamed that with her curtains she made a tent for the temple of the Meng family, after which she sought the company of Xizi, accompanied by one of her companions. They had made a covenant at the altar of Qingqiu, that, when they had sons, they would not abandon each other. Xizi made them act as assistants to [his concubine] of the family of Wei. When he was now returning from Jinxiang, he passed the night at the house of this lady Wei, and by the young woman of Quanqiu he had [two sons], Yizi and Nangong Jingshu. Her companion had no child, but she was employed to bring up Jingshu.'

Par. 7. Gongyang has 隱 for 意 酌, for 弱 軒 for 罕, and 屈 銀 for 厥憖. Where Jueyin exactly was is not known. The Zhuan says:——'When the army of Chu was in Cai, Xun Wu of Jin said to Han Xuanzi, "We were not able to save Chen, and again we are not able to save Cai; under such circumstances we shall have none to adhere to us. Jin's want of power may be known [from this]. We are lord of covenants, but what is the use of our being so, when we show no regard for States that are perishing?"

'The meeting in the autumn at Jueyin was to consult about relieving Cai. When Zipi of Zheng was about to set out for it, Zichan said to him, "You will not go far; we are not able to save Cai. Cai is small, and has behaved unreasonably. Chu is great, and has not virtue. Heaven will cast away Cai, to let the [wickedness of] Chu accumulate; and when that is full, it will punish that State. Cai is sure to perish. It is seldom, moreover, that [the State] can be preserved when the ruler is lost. But in three years, his evil will come on the king. When good or evil has gone its round [of 12 years], there is a revolution. The wickedness of the king will then have gone its round."

'The people of Jin sent Hu Fu to beg of Chu to spare Cai, but the request was refused.'

[The Zhuan appends here:——'The viscount of Shan had an interview with Han Xuanzi in Qi. His looks were bent downwards, and his words came slow and low. Han Xuanzi said, "The viscount of Shan will, probably, die soon. The places at audiences in the court are definitely fixed; those at meetings abroad are marked out by flags. There is the collar of the upper garment, and the knot of the sash. The words spoken at meetings and audiences must be heard at the places marked out and determined, so that the order of the business may be clearly understood. The looks must be fixed on the space between the collar and the knot, in order that the bearing and countenance may be fitly regulated. The words are intended for the issuing of orders; the bearing and countenance to illustrate them. Any error in either of these is a defect. Now the viscount of Shan is the chief of the king's officers; and when giving his instructions about business at this meeting, his looks did not light above the sash, and his words did not reach beyond a foot. His countenance showed no regulation of his bearing, and his words gave no clear intelligence. The absence of such regulation was a want of respect; the absence of such intelligence was a want [in his words] of accordance [with reason]:—he has not breath to preserve his life." ']

Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'At the burial of Qi Gui, the duke showed no grief. The officer of Jin who had come to attend the funeral told this, on his return, to the historiographer Zhao, who said, "He is sure to become [a resident] in the suburbs of Lu (I. e., he will be driven from the capital)." His attendants asked him why he said so, and he replied, "He is the son of Gui. As he does not think of his parent, his ancestors will not protect him." Shuxiang said, "The House of the dukes of Lu is low indeed! Though the ruler had so great a death [in his family], the State would not give up a review; though he was bound to mourn for 3 years, he could not show one day's grief. The State's paying no regard to [his mother's] death showed that it stands in no awe of the ruler; his having no appearance of grief shows that he had no regard for his parents. When the State does not stand in awe of the ruler, and the ruler has no regard for his parents, is it possible that he should not be reduced low? He will almost lose the State." '

Par. 9. Guliang makes the name of the prince of Cai 友. The Zhuan calls him 隱, a posthumous title, connected with his melancholy fate. 用 is used here as in V. xix. 4; Yingda explains it by 楚 以 畜 牲 用 之.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the viscount of Chu extinguished Cai, and sacrificed the marquis's eldest son Yin on mount Gang. Shen Wuyu said, "This is inauspicious. The five animals used as victims cannot be employed one for another; how much less can a prince of a State be employed as a victim! The king will have occasion to repent of this." '

[We have here two narratives:—

1st. 'In the 12th month, duke Cheng of Shen died:'verifying Shuxiang's remarks in the narrative after par. 7.

2d. 'The viscount of Chu walled, [on a large scale, the old capitals of] Chen and Cai, and Bulang, and appointed Qiji duke of Cai. He then asked Shen Wuyu what he thought of Qiji's being in Cai, That officer replied, "For choosing among his sons no one is equal to the father; for choosing among his ministers no one is equal to the ruler. Duke Zhuang of Zheng walled Li, and placed Ziyuan in it, the consequence of which was that duke Zhao could not maintain himself in the State (See on II, xv. 9; but we cannot explain the whole of this statement). Duke Huan of Qi walled Gu, and placed Guan Zhong in it (See on III. xxxii. 1); and to the present day that State feels the benefit of the proceeding. I have heard that the five great [subjects of a State] should not be located in its borders, and that [subjects of] the five small [classes] should not be in the court. The [ruler's] relatives should not be away from the court, and refugees should not be in it. But now Qiji is abroad, and Dan of Zheng (See on IX. xix. 12) is in the court. You ought to be a little careful."

'The king again [further] asked him what he thought of having great cities [besides the capital] in the State, and he replied, "Jing and Li of Zheng led to the killing of Manbo. Xiao and Bo of Song led to the killing of Ziyou (See on III. xii. 4); Quqiu of Qi led to the killing of Wuzhi (See III.ix. 1); Pu and Qi of Wey led to the expulsion of duke Xian (In Xiang's 14th year). Looking at these examples, we must conclude that [such great cities] are injurious to a State. Great branches are sure to break [the roots]; a great tail cannot be moved about:—this is what you know.]

XII. Twelfth year.

1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, Gao Yan of Qi led a force, and replaced the earl of North Yan in Yang.

2. In the third month, on Renshen, Jia, earl of Zheng, died.

3. In summer, the duke of Song sent Hua Ding to Lu on a complimentary mission.

4. The duke was going to Jin; but when he got to the He, he returned.

5. In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Jian of Zheng.

6. Chu put to death its great officer Cheng Xiong.

7. It was autumn, the seventh month.

8. In autumn, duke [Xiang's] son Yin fled from the State to Qi.

9. The viscount of Chu invaded Xu.

10. Jin invaded the Xianyu.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Yang was a city of Yan,—in the pres. district of Tang (唐), dep. Baoding, Zhili. It was afterwards called Tang. This earl of Yan was the Kuan, whose flight to Qi is mentioned in iii. 7. In vi. 9 we have the account of an ineffectual attempt on the part of Qi to restore him. This second attempt was also a failure, though it secured for the earl possession of Tang.

The Zhuan says:——'Gao Yan replaced Kuan, earl of North Yan, in Tang;—through its inhabitants [being well disposed to him].'

Par. 2. The Zhuan says;—'In the 3d month, duke Jian of Zheng died. When they were engaged in levelling the road in order to his burial, they came to the ancestral temple of the You family, and were about to pull it down. Zitaishu (You Ji, Head of the family) made the clearers stand with their implements in their hands, and not proceed to pull it down, telling them that, when Zichan passed by them, and asked why they had not pulled it down, they should say, "We could not bear [to touch] the temple; but yes;—we will pull it down." When they had done this, Zichan made them carry the road on one side of it. Right in the way were some houses belonging to the superintendent of the graves. If they were destroyed, the coffin could be put under ground in the morning. If they were not pulled down, it would be mid-day before that could be done. Zitaishu begged that they might be pulled down, saying, "We must do it for the sake of our guests from the [various] States;" but Zichan said, "The guests from the States who come to be present at our funeral will not be afraid of [stopping till] mid-day. Why should we not do what will occasion them no loss, and will save the people from injury?" Accordingly they did not pull the houses down, and the interment was accomplished at mid-day.

'The superior man will say that Zichan knew what was proper. According to the rules of propriety, a man will not overthrow anything of another to establish himself.'

Du supposes that duke Jian had chosen some new spot to be buried in, which occasioned the difficulties mentioned in the narrative.

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'This visit was on behalf of the ruler [of Song], to open communications [between him and Lu]. [The duke] gave him an entertainment, and there was sung for him the Liu Xiao (Shi, II. ii. ode IX.); but he did not understand it, and sang nothing in reply. Zhaozi said, "He is sure to be driven into exile. He cherished not that 'We feast and talk;' he declared not his sense of that 'They favour me, they brighten me;' he understood not that 'Excellent virtue;' he accepted not that 'Common happiness;'—how should he continue to be in [Song]?"

[The Zhuan gives here:——'The marquises of Qi and Wey, and the earl of Zheng, went to Jin to present themselves at the court of the new ruler.']

Par. 4. In explanation of this par., the Zhuan says:——'In consequence of our taking Geng (See on x. 3), the 'people of Ju had complained to Jin, which had not yet dealt with the matter, being occupied by the death of duke Ping, and therefore declined the duke's visit. Duke [Xiang's] son Yin then went to Jin.'

[We have here the following narrative about the visit of the above-named princes to Jin:——'The marquis of Jin entertained the princes, but Zichan, who was in attendance on and directing the earl of Zheng, begged that he might be excused from being present, saying that when they had done with the death [for the late earl], they would receive Jin's orders; and the request was granted;—which was according to propriety.

'The marquis of Jin was feasting with the marquis of Qi, when Zhonghang Muzi (Xun Wu), who was directing the ceremonies, [proposed that they should play at] throwing arrows into jars. The marquis of Jin had the first chance, and Muzi said,

"We have spirits to fill the Huai;
We have flesh to form the Chi.

If my ruler succeed with this, he will be the master of the princes." The marquis's throw was successful; and then the marquis of Qi lifted up an arrow, and said,

"I have spirits to fill the Sheng;
I have flesh to form a great mound.

If I hit with this, I shall rise to your lordship's place."

'His throw was also successful, on which Boxia (Shi Wenbo) said to Muzi, "You made a slip in what you said;—our [ruler's] position is established as master of the princes. Why did you use those jars? How should a successful throw into them give any superiority? The ruler of Qi has treated our ruler as feeble, When he returns, he will not come here [again]." Muzi replied, "Our armies and generals are most formidable opponents; our soldiers and chariot-men are strong and eager;—now as of old. Whom will Qi serve [but Jin]?" The Gongsun Sou hurried into the place of entertainment, saying, "The day is declining; our ruler is tired; it is time for him to come out." [With these words], he carried off the marquis of Qi.']

Par. 5. The Zhuan repeats this par., as if to show the meaning of Zichan's remark in the above narrative, giving, however, 'the 6th month,' instead of the 5th.

Par. 6. For 熊 Gongyang has 然; Guliang and the Zhuan of Zuo have 虎. Xiong was a grandson of Dechen or Ziyu, who lost the battle of Chengpu. Both the Cheng and Dou families were descended from Ruo'ao. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu, considering that Cheng Hu was a remnant, [as it were], of Ruo'ao, put him to death. Some one had slandered Cheng Hu to the viscount, and though he was aware of it, he was not able to go away. The text, "Chu put to death its great officer Cheng Hu," shows how he clung to the favour [he enjoyed].'

[We have here three narratives appended:——1st. 'Xun Wu of Jin, pretending that he wanted to join the army of Qi, borrowed leave to go through Xianyu, and took the opportunity to take possession of Xiyang. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Renwu. he extinguished Fei, and took its viscount, Miangao, back with him to Jin.'

2d. 'Jiao, earl of Yuan in Zhou, behaved oppressively to his servants, and made them run away. In winter, in the 10th month, on Renshen, the 1st day of the moon, all the people of Yuan drove Jiao out, and raised his brother Guixun to his place. Jiao fled to Jiao.

3d. 'Duke Jian of Gan had no son, and appointed his brother Guo as his successor. Guo wished to take off the families descended from [dukes] Cheng and Jing; but these bribed duke Xian of Liu, who, on Bingshen, put [Guo], duke Dao of Gan, to death, and appointed Qiu, a grandson of duke Cheng, in his room. On Dingyou, he put to death Guo, a son of Yu Pi, and tutor of the eldest son Xian. He put Xia Xin to death in the market-place, and Chuo a favourite of the palace, Wangsun Mo, Liu Zhoujiu, Yin Ji, and Lao Yangzi.']

Par. 8. For 憖 Gongyang has 整. We must suppose that the Gongzi Yin was a son of duke Xiang, and his being sent on a mission to Jin, as mentioned in the Zhuan on par. 4, shows that he was a minister of the State. His designation was Zizhong (子 仲).

The Zhuan says:——'When Ji Pingzi became Head of his clan, he behaved discourteously to Nan Kuai (A son of Nan Yi in the narrative at the end of the 4th year), who said to Zizhong, "I will drive out the Head of the Ji family, and give over his property to the duke. You will take his place, and I will hold Bi as a servant of the duke." Zizhong agreed, and Nan Kuai then told Shuzhong Muzi (A grandson of Dai or Shuzhong Zhaobo, and great-grandson of Pengsheng or Shuzhong Huibo. His name was Xiao; 小), informing him also of the cause [of his conduct]. 'When Ji Daozi (Son of Ji Wuzi and father of Pingzi) died, Shusun Zhaozi was one of the ministers, having received his second appointment, and when Pingzi invaded Ju and overcame it, he again received his third appointment. Shuzhongzi, wishing to set the two families at variance, said to Pingzi, "With his three appointments he has got beyond the rank of his father, and of you his cousin older than himself;—which is contrary to propriety." "Yes," said Pingzi; and he sent to Zhaozi [to require him to resign his third appointment]. Zhaozi said, "The House of Shusun had its family misfortunes. when the sons of the proper wife were put to death, and the son of a concubine was appointed in their place. It was thus that I reached my present position. If you had taken the opportunity of those misfortunes to ruin me, I should have accepted your commands. [But now], if we do not disannul our ruler's appointment, I certainly have this rank and position."

Zhaozi went to the court, and gave orders to the officers, saying, "I am going to have a litigation with Jisun. You must write the pleas without partiality." Jisun became afraid, and laid the blame on Shuzhongzi. In consequence of this, Shuzhong Xiao, Nan Kuai, and the Gongzi Yin plotted against Jisun. Yin informed the duke of it, and immediately after followed him to Jin. Nan Kuai, fearing their attempt would not succeed, revolted with Bi, and went [with it] to Qi. When Zizhong was returning [from his mission], he heard of the confusion, stole away from the assistant-commissioner, and went before him; but on his arrival at the suburbs, hearing of the revolt of Bi, he fled to Qi.

'When Nan Kuai was about to revolt, a man of the same village was acquainted with his purpose, and passed by him, sighing as he did so. He also said, "Alas! Alas! A case of difficulty and hazard! His thoughts are deep, and his plans are shallow. Circumscribed is his position, and his aims are far-reaching. The servant of a family, his schemes affect the ruler. Such a man there is!" Nan Kuai consulted by some twigs about his object, without mentioning it and got the diagram Kun (坤, ䷁), which then became Bi (比, ䷇). As it is said [upon the changed line], "Yellow for the lower garment; great good fortune," he thought this was very lucky, and showed it to Zifu Huibo, saying, "If I am contemplating something, how does this indicate it will turn out?" Huibo replied, "I have learned this.—If the thing be one of loyalty and good faith, you may go forward with it. If it be not, it will be defeated. The outer figure indicates strength, and the inner mildness;—expressive of loyalty. We have [also] harmony leading on solidity;—expressive of fidelity. Hence the words, 'Yellow for the lower garment; greatness and good fortune.' But yellow is the colour of the centre; the lower garment is the ornament of that which is beneath; that greatness is the height of goodness. If in the centre (= the heart) there is not loyalty, there cannot be the colour; if below (= in an inferior) there be not the respectful discharge of duty, there cannot be the ornament; if the affair be not good, there cannot be that height. When the outer and inner are mutually harmonious, there is loyalty; when affairs are done in fidelity, there is that discharge of duty; an earnest nourishing of the three virtues makes that goodness. Where there are not these three things, this diagram does not apply.

"Moreover, [this passage of] the Yi cannot be a guide about anything hazardous. What thing are you contemplating that should require that ornamenting? With what is admirable in the centre, you can predicate the yellow; with what is admirable above, you can predicate that great goodness; with what is admirable below, you can predicate that lower garment. Given these three all complete, and you may consult the reeds. If they are defective, though the consultation may [seem to] be lucky, it is not to be acted on."

'When [Nan Kuai] was about to go to Bi, he invited his fellow villagers to drink with him, one of them sang,

"In my garden of vegetables is a medlar tree!
Follow me, and you will be a good man;
Leave me, and you will act meanly.
To rebel against one's friends is shameful.
Stop! Stop!
Or you will be no member of our party."

Pingzi wished to make Zhaozi drive out Shuzhong Xiao. When Xiao heard it, he did not dare to go to court. Zhaozi ordered the officers to tell him that he should be waiting in the court for any governmental orders, adding, "I will not make myself an office of animosities."

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu was celebrating the winter hunt in Zhoulai, and halted at the junction of the Ying [with the Huai], from which he sent the marquis of Dang, the viscount of Pan, the marshal Du, Wu the director of Xiao, and Xi the director of Ling, with a force to besiege [the capital of] Xu, in order to alarm Wu; while he himself would halt at Ganqi to afford them what help they might require.

'The snow was falling, and the king went out with a whip in his hand, wearing a fur-cap, the cloak sent to him from Qin ornamented with king-fishers' feathers, and in shoes of leopard skin. He was followed by his charioteer Xifu. In the evening Zige (Dan of Zheng), director of the Right, waited upon him; and when the king saw him, he put off his cap and cloak, laid aside his whip, and spoke with him. "Formerly," said he "my ancestor Xiong Yi, with Lü Ji, Wangsun Mou, Xiefu, and Qinfu, all served together king Kang. The four States of those princes all received [precious] gifts, only we [in Chu] got none. If I now send a messenger to Zhou, and ask for the tripods as our share, will the king give them to me?" "He will give them, O ruler and king," was the reply. "Formerly, our king, Xiong Yi, lived meanly by mount Jing, in a deal carriage, with tattered clothes, as befitted his position amid the uncultivated wilds; climbing the hills and wading through the streams in the service of the son of Heaven; with a bow of peachwood and arrows of thorn, discharging his defence of the king. [On the other hand, Lü Ji of] Qi was king [Cheng's] maternal uncle; [Tangshu of] Jin was his own brother; and [the fathers of Qinfu of] Lu and [Xiefu of] Wey were king [Wu's] own brothers. Thus it was that [the prince of] Chu received no [precious] gifts, and all those other princes did. But now Zhou and those four States are submissive to you, O ruler and king, and you have only to order them to be obeyed; —how should [Zhou] grudge you the tripods?"

'The king pursued, "Formerly, the eldest brother of our remote ancestor dwelt in the old territory of Xu; but now the people of Zheng in their greed possess that territory and enjoy the benefit of it, and have refused to give it to us. If I ask it [now], will they give it?" Zige again replied, "They will give it to you, O ruler and king. If Zhou do not grudge its tripods, will Zheng dare to grudge its lands?"

'The king went on, "Formerly, the States kept aloof from us and stood in awe of Jin. But now I have walled on a great scale [the capitals of] Chen and Cai, and the [two] Bulang, each of which can levy a thousand chariots; and for this I am much indebted to you. Will the States now stand in awe of me?" "They," was the reply, "will stand in awe of you, O ruler and king! Those four States are themselves sufficient to awe them; and when there is added to them the power of Chu, will the States dare not to stand in awe of you, O ruler and king?"

'[At this moment], Lu, director of Works, came with a request, saying, "Your majesty ordered me to break a baton of jade [to ornament] the handle of an axe. I venture to ask for further instructions." The king went in to see the work; and then Xifu said to Zige, "You are looked up to by the State of Chu; but now, in talking to the king, you have been but his echo;—what will the State think of you?" Zige replied, "I have been sharpening [my weapon] on the whetstone, to await [my opportunity]; when the king comes out, I will cut down [his extravagance] with the edge of it."

'When the king came out, he was resuming the conversation, and Yixiang, the historiographer of the Left, passed by. "There," said the king, "is an excellent historiographer. He can read the three Fen, the five Dian, the eight Suo, and the nine Qiu." "I have questioned him," was the reply. "Formerly king Mu wished to indulge his [extravagant] desire, and travel over all under heaven, so that the ruts of his chariot wheels and the prints of his horses' feet should be everywhere. Moufu, duke of Zhai, then made the ode of Qizhao, to repress the ambition of the king, who died in consequence a natural death in the palace of Zhi. I asked [Yixiang] about the ode, and he did not know it. If I were to ask him about anything more ancient, how should he be able to know it?" "Can you repeat it?" asked the king. Zige replied, "I can. The ode said,

'How mild is the course of our minister Zhao!
How fitted to show [the king's] virtuous fame!
He would order his measures and movements,
As more valuable than gold or gem.
Beyond the people's strength he would not go,
or drunkard's thirst nor glutton's greed would know."

The king bowed to him and went in. For several days he would not eat what was brought to him, nor was he able to sleep; but he was not able to subdue himself, and so he came to his evil [end].

'Zhongni said, "It is contained in an ancient book that to subdue one's-self and return to propriety is perfect virtue." True is the saying and excellent. If king Ling of Chu could have done this, he would not have come to disgrace at Ganqi!'

Par. 10 Zuoshi observes that this attack was a sequel to the campaign against Fei, of which we have an account in the 1st narrative appended to par. 6. The people of Xianyu were a tribe of the White Di. The territory, called also Zhongshan (中 山), was in the pres dep. of Zhending (眞定), Zhili. Du observes that the commander of the army of Jin is not mentioned, through the inadvertence of the historiographer. Compare VI. x. 2 and VIII. iii. 14.

XIII. Thirteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, Shu Gong led a force, and laid siege to Bi.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, the Gongzi Bi of Chu returned from Jin to Chu, and murdered his ruler Qian in Ganqi.

3. The Gongzi Qiji of Chu put to death the Gongzi Bi.

4. In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Liu, the marquises of Jin and Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earls of Zheng and Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, and the viscount of Little Zhu, in Pingqiu.

5. In the eighth month, on Jiaxu, they made a covenant together in Pingqiu.

6. [But] the duke did not take part in the covenant.

7. The people of Jin seized Jisun Yiru, and took him back with them [to Jin].

8. The duke arrived from the meeting.

9. Lu, marquis of Cai returned to [the rule of] Cai, and Wu, marquis of Chen, to [the rule of] Chen.

10. In winter, in the tenth month, there was the burial of duke Ling of Cai.

11. The duke was going to Jin; but when he had got to the He, he returned.

12. Wu extinguished Zhoulai.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Bi,—see on IX. vii. 4. At that time, Nan Yi was commandant of Bi for the Jisun family; but from the narrative on par. 8 of last year, we learned that it was now held by his son Nan Kuai, who had carried the city with him, and transferred his allegiance from Lu, or the Jisun family rather, to Qi.

The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Shu Gong laid siege to Bi, but he could not reduce it, and was himself defeated. Pingzi, enraged, gave orders that whenever a man of Bi was seen, he should be seized and kept as a prisoner. Ye Qufu said to him, "This is a wrong course. If, when a man of Bi is seen suffering from cold, you clothe him, or suffering from want, you feed him, proving yourself its good lord, and ministering to the privations and distresses of its people, they will come to you as if they were coming home, and the Nan will perish. The people will revolt from them, and there will be none to dwell in the city with them. If you afflict them by your severity and frighten them with your wrath, so that they shall detest you, and be confirmed in their revolt, you will [only] be collecting [more followers] for the Nan. If all the States should deal thus with them, the men of Bi would have none to turn to. If they did not adhere to the chief of the Nan, where could they go to?" Pingzi followed this counsel, and the people of Bi revolted from Nan [Kuai].'

Par. 2. For 乾 谿 Guliang has 乾 溪. The Zhuan on par. 9 of last year left the king of Chu at this place, waiting the result of his operations against Xu. It was in the southeast of the pres. Bozhou (亳州), dep. Yingzhou (潁州), Anhui. The Gongzi Bi was a younger brother of the king of Chu, and had fled to Jin 13 years before this, when the king murdered his predecessor;—see the last par. of the 1st year, and the Zhuan on the one preceding it.

The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Chu was chief minister of the State, he put to death the grand-marshal Wei Yan, and took his property to himself (See the narrative after IX. xxx. 8); and when he became viscount, he violently took his lands from Wei Ju. At the removal of [the capital of] Xu (See on ix. 2), he had taken [with him] as a hostage, Wei, [a great officer] of that State. Wei of Cai was a favourite with the king, and when the king extinguished Cai (See xi. 9), his father died [in that State]; but the king made Wei remain to take part in the charge [of the capital], when he proceeded [himself to Ganqi]. At the meeting of Shen (iv. 2), a great officer of Yue was subjected to disgrace. The king [also] took Zhongchou from Dou Weigui, and his city from [Weigui's son], Chengran, making him director of the suburbs. This Chengran of Man had previously been in the service of the duke of Cai (The viscount's brother Qiji). In this way the families of the Wei clan, with Wei Ju, Wei of Xu, Wei of Cai, and Chengran of Man, had all been treated with discourtesy by the king; and they took advantage of the [other] families which had lost their offices to incite Chang Shouguo, the great officer of Yue, to raise an insurrection, when he laid siege to Gucheng, reduced the city of Xizhou, and walled and occupied it.

'After the death of Guan Qi (See on IX. xxii. 6), his son Cong went to Cai, and was in the service of Zhao Wu, to whom he [now] said, "If the State of Cai be not now restored, it never will be so. Let me try and bring it about." Accordingly, as if by the orders of the duke of Cai, he called Zigan (The Gongzi Bi) and Zixi [to Cai]. When they had arrived in the suburbs, he told them all the truth [about his plot], forced them to make a covenant with him, and then they entered [the capital of] Cai by surprise. The duke was about to take a meal; and when he saw them, he ran away from them. Guan Cong made Zigan partake of the food, and they then dug a hole, placed in it [the blood of] a victim with the words [of a covenant] over it, after which [the two princes] went hurriedly away. Cong himself made the thing known through the city, saying, "The duke called his two brothers, and is going to restore them [to Chu]; he has made a covenant with them, and sent them away, but he intends to raise his forces and follow them." The men of Cai collected, and would have seized him, but he said to them, "Of what use will it be to kill me, after you have let the [two] traitors escape, and are raising your army?" On this they let him go, and Zhao Wu said to them, "If you are able to die [for the king], your best plan is to oppose the duke, and wait till you see to whom success falls. But if you seek for rest and establishment, your best plan is to take sides with him, to secure the success of his ambition. And, moreover, if we oppose our superior, to whom can we betake ourselves with advantage?" The multitude said, "We will take sides with him;" and they proceeded to raise the standard of the duke of Cai, called [back] the two other princes, and made a covenant in Deng.

'The dependance [of the princes in their struggle] for the State was on the men of Chen, and Cai, which they promised to reconstitute as States; so the three, Bi, Heigong (Zixi), and Qiji, with Chengran of Man and Zhao Wu of Cai, led on the forces of Chen, Cai, Bulang, Xu, and She, and took advantage of the adherents of the 4 [disaffected] families, to enter [the capital of] Chu. When they arrived at the suburbs, [the men of ] Chen and Cai wished to get a name, and asked leave to form an entrenched camp. When the duke of Cai knew it, he said, "We want to be expeditious, and such a thing, moreover, would distress the labourers." He begged therefore that they would only make an enclosed encampment; which accordingly was done, and the army lodged in it. He then made Xu Wumou and the historiographer Pi enter the city before them. These, by the assistance of the chief chamberlain, put to death the king's eldest son Lu, and the Gongzi Pidi. The Gongzi Bi became king; and Heigong, chief minister; [both] halting at Yupo. The Gongzi Qiji was declared [grand-] marshal, and proceeded to clear out the royal palace, sending [also] Guan Cong to the army in Ganqi, who thereon made known what had been done, and intimated that those who were first in coming over [to the new rule] should be restored to their places, while those who delayed should have their noses cut off. That army advanced to Ziliang, and there dispersed.

'When the king heard of the death of his sons, he threw himself down under his chariot, saying, "Do other men love their sons as much as I did mine?" One of his attendants said, "They love them more. Small men know that when they are old, if they have no sons, they will be rolled into the ditches," "I have killed many sons of others," replied the king. "Was it possible that I should not come to this condition?"

'Zige, director of the Right, begged the king to wait in the suburbs till they heard what course the people took, but the king said, "They are all enraged, and we must not encounter them." He then proposed that they should enter a great city, and ask military assistance from the States; but the king said, "They will all revolt [from me]." He proposed further, that they should flee to some of the States, and await the deliberations of the [other] great State on his case; but the king said, "Great happiness is not obtained twice. I should only be bringing disgrace on myself." On this, Ran Dan [left the king, and] returned to Chu, while the king took his way along the Xia, wishing to enter Yan.

'Shen Hai, the son of the Wu-director Wuyu, said, "My father twice violated the king's orders (See the narrative after vii. 1), and was not punished;—what kindness could be greater? I cannot bear the king's misery, and his kindness is not to be forgotten;—I will follow him." Accordingly he sought for the king, found him at the Ji gate, and took him home with him. In summer, in the 5th month, on Guihai, the king strangled himself in his house, when Shen Hai buried him, and his own two daughters along with him.'

When we compare the paragraph and this Zhuan, we are startled by the contradictions between them. The Gongzi Bi had never been a subject of his brother, and it appears contrary to rule to apply the term 弒 to him. And in fact Bi did not put the king to death;—the king died by his own hands. And he did not die in Ganqi. Bi, moreover, was merely a tool in the hands of others; it is both incorrect and unjust to represent him, as the paragraph does, as the prime mover in the proceedings against the king, and then charge him with the crime of regicide. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, even Mao acknowledges an admirable subtlety and propriety in the sage's phraseology in the paragraph! The original name of king Ling was Wei (圍), but he changed it after he had murdered his predecessor, hoping probably thereby to escape somehow the charge of crime that would attach to his name.

Par. 3. For 殺 Gong and Gu here have 弑; and that term would certainly be as proper here as in the preceding par. As it seemed right, however, to the author not to acknowledge the shortlived dignity of Bi as king, but still to represent him as merely a Gongzi, 殺 is, probably, the true reading.

The Zhuan says:——'Guan Cong said to Zigan, 'If you do not kill Qiji, though you have got the State, you will still receive calamity." "I cannot bear to do so," was Zigan's reply. Ziyu (Cong's designation) continued, "He will bear to kill you, and I cannot bear to wait [and see it];" and on this he went away. Every night there was an alarm [in the city] that the king had entered it. On the night of Yimao, Qiji made people run all about, crying, "The king is come!" The people were greatly frightened; and then he made Chengran of Man run and inform Zigan and Zixi, saying, "The king is come. The people have killed your marshal, and will [soon] be here. If your lordship will be quick and deal with yourself, you may escape disgrace. The multitudes are angry, as [raging] waves or flames, and no plans can be formed against them." There now came others running to [the palace], and crying out, "The multitudes are come;" on which the two princes killed themselves.

'On Bingchen, Qiji ascended the [vacant] seat, and [took] the name of Xiongju. He buried Zigan in Zi, who is thence known as Zi'ao. Having killed a prisoner, he clothed the body in the king's robes, and let it float in the Han, from which he took and buried it, in order to quiet the minds of the people; and he then appointed Ziqi (Chengran of Man) to be chief minister.

'When the army of Chu was withdrawing from Xu, the men of Wu defeated it at Yuzhang, and took [all] its five commanders (See the commencement of the narrative on par. 9 of last year). King Ping (Qiji) restored the States of Chen and Cai, and the cities from which the inhabitants had been removed; paid all the bribes which he had promised; gave gifts to the people, and forgave them the dues which they owed; dealt gently with criminals, and restored their offices to those who had been deprived of them. Calling Guan Cong to him, he said, "You may have whatever office you wish." "My ancestors," replied Cong, "assisted the interpreter of divinations by the tortoise-shell;" and he was appointed master of such divinations. The king sent Zhiru Zigong on a complimentary mission to Zheng, and to deliver to it the lands of Chou and Li. When the [other] business [of his mission] was finished, however, he did not deliver these. An officer of Zheng took the liberty to say to him, "It was reported on the way that you would give our ruler Chou and Li. I venture to ask for your orders [to that effect]." He replied, "I have not yet received such orders." When he returned [to Chu], the king asked him about those two places, on which he put off his robe, and replied, "I made a mistake and lost your orders about them, so that I did not give them over." The king took him by the hand, and said, "Do not be concerned about it. Go home for the present; and when I have any business, I will inform you of it." In a year or two, the Wu-director Shen Hai informed the king of the burial of king [Ling], when the coffin was removed and buried in another place.

'King Ling at a former time had asked the tortoise-shell whether he might possibly get the whole kingdom; and when the answer was unfavourable, he cast the shell from him, railed at Heaven, and said, "This small thing you will not give me, but I will take it for myself." The people were distressed by his insatiable ambition, and joined in the insurrection against him as eagerly as if they had been going home.

'At a period before this, king Gong had no son by his queen, whom he could have declared his heir; and though he had five among his other sons, who were favourites with him, none of them had been appointed to the succession. He therefore celebrated a great service to the Spirits of all the hills and rivers of the State, and prayed, saying, "I ask you, Spirits, from among my five sons to choose one, who may be appointed lord of the altars." He then went all round the altars where he had sacrificed, and exhibited a bi before each of them, saying, "He who worships right over this bi shall be he whom you Spirits have appointed. Who will dare to oppose your will?" After this, along with [one of his concubines], a Ji of Ba, he secretly buried the pi in the court of the ancestral temple, and made his five sons come in, after fasting, in the order of their age, to worship. King Kang stepped over the place; king Ling touched it with his elbow; Zigan and Zixi were both a long way from it; king Ping, being then a child, was carried in, and worshipped twice, right over the button of the bi. Dou Weigui gave this child in charge to [his son] Chengran, saying, "Chu will be endangered both by abandoning the proper law [of succession], and by resisting the appointment [by the Spirits of this child]."

'When Zigan had returned [from Jin to Chu], Han Xuanzi asked Shuxiang whether he was likely to be successful. "It will be hard for him to be so," was the reply. Xuanzi said,"When those who are engaged in the same evil course seek one another's [co-operation], like traffickers in the market, what difficulty can there be?" Shuxiang answered, "Having had no likings in common, they will not have common dislikes. There are five difficulties in the way of taking a State. The candidate may be a favourite, but if he have no [able] men [in his service]:—this is the first. He may have the men, but if he have no party [in the State]:—this is the second. He may have the party, but if he have no [good] plans:—this is the third. He may have the plans, but if he have not the people:—this is the fourth. He may have the people, but if he have not virtue:—this is the fifth. Zigan has been in Jin 13 years; but among his followers, whether of Jin or Chu, I have not heard that there are any of distinction:—it may be said that he has not the men. His family is extinct [in Chu], and his relatives are against him:—it may be said that he has no party. He is moving without any [sufficient] occasion:—it may be said that he has no plans. He has been a refugee [here nearly] all his life:—it may be said he has not the people. As an exile, there are no proofs that he is loved:—it may be said that he has not the virtue. The king is [indeed] oppressive, and stands in awe of nothing; this prince Zigan may adventure in spite of these five difficulties to put him to death, but who can carry his enterprise to complete success? It is Qiji, I apprehend, who will have the State of Chu. He is ruler of Chen and Cai, and all outside the barrier wall belongs to him. He has perpetrated no oppression; the banditti [in his jurisdiction] are quiet; he has not, to gratify himself, gone against the people. They have no feeling of animosity against him, and the Spirits formerly gave the appointment to him. The people of the State believe in him, and it has been the regular custom of Chu, that, when there is trouble in the House of Mi, the youngest scion of it should get the State. Thus he has obtained the [approval of the] Spirits:—that is one advantage. He has the [confidence of the] people:—that is a second. His virtue is admirable:—that is a third. He is favoured and noble:—that is a fourth. His succession would be in regular order:—that is a fifth. With these five advantages to be set against the five difficulties of the other, who can harm him? As to the office of Zigan, he was director of the Right; if you calculate his favour and nobility, he was [only] one of the [king's] sons by concubines; if you judge by the appointment of the Spirits, he was far off from the token which they gave of their approval. His nobility wanting, his favour away from him, the people not cherishing him, and there being no party for him in the State;—how should he become established [in Chu]?"

'Xuanzi said, "Were not the cases of Huan of Qi and [our] Wen of Jin like his?" Shuxiang replied, "Huan of Qi was the son of a Ji of Wey who was a favourite with [duke] Xi. He had Bao Shuya, Bin Xuwu, and Xi Peng as his assistants. He had Ju and Wey to support him from abroad. He had the [chiefs] Guo and Gao to support him in the State itself. He followed what was good like a flowing stream. He condescended to the good, and was grave and reverent. He did not accumulate his wealth; he did not follow his desires; he gave away unwearyingly; and he was never tired of seeking for good men:—was it not right that with such conditions he should have the State? As to our former ruler duke Wen, he was the son of the younger Ji of Hu, who was a favourite of [duke] Xian. He was fond of learning, and of an unchanging will. When he was 17 years old, he had five officers [who readily followed him]. There were our great officers Ziyu (Zhao Cui) and Zifan (Hu Yan) to be his counsellors; there were Wei Chou and Jia Tuo to act as limbs to him; there were Qi, Song, Qin, and Chu to support him from abroad; there were the Luan, Xi, Hu, and Xian families to support him in the State itself. During his 19 years of exile, he kept his purpose with increased sincerity, while [the dukes] Hui and Huai neglected the people. The people followed and joined him. There was no [other] son of Xian [remaining]; the people could not look for any other leader. Heaven was then favourably regarding Jin, and who was there to take the place of Wen? The cases of those two princes were different from that of Zigan. There is [another] favourite son of [king] Gong; there is [another] lord more honoured in the State. He has shown no beneficence to the people; he has no support from abroad. When he left Jin, none escorted him; when he returned to Chu, none met him:—how can he expect to have the State?"

Par. 4. Pingqiu was 9 li north of the present dis. city of Chenliu (陳 留), dep. Kaifeng. The meeting at this place is memorable as being the last of those on a great scale called by Jin. Its supremacy among the States had long been waning. The murder of the king of Chu, and the confusion prevailing in that State, encouraged Jin to make this final effort to recover its former position; but its day had gone by. To give more solemnity to the meeting, it secured the presence of a representative of the king in the viscount of Liu; but Zhou had long ceased to command the hearty and reverent homage of the States.

The Zhuan says:——'When Jin completed [the palace of] Siqi, the princes who then went to its court (In the 8th year) returned home, all alienated from it. It was about to lead the States on a punitive expedition against us, and Shuxiang said, "The States must have the terrors of our majesty displayed to them." They accordingly summoned a meeting on a grand scale, sending notice of it [even] to Wu. In autumn the marquis of Jin went to have a meeting with the viscount of Wu in Liang, who declined it, on account of the difficulty of the communication by water; and he returned [to Pingqiu]. In the 7th month, the military array [of Jin] was drawn out, on Bingyin, in the south of Zhu, to the number of 4000 chariots of war, Yangshe Fu having the duties of marshal for the occasion; and the States were forthwith assembled at Pingqiu. Zichan and Zitaishu attended the earl of Zheng to the conference, the former marching with curtains and coverings for 9 tents, while the latter had taken with him enow for 40. Of this, however, he repented, and reduced the number at every station where they halted, till, when they arrived at the meeting, his number was the same as that of Zichan. When they halted in Wey, Shufu (Yangshe Fu), desiring to get bribes from that State, allowed great license to his foragers and fuel-gatherers. The people sent Tu Bo to present to Shuxiang a dish of soup, and a basket of flowered silks, saying, "The other States do not dare to swerve from their service of Jin, and how much less should Wey, dwelling as it were beneath your eaves, presume to cherish any disaffection! Your foragers and fuel-gatherers are not behaving as on former occasions;—we venture to ask you to take measures with them." Shuxiang accepted the soup, but returned the silks, saying, "There is that Yangshe Fu, whose craving for bribes is insatiable;—evil will come on him. It is he who has done this. If you give him these silks with your ruler's orders, he will stop the trouble." The visitor did so; and before he retired, a prohibition was issued [to the plunderers].'

Parr. 5, 6. The inartificial construction of the classic appears in these two parr., compared with the preceding one. From 4 and 5 we should certainly conclude that the duke took part in the covenant, but from 6 it appears that he did not do so.

The Zhuan says:——'The people of Jin wished to renew the [existing] covenant, but they of Qi refused to do so. The marquis of Jin sent Shuxiang to inform duke Xian of Liu [of the difficulty], saying, "Since the people of Qi will not join in covenant, what is to be done?" [The duke] replied, "A covenant is for the confirmation of faith. If your ruler have good faith, the princes will not separate from him. Why should you make a trouble of this matter? Set the thing before them in civil terms, and follow this up with your military force; although Qi do not take the covenant, your ruler will accomplish much. An elder of the Son of Heaven, I beg to conduct the king's levies, and with ten large chariots of war lead the way before you; —by-and-by or quickly, as your ruler may determine." Shuxiang then went to inform Qi, saying, "The princes have sought for a covenant and are here; but your lordship does not think it will be profitable, and my ruler thinks it well to ask for your views!" "When the States are about to punish the disaffected," was the reply, "then there is a renewal of covenants; but if all are obedient to your orders, why should there be any such renewal?" Shuxiang said, "The ruin of States [happens in this way]:—If they have [meetings of] business, but do not pay their contributions, the business become irregular; if they pay their contributions, but do not observe the [proper] ceremonies, there may be regularity, but there is a want of order; if they observe the ceremonies, but do not have a feeling of awe, the order comes to be without respect; if they have a feeling of awe, but do not declare it [to the Spiritual powers], their respect is not [sufficiently] displayed. The want of that display leads to the casting away of respect; the various affairs of business are not brought to a successful issue; and there ensue downfall and overthrow. For this reason the statutes of the intelligent kings required the princes every year to send a complimentary mission, that they might be kept in mind of the contributions they had to pay; after the interval [of a year], they went themselves to court for the practice of ceremonies; when the time for a second visit to court came, there was a meeting for the display of [the king's] majesty; and when the time for a second meeting came, there was a covenant for the exhibition of his clear intelligence. The keeping their duties in mind was to secure the [continuance of] friendly relations; the practice of ceremonies served to maintain the distinctions of rank; the display of majesty was before the multitude; the clear intelligence was matter of appeal to the Spirits. From antiquity downwards, these rules, we may say, were never neglected. The principles of the preservation or the ruin [of States] depended on them. It is the rule for Jin to be lord of covenants. Fearing lest our government should be defective, we bring a victim for a covenant, and announce our purpose to your lordship, seeking the completion of the business. Your lordship, however, has said, 'I will have none of it. What have we in common?' Let your lordship consider the matter well. Our ruler will receive your commands." The people of Qi were afraid, and replied, "Our small State said so; but the decision is with your great State. How dare we not listen to and follow you? We have heard your commands, and will reverently proceed [to the covenant]. Let it be early or late as you please."

'Shuxiang said, "There is disaffection among the princes. We must show our numbers." [Accordingly], in the 8th month, on Xinwei, [Jin] reviewed its troops, raising up their [small] flags without the banners; but [next day], Renshen, the banners were again attached, and the States were afraid of them.

'The people of Zhu and Ju made a complaint to Jin, saying, "Morning and night Lu keeps invading us, and we are nearly ruined, That we cannot pay our contributions is caused by Lu." The marquis of Jin would not see the duke, and sent Shuxiang to decline his presence at the meeting, saying,"The States are going to make a covenant on Jiaxu; but my ruler knows that he cannot serve your lordship;—and prays your lordship not to trouble yourself" Zifu Huibo replied, "Your ruler believes the accusations of those Man and Yi, and cuts off his communications with a brother State, casting from him the descendants of the duke of Zhou. Such is his pleasure. Our ruler has heard your order." Shuxiang said, "Our ruler has here 4000 chariots of war. Although he were acting contrary to right, it would be necessary to fear him; but when he is acting in accordance with what is right, who can prove his opponent? An ox may be meagre; but if it fall upon a pig, would you not fear the pig would die? Can you forget your troubles with Nan Kuai and Zizhong? If we lead on the multitudes of Jin, using also the forces of the other States, and taking advantage of the anger against you of Zhu, Ju, Qi, and Zeng; if we come thus to punish Lu for its offences, with the opportunity afforded by those two spirits of trouble:——what can we seek that we shall not get?"

'The people of Lu were frightened by these threats and accepted Jin's commands. On Jiaxu the States made a covenant together in Pingqiu;—together, as Qi had submitted.

'Orders were given that the princes should repair to the cleared space [in front of the altar] at mid-day; and on Guiyou, when they retired from the court [of Jin], Zichan commanded the servants, who had attended them on the journey, to pitch the tents [of Zheng] there. Zitaishu, however, stopped them, and told them to wait till the next day. In the evening, Zichan, hearing that the tents were not yet pitched, made the servants go immediately to do it; but by this time there was no space left for them. When they came to make the covenant, Zichan disputed about the amount of the contributions required [from Zheng], saying, "Formerly, the sons of Heaven regulated the amount of the contributions according to the rank of the States. Where the rank was high, the contribution was heavy;—this is the rule of Zhou. [Only] from the dian tenure, was a heavy contribution required, where the rank was low. Zheng ranks as [the territory of] an earl or a baron, and yet its contribution is on the scale of that of a duke or a marquis. I am afraid we cannot render it, and venture to make a matter of request concerning it. The States have agreed to abstain from wars, and to make the cultivation of friendly relations their business, but the commands of your messengers come to us every mouth. There is no regular rule for our contributions; and when our small State fails [in rendering what is required], it is held to be an offender. The object of the princes in making covenants is to preserve the small States. When our contributions and offerings have no limit set to them, we have only to wait till our ruin comes. The rule for our preservation or ruin must be made to day." The contention was continued from mid-day till dusk, when Jin at last gave way.

'After the covenant, Zitaishu blamed Zichan, saying, "If the States had [determined to] punish us, was it right to take such a liberty [with Jin]?" Zichan replied, "The government of Jin is in the hands of many families. They have no leisure, with their differences and extravagances, to punish [any other State]. If a State do not show itself strong, it will be insulted, and no longer be fit to be a State."

Par. 7. Here and elsewhere Gongyang has 隱 如 for 意 如. The Zhuan says:——'The duke did not take part in the covenant, and the people of Jin seized Jisun Yiru, and confined him in a tent, with some Di to guard it. She, the herald, carrying some flowered silks in his bosom, and having a vessel with ice to drink in his hand, crawled to the tent. The guards stopped him, but he gave them the silks, and entered. The people of Jin then took Pingzi back with them, Zifu Jiao (Huibo) going in attendance on him.'

[The Zhuan appends here:——'When Zichan was returning [from the meeting], before he got to Zheng, he heard that Zipi was dead. He wept and cried, "There is an end of me! There is none [now] to help me in doing good. It was only he who knew me." Zhongni said, "On this occasion Zichan proved himself fit to be the foundation of his State. The ode (Shi, II. ii. ode VII. 1) says,

"Objects of complacency are these gentlemen,
The foundation of my State."

Zichan was a superior man whom one could desire as the object of his complacency." He also said, "When the States were assembled, to adjust the business of their contributions was according to rule."]

Par. 8. [The Zhuan appends here:——'The people of Xianyu, having heard that all the forces of Jin had been raised [to go to Pingqiu], ceased all care of their borders, and took no other precautions. On this, Xunwu of Jin proceeded with the 1st army from Zhuyong, and made an incursion into their territory; and when he had reached Zhongren he made a rush upon them, took great spoil, and returned.']

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'When Chu extinguished Cai, king Ling removed Xu, Hu, Shen, Dao, Fang, and Shen within the boundaries of Jing (= Chu). On the accession of king Ping, when he reinstated Chen and Cai, he restored all these other States:—which was proper. Lu, son of the eldest son Yin, returned to Cai:—which was proper; and Wu, son of the eldest son Dao, returned to Chen:—which was proper.'

The eldest son of the last marquis of Cai, whose name was You and who is called in this Zhuan by his posthumous title, was sacrificed by Chu, as related in xi. 9. His son Lu had since then remained in Chu. Wu was the son of Yanshi, the heir-prince of Chen, whose murder is related in viii. 1. He also had been kept in Chu. But why the two princes should appear in the text, as if they had all along been the marquises of their States, does not immediately appear. Taken in connection with there being no mention of their restoration by the new king of Chu, there is some ground for believing that Confucius wished, so far as it was possible, to ignore all the proceedings of Chu in regard to Cai and Chen. This cannot be argued, however, from the omission of 復 before 歸, as there had been no previous mention of Lu and Wu, as retiring from their States.

Par. 10. Zuoshi observes that this burial of duke Ling was 'proper.' Thirty months had elapsed since he was put to death by king Ling of Chu (See xi. 2). We are not to suppose that his body had been all that time unburied. It had probably been put into a grave without any honour; and now on the revival of the State, it was taken from that, and reburied with the appropriate rites.

Par. 11. The duke was, probably, going to Jin to make his peace with that State, and to try to get the liberation of Jisun Yiru. The Zhuan says:——'The duke was going to Jin, but Xun Wu, said to Han Xuanzi, "The princes visit at each other's courts to speak about [and confirm] the old friendship existing between them. As we are holding his minister a prisoner, though we receive the ruler at our court, there is no friendship between us. We had better decline his visit." Accordingly, Shi Jingbo was sent to the He to stop the duke's further progress.'

Par. 12. Zhoulai;—see on VIII. vii. 7. Its position is there given as a city of Chu. From the term 'extinguished' here, however, we must suppose that it had originally been the centre of a small State of whose chiefs we know nothing, and that, though it had been incorporated with Chu, they had been allowed to continue the sacrifices of their House.

The Zhuan says:——'When Wu extinguished Zhoulai, the chief minister [of Chu], Ziqi, asked leave to invade Wu. The king, however, refused it, saying, "I have not yet soothed [the minds of] the people and the officers, nor done service to the Spirits, nor completed our defences and other preparations, nor fully established [my possession of] the State. If I were to use the strength of the people [before these things have been done], and suffered defeat, repentance would come too late. Zhoulai's being in Wu is the same as its being in Chu; you have only to wait a while."

[We have here a narrative about the liberation of Jisun Yiru from Jin:——'Jisun being still detained in Jin, Zifu Huibo said privately to Zhonghang Muzi, "In what respect has Lu failed to serve Jin as well as those small States of the Yi? [The princes of] Lu [and yours] are brothers. Its territory is still large, and it can provide what you command. If on account of the Yi you cast it away, and make it serve Qi or Chu, what good will that do to Jin? Kindness to relatives, the cultivation of the great, rewarding contributors, and punishing those who do not contribute;—these are the duties of the presidency of covenants. Do you consider the case. There is the common saying, 'One subject may have two lords.' Have we no [other] great State [but Jin]?" Muzi told this to Han Xuanzi, adding, "When Chu extinguished Chen and Cai, we were not able to save those States; and now in behalf of the Yi we have seized this relative [of our ruler]:——of what use was it to do this?" They wished accordingly to restore Jisun, but Huibo said, "Our ruler is ignorant of his offence; and yet, at the assembly of the States, you seized his minister. If he still be chargeable with any offence, it is competent for you to command his death. If you say that he has no offence, and that you kindly let him go, the States not having heard of it, he will appear to be making his escape from your commands. There is no letting him go in this case; I beg to act in accordance with your ruler's kindness, [declared] at a meeting." Xuanzi was perplexed by this, and said to Shuxiang, "Can you get Jisun to return to Lu?" He replied, "No; but Fu can." Accordingly, they sent Shuyu, who went and saw Jisun, and said to him, "Formerly, I was an offender in Jin, and betook myself to the ruler of Lu (In connection with the affairs of Luan Ying in Xiang's 21st year). But for the help of [your grand-father] Wuzi, I should not have come to my present position. Although I might have got my bones restored to Jin, the case is as if you had put the flesh on them. Must I not tell you the truth? You have been asked to return, and you will not return. I have heard from the officers that the ground is to be prepared for a lodging for you on the west of the He." This story he followed up with tears. Pingzi was afraid and returned to Lu before Huibo, who waited for the proper forms [of dismissal].']

XIV. Fourteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Yiru arrived from Jin.

2. In the third month, Teng, earl of Cao, died.

3. It was summer, the fourth month.

4. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Wu of Cao.

5. In the eighth month, Quji, viscount of Ju, died.

6. In winter, Ju put to death the Gongzi, Yihui.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Zuo says that the style of this par., where the name only is given, and not the clan-name, is expressive of honour to Jin and of Lu's depreciation of itself; and he adds that this was according to propriety. But this criticism may be called in question. The 至 indicating the announcement of the minister's return in the ancestral temple of the State, shows that that return was a subject on which Lu congratulated itself; but we need not cast about for any explanation of the omission of the clan-name. The Kangxi editors themselves refer with approbation to the view of Sun Fu (孫 復):——'[Only] when a great officer had been seized, was his arrival recorded. In that record he must be named. The clan-name is not given, because it had been previously mentioned (I. e, in Par. 7 of last year).'

[A narrative here gives the end of Nan Kuai's revolt (See xii. 8):——'When Nan Kuai was about to revolt, he bound the people of Bi by a covenant. Situ Laoqi and Lü Gui, pretending that they had been taken ill, sent to beg of Nan Kuai, saying, "Your servants wished to take the covenant, but we have become ill. If by your influence we do not die, we ask that we may take it when we are somewhat better." Kuai agreed; and [by and by], taking advantage of the wish of the people to revolt [from him], they asked him to call the multitude together that they might receive the covenant. They then seized him, and said to him, "His servants have not forgotten their [proper] lord; but [yet] we have listened to your commands. If you do not take speedy measures [for your own safety], the people of Bi cannot endure [to be separated from] their lord, and will not be able to stand in awe of you. Allow us to escort you to any place whatever that you wish to go to." Kuai begged a delay of 5 days, and then he fled to Qi. When he was standing by and drinking with duke Jing, the duke called him by the name of "Revolter." "I wished," he replied, "to increase the power of the ducal House." Zihan Xi said, "There could not be a greater crime than for you, the minister of a Family [merely], to wish to increase the authority of the ducal House." Situ Laoqi and Lü Gui came and returned Bi [to Lu], and the marquis of Qi also sent Bao Wenzi to surrender [his claim to] it.']

Par. 3. [There is appended here an account of the procedures of king Ping in Chu:——'In summer, the viscount of Chu sent Ran Dan to inspect the military forces of the upper part of the State in Zongqiu, and at the same time to comfort the people, giving assistance to the poor and relief to the distressed; nurturing orphans and the young; nourishing the old and the sick; getting hold of the promising; helping sufferers from calamity; remitting the taxes of orphans and widows; pardoning [certain classes of] offenders; making strict inquiry after the perverse and bad; lifting up those whose way was obstructed; showing courtesy to new comers, and giving facilities to old residents; rewarding merit, and bringing relatives together; giving employment to the virtuous, and using officers according to their ability. He also sent Qu Pi to inspect the forces of the east of the State at Shaoling, and to take there the same methods. They were to maintain peace on the borders, so that when the people had rested, they might be employed on military services. All this was proper.']

Par. 5 The Zhuan says;—'In autumn, in the 8th month, duke Zhuqiu of Ju died, and [his son], duke Jiao showed no grief, [in consequence of which] the people were not willing to obey him, and wished to raise Gengyu, the younger brother of Zhuqiu, to the State. Pu Yuhou hated the Gongzi Yihui, and was friendly with Gengyu. Duke Jiao hated the Gongzi Duo, and was on good terms with Yihui. The Gongzi Duo formed an alliance with Pu Yuhou, and concerted a plan with him, saying, "If you will kill Yihui, I will drive our ruler out, and we can then make Gengyu ruler." [Yu]hou agreed to this.'

The death of the viscount of Ju is recorded here, it having been, we must suppose, officially notified to Lu. We have no subsequent entry however, of his burial, probably because Lu, smarting under the indignities which it had received through Ju from Jin, would not send an officer to attend it. [There is here appended a short narrative about Chu:——'Ziqi, chief minister of Chu, had been of great service to the king, and knew not how to keep himself within rule. He formed a friendship with the Head of the Yang family, and was insatiable in his desires. The king was vexed about it; and in the 9th month, on Jiawu, he put Dou Chengran to death, and extinguished the branches of the Yang family. He made Dou Xin (Son of Chengran), however, reside in Yun, to show that he did not forget the old services [of his family].]

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 12th month, Pu Yuhou (See on par. 5) and Zi Fu killed the Gongzi Yihui of Ju, on which duke Jiao fled to Qi. The Gongzi Duo met Gengyu in Qi, from which he was escorted by Xi Dang and the Gongzi Chu of that State, Qi being promised a bribe of lands.'

The 其 in the text ='its,' but that word would be awkward in English before 公子. Yihui was, I suppose, a brother of duke Jiao; and we might translate, —'Ju put to death Yihui, the brother of its ruler.' We should have thought that it would have been more appropriate to intimate in the text the flight of duke Jiao. Ju being a small State, we never read in the classic of its 'great officers,' else the paragraph would have run 莒 殺 其 大 夫 公 子 意 恢. Comp. IX. xix. 10, 11; et al.

[We have a narrative here of affairs in Jin: —'Xinghou of Jin (The son of Wuchen of Chu; see the 1st narrative after VIII. ii. 6, et al.) and Yongzi (Also a refugee from Chu; see the 2d narr. after IX. xxvi. 7) had a dispute about some lands of Chu, which continued after a long time unsettled. When Shi Jingbo went to Chu, Shuyu was charged for the time with the administration of his duties, and Han Xuanzi ordered him to settle this old litigation. Yongzi was in the wrong, but he presented his daughter as a gift to Shuyu, who thereon decided that Xinghou was in the wrong; and he, enraged, killed both Shuyu and Yongzi in the court. Xuanzi consulted Shuxiang about this crime, and was answered, "The three were all equally guilty. You must put him who is alive to death, and expose his body, and you must [further] disgrace the [two that are] dead. Yongzi knew that he was wrong, and gave a bribe to buy a verdict in his favour; Fu sold his judgment in the dispute; and Xinghou took it on him to kill them. Their crimes were equally heinous. To try to make himself right when he was wrong was an instance of moral blindness; through covetousness to defeat the end of his office was an instance of black impurity; to put men to death without fear [of the law] was the act of a ruffian. One of the Books of Xia says, 'The morally blind, the blackly impure, and ruffians, are to be put to death." Such was the punishment appointed by Gaoyao. I beg you to follow it." Accordingly Xinghou was put to death, and his body exposed, and the corpses of Yongzi and Shuyu were [also] exposed, in the market place.

Zhongni said, "The justice of Shuxiang was that which was transmitted from antiquity. In the government of the State, and determining the punishment [for an assigned crime], he concealed nothing in the case of his own relative. Thrice he declared the wickedness of Shuyu without making any abatement. Whether we may say that he was righteous [is doubtful], but he may be pronounced to have been straightforward. At the meeting of Pingqiu, he declared his [brother's] craving for bribes:——this was to give relief to Wey, and save Jin from the practice of cruelty. In getting Jisun to return to Lu, he declared his [brother's] deceit:—this was to relieve Lu, and save Jin from the exercise of oppression. In this legal action of Xinghou, he mentioned his [brother's] covetousness:—this was to keep the records of punishment correct, and save Jin from partiality. By his three declarations he took away three evils, and secured three advantages. He put his brother to death and increased [his own] glory;—but this has the semblance of righteousness [only]."]

XV. Fifteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Yimei, viscount of Wu, died.

2. In the second month, on Guiyou, there was a sacrifice in the temple of duke Wu, when Shu Gong died as the flute-players were entering. The musicians were [consequently] sent away, and the sacrifice was finished [without them].

3. In summer, Zhao Wu of Cai fled from that State to Zheng.

4. In the 6th month, on Dingsi, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

5. In autumn, Xun Wu of Jin led a force and invaded Xianyu.

6. In winter, the duke went to Jin.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Gongyang makes the name of the viscount of Wu 夷 昧.

Par. 2. 有事, we saw on VII. viii. 3, denotes the celebration of a sacrifice; and the Zhuan says expressly that Lu now celebrated a di (禘) sacrifice. It could not be 'the great di sacrifice,' however, for that was performed in the grand temple; nor could it be a repetition of 'the fortunate di (吉 禘),' for that would have fallen on the previous year. We must suppose this was a special di (特 禘), celebrated, probably, in contemplation of some military enterprise. See the account of the erection of the temple of duke Wu on VIII. vi. 2. The paragraph has its place in the classic not because of any thing peculiar in the sacrifice, but because of the death of Shu Gong at it, and the consequent action taken. Comp. VII. viii. 3, 4.

The Zhuan says:——'[The duke] being about to offer a di sacrifice in the temple of duke Wu, orders had been given to all the officers to fast [in preparation for it]. Zi Shen said, "I fear some misfortune will happen on the day of the sacrifice, for I have seen a red and black halo inauspicious for it; it is a vapour of death. Will it take effect on the officer in charge of the business?" In the 2d month, on Guiyou, the sacrifice was being performed, with Shu Gong as manager, when he died as the flute-players were entering. The musicians were then all sent away, and the business was concluded [without them]:—which was according to rule.'

At the sacrifice mentioned in VII. viii. 3, only the civil dancers put away their flutes, but on this occasion all the music used at the service was stilled. The death of Shu Gong happening at it, and while he was engaged in the superintendence of it, was a more striking event than that of Sui, which took place at a distance. It was not deemed proper, however, to suspend the sacrifice altogether.

Par. 3. For 朝 Gongyang has 昭, and he leaves out the 出. The part which Zhao Wu played in the revolution which seated king Ping in Chu appears in the narrative on xiii. 2. He had been a faithful minister of Cai.

The Zhuan says:——'Fei Wuji of Chu felt hurt at Zhao Wu's being in Cai, and resolved to remove him. He accordingly said to him, "In you only does the king repose confidence, and he has therefore placed you in Cai. You are also grown up, and it is a disgrace that you should be in an inferior position. You must seek a higher one, and I will assist you in preferring your request." At the same time he spoke to the men who were above him, saying, "The king reposes confidence only in Zhao Wu, and has therefore placed him in Cai. You are not deemed equal to him;—will you not find it hard to be above him? If you do not take early measures for your safety, you will find yourselves in difficulties." [In consequence of this], in summer they drove Zhao Wu from Cai, when he fled to Zheng. The king was angry, and said, "It is only in Wu that I have confidence, and therefore I placed him in Cai. But for him, moreover, I should not have reached my present position. Why have you sent him away?" Wuji replied, "Do not I wish Wu [well]? But I knew before what a different man he is from others. With him in Cai, it would be sure soon to take wings and fly. The removal of Wu was the way to clip its wings."

Par. 4. This eclipse took place on the 10th of April, B.C. 526, and was visible in the forenoon.

[There are appended here the following notices:——'In the 6th month, on Yichou, Shou, the eldest son of the king, died. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Wuyin, the queen Mu died.']

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——When he invaded Xianyu, Xun Wu laid siege to Gu. Some of the inhabitants offered to revolt to him and surrender the city, but he (Muzi in the Zhuan was Wu's designation. He often appears as Zhonghang Muzi) declined the proposal. The people about him said, "Since you could [in this way] get possession of the city without any toilsome efforts of the army, why do you not adopt it?" He replied, "I have heard from Shuxiang that, when the likings and dislikings [of superiors] are all correct, the people know to whom to commit themselves, and their affairs are all successful. If any one were to revolt with a city of ours, I should hate him extremely; when other people come to revolt with their city to us, why should I show a liking for them? If I rewarded them whom I should be hating extremely, what should I do in the case of those whom I loved? And if I did not reward them, it would be a breach of faith. How should I thus protect the people? [My way is] to advance when I am able, and to retire when my strength fails, acting on the calculation of my resources. I must not from any wish to get possession of the city have dealings with traitors. What I should lose [thereby] would be much greater [than my gain]." [He then informed] the people of Gu that they might kill those who proposed to revolt, and put their defences in good order.

'When he had invested Gu 3 months, some of the officers in it proposed to surrender it, and sent a party of the people to see Wu; but he said to them, "You still look as if you had plenty of food. Repair your walls for the present." The officers of the army said to him, "When you might get the city, you do not take it, making the people toil and continuing the troops here. In what way do you thus serve our ruler?" He replied, "I act thus to serve our ruler. If I took the city, and thereby taught the people to be indifferent to their duty, of what use would the city be? Than to pay the price of that indifference for the city it is better that they should maintain it in their old allegiance. If you trade with that indifference, there will be no success in the end; it is inauspicious to abandon old allegiance. When the people of Gu are able to serve their ruler, our people will also be able to serve theirs. By following the course of righteousness without swerving from it, being correct in my likings and dislikings, I shall get the city, and the people will know in what righteousness consists; they will be prepared to die without any wavering in their allegiance:—is not that desirable?"

'When the people of Gu announced that their provisions and other resources were exhausted, then he took the city. When he returned from its reduction, he had not put a single man to death. He took Yandi, viscount of Gu, back with him to Jin.'

Par. 6. Zuo says this visit was on account of the meeting of Pingqiu, meaning, acc. to Du, that it was to thank Jin for the liberation of Yiru. We may suppose it was with a less worthy object,—to get to be on fair terms with Jin at any price.

[We have a narrative here of the royal court and an envoy of Jin:——'In the 12th month, Xun Li of Jin went to Zhou to the funeral of queen Mu, Ji Tan being the assistant-commissioner. When the funeral was over, and the king had put off his mourning, he invited [Wenbo] (Xun Li) to a feast, at which the spirits were served from a tankard presented by Lu. The king said [to his guest], "Elder Sir, the States, with the single exception of Jin, have all [sent offerings] to comfort the royal House; —how is this?" Wenbo motioned to Ji Tan, who thereupon replied, "At the establishment of the States, all [the rest] received brilliant articles from the royal House for the protection and comfort of their altars, so that they are able to present valuable gifts to the king. But the royal beneficence did not extend to Jin, placed among high hills, in the neighbourhood of the Rong and the Di, and far away from the royal House. It has hardly had time to repay its obligations to the Rong; how should it have presented such articles [to the court]?" "Have you forgotten, younger Sir?" said the king. "Our uncle Tangshu (First lord of Jin) was own brother to king Cheng; was it likely that he should not share [in the royal presents]? There were the drum and the great chariot of Mixu, which [king] Wen used at his grand reviews; and the cuirass of Quegong in which [king] Wu subdued Shang:—Tangshu received them, to occupy the tract corresponding to Can [in the heavens], and to subdue to himself the Rong and the Di. Afterwards, there were the two chariots of [king] Xiang, the axes large and small, the flavoured spirits of black millet, the red bow and a party of life-guards:—duke Wen received these (See the Zhuan on V. xxviii. 8), that he might hold the lands of Nanyang, and [according to circumstances] either comfort or punish the eastern States of the kingdom. Now when the services [of Jin] were [thus] not left without acknowledgment, when its merits were recorded, when it was invested with territory, gratified with valuable articles, distinguished with chariots and robes, and made illustrious with banners, so that the descendants [of its princes] could not forget [the royal favours], this is what may be pronounced blessing. If blessing and bounty have not lighted on [the State of] our uncle [Tangshu], on whom have they done so? Moreover, your ancestor Sun Boyan had charge of the archives of Jin, and was consulted on the great matters of the government, in consequence of which he got the clanname of Ji. When the two sons of Xinyou, the Tongs, went to Jin, that State had [also] the historiographers of that surname. You are the descendant of the superintendent of the archives;—how is it that you are so forgetful of these matters?" Ji Tan could not reply; and when his guests went out, the king said, "Mr. Ji will not, we may anticipate, leave any posterity. He must have numbered the archives, and yet he has forgotten [the work of] his ancestors!"

'When Ji Tan returned [to Jin], he told all this to Shuxiang, who said, 'The king will, probably, not complete his years. I have heard that a man is sure to die of that in which he delights. Now the king seeks pleasure in the midst of his grief. If he die [in the midst] of grief, it cannot be said that he has completed his years. In one year, he has had two deaths for each of which he should have mourned 3 years. At such a time to feast with the guests at his mourning, and to be further asking for gifts of valuable articles, shows excessively what he delights in in the midst of his grief. And moreover such conduct is contrary to the rules of propriety. Gifts of valuable articles are presented [by the States] on occasions of extraordinary merit, and not on occasions of mourning. When a death that should be mourned for 3 years has occurred, even the noblest should, according to rule, complete the mourning for it. If the son of Heaven should not complete that, yet to feast and seek pleasure at an early period must be pronounced contrary to propriety. The rules of propriety are the king's great canons. On one occasion to neglect two of them shows that he has no great canons. Words serve to make the archives; the archives serve to record the canons. Forgetting the canons, and making a flourish of words, what use does his reference to the archives serve?"]

XVI. Sixteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Qi invaded Xu.

2. The viscount of Chu inveigled the viscount of the Manrong [into his power], and put him to death.

3. In summer, the duke arrived from Jin.

4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jihai, Yi, marquis of Jin, died.

5. In the ninth month, we had a great sacrifice for rain.

6. Jisun Yiru went to Jin.

7. In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the burial of duke Zhao of Jin.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan has here a note about the duke's remaining in Jin over the new year:——'This spring, the duke was detained there by the people of Jin. The text does not mention it, concealing [the disgrace].'

Par. 1. The marquis of Qi, aware of the decay of Jin, was now scheming to revive the old presidency of his State, and make himself another duke Huan. During the time of Huan, Xu had taken the side of the northern States. After his time it came under the power of Chu, and we have nothing about it in the text in all the years of Xuan, Cheng, and Xiang. Soon after the accession of Zhao, it became an object of suspicion to Chu, as being inclined to side against it with Wu; and the marquis of Qi now took advantage of the disorders of Chu to try and secure its adherence to himself. But he was not another Huan, and Qi's time had gone by.

The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi invaded Xu. In the 2d month, on Bingshen, his army arrived at Pusui, when the people of Xu made their submission, and the viscount, with officers of Tan and Ju, had a meeting in that place, and made a covenant with the marquis, who received, as a bribe the tripod of Jiafu. Shusun Zhaozi said, "Alas for the [small States] that there is now no leader among the princes! The ruler of Qi, devoid of principle, raises an army and invades a distant region. He assembles a conference, is successful, and returns;—no one resisting him. Such is the consequence of there being no leader! To this state of things may be applied the words of the ode (Shi II. iv., ode X. 2),

'The honoured House of Zhou is [nearly] extinguished;
There is none to put an end to the disorders.
The Heads of the officers have left their places.
And none know my toil.'"

Par. 2. For 蠻 Gongyang has 曼. In the Zhuan on VIII. vi. 4. we read of the Manshi. They were a tribe of the Rong, whose principal town or city was in the southwest of the pres. Ruzhou (汝 州), in Henan.

The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu, having heard that the Manshi were all in disorder, and that their viscount Jia had no good faith, made Ran Dan inveigle him [into his power], and put him to death. He then took [the territory of] the Manshi, but he proceeded to appoint Jia's son in his place:—which was proper.' Against this concluding decision of Zuo the Kangxi editors strongly protest;—considering all the circumstances of the case.

[We have here three narratives connected with Han Xuanzi of Jin in Zheng:—

1st. 'In the 3d month, Han Qi of Jin went on a complimentary visit to Zheng, when the earl gave him an entertainment. Zichan had warned [the various officers] beforehand, that all of them who could claim positions in the court should behave with the utmost respect. Kong Zhang, however, came late, and stood among the visitors. From that place the director [of the ceremonies] made him remove. He then took his place behind the visitors, from which also he was removed; and he [finally] went among the instruments of music,—followed by the smiles of the guests. When the ceremony was over, Fuzi reproved [Zichan], saying, "With the officers of the great State we ought to be particularly careful. If we often give them occasion to laugh at us, they will despise us. Though we all of us observed the rules of ceremony, those men would think meanly of us; but when a State does not observe the rules of ceremony, how can it seek for glory? Kong Zhang's losing his place was a disgrace to you." Zichan replied with indignation, "If I issued commands which were not proper, gave out orders without sincerity, took advantage of circumstances to be partial in punishing, allowed litigations to be confused, were disrespectful at meetings [of the States] and at other courts, caused the orders of the government to be disregarded, brought on us the contempt of a great State, wearied the people without accomplishing anything, or allowed crimes to occur without taking knowledge of them;—any of these thing would be a disgrace to me. But Kong Zhang is the descendant of Zikong who was the elder brother of one of our rulers, [thus] the heir of a chief minister and himself by inheritance a great officer. He has been sent on missions to Zhou, is honoured by the people of other States, and is known to the princes. He has had his place in our court, and maintains the sacrifices in his family [temple]. He has endowments in the State, and contributes his levies to the army. At funerals and sacrifices [of our ruling House] he has [regular] duties; he receives of the sacrificial flesh from our ruler, and sends of his own to him. At the sacrifices in our ancestral temple, he has his assigned place. He has been in offices under several rulers, and from one to another he has kept his position. Though he forgot his proper course, how can that be a disgrace to me? That prejudiced and corrupt men should all lay everything on me as minister, is because the former kings did not appoint sufficient punishments and penalties. You had better find fault with me for something else?'

2d. 'Xuanzi had a ring of jade, the fellow of which was in the possession of a merchant of Zheng, and he begged it from the earl. Zichan, however, refused it, saying, "It is not an article kept in our government treasury;—our ruler knows nothing about it." Zitaishu and Ziyu said to him, "It is not a great request which Hanzi has made, nor can we yet show any swerving from our allegiance to the State of Jin;—-Hanzi of that State is not to be slighted. If any slanderous persons should stir up strife between it and Zheng, and the Spirits should assist them, so as to arouse its evil indignation, regrets [for your refusal] would be in vain; why should you grudge a ring, and thereby bring on us the hatred of the great State? Why not ask for it and give it to him?" Zichan replied, "I am not slighting Jin, nor cherishing any disaffection to it. I wish all my life to serve it, and therefore I do not give [Hanzi this ring];—[the refusal] is a proof of my loyalty and good faith. I have heard that a superior man does not consider it hard to be without wealth, but that his calamity is to be in office and not acquire a good name. I have heard that the minister of a State does not consider the ability to serve great States and foster small ones to be his difficulty, but thinks it a calamity when he does not keep to the rules of propriety so as to establish his position. Now, when the officers of a great State are sent to a small State, if they all get what they seek, what will there be to give to them [all]? If one be gratified and another denied, the number of its offences will be [deemed to be] increased. If the requisitions of the great State are not repulsed on the principles of propriety, it will become insatiable; we shall become [as one of], its border cities, and so lose our position. If Hanzi, sent here on his ruler's commission, asks for this gem, it shows an excessive greed; shall we make an exception of this as if it were not a crime? Why should we produce this piece of jade, thereby originating two crimes, the loss of our own position, and the development of Hanzi's greed? Would it not be very trivial traffic with a piece of jade to purchase such crimes?"

'Hanzi [himself then went to] purchase [the ring] from the merchant. When the price had been settled, the merchant said that he must inform the ruler, and the great officers [of the transaction], on which Hanzi made a request to Zichan, saying, "Formerly, I asked for this ring, and when you thought that my doing so was not right, I did not presume to repeat the request. Now I have bought it of the merchant, who says that he must report the transaction, and I venture to ask [that you will sanction it]." Zichan replied, "Our former ruler, duke Huan, came with the [ancestor of this] merchant from Zhou. Thus they were associated in cultivating the land, together clearing and opening up this territory, and cutting down its tangled southernwood and orach. Then they dwelt in it together, making a covenant of mutual faith to last through all generations, which said, 'If you do not revolt from me, I will not violently interfere with your traffic. I will not beg or take anything from you, and you may have your profitable markets, precious things, and substance, without my taking any knowledge of them.' Through this attested covenant, [our rulers and the descendants of that merchant] have preserved their mutual relations down to the present day. Now your Excellency having come to us on a friendly mission, and asking our State to take away [the ring] from the merchant by force, this was to request us to violate that covenant;—is not such a thing improper? If you get the jade, and lose a State, you would not [wish to] do the thing. If when your great State commands, we must satisfy it without any law, Zheng becomes one of your border cities, and I would not wish to be party to such a thing. If we present the jade to you, I do not know what the consequence may be, and venture privately thus to lay the case before you." Hanzi then declined the jade, saying, "I presumed in my stupidity to ask for the jade, which would have occasioned two [such] crimes;—let me now presume to decline it."

3d.'In summer, in the 4th month, the 6 ministers of Zheng gave a parting feast to Xuanzi in the suburbs, when he said to them, "Let me ask all you gentlemen to sing from the odes, and I will thence understand the views of Zheng." Zicuo, (Han Yingqi, son of Zipi) then sang the Ye you man cao (Shi, I. vii. ode xx.), and Xuanzi said, "Good! young Sir. I have the same desire." Zichan sang the Gao qiu of [the odes of] Zheng (I. vii. ode VI); and Xuanzi said, "I am not equal to this." Zitaishu sang the Qian chang (I. vii. ode XIII.), and Xuanzi said, "I am here. Dare I trouble you to go to any other body?" on which the other bowed to him. Xuanzi then said, "Good! your song is right. If there were not such an understanding, could [the good relations of our States] continue?" Ziyou sang the Feng yu (I. vii. ode XVI.); Ziqi (Feng Shi, son of Gongsun Duan) sang the You nü tong ju (ode IX.); Ziliu (Yin Gui, son of Yin Duan or Zishi) sang the Tuo xi (ode XI.). Xuanzi was glad, and said, "Zheng may be pronounced near to a flourishing condition! You, gentlemen, received the orders of your ruler to confer on me this honour, and the odes you have sung are all those of Zheng, and all suitable to this festive friendliness. You are all Heads of clans that will continue for several generations; you may be without any apprehensions." He then presented them all with horses, and sang the Wo jiang (IV. i. Bk i. ode VII.). Zichan bowed in acknowledgment, and made the other ministers do the same, saying, "You have quieted the confusion [of the States]; must we not acknowledge your virtuous services." [After this], Xuanzi went privately to Zichan, and presented him with a piece of jade and [two] horses, saying, "You ordered me to give up that [ring of] jade;—it was giving me a piece of jade, and saving my life. I dare not but make my acknowledgments with these things in my hand."

Compare with the last of these narratives the latter half of the Zhuan on IX. xxvii. 5.]

Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'When the duke arrived from Jin (He had been allowed at last to get away; see the note at the beginning of the year), Zifu Zhaobo (Son of Huibo. The Zifus were an offshoot from the Zhongshun clan) said to Ji Pingzi, "The ducal House of Jin will soon be reduced to a low condition. The ruler is young and weak, and the six ministers are strong, extravagant, and arrogant. They will take advantage of this [feebleness of the ruler] to practise [their bad ways], till the practice becomes a regular thing. Must not [the House] be reduced low?" Pingzi said, "You are young; how should you know [any thing about] a State?"

Par. 4. Zuo repeats this, merely with the difference of 'duke Zhao' instead of the marquis's name.

Par. 5. Zuo observes that the sacrifice was because there was a drought; and he appends the following narrative about Zheng. which was suffering in the same way:——'There was a great drought in Zheng, and Tu Ji, with the priest Kuan, and an attendant Fu, were sent to sacrifice on mount Sang, when they cut down the trees; but there came no rain. Zichan said, "A sacrifice on a hill is intended for the nourishment of its forests. But these have cut down the trees;—their crime could not be greater." He then took from them their offices and lands.'

Parr. 6,7. The Zhuan says:—Pingzi had gone to Jin, to attend the funeral of duke Zhao. He [then] said, "The words of Zifu Hui (Zhaobo; see the Zhuan on par. 3) would seem to be true. The family of Zifu has a [worthy] son!"

XVII. Seventeenth year.

1. In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, the viscount of Little Zhu came to Lu to court.

2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Jiaxu, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

3. In autumn, the viscount of Tan came to the court of Lu.

4. In the eighth month, Xun Wu of Jin led a force, and extinguished the Rong of Luhun.

5. In winter, there was a comet in Dachen.

6. A body of men from Chu fought a battle with Wu in Chang'an.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, duke Mu of Little Zhu came to our court. The duke feasted with him, when Ji Pingzi sang the Cai shu (Shi, II. vii. ode VIII.), and duke Mu responded with the Qingqing zhe wo (II.iii.ode II). Zhaozi said, "Is he not able to rule his State, so that it will continue long?"

Par. 2. This eclipse occurred in the afternoon of August 14th, B. C. 524. The Zhuan says:——'When the eclipse occurred, the priest and the historiographer asked for the offerings of silk which should be employed. Zhaozi said, "On the occurrence of an eclipse, the son of Heaven does not have his table fully spread, and causes the drum to be beaten at the alter of the land, while the princes of States present offerings of silk at that altar, and cause the drum to be beaten in their courts. This is the rule". Pingzi opposed it, saying, "Stop; it is only in the first month, before the evil influence has shown itself, that it is the rule, on the occurrence of an eclipse, to beat the drum and present those offerings. On other occasions there is no such rule." The grand historiographer said, "That is just this month. After the sun has passed the equinox and before he has arrived at the solstice, when any calamity happens to the sun, moon, or stars, the various officers put off their elegant robes, the ruler does not have his table fully spread, and withdraws from his principal chamber, till the time [of the eclipse] is past; the musicians beat the drums, the priest presents his offerings, and the historiographer makes an address. Hence in one of the Books of Xia (Shu, III. iv. 4) it is said, 'The sun and moon did not meet harmoniously in Fang. The blind [musicians] beat their drums; the inferior officers galloped and the common people ran about.' That is said of the first day of his month:—it was in the 4th month of Xia, which is called the first month of summer (The 4th month of Xia was the 6th of Zhou. But the present text of the Shu places the eclipse in the 9th month of the year)" [Notwithstanding this], Pingzi would not follow their counsel, on which Zhaozi retired, and said. "He will [soon] show that he is disaffected. He is not treating our ruler as his ruler."

Par. 3. Tan,—see VII. iv. 1. The viscounts of Tan traced their lineage up to Jintian (金天氏), the dynastic title of Shaohao (少狊), the eldest son of Huangdi.

The Zhuan says:——'When the viscount of Tan came to our court, the duke feasted with him, and Zhaozi asked what was the reason that Shaohao named his officers after birds, The viscount replid, "He was my ancestor, and I know [all about] it. Before him, Huangdi came to his rule with [the omen of] a cloud, and therefore he had cloud officers, naming them after clouds; Yandi (Shennong) came to his with the [omen of] fire, and therefore he had fire officers, naming them after fire; Gonggong came to his with [the omen of] water, and therefore he had water officers, naming them after water; Taihao (Fuxi) came to his with [the omen of ] a dragon, and therefore he had dragon officers, naming them after dragons. When my ancestor Shaohao Zhi succeeded to the kingdom, there appeared at that time a pheonix, and therefore he arranged his government under the nomenclature of birds, making bird officers, and naming them after birds. There were so and so Phoenix-bird, minister of the calendar; so and so Dark-bird (The swallow), master of the equinoxes; so and so Bozhao (The shrike), master of the solstices; so so and so Greenbird (A kind of sparrow), master of the beginning [of spring and autumn; and so and so Carnation-bird, (The golden pheasant), master of the close [of spring and autumn];—so and so Zhujiu, minister of Instruction; so and so Jujiu, minister of War; so and so Shijiu, minister of Works; so and so Shuangjiu, minister of Crime; so and so Gujiu, minister of affairs. These five Jiu kept the people collected together. The five Zhi (Pheasants) presided over the five classes of mechanics;—they saw to the provision of implements and utensils, and to the correctness of the measures of length and capacity, keeping 'things equal among the people. The nine Hu were the ministers of the nine departments of husbandry, and kept the people from becoming dissolute. After the time of Zhuanxu [who came after Shaohao], they were not able to arrange their offices by [such symbols coming] from afar, and did so by what was near at hand. Their officers being over the people, they named them from the business of the people, not being able to do otherwise."

'Zhongni having heard of this, he had an interview with the viscount of Tan, and learned from him. Afterward he said to people, " I have heard that, when the officers of the son of Heaven are not properly arranged, we may learn from the wild tribes all round about. The remark seems to be true."

At this time Confucius was 27 years old. Du, by mistake, makes him 28.

Par. 4. For 陸渾 Gongyang has 賁 渾,and Guliang omits the 之 between 渾 and 戎. For these Rong, see on VII ii. 4.

The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Jin sent Tu Kuai to Zhou, to ask leave to sacrifice to the Luo and to [the hill of] Santu. Chang Hong said to the viscount of Liu, "The countenance of our visitor looks fierce. Their object is not sacrifice, but probably an attack on the Rong. The chief of Luhun is very friendly with Chu; that must be the reason [for their movement]. You should make preparations for it." Accordingly orders were given for preparations against the Rong.

'In the 9th month, on Dingmao, Xun Wu of Jin led a force, crossed [the He] at the ford of Ji, and made an officer of sacrifice first offer victims to the Luo. The people of Luhun knew nothing [of their object, till] the army came after him; and on Gengwu he took the opportunity to extinguish the [tribe of] Luhun, denouncing it for its disaffection and adherence to Chu. The viscount of it fled to Chu, and the multitudes to Ganlu, where [the troops of] Zhou captured many of them. Xuanzi had dreamed that duke Wen led Xun Wu and gave him Luhun, in consequence of which he made Muzi command the expedition and [afterwards] present his prisoners in [the temple of] duke Wen.'

Par. 5. Dachen is another name for Dahuo (大火), the seventh of the signs of the Chinese Zodiac, embracing part of Libra and Scorpio,—the constellations of Fang, Xin, and Wei (房,心,尾) in the tract of the Azure Dragon. The Zhuan says:——'In winter there was a comet on the west of Dachen, which travelled [eastward] to the Milky way. Zi Shen said, "This broomstar serves to take away what is old and arrange something new. The doings of Heaven are constantly attended by such appearances. Now the operation of taking away occurring in Huo, when Huo appears again, the new arrangement will be seen. We may conclude that the States are going to have the calamity of fires." Zi Shen said, "Last year I saw it, when it was still small. It was visible when Huo appeared. Now, this year, when Huo appeared, it was brilliant; —it must have remained concealed when Huo disappeared; and it has thus dwelt about Huo for a long time. It must happen as you say. Huo appears in the 3d month of Xia, the 4th of Shang, and the 5th of Zhou. The numbers of Xia are the more correct deductions from the heavens. When Huo [again] appears, the 4 States to which this comet has reference will be, I apprehend, Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng. Song is the region corresponding to Dachen; Chen was the old abode of Taihao; Zheng, that of Zhurong:—all of them abodes of fire. The comet is travelling to the Han of the sky, and the Han is ominous of water. Now Wey was the abode of Zhuanxu, hence we have Diqiu in it, and its star is Dashui (Great Water). Water is the husband of fire. The calamity will arise, probably, on a Bingzi day or a Renwu, when there is a meeting of water and fire."

Pi Zao of Zheng said to Zichan, "There are going to be fires in Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng on the same day. If we sacrifice with a guan goblet and a libation cup of jade, Zheng will escape the fire." Zichan did not agree to the proposal.'

Par. 6. Chang'an was in Chu, close on the southern bank of the Yangtsze,—in the pres. dis. of Dangtu (當塗), dep. Taiping (太平), Anhui.

The Zhuan says:——'Wu invaded Chu. Yang Gai, the chief minister [of Chu]. consulted the tortoise-shell about fighting, and got an unfavourable reply. The marshal Ziyu said, "We are at the upper part of the stream; why should it be unfavourable? Moreover, it is the old custom of Chu for the marshal to give the charge to the shell;—allow me to divine again." [Accordingly], he propounded the matter, saying, " If I and my followers die in the conflict, and the army of Chu continue it, may we inflict a great defeat on the enemy?" The answer was favourable, and they fought at Chang'an. Ziyu died in the first onset, but the army of Chu came on afterwards and greatly defeated that of Wu, capturing the [king's] vessel, Yuhuang. The men of Sui and others who came late [for the fight] were then set to guard it. A ditch was dug all round it, down to the water springs, and along the channel [between it and the river] was piled up [lighted] charcoal. At the same time the army was drawn up, waiting further orders.

'The Gongzi Guang of Wu made a request to all his men, saying, " That we lost the vessel of our former kings is not my fault only, but you all share in it. I would ask your help to retake it, and you will thus save me from death." They all agreed; and he then sent three men with long beards to lie hid by the side of the vessel, saying to them, "When we cry out Yuhuang, you must answer." The army followed in the night, and thrice cried out Yuhuang, when the men responded one after another. The men of Chu came at the cries, and killed them; but their army fell into confusion, and the men of Wu gave them a great defeat, retook the Yuhuang, and carried it back with them."?

The men with long beards were intended to appear as if they belonged to the army of Chu, few of the people of Wu having the distinction of such an appendage. This circumstance helped to throw the army of Chu into confusion.

XVIII. Eighteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, Xu, earl of Cao, died.

2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Renwu, the calamity of fire occurred in [the capitals of] Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng.

3. In the sixth month, a body of men from Zhu entered Yu.

4. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Ping of Cao.

5. In winter, Xu removed [its capital] to Boyu.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan gives here a short narrative about affairs in Zhou:——'This spring, in the king's 2d month, on Yimao, Mao De of Zhou killed Guo, earl of Mao, and took his place. Chang Hong said, "Mao De is sure to become a fugitive. It was on this day that [the wickedness of] Kunwu (The ba of the Xia dyn.) reached its height,—in consequence of his extravagance. And [now, on this day] Mao De has consummated his extravagance in the king's capital. What are we to wait for but his becoming a fugitive]."]

Par. 1 Zuo repeats this par. with the change of 'duke Ping' for the earl's name.

Par. 1. We have here the fulfilment of the vaticinations in connection with the comet of the preceding winter. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 5th month, the Huo star made its first appearance at dusk. On Bingzi there was wind, and Zi Shen said, "This is called a northeast wind; it is a prelude of fire. In 7 days, we may presume, the fire will breakout." On Wuyin the wind was great; on Renwu it was vehement; and the capitals of Song, Wey, Chen, and Zheng all caught fire. Zi Shen went up on the top of the magazine of Dating to look in the direction of them, and said, "In a few days, messengers from Song, Wey, Chen and Zheng will be here with announcements of fire"

'Pi Zao said, "If you do not do as I said (See at the end of the narrative on par. 5 of last year), Zheng will suffer from fire again." The people [also] begged that his advice should be taken, but Zichan still refused. Zitaishu said, "The use of precious articles is to preserve the people. If there be [another] fire, our city will be nearly destroyed. If they can save it from that destruction, why should you grudge them?" Zichan replied, "The way of Heaven is distant, while the way of man is near. We cannot reach to the former; what means have we of knowing it? How should Zao know the way of Heaven? He is a great talker, and we need not wonder if his words sometimes come true." Accordingly he would not agree to the proposal, and there was no repetition of the fire.

'Before the calamity occurred in Zheng, Li Xi said to Zichan, "There are great portents of something to occur. The people will be alarmed and excited; the city will be nearly ruined; I myself will die, and not survive till its occurrence. Would it be proper to remove the city to another site?" "It might be so," was the reply, "but I am not sufficient to determine on such a removal." When the fire occurred, Li Xi was dead; but as he was not yet buried, Zichan made 30 men remove his coffin. When the fire broke out, Zichan dismissed a Gongzi and Gongsun of Jin, [who had just arrived], at the east gate. He made the minister of Crime send recent visitors out of the city, and prohibit older visitors from leaving their houses. He made Zikuan and Zishang go round and inspect all the places of sacrifice, and go on to the grand temple. He made Gongsun Deng remove the great tortoise-shell; the priests and historiographers remove the Spirit-tablets to the stone niches in the Zhou temple, and announce [the calamity] to the former rulers; and the officers in charge of the treasuries and magazines to look well after their departments. Shang Chenggong kept the keepers of the palace on guard, sent out all the old inmates of the harem, and put them in a place which the fire could not reach. The ministers of War and Crime took post in order along the course of the fire, and went where it was burning. The people at the foot of the wall were sent up upon it in companies of five.

'Next day, orders were given to the magistrates in the country to take good care of the people under them. The people of the suburbs assisted the priests and historiographers in clearing the ground on the north of the city. Deprecatory 'sacrifices against fire were offered to Xuanming (The Spirit of water) and Huilu (The Spirit of fire); and prayers were offered on the walls all round about. A writing was made of the houses that had been burned; their taxes were remitted; and materials were supplied to the owners. For three days there was a [general] weeping, and markets were not opened. Messengers were sent to announce [the calamity] to the [other States].

'Song and Wey [also] adopted similar measures. But Chen took no measures against the fire, nor did Xu send any message of condolence. From this a superior man might know that Chen and Xu would be the first of the States to perish.'

Par. 3. Yu was a small State whose principal city was 15 li north from the pres. dep. city of Yizhou. Song restored Yu in the next year, but before long we shall find that it was absorbed by Lu.

The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, the people of Yu were engaged upon the public lands, when a body of men from Zhu surprised the city. One of the people was about to shut the gate, but a Zhuite, Yang Luo, cut off his head, on which the attackers entered it, made all in it prisoners, and carried them off to Zhu. The viscount of Yu (We must suppose he had been with the people in the fields) said, "I have nowhere to go to;" and he followed his family to Zhu. Duke Zhuang of Zhu returned to him his wife, but kept his daughter.'

Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, when there was the burial of duke Ping of Cao, our officer who had gone to attend it had an interview with Lu, earl of Yuan, and in conversation with him found that he did not like learning. On his return he told this to Min Zima, who said, "There will [soon] be disorder in Zhou. There must be many there who talk in that way, before such an idea reaches the great men. The great men are troubled at errors [of some who have learned], and become deluded [on the subject], till they say, "Learning may be done without. The want of learning does no harm." But it is an accidental circumstance when the want of learning does no harm. From such a condition inferiors will be usurping, and superiors will be set aside;—is it possible that disorder should not ensue? Learning is like cultivation; if people do not learn, there will be decadence and decay. We may judge that the family of Yuan will come to ruin."

[We have here a sequel to the narrative under par. 2:——'Zichan of Zheng, in consequence of the fire, celebrated a great sacrifice at the altar of the land, and ordered exorcisms and deprecatory sacrifices throughout the State, in order to remove entirely the plague of the fire; —all which was in accordance with propriety. He then inspected the weapons, and was going to hold a review. For this it was necessary to clear the way. The temple of Zitaishu was on the south of the road, and his dwelling-house on the north of it, so that the space between was small. [Orders were given to clear them away,] but three days after the time [it was not done, and Zitaishu] made the workmen stand with their implements on the south of the road and the north of the temple, saying to them, "When Zichan passes by you, and orders you to clear away quickly, then fall to pulling down right before you." [Soon after], Zichan passed by, as he was going to court, and was angry [at the dilatoriness], so the clearers began pulling down on the south. However, when he came to the cross way, he made his attendants stop them, saying, "Pull down on the north." When the fire occurred, Zichan gave out weapons, and sent men on the parapets. Zitaishu said to him, "Is not Jin likely to call us to account for this?" "I have heard," was the reply, "that, when a small State forgets to keep guard, it is in a perilous position; how much more must it be so on an occasion of calamity! It is being prepared which keeps a State from being made little of." By and by, the officer of Jin, on the borders, came to complain to Zheng, saying, "When Zheng suffered such a calamity, the ruler of Jin and the great officers did not dare to dwell at ease. They consulted the tortoise-shell and the reeds, and ran to sacrifice to the hills and streams, grudging neither victims nor gems. The calamity of Zheng was a grief to our ruler. And now, your minister, with looks of determination, is giving out weapons and sending men up on the parapets. On whom is he going to lay the blame? We are afraid, and dare not but lay our thoughts before you." Zichan replied, "According to what you say, the calamity of our State was a grief to your ruler. There were defects about our government, and Heaven sent down the calamity. We are further afraid, lest some evil, slanderous people should take the opportunity to form a plot and excite the covetousness of people against us, which would be still more disadvantageous to our State, and increase the grief of your ruler. If we are fortunate enough to escape ruin, we shall be able to explain [our conduct]. If we are not so fortunate, however much your ruler may be grieved for our fate, explanation will be too late. Zheng has other neighbours on its borders. Its hope is in Jin, and to it is its recourse. We serve Jin;—how should we dare to admit a spirit of disaffection to it?"]

Par. 5. Boyu was a city of Chu, called also Xi (析), by which name it is mentioned in the Zhuan on V. xxv. 5. It was in the pres. Dengzhou (鄧 州), dep. Nanyang, Henan. In the time of duke Yin, the capital of Xu was Xuchang (See on I. xi. 3). In the 15th year of duke Cheng, it was removed to She (葉. See VII. xv. 1). In ix. 2, a further removal to Yi is recorded. In the 13th year, king Ling of Chu appears to have removed it further within Chu; but his successor, king Ping, removed Xu back to She; from which the change in the text was made.

The Zhuan says:——'The king's son Sheng of Chu, director of the Left, said to the viscount, "Xu's natural position to Zheng is that of an enemy; and through its situation in the territory of Chu, it observes no ceremony to Zheng. Jin and Zheng are now on good terms. If Zheng attack Xu and is assisted by Jin, Chu will lose the territory;—why not remove Xu? Xu cannot at present be entirely devoted to Chu. Zheng has now good government, so that Xu says, "It is my old State;" and Zheng says [of Xu], "It is the State which I captured." She in the State of Chu is like a screen outside the barrier wall. The country is not to be thought little of; the State [of Zheng] is not to be slighted; Xu is not to be captured; enmity is not to be excited:—your lordship should consider the case." In winter the viscount of Chu employed this Sheng to remove Xu to Xi, i.e., to Boyu.'

XIX. Nineteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] nineteenth year, the duke of Song invaded Zhu.

2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Wuchen, Zhi, heir-son of Xu, murdered his ruler Mai.

3. On Jimao, there was an earthquake.

4. In autumn, Gao Fa of Qi led a force and invaded Ju.

5. In winter there was the burial of duke Dao of Xu.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan introduces here two short narratives relative to Chu.

1st. 'This spring, Chi, director of Works in Chu, removed Yin to Xiayin; and Zixia, the chief minister, walled Jia. Zhaozi said, "Chu cannot occupy itself about the States [now]; it can barely maintain itself, and try to preserve the succession of its rulers, one after another."

2d. '[One time], when the viscount of Chu had gone [on a mission] to Cai, the daughter of the border warden of Juyang had sought his company, and the issue was [recognized as] the eldest son Jian. When he succeeded to the State, he appointed Wu She tutor to Jian, and Fei Wuji assistant-tutor. Wuji was no favourite with his charge; and wishing to discredit him with the king, he suggested that it was time Jian should be married. The king [accordingly] engaged for Jian a daughter of Qin, and Wuji took part in meeting her, and advised the king to take her for himself. In the 1st month, she, the lady Ying, [who became] wife of the ruler of Chu, arrived from Qin.']

Par. 1. See on the 3d par. of last year. The Zhuan here says:——'The wife of [the viscount of] Yu was a daughter of Xiang Xu of Song, and therefore Xiang Ning [now] begged that an expedition might be undertaken [against Zhu]. In the 2d month, the duke of Song invaded that State, and laid siege to Chong, which he took in the third month. Zhu then returned all the captives whom it had taken from Yu. Officers of Zhu, Ni, and Xu, had a meeting with the duke of Song; and on Yihai they made a covenant together in Chong.'

Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, duke Dao of Xu had fever; and in the 5th month, on Wuchen, he drank some medicine from his eldest son Zhi, and died. The son then fled to Jin. On the words of the text,—murdered his ruler,' the superior man will say, "If a man use all his mind and strength in serving his ruler, he may let his physic alone." Guliang gives rather a different account of this matter:——'Zhi did not commit the murder, but it is here said that he did so,—in reproof of Zhi. Zhi said, "I have been a party with the murderer." He therefore would not take his father's place, but resigned the State to his younger brother, wept and refused proper nourishment, so that he died within a year. Therefore the superior man here reproves him, as he reproved himself.' Gongyang, also, without going into particulars, says that Zhi was not the murderer. The critics conclude from Guliang's account that Zhi's crime was that he had not tasted, as he ought to have done, the medicine supplied to his father before he gave it to him, whereas Zuo would seem to say that he had himself ignorantly prepared the medicine, a wrong one, which led to his father's death. Whatever the real facts were, it is difficult to reconcile the bare, hard statement of the text with our ideas of historical justice.

Par. 3. 地震,—see VI. ix. 11. Of the 5 earthquakes mentioned in the Chunqiu two occurred in the time of duke Zhao; this one, and one in his 23d year.

[The Zhuan appends a narrative here about affairs in Chu:——'The viscount of Chu prepared a naval expedition to invade Pu. Fei Wuji said to him, "Jin's leading position is owing to its being near to the great States, while Chu, through its remote and obscure position, is unable to contend with it. If you wall Chengfu on a great scale, and place your eldest son there, to communicate with the northern regions, while your majesty keeps together those of the south, you will get possession of all under heaven." The king was pleased, and took his advice. In consequence of this, Jian, the king's eldest son, dwelt in Chengfu. [About the same time], the chief minister Zixia went on a complimentary mission to Qin, to make acknowledgments for [the king's] wife.]'

Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'When Gao Fa invaded Ju, the viscount of that State fled to Jizhang, and Fa sent Sunshu to attack it. At an carlier period, the viscount of Ju had put to death the husband of a woman of Ju, who thenceforth lived as a widow; and in her old age she had taken up her residence in Jizhang, where she span a rope with which she measured [the height of the wall] and then kept concealed; but when the troops [of Qi] came, she threw it over the wall, [hanging down] outside. Some one showed it to Zizhan (Sunshu), who made his soldiers climb up by means of it. When 60 of them had got up, the rope broke; but the troops then beat their drums and shouted, the men on the wall shouting also, so that duke Gong of Ju became frightened, opened the west gate, and left the place. In the 7th month, on Bingzi, the army of Qi entered Ji.'

Par. 5. Many of the critics think that this entry of the burial of duke Dao of Xu is a condonation by the sage of his son's share in his death. Confucius is thus made to charge the son first with the murder of his father, of which he was not guilty, and then in this indirect way to withdraw the charge!

[We have here four narratives appended in the Zhuan:—

1st, of affairs in Zheng. 'This year, Si Yan (Ziyou; 子 游) of Zheng died. He had married the daughter of one of the great officers of Jin, by whom he had Si, who was still young [when his father died]. The elder members of his family, however, raised Zixia, (an uncle of Yan, called Si Qi; 駟 乞) in his room. Zichan, who disliked his character, and because the proceeding, moreover, was not according to the natural order, did not approve of the appointment, neither did he stop it; thereby alarming the Si family. In the meantime, Si sent word to his mother's brother of it; and in the winter the people of Jin sent a messenger with some offerings of silk to Zheng, and to ask about the cause of the appointment of Si Qi. The Si family were frightened in consequence, and Qi wished to run away. Zichan would not allow him to go; and when he begged leave to consult the tortoise-shell, neither would the minister agree to that. The great officers were consulting what reply should be given [to the envoy of Jin], but without waiting [for the result of their deliberations], Zichan replied to him, " Through want of the blessing of Heaven on Zheng, several of our ruler's officers have died in pestilences, great and small, or by too early deaths, or even before they had got any name; and now we have lost our late great officer Yan. His son being young and feeble, the elders of the family, fearing lest their ancestral temple should be without a [proper] master, consulted privately among themselves, and appointed the oldest of his near relatives. Our ruler and the elders [of his council] said [to themselves], 'Heaven, perhaps, is causing [the family] to fall into disorder;—why should we take knowledge of it?' There is the common saying about not passing by the gate of a family in disorder. If in [any family of] the people there be the confusion of strife, and we are still afraid to pass by it, how much more should we be afraid in a case where the disorder is caused by Heaven! Your Excellency now asks the cause [of this appointment]; but since our ruler does not presume to take knowledge of it, who is there that really knows it? At the meeting of Pingqiu, in renewing the old covenants, your ruler said, 'Let no State fail in the discharge of its duties; but if, when any of the ministers of our ruler leaves the world, the great officers of Jin must determine who shall be his successor, this is to make Zheng a district or border of Jin;—it ceases to be a State." He then declined the offerings, and replied to the mission by one to Jin, the people of which let the matter drop.'

2d, relating to affairs in Chu. " The people of Chu walled Zhoulai (See XIII. 12. Chu must have retaken the place.), on which Xu, director of Shen, said, 'The men of Chu are sure to be defeated there. Formerly, when Wu extinguished Zhoulai, Ziqi asked leave to attack it, but the king said, 'I have not yet comforted the minds of the people.' The state of things is still the same; and we are walling Zhoulai to provoke Wu:—is it possible we should not be defeated?" An attendant who was by him said, " The king has been unwearied in his beneficence, and has allowed five years' rest to the people;—he may be said to have comforted their minds." Xu replied, "I have heard that he who comforts the minds of the people is moderate in all his internal expenditure, and establishes the proofs of his virtue abroad, so that the people rejoice in their life, and there are no marauders nor enemies. Now [the king's] palaces are [built and beautified] without measure; the people are kept in daily terror, so that they are dying or removing, wearied with their toils, and forgetful both of their sleep and food. There is no comforting of them."

3rd, relating to affairs in Zheng. 'There were great floods in Zheng; and [some] dragons fought in the pool of Wei, outside the Shi gate. The people asked leave to sacrifice to them; but Zichan refused it, saying, "If we are fighting, the dragons do not look at us; when dragons are fighting, why should we look at them? We may offer a deprecatory sacrifice, but that is their abode. If we do not seek anything of the dragons, they will not seek anything from us." On this [the people] desisted [from their request.

4th, relating to Chu and Wu. 'Zixia, the chief minister, spoke to the viscount of Chu about Jueyou (See the Zhuan on V. 8) saying, " What offence is he chargeable with?' The words of the common saying might be applied to Chu,— He is angry with the members of his family, and he shows his anger in the marketplace.' It would be well to put away the former resentment against him." [The viscount] accordingly sent Jueyou back to Wu].

XX. Twentieth year.

1. In the [duke's]. twentieth year, it was spring, the king's first month.

2. In summer, the Gongsun Hui of Cao fled from Meng to Song.

3. In autumn, some ruffians killed Zhi, the elder brother of the marquis of Wey.

4. In winter, in the tenth month, Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, and Hua Ding of Song fled from that State to Chen.

5. In the eleventh month, on Xinmao, Lu, marquis of Cai, died.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan introduces under this spring two narratives. The 1st is astrological; and Zuoshi, in introducing it, seems to change the 'king's first month' of the text into the king's 2d month, the 1st day of which was the day of the winter solstice. The officers of the calendar had omitted to make an intercalary month after the 12th month of last year, which they ought to have done, making this year commence on the day of the solstice. The 5th year of duke Xi commenced on that day; seven periods of 19 years (= 133 years) had intervened. This 20th year of Zhao, therefore, was the 1st of another period, and should, had the intercalation been always correctly made, have fallen on the solstice. There is here the indication of another error in the calendar, for in this year, which was Jimao (已 卯), the solstice fell on Xinmao, (辛 卯), two days later than Zuoshi's Jichou.

'This year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Jichou, the sun reached the limit of his southern path (I. e., it was the winter solstice). Zi Shen, having looked at all the indications of the sky, said, "This year there will be confusion in Song. That State will be nearly brought to ruin, and it will be 3 years before the evil is arrested. There will [also] be a great death in Cao." Shusun Zhaozi said, "Well then, [the evil in Song] will arise from [the descendants of dukes] Dai and Huan; their ambitious extravagance and want of propriety are excessive; it is there that the disorder will be found." '

2d, relating to affairs in Chu. 'Fei Wuji said to the viscount of Chu, "Jian, with Wu She, is intending to revolt with the territory beyond the barrier wall, considering himself there equal to Song or Zheng. Qi and Jin also will both assist him, with the intention of injuring Chu. The thing will be successful." The king believed him, and asked Wu She, who replied "The one fault which you committed (Appropriating to himself his son's bride) was more than enough; why do you believe slanderers?" The king then made him be seized, and sent Fen Yang, the marshal of Chengfu, to kill his own eldest son, but that officer warned Jian to go away before his arrival; and in the 3d month that prince fled to Song. The king then called Fen Yang [back to the capital], who made the people of Chengfu seize him, and carry him thither. "The words," said the king, "went forth from my mouth, and entered into your ears;—who told Jian of them?" "I did," was the reply. "O ruler and king, you had [formerly] commanded me to serve Jian as I would serve yourself. In my want of ability I could not allow myself in any way to deviate from this, but regulated my conduct by that first command. The second I could not bear to execute, and therefore sent the prince away. When the thing was done, I repented of it; but that was then of no avail." The king asked, "How [in these circumstances] did you dare to come here?" Yang said, "I had been sent on a commission which I had failed to execute; if I had refused to come when called here, I should have been twice a traitor; and though I might have made my escape, no place would have received me." The king said, "Return, and discharge the duties of your office as before."

'Wuji said [to the king], " The sons of She are men of ability. If they should be in Wu, it would be to the grief of Chu. Why not call them, making their coming a condition of their father's pardon? They are virtuous and loving, and are sure to come. If you do not do so, there will be trouble hereafter." On this the king sent to call them, saying, "Come, and I will liberate your father." Shang, the commandant of Tang, said to his younger brother Yun, "Do you go to Wu, and I will return [to the capital], and die. My wisdom is not equal to yours. I can die, and you can repay. Having received this summons, based on the promise to liberate our father, it would not do not to go. When one's nearest relatives are slaughtered, it would not do not to repay the injury. To hurry to death for the liberation of our father is filial duty; to act on a calculation of what can be accomplished is virtue; to select one's duty to be performed and go to it is wisdom; to know death is before him and not try to avoid it is valour. Our father must not be abandoned; our name must not be allowed to perish. Do you exert yourself to the utmost. Our best plan is for each to allow the other to take his way."

'Wu Shang then returned [to Ying]; and when She heard that Yun had not come, he said, "The ruler of Chu and his great officers will [now] take their meals late," Both father and son were put to death in Chu. Yun went to Wu, and spoke to Zhouyu of the advantages of attacking Chu. The Gongzi Guang, however, said, "He wishes to revenge the murder of the members of his family, and should not be listened to." [On this] Yun said, "That Guang has another object in his mind. I will in the meantime seek for braves to take service with him, and will wait in the borders of the State [for the development of his ambition]." Accordingly, he introduced Zhuan Shezhu [to Guang], and commenced farming himself on the borders']

Par. 2. For 鄸 Guliang has 夢. Meng was a city of Cao, in the north of the pres. dept. of Caozhou. The specification of Hui's flight as not taking place from Cao simply, but from Meng in Cao, has led to much speculation among the critics. We must suppose that Meng was the city belonging to Hui's family; but whether he had been holding it in revolt against the earl of Cao, or what other unsatisfactory relations there had been between them, can only be matter of conjecture. Comp. XXII. 2.

[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Song:——'Duke Yuan of Song was without good faith, and had many private favourites, while he hated the clans of Hua and Xiang. Hua Ding and Hua Hai consulted with Xiang Ning, saying, "It is better to be driven into exile than to die. Let us anticipate [the duke]." [Accordingly], Hua Hai pretended to be ill, to inveigle [into his power] the scions of the ducal House; and when they came to inquire for him, he made them be seized. In the 6th month, on Bingshen, he put to death the Gongzis Yin, Yurong, Zhu, and Gu, and the Gongsuns Yuan and Ding, and confined Xiang Sheng and Xiang Hang in his granary. The duke went to the house of the Hua to beg [the liberation of those two], but Hai refused it, and made the duke himself a prisoner. On Guimao he received the duke's eldest son Luan, and his full brother Chen, with the Gongzi Di, as hostages. The duke on his part took Wuqi the son of Hua Hai, Luo the son of Xiang Ning, and Qi the son of Hua Ding, as hostages; and made a covenant with the Hua.']

Par. 3. For 縶 Gong and Gu have 輙. This Zhi was the rightful heir of the State of Wey. For the reason why he was passed over, and the succession given to his younger brother, see on VII. 8. The Zhuan says:——'Gongmeng Zhi of Wey treated Qi Bao with contempt, and deprived him of his office of minister of Crime, and of [his city] Juan, which he would restore to him when he was engaged on service, and take from him [again] when he was not so engaged. He [also] hated Beigong Xi and Pu superintendent of markets, and wished to put them out of the way. [At the same time] the Gongzi Zhao had an intrigue with Xuan Jiang, the widow of duke Xiang; and, being afraid, he wished to take advantage of circumstances to raise an insurrection. In this way, Qi Bao, Beigong Xi, Pu the superintendent of markets, and the Gongzi Zhao united in an insurrection.

'Before this, Qi Bao had introduced Zong Lu to Gongmeng, who appointed him to the 3d place in his chariot. Contemplating the insurrection, [Bao now] said [to Lu], "You are acquainted with the badness of Gongmeng. Do not ride in his chariot with him, for I am going to kill him." Lu replied, "It is through you that I am in the service of Gongmeng. You recommended me on the ground of my character, and therefore he has not been distant to me. Although he is bad, and I was aware of it, yet for the gain of it I have served him, and would not leave him;—that was my fault. If now I should slink away on hearing of the [impending] calamity, I should falsify your [words about me]. Do what you have in hand. I will die in it, and thereby complete my service of you. I will return and die with Gongmeng."

'On Bingchen, the marquis of Wey was at Pingshou, and Gongmeng had a sacrifice outside the Gaihuo gate. Qizi's family pitched a tent outside the gate, and concealed men-at-arms in it. He made the priest Wa place a spear amid the faggots in a waggon which was set to stop up the gate, and at the same time he sent a carriage to follow Gongmeng, if he should get out. Hua Qi was acting as charioteer to Gongmeng, Zong Lu being the 4th person in the chariot; and when they came to the turn in the gate, one of the Qis took the spear to strike Gongmeng, whom Zong Lu tried to cover with his back. The blow cut off his arm, and then fell on the shoulder of Gongmeng, both of whom were slain.

'When the duke heard of the insurrection, he hurried rapidly to the capital, which he entered by the Yue gate. Qing Bi drove his chariot, in which was also Gongnan Chu, while Hua Yin occupied the supporting chariot. When they arrived at the palace, Hong Liutui got as a 4th man into the chariot of the duke, who then took into it his most valuable articles and left. Zishen, a superintendent of the markets, met him in the Malu street, and followed him. When he passed the house of the Qi, he made Hua Yin, with the upper part of his body bared, hold an umbrella to cover where he was exposed. One of the Qis let fly an arrow at the duke, which hit Nan Chu in the back. In this way the duke got out of the city, and Yin shut the gate of the suburbs behind them, getting over the wall himself afterwards and following. The duke went to Siniao. Xi Zhuchu in the night got out at a hole, and followed him on foot.

'The marquis of Qi had sent Gongsun Qing on a complimentary mission to Wey. When he had left [the capital of Qi], he heard of the confusion in Wey, and sent to ask where he should go to accomplish his mission. The marquis said, "He is still within the boundaries of the State, and is the ruler of Wey; do you discharge your mission to him." Qing then went to Siniao, and begged there to deliver his message. [The marquis of Wey], however, declined to receive it, saying, "A fugitive, without ability, I have failed in guarding my altars, and am here in the jungle. There is no place in which you can condescend to deliver your ruler's message." The guest replied, "My ruler charged me in his court that I should deport myself humbly as one of your officers. I dare not think of anything else." The host rejoined, "If your ruler, kindly regarding the friendship between his predecessors and mine, [has sent you] on a bright visit to my poor State, to support and comfort its altars, there is my ancestral temple, [where I should receive you]." On this [the envoy] desisted from his purpose. The marquis begged earnestly to see him, but could not obtain a favourable reply. Qing, however, sent him [some good] horses in place of seeing him, [that being impossible] while he had not yet discharged his commission; and the marquis employed them for his chariot.

'The guest proposed keeping watch at night; but the host declined [the service], saying, "The sad circumstances of my condition as a fugitive must not be allowed to affect you, Sir. Your followers must not be subjected to the duties arising from my position here in the jungle. I venture to decline your proposal." The guest replied, "I am an inferior officer of my ruler, as a herdsman or a groom of your Lordship. If I am not allowed to share in guarding you when you are thus abroad, I shall be forgetting my duty to my ruler. I am afraid I shall not escape the charge of being an offender, and beg you to deliver me from the risk of death." He then himself took bell in hand, and joined all night long the torch-bearers.

'Quzi, the steward of the Qi family, had called Beigongzi [to an interview with him]. The steward of Beigong was not privy to the matter, and laid a plot to kill Quzi, after which he attacked the Qi family, and extinguished it. On Dingsi, the last day of the moon, the marquis [again], entered [his capital], and made a covenant with Beigong Xi near the river Peng. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Wuwu, he imposed a covenant on the people. In the 8th month, on Xinhai, the Gongzi Zhao, Pu the superintendent of markets, Ziyu Xiao. and Zigao Fang, fled to Jin. In the intercalary month, on Wuchen, Xuan Jiang was put to death. The marquis conferred on Beigong Xi the honorary epithet of Zhenzi, and on Xi Zhuchu that of Chengzi, and bestowed on them the burial place of the Qi family. He announced the [restoration of] tranquillity to Qi, making mention of the [admirable] behaviour of Zishi (The Gongsun Qing). The marquis of Qi was about to drink, [when the message arrived], and he gave [a cup] to the great officers all round, saying, "There is a lesson for you, gentlemen." Yuan Heji declined the cup, saying, "If we share in Qing's reward, we must also share in any punishment [he may incur]. In the Announcement to the prince of Kang (Shu, V. ix. 6; but the words quoted are not in the text, and they are a very roundabout deduction from what it says), it is said, 'The crimes of father or son, younger or elder brother, do not reach beyond the individual's self;' how much more is this rule applicable to officers! I do not presume to desire your gift in violation of [that rule of] the former kings."

'When Qin Zhang (A disciple of Confucius; see Ana. IX. vi. 4) heard of the death of Zong Lu, he wished to pay a visit of condolence to his family. Zhongni, however, said to him, "Why should you pay such a visit for him, through whom Qi Bao proved a ruffian and Meng Zhi was murdered? A superior man does not eat [the bread of] the wicked, nor receive [the advances of] rebels; he does not for the sake of gain endanger himself by corruption, nor treat others evilly, nor conceal unrighteousness, nor violate the rules of propriety."

On the 盜 in the text compare on IX. x. 8. The individual intended by the term here is Qi Bao.

Par. 4. Gongyang has 甯 for 寕. The Zhuan says:——'On the insurrection of the Hua and the Xiang in Song, the Gongzi Cheng (A son of duke Ping, XI. 1), the Gongsun Ji, Yue She, the marshal Qiang, Xiang Yi, Xiang Zheng, Jian of Chu (See the 2d narrative at the beginning of the year) and Jia (The reading here is uncertain, whether 申 or 甲 of Ni, left the State to flee to Zheng. Their followers fought with the Hua clan at Guiyan, where Zicheng was defeated, after which he went to Jin. Hua Hai and his wife were accustomed to wash their hands and then feed the Gongzis who were hostages with them, taking afterwards their own meal. The duke and his wife every day would go to their house with food for the Gongzis, and then return to the palace. Hua Hai was annoyed at this, and wished to send the Gongzis home. Xiang Ning said to him, "It was because he has not good faith, that you took his son as a hostage. If you send them back, we shall die very soon." The duke begged [the assistance] of Hua Feisui, and proposed to attack the Huas; but that officer replied, "I do not grudge dying [for you], but while you wish to get rid of your sorrow, will it not be increased and prolonged [by such a step]? This is why I am afraid of it; should I [otherwise] presume not to obey your command?" The duke said, "My son will die according as it is appointed for him, but I cannot bear the disgrace [of my position]."

'In winter, in the 10th month, the duke put to death the hostages left with him by the Hua and Xiang, and attacked those clans, when their chiefs fled to Chen, and Hua Deng to Wu. Xiang Ning had wished to put to death the [duke's] eldest son, but Hua Hai said, "We have opposed our ruler and are going forth; if we also kill his son, who will receive us? And moreover to send him back will be an act of merit." [Accordingly], he made the sub-minister of Crime, Keng, take [the hostages] back to the duke, saying to him, "You are advanced in years, and cannot take service in any other [State]. If you take these three Gongzis back as evidence of your faith, you will be pardoned," As the Gongzis entered [the palace], Hua Keng was going away from the gate, when the duke suddenly saw him, took him by the hand, and said, "I know that you are not guilty. Come in, and resume your office.'

Par. 5. For 廬 Zuoshi has 盧. See the record of Lu's succession to the marquisate of Cai in XIII. 9.

[We have here four narratives in the Zhuan:——1st, relating to affairs in Qi:——'The marquis of Qi had a scabbiness which issued in intermittent fever, and for a whole year he did not get better, so that there were many visitors from the various States [in the capital], who had come to inquire for him. Ju of Liangqiu and Yi Kuan said to him, "We have served the Spirits more liberally than former rulers did; but now your lordship is very ill, to the grief of all the princes;—it must be the crime of the priests and the historiographers. The States, not knowing this, will say that it is because we have not been reverential [to the Spirits]; why should your lordship not put to death the priest Gu and the historiographer Yin, and thereupon give an answer to your visitors." The marquis was pleased and laid the proposal before Yanzi, who replied, "Formerly, at the covenant of Song, Qu Jian asked Zhao Wu of what kind had been the virtue of Fan Hui (See the narrative on IX. xxvii. 2, 5), and was answered, "The affairs of his family were well regulated; when conversing [with his ruler] about the State, he told the whole truth, without any private views of his own. His priests and historiographers, at his sacrifices, set forth the truth, and said nothing to be ashamed of. The affairs of his family afforded no occasion for doubt or fear, and his priests and historiographers did not pray about them. "Jian reported this to king Kang, who said, "Since neither Spirits nor men could resent his conduct, right was it he should distinguish and aid five rulers, and make them lords of covenants." The marquis said, 'Ju and Kuan said that I was able to serve the Spirits, and therefore they wished the priest and historiographer to be executed; why have you repeated these words [in reference to their proposal]?" Yanzi replied, "When a virtuous ruler is negligent of nothing at home or abroad, when neither high nor low have any cause for dissatisfaction, and none of his movements are opposed to what circumstances require, his priests and historiographers set forth the truth, and he has nothing to be ashamed of in his mind. Therefore the Spirits accept his offerings, and the State receives their blessing, in which the priests and historiographers share. The plenty and happiness [of the State] and the longevity [of the people] are caused by the truth of the ruler; the words [of the priests and historiographers] to the Spirits are leal and faithful accordingly. If they meet with a ruler abandoned to excesses, irregular and vicious at home and abroad, causing dissatisfaction and hatred to high and low, his movements and actions deflected from and opposed to the right, following his desires and satisfying his private aims, raising lofty towers and digging deep ponds, surrounding himself with the music of bells and with dancing girls, consuming the strength of the people, and violently taking from them their accumulations of wealth;—[if they meet with a ruler] who thus carries out his violation of the right, not caring for his posterity, oppressive and cruel, giving the reins to his lusts, wildly proceeding without rule or measure, without reflection or fear, giving no thought to the maledictions of the people, having no fear of the Spirits, and however the Spirits may be angry and the people may suffer, entertaining no thought of repentance:—the priests and historiographers, in setting forth the truth, must speak of his offences. If they cover his errors and speak of excellences, they are bearing false testimony; when they would advance or retire, they have nothing which they can rightly say, and so they may vainly seek to flatter. Therefore the Spirits will not accept the offerings, and the State is made to suffer misery, in which the priests and historiographers share, Short lives, premature deaths, bereavements and sicknesses, are caused by the oppression of the ruler; the words [of the priests and historiographers] are false, and an insult to the Spirits."

'The duke said, "Well then, what is to be done?" Yanzi replied, "[What is proposed] will be of no avail. The trees of the hills and forests are watched over [for your use] by the henglu; the reeds and flags of the marshes by the zhoujiao; the firewood of the meres by the yuhou; and the salt and cockles of the sea [shore] by the qiwang. The people of the districts and borders are made to enter and share in the services of the capital. At the barrier-passes near the capital, oppressive duties are levied on the private [baggage of travellers]. The places of the great officers which should come to them by inheritance are forcibly changed for bribes. There are no regular rules observed in issuing the common measures of government. Requisitions and exactions are made without measure. Your palaces and mansions are daily changed. You do not shun licentious pleasures. The favourite concubines in your harem send forth and carry things away from the markets; your favourite officers abroad issue false orders in the borders;—thus nourishing the gratification of what they selfishly desire. And if people do not satisfy them, they [make them criminals] in return. The people are pained and distressed; husbands and wives join in cursing [the government]. Blessings are of benefit, but curses are injurious. From Liaoshe on the east, and from Guyou on the west, the people are many. Although your prayers may be good, how can they prevail against the curses of millions? If your lordship wishes to execute the priest and the historiographer, cultivate your virtue, and then you may do it." The marquis was pleased, and made his officers institute a generous government, pull down the barrier-passes, take away prohibitions, make their exactions more light, and forgive debts.'

2d, relating to an incident in Qi:——'In the 12th month, the marquis of Qi was hunting in Pei, and summoned the forester to him with a bow. The forester did not come forward, and the marquis caused him to be seized, when he explained his conduct, saying, "At the huntings of our former rulers, a flag was used to call a great officer, a bow to call an inferior one, and a fur cap to call a forester. Not seeing the fur cap, I did not dare to come forward." On this he was let go. Zhongni said, "To keep the rule [of answering a ruler's summons] is not so good as to keep [the special rule for] one's office. Superior men will hold this man right."

3d, still relating to the marquis of Qi and Yanzi:——'When the marquis of Qi returned from his hunt, Yanzi was with him in the tower of Chuan, and Ziyou (Ju of Liangqiu of the 1st narrative) drove up to it at full speed. The marquis said, "It is only Ju who is in harmony with me!" Yanzi replied, "Ju is an assenter merely; how can he be considered in harmony with you?" "Are they different," asked the marquis,—harmony and assent?" Yanzi said, "They are different. Harmony may be illustrated by soup. You have the water and fire, vinegar, pickle, salt, and plums, with which to cook fish. It is made to boil by the firewood, and then the cook mixes the ingredients, harmoniously equalizing the several flavours, so as to supply whatever is deficient and carry off whatever is in excess. Then the master eats it, and his mind is made equable. So it is in the relations of ruler and minister. When there is in what the ruler approves of anything that is not proper, the minister calls attention to that impropriety, so as to make the approval entirely correct. When there is in what the ruler disapproves of anything that is proper, the minister brings forward that propriety, so as to remove occasion for the disapproval. In this way the government is made equal, with no infringement of what is right, and there is no quarrelling with it in the minds of the people. Hence it is said in the ode (Shi IV. iii. ode II.),

'There are also the well-tempered soups,
Prepared beforehand, the ingredients rightly proportioned
By these offerings we invite his presence without a word;
Nor is there now any contention in the service.'

As the ancient kings established the doctrine of the five flavours, so they made the harmony of the five notes, to make their minds equable and to perfect their government. There is an analogy between sounds and flavours. There are the breath, the two classes of dances, the three subjects, the materials from the four quarters, the five notes, the six pitch-pipes, the seven sounds, the eight winds, the nine songs;—[by these nine things the materials for music] are completed. Then there are [the distinctions of] clear and thick, small and large, short and long, fast and slow, solemn and joyful, hard and soft, lingering and rapid, high and low, the commencement and close, the close and the diffuse, by which the parts are all blended together. The superior man listens to such music, that his mind may be composed. His mind is composed, and his virtues become harmonious. Hence it is said in the ode (Shi, I. xv. ode VII. 2),

'There is no flaw in his virtuous fame.' Now it is not so with Ju. Whatever you say 'Yes' to, he also says 'Yes.' Whatever you say 'No' to, he also says 'No.' If you were to try to give water a flavour with water, who would care to partake of the result? If lutes were to be confined to one note, who would be able to listen to them? Such is the insufficiency of mere assent."

'They were drinking and joyous, when the marquis said, "If from ancient times till now there had been no death, how great would [men's] pleasure have been!" Yanzi replied, "If from ancient times till now there had been no death, how could your lordship have shared in the pleasure of the ancients? Anciently the Shuangjiu occupied this territory. To them succeeded [the House of] Ji Ze. Boling of Feng followed; and then the House of Pugu, after which came [your ancestor] Taigong. If the ancients had not died, the happiness of the Shuangjiu is what you never could have desired.'

4th, the dying counsels of Zichan:——'Zichan was ill, and said to Zitaishu, "When I die, the government is sure to come into your hands. It is only the [perfectly] virtuous, who can keep the people in submission by clemency. For the next class [of rulers] the best thing is severity. When fire is blazing, the people look to it with awe, and few of them die from it. Water again is weak, and the people despise and make sport with it, so that many die from it. It is difficult therefore to carry on a mild government."

'After being ill several months, he died, and Taishu received the administration of the govt. He could not bear to use severity, and tried to be mild. The consequence was that there were many robbers in the State, who plundered people about the marsh of Huanfu. Taishu repented of his course, saying, "If I had sooner followed the advice of Zichan, things would not have come to this." He then raised his troops, and attacking the robbers of Huanfu, killed them all, on which robbers [generally] diminished and disappeared. Zhongni said, "Good! When govt. is mild, the people despise it. When they despise it, severity must take its place. When govt. is severe, the people are slaughtered. When this takes place, they must be dealt with mildly. Mildness serves to temper severity, and severity to regulate mildness;—it is in this way that the administration of government is brought to harmony. The ode says (III. ii. ode IX. 1.):—

The people indeed are heavily burdened:——
'But perhaps a little ease may be got for them.
Deal kindly in this centre of the kingdom,
And so give rest to the four quarters of it;'—

that has reference to the employment of mildness. [Again]:—

Give no indulgence to deceit and obsequiousness,
In order to make the unconscientious careful,
And repress robbers and oppressors,
Who have no fear of the clear [will of Heaven];'—

' that has reference to the substitution for it of severity. [And further]:—

So may you encourage the distant
'And help the near,
And establish [the throne of] our king;'—

that has reference to the harmonious blending of both of these. Another ode (IV. iii. ode IV. 4) says:—

He was neither violent nor remiss,
Neither hard nor soft.
Gently he spread his instructions abroad,
And all dignities and riches were concentrated in him;'—

that has reference to the perfection of such harmony." When Zichan died and Zhongni heard of it, he shed tears and said, "He afforded a specimen of the love transmitted from the ancients!"]

XXI. Twenty-first year.

1. In the [duke's] Twenty-first year, in spring, in the king's third month, there was the burial of duke Ping of Cai.

2. In summer, the marquis of Jin sent Shi Yang to Lu on a complimentary mission.

3. Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, and Hua Ding of Song entered Nanli [in the capital] of that State from Chen, and held it in revolt.

4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Renwu, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

5. In the eighth month, on Yihai, Shu Zhe died.

6. In winter, Zhu, marquis of Cai, fled from that State to Chu.

7. The duke was going to Jin; but when he had got to the He, he returned.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan introduces here the following narrative:——'This spring, the king by Heaven's grace proposed to cast [the bell] Wuyi (The name of the 11th of the musical pipes). The musician Zhoujiu said, "The king is likely to die from disease of the heart! Music comes within the duties of the son of Heaven. The notes are the vehicle of music. The bell is the vessel that contains the notes. The son of Heaven examines the manners [of the people], to guide him in making his [instruments of] music. In his instruments he collects the notes, and by those notes the music goes forth. The smaller notes must not be too small, nor the greater too great. [This being the case], there ensues a harmony with things without, and admirable music is the result. Hence the harmonious sounds enter the ear, and descend into the heart. When repose is given to the heart, there is pleasure. If the notes be too small, the heart is not satisfied; if they be too large, it cannot bear them. It is consequently agitated, and the agitation produces disease. This bell will be too large, and the king's heart will not be able to endure it. Is it possible he can continue long?"

Kong Yingda traces the history of this bell to the commencement of the Sui dynasty, about the end of the 6th century, when it was destroyed.]

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'At the burial of duke Ping, Zhu, his heir son (太子 must here be =世子 ), erred in not taking his proper place, and took a lower one (I. e., a place below an elder brother, the son of a concubine). Our great officer, who had gone to the burial, saw Zhaozi on his return, and, being asked by him about the affairs of Cai, told him of this incident. Zhaozi said, with a sigh, "Is Cai going to perish? If it do not perish, this ruler will not die in his State. The ode says (Shi, III. ii. ode V. 4.):—

Not idly occupying his office,
'The people will have rest in him.'

Since the marquis of Cai, immediately on his accession, [thus] took a lower [place than was proper], so it will happen to his person."

Par. 2. The object of this mission, Du thinks, was to open communications between the new ruler of Jin and the court of Lu. But it was now the 5th year of duke Qing of Jin;—he had been remiss in his attentions to the faithful Lu. What is more remarkable,—this was the last mission of the kind sent to Lu by Jin, which thereby acquiesced in its own decline. Nor does the text of the classic mention any ping or friendly mission of compliment from any other State to Lu, which had fallen much from the high position which it had once occupied in the kingdom.

The Zhuan says:——'In summer, when Shi Yang of Jin came on a complimentary mission, Shusun was the principal minister of the State. Jisun wishing to bring on him the enmity of Jin, made the officers pay to the envoy the same ceremonies which had been paid to Bao Guo of Qi when he came to return Bi (See the narrative appended to XIV. 1). Shi Yang was angry, and said, "The rank of Bao Guo was inferior to mine, and his State was smaller [than Jin]; and to treat me with the same number of oxen which he received, is to lower my State. I will report the thing to my ruler." The people of Lu became afraid, and added four sets of animals, making [in all] eleven."

Par. 3. Gongyang has 畔 for 叛. In 南 里 we are to take 里 in the sense of 'neighbourhood,' according to the 1st meaning given to the character in the dictionary (里,居 也, 里 者,止 也,五 十 家 共 居 止). A certain neighbourhood inside the wall of the capital went by this name of Nanli, or 'the south district.'

The Zhuan says:——'Hua Feisui (See on par. 4 of last year) had [3 sons], Yu, Duoliao, and Deng. Yu was assistant-minister of War, and Duoliao was charioteer [to the duke], cherishing a hostile feeling to Yu, whom he slandered to the duke, saying, "Yu will bring the fugitives back (See the narrative referred to). He often speaks of it." The duke replied, "The minister of War on my account has lost his good son (Hua Deng, one of the fugitives). Death and exile are as determined. I must not cause him the loss of another son in the same way." "If your Grace," said Duoliao, "[thus] loves the minister of War, you had better abandon the State. If death can be avoided, no matter to what distance you flee." The duke became frightened, and made one of his attendants call Yiliao, an attendant of the minister of War, entertain him with spirits, and instruct him to inform the minister [of what was agitated]. The minister heard it with a sigh, and said,"This must have been Duoliao. I have a slanderous son, and have not been able to put him to death. I myself also have not [managed to] die [before this]. But since the duke issues his commands, what can be done?" He then took counsel with the duke about driving Yu from the State, and proposed to send him to hunt at Mengzhu, and thence to send him away. The duke entertained Yu to drink, and gave him large presents at the feast, making gifts also to his followers. [His father] the minister did the same. Zhang Gai was surprised at it, and said, "There must be a reason for this." He made Zipi (Hua Yu) question Yiliao with his sword at his neck, and all the truth was thus disclosed to them. Gai wanted to kill Duoliao, but Zipi said, "The minister is old, and [the exile of] Deng was too great a trial to him. I should [thus] be increasing [his sorrow]. My best plan is to flee."

'In the 5th month, on Bingshen, Zipi was going to see the minister and take his leave, when he met Duoliao driving their father to court. Zhang Gai could not restrain his anger, and along with Zipi, Jiu Ren, and Zheng Pian, he killed Duoliao. [At the same time] they carried off the minister, thereon declared a revolt, and recalled the exiles. On Renyin, the Huas and Xiangs entered the State. Yue Daxin, Feng Qian, and Hua Keng tried to withstand them at Heng. The house of the Hua family was near the Lu gate, and they took possession therefore of the south district (Nanli, which was adjacent), and held it in revolt. In the 6th month, on Gengwu, [the duke] repaired the old wall of the city and the gate of Sanglin, and appointed guards at them.'

Par. 4. This eclipse took place in the forenoon of June 3d, B.C. 520. The Zhuan says:——'On the occurrence of this eclipse the duke asked Zi Shen saying, "What is this for? What calamity does it indicate, or what blessing?" "At the solstices and equinoxes," was the reply, "an eclipse of the sun does not indicate calamity. The sun and the moon, in their travelling, are at the equinoxes, in the same path; and at the solstices, they pass each other. On other months, an eclipse indicates calamity. The yang principle cannot overcome [the yin], and hence there is always [disaster from] water."

Par. 5. Gongyang has 痤 for 輙. Shu Zhe was the son of Shu Gong, styled Bozhang (伯 張). He has not appeared in connexion with the business of the State, and this record of his death must have been made simply because of his relationship to the ducal House.

The Zhuan says:——'At this time Shu Zhe wept because of the eclipse of the sun. Zhaozi said, "Zishu will [soon] die. He weeps when there is no occasion for it." [Accordingly], in the 8th month, Shu Zhe died'.

[The Zhuan resumes here the narrative of the troubles in Song:——'In winter, in the 10th month, Hua Deng came with an army of Wu, to relieve the Huas. [About the same time], Wu Zhiming of Qi [had arrived] to garrison [the capital of] Song. Pu, the commandant of Chu, said, "We find in the 'Art of War,' that, if beforehand with the enemy, we should make up our minds to attack them, and that, if behindhand with them, we should wait the decay [of their strength]. [Why should we not attack them now], while they are tired and have not yet got settled? If they enter [the city] and establish themselves, the Huas will be very numerous, and our regrets will then be too late." His advice was followed; and on Bingyin the armies of Qi and Song defeated that of Wu at Hongkou, capturing its two commanders, the Gongzi Kuqian, and Yanzhou Yun. Hua Deng led the remainder of the army, and with it defeated the army of Song, on which the duke wanted to quit [the city and flee]. Pu of Chu said to him, "A small man like myself can take the opportunity to die [for you], but I cannot escort you in your flight. I beg your Grace to wait [the result of another battle]." He then sent round [the city] saying, "They who display a flag will be for the duke." The people all did so, and the duke, who saw them from the Yang gate, descended, and went round among them, saying, "If the State perish and your ruler die, it will be a disgrace to you, and not the fault of me alone." Wu Zhiming of Qi said, "It is better that we all be prepared to sacrifice our lives than that we [merely] use a small force. And that we be so prepared the best plan is to cast away our long weapons. The enemy have many such weapons, but let us all use swords." This was agreed to, and the Huas were put to flight. They followed and engaged them again, when Pu of Chu took his lower garment, wrapped up a head in it, with which he ran about, shouting, "I have got Hua Deng." On this they defeated the Huas at Xinli.

'Zhai Lüxin dwelt in Xinli, and after the fight he took off his armour before the duke, and returned to his allegiance. Hua Tou, who lived in Gongli, did the same.

'In the 11th month, on Guiwei, the Gongzi Cheng (See on par. 4 of last year) arrived with a force from Jin. Han Hu of Cao effected a junction with Xun Wu of Jin; and along with Yuan Heji of Qi, and the Gongzi Zhao of Wey, they came to the relief of Song. On Bingxu they fought with the Huas at Zheqiu. Zheng Pian wished to draw the troops up in the crane fashion, while his charioteer preferred that of the goose. Zilu (Xiang Yi) drove the Gongzi Cheng, and Zhuang Jin was spearman on the right. Gan Chou drove Hua Bao warden of Lü, with Zhang Gai as spearman. These two chariots met, and Cheng was withdrawing, when Hua Bao called out, "Cheng!" on which he was angry and returned [to the fight]. As he was adjusting his arrow to the string, Bao had already bent his bow. [Cheng] said, "May the powerful influence of duke Ping] [now] assist me!" On this the arrow of Bao went past between him [and Zilu]. [Again] he was adjusting his arrow, when [Bao] had again bent his bow. "If you don't let me return your shot," said [Cheng], "it will be mean." [Bao on this] took away his arrow, and Cheng shot him dead. Zhang Gai took his spear, and descended from the chariot. An arrow [from Cheng] broke his thigh, but he supported himself on the ground, and struck at Cheng, breaking the crossboard of his chariot. Another arrow killed him; and then Gan Chou begged for his death from an arrow. "I will report you to our ruler," said Cheng; but he replied, "He who does not die, being in the same file or the same chariot, is doomed to the greatest punishment in the army. If I expose myself to this doom and follow you, how should the ruler use me? Be quick." On this [Cheng] shot him dead. A great defeat was inflicted on the Huas, and they were besieged in Nanli.

'Hua Hai beat his breast and cried out. Seeing Hua Yu, he said, "I am [another] Luan (See the rebellion and fate of Luan Ying of Jin in Xiang's 23d year)." "Do not frighten me," said Yu. "It will be my misfortune if I die after you." They then sent Hua Deng to Chu, to ask assistance. Hua Yu, with 15 chariots and 70 footmen, broke through the duke's army, ate with Deng near the Sui, wept and escorted him on his route, and then returned and reentered [Nanli]. Wei Yue of Chu led a force to [rescue and] meet the Huas. Fan, the grand-administrator, remonstrated, saying, "Of all the States it is only in Song that they have served their ruler, but there also they are now contending for the capital. Is it not improper to pass over the ruler, and assist his subject?" The king said, "You mention this too late. I have promised them my assistance]".']

Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Fei Wuji of Chu took bribes from Dongguo (An uncle of Zhu), and said to the people of Cai, "Zhu is not observant of the orders of Chu; our ruler and king intends to set up Dongguo in his room. If you do not anticipate the king's wishes, he will lay siege to Cai." The people of Cai were afraid, expelled Zhu, and made Dongguo marquis. Zhu complained to Chu, and the viscount was about to punish Cai, when Fei Wuji said to him, "The marquis Ping had a covenant with Chu, and therefore he was raised to the State. His son was disaffected, and therefore we [now] displace him. King Ling put to death Yin, heir-son [of Cai]. His son (Dongguo) and you had the same object of hatred, and his gratitude to you must be extreme. Is it not proper further to make him the marquis of Cai? Moreover to make and unmake rests with you. Cai has no other [to look to]."

Par. 6. "The Zhuan says, "The duke was going to Jin; but when he arrived at the He, Gu (See on XV. 5) had revolted from Jin, which was going to attack Xianyu. In consequence of this the duke's visit was declined.'

XXII. Twenty-second year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-second year, in spring, the marquis of Qi invaded Ju.

2. Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, and Hua Ding of Song, fled from Nanli of that State to Chu.

3. We had a grand review in Changjian.

4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Yichou, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.

5. In the sixth month, Shu Yang went to the capital to the burial of king Jing.

6. The royal House was in confusion.

7. The viscounts of Liu and Shan, having with them the king Meng, took up their residence in Huang.

8. In autumn, the viscounts of Liu and Shan entered the royal city with the king Meng.

9. In winter, in the tenth month, the king's son Meng died.

10. In the twelfth month, on Guiyou, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, in the 2d month, on Jiazi, Beiguo Qi of Qi led a force and invaded Ju. The viscount of Ju was going to fight, when Yuanyang Muzhi remonstrated with him, saying, "The force of Qi is a poor one, and its demands are not great. Our best plan is to yield to it; a great State should not be angered." The viscount would not listen to this counsel, and defeated the troops of Qi at Shouyu. [On this], the marquis of Qi [himself] invaded Ju, when the viscount made his submission. The marshal Zao went to Ju to superintend a covenant, and the viscount went to Qi for the same purpose. The covenant was made outside the Ji gate. In consequence of all this Ju conceived a great hatred of its ruler.'

Par. 2. Read the narrative after par. 5 of last year. The Zhuan here says:——'Wei Yue of Chu sent a message to [the duke of] Song, saying, "My ruler has heard that you have some bad officers, who are occasioning you sorrow. Had you not better [send them away], to the disgrace of their ancestral temples? My ruler begs to receive them, and execute them." [The duke] replied, "From my want of ability I was not able to love my uncles and elder brothers, thereby occasioning sorrow to your ruler. I thank you for the condescension of your message. Ruler and subjects, we are here fighting daily, and your ruler says, 'I must assist the subjects.' Still I accept his commands. But people have a saying, that one should not pass by the door of a house in confusion. If your ruler vouchsafe his kind protection to my poor State, it is my hope that he will not give honour to the worthless, thereby encouraging men to create disorder. Let your ruler think of the case."

'The people of Chu were troubled by this reply; but [the officers in charge of] the auxiliaries from different States took counsel together, saying, "If the Hua, knowing to what straits they are reduced, should sell their lives dearly, and if Chu, ashamed of not accomplishing its object, should fight with spirit, this will not be to our advantage. The better plan is to send [the rebels] away, as if it were brought about by Chu; nor can they do anything after this. We came to succour Song, and we shall remove the authors of its injury;—what more should we seek for?" They therefore begged earnestly that [the rebels] might be allowed to go away, and the people of Song agreed. On Jisi, Hua Hai, Xiang Ning, Hua Ding, Hua Chu, Hua Deng, Huang Yanshang. Sheng Zang, and Shi Ping, went forth and fled to Chu. The duke make Gongsun Ji grand-minister of War, Bian Yang grand-minister of Instruction, Yue Qi minister of Works, Zhong Ji master of the Left, Yue Daxin master of the Right, and Yue Wan grand minister of Crime,—in order to quiet the minds of the people.'

Par. 3. Gongyang has 姦 for 間. Du says nothing on the situation of Changjian, but it has been referred, with every appearance of correctness, to a place in the pres. dis, of Sishui (泗水), dep. Yanzhou, 蒐 is to be taken here as in VIII. 6, XI. 5. See what is said on it under VIII, 6. Xu Han (許翰; Song dyn.) says:——'In the 8th year a 蒐 appears as taking place in autumn; and one in the 11th year in summer; at both of which seasons it was inappropriate. The observance of it now in the spring was appropriate so far as the season was concerned; but all the notices of 蒐 in the time of duke Zhao have for their principal object the condemnation of the great officers, whose power was excessive.' Most of the critics think that the duke himself took no part in any of these reviews.

Par. 4. This was king Jing (景王), who was now in the 25th year of his reign. The Zhuan says:——'His son Zhao, and Bin Qi (Zhao's tutor) were favourites with king Jing, who had spoken to Bin Meng (I. q., Bin Qi) about his wish to make Zhao his successor. Bofen, son by a concubine to duke Xian of Liu, did service to duke Mu of Shan, and, hating the character of Bin Meng, wished to put him to death. He also disliked the words of the king's son Zhao, as likely to lead to disorder, and wished to remove him out of the way.

'[On one occasion] Bin Meng had gone to the suburbs, where he saw a cock plucking out its tail. He asked what could be the meaning of such a thing, and his attendants said, "It is afraid for itself lest it should be used as a victim." He hurried back, and reported the thing to the king, adding, "The cock would seem to be afraid of its being used as a victim by men. It is different with men [who like to be favoured and nourished as animals for victims are]. For such favourites you must use [good] men. To favour other men in such a way may occasion difficulties; but what injury can come from so favouring [a son of] your own?" The king made no reply.

'In summer, in the 4th month, the king hunted on the North hill, and made all the dukes and ministers follow him, intending to put to death the viscounts of Shan and Liu. He was suffering, however, from disease of the heart, and on Yichou he died in the house of Rongyi. On Wuchen, Zhi, viscount of Liu, died, leaving no son [by his wife], and the viscount of Shan raised Liu Fen to his place. In the 5th month, they had an interview with the [new] king, and proceeded to attack Bin Qi, and killed him, after which they imposed a covenant on all the [other] sons of the [late or former] kings, in the house of the [viscount of] Shan.'

Par. 5. Shu Yang, who appears here, was a son of Shu Gong, a younger brother of Zhe, whose death was recorded last year. The burial of the king took place only 3 months after his death;—the unseemly haste was in consequence, no doubt, of the troubles referred to in the next paragraph.

[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Jin and the city of Gu:——'When Jin took Guyu (See on XV. 5), it sent back the viscount of that city, after presenting him [in the ancestral temple]. He afterwards revolted, and joined Xianyu. In the 6th month, Xun Wu was marching near Dongyang, and made some of his soldiers, disguised as buyers of rice, carry their armour on their backs [in bags], and rest outside the gate of Xiyang. He then surprised Gu, and extinguished [its sacrifices], took the viscount Yandi, back with him, and appointed She Tuo to guard the city.']

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'On Dingsi, king Jing was buried. His son Zhao, by means of the many old officers who had lost their offices and emoluments, and of the families sprung from [the kings] Ling and Jing, proceeded to raise an insurrection, and led the men-at-arms of Jiao, Yao, and Jian, to drive out the viscount of Liu, who on Renxu fled to Yang. The viscount of Shan then took king Dao (king Jing's son Meng of par. 9), and carried him back from the Zhuang palace [to his own house]; but in the night Huan, [another] son of king [Jing], took him again and went to the palace; and [next day], on Guihai, the viscount left [the capital]. Huan took counsel with duke Zhuang of Shao, saying, "If we do not kill Shan Qi (The viscount), we shall not succeed. If we [propose to] make a second covenant with him, he is sure to come. There are many who have conquered by violating their covenants." His proposal was agreed to, but Fan Qingzi said, "Such language is wrong. The thing is sure not to succeed." They then carried the king with them, and pursued the viscount of Shan. At Ling they made a great covenant, and [all] returned, [after which] they put to death Zhi Huang, by way of apology for themselves. The viscount of Liu went to Liu, and the viscount of Shan absconded, fleeing, on Yichou, to Pingzhi. The body of the king's sons pursued him, when he killed Huan, Gu, Fa, Ruo, Zong, Yan, Ding, and Chou. The king's son Zhao [on this] fled to Jing, which was attacked on Pingyin, when the inhabitants fled to the hills. The viscount of Liu entered the royal city. On Xinwei, duke Jian of Gong was shamefully defeated at Jing. On Yihai, duke Ping of Gan was also defeated.

'When Shu Yang arrived from the capital, he spoke of the confusion of the royal House. Min Mafu said, "The king's son Zhao is sure not to succeed. Those with whom he is associated are those whom Heaven has disowned."

This is the third time in the period of the Chunqiu that the House of Zhou was nearly ruined by dissensions in itself, but the classic takes no notice of the two former occasions. Its silence is difficult to account for, and the same course would probably have been pursued here but for the visit of Shu Yang to the capital when the troubles were going on. Dai Xi (戴溪; Song dyn.) says, 'From the beginning of the Chunqiu till now, the royal House had thrice been in confusion, the calamity always arising from relations in it between father and sons, elder and younger brothers, through which the distinction between sons of the queen proper and of other ladies of the harem was not kept clear. King Hui, by his favouritism of his son Dai, had nearly endangered the position of his eldest son, when duke Huan made the covenant in the prince's behalf at Shouzhi (See V. v. 4, 5), and his place was established. Then king Xiang, through again favouring Dai, was obliged to leave the capital and reside in Zheng (See V. xxiv. 4), till duke Wen of Jin restored him, and established the royal House. But for those two leaders, the confusion of the House of Zhou would not have been postponed till this time. The Chunqiu makes record of it now, through pity for the feeble condition to which the House was reduced, and regret that such leaders as Huan and Wen were no more to be found. Alas!'

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Shan wished to send notice of [the king's] distress to Jin. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Wuyin, he carried the king with him to Pingzhi; thence they went to Puju, and halted in Huang.'

Huang was a city of Zhou, in the northwest of the pres. dis. of Gong (鞏), dep. Henan. The Meng was a son of king Jing, probably by his proper queen. The death of the king's eldest son Shou is mentioned in the Zhuan after par. 4 of the 15th year. We may suppose that Meng was a younger brother of Shou, on whom the succession to the throne now naturally devolved, and that he had been so designated. We have seen, however, that the king had wished, before his death, to divert the succession to Zhao, older in years, but the son of a concubine. Hence arose the two parties, whose struggles produced so much confusion. Liu Chang, Hu An'guo, and others, take the 以 in the text, as condemnatory of the viscounts, but the Kangxi editors remark correctly that 以 itself expresses neither praise nor blame, and that the supporters of Meng were in the right. Meng died before the end of the year, and therefore does not enter into the chronological line of kings, though he received the posthumous epithet of king Dao (悼王). Altogether his position was anomalous, and hence the style of the text, where he is not called 王 simply, nor 天王, but 王 with his name attached (王猛).

Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Liu went to Liu, and the viscount of Shan made king [King's] son Chu keep guard in the royal city, having bound by a covenant in the temple of [king] Ping all the officers. On Xinmao, Xun Xi attacked Huang, but he suffered a great defeat; and, being taken, he was burned on Renchen in the market-place of the royal city. In the 8th month, on Xinyou, the minister of Instruction, Chou, with the royal army, was shamefully defeated at Qiancheng, after which all the officers revolted. On Jisi, they attacked the palace of the viscount of Shan, and were defeated. On Gengwu he returned their attack. On Xinwei he attacked Dongyu.

'In winter, in the 10th month, on Dingsi, Ji Tan and Xun Li, led the Rong of Jiuzhou, with the troops of Jiao, Xia, Wen, and Yuan, to replace the king in the royal city. On Gengshen, the viscount of Shan and Fen of Liu, with the king's army, were shamefully defeated at Jiao, and the men of Qiancheng defeated the [Rong] of Luhun at She.

The 'royal city' is correctly said by Du to have been Jiaru (郟鄏). Mao observes that to this city king Wu removed the 9 tripods, and that it is to be distinguished from Chengzhou (成周) or the 'lower capital (下都),' which was built by the duke of Zhou to receive the refractory people of Yin. From the time of king Ping's removal of the seat of govt. eastwards, down to king Jing, all the kings of Zhou had dwelt in Jiaru. It was not till 4 years after this, that King's successor, of whom we must also speak in English as king Jing (敬王), occupied Chengzhou, in consequence of the present disturbances still continuing. Gongyang says that the 'royal city' of the text is the western Zhou, or western capital of Zhou (西周), but it was not till after the period of the Chunqiu that Jiaru came to be thus denominated.

Par. 9. The Zhuan continues:——'In the 11th month (The text says the 10th), on Yiyou, the king's son Meng died, and the proper mourning and funeral rites could not be performed for him. On Jichou, king Jing (敬王 , an own brother of Meng;—his name was Gai, 匄) succeeded to the throne, and lodged in the house of Zilü.

'In the 12th month, on Gengxu, Ji Tan, Xun Li, Jia Xin, and the marshal Du, of Jin, led their forces, and encamped at Yin, at Houshi, at Qiquan, halting at She; while the king's army encamped at Fan, and at Xie, halting at Renren. In the intercalary month, Ji Yi, Yue Zheng, and Gui of the right column, of Jin, crossed [the Yi and Luo] with their forces, and took Qiancheng. The king's army encamped at Jingchu; and on Xinchou it attacked Jingchu, and threw down the [wall on the] west and south.'

Du thinks that the sentence 不成喪也, in the Zhuan, gives the reason why 王猛 of parr. 8, 9 is here replaced by 王子猛; but this is not necessary. Had Meng lived, his reign would have dated only from the next year. Of the sons of the dukes of Lu, who came to an untimely end before the expiry of the year in which their fathers died, the text simply says, 'Son So-and-so died (See VI. xviii. 6: IX. xxxi. 3).' Here in writing of the royal House, it was necessary to prefix the 王.

Par. 10. This eclipse took place in the afternoon, on the 18th November, B.C. 519. Du would change the Guiyou into Guimao (癸卯); but calculation shows the day to be correct. He was led to the conclusion that there was no Guiyou day in this 12th month, by accepting the statement in the preceding Zhuan about the intercalary month which is incorrect. The intercalary month this year must have been a double 4th.

XXIII. Twenty-third year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, in the king's first month, Shusun Chuo went to Jin.

2. On Guichou, Shu Yang died.

3. The people of Jin seized our internuncius, Shusun Chuo.

4. The troops of Jin laid siege to Jiao.

5. In summer, in the sixth month, Dongguo, marquis of Cai, died in Chu.

6. In autumn, in the seventh month, Gengyu, viscount of Ju, came a fugitive to Lu.

7. On Wuchen, Wu defeated the armies of Dun, Hu, Shen, Cai, Chen, and Xu at Jifu, when Kun, viscount of Hu, and Cheng, viscount of Shen, were killed, and Xia Nie of Chen was taken.

8. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] resided at Diquan, and the chief of the House of Yin raised king [King's] son Zhao to the throne.

9. In the eighth month, on Yiwei, there was an earthquake.

10. In winter, the duke was going to Jin; but when he arrived at the He, he fell ill and returned.

COMMENTARY

Parr. 1, 3. Here, as elsewhere, Zuoshi has 婼 for 舍. The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from [the capital of] Zhu had been walling Yi, and on their return were to go by way of Ligu. Gongsun Chu said, "Lu will withstand us. If we want to return by Wucheng, let us keep along the hills to the south." Xu Chu, Qiu Ruo, and Mao Di said, "The way [there] lies low; if we meet with rain, it will be impassable, and we shall not [be able to] return." Accordingly they determined to go by Ligu, [first passing Wucheng]. The men of Wucheng had blocked up the way in front [of a pass], and cut the trees in the rear, only not quite through; but when the troops of Zhu had entered, they pushed the trees down, and took the whole of them, killing Chu, Ruo, and Di. The people of Zhu complained of this to Jin, which sent an officer to Lu to inquire into the matter. On this Shusun Chuo went to Jin where they seized and held him. The words of the text are, "The people of Jin seized our internucius Shusun Chuo," because he was a commissioner [from the State].

'The people of Jin required him to argue the matter on trial along with a great officer of Zhu; but Shusun said, "It is the old rule of Zhou, that the minister of one of the regular States should rank with the ruler of a small State. Zhu, moreover, is one of the Yi. Zifu Hui is here, commissioned by my ruler as my assistant. I beg that you will let him be confronted with [the officer of Zhu], for I do not dare to disallow the rule of Zhou." Accordingly, he would not be put upon his trial.

'Han Xuanzi made the men of Zhu collect all their people, intending to deliver Shusun to them. When that minister heard of it, he dispensed with the attendance of his people and his weapons, and went to court. Shi Mimou said to Han Xuanzi, "Your measures are not good. If you deliver Shusun to his enemies, he will die [first]. If Lu lose Shusun, it is sure to destroy Zhu, and where will the ruler of Zhu turn to when he has lost his State? You may then repent of it, but of what use will that be? What is called the lordship of covenants implies the punishment of the disobedient. If [the princes of the States] are all to seize one another, of what use is a lordship of covenants?" After this [Shusun] was not delivered [to Zhu], but [he and Zifu Hui] were assigned, each of them, a separate lodging. Shi Bo received their statements, and accused them to Xuanzi, when they were both seized; and Shi Bo drove, Shusun, with four of his followers, past the lodging of the Zhuites, on the way to the officer [who should take charge of him]. The viscount of Zhu was then sent home first, and Shi Bo said [to Shusun], "In consequence of the difficulty of getting forage, and the sickness of your followers, we will assign you a lodging in [another of our] great cities." Shusun stood from one morning [till next], waiting for his orders; and then a lodging was assigned to him in Ji, and Zifu Zhaobo was placed in another city.

'Fan Xianzi sought bribes from Shusun, and sent to ask him for some caps. He got the fashion of the [other's] cap, and sent two caps to him saying, "These are all." Shen Feng, on account of Shusun, went with bribes to Jin; but Shusun sent word to him to come and see him, and he would tell him how to distribute the bribes. When Feng came to see him, he did not let him go forth. The officers in charge who lived with him at Ji begged from him his watchdog. He refused it; but when he was about to return to Lu, he killed it, and gave it to them to eat. Wherever Shusun was lodged, though it might be only for one day, he would have the walls and roof put in repair. When he left the house, it was [always] as when he first came to it.'

Par. 2. See on par. 5 of last year. Shu Yang was succeeded, as a great officer of Lu, by his son Shu Yi (叔 詣).

Par. 4. The Zhuan continues here the narrative of the troubles in Zhou, and should be read in connection with that on par. 9 of last year:——'This spring, in the king's 1st month, on Renyin, the 1st day of the moon, the two armies (I. e., of the king and of Jin) laid siege to Jiao. On Guimao, the people of Jiao and Xun dispersed. On Dingwei, the army of Jin was at Pingyin, and the king's at Zeyi. The king sent word that he was more at ease; and on Gengxu [the army of Jin returned].'

Jiao was a city of Zhou, but its particular locality has not been ascertained. I translate 晉人 'the troops of Jin.' Hu An'guo says that the 人 is used as if the commander had been only an inferior officer; and as we know that he was not such, he adds that he is represented so, to express the sage's disapproval of all Jin's proceedings in succouring so feebly the king in his distress! According to the Zhuan, the siege of Jiao began on Renyin, 12 days before Guichou, on which Shu Yang died. This 4th par., therefore, should precede the 2d; but we may suppose that as the official notice from Jin to Lu of the siege could not arrive till after that officer's death, and was given as in the text without the specification of the day, the historiographers entered the event according to the time of its communication.

Par. 5. Dongguo owed his elevation to the marquisate of Cai to Chu (See on XX. i. 6); and he was probably on a visit to the court of that State when he died.

Par. 6. About Gengyu and duke Jiao, mentioned in the end of the Zhuan here, see the narrative on XIV. 5. The Zhuan says:—— 'Gengyu, viscount of Ju, was oppressive and fond of swords. Whenever he had a sword cast, he would try it on people. The people felt sore under him, and he was also intending to revolt from Qi, when Wu Cun led the people on to expel him. As he was about to leave the city, he heard that Wu Cun was standing with a spear on the left of the road; and, being afraid, he proposed to stop, and die [where he was]. Yuanyang Muzhi, however, said to him, "Let your lordship pass by him. It will be sufficient for Wu Cun to be spoken of for his strength. Why should he seek to make himself famous by murdering you?" On this, he came a fugitive to Lu, and the people of Qi restored duke Jiao.'

Par. 7. Guliang has here 甫 for 父, and 盈 for 逞. Gongyang has 楹 for 逞. Jifu was in the pres. Shouzhou (壽州), dep. Fengyang, Anhui. The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from Wu invaded Zhoulai, to the rescue of which hurried Wei Yue with the army of Chu and the forces of [several of] the States. The men of Wu withstood him at Zhongli, when [just at that time] Zixia (The chief minister of Chu, unable to command in this expedition) died, and the courage of the army of Chu died away. The Gongzi Guang of Wu said, "The States that follow with Chu are numerous, but they are small. They have come through fear of Chu, and because they could not help it. I have heard that, in the conduct of affairs, the party whose energy is superior to its hesitancy, though it may be the smaller, is sure to be successful (See the Shu, III. iv. 7; but the application is very forced). The rulers of Hu and Shen are young and reckless. Nie, the great officer of Chen, is stout, but stupid. Dun, Xu, and Cai hate the govt. of Chu. Its chief minister is [just] dead, and the courage of its army has become chilled. The commander is of low rank, and has many favourites; no unity marks his procedures and orders. The seven States are engaged in the same service, but they have not the same heart. With this commander of low rank and incompetent, his commands cannot inspire any great awe;—Chu can be defeated. If we divide our forces, and first fall on Hu, Shen, and Chen, they are sure to flee. When those three States are defeated, the forces of the others will be shaken in mind. They will all get into confusion, and Chu will be put to a great rout. Let our men in front put away their preparations and assume but small appearance of martial energy, while those that follow afterwards go in strong array, with ranks well ordered."

'The viscount of Wu followed this counsel, and on Wuchen, the last day of the moon, a battle was fought at Jifu. He sent 300 criminals in front to attack the troops of Hu, Shen, and Chen, which maintained a struggle with them; but behind these criminals the army of Wu was drawn out in three divisions, that in the centre following the king, the right commanded by Guang, and the left by Yanyu. Some of the criminals fled, and some held their ground; but the troops of the three States were thrown into confusion by them, and being then attacked by the army of Wu, they were defeated. The rulers of Hu and Shen were taken, and the great officer of Chen. The Wuites set free their other prisoners, and made them flee to [the men of] Xu, Cai, and Dun, saying, "Our rulers are dead." They themselves followed them with shouts, and the troops of those three States took to flight. The army [also of Chu] was greatly routed. The phraseology of the text, that "The two viscounts were extinguished, and Xia Nie of Chen taken," is varied, from its application to rulers and an officer. (This seems to mean that the capture or the death of a ruler was spoken of as his "extinction," while the capture of an officer might be spoken even of his "death"). The text does not say that "a battle was fought,"—because [the army of] Chu had not formed in order of battle.'

These two canons, the one on the use of the terms 滅 and 獲, and the other on the silence of the text about Chu, have given rise to a great deal of speculation. I should judge myself, that 滅 must imply the death of the party to whom it is applied, but then 獲 should indicate capture, and capture only.

Par. 8. Diquan was a neighbourhood outside the wall of the royal city, within which, we shall find, it was subsequently embraced in the 1st year of duke Ding. It was so named from the Di spring and pool, and was on the east of the city, so that king Jing (敬王) was styled 'the eastern king,' in distinction from his rival, who occupied the city itself, and was called 'the western king.'

I have translated 尹氏 by 'the chief of the House of Yin (See VIII. xvi. 10),' which must be the meaning of the terms. The viscount of Yin took the lead in supporting Zhao, whose elevation to the throne is therefore ascribed to him;—we need not seek any other recondue meaning in the use of 氏. There were now two kings. The text decides in favour of king Jing by the name of 天王 applied to him.

The Zhuan says:——'In summer, in the 4th month, on Yiyou, the viscount of Shan took Zi, and the viscount of Liu took Qiangren and Zhiren. In the 6th month, on Renwu, king Jing's (景王) son Zhao entered Yin. On Guiyou, Yu, [viscount] of Yin, inveigled and killed Liu Tuo. On Bingxu, the viscount of Shan came by way of Fan, and the viscount of Liu by way of Yin to attack Yin. The former arrived first and was defeated, when the other returned. On Jichou, Huan earl of Shao, and Nangong Ji led a body of men from Chengzhou to garrison Yin. On Gengyin, the viscounts of Shan and Liu, and Fan Qi, conducted the king to Liu. On Jiawu, the [late] king's son, Zhao, entered the royal city, and halted in Zuoxiang. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Wushen, Xun Luo placed him in the palace of Zhuang. Xin of Yin defeated the army of Liu in Tang, and on Bingchen it was defeated again at Xun. On Jiazi, Xin of Yin took Xiwei. On Bingyin, he attacked Kuai, the people of which dispersed.'

Par. 9. The Zhuan says:——'In the 8th month, on Dingyou, Nangong Ji was killed by an earthquake. Chang Hong said to duke Wen of Liu, "Let your lordship exert yourself. By the strength of your father your enterprize will be successful. When [the kings of] Zhou [formerly] perished, there were earthquakes along the three rivers (The Jing, Wei, and Luo; 涇,渭,洛). Now a great officer of the western king has perished in this earthquake; —Heaven is casting him off. The eastern king will have a great triumph.'

The earthquake in the text was felt in Lu. That in the Zhuan on the 2d day after was in Zhou. The words of the Zhuan 南宮極震 must be translated as I have done. Du supposes that Ji was killed by the overthrow of his house.

[We have here a narrative relating to the affairs of Chu and Wu:——'The mother of Jian, the eldest son of [the king of] Chu was in Ju, to which she invited the people of Wu, opening also its gate for them. In winter, in the 10th month, on Jiashen, Zhufan, the eldest son of [the king of] Wu, entered Ju, and carried back with him from it the above lady, with her treasures and other articles. The marshal Wei Yue of Chu pursued them; but not being able to overtake them, he was about to die (I. e., kill himself). All his people said, "Let us take the opportunity to attack Wu, and try the chance of our succeeding;" but he said, "If I should again be defeated with our ruler's army, I should have to die, and would be [doubly] criminal. Having lost our ruler's wife, I must die on that account." He then strangled himself in Weishi.']

Par. 10. After 河 Gong and Gu introduce a 公, thus making two parr. Zuo says the visit was on account of Shusun Chuo, who was still detained in Jin, to effect his liberation if possible. The critics are unanimous in holding that the sickness was feigned. Either the duke grew afraid, or he was warned back by Jin, and then he caused his return to be attributed to illness in order to hide his disgrace (殺恥).

[The Zhuan returns to affairs in Chu:—

'In Chu, Nang Wa became chief minister (In place of Yang Gai or Zixia;—see on par. 7), and proceeded to fortify Ying. Xu, director of Shen, said, "Zichang (Nang Wa) is sure to lose Ying. If we are not able to defend it, walling it is of no use. Anciently, the defences of the sons of Heaven were the rude tribes on every side of the kingdom; and when their authority became low, their defences were the various States. The defences of those States were their neighbours, all round them; and when their power became low, their defences were their four borders. They attended carefully to them, and formed alliances with their neighbours as helpers. Then the people quietly cultivated the country, and the important labours of the three [seasons] were successfully accomplished. The people had no cause for anxiety in the State, and there were no apprehensions from abroad; it was not thought necessary to fortify the cities. But now we are afraid of Wu, and are fortifying Ying. Small is the defence. Even that proper to a State, when its power is low, is beyond us;—how can we escape the loss [of Ying]? Formerly, the earl of Liang dug a moat about his palace, and the people dispersed (See on V. xix. 8). When the people abandon their superiors, nothing but ruin can come. If we adjusted correctly our borders, kept our lands and fields well regulated, made our stations of refuge and assembly where they were most difficult of access, cultivated the affection of the people, arranging them clearly in companies of five, so as to be on the look out [against danger], maintained good faith with the neighbouring States, looked well after the discharge of their duties by our officers, maintained all the ceremonies of intercourse, were neither assuming nor covetous, neither weak nor violent, thus completing our defences and preparations, and awaiting whatever might occur, what should we have to fear? The ode (III. i. ode I. 6) says,

'Ever think of your ancestor,
Cultivating his virtue.'

Have we not examples in Ruo'ao, and Fenmao, down to Wu and Wen? Their territory did not exced 100 li square. But they carefully attended to their borders, and did not fortify Ying? Now our territory is several 1000 li square, and we must fortify Ying! Is not our case a hard one?"]

XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Bingxu, Zhongsun Jue died.

2. Shusun Chuo arrived from Jin.

3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Yiwei, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

4. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a great sacrifice for rain.

5. On Dingyou, Yuli, earl of Qi, died.

6. In winter, Wu extinguished Chao.

7. There was the burial of duke Ping of Qi.

COMMENTARY

[The Zhuan continues here its narrative of the troubles in Zhou:——'This spring, in the king's first month, on Xinchou, duke Jian of Shao and Nangong Yin introduced duke Huan of Gan to the [late] king's son Zhao. The viscount of Liu said to Chang Hong, "The Gan is also gone to him." "What harm will that do?" was the reply. "It is only those who have virtue in common that can concert righteous measures (See the Shu, V. i. Pt. i. 8, where the characters, however, have a difft. meaning). The Great Declaration says (Shu, V. i. Pt. ii. 6), 'Zhou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, but they are all divided in their ways. I have of ministers, capable of government, ten men, one in heart, and one in practice." It was through this that Zhou arose. Let your lordship's care be about virtue, and do not be concerned about the want of men." On Wuwu, the king's son Zhao entered Wu.]

Par. 1. See ix. 4; et al. This was Meng Xizi. He was succeeded by his son Heji (何忌), who is numbered among the disciples of Confucius.

Par. 2. Comp. XIV. 1, where the return of Jisun Yiru from his detention in Jin is recorded, as that of Shusun Chuo is recorded here. There, however, only the name Yiru, appears in the text, without the surname, and here both Zuoshi and Guliang omit the surname, having also 婼 instead of 舍. The critics have much to say on these points, with which we need not trouble ourselves. See the Kangxi editors in loc.

The Zhuan says:——'Shi Mimou of Jin went to meet Shusun in Ji (See on parr. 1, 3 of last year), [and bring him away]. Shusun made Liang Qixing wait inside the door, having said to him, "If I look to the left and cough, kill him; but if I look to the right and laugh, hold your hand." When Shusun saw Shi Bo, the latter said, "My ruler, thinking his duty as lord of covenants required him to do so, has detained you long. There are some small gifts of our poor State, which he now presents to your followers, and he has sent me to meet you, Sir." Shusun received the offerings, and returned [to Lu]. The words of the text, "In the second month, Chuo (婼; without the clanname) arrived from Jin," are intended to honour Jin (?).

[There is appended here a short note about the affairs in Zhou:——'In the 3d month, on Gengxu, the marquis of Jin sent Shi Jingbo to go and ask about affairs in Zhou. He took his position by the Ganzhai [gate], and questioned great multitudes. In consequence, the people of Jin repulsed the [late] king's son Zhao, and would not receive his messengers.']

Par. 3. This eclipse took place at sunrise, on the 1st April, B.C. 517. The Zhuan says:——'On the occurrence of this eclipse, Zi Shen said, "There will be floods." But Zhaozi said, "There will be drought. The sun has passed the equinox, and the yang influence has not yet predominated. When it does do so, it will be in a very great degree, and we must have drought. The yang influence, not getting vent (莫=布), will be accumulated.'

[The affairs of Zhou are here resumed:——1st. 'In the 6th month, on Renshen, the army of the [late] king's son Zhao attacked Xia and Xing, the people of both of which dispersed.

2d. 'The earl of Zheng went to Jin, with Zitaishu in attendance on him. At an interview with Fan Xianzi, the latter asked Zitaishu what he thought about the state of the royal House. "I am an old man," was the reply, "who cannot do as he ought for his own State; how dare I think about the royal House? But people have a saying that the widow does not regard her woof, but is anxious about the fall of the honoured [House of] Zhou, meaning that [she is afraid of] what will happen to herself. The royal House is now indeed shaking, and our small State is full of apprehension. But it should be matter of anxiety to your great State; what knowledge can we take of it? You, Sir, should take speedy measures in reference to it. The ode (II. v. ode VIII. 3) says:—

'When the pitcher is exhausted,
It is to the shame of the jar.'

The disquietude of the royal House is to the shame of Jin." Xianzi became frightened, and consulted with Xuanzi, upon which they summoned a meeting of the States for the next year.']

Par. 4. This sacrifice was offered, says Zuo, because of drought; and thus Shusun's anticipation, mentioned under par. 3, was verified. Wang Tao observes here, 'The vaticination of Pi Zao was not equal to that of Zichan, and the vaticination of Zi Shen was not equal to that of Zhaozi. This may show that the astrologers could not calculate so well by their art as the officers could on grounds of reason.'

Par. 5. Gongyang has 鬱 for 郁. Du observes that Dingyou was the 5th of the 9th month. The characters 九 月, therefore, he thinks, have been inadvertently omitted.

[We have another notice about affairs in Zhou:——'In winter, in the 10th month, on Guiyou, the [late] king's son Zhao offered the precious sceptre of Chengzhou in sacrifice to the He. On Jiaxu, a ferryman found it [again] on the bank. Yin Buning with a body of men from Wen was making an incursion southwards, caught this man, and took the jade from him. He wished [afterwards] to sell it, but it then changed into a stone. When the king was settled [on the throne], Buning presented it to him, and received the city of East Zi.']

Par. 6. Chao,—see VI. xii. 4. It now belonged to Chu. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Chu fitted out a naval expedition to approach the borders of Wu. Xu, commandant of Shen, said, "In this expedition Chu is sure to lose a city. Instead of soothing the people, we are toiling them. While Wu is keeping quiet, we are stimulating it to move. If Wu follow in our footsteps, as preparations have not been made on our borders, is it possible we should not lose [one or more] cities?"

'Xu An, a great officer of Yue, met the king with complimentary offerings at the bend of Yuzhang, and the Gongzi Cang of that State sent him a ship, following him also with a force, along with Shoumeng. When he had got to Yuyang, the king returned.

'The men of Wu then followed; and as the people on the borders were not prepared for them, they extinguished Chao and Zhongli, and returned. The commandant of Shen said, "Here is the commencement of the loss of Ying. By this one movement of the king, we have lost two commanders. How often can this be repeated without the consequences reaching Ying? Might not the words of the ode (III. iii. ode III. 3),

'Who laid the steps of the evil,
Which has reached the present distress?'

be spoken of the king?"

Du says here that Chao was a city of Chu to which Liu Chang objects that in that case the term 'extinguished' (滅) could not be applied to it. The truth, no doubt, is that Chao had once been independent, but had been reduced by Chu to the State of a fuyong, or attached territory.

XXV. Twenty-fifth year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, Shusun Chuo went to Song.

2. In summer, Shu Yi had a meeting with Zhao Yang of Jin, Yue Daxin of Song, Beigong Xi of Wey, You Ji of Zheng, and officers of Cao, Zhu, Teng, Xue, and Little Zhu, in Huangfu.

3. Grackles came to Lu and built nests in trees.

4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on the first Xin day there was a great sacrifice for rain. On the last Xin day, we sacrificed for rain again.

5. In the ninth month, on Jihai, the duke retired to Qi. He halted at Yangzhou.

6. The marquis of Qi came to condole with the duke in Yejing.

7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Wuchen, Shusun Chuo died.

8. In the eleventh month, on Jihai, Zuo, duke of Song, died in Quji.

9. In the twelfth month, the marquis of Qi took Yun.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan, which Mao Qiling says that he cannot understand, as introduced here, says:——'This spring, Shusun Chuo having gone to Song on a complimentary mission, the master of the Right, who lived near the Tong gate, visited him, and spoke meanly of the great officers of the State, and especially so of the minister of Works. Zhaozi told his people about the conversation, saying, "The master of the Right will, probably, have to flee from the State. The superior man tries to dignify his own person, and then goes on to dignify others; he thereby observes the rules of propriety. But the master vilifies the great officers [of his State], and speaks contemptuously of the Head of his own surname. He is thereby treating his own person with contempt; and can he have any rules of propriety? But without those rules, he is sure to come to ruin."

'The duke of Song gave Zhaozi a public reception, and sang the Xin gong (A lost ode), to which Zhaozi responded with the Ju xia (II. vii. ode IV.). Next day, at the feast, when they were merry with drinking, the duke made him sit on his right, when they wept as they talked together. Yue Qi was assisting [at the ceremonies], and reported this to others, when he had retired, saying, "This year both our ruler and Shusun are likely to die. I have heard that joy in the midst of grief and grief in the midst of joy are signs of a loss of mind. The essential vigour and brightness of the mind is what we call the hun and the po. When these leave it, how can the man continue long?"

'The sister of Ji Gongruo (An uncle of Ji Pingzi) was the wife of [the viscount of] Little Zhu, and the mother of the wife of [duke] Yuan of Song. [She, again,] bore a daughter, who was now being given as wife to Ji Pingzi. Zhaozi, having come to Song on his complimentary mission, was also to receive her, [and conduct her to Lu]. Gongruo was in his suite, and said to the lady Cao (The duchess) that she should not give [her daughter to Pingzi] for that Lu was going to expel him. She reported this to the duke, who stated it to Yue Qi. "You will do right," was that officer's reply, "in giving her to him. The ruler of Lu will have to quit his State. The government of it has been for three generations in the hands of the Ji (Wenzi Hangfu; Wuzi Su; and now Pingzi Yiru). Four rulers of [the House of] Lu have now lost the control of the government (Xuan, Cheng, Xiang, and Zhao). There has not been a case when [the ruler] could carry out his will without the people. The ruler of a State should on this account be the protector and comforter of his people. The ode (III. iii. ode X. 6) says,

'The men are not;—
It is the sorrow of my heart.'

The ruler of Lu has lost the people; how can he get his will? If he keep quiet, and wait the issue of events, he may get on; any movement will be to his sorrow."

Par. 2. Here and afterwards Gong and Gu have 叔倪 for 叔詣? . In the same way, Gongyang has 世心 for 大心. Shu Yi was the son of Shu Yang;—see on XXIII. 2. Huangfu was another name for the Heirang of VII. vii. 5. This meeting here was that given notice of in the previous year;—see the 2d narrative there after par. 3.

The Zhuan says:——In summer, a meeting was held at Huangfu, to consult about the royal House. Zhao Jianzi [of Jin] (Zhao Yang) gave orders to the great officers of the various States to contribute grain to the king, and to provide men to guard his territory, saying, "Next year we will instate him."

'Zitaishu had an interview with Zhao Jianzi, and was asked by him about the ceremonies of bowing, yielding precedence, and moving from one position to another. "These," said Zitaishu "are matters of deportment, and not of ceremony." "Allow me to ask," said Jianzi, "what we are to understand by ceremonies." The reply was, "I have heard our late great officer Zichan say, 'Ceremonies [are founded in] the regular procedure of Heaven, the right phænomena of earth, and the actions of men.' Heaven and earth have their regular ways, and men take these for their pattern, imitating the brilliant bodies of Heaven, and according with the natural diversities of the Earth. [Heaven and Earth] produce the six atmospheric conditions, and make use of the five material elements. Those conditions [and elements] become the five tastes, are manifested in the five colours, and displayed in the five notes. When these are in excess, there ensue obscurity and confusion, and the people lose their [proper] nature. The rules of ceremony were therefore framed to support [that nature]. There were the six domestic animals, the five beasts [of the chase], and the three [classes of] victims, to maintain the tastes. There were the nine [emblematic] ornaments [of robes] (See the Shu, II. iv. 4), with their six colours and five methods of display, to maintain the five colours. There were the nine songs, the eight winds, the seven sounds, and the six pitch-pipes, to maintain the five notes. There were ruler and minister, high and low, in imitation of the distinctive characteristics of the earth. There were husband and wife, with the home and the world abroad, the spheres of their respective duties. There were father and son, elder and younger brother, aunt and sister, maternal uncles and aunts, father-in-law and connexions of one's children with other members of their mother's family, and brothers-in-law,—to resemble the bright luminaries of heaven. There were duties of govt. and administration, services specially for the people, [legislative] vigour, the force of conduct, and attention to what was required by the times,—in accordance with the phænomena of the four seasons. There were punishments and penalties, and the terrors of legal proceedings, making the people stand in awe, resembling the destructive forces of thunder and lightning. There were mildness and gentleness, kindness and harmony, in imitation of the producing and nourishing action of Heaven. There were love and hatred, pleasure and anger, grief and joy, produced by the six atmospheric conditions. Therefore [the sage kings] carefully imitated these relations and analogies [in forming ceremonies], to regulate those six impulses. To grief there belong crying and tears; to joy, songs and dancing; to pleasure, beneficence; to anger, fighting and struggling. Pleasure is born of love, and anger of hatred. Therefore [the sage kings] were careful judges of their conduct, and sincere in their orders, appointing misery and happiness, rewards and punishments, to regulate the death and life [of the people]. Life is a good thing; death is an evil thing. The good thing brings joy; the evil thing gives grief. When there is no failure in the joy and grief, we have a state in harmony with the nature of Heaven and Earth, which consequently can endure long."

'Jianzi said, "Extreme is the greatness of ceremonies!" "Ceremonies," replied Zitaishu, "determine the relations of high and low; they are the warp and woof of Heaven and Earth; they are the life of the people. Hence it was that the ancient kings valued them, and hence it is that the man who can now bend, now straighten, himself so as to accord with ceremony is called a complete man. Right is it that ceremonies should be called great!" Jianzi said, "I would wish all my life to keep these words in mind, [and observe them]."

'Yue Daxin of Song said, "We shall not contribute grain; our [dukes] are guests of Zhou:—how can such a thing be required of guests?" Shi Bo said, "Since [the covenant of] Jiantu, what service has there been in which Song has not shared? what covenant in which it has not taken part? It was then said that the States should together support the royal House. How can you evade this condition? You are here by the command of your ruler to join in the great business in hand:——would it not be improper for Song to violate the covenant?" The master of the Right did not dare to reply, but received the schedule, and retired.

'Shi Bo reported the incident to Jianzi, saying, "The master of the Right of Song is sure to become an exile. Bearing his ruler's orders as a commissioner here, he wished to break the covenant, aud thereby come into collision with the lord of covenants. There could be nothing more inauspicious than this."

Par. 3. Gongyang has 鸛 instead of 鸜. Quyu was the ancient name for the mino grackle, which is now commonly called the bage (八哥). Zuoshi says the record is of a thing previously unknown, and Yan Shigu observes that while the mino is found in many places in China, it does not cross the Ji river, and was therefore not found in Lu. Du further lays stress on the 巢 as meaning to build a nest in a tree, which is contrary to the habits of the mino, which breeds in holes in walls and banks; so that there were in the phænomenon of the text two prodigies. The Zhuan gives a ridiculous narrative:——'Shi Ji said, "How strange! I have heard that in the times of [the dukes] Wen and Cheng the boys had a ditty, which said,

Here are grackles apace!
'The duke flies in disgrace.
'Look at the grackles' wings!
'To the wilds the duke flings,
'A horse one to him brings.
'Look how the grackles go!
'In Ganhou he is low,
'Wants coat and trowsers now.
'Behold the grackles' nest!
'Far off the duke doth rest.
'Choufu has lost his state,
'Songfu comes proud and great.
'O the grackles so strange!
'The songs to weeping change.'

So ran the ditty, and now the grackles are here, and building their nests. Is the [other thing] about to happen?"

The flight of duke Zhao from Lu was near at hand. We may be sure it had taken place before the above ditty was composed and the appearance of the grackles received its interpretation.

Par. 4. On the sacrifice for rain see the Zhuan on II. v. 7. The 6th month of Zhou, or the 4th of Xia, was the season for it; but there is no difficulty in conceiving of its occurrence shortly after, in the 7th month of Zhou. As there are three xin days in every month, the 1st must have been near the beginning of the 7th month; —Yingda makes it out to have been, this year, the 3d day of it. The repetition of the sacrifice indicates, as Zuo says, the greatness of the drought (旱甚). Gongyang's idea, that the second sacrifice was a feint to bring the people together, with the intention of attacking and expelling Jisun, is inadmissible.

Par. 5. For 己亥 Guliang has 乙亥. On the euphemism of 孫 (-遜) for 奔, see on III. i. 2. Gongyang has 楊 for 陽. Yangzhou was in the northeast of the present Tungp'ing Zhou (東平州), dep. of Tai'an. It had originally belonged to Lu, but was taken by Qi, we may presume in the 21st year of duke Xiang. It was therefore a kind of border city, and here the duke stayed his flight for a time, until he could ascertain the mind of the marquis of Qi regarding him.

The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Ji Gongniao (An uncle of Jisun Pingzi, by a concubine of his grandfather) had married a daughter of Bao Wenzi of Qi, who bore to him [a son] Jia; and on Gongniao's death, [his brother] Gonghai, with his steward Shen Yegu, and Gongsi Zhan (Also a Ji), undertook the management of his house. By and by, [his widow] Ji Si had an intrigue with her cook Tan; and becoming afraid, she made a concubine beat her, and then showed the marks to the wife of Qin Chuan (A great officer of Lu whose wife was a sister of Gongniao), saying, "Gongruo (Gonghai) wanted to use me, and when I refused, he [thus] beat me." She also complained to Gongfu (A brother of Pingzi), that Zhan and Yegu had tried to force her. Qin Ji (the wife of Qin Chuan) reported what she had heard to Gongzhi (Another brother of Pingzi), who, along with Gongfu, laid it before Pingzi. On this, the minister made Zhan a prisoner in Bian. and seized [also] Yegu, intending to put him to death. Gongruo wept and bewailed the case, saying, "To kill these is to kill me. I will make intercession for them." Pingzi, however, made his waiting boy refuse him admittance, and up to mid-day he had no opportunity of presenting his request. [In the meantime], the officer in change of [Yegu] came to ask for his orders, and Gongzhi made him dispatch his prisoner without delay. In consequence of this Gongruo had a grudge against Pingzi.

'The cocks of Ji [-sun] and the [Head of the] Hou [family] were in the habit of fighting. Jisun sheathed the head of his cock, on which Houshi put metal spurs on his. In consequence Pingzi was enraged, and increased his own mansion at the expense of that of the other, reproving him besides; and this made Hou Zhaobo also have a grudge at Pingzi.

'Hui, a cousin of Zang Zhaobo, had circulated slanders against Zangshi, and then fled to Jishi. Zangshi [attempted to] seize him, but Pingzi was enraged, and made a prisoner of Zangshi's steward. [About this time] it had been arranged to offer the di sacrifice in the temple of duke Xiang, but only sixteen dancers were forthcoming, all the rest being employed at Jishi's. On this Zangsun said, "This may make us say that we cannot use [the proper ceremonies] in the temple of our late ruler;" and this made the great officers have a grudge at Pingzi.

'Gongruo presented a bow to Gongwei (a son of the duke), and went with him to shoot outside the city, when they consulted about doing away with Jishi. Gongwei informed [his brothers] Gongguo and Gongfen of the design, and they made the attendant Liaonan communicate it to the duke. The duke had been sleeping, and seized a spear to strike the attendant, who ran off. The duke said he would seize [the plotters]; and though he gave no orders to that effect, they were afraid, and did not come forth, nor see the duke for some months. [Finding at the end of that time that] he was not angry with them, they made the attendant speak to him again. The duke used a spear to frighten him, when he again ran off. A third time they made him speak of the matter, and the duke said, "This is a thing beyond a small man like you." Gongguo then spoke himself, and the duke consulted Zangsun, who saw the difficulty of the attempt. He then communicated it to Housun, who thought it feasible, and encouraged it. He next told it to Zijia Yibo, who said, "They are slanderers who urge your lordship on to such a hazardous thing. If it do not succeed, you will receive the name (=blame) of it. It is not to be done. You and several of your predecessors have lost your hold of the people. If you would now seek by means of them to accomplish this object, you cannot be sure of success. The government, moreover, is in his hands, and it will be difficult to take measures against him." The duke would have dismissed him, but he declined to go, saying, "I have now been a party to your wishes in this thing. If word of it should leak out, I should not be allowed to die a natural death." So he took up his lodging with the duke.

'Shusun Zhaozi was gone to Kan, and the duke was residing in the Long treasury (See Ana. XI. xiii.). In the 9th month, on Wuxu, he attacked Jishi, and having killed Gongzhi in the gate, entered the house. Pingzi ascended a tower, and made a request, saying, "Your lordship, without examining into my offences, has sent your officers to punish me with shield and spear. Allow me to wait near the Yi, till my offences are investigated." This was refused, and he requested that he might be imprisoned in Bi. This also was refused, and he then asked to be allowed to leave the country with five chariots; but neither was this granted. Zijiazi said, "Your lordship should grant his request. The government has long been in his hands. Many of the suffering people get their food from him. His followers are many. If traitors rise when the sun has gone down, we cannot know what the result may be. The anger of his many [adherents] should not be nourished. Nourished and not dealt with, it will accumulate. When it is so nourished and accumulated, the people will begin to have new purposes, and they will then unite with those who seek the same objects as he. Your lordship will repent of it." The duke did not listen to this counsel, and Housun strongly urged that Pingzi should be put to death. The duke sent him to meet Meng Yizi (Zhongsun Heji), [and bring him to him].

'[In the meantime], Zong Li, Shusun's master of the Horse, said to all his people, "What do you think of matters?" No one giving any reply, he said, "I am but an officer of a family, and do not pretend to know about the [business of the] State; but whether will it be better for us that Jishi be, or that there be no Jishi?" All replied, "No Jishi is no Shusunshi. Li then said, "Then let us go, and rescue him?" And with this he led his followers off to Jishi's, burst through the leaguer at the northwest corner, and entered the house. The duke's men had put off their buff-coats, and were squatting about, with their quiver lids in their hands, so that they were [easily] driven away. Mengshi made a soldier get up at the northwest corner to see what Jishi was doing, and when he told him that he saw Shusun's flag, Mengshi seized Hou Zhaobo and killed him on the west of the south gate, after which he attacked the duke's men. Zijiazi said, "All we officers who have on false pretences forced the duke to this will leave the State with our offence upon our heads. Let your lordship remain. Yiru will now feel himself compelled to change his conduct in the service of your lordship." The duke said, "I cannot bear to do it." He then went with Zangsun to the tombs, and took counsel with him, after which he took his departure. On Jihai he withdrew to Qi, halting in Yangzhou.'

This flight of duke Zhao was mainly the result of his own weakness and incapacity. During all his rule, he had enjoyed only the name of marquis. The power of the State had been in the hands of the three clans, and principally in those of the Jisun; and in this condition things might have gone on. Pingzi was not prepared to seize the State for himself, and Zhao precipitated his own fate.

Par. 6. Yejing was a city of Qi, in the east of the pres. dis. of Qihe (齊河), dep. Jinan. The marquis of Qi, we shall see, proposed to meet the duke in Pingyin, but Zhao went as far as Yejing, to shorten his host's journey. 唁 means to condole with the living, and so is distinguished from 弔, to condole on occasion of a death (唁者弔也,生事曰唁,死事曰弔).

The Zhuan says; —'The marquis of Qi having proposed to condole with the duke in Pingyin, the duke advanced beyond that place to Yejing. The marquis said, "This is my fault. I ordered my officers to wait [for you] in Pingyin, because it was near [to Yangzhou]." What the text says about the duke 's halting in Yangzhou, and the marquis's condoling with him in Yejing, describes what was proper. When one has anything to seek from another, it is a good thing in propriety to take the initiative in being humble to him.

'The marquis said, "From the borders of Ju to the west, I will surrender to you the territory of 25,000 families, and await your lordship's further commands. I will then lead my poor levies, and follow your officers, obedient to whatever you command. Your grief is my grief." The duke was glad; but Zijiazi said to him, "Heaven's bounties are not repeated. The gift of Heaven to your lordship should not exceed that to the duke of Zhou. Lu is sufficient. If you lose Lu, and with this territory become a subject of Qi, who will stand along with you? And moreover, the ruler of Qi is devoid of good faith; —you had better soon go to Jin." This counsel the duke would not follow. Zang Zhaobo, at the head of the [other] followers, proposed to make a covenant. The words of it were, "With our utmost strength, and with one heart, we shall cherish the same likings and dislikings, making it clear who are criminals and who are not. We will follow the duke and not separate ourselves from him, nor will we allow any communication between us here abroad and those who are in Lu." By the duke's orders, he showed this to Zijiazi, who said, "On these terms I cannot take the covenant. In my want of ability, I cannot be of the same mind with you all, and must think that all are criminals. Perhaps I may wish to communicate from abroad with those in Lu, and may wish to leave our ruler. You all love your exile, and dislike any settlement;—how can we be of one mind? What could be a greater crime than to have brought our ruler into his difficulties? If we open a communication with Lu, and leave our ruler, he will soon enter Lu [again]. If we do not open such communication, what shall we do? And what shall we guard?" Accordingly he did not take part in the covenant.'

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'Zhaozi returned from Kan (See the narrative on par. 5), and went to see Pingzi, who bowed his forehead before him to the ground, and said, "What do you think of me?" Zhaozi said, "What man is there but must die? You have given the finishing touch to your name by expelling our ruler. Your descendants will not forget it:——is it not a sore subject?" Pingzi went on, "If you can bring it about that I have an apportunity to serve our ruler in a different manner from the past, you will be giving, as we say, life to the dead, and flesh to the [bare] bones."

'[After this], Zhaozi followed the duke to Qi, and conferred with him, Zijiazi causing all who went to the duke's lodging to be seized, [lest they should discover what was going on]. They spoke together inside a tent, and Zhaozi proposed to dispose [somehow] of all [his followers], and to restore the duke [alone]. The followers wished to kill Zhaozi, and placed men in ambush for the purpose in the way [by which he must return to Lu]; but Zhan, the master of the Left, told the duke of their plan, who made Zhaozi return by way of Zhu. [Notwithstanding this], Pingzi was [now] of a different mind; and in winter, in the 10th month, on Xinyou, Zhaozi fasted in his chamber, and made his priest and the keeper of his ancestral temple pray that he might die. On Wuchen (The 7th day after) he died. Zhan, the master of the Left, was going to return with the duke on horseback to Lu; but the other followers seized and held him.

['The Zhuan gives here a short note about the progress of the struggle in Zhou:——'On Renshen, duke Wen of Yin crossed [the Luo] itto Gong, and [attempted to] set fire to Dongzi, but his attempt was unsuccessful.']

Par. 8. Quji, was a city of Song,—in the pres. dis. of Qi (杞), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'In the 11th month, the duke of Song was preparing to go to Jin on the duke's account, when he dreamt that his eldest son, Luan, was succeeding to the dukedom in the temple, and that he himslf and [his father], duke Ping were attending on him in their full robes. In the morning, he called the six ministers together, and said to them, "In my want of ability, I was not able to serve my uncles and elder brothers, [as I ought to do] (Referring to the events in XX. 4, et al.), to the grief of yourselves;—this was my fault. If by your powerful help I preserve my head and neck till I die a natural death, then let the board in my coffin on which my limbs are stretched not equal that used for my predecessors." Zhong Ji replied, "If your grace, for the sake of the altars, should privately diminish any of the accompaniments of your feasts, we, your servants, should not presume to take any knowledge of it. But as to the laws of the State of Song, and the rules for life and death, there are the ordinances of our former rulers. Your servants must keep to them to the death; we dare not fail in observing them. There are regular punishments for such failure as an unpardonable offence. Your servants dare not incur such a death; your order would only disgrace us."

'After this the duke went on his journey; but on Jihai, he died in Quji.'

Par. 9. Yun,—see VI. xii. 8, et al. Zuo says the marquis of Qi laid siege to Yun. We must understand that he did so in the interest of duke Zhao, so that the people yielded the city at once, and the text simply says he took it.

[The Zhuan gives here two narratives. 1st, about the Zangsun family. "At an earlier period, Zang Zhaobo had gone to Jin, when Zang Hui stole his valued tortoise-shell of Lüju, and consulted it as to whether a course of good faith or its opposite would be better for him. The answer was in favour of a deceitful course. The steward of Zangshi wanted to go to Jin to ask him [about some matters], and Hui begged to go instead. Zhaobo asked him about [other] affairs of his family, and he told him everything; but when he asked him about his wife, and his full brother Shusun, he gave him no reply. Thrice he asked in this way; and when on his return Hui met him in the suburbs, he asked him again, and got no answer. On his arrival he halted outside [his house], and made inquiries, to find that there was nothing the matter with those parties, on which he seized and disgraced Hui who fled to Hou. Fang Jia of Hou made him superintendent of the market there. When he had carried his accounts to Jishi, Zangshi made five men, with spear and shield, lie in wait for him in the Tongru street. When he came forth, they pursued him, on which he turned, and fled, but was seized outside the central gate of Jishi's mansion. "Why do ye enter my gate with arms," said Pingzi, enraged, and he [seized and] confined Zangshi's steward. This produced ill will between the two officers; and when Zhaobo followed the duke, Pingzi gave his place to Hui, who then said, "The Lüju did not deceive me!"

2d, about Chu:——'The viscount of Chu made Wei She wall Zhouqu, and bring back the people of Jia to it, and wall Qiuhuang, and remove the people of Zi to it. He also made Xiong Xiangmei wall round the suburbs of Chao, and Ji Ran do the same with those of Juan. When Zitaishu heard of these things, he said, "The king of Chu will [soon] die. He is not allowing the people to rest in their settlements, which must make them sad and distressed. The distress will reach the king;—he cannot continue long.']

XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, there was the burial of duke Yuan of Song.

2. In the third month, the duke arrived from Qi, and resided in Yun.

3. In summer, the duke laid siege to Cheng.

4. In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the viscounts of Ju and Zhu, and the earl of Qi, when they made a covenant in Zhuanling.

5. The duke arrived from the meeting, and resided in Yun.

6. In the ninth month, on Gengshen, Ju, viscount of Chu, died.

7. In winter, in the tenth month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] entered Chengzhou.

8. The chief of the House of Yin, and the earls of Shao and Mao, fled to Chu, having with them the [late] king's son Zhao.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Zuo observes that duke Yuan was now buried with the same ceremonies as the former rulers of Song. His request as related under par. 8 of last year was thus not attended to.

[Zuoshi here introduces the statement that on Gengshen of the 1st month the marquis of Qi took Yun. But the concluding par. of last year records the taking of Yun; and Du thinks it is mentioned here in the Zhuan, to explain the fact of the duke's residing in Yun, as stated in the next par. Fu Qian, however, is probably correct in holding that in the 12th month of last year the marquis of Qi commenced the siege of Yun, as stated by Zuoshi, and that the place was not captured till the time now given. This, of course, leaves XXV. 9 open to the charge of inaccuracy, but we have often met in the text with much greater divergences from fact.]

Par. 2. Zuo repeats this par. with the variation of 處 for 居, adding that it is composed as from the point of view of Lu (言魯地); on which Du remarks that, the duke having now entered within the boundaries of Lu, we have the term 至, 'arrived;' but as he was still not in his capital, we have the name of the place given. The 至自齊, according to the analogy of other passages, would imply that the duke had been to the capital of Qi, and announced his return in the ancestral temple in his own capital. He had not been to the capital of Qi, but as he had had an interview with the ruler of that State, the 齊 is held to be justified. There is more difficulty with the use of the 至. Jia Kui inferred from the term that Ji Pingzi, while keeping the duke in a State of exile, yet made the usual sacrifice and announcement in the temple for him, as if he had been present! This is not at all likely. We may suppose, with Mao, that the duke went through the usual ceremonies, after a fashion, in Yun.

Par. 3. Cheng,—the city of the Mengsun clan; see on IX. xv. 3, 4. The poor duke was not able to besiege Cheng himself; the real assailants were the troops of Qi. Because the marquis of Qi, however, took no part in the operations in person, and the attempt came to nothing, the text, it is supposed, ignores the action of Qi in the matter.

The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the marquis of Qi, intending to restore the duke, gave orders that [his officers] should not receive any bribes from Lu. Shen Feng, however, followed Ru Jia to the army of Qi, carrying with him two pieces of flowered silk, rolled up tight like an ear-stopper, and said to Gao Yi, an officer of Ziyou (Ju of Liangqiu, a great officer of Qi), that, if he could bribe him, he should be made successor to the present Head of the Gao family, and should receive 5000 yu of grain. [In consequence of this], Gao Yi showed the silk to Ziyou, who desired to have it, and then Yi said to him that the people of Lu had bought such silks, made up in 1000 pieces, but that the roads not being open, they had first sent him these as a specimen. Ziyou accepted the silks, and said to the marquis, "That your officers do not do their utmost for the ruler of Lu is not because they are unable to serve you, but because of the strange things which have occurred. Duke Yuan of Song was going on his account to Jin, and died in Quji. Shusun Zhaozi was seeking to restore his ruler, when he died without any illness. I do not know whether Heaven has abandoned Lu, or whether the ruler of it has somehow offended the Spirits, in consequence of which these things have happened. If your lordship wait in Quji, you can send us to follow the ruler of Lu, and form an opinion in the case. If the enterprise be feasible, let the force be increased, and you can then follow;—there will be no opposition. If it should not be successful, your lordship need not take the trouble to follow."

'The marquis adopted this advice, and sent the Gongzi Chu with a force to follow the duke. The commandant of Cheng, Gongsun Zhao had said to Pingzi, "I am charged with this great city to defend the State. I beg to be allowed to cope with the enemy." His request was granted; but when he wished to give hostages for his fidelity, Pingzi refused, saying, "I believe you, and that is enough." The commandant then sent word to the army of Qi, saying, "The Meng is a worn-out House of Lu. Its calls upon Cheng have been excessive, and we cannot endure them. We ask to be allowed to rest our shoulders [now] on Qi." The army of Qi then laid siege to Cheng, the people of which attacked the soldiers who were watering their horses at the Zi; but [the commandant] said that was done to satisfy the minds of the multitude. But when Lu had completed its preparations, he then sent word that he could not overcome the [reluctance of the] multitude [to surrender].

'The armies of Lu and Qi fought at Chuibi. Ziyuan Jie of Qi pursued Xie Shengzi, and discharged an arrow, which hit the ridge of his shield. Passing the yoke, it glanced on the pole, and its point entered [the shield] to the depth of 3 inches. Shengzi sent back an arrow, which cut the martingale of one of his [pursuer's] horses, and killed it. Jie was putting another horse to his chariot, and some of the men [of Lu], thinking he was Zong Li, helped him, on which he (子車 is understood to be the same as Jie. It would seem to be so; but we have thus two designations of him,—Ziyuan and Ziju) said that he was a man of Qi. They were then going to strike at him, but he shot one of them dead. His charioteer cried to him to shoot another, but he said, "The multitude may be frightened, but they should not be enraged." Zinang Dai continued the pursuit of Ye Xie, shouting out insulting language. Xie said, "Battle is not the place for such expressions of private anger; in return for such personal conduct, I will fight with you," The other repeated his insults, and Xie then also answered him in the same way.

'Ran Shu sent an arrow at Chen Wuzi, which hit him in the hand so that he let fall his bow, and began reviling. Shu told this to Pingzi saying, "There is a superior man, with a white face, with thick beard and evebrows, and an awful mouth." Pingzi said, "It must be Ziqiang. Were you not fighting with him." "I called him," replied the other, 'a superior man;—how should I dare to fight with him?"

'Lin Yong was ashamed to remain as spearman on the right of Yan Ming, and descended from the chariot. [When he was on the ground], Yuan Heji cut off one of his ears, on which Yan Ming abandoned him. Yuanzi's charioteer said to him, "Look firmly at his feet;" and he struck Lin Yong, and cut off one of his feet, after which he got on one leg into another chariot, and went back [to the army of Lu]. Yan Ming thrice entered the army of Qi, crying out to Lin Yong to get into his chariot.'

It does not appear from the Zhuan what was the issue of the battle of Chuibi; but we may conclude that the siege of Cheng was fruitless.

['The Zhuan resumes the narrative of the distractions in Zhou:——'In the 4th month, the viscount of Shan went to Jin, to report the urgency [of the king's affairs]. In the 5th month, on Wuwu, an officer of Liu defeated an army from the royal city at Shishi. On Wuchen an officer of the royal city and one of Liu fought in Shigu, when the forces of Liu suffered a severe defeat.']

Parr. 4, 5. We may presume that Zhuanling was in Qi; but its position has not been determined. The covenant there, says Zuo, had reference to the plans to restore the duke. It came to nothing, however. The duke returned to his residence in Yun. On the 至 in par. 5, see on par. 2.

[The Zhuan continues the narrative about Zhou:——'In the 7th month, on Jisi, the viscount of Liu went forth [from his city] with the king. On Gengwu, they halted in Qu, and a body of men from the royal city burned Liu. On Bingzi the king passed the night in Chushi, and on Dingchou they halted at Wangu. On Gengchen the king entered Xumi, and on Xinsi he halted at Hua. Zhi Li and Zhao Yang of Jin led a force to reestablish the king's authority, and made Ru Kuan guard the difficult pass of Que.']

Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In the 9th month, on the death of king Ping of Chu, Zichang, the chief minister, wanted to appoint Zi[xi], in his place.

"The heir-son Ren," said he, "is young, nor was his mother the [king's] proper wife, for she had really been contracted to his son Jian. Zixi is old and a lover of what is good. To give the appointment to him as the eldest will be in the order of nature, and when we elect him for his goodness the State will be well governed. Ought we not to make these things of primary regard,—a king in the order of nature, and the good government of the State?" Zixi was angry, and said, "This is to throw the State into confusion, and show hatred of our [late] ruler and king. There is the State which is our support abroad;—it ought not to be insulted. There is the legitimate heir of the king;—he ought not to be disowned. If we set aside the relative [of Qin], we shall accelerate its enmity. To disown the heir will be inauspicious, and I shall receive the name of the deed. Though you gave me all under heaven, I would still not agree to such a proposal; why should I do it for the State of Chu? The chief minister must be put to death." On this the minister was afraid, and raised king Zhao in the place [of his father].'

Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, in the 10th month, on Bingshen, the king set out with his troops from Hua. On Xinchou, he was in Jiao, after which he halted in Shi. In the 11th month, on Xinyou, the army of Jin reduced Gong, [on which] Ying, earl of Shao, drove out the late [king's] son Zhao, who fled to Chu, along with members of the House of Shao, De earl of Mao, Gu Head of the House of Yin, and Nangong Yin, carrying with them the archives of Zhou. Yin Ji fled to Ju, and held it in revolt. The earl of Shao met the king at Shi, and made a covenant with the viscounts of Liu and Shan, and they then proceeded to attack Yuze, and halted at Dishang. On Guiyou the king entered Chengzhou. On Jiaxu a covenant was made in the temple of [king] Xiang. The army of Jin [then] returned, Chenggong Ban being left with troops to guard [the territory of] Zhou. In the 12th month, on Guiwei, the king entered the Zhuang palace.

"The [late] king's son Zhao sent an announcement to the various States, saying, "King Wu subdued Yin; king Cheng secured tranquillity throughout the kingdom, and king Kang gave the people rest. They all invested their full brothers with the rule of States, which might serve as defences and screens for Zhou. They also felt that they would not enjoy themselves alone the result of the achievements of Wen and Wu, and [reasoned] that if any of their descendants went astray or were overthrown, getting plunged into calamity, [the princes, their relatives] would succour and save them. By-and-by, king Yi suffered from an evil disease, and the princes all hurried to sacrifice to their hills and rivers, praying for the king's person. The mind of king Li proved stubborn and tyrannical, but the myriads of the people could not bear [to hurt him], and made him take up his residence in Zhi. [Two of the] princes gave up their own places, that they might attend to the king's government, and when king Xuan showed that he had [firm and wise] purpose, they surrendered all their offices to him. After him, in the days of king You, Heaven had not pity upon Zhou. The king blindly pursued an improper course, and lost his throne. Then came king Yi in violation of the statutes, so that the princes set him aside, and raised king [You's] proper heir to the throne, who removed [the capital] to Jiaru:—thus were the brothers [of the king] able to employ their strength in support of the royal House.

"In the time of king Hui, Heaven did not grant tranquillity to Zhou, and allowed Tui (See the Zhuan after III. xix. 4) to be born, with his calamitous propensities, which extended subsequently to Shudai (See on V. xxiv. 4), so that both Hui and [king] Xiang had to escape from danger, and leave the royal capital. Then Jin and Zheng took off those evil parties, and gave comfort and settlement to the royal House:—thus were our brothers able to fulfil the commands of the former kings.

"In the 6th year of king Ding (The 8th year of duke Xuan) there came down among the people in Qin these ominous utterances:——'Zhou shall have a king with moustaches, who will be able to discharge well the duties of his office. The States will be submissive, and present their offerings, for two reigns attentive to their duties. Then in the royal House will be an intruder on the throne, and the princes, not taking the [necessary] measures, shall experience disorder and calamity in consequence.' When king Ling was born, he had a moustache, but he was a king of very spirit-like and sage qualities, and had no bad relations with the States. Both he and king Jing happily finished their reigns. But now the royal House is in confusion. Qi of Shan and Di of Liu have torn all under heaven into disorder, violating with an imperious conduct all rules, and saying, 'The former kings received the throne on no regular law. Let us give out our commands, according to our own minds; who will dare to call us to account?' They thus led on their merciless partizans, and threw the royal House into disorder, insatiable in their encroaching desires, covetous beyond all measure, and guilty of disrespect to the Spirits. They insolently cast aside all penal laws, violated the covenants which they had taken, were haughty and violent in their demeanour, and falsified the orders of the former king, while Jin, against all principle, supported and assisted them, with the intention of allowing them to carry out their illimitable designs.

'"[Thus] my unworthy self, in terror and agitation, am driven abroad and am skulking here in Jingman (Chu), not knowing what things will come to. If you, my brothers, and relatives of other surnames, will vindicate and obey the laws of Heaven, and not assist those cunning knaves, thus following the rules of the former kings, and not accelerating the approach of Heaven's judgments, but pardoning my unworthy self, and taking measures about me:——this is what I desire. I venture to set forth all that is in my heart, and the regular rules of the former kings, that the States may deeply consider it. The instructions of the former kings were to this effect:——'When the queen has no son, another, the eldest son of the king, should be selected. Where years are equal, the choice must fall on the most virtuous. Where the virtue is equal, the choice must be decided by the tortoise-shell. The king must not appoint a son [merely] because he loves him; the gong and other ministers must not be influenced by their private leanings:'—these were the ancient rules. The queen Mu and the [late] king's eldest son Shou died prematurely, and left the world (See the Zhuan after XV. 4). Shan and Liu selfishly aided and appointed a younger son, in violation of the rule of the former kings; which is matter for all you princes, old and young, to take action upon."

'When Min Mafu heard this notification of Zhao the [late] king's son, he said "It is right that such notifications should be circulated. But Zhao violated the charge of [king] Jing, and kept aloof from the great Jin, seeking his own exclusive aim;—he has been guilty of the greatest impropriety. What can this composition do?"

[There follow here two narratives, having reference to Qi:——'There appeared a comet in Qi, and the marquis gave orders for a deprecatory sacrifice. Yanzi said to him, "It is of no use; you will only practise a delusion. There is no uncertainty in the ways of Heaven; it does not waver in its purposes:—why should you offer a deprecatory sacrifice? Moreover, there is a broom-star in the sky;—it is for the removal of dirt. If your lordship have nothing about your conduct that can be so described, what have you to deprecate? If you have, what will it be diminished by your deprecation? The ode (Shi, III. I. ode II. 3), says,

'Then this king Wen,
Watchfully and reverently,
Did bright service to God.
So did he secure great blessing.
His virtue was without deflection,
And he received the allegiance of the States from all quarters.'

Let your lordship do nothing contrary to virtue, and from all quarters the States will come to you;—why should you be troubled about a comet? The ode (A lost ode) says,

'I have no beacon to look at,
[But] the sovereigns of Xia and Shang.
It was because of their disorders
That the people fell away from them.'

If the conduct be evil and disorderly, the people are sure to fall away, and nothing that priests and historiographers can do will mend the evil." The marquis was pleased, and stopped the sacrifice.'

2d. 'The marquis of Qi was sitting with Yanzi in his State-chamber, and said, "How beautiful is this chamber! Who will have it [hereafter]?" "Allow me to ask," said Yanzi, "what you mean." "I suppose," the marquis replied, "the possession of this will depend on [men's] virtue." The minister said, "According to what your lordship says, the possessor will perhaps be Head of the Chen family. Although that family has not great virtue, it dispenses bounties to the people. The dou, the ou, the fu, and the zhong, with which it receives [its payments] from the State are small (See the 1st narrative after III. 1), but those with which it gives out to the people are large. Your exactions are great, and the benefactions of the Chen are great; so that the people are giving their affections to that family. The ode (II. vii. ode IV. 3) says,

Though I have no virtue to impart to you,
We will sing and dance.'

'The bounties of the Chen family to the people are making them sing and dance. Hereafter, should any of your descendants be somewhat remiss, and the Chen family not have disappeared, the State will belong to it." "Good!" said the duke; "what then ought to be done?" Yanzi replied, "It is only an attention to rules of propriety which can stop [the progress of events]. By those rules, the bounties of a family cannot extend to all the State. Sons must not change the business of their fathers,—husbandry, some mechanical art, or trade; inferiors must not be negligent; higher officers must not be insolent; great officers must not take to themselves the privileges of the ruler." "Good!" said the marquis. "I am not able to attain to this; but henceforth I know how a State can be governed by the rules of propriety." "Long have those rules possessed such a virtue," was the reply. "Their rise was contemporaneous with that of Heaven and Earth. That the ruler order and the subject obey, the father be kind and the son dutiful, the elder brother loving and the younger respectful, the husband be harmonious and the wife gentle, the mother-in-law be kind and the daughter-in-law obedient; —these are things in propriety. That the ruler in ordering order nothing against the right, and the subject obey without any duplicity; that the father be kind and at the same time reverent, and the son be dutiful and at the same time able to remonstrate; that the elder brother, while loving, be friendly, and the younger docile, while respectful; that the husband be righteous, while harmonious, and the wife correct, while gentle; that the mother-in-law be condescending, while kind, and the daughter-in-law be winning, while obedient;—those are excellent things in propriety." "Good!" said the duke, [again]; "henceforth I have heard the highest style of propriety." Yanzi replied, "It was what the ancient kings received from Heaven and Earth for the government of their people, and therefore they ranked it in the highest place.']

XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, he went to Qi. He arrived from Qi. and resided in Yun.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, Wu murdered its ruler, Liao.

3. Chu put to death its great officer, Xi Yuan.

4. In autumn, Shi Yang of Jin, Yue Qili of Song, Beigong Xi of Wey, and officers of Cao, Zhu, and Teng, had a meeting in Hu.

5. In winter, in the tenth month, Wu, earl of Cao, died.

6. Kuai of Zhu came a fugitive to Lu.

7. The duke went to Qi.

8. The duke arrived from Qi, and resided in Yun.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. A second time the duke had been to the marquis of Qi without accomplishing anything, and he returns to his quarters in Yun. That city is always specified, because 至自齊 alone would indicate that he returned to the capital of Lu. As Zuo says, the mention of Yun tells how the duke was kept from his capital (言在外地).

Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'The viscount of Wu, wishing on occasion of the death of [the king of] Chu to invade that State, sent the two Gongzis Yanyu and Zhuyong with a force to lay siege to Qian, and sent Jizi of Yan and Zhoulai on a mission to the upper States, and to go on to Jin, to observe how it was going on with the different princes. The You-director Ran, and Jun director of Yu, (The 莠, and 王 or 玉 or 工, are of doubtful meaning) proceeded with a force from Chu to relieve Qian, and were reinforced by the marshal of the Left, Xu, director of Shen, at the head of the gentry of the capital and the men belonging to the king's Horse. They met with the army of Wu at Qiong; and in the meantime, the chief minister Zichang proceeded with a naval force to the bend of the Sha, and then returned. Xi Yuan, director of the Left, and Shou director of Works, proceeded to Qian with another force, so that the army of Wu could not retreat.

'The Gongzi Guang of Wu thought, "This is my time; it must not be lost;" and he said to Zhuan Shezhu, (See at the end of the 2d narrative after XX. 1), "The upper States have a saying that if you do not seek for a thing you will not get it. I am the [former] king's heir. I wish to seek the kingdom. If the thing succeed, although Jizi come [back], he will not displace me." Shezhu said, "The king may be killed; but my mother is old and my son is young; what can I do in this matter?" Guang replied, "I will be as you [to them]."

'In summer, in the 4th month, Guang concealed some men-at-arms in an underground chamber, and invited the king to a feast. The king made his men-at-arms line the road, [from his palace] to [Guang's] gate. At the gate, the steps, the [inner] doors, and the mats, were the king's friends, on either side of them, with swords. They stripped the bodies of the attendants who brought in the viands, and made them change their clothes outside the door; and those attendants then crawled in on their knees, [other] sword-bearers going with them on either side, close to their persons; and thus the viands were handed [to the king]. Guang pretending that he was suffering in his feet, entered the underground chamber, and Zhuan Shezhu came in with a fish in which he had placed a dagger. Seizing the weapon, he stabbed the king, and at the same time [two] swords met in his breast. Thus he killed the king;—and Helu made his son a minister.

'When Jizi arrived, he said, "If the sacrifices to our former rulers be not neglected, nor the people be without a [proper] master; if the offerings be presented at our altars, and the State be not allowed to fall;—he shall be my ruler. Against whom should I cherish resentment? I will mourn the dead and serve the living, while I await the decree of Heaven;—I will not create disorder. Him who is on the throne I will follow;—according to the way of our former kings." He then reported the execution of his mission and wept, at the grave [of Liao], after which he resumed his position, and awaited the orders [of the new king].

'The Gongzi Yanyu fled to Xu, and Zhuyong fled to Zhongwu. The army of Chu withdrew, on hearing of the confusion in Wu.'

The critics have exercised their ingenuity, and that with little success, to find out the ground on which the murder of Liao is ascribed to Wu. The Kangxi editors say, 'It was Guang who murdered his ruler, and yet the text assigns the deed to Wu, and not to Guang. Hu An'guo holds that the guilt is thereby ascribed to the great ministers;—which is one view. Zhan Ruoshui (湛若水, Ming dyn.) says that the style of the text is intended to make people investigate the matter, when they will discover the true criminal; —which view is preferable. Du Yu held that guilt is thereby fixed on Liao himself, and Kong Yingda and Liu Chang argue that all the people wished the death of Liao; but this view cannot be sustained. See our remarks at length under VI. xvi. 7.'

Par. 3. Guliang has 郄 for 郤. The Zhuan says:——'Xi Yuan was a man upright and peaceable, but he was hated by Fei Wuji, and Yan Jiangshi commander of the Left, who was a partizan of Wuji. The chief minister, Zichang, was fond of gifts and lent an ear to slander. [Accordingly], Wuji, to calumniate Xi Yuan, said to Zichang, "Zi'e (Yuan's designation) wishes to invite you to drink with him;" and then he said to Zi'e that the chief minister wished to come and drink with him in his house. That officer said, "I am of low rank, and unworthy of a visit from the chief minister. If he insist on paying me a visit, the kindness is extreme; wherewith shall I recompense him?" Wuji replied, "The chief minister is fond of buff-coats and sharp weapons. Bring forth what you have of these, and I will make a selection from them." In this way he took five of each, and said, "Place these at your gate. When he comes, he is sure to see them, and you can then present them to him."

'On the day for the feast, [Yuan] erected a tent on the left of his gate, [with those things in it]; on which Wuji said to the minister, "I had nearly brought misfortune on you. Zi'e is intending evil to you, and has got men-at-arms at his gate. You must not go. Moreover, in the recent expedition, we should have got our will upon Wu, but for Zi'e who took bribes and returned. He also imposed on the other commanders, and made them retire, saying that it would be inauspicious to take advantage of the disorders [in Wu]. As Wu had taken advantage of our mourning, would it not have been proper to take advantage of its confusion?" The minister sent a messenger to look at Xi's house, and there were the buff-coats. He did not go [to the feast] therefore, but called for Yan Jiangshi, and told him the circumstances. When Jiangshi retired, he gave orders to attack Xi's house, and to burn it. When Zi'e heard of it, he killed himself. [Meantime], the people would not burn the house, and an order was issued that all who would not burn it should be held as equally guilty with Xi. On this some took a rush rope, and some took a handful of straw, but they threw them down [again], and would not burn the house. The chief minister then caused it to be done, and extinguished all the branches of the Xi family and its partizans, putting to death Yang Lingzhong with his younger brothers Wan and Tuo, and Jin Chen, with his sons and younger brothers. The kindred of Jin Chen cried out in the city, "Yan and Fei are making themselves kings, and by their own authority working calamity to the State of Chu; weakening and thinning the royal House, and deceiving the king and the chief minister for their own gain. The chief minister believes them entirely;—what is to become of the State?" This distressed the chief minister.'

On this paragraph again we have much speculation, to explain the ascription of the death of Yuan to Chu.

Par. 4. Hu,—see III. xxiii. 10, et al. On III. xxiii. 10, Du says that Hu was in Zheng, to which the Kangxi editors assent, nor do they make mention of any other Hu there or in other places. But if there were only the one Hu of Zheng, why was no minister of that State present at this meeting? On VII. ix. 9, Gongyang says that Hu was a city of Jin. There were probably two places of the name.

The Zhuan says:——'The meeting at Hu in the autumn was to give orders about guarding Zhou, and to consult about restoring the duke [of Lu]. Song and Wey were eager for his restoration, and strongly urged it. Fan Xianzi, however, had taken bribes from Jisun, and said to Ziliang (Yue Qili), the minister of Works [of Song], and Beigong Zhenzi (Xi), "Jisun knew not what offence he had committed, when his ruler attacked him. He offered to submit to imprisonment, or to go into exile, but both these things were refused to him. The ruler also left the State himself, when his attempt proved unsuccessful. How should Jisun have been able, without any preparations, to expel his ruler? His recovery [of his position] must have been by the help of Heaven, hushing the rage of the duke's followers, and guiding the minds of [the adherents of] Shusun. If it were not so, how should those followers, when engaged in an attack, have thrown off their armour and sauntered about with their quiver lids in their hands? Then for the adherents of Shusun, afraid of the overflow of calamity, to join themselves to those of Jishi, was from Providence. The ruler of Lu has been keeping himself in Qi for 3 years, and has accomplished nothing. Jisun has greatly won the hearts of the people, and the Yi tribes of the Huai are joined to him. He has ten years' preparations, the support of Qi and Chu, the assistance of Heaven, the help of men, the mind to maintain himself firmly, and the power of various States, and yet he does not presume to use [those resources], but serves his ruler as if he were in the capital:—it is for these reasons that I think it difficult to deal with him. You both are versed in the councils of States, and you wish to restore the ruler of Lu. This also is my desire. I will ask to follow you, and lay siege to [the capital of] Lu. If we do not succeed, you shall die for it." The two ministers were afraid, and declined the undertaking; and [Xianzi] then dismissed the [representatives of the] smaller States, and reported [to his ruler] the difficulty [of restoring the duke].'

Par. 6. This Kuai must have been a great officer of Zhu, but what were the particulars of his flight to Lu, we do not know. The critics are severe in condemning Lu for receiving such fugitives. Five officers from Zhu thus found shelter in it at different times.

[The Zhuan appends here two narratives:—

1st, about the affairs of Lu. 'Meng Yizi and Yang Hu attacked Yun, the men of which proposed to fight. Zijiazi, however, said, "There has been no doubt about the will of Heaven for long. The multitude of these will surely cause our ruler to be ruined. Is it not a difficult thing for a man to make himself happy when Heaven is sending down calamity on him? Even if there were Spirits [to help him], he must be defeated here. Alas! there is no hope. He is likely to die here!" The duke then sent Zijiazi on a mission to Jin, after which his followers were defeated at Juzhi.'

2d, about affairs in Chu. 'Throughout Chu the language of the people about the fate of Xi Yuan (See on par. 3) never ceased, and all, when presenting their sacrifices, reviled the chief minister. Xu, director of Shen, spoke to Zichang, saying, "No one knows what were the offences of the director of the Left (Xi Yuan), and of the director of the middle stables, (Yang Lingzhong) and yet you put them to death, thereby producing those revilings and murmurings, which to this day have not ceased. I am myself in doubts about it. A virtuous man would not kill another even to stop revilings;—is it not strange that you should kill men to excite them, and take no measures in the matter? Now Wuji is the slanderer of Chu, as all the people know. He removed Zhao Wu (See on XV. 3); caused the expulsion of Zhu the marquis of Cai (See on XXI. 6); ruined our late king's eldest son Jian, and caused the death of the Lian Yin, She (See the 2d narrative at the beginning of ths 20th year). He has stood like a screen before the king's ears and eyes, so that he should neither hear nor see. But for this, the gentle mildness, the humility and economy, of king Ping, who excelled both Cheng and Zhuang, would have been universally acknowledged. That he did not gain to himself all the States was simply owing to Wuji. Now he has further put to death three innocent men, so as to excite great revilings, which have almost affected yourself. And yet you are taking no measures in regard to him;—what can you expect from such a course? Then Yan Jiangshi, by falsifying an order from you, utterly destroyed the families of three officers, among the best men of the State, who had committed no failure of duty in their offices. Wu has got a new ruler, and the borders are daily in a state of terror. If any great affair occur in our State, you will be in peril. Wise men take off slanderers, to secure their own repose, but you love slanderers to put yourself in peril. Extreme is your delusion!" Zichang said, "I am guilty in this, and shall now take good measures in the case." In the 9th month, on Jiwei, Zichang put to death Fei Wuji and Yan Jiangshi, utterly destroying all the branches of their families. Thus he satisfied the people, and the revilings ceased.']

Par. 7. The Zhuan says, "In winter, the duke went to Qi, when the marquis begged to offer him an entertainment. Zijiazi said, "Morning and evening you stand in his court; —how should he invite you to [the ceremony of] an entertainment. It is to a drinking [feast only]." Accordingly there was a drinking feast, and [the marquis] made the assistant-administrator offer the cup, and asked leave to take his own ease [elsewhere].

'A daughter of Zizhong (the Gongzi Yin, who fled to Qi in the duke's 12th year. See on XII. 8) who was called Chong was in the harem of the marquis, and intimated that she wished the duke to call her to see him. On this Zijiazi left the feast, carrying the duke with him.'

Par. 8. [The Zhuan appends here a brief note:——'In the 12th month, Ji Qin of Jin required the guards from the different States to go to Zhou. The people of Lu declined the service on account of the troubles in their State.']

XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.

1. In the [duke's] twenty-eighth year, in spring, in the king's third month, there was the burial of duke Dao of Cao.

2. The duke went to Jin. He halted in Ganhou.

3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingxu, Ning, earl of Zheng, died.

4. In the sixth month, there was the burial of duke Ding of Zheng.

5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Guisi, Ning, viscount of Teng, died.

6. In winter, there was the burial of duke Dao of Teng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. This was the 6th month since his death. The burial was late.

Par. 2. Ganhou was a city of Jin, in the southeast of the pres. dis. of Cheng'an (成安), dep. Guangping (廣平), Zhili. The duke found that Qi was tired of him, and now threw himself on the protection of Jin.

The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the duke was going to Jin, and wanted to proceed to Ganhou. Zijiazi said to him, "When one has to request a refuge from another, and at once proceeds to where he would be at ease, who will have any pity for him? You should go [only] to the borders [at first]." The duke would not listen to this suggestion, [and proceeded to Ganhou], and sent word [from it] to the capital of Jin, begging that he might be met there. The marquis, however, said, "Heaven is afflicting the State of Lu, and its ruler has long endured his sorrow abroad. Without sending a single messenger to me, however, he threw himself upon one merely related to him by affinity. It should suffice for him to have got [the marquis of Qi] to meet him." The duke was made to return to the borders, and then he was met.'

The critics think that all these notices of the movements of the duke, where he went, where he halted, etc., are from the pencil of Confucius himself;—to show that the ruler of Lu was still in existence, and indicate his condemnation of the usurpation of Jisun. See the note by the Kangxi editors on this par.

Parr. 3, 4. Gongyang has 甯 for 寧. The burial of the earl of Zheng in the 3d month after his death must have been so hastened on for some extraordinary reason.

[The Zhuan introduces here a narrative of affairs in Jin:——'Qi Sheng and Wu Zang of Jin exchanged wives, in consequence of which Qi Ying (Head of the Qi family, and son of Qi Wu mentioned in the Zhuan appended to IX. iii. 4,) purposed to seize them. Consulting, however, the marshal Shu You on the subject, that officer said, "We read in a book of Zheng that those who hate what is right and dislike what is correct are very many. The sway of what is unprincipled is established. I am afraid you will not escape evil consequences, [if you do it]. The ode (Shi, III. ii. ode X. 6) says,

'The people have many perversities;
Do not you set up your perversity before them.'

Suppose you let them alone for the present." Ying said, "If our Qi family privately punish them, what is it to the State?" Accordingly he seized the criminals. [In the meantime] Qi Sheng bribed Xun Li, who spoke for him to the marquis; and Qi Ying was seized. One of his officers said, "He is sure in any case to die; but let my master hear of the death of Sheng and Zang, and it will be a satisfaction to him." On this he put both those men to death. In summer, in the 6th month, Jin put Qi Ying to death, and Shiwo of Yang, who was a partizan of his and had aided his lawlessness. On this account he [also] was put to death, and the families of Qi and Yangshe were extinguished.

'Formerly Shuxiang had wished to marry a daughter of Wuchen, duke of Shen, but his mother wanted him to take one of her kindred rather. He said to her, "My mothers (I. e. the inmates of his father's harem) are many, but my father has few children by them. I must keep aloof from your kindred." She replied, "The wife of Ziling (Wuchen. His wife was Xia Ji. See on VII. x. 8, et al.) proved the death of three husbands, one ruler, and her son, and ruined a State, and two of its ministers. Ought you not to keep aloof from her? I have heard that, where there is extreme beauty, there is sure to be extreme wickedness. She was the daughter of Yao Zi, a younger wife of [duke Mu] of Zheng, and the younger sister of Zimo. The brother died early, leaving no offspring; and since Heaven accumulated so much beanty in her, there must [still] be great ruin to be accomplished by her.

"In ancient times the prince of Reng had a daughter, with splendid black hair and very beautiful, so that her brightness cast a light around her, and she was named 'the dark Lady.' The prince Kui, [Shun's] minister of Music, married her, and she bore to him Bofeng, who in truth had the heart of a pig, insatiably covetous and gluttonous, quarrelsome and perverse without measure, so that men called him 'the great Pig.' Yi, the prince of Qiong, extinguished him [and his House], and so Kui had none to maintain his sacrifices. Moreover, the ruin of the three dynasties and the setting aside of [our prince] Gongzi (See the Zhuan appended to III. xxviii. 1, et al.) were brought about by such creatures. Why are you going to do such a thing? Those strange Beings are sufficient to move men [from their principles]; and if virtue and righteousness are not maintained, calamity is sure to come."

'Shuxiang was afraid, and did not dare to take the lady, but duke Ping forced him to do so. She bore to him Boshi (Shiwo of Yang above). At the time of his birth, the mother of Zirong ran to tell her mother-in-law, saying, "My sister-in-law has a boy." The mother-in-law was going to see the child, but when she got to the hall, she heard his voice, and returned, saying, "It is the voice of a wolf. A wolfish child will have a wild heart. None but he will destroy the clan of Yangshe." So she would not look at him.']

Par. 5. Here again Gongyang has 甯 for 寧.

[The Zhuan has here another long narrative about affairs in Jin:——'In autumn, Han Xuanzi of Jin died, and the government passed into the hands of Wei Xianzi (Mentioned before in the Zhuan on IX. xxiii. 7). He divided the lands of the Qi and Yangshe families, the former into 7, and the latter into 3 districts; and made Sima Mimou great officer of Wu; Jia Xin, of Qi; Sima Wu, of Pingling; Wei Mou, of Gengyang; Zhi Xuwu, of Tushui; Han Gu, of Mashou; Meng Bing, of Yu; Yue Xiao, of Tongdi; Zhao Zhao, of Pingyang; Liao An, of Yangshi. He gave their appointments to Jia Xin and Sima Wu because of their services to the royal House; and theirs to Zhi Xuwu, Zhao Zhao, Han Gu, and Wei Mou, because he considered that, though they were the sons of concubines, they would not fail in their offices and could maintain the inheritance of their fathers. The [other] four all received their districts, and then appeared before Weizi, showing that they were appointed because of their worthiness. He said to Cheng Zhuan, "As I have given Mou (His own son by a concubine) a district, will men say that I am acting partially?" "Why should they do so?" was the reply. Mou is of such a character that, though kept at a distance, he does not forget his ruler, and, though kept as a near favourite, he will not assume anything over his associates. In presence of gain he thinks of righteousness; in the midst of difficulties, he seeks to maintain his purity. He can keep his heart, and abstain from all licentious conduct. You have given him a district, but was it not proper to do so? Formerly, when king Wu subdued Shang, and obtained grand possession of all the land, 15 of his brothers received States, and 40 other princes of the surname of Ji did the same;—these were all appointments of kindred. They were made because of the virtue of their subjects, whether nearly or distantly related. The ode (Shi, III. i. ode VII. 4) says,

'Now this king Wen
Was gifted by God with the power of judgment,
So that the fame of his virtue silently grew.
His virtue was highly intelligent,
Highly intelligent and of rare discrimination;
Capable of leading, capable of ruling,—
To rule over this great nation,
Rendering a cordial submission, able to produce cordial union.
When the sway came to king Wen,
His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with.
He received the blessing of God,
And it was extended to his descendants.'

To have a mind able to determine what is right is called 'the power of judgment.' When virtue through its correctness is responded to with harmony, we have its 'silent exertion.' Extending a bright influence over all quarters is called 'illumination.' Earnest beneficence without selfish partiality is called 'discrimination.' Teaching without being weary is called 'leading.' 'The ruler' is he who makes happy by his rewards and awes by his punishments. 'Submission' is when there is a universal subjection to gentleness aud harmony. 'Cordial union' is the effect of the choice of what is good, and following it. Character of which heaven and earth are the warp and woof is called 'accomplished.' When these nine virtues are found without error, there is nothing in the conduct to occasion dissatisfaction. Thus it was that king Wen received his dignity from Heaven, and his descendants were blessed' through him. In your promotions you have approximated to the virtue of Wen. Far-extending will be the effect!"

'When Jia Xin was about to proceed to his district, he appeared before Weizi, who said to him, "Come here, Xin. Formerly, when Shuxiang went to Zheng, Zong Mie of that State, who was an ugly man, wished to see him, and followed for that purpose the servants who were removing the dishes [of the feast]. As he stood below the hall, he uttered one sentence so excellent, that when Shuxiang, who was about to drink, heard it, he said, 'That must be Zong Ming;' and with this he descended the steps, took him by the hand, and ascended with him, saying, 'Formerly, a great officer of Jia, who was ugly, married a wife who was beautiful; but for 3 years she neither laughed nor spoke. He drove with her to [the marsh of] Gao, and there shot at a pheasant and hit it, upon which she laughed for the first time and spoke, so that the officer said, 'One's ability should not be unexercised. If I had not been able to shoot, you would not have laughed nor spoken.' Now Sir, your features are rather undistinguished, and if you had not spoken, I should probably have remained unacquainted with you. Your [ability of] speech must not be unexercised.' In this way they became like old acquaintances. Now you have done good service to the royal House, and therefore I have given you your appointment. Go and be reverently attentive to your duty. Minish not aught in the energy of your services."

'When Zhongni heard of the appointments made by Weizi, he considered them to be just, and said, "He has not failed in his duty to those near him of his own House, nor has he erred in his promotion of others more remote. His conduct may be pronounced just." When he heard of his charge to Jia Xin, he considered it to be loyal. The ode (III. i. ode I. 6) says,

'Ever strive to be in accordance with the will [of Heaven],
And you will be seeking for yourselves much happiness.'

This is loyalty. Weizi's appointments were just, and his charge was loyal;—was it not likely that his posterity would continue long in the State of Jin?"

Par. 6. Though the duke was in exile, we see that Jisun kept up the reciprocities of Lu with foreign States, as if there had been nothing the matter with itself.

[The Zhuan gives a narrative here, illustrating the faithfulness of Wei Mou above:——'In winter, a man of Gengyang had a lawsuit, which Wei Mou was not able to determine, and he referred it [to the capital]. The principal member of the man's family offered a bribe of some female musicians, which Weizi was going to receive. Mou said to Yan Mo and Ru Kuan, "Our lord is noted through the States for not receiving bribes, but there could be no greater case of such acceptance, if he receive [what is offered by] this man of Gengyang. You must remonstrate with him." They agreed to do so; and when [Weizi] retired from the audience of the marquis, they were waiting in his courtyard. When his meal was brought in, he called them [to join in it]; and during its course, they sighed three times. When it was over, he made them sit down [with him], and said, "I have heard my uncles repeat the common saying that 'Meat makes a man forget his sorrow;'—what was the reason that while the food was being served up, you gave [those] three sighs." They answered both together, saying, "We were drinking with a friend, and ate nothing [last] evening. When the first course came in, we were afraid there might not be sufficient, a