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11. 定 公
1. 元 年，春，王 三 月，晉 人 執 宋 仲 幾 于 京 師。
2. 夏，六 月，癸 亥，公 之 喪 至 自 乾 侯，戊 辰，公 即 位。
3. 秋，七 月，癸 巳，葬 我 君 昭 公。
4. 九 月，大 雩。
5. 立 煬 宮。
6. 冬，十 月，隕 霜 殺 菽。
左 傳 曰，元 年，春，王 正 月，辛 巳，晉 魏 舒 合 諸 侯 之 大 夫 於 狄 泉，將 以 城 成 周。魏 子 涖 政，衛 彪 傒 曰，將 建 天 子，而 易 位 以 令，非 義 也，大 事 奸 義，必 有 大 咎，晉 不 失 諸 侯，魏 子 其 不 免 乎。是 行 也，魏 獻 子 屬 役 於 韓 簡 子，及 原 壽 過，而 田 於 大 陸，焚 焉，還，卒 於 甯，范 獻 子 去 其 柏 槨，以 其 未 復 命 而 田 也。孟 懿 子 會 城 成 周，庚 寅，栽，宋 仲 幾 不 受 功，曰，滕，薛，郳，吾 役 也。薛 宰 曰，宋 為 無 道，絕 我 小 國 於 周，以 我 適 楚，故 我 常 從 宋，晉 文 公 為 踐 土 之 盟 曰，凡 我 同 盟，各 復 舊 職，若 從 踐 土，若 從 宋，亦 唯 命。仲 幾 曰，踐 土 固 然。薛 宰 曰，薛 之 皇 祖 奚 仲 居 薛，以 為 夏 車 正，奚 仲 遷 於 邳，仲 虺 居 薛，以 為 湯 左 相，若 復 舊 職，將 承 王 官，何 故 以 役 諸 侯。仲 幾 曰，三 代 各 異 物，薛 焉 得 有 舊，為 宋 役，亦 其 職 也。士 彌 牟 曰，晉 之 從 政 者 新，子 姑 受 功，歸，吾 視 諸 故 府。仲 幾 曰，縱 子 忘 之，山 川 鬼 神，其 忘 諸 乎。士 伯 怒，謂 韓 簡 子 曰，薛 徵 於 人，宋 徵 於 鬼，宋 罪 大 矣，且 己 無 辭，而 抑 我 以 神，誣 我 也，啟 寵 納 侮，其 此 之 謂 矣，必 以 仲 幾 為 戮。乃 執 仲 幾 以 歸，三 月，歸 諸 京 師。城 三 旬 而 畢，乃 歸 諸 侯 之 戌。齊 高 張 後，不 從 諸 侯，晉 女 叔 寬 曰，周 萇 弘，齊 高 張，皆 將 不 免，萇 叔 違 天，高 子 違 人，天 之 所 壞，不 可 支 也，衆 之 所 為，不 可 奸 也。
夏，叔 孫 成 子 逆 公 之 喪 於 乾 侯，季 孫 曰，子 家 子 亟 言 於 我，未 嘗 不 中 吾 志 也，吾 欲 與 之 從 政，子 必 止 之，且 聽 命 焉。子 家 子 不 見 叔 孫，易 幾 而 哭，叔 孫 請 見 子 家 子，子 家 子 辭 曰，羈 未 得 見，而 從 君 以 出，君 不 命 而 薨，羈 不 敢 見。叔 孫 使 告 之 曰，公 衍，公 為，實 使 羣 臣 不 得 事 君，若 公 子 宋 主 社 稷，則 羣 臣 之 願 也，凡 從 君 出，而 可 以 入 者，將 唯 子 是 聽，子 家 氏 未 有 後，季 孫 願 與 子 從 政，此 皆 季 孫 之願 也，使 不 敢 以 告。對 曰，若 立 君，則 有 卿 士 大 夫，與 守 龜 在，羈 弗 敢 知，若 從 君 者，則 貌 而 出 者，入 可 也，寇 而 出 者，行 可 也，若 羈 也，則 君 知 其 出 也，而 未 知 其 入 也，羈 將 逃 也。喪 及 壞 隤，公 子 宋 先 入，從 公 者，皆 自 壞 隤 反。六 月，癸 亥，公 之 喪 至 自 乾 侯，戊 辰，公 即 位。
季 孫 使 役 如 闞，公 氏 將 溝 焉。榮 鴐 鵞 曰，生 不 能 事，死 又 離 之，以 自 旌 也，縱 子 忍 之，後 必 或 耻 之。乃 止。季 孫 問 於 榮 鴐 鵞 曰，吾 欲 為 君 謚，使 子 孫 知 之。對 曰，生 弗 能 事，死 又 惡 之，以 自 信 也，將 焉 用 之。乃 止。秋，七 月，癸 巳，葬 昭 公 於 墓 道 南。孔 子 之 為 司 寇 也，溝 而 合 諸 墓。
昭 公 出，故 季 平 子 禱 於 煬 公，九 月，立 煬 宮。
周 鞏 簡 公 棄 其 子 弟，而 好 用 遠 人。
1. 二 年，春，王 正 月。
2. 夏，五 月，壬 辰，雉 門 及 兩 觀 災。
3. 秋，楚 人 伐 吳。
4. 冬，十 月，新 作 雉 門 及 兩 觀。
左 傳 曰，二 年，夏，四 月，辛 酉，鞏 氏 之 羣 子 弟 賊 簡 公。
桐 叛 楚，吳 子 使 舒 鳩 氏 誘 楚 人，曰，以 師 臨 我，我 伐 桐，為 我 使 之 無 忌。秋，楚 囊 瓦 伐 吳，師 於 豫 章，吳 人 見 舟 於 豫 章，而 潛 師 於 巢。冬，十 月，吳 軍 楚 師 於 豫 章，敗 之，遂 圍 巢，克 之，獲 楚 公 子 繁。
邾 莊 公 與 夷 射 姑 飲 酒，私 出，閽 乞 肉 焉，奪 之 杖 以 敲 之。
1. 三 年，春，王 正 月，公 如 晉，至 河 乃 復。
2. 二 月，辛 卯，邾 子 穿 卒。
3. 夏，四 月。
4. 秋，葬 邾 莊 公。
5. 冬，仲 孫 何 忌 及 邾 子 盟 于 拔。
左 傳 曰，三 年，春，二 月，辛 卯，邾 子 在 門 臺，臨 廷，閽 以 缾 水 沃 廷，邾 子 望 見 之，怒，閽 曰，夷 射 姑 旋 焉。命 執 之，弗 得，滋 怒，自 投 於 牀，廢 於 鑪 炭，爛 遂 卒。先 葬 以 車 五 乘，殉 五 人。莊 公 卞 急 而 好 潔，故 及 是。
秋，九 月，鮮 虞 人 敗 晉 師 於 平 中，獲 晉 觀 虎。恃 其 勇 也。
冬，盟 于 郯。修 邾 好 也。
蔡 昭 侯 為 兩 佩 與 兩 裘，以 如 楚，獻 一 佩 一 裘 於 昭 王，昭 王 服 之，以 享 蔡 侯，蔡 侯 亦 服 其 一，子 常 欲 之，弗 與，三 年 止 之。唐 成 公 如 楚，有 兩 肅 爽 馬，子 常 欲 之，弗 與，亦 三 年 止 之。唐 人 或 相 與 謀，請 代 先 從 者。許 之，飲 先 從 者 酒，醉 之，竊 馬 而 獻 之 子 常，子 常 歸 唐 侯。自 拘 於 司 敗，曰，君 以 弄 馬 之 故，隱 君 身，棄 國 家，羣 臣 請 相 夫 人 以 償 馬，必 如 之，唐 侯 曰，寡 人 之 過 也，二 三 子 無 辱。皆 賞 之，蔡 人 聞 之，固 請 而 獻 佩 於 子 常，子 常 朝，見 蔡 侯 之 徒，命 有 司 曰，蔡 君 之 久 也，官 不 共 也，明 日 禮 不 畢，將 死。蔡 侯 歸，及 漢，執 玉 而 沈曰，余 所 有 濟 漢 而 南 者，有 若 大 川。蔡 侯 如 晉，以 其 子 元，與 其 大 夫 之 子，為 質 焉，而 請 伐 楚。
1. 四 年，春，王 二 月，癸 巳，陳 侯 吳 卒。
2. 三 月，公 會 劉 子，晉 侯，宋 公，蔡 侯，衛 侯，陳 子,鄭 伯，許 男，曹 伯，莒 子，邾 子，頓 子，胡 子，滕 子，薛 伯，杞 伯,小 邾 子，齊 國 夏,于 召 陵，侵 楚。
3. 夏，四 月，庚 辰，蔡 公 孫 姓 帥 師 滅 沈，以 沈 子 嘉 歸，殺 之。
4. 五 月，公 及 諸 侯 盟 于 皋 鼬。
5. 杞 伯 成 卒 于 會。
6. 六 月，葬 陳 惠 公。
7. 許 遷 于 容 城。
8. 秋，七 月，公 至 自 會。
9. 劉 卷 卒。
10. 葬 杞 悼 公。
11. 楚 人 圍 蔡。
12. 晉 士 鞅，衛 孔 圉，帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。
13. 葬 劉 文 公。
14. 冬，十 有 一 月，庚 午，蔡 侯 以 吳 子，及 楚 人 戰 于 柏 舉，楚 師 敗 績，楚 囊 瓦 出 奔 鄭。
15. 庚 辰，吳 入 郢。
左 傳 曰，四 年，春，三 月，劉 文 公 合 諸 侯 于 召 陵。謀 伐 楚 也。晉 荀 寅 求 貨 於 蔡 侯，弗 得，言 於 范 獻 子 曰，國 家 方 危，諸 侯 方 貳，將 以 襲 敵，不 亦 難 乎，水 潦 方 降，疾 瘧 方 起，中 山 不 服，棄 盟 取 怨，無 損 於 楚，而 失 中 山，不 如 辭 蔡 侯，吾 自 方 城 以 來，楚 未 可 以 得 志，祗 取 勤 焉。乃 辭 蔡 侯。晉 人 假 羽 旄 於 鄭，鄭 人 與 之，明 日 或 旆 以 會，晉 於 是 乎 失 諸 侯。
沈 人 不 會 於 召 陵，晉 人 使 蔡 伐 之，夏，蔡 滅 沈。
將 會，衛 子 行 敬 子 言 於 靈 公 曰，會 同 難，嘖 有 煩 言，莫 之 治 也，其 使 祝 佗 從。公 曰，善。乃 使 子 魚。子 魚 辭 曰，臣 展 四 體，以 率 舊 職，猶 懼 不 給，而 煩 刑 書，若 又 共 二，徼 大 罪 也，且 夫 祝，社 稷 之 常 隸 也，社 稷 不 動，祝 不 出 竟，官 之 制 也，君 以 軍 行，祓 社 釁 鼓，祝 奉 以 從，於 是 乎 出 竟，若 嘉 好 之 事，君 行，師 從，卿 行 旅 從，臣 無 事 焉。公 曰，行 也。及 皋 鼬，將 長 蔡 於 衛，衛 侯 使 祝 佗 私 於 萇 弘 曰，聞 諸 道 路，不 知 信 否，若 聞 蔡 將 先 衛，信 乎。萇 弘 曰，信，蔡 叔，康 叔 之 兄 也，先 衛，不 亦 可 乎。子 魚 曰，以 先 王 觀 之，則 尚 德 也，昔 武 王 克 商，成 王 定 之，選 建 明 德，以 藩 屏 周，故 周 公 相 王 室，以 尹 天 下，於 周 為 睦，分 魯 公 以 大 路，大 旂，夏 后 氏 之 璜，封 父 之 繁 弱，殷 民 六 族，條 氏，徐 氏，蕭 氏，索 氏，長 勺 氏，尾 勺 氏，使 帥 其 宗 於 氏，輯 其 分 族，將 其 類 醜，以 法 則 周 公，用 即 命 於 周，是 使 之 職 事 魯，以 昭 周 公 之 明 德，分 之 土 田 倍 敦，祝，宗，卜，史，備 物 典 策，官 司 彝 器，因 商 奄 之 民，命 以 伯 禽，而 封 於 少 皞 之 虛，分 康 叔 以 大 路，少 帛，綪 茷，旃 旌，大 呂，殷 民 七 族，陶 氏，施 氏，繁 氏，錡 氏，樊 氏，饑 氏，終 葵 氏，封 畛 土 畧，自 武 父 以 南，及 圃 田 之 北 竟，取 於 有 閻 之 土，以 共 王 職，取 於 相 土 之 東 都，以 會 王 之 東 蒐，聃 季 授 土，陶 叔 授 民，命 以 康 誥，而 封 於 殷 虛，皆 啟 以 商 政，疆 以 周 索，分 唐 叔 以 大 路 密 須 之 鼓，闕 鞏，沽 洗，懷 姓 九 宗，職 官五 正，命 以 唐 誥，而 封 於 夏 虛，啟 以 夏 政，疆 以 戎 索，三 者 皆 叔 也，而 有 令 德，故 昭 之 以 分 物，不 然，文，武，成，康，之 伯 猶 多，而 不 獲 是 分 也，唯 不 尚 年 也，管，蔡，啟，商，惎 間 王 室，王 於 是 乎 殺 管 叔，而 蔡 蔡 叔，以 車 七 乘，徒 七 十 人，其 子 蔡 仲，改 行 帥 德，周 公 舉 之，以 為 己 卿 士，見 諸 王 而 命 之 以 蔡，其 命 書 云，王 曰，胡，無 若 爾 考 之 違 王 命 也，若 之 何 其 使 蔡 先 衛 也，武 王 之 母 弟 八 人，周 公 為 大 宰，康 叔 為 司 寇，聃 季 為 司 空，五 叔 無 官，豈 尚 年 哉，曹，文 之 昭 也，晉，武 之 穆 也，曹 為 伯 甸，非 尚 年 也，今 將 尚 之，是 反 先 王 也，晉 文 公 為 踐 土 之 盟，衛 成 公 不 在，夷 叔，其 母 弟 也，猶 先 蔡，其 載 書 云，王 若 曰，晉 重，魯 申，衛 武，蔡 甲 午，鄭 捷，齊 潘，宋 王 臣，莒 期，藏 在 周 府，可 覆 視 也，吾 子 欲 復 文 武 之 畧，而 不 正 其 德，將 如 之 何。萇 弘 說，告 劉 子，與 范 獻 子 謀 之，乃 長 衛 侯 於 盟，反 自 召 陵，鄭 子 大 叔 未 至 而 卒，晉 趙 簡 子 為 之 臨，甚 哀，曰，黃 父 之 會，夫 子 語 我 九 言，曰，無 始 亂，無 怙 富，無 恃 寵，無 違 同，無 敖 禮，無 驕 能，無 復 怒，無 謀 非 德，無 犯 非 義。
秋 楚 為 沈 故 圍 蔡。
伍 員 為 吳 行 人 以 謀 楚，楚 之 殺 郤 宛 也，伯 氏 之 族 出，伯 州 犂 之 孫 嚭，為 吳 大 宰，以 謀 楚，楚 自 昭 王 即 位，無 歲 不 有 吳 師，蔡 侯 因 之，以 其 子 乾，與 其 大 夫 之 子，為 質 於 吳，冬，蔡 侯，吳 子，唐 侯，伐 楚，舍 舟 於 淮 汭，自 豫 章 與 楚 夾 漢，左 司 馬 戌 謂 子 常 曰，子 沿 漢 而 與 之 上 下，我 悉 方 城 外 以 毀 其 舟，還 塞 大 隧，直 轅，冥 阨，子 濟 漢 而 伐 之，我 自 後 擊 之，必 大 敗 之。既 謀 而 行，武 城 黑 謂 子 常 曰，吳 用 木 也，我 用 革 也，不 可 久 也，不 如 速 戰。史 皇 謂 子 常，楚 人 惡 子 而 好 司 馬，若 司 馬 毀 吳 舟 於 淮，塞 城 口 而 入。是 獨 克 吳 也，子 必 速 戰，不 然，不 免。乃 濟 漢 而 陳，自 小 別 至 於 大 別，三 戰，子 常 知 不 可，欲 奔，史 皇 曰，安 求 其 事，難 而 逃 之，將 何 所 入，子 必 死 之，初 罪 必 盡 說。十 一 月，庚 午，二 師 陳 於 柏 舉，闔 廬 之 弟 夫 概 王，晨 請 於 闔 廬 曰，楚 瓦 不 仁，其 臣 莫 有 死 志，先 伐 之，其 卒 必 奔，而 後 大 師 繼 之，必 克，弗 許，夫 槩 王 曰，所 謂 臣 義 而 行，不 待 命 者，其 此 之 謂 也，今 日 我 死，楚 可 入 也。以 其 屬 五 千，先 擊 子 常 之 卒，子 常 之 卒 奔，楚 師 亂，吳 師 大 敗 之，子 常 奔 鄭，史 皇 以 其 乘 廣 死。
吳 從 楚 師，及 清 發，將 擊 之，夫 槩 王 曰，困 獸 猶 鬬，况 人 乎，若 知 不 免，而 致 死，必 敗 我，若 使 先 濟 者 知 免，後 者 慕 之，蔑 有 鬬 心 矣，半 濟 而 後 可 擊 也。從 之，又 敗 之，楚 人 為 食，吳 人 及 之，奔 食 而 從 之，敗 諸 雍 澨，五 戰 及 郢。己 卯，楚 子 取 其 妹 季 芊，畀 我，以 出，涉 雎，鍼 尹 固 與 王 同 舟，王 使 執 燧 象 以 奔 吳 師。庚 辰，吳 入 郢，以 班 處 宮，子 山 處 令 尹 之 宮，夫 槩 王 欲 攻 之，懼 而 去 之，夫 槩 王 入 之，左 司 馬 戌 及 息 而 還，敗 吳 師 於 雍 澨，傷。初，司 馬 臣 闔 廬，故 耻 為 禽 焉，謂 其 臣 曰，誰 能 免 吾 首，吳 句 卑 曰 臣 賤,可 乎。司 馬 曰，我 實 失 子，可 哉。三 戰 皆 傷，曰，吾 不 用 也 已。句 卑 布 裳，剄 而 裹 之，藏 其 身，而 以 其 首 免。楚 子 涉 睢 濟 江，入 於 雲 中，王 寢，盜 攻 之，以 戈 擊 王，王 孫 由 于 以 背 受 之，中 肩，王 奔 鄖，鍾 建 負 季 芊 以 從，由 于 徐 蘇 而 從，鄖 公 辛 之 弟 懷，將 弒 王 曰，平 王 殺 吾 父，我 殺 其 子，不 亦 可 乎。辛 曰，君 討 臣，誰 敢 讐 之，君 命，天 也，若 死 天 命，將 誰 讐，詩 曰，柔 亦 不 茹，剛 亦 不 吐，不 侮 矜 寡，不 畏 彊 禦，唯 仁 者 能 之，違 彊 陵 弱，非 勇 也，乘 人 之 約，非 仁 也，滅 宗 廢 祀，非 孝 也，動 無 令 名，非 知 也，必 犯 是，余 將 殺 女。鬬 辛 與 其 弟 巢，以 王 奔 隨，吳 人 從 之，謂 隨 人 曰，周 之 子 孫，在 漢 川 者，楚 實 盡 之，天 誘 其 衷，致 罰 於 楚，而 君 又 竄 之，周 室 何 罪，君 若 顧 報 周 室，施 及 寡 人，以 獎 天 衷，君 之 惠 也，漢 陽 之 田，君 實 有 之。楚 子 在 公 宮 之 北，吳 人 在 其 南，子 期 似 王，逃 王，而 己 為 王，曰，以 我 與 之，王 必 免。隨 人 卜 與 之，不 吉，乃 辭 吳 曰，以 隨 之 辟 小，而 密 邇 於 楚，楚 實 存 之，世 有 盟 誓，至 於 今 未 改，若 難 而 棄 之，何 以 事 君，執 事 之 患，不 唯 一人，若 鳩 楚 竟，敢 不 聽 命。吳 人 乃 退，鑪 金 初 官 於 子 期 氏，實 與 隨 人 耍 言，王 使 見，辭 曰，不 敢 以 約 為 利。王 割子 期 之 心，以 與 隨 人 盟。初，伍 員 與 申 包 胥 友，其 亡 也，謂 申 包 胥 曰，我 必 復 楚 國，申 包 胥 曰，勉 之，子 能 復 之，我 必 能 興 之。及 昭 王 在 隨，申 包 胥 如 秦 乞 師，曰，吳 為 封 豕 長 蛇，以 荐 食 上 國，虐 始 於 楚，寡 君 失 守 社 稷，越 在 草 莽，使 下 臣 告 急 曰，夷 德 無 厭，若 鄰 於 君，疆 場 之 患 也，逮 吳 之 未 定，君 其 取 分 焉，若 楚 之 遂 亡，君 之 土 也，若 以 君 靈 撫 之，世 以 事 君。秦 伯 使 辭 焉，曰，寡 人 聞 命 矣，子 姑 就 館，將 圖 而 告。對 曰，寡 君 越 在 草 莽，未 獲 所 伏，下 臣 何 敢 即 安。立 依 於 庭 牆 而 哭，日 夜 不 絕 聲，勺 飲 不 入 口，七 日，秦 哀 公 為 之 賦 無 衣。九 頓 首 而 坐，秦 師 乃 出。
1. 五 年，春，王 三 月，辛 亥，朔，日 有 食 之。
2. 夏，歸 粟 于 蔡。
3. 於 越 入 吳。
4. 六 月，丙 申，季 孫 意 如 卒。
5. 秋，七 月，壬 子，叔 孫 不 敢 卒。
6. 冬，晉 士 鞅 帥 師 圍 鮮 虞。
左 傳 曰，五 年，春，王 人 殺 子 朝 於 楚。
夏，歸 粟 于 蔡，以 周 亟，矜 無 資。
越 入 吳，吳 在 楚 也。
六 月，季 平 子 行 東 野，還，未 至，丙 申，卒 於 房。陽 虎 將 以 璵 璠 斂，仲 梁 懷 弗 與，曰，改 步，改 玉。陽 虎 欲 逐 之，告 公 山 不 狃，不 狃 曰，彼 為 君 也，子 何 怨 焉。既 葬，桓 子 行 東 野，及 費 子 洩 為 費 宰，逆 勞 於 郊，桓 子 敬 之，勞 仲 梁 懷，仲 梁 懷 弗 敬，子 洩 怒，謂 陽 虎，子 行 之 乎。
申 包 胥 以 秦 師 至，秦 子 蒲，子 虎，帥 車 五 百 乘，以 救 楚。子 蒲 曰，吾 未 知 吳 道，使 楚 人 先 與 吳 人 戰，而 自 稷 會 之，大 敗 夫 槩 王 於 沂，吳 人 獲 薳 射 於 柏 舉，其 子 帥 奔 徒，以 從 子 西，敗 吳 師 於 軍 祥。秋，七 月，子 期，子 蒲，滅 唐。九 月，夫 槩 王 歸，自 立 也，以 與 王 戰 而 敗，奔 楚 為 堂 谿 氏。吳 師 敗 楚 師 于 雍 澨，秦 師 又 敗 吳 師，吳 師 居 麇，子 期 將 焚 之，子 西 曰，父 兄 親 暴 骨 焉，不 能 收，又 焚 之，不 可。子 期 曰，國 亡 矣，死 者 若 有 知 也，可 以 歆 舊 祀，豈 憚 焚 之。焚 之 而 又 戰，吳 師 敗，又 戰 於 公 壻 之 谿，吳 師 大 敗，吳 子 乃 歸，囚 闉 輿 罷，闉 輿 罷 請 先，遂 逃 歸。葉 公 諸 梁 之 弟 后 臧 從 其 母 於 吳，不 待 而 歸，葉 公 終 不 正 視。
乙 亥，陽 虎 囚 季 桓 子，及 公 父 文 伯，而 逐 仲 梁 懷。冬，十 月，丁 亥，殺 公 何 藐，己 丑，盟 桓 子 于 稷 門 之 內，庚 寅，大 詛，逐 公 父 歜，及 秦 遄。皆 奔 齊。
楚 子 入 於 郢，初，鬬 辛 聞 吳 人 之 爭 宮 也，曰，吾 聞 之，不 讓 則 不 和，不 和 不 可 以 遠 征，吳 爭 於 楚，必 有 亂，有 亂 則 必 歸，焉 能 定 楚。王 之 奔 隨 也，將 涉 於 成 臼，藍 尹 亹 涉 其 帑，不 與 王 舟，及 寕，王 欲 殺 之，子 西 曰，子 常 唯 思 舊 怨 以 敗，君 何 效 焉。王 曰，善，使 復 其 所，吾 以 志 前 惡。王 賞 鬬 辛，王 孫 由 于，王 孫 圉，鍾 建，鬬 巢，申 包 胥，王 孫 賈，宋 木，鬬 懷。子 西 曰，請 舍 懷 也。王 曰，大 德 滅 小 怨，道 也。申 包 胥 曰，吾 為 君 也，非 為 身 也，君 既 定 矣，又 何 求，且 吾 尤 子 旗，其 又 為 諸，遂 逃 賞，王 將 嫁 季 芊，季 芊 辭 曰，所 以 為 女 子，遠 丈 夫 也，鍾 建 負 我 矣。以 妻 鍾 建，以 為 樂 尹。王 之 在 隨 也，子 西 為 王 輿 服 以 保 路，國 於 脾 洩，聞 王 所 在，而 後 從 王。王 使 由 于 城 麇，復 命，子 西 問 高 厚 焉，弗 知。子 西 曰，不 能，如 辭，城 不 知 高 厚 小 大，何 知。對 曰，固 辭 不 能，子 使 余 也，人 各 有 能 有 不 能，王 遇 盜 於 雲 中，余 受 其 戈，其 所 猶 在。袒 而 示 之 背，曰，此 余 所 能 也，脾 洩 之 事，余 亦 弗 能 也。
晉 士 鞅 圍 鮮 虞，報 觀 虎 之 役 也。
1. 六 年，春，王 正 月，癸 亥，鄭 游 速 帥 師 滅 許，以 許 男 斯 歸。
2. 二 月，公 侵 鄭。
3. 公 至 自 侵 鄭。
4. 夏，季 孫 斯，仲 孫 何 忌，如 晉。
5. 秋，晉 人 執 宋 行 人 樂 祁 犂。
6. 冬，城 中 城。
7. 季 孫 斯，仲 孫 忌，帥 師 圍 鄆。
左 傳 曰，六 年，春，鄭 滅 許。因 楚 敗 也。
二 月，公 侵 鄭，取 匡，為 晉 討 鄭 之 伐 胥 靡 也，往 不 假 道 於 衛，及 還，陽 虎 使 季，孟，自 南 門 入，出 自 東 門，舍 於 豚 澤。衛 侯 怒，使 彌 子 瑕 追 之，公 叔 文 子 老 矣，輦 而 如 公，曰，尤 人 而 效 之，非 禮 也，昭 公 之 難，君 將 以 文 之 舒 鼎，成 之 昭 兆，定 之 鞶 鑑，苟 可 以 納 之，擇 用 一 焉，公 子 與 二 三 臣 之 子，諸 侯 苟 憂 之，將 以 為 之 質，此 羣 臣 之 所 聞 也，今 將 以 小 忿 蒙 舊 德，無 乃 不 可 乎，大 姒 之 子，唯 周 公，康 叔，為 相 睦 也，而 效 小 人 以 棄 之，不 亦 誣 乎，天 將 多 陽 虎 之 罪 以 斃 之，君 姑 待 之，若 何。乃 止。
夏，季 桓 子 如 晉。獻 鄭 俘 也。陽 虎 強 使 孟 懿 子 往 報 夫 人 之 幣。晉 人 兼 享 之，孟 孫 立 於 房 外，謂 范 獻 子 曰，陽 虎 若 不 能 居 魯，而 息 肩 於 晉，所 不 以 為 中 軍 司 馬 者，有 如 先 君。獻 子 曰，寡 君 有 官，將 使 其 人，鞅 何 知 焉。獻 子 謂 簡 子 曰，魯 人 患 陽 虎 矣，孟 孫 知 其 釁，以 為 必 適 晉，故 強 為 之 請，以 取 入 焉。
四 月，己 丑，吳 大 子 終 纍 敗 楚 舟 師，獲 潘 子 臣，小 惟 子，及 大 夫 七 人。楚 國 大 惕，懼 亡，子 期 又 以 陵 師 敗 於 繁 揚，令 尹 子 西 喜 曰，乃 今 可 為 矣。於 是 乎 遷 郢 於 鄀，而 改 紀 其 政，以 定 楚 國。
周 儋 翩 率 王 子 朝 之 徒，因 鄭 人 將 以 作 亂 於 周，鄭 於 是 乎 伐 馮，滑，胥 靡，負 黍，狐 人，闕 外。六 月，晉 閻 沒 戍 周，且 城 胥 靡。
秋，八 月，宋 樂 祁 言 於 景 公 曰，諸 侯，唯 我 事 晉，今 使 不 往。晉 其 憾 矣。樂 祁 告 其 宰 陳 寅，陳 寅 曰，必 使 子 往，他 日，公 謂 樂 祁 曰，唯 寡 人 說 子 之 言，子 必 往。陳 寅 曰，子 立 後 而 行，吾 室 亦 不 亡，唯 君 亦 以 我 為 知 難 而 行 也，見 溷 而 行。趙 簡 子 逆 而 飲 之 酒 於 綿 上，獻 楊 楯 六 十 於 簡 子，陳 寅 曰，昔 吾 主 范 氏，今 子 主 趙 氏，又 有 納 焉，以 楊 楯 賈 禍，弗 可 為 也 已，然 子 死 晉 國，子 孫 必 得 志 於 宋。范 獻子 言 於 晉 侯 曰，以 君 命 越 疆 而 使，未 致 使 而 私 飲 酒，不 敬 二 君，不 可 不 討 也，乃 執 樂 祁。
陽 虎 又 盟 公 及 三 桓 於 周 社，盟 國 人 於 亳 社，詛 于 五 父 之 衢。
冬，十 二 月，天 王 處 于 姑 蕕，辟 儋 翩 之 亂 也。
1. 七 年，春，王 正 月。
2. 夏，四 月。
3. 秋，齊 侯，鄭 伯，盟 于 鹹。
4. 齊 人 執 衛 行 人 北 宮 結，以 侵 衛。
5. 齊 侯，衛 侯，盟 于 沙。
6. 大 雩。
7. 齊 國 夏 帥 師 伐 我 西 鄙。
8. 九 月，大 雩。
9. 冬，十 月。
左 傳 曰，七 年，春，二 月，周 儋 翩 入 於 儀 栗 以 叛。
齊 人 歸 鄆，陽 關。陽 虎 居 之，以 為 政。
夏，四 月，單 武 公，劉 桓 公，敗 尹 氏 於 窮 谷。
秋，齊 侯，鄭 伯，盟 于 鹹，徵 會 於 衛。
衛 侯 欲 叛 晉，諸 大 夫 不 可，使 北 宮 結 如 齊，而 私 於 齊 侯，曰，執 結 以 侵 我。齊 侯 從 之，乃 盟 於 瑣。
齊 國 夏 伐 我，陽 虎 御 季 桓 子，公 斂 處 父 御 孟 懿 子，將 宵 軍 齊 師。齊 師 聞 之，墮 伏 而 待 之。處 父 曰，虎 不 圖 禍，而 必 死。苫 夷 曰，虎 陷 二 子 於 難，不 待 有 司，余 必 殺 女。虎 懼，乃 還，不 敗。
冬，十 一 月，戊 午，單 子，劉 子，逆 王 于 慶 氏，晉 籍 秦 逆 王，己 巳，王 入 于 王 城，館 于 公 族 黨 氏，而 後 朝 于 莊 宮。
1. 八 年，春，王 正 月，公 侵 齊。
2. 公 至 自 侵 齊。
3. 二 月，公 侵 齊。
4. 三 月，公 至 自 侵 齊。
5. 曹 伯 露 卒。
6. 夏，齊 國 夏 帥 師 伐 我 西 鄙。
7. 公 會 晉 師 于 瓦。
8. 公 至 自 瓦。
9. 秋，七 月，戊 辰，陳 侯 柳 卒。
10. 晉 士 鞅 帥 師 侵 鄭，遂 侵 衛。
11. 葬 曹 靖 公。
12. 九 月，葬 陳 懷 公。
13. 季 孫 斯，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 侵 衛。
14. 冬，衛 侯，鄭 伯，盟 于 曲 濮。
15. 從 祀 先 公。
16. 盜 竊 寶 玉，大 弓。
左 傳 曰，八 年，春，王 正 月，公 侵 齊，門 於 陽 州。士 皆 坐 列，曰，顏 高 之 弓 六 鈞，皆 取 而 傳 觀 之，陽 州 人 出，顏 高 奪 人 弱 弓，籍 丘 子 鉏 擊 之，與 一 人 俱 斃，偃，且 射 子 鉏，中 頰，殪。顏 息 射 人，中 眉，退 曰，我 無 勇，吾 志 其 目 也。師 退，冉 猛 偽 傷 足 而 先，其 兄 會 乃 呼 曰，猛 也 殿。
二 月，己 丑，單 子 伐 穀 城，劉 子 伐 儀 栗，辛 卯，單 子 伐 簡 城，劉 子 伐 盂，以 定 王 室。
趙 鞅 言 於 晉 侯 曰，諸 侯 唯 宋 事 晉，好 逆 其 使，猶 懼 不 至，今 又 執 之，是 絕 諸 侯 也。將 歸 樂 祁，士 鞅 曰，三 年 止 之，無 故 而 歸 之，宋 必 叛 晉。獻 子 私 謂 子 梁 曰，寡 君 懼 不 得 事 宋 君，是 以 止 子，子 姑 使 溷 代 子。子 梁 以 告 陳 寅，陳 寅 曰，宋 將 叛 晉，是 棄 溷 也，不 如 待 之。樂 祁 歸，卒 於 大 行，士 鞅 曰，宋 必 叛，不 如 止 其 尸，以 求 成 焉。乃 止 諸 州。
公 侵 齊，攻 廩 丘 之 郛，主 人 焚 衝。或 濡 馬 褐 以 救 之，遂 毀 之，主 人 出，師 奔。陽 虎 偽 不 見 冉 猛 者，曰，猛 在 此 必 敗。猛 逐 之，顧 而 無 繼，偽 顛，虎 曰，盡 客 氣 也。苫 越 生 子，將 待 事 而 名 之，陽 州 之 役 獲 焉，名 之 曰 陽 州。
夏，齊 國 夏，高 張，伐 我 西 鄙。
晉 士 鞅，趙 鞅，荀 寅，救 我。公 會 晉 師 于 瓦，范 獻 子 執 羔，趙 簡 子，中 行 文 子，皆 執 鴈。魯 於 是 始 尚 羔。
晉 師 將 盟 衛 侯 於 鄟 澤，趙 簡 子 曰，羣 臣 誰 敢 盟 衛 君 者。涉 佗，成 何 曰，我 能 盟 之。衛 人 請 執 牛 耳，成 何 曰，衛 吾 溫 原 也，焉 得 視 諸 侯。將 歃，涉 佗 捘 衛 侯 之 手 及 捥，衛 侯 怒，王 孫 賈 趨 進，曰，盟 以 信 禮 也，有 如 衛 君，其 敢 不 唯 禮 是 事，而 受 此 盟 也。衛 侯 欲 叛 晉，而 患 諸 大 夫，王 孫 賈 使 次 於 郊，大 夫 問 故，公 以 晉 詬 語 之，且 曰，寡 人 辱 社 稷，其 改 卜 嗣，寡 人 從 焉。大 夫 曰，是 衛 之 禍，豈 君 之 過 也。公 曰，又 有 患 焉，謂 寡 人 必 以 而 子，與 大 夫 之 子 為 質，大 夫 曰，苟 有 益 也，公 子 則 往，羣 臣 之 子，敢 不 皆 負 羈 絏 以 從。將 行，王 孫 賈 曰，苟 衛 國 有 難，工 商 未 嘗 不 為 患，使 皆 行 而 後 可。公 以 告 大 夫，乃 皆 將 行 之。行 有 日，公 朝 國 人，使 賈 問 焉，曰，若 衛 叛 晉，晉 五 伐 我，病 何 如 矣。皆 曰，五 伐 我，猶 可 以 能 戰。賈 曰，然 則 如 叛 之，病 而 後 質 焉，何 遲 之 有。乃 叛 晉。晉 人 請 改 盟。弗 許。秋，晉 士 鞅 會 成 桓 公，侵 鄭，圍 蟲 牢，報 伊 闕 也，遂 侵 衛。
九 月，師 侵 衛。晉 故 也。
季 寤，公 鉏 極，公 山 不 狃，皆 不 得 志 於 季 氏。叔 孫 輒 無 寵 於 叔 孫 氏。叔 仲 志 不 得 志 於 魯，故 五 人 因 陽 虎。陽 虎 欲 去 三 桓，以 季 寤 更 季 氏，以 叔 孫 輒 更 叔 孫 氏，己 更 孟 氏。冬，十 月，順 祀 先 公，而 祈 焉，辛 卯，禘 於 僖 公。
壬 辰，將 享 季 氏 於 蒲 圃 而 殺 之，戒 都 車 曰，癸 巳 至。成 宰 公 斂 處 父 告 孟 孫 曰，季 氏 戒 都 車，何 故。孟 孫 曰，吾 弗 聞。處 父 曰，然 則 亂 也，必 及 於 子，先 備 諸。與 孟 孫 以 壬 辰 為 期。陽 虎 前 驅，林 楚 御 桓 子，虞 人 以 鈹 盾 夾 之，陽 越 殿，將 如 蒲 圃，桓 子 咋 謂 林 楚 曰，而 先 皆 季 氏 之 良 也，爾 以 是 繼 之。對 曰，臣 聞 命 後，陽 虎 為 政，魯 國 服 焉，違 之 徵 死，死 無 益 於 主。桓 子 曰，何 後 之 有，而 能 以 我 適 孟 氏 乎，對 曰，不 敢 愛 死，懼 不 免 主。桓 子 曰，往 也。孟 氏 選 圉 人 之 壯 者 三 百 人，以 為 公 期 築 室 於 門 外，林 楚 怒 馬，及 衢 而 騁，陽 越 射 之 不 中，築 者 闔 門，有 自 門 間 射 陽 越，殺 之，陽 虎 劫 公 與 武 叔，以 伐 孟 氏，公 斂 處 父 帥 成 人 自 上 東 門 入，與 陽 氏 戰 於 南 門 之 內，弗 勝，又 戰 於 棘 下，陽 氏 敗。陽 虎 說 甲 如 公 宮，取 寶 玉 大 弓 以 出，舍 於 五 父 之 衢，寢 而 為 食，其 徒 曰，追 其 將 至。虎 曰，魯 人 聞 余 出，喜 於 徵 死，何 暇 追 余，從 者 曰，嘻，速 駕，公 斂 陽 在。公 斂 陽 請 追 之，孟 孫 弗 許。陽 欲 殺 桓 子，孟 孫 懼 而 歸 之，子 言 辨 舍 爵 於 季 氏 之 廟，而 出，陽 虎 入 於 讙 陽 關，以 叛。
鄭 駟 歂，嗣 子 大 叔 為 政。
1. 九 年，春，王 正 月。
2. 夏，四 月，戊 申，鄭 伯 蠆 卒。
3. 得 寶 玉，大 弓。
4. 六 月，葬 鄭 獻 公。
5. 秋，齊 侯，衛 侯，次 于 五 氏。
6. 秦 伯 卒。
7. 冬，葬 秦 哀 公。
左 傳 曰，九 年，春，宋 公 使 樂 大 心 盟 於 晉，且 逆 樂 祁 之 尸。辭，偽 有 疾，乃 使 向 巢 如 晉 盟，且 逆 子 梁 之 尸，子 明 謂 桐 門，右 師 出曰，吾 猶 衰 絰，而 子 擊 鐘，何 也。右 師 曰，喪 不 在 此 故 也。既 而 告 人 曰，已 衰 絰 而 生 子，余 何 故 舍 鐘。子 明 聞 之，怒 言 於 公 曰，右 師 將 不 利 戴 氏，不 肯 適 晉，將 作 亂 也，不 然 無 疾。乃 逐 桐 門 右 師。
鄭 駟 歂 殺 鄧 析，而 用 其 竹 刑。君 子 謂 子 然 於 是 不 忠，苟 有 可 以 加 於 國 家 者，棄 其 邪，可 也，靜 女 之 三 章，取 彤 管 焉，竿 旄 何 以 告 之，取 其 忠 也，故 用 其 道，不 棄 其 人，詩 云，蔽 芾 甘 棠，勿 翦 勿 伐，召 伯 所 茇，思 其 人，猶 愛 其 樹，況 用 其 道，而 不 恤 其 人 乎，子 然 無 以 勸 能 矣。
夏，陽 虎 歸 寶 玉 大 弓。書 曰 得，器 用 也。凡 獲 器 用 曰 得，得 用 焉 曰 獲。六 月，伐 陽 關，陽 虎 使 焚 萊 門，師 驚，犯 之 而 出，奔 齊，請 師 以 伐 魯，曰，三 加 必 取 之。齊 侯 將 許 之，鮑 文 子 諫 曰，臣 嘗 為 隸 於 施 氏 矣，魯 未 可 取 也，上 下 猶 和，衆 庶 猶 睦，能 事 大 國，而 無 天 菑，若 之 何 取 之，陽 虎 欲 勤 齊 師 也，齊 師 罷，大 臣 必 多 死 亡，已 於 是 乎 奮 其 詐 謀，夫 陽 虎 有 寵 於 季 氏，而 將 殺 季 孫，以 不 利 魯 國，而 求 容 焉，親 富，不 親 仁，君 焉 用 之，君 富 於 季 氏，而 大 於 魯 國，玆 陽 虎 所 欲 傾 覆 也，魯 免 其 疾，而 君 又 收 之，無 乃 害 乎。齊 侯 執 陽 虎，將 東 之，陽 虎 願 東，乃 囚 諸 西 鄙。盡 借 邑 人 之 車，鍥 其 軸，麻 約 而 歸 之，載 葱 靈，寢 於 其 中 而 逃，追 而 得 之，囚 於 齊，又 以 葱 靈 逃，奔 宋，遂 奔 晉，適 趙 氏。仲 尼 曰，趙 氏 其 世 有 亂 乎。
秋，齊 侯 伐 晉 夷 儀，敝 無 存 之 父 將 室 之，辭，以 與 其 弟，曰，此 役 也，不 死，反 必 娶 於 高 國，先 登，求 自 門 出，死 於 霤 下。東 郭 書 讓 登，犂 彌 從 之，曰，子 讓 而 左，我 讓 而 右，使 登 者 絕 而 後 下。書 左，彌 先 下。書 與 王 猛 息，猛 曰，我 先 登，書 斂 甲 曰，曩 者 之 難，今 又 難 焉。猛 笑 曰，吾 從 子，如 驂 之 靳。晉 車 千 乘，在 中 牟，衛 侯 將 如 五 氏，卜 過 之，龜 焦，衛 侯 曰，可 也，衛 車 當 其 半，寡 人 當 其 半，敵 矣。乃 過 中 牟，中 牟 人 欲 伐 之，衛 褚 師 圃 亡 在 中 牟，曰，衛 雖 小，其 君 在 焉，未 可 勝 也，齊 師 克 城 而 驕，其 帥 又 賤，遇 必 敗 之，不 如 從 齊。乃 伐 齊 師，敗 之。齊 侯 致 禚，媚，杏，於 衛，齊 侯 賞 犂 彌，犂 彌 辭 曰，有 先 登 者，臣 從 之，皙 幘 而 衣 貍 製。公 使 視 東 郭 書，曰，乃 夫 子 也，吾 貺 子。公 賞 東 郭 書，辭 曰，彼 賓 旅 也。乃 賞 犂 彌。齊 師 之 在 夷 儀 也。齊 侯 謂 夷 儀 人 曰，得 敝 無 存 者，以 五 家 免，乃 得 其 尸，公 三 襚 之，與 之 犀 軒 與 直 蓋，而 先 歸 之，坐 引 者，以 師 哭 之，親 推 之 三。
1. 十 年，春，王 三 月，及 齊 平。
2. 夏，公 會 齊 侯 于 夾 谷。
3. 公 至 自 夾 谷。
4. 晉 趙 鞅 帥 師 圍 衛。
5. 齊 人 來 歸 鄆，讙，龜 陰 田。
6. 叔 孫 州 仇，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 圍 郈。
7. 秋，叔 孫 州 仇，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 圍 郈。
8. 宋 樂 大 心 出 奔 曹。
9. 宋 公 子 地 出 奔 陳。
10. 冬，齊 侯，衛 侯，鄭 游 速，會 于 安 甫。
11. 叔 孫 州 仇 如 齊。
12. 宋 公 之 弟 辰，暨 仲 佗，石 彄 出 奔 陳。
左 傳 曰，十 年，春，及 齊 平。
夏，公 會 齊 侯 於 祝 其，實 夾 谷。孔 丘 相，犂 彌 言 於 齊 侯 曰，孔 丘 知 禮 而 無 勇，若 使 萊 人 以 兵 劫 魯 侯，必 得 志 焉。齊 侯 從 之，孔 丘 以 公 退，曰，士 兵 之，兩 君 合 好，而 裔 夷 之 俘，以 兵 亂 之，非 齊 君 所 以 命 諸 侯 也，裔 不 謀 夏，夷 不 亂 華，俘 不 干 盟，兵 不 偪 好，於 神 為 不 祥，於 德 為 愆 義，於 人 為 失 禮，君 必 不 然。齊 侯 聞 之，遽 辟 之。將 盟，齊 人 加 於 載 書 曰，齊 師 出 竟，而 不 以 甲 車 三 百 乘 從 我 者，有 如 此 盟。孔 丘 使 玆 無 還 揖 對 曰，而 不 反 我 汶 陽 之 田，吾 以 共 命 者，亦 如 之。齊 侯 將 享 公，孔 丘 謂 梁 丘，據，曰，齊 魯 之 故，吾 子 何 不 聞 焉，事 既 成 矣，而 又 享 之，是 勤 執 事 也，且 犧 象 不 出 門，嘉 樂 不 野 合，饗 而 既 具，是 棄 禮 也，若 其 不 具，用 秕 稗 也，用 秕 稗 君 辱，棄 禮 名 惡，子 盍 圖 之，夫 享 所 以 昭 德 也，不 昭，不 如 其 已 也。乃 不 果 享。
晉 趙 鞅 圍 衛。報 夷 儀 也。初，衛 侯 伐 邯 鄲 午 於 寒 氏，城 其 西 北 而 守 之，宵 熸。及 晉 圍 衛，午 以 徒 七 十 人，門 於 衛 西 門，殺 人 於 門 中，曰，請 報 寒 氏 之 役。涉 佗 曰，夫 子 則 勇 矣，然 我 往，必 不 敢 啟 門，亦 以 徒 七 十 人，旦 門 焉，步 左 右，皆 至 而 立 如 植，日 中 不 啟 門。乃 退。反 役，晉 人 討 衛 之 叛 故，曰，由 涉 佗 成 何，於 是 執 涉 佗 以求 成 於 衛，衛 人 不 許，晉 人 遂 殺 涉 佗，成 何 奔 燕。君 子 曰，此 之 謂 棄 禮，必 不 鈞，詩 曰，人 而 無 禮，何 不 遄 死，涉 佗 亦 遄 矣 哉。
齊 人 來 歸 鄆，讙 龜 陰 之 田。
初，叔 孫 成 子 欲 立 武 叔，公 若 藐 固 諫 曰 不 可。成 子 立 之 而 卒，公 南 使 賊 射 之，不 能 殺，公 南 為 馬 正，使 公 若 為 郈 宰，武 叔 既 定，使 郈 馬 正 侯 犯 殺 公 若。弗 能，其 圉 人 曰，吾 以 劍 過 朝，公 若 必 曰，誰 之 劍 也，吾 稱 子 以 告，必 觀 之，吾 偽 固，而 授 之 未，則 可 殺 也。使 如 之。公 若 曰，爾 欲 吳 王 我 乎。遂 殺 公 若。侯 犯 以 郈 叛，武 叔，懿 子，圍 郈，弗 克。
秋，二 子 及 齊 師 復 圍 郈，弗 克，叔 孫 謂 郈 工 師 駟 赤 曰，郈 非 唯 叔 孫 氏 之 憂，社 稷 之 患 也，將 若 之 何。對 曰，臣 之 業 在 揚 水 卒 章 之 四 言 矣。叔 孫 稽 首，駟 赤 謂 侯 犯 曰，居 齊 魯 之 際，而 無 事，必 不 可 矣，子 盍 求 事 於 齊，以 臨 民，不 然，將 叛。侯 犯 從 之，齊 使 至，駟 赤 與 郈 人，為 之 宣 言 於 郈 中，曰，侯 犯 將 以 郈 易 於 齊，齊 人 將 遷 郈 民。衆 兇 懼，駟 赤 謂 侯 犯 曰，衆 言 異 矣，子 不 如 易 於 齊，與 其 死 也，猶 是 郈 也，而 得 紓 焉，何 必 此，齊 人 欲 以 此 偪 魯，必 倍 與 子 地，且 盍 多 舍 甲 於 子 之 門，以 備 不 虞。侯 犯 曰，諾。乃 多 舍 甲 焉，侯 犯 請 易 於 齊，齊 有 司 觀 郈，將 至，駟 赤 使 周 走 呼 曰，齊 師 至 矣。郈 人 大 駭，介 侯 犯 之 門 甲，以 圍 侯 犯，駟 赤 將 射 之，侯 犯 止 之，曰，謀 免 我。侯 犯 請 行，許 之，駟 赤 先 如 宿，侯 犯 殿，每 出 一 門，郈 人 閉 之，及 郭 門，止 之 曰，子 以 叔 孫 氏 之 甲 出，有 司 若 誅 之，羣 臣 懼 死，駟 赤 曰，叔 孫 氏 之 甲 有 物，吾 未 敢 以 出。犯 謂 駟 赤 曰，子 止 而 與 之 數。駟 赤 止 而 納 魯 人，侯 犯 奔 齊，齊 人 乃 致 郈。
宋 公 子 地 嬖 蘧 富 臘，十 一 分 其 室，而 以 其 五 與 之。公 子 地 有 白 馬 四，公 嬖 向 魋，魋 欲 之，公 取 而 朱 其 尾 鬣 以 與 之，地 怒，使 其 徒 抶 魋 而 奪 之。魋 懼 將 走，公 閉 門 而 泣 之，目 盡 腫。母 弟 辰 曰，子 分 室 以 與 獵 也，而 獨 卑 魋，亦 有 頗 焉，子 為 君 禮，不 過 出 竟，君 必 止 子。公 子 地 出 奔 陳，公 弗 止。
武 叔 聘 於 齊，齊 侯 享 之，曰，子 叔 孫，若 使 郈 在 君 之 他 竟，寡 人 何 知 焉，屬 與 敝 邑 際，故 敢 助 君 憂 之。對 曰，非 寡 君 之 望 也，所 以 事 君，封 疆 社 稷 是 以，敢 以 家 隸 勤 君 之 執 事，夫 不 令 之 臣，天 下 之 所 惡 也，君 豈 以 為 寡 君 賜。
辰 為 之 請，弗 聽，辰 曰，是 我 迋 吾 兄 也，吾 以 國 人 出，君 誰 與 處。冬，母 弟 辰，暨 仲 佗，石 彄，出 奔 陳。
十 有 一 年
1. 十 有 一 年，春，宋 公 之 弟 辰，及 仲 佗，石 彄，公 子地，自 陳 入 于 蕭，以 叛。
2. 夏，四 月。
3. 秋，宋 樂 大 心 自 曹 入 于 蕭。
4. 冬，及 鄭 平，叔 還 如 鄭 涖 盟。
左 傳 曰，十 一 年，春，宋 公 母 弟 辰，暨 仲 佗，石 彄，公 子 地，入 于 蕭 以 叛。秋，樂 大 心 從 之，大 為 宋 患，寵 向 魋 故 也。
冬，及 鄭 平。始 叛 晉 也。
1. 十 有 二 年，春，薛 伯 定 卒。
2. 夏，葬 薛 襄 公。
3. 叔 孫 州 仇 帥 師 墮 郈。
4. 衛 公 孟 彄 帥 師 伐 曹。
5. 季 孫 斯，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 墮 費。
6. 秋，大 雩。
7. 冬，十 月，癸 亥，公 會 齊 侯 盟 于 黃。
8. 十 有 一 月，丙 寅，朔，日 有 食 之。
9. 公 至 自 黃。
10. 十 有 二 月，公 圍 成。
11. 公 至 自 圍 成。
左 傳 曰，十 二 年，夏，衛 公 孟 彄 伐 曹，克 郊。還，滑 羅 殿，未 出，不 退 於 列，其 御 曰，殿 而 在 列，其 為 無 勇 乎。羅 曰，與 其 素 厲，寕 為 無 勇。
仲 由 為 季 氏 宰，將 墮 三 都，於 是 叔 孫 氏 墮 郈。季 氏 將 墮 費，公 山 不 狃，叔 孫 輒，帥 費 人 以 襲 魯，公 與 三 子 入 於 季 氏 之 宮，登 武 子 之 臺，費 人 攻 之，弗 克，入 及 公 側，仲 尼 命 申 句 須，樂 頎，下 伐 之，費 人 北，國 人 追 之，敗 諸 姑 蔑，二 子 奔 齊，遂 墮 費。將 墮 成，公 斂 處 父 謂 孟 孫，墮 成，齊 人 必 至 於 北 門，且 成，孟 氏 之 保 障 也，無 成 是 無 孟 氏 也，子 偽 不 知，我 將 不 墜。冬，十 二 月，公 圍 成，弗 克。
十 有 三 年
1. 十 有 三 年，春，齊 侯，衛 侯，次 于 垂 葭。
2. 夏，築 蛇 淵 囿。
3. 大 蒐 于 比 蒲。
4. 衛 公 孟 彄 帥 師 伐 曹。
5. 秋，晉 趙 鞅 入 于 晉 陽 以 叛。
6. 冬，晉 荀 寅，士 吉 射，入 于 朝 歌，以 叛。
7. 晉 趙 鞅 歸 于 晉。
8. 薛 弒 其 君 比。
左 傳 曰，十 三 年，春，齊 侯，衛 侯，次 于 垂 葭，實 郥 氏，使 師 伐 晉。將 濟 河，諸 大 夫 皆 曰 不 可，邴 意 玆 曰，可，銳 師 伐 河 內，傳 必 數 日，而 後 及 絳，絳 不 三 月，不 能 出 河，則 我 既 濟 水 矣。乃 伐 河 內，齊 侯 皆 斂 諸 大 夫 之 軒，唯 邴 意 玆 乘 軒，齊 侯 欲 與 衛 侯 乘，與 之 宴，而 駕 乘 廣，載 甲 焉，使 告 曰，晉 師 至 矣。齊 侯 曰，比 君 之 駕 也，寡 人 請 攝。乃 介 而 與 之 乘，驅 之，或 告 曰，無 晉 師。乃 止。
晉 趙 鞅 謂 邯 鄲 午 曰，歸 我 衛 貢 五 百 家，吾 舍 諸 晉 陽。午 許 諾，歸 告 其 父 兄，父 兄 皆 曰，不 可，衛 是 以 為 邯 鄲，而 寘 諸 晉 陽，絕 衛 之 道 也，不 如 侵 齊 而 謀 之。乃 如 之，而 歸 之 於 晉 陽。趙 孟 怒，召 午 而 囚 諸 晉 陽，使 其 從 者 說 劍 而 入，涉 賓 不 可。乃 使 告 邯 鄲 人 曰，吾 私 有 討 於 午 也，二 三 子 唯 所 欲 立，遂 殺 午，趙 稷，涉 賓，以 邯 鄲 叛。夏，六 月，上 軍 司 馬 籍 秦 圍 邯 鄲。邯 鄲，午 荀 寅 之 甥 也，荀 寅，范 吉 射 之 姻 也，而 相 與 睦，故 不 與 圍 邯 鄲，將 作 亂，董 安 于 聞 之，告 趙 孟 曰，先 備 諸。趙 孟 曰，晉 國 有 命，始 禍 者 死，為 後 可 也。安 于 曰，與 其 害 於 民，寕 我 獨 死，請 以 我 說。趙 孟 不 可。秋，七 月，范 氏，中 行 氏，伐 趙 氏 之 宮，趙 鞅 奔 晉 陽，晉 人 圍 之。
范 皋 夷 無 寵 於 范 吉 射，而 欲 為 亂 於 范 氏，梁 嬰 父 嬖 於 知 文 子，文 子 欲 以 為 卿，韓 簡 子 與 中 行 文 子 相 惡，魏 襄 子 亦 與 范 昭 子 相 惡，故 五 子 謀，將 逐 荀 寅，而 以 梁 嬰 父 代 之，逐 范 吉 射，而 以 范 皋 夷 代 之。荀 躒 言 於 晉 侯 曰，君 命 大 臣，始 禍 者 死，載 書 在 河，今 三 臣 始 禍 而 獨 逐 鞅，刑 已 不 鈞 矣，請 皆 逐 之。冬，十 一月，荀 躒，韓 不 信，魏 曼 多，奉 公 以 伐 范 氏，中 行 氏，弗 克，二 子 將 伐 公，齊 高 彊 曰，三 折 肱 知 為 良 醫，唯 伐 君 為 不 可，民 弗 與 也，我 以 伐 君 在 此 矣，三 家 未 睦，可 盡 克 也，克 之，君 將 誰 與，若 先 伐 君，是 使 睦 也。弗 聽，遂 伐 公，國 人 助 公，二 子 敗，從 而 伐 之，丁 未，荀 寅，士 吉 射，奔 朝 歌。
韓 魏 以 趙 氏 為 請，十 二 月，辛 未，趙 鞅 入 于 絳，盟 于 公 宮。
初，衛 公 叔 文 子 朝 而 請 享 靈 公。退 見 史 鰌 而 告 之，史 輶 曰，子 必 禍 矣，子 富 而 君 貪，其 及 子 乎。文 子 曰，然，吾 不 先 告 子，是 吾 罪 也，君 既 許 我 矣，罪 其 若 之 何，史 輶 曰，無 害，子 臣，可 以 免，富 而 能 臣，必 免 於 難，上 下 同 之，戌 也 驕，其 亡 乎，富 而 不 驕 者 鮮，吾 唯 子 之 見，驕 而 不 亡 者，未 之 有 也，戍 必 與 焉。及 文 子卒，衛 侯 始 惡 於 公 叔 戍，以 其 富 也，公 叔 戍 又 將 去 夫 人 之 黨，夫 人 愬 之 曰，戍 將 為 亂。
十 有 四 年
1. 十 有 四 年，春，衛 公 叔 戍 來 奔。
2. 衛 趙 陽 出 奔 宋。
3. 二 月，辛 巳，楚 公 子 結，陳 公 孫 佗 人，帥 師 滅 頓，以 頓 子 牂 歸。
4. 夏，衛 北 宮 結 來 奔。
5. 五 月，於 越 敗 吳 于 檇 李。
6. 吳 子 光 卒。
7. 公 會 齊 侯，衛 侯，于 牽。
8. 公 至 自 會。
9. 秋，齊 侯，宋 公，會 于 洮。
10. 天 王 使 石 尚 來 歸 脤。
11. 衛 世 子 蒯 聵 出 奔 宋。
12. 衛 公 孟 彄 出 奔 鄭。
13. 宋 公 之 弟 辰 自 蕭 來 奔。
14. 大 蒐 于 比 蒲。
15. 邾 子 來 會 公。
16. 城 莒 父，及 霄。
左 傳 曰，十 四 年，春，衛 侯 逐 公 叔 戍，與 其 黨，故 趙 陽 奔 宋，戍 來 奔。
梁 嬰 父 惡 董 安 于，謂 知 文 子 曰，不 殺 安 于，使 終 為 政 於 趙 氏，趙 氏 必 得 晉 國，盍 以 其 先 發 難 也，討 於 趙 氏，文 子 使 告 於 趙 孟 曰，范 中 行 氏，雖 信 為 亂，安 于 則 發 之，是 安 于 與 謀 亂 也，晉 國 有 命，始 禍 者 死，二 子 既 伏 其 罪 矣，敢 以 告，趙 孟 患 之，安 于 曰，我 死 而 晉 國 寕，趙 氏 定，將 焉 用 生，人 誰 不 死，吾 死 莫 矣。乃 縊 而 死，趙 孟 尸 諸 市，而 告 於 知 氏 曰，主 命 戮 罪 人 安 于，既 伏 其 罪 矣，敢 以 告。知 伯 從 趙 孟 盟，而 後 趙 氏 定，祀 安 于 於 廟。
頓 子 牂 欲 事 晉，背 楚，而 絕 陳 好，二 月，楚 滅 頓。
夏，衛 北 宮 結 來 奔。公 叔 戍 之 故 也。
吳 伐 越，越 子 勾 踐 禦 之，陳 於 檇 李，勾 踐 患 吳 之 整 也，使 死 士 再 禽 焉，不 動，使 罪 人 三 行 屬 劍 於 頸，而 辭 曰，二 君 有 治，臣 奸 旗 鼓，不 敏 於 君 之 行 前，不 敢 逃 刑，敢 歸 死。遂 自 剄 也。師 屬 之 目，越 子 因 而 伐 之，大 敗 之，靈 姑 浮 以 戈 擊 闔 廬，闔 廬 傷 將 指，取 其 一 屨，還，卒 於 陘，去 檇 李 七 里。夫 差 使 人 立 於 庭，苟 出 入，必 謂 己 曰，夫 差，而 忘 越 王 之 殺 而 父 乎，則 對 曰，唯，不 敢 忘。三 年 乃 報 越。
晉 人 圍 朝 歌，公 會 齊 侯，衛 侯，於 脾，上 梁 之 間，謀 救 范，中 行 氏。析 成 鮒，小 王 桃 甲，率 狄 師 以 襲 晉，戰 於 絳 中，不 克 而 還，士 鮒 奔 周，小 王 桃 甲 入 於 朝 歌。
秋，齊 侯，宋 公，會 于 洮，范 氏 故 也。
衛 侯 為 夫 人 南 子 召 宋 朝，會 于 洮，大 子 蒯 聵 獻 盂 於 齊，過 宋 野，野 人 歌 之 曰，既 定 爾 婁 豬，盍 歸 吾 艾 豭，大 子 羞 之，謂 戲 陽 速 曰，從 我 而 朝 少 君，少 君 見 我，我 顧 乃 殺 之。速 曰 諾。乃 朝 夫 人，夫 人 見 大子，大 子 三 顧，速 不 進，夫 人 見 其 色，啼 而 走，曰，蒯 聵 將 殺 余，公 執 其 手 以 登 臺，大 子 奔 宋。盡 逐 其 黨，故 公 孟 彄 出 奔 鄭，自 鄭 奔 齊。大 子 告 人 曰，戲 陽 速 禍 余。戲 陽 速 告 人 曰，大 子 則 禍 余，大 子 無 道，使 余 殺 其 母，余 不 許，將 戕 於 余，若 殺 夫 人，將 以 余 說，余 是 故 許 而 弗 為，以 紓 余 死，諺 曰，民 保 於 信，吾 以 信 義 也。
冬，十 二 月，晉 人 敗 范 中 行 氏 之 師 於 潞，獲 籍 秦，高 彊，又 敗 鄭 師 及 范 氏 之 師 於 百 泉。
十 有 五 年
1. 十 有 五 年，春，王 正 月，邾 子 來 朝。
2. 鼷 鼠 食 郊 牛，牛 死，改 卜 牛。
3. 二 月，辛 丑，楚 子 滅 胡，以 胡 子 豹 歸。
4. 夏，五 月，辛 亥，郊。
5. 壬 申，公 薨 于 高 寢。
6. 鄭 罕 達 帥 師 伐 宋。
7. 齊 侯，衛 侯，次 于 渠 蒢。
8. 邾 子 來 奔 喪。
9. 秋，七 月，壬 申，姒 氏 卒。
10. 八 月，庚 辰 朔，日 有 食 之。
11. 九 月，滕 子 來 會 葬。
12. 丁 巳，葬 我 君 定 公，雨，不 克 葬，戊 午，日 下 昃，乃 克 葬。
13. 辛 巳，葬 定 姒。
14. 冬，城 漆。
左 傳 曰，十 五 年，春，邾 隱 公 來 朝，子 貢 觀 焉，邾 子 執 玉 高，其 容 仰，公 受 玉 卑，其 容 俯，子 貢 曰，以 禮 觀 之，二 君 者 皆 有 死 亡 焉，夫 禮，死 生 存 亡 之 體 也，將 左 右 周 旋，進 退 俯 仰，於 是 乎 取 之，朝 祀 喪 戎，於 是 乎 觀 之，今 正 月 相 朝，而 皆 不 度，心 已 亡 矣，嘉 事 不 體，何 以 能 久，高 仰，驕 也，卑 俯，替 也，驕 近 亂，替 近 疾，君 為 主，其 先 亡 乎。
左 傳 曰，十 五 年，春，邾 隱 公 來 朝，子 貢 觀 焉，邾 子 執 玉 高，其 容 仰，公 受 玉 卑，其 容 俯，子 貢 曰，以 禮 觀 之，二 君 者 皆 有 死 亡 焉，夫 禮，死 生 存 亡 之 體 也，將 左 右 周 旋，進 退 俯 仰，於 是 乎 取 之，朝 祀 喪 戎，於 是 乎 觀 之，今 正 月 相 朝，而 皆 不 度，心 已 亡 矣，嘉 事 不 體，何 以 能 久，高 仰，驕 也，卑 俯，替 也，驕 近 亂，替 近 疾，君 為 主，其 先 亡 乎。
吳 之 入 楚 也，胡 子 盡 俘 楚 邑 之 近 胡 者，楚 既 定，胡 子 豹 又 不 事 楚，曰，存 亡 有 命，事 楚 何 為，多 取 費 焉。二 月，楚 滅 胡。
夏，五 月，壬 申，公 薨，仲 尼 曰，賜 不 幸 言 而 中，是 使 賜 多 言 者 也。
鄭 罕 達 敗 宋 師 於 老 丘。
齊 侯，衛 侯，次 于 蘧 挐。謀 救 宋 也。
秋，七 月，壬 申，姒 氏 卒，不 稱 夫 人，不 赴，且 不 祔 也。
葬 定 公，雨，不 克 襄 事。禮 也。
葬 定 姒。不 稱 小 君，不 成 喪 也。
冬，城 漆。書 不 時 告 也。
BOOK XI. DUKE DING.
I. First year.
1. In the [duke's] first year, in spring, in the king's third month, the people of Jin seized Zhong Ji of Song in the capital.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Guihai, the coffin of duke [Zhao] arrived from Ganhou. On Wuchen the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Guisi, we buried our ruler, duke Zhao.
4. In the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain
5. We set up a temple to duke Yang.
6. In winter, in the tenth month, there fell hoarfrost, which killed the pulse.
Title of the Book.—定公, 'Duke Ding.' As duke Zhao's sons had been the instigators of the attack on Ji Pingzi which had led to their father's expulsion from the State and his death in exile, it was not to be supposed that one of them would now be called to the marquisate. Pingzi was not prepared to seize the State for himself; and as some action was now necessary, in consequence of duke Zhao's death, he agreed to the appointment of Song (宋), a son of duke Xiang, and a younger brother of Zhao, who had been among his followers in Qi and Jin. We are not told who the mother of Song was, but he must at this time, we may conclude, have been over 40 years of age. His honorary title denotes 'Giving rest to the people, and greatly anxious (安民大慮曰定).'
Ding's 1st year synchronized with the 11th of king Jing (敬王); the 3d of Ding of Jin (定); the 39th of Jing of Qi; the 26th of Ling of Wey (靈公); the 10th of Zhao of Cai (昭); the 5th of Xian of Zheng (獻公); the 1st of Tong, duke Yin, of Cao (隱公通); the 21st of Hui of Chen (惠公); the 9th of Dao of Qi (悼); the 8th of Jing of Song (景公); the 28th of Ai of Qin (哀公); the 7th of Zhao of Chu (昭); and the 6th of Helu (闔 盧) of Wu.
Par. 1. The three Zhuan all make two paragraphs of this, taking the 4 characters 元年春王 as the 1st, and 三月，云云, as the other; and the Kangxi editors follow their example. But 元年春王 do not make sense by themselves; and to suppose that 正月 was purposely suppressed by Confucius, to mark his condemnation of all the circumstances of the time, appears to me quite unreasonable. The Kangxi editors say:——'On the omission of 正月 after 元年, Du Yu observes that it is owing to the fact that duke Ding's accession only took place in the 6th month. Many of the critics have followed him, holding further that the suppression shows the impropriety of Jishi's exercising the ducal prerogative of giving out the times of new moon;—and this view is altogether in accordance with the facts and reason of the case. Shao Bao, Zhao Heng, and Yu Guang, however, think the omission is owing simply to there having been nothing to record under the 1st and 2d months of this year.' I cannot hesitate to accept this latter explanation; unless, indeed, as it may be, 正月 have dropped out of the text. On the whole of the paragraph, as I have printed it, the Zhuan narrates:—— 'In spring, in the king's first month, on Xinsi, Wei Shu of Jin assembled the great officers of [many of] the States in Diquan, to proceed to the walling of Chengzhou. Weizi took the government of the undertaking, on which Biao Xi of Wey said, "It is not right in him to take another position than his own, when we are [thus] proceeding to strengthen the [residence of the] son of Heaven. A violation of right in such a great matter is sure to be followed by great evil. If Jin do not lose the States, Weizi will probably come to an early death." Wei Xianzi then proceeded to entrust the service to Han Jianzi and Yuan Shouguo, while he himself hunted in Dalu, setting fire to the coverts; and as he was returning, he died in Ning. Fan Xianzi refused to his body the coffin of cypress wood, because he had gone to hunt before reporting the execution of his commission.
'Meng Yizi [now came to] take part in the walling; and on Gengyin they erected the building-frames. Zhong Ji of Song, however, then declined his share of the work, saying, "Teng, Xue, and Ni must serve for us." The administrator of Xue said, "Song is acting contrary to what is proper, cutting off us small States from Zhou. Having taken us with it to Chu, we have always followed it. But when duke Wen of Jin made the covenant of Jiantu, it was said, 'All of us covenanting States shall return to our old duties.' Whether we shall follow [that covenant of] Jiantu or follow Song, it is [for Jin] to say.' Zhong Ji said, "By that covenant even it should be as I say;" and the administrator replied, "The founder of Xue, Xizhong, dwelt in Xue, and was master of the carriages to [the founder of the] Xia [dynasty]. He removed to Pi, but Zhonghui [again] dwelt in Xue, and was minister of the Left to Tang. If we were to resume our old duties, we should be officers of the king;—what cause is there that we should do service for any of the States? "Zhong Ji said, "Each of the three dynasties is a different thing. How can Xue have any older [duty] than its present? To do the service of Song is its duty." Shi Mimou said, "The present chief minister of Jin is newly appointed (Fan Xianzi, who had taken the place of Wei Shu). Do you (To Zhong Ji) in the mean time accept the duty. When I return [to Jin], I will look into the old archives." Zhong Ji replied, "You may forget it, but will the Spirits of the hills and streams forget it?" Shi Bo was angry, and said to Han Jianzi, "Xue makes its appeal to men, and Song makes its appeal to Spirits. The offence of Song is great. Having nothing, moreover, to say for itself, it presses us with [this appeal to] Spirits;—it is imposing on us. Its conduct is an illustration of the saying, 'If you open the door to favourites, you will experience contempt from them (See the Shu, IV. viii. Pt. ii. 9).' We must make an example of Zhong Ji. Accordingly, they seized Zhong Ji and carried him back [to Jin], but in the 3d month they brought him again to the capital.
'The walling was finished in 30 days, and the guards of the different States were then sent home. Gao Zhang of Qi arrived late, and did not engage in the work with the other States. Ru Shukuan of Jin said, "Neither Chang Hong of Zhou nor Gao Zhang of Qi will escape [an evil fate]. Chang Shu has acted in opposition to Heaven, and Gaozi in opposition to men. That which Heaven is overthrowing cannot be supported; that which all men are engaged in cannot be opposed."
[It is difficult to reconcile the second part of this Zhuan with the text. The seizure of Zhong Ji in the capital was the bringing of him back to it from Jin, whither he had been carried after his seizure. On Jichou of the 11th month of last year, Shi Mimou made all the arrangements, and Gengyin was the day after that on which the work commenced; and not a day in the 1st month of this year. Xinsi, when the meeting was held in Diquan, was the 8th day before Jichou.]
Parr. 2, 3. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, Shusun Chengzi (The son of Shusun Chuo or Zhaozi; his name was Bugan, 不敢) went to meet the coffin of the duke in Ganhou. Jisun had said to him, "Zijiazi repeatedly spake [to the duke] about me, and always correctly expressed my views. I wish to carry on the government along with him. You must [try to] detain him, and allow him to do as he pleases." Zijiazi, however, would not see Shusun, and wept at a different time [from him over the coffin]; and when Shusun sought an interview with him, he declined it, saying, "I had not seen you, when I followed our ruler forth, and he died without giving me any orders. I dare not [now] see you." Shusun then sent to say to him, "Gongyan and Gongwei were the cause why we all were made unable to serve our ruler; if the Gongzi Song (Duke Ding) will preside over the altars, it is what we all desire. As to all who left the State in attendance on the ruler, we will receive your instructions regarding those who may be permitted to enter it [again]. No one was appointed to be the representative of the family of Zijia, but Jisun wishes to carry on the government along with you. These all are the wishes of Jisun, and he instructed me to inform you of them." The other replied, "As to the appointment of a ruler, there are the ministers, the great officers, and the keeper of the tortoise-shell in the State [to decide about it]; I dare not take any knowledge of it. As to those who followed the ruler, let those who left the State from a feeling of propriety return, and let those who did so as enemies [of Jisun] go elsewhere. As to myself, our ruler knew of my leaving the State, but he did not know that I would enter it [again]; I will go to another State."
'When the coffin arrived at Huaitui, the Gongzi Song entered Lu before it, and those who had followed the duke all went back from that place. In the 6th month, on Guihai, the coffin arrived in the capital, and on Wuchen duke [Ding] became marquis.'
The accession of Ding thus took place on the 5th day after the arrival of duke Zhao's coffin, as if the latter had died, like most of his predecessors, in his palace in Lu. On the 5th day (Acc. to Du Yu) after the death of the ruler of a State, his body in its coffin was solemnly conveyed to the ancestral temple, and there and then his successor solemnly took his place; and again, on the 1st day of the next year, another solemn declaration of the new rule was made. This, however, was dispensed with in the present case, and the whole of this year was considered as belonging to duke Ding.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Jisun was sending workmen to Kan (The place where the dukes of Lu were interred), intending to separate by a ditch the [last] home of the duke [from the other graves]; but Rong Jia'e said to him, "You could not serve him when alive, and now he is dead, you would separate him [from his fathers], to be a monument of yourself. You may bear to do so [now], but the strong probability is that hereafter you will be ashamed of it." On this Jisun desisted from that purpose; but he asked Jia'e, saying, "I wish to give him his posthumous title, so that his descendants may know him [by it]." That officer replied, "You could not serve him, when he was alive, and now that he is dead, you still hate him;—you would thereby show the truth about yourself." He [again] desisted from his purpose, and in autumn, in the 7th month, on Guisi, he buried duke Zhao on the south of the road to the tombs. When Confucius was minister of Crime, he united this tomb with the others by means of a ditch.'
Par. 6. Yang was the 3d duke of Lu, a son of Boqin, and grandson of the duke of Zhou. He held the marquisate for 6 years, B.C. 1057—1052, as successor to his brother duke Xiao. There had of course long ceased to be any temple to him, and why one was now erected does not clearly appear. All the critics agree in holding that it was done by Jisun, though made to appear as the act of the State.
The Zhuan says:——'When duke Zhao went forth, on that account Jisun prayed to duke Yang, and [now] in the 9th month, he erected a temple to him.' The meaning of this Zhuan, as Du explains it, is that for some reason or other, on duke Zhao's leaving the State, Jisun had selected Yang's displaced tablet from among all the others, and prayed to him for his protection. This he supposed had been accorded to him, and he raised the temple as an expression of his gratitude.
A more plausible account of the affair is devised by Wan Xiaogong (萬孝恭; early in the Yuan dynasty), who connects the succession of Yang, though only a brother, to duke Xiao, with the succession of Ding, to the exclusion of the sons of duke Zhao.
[The Zhuan appends the following brief notice:——'Duke Jian of Gong set aside his sons and younger brothers, and liked to employ strangers.']
Par. 7. The 10th month of Zhou was only the 8th of Xia. Frost so early, and at the same time so bitter, was an unusual thing, and is therefore recorded. We need not suppose, with some critics, that only the pulse was killed by it. The pulse is specified as an important part of the food of the people. As Guliang says, 曰 菽，舉 重 也.
II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, it was the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Renchen, the south gate of the palace, and the two side towers caught fire.
3. In autumn, a body of men from Chu invaded Wu.
4. In winter, in the tenth month, we made anew the south gate of the palace, and its two side towers.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan gives here the sequel of the narr: appended to par. 6 of last year:——'In summer, in the 4th month, on Xinyou, the sons and younger brothers of the House of Gong put duke Jian to death.']
Par. 2. The 雉門 was 公宫之南門, the south or first gate belonging to the duke's palace. See the note on the Shu, V. xxii. 10. The 觀 were two towers, one on either side of the gate. They were also called 闕 and 象魏. Mao says, 'The king and the princes of States had towers at their gates. They raised earth so as to form the towers, and then the frame of the gate was set up between them, and they were called "the gate-towers (門臺)." They were also called que (闕, and guan 觀), the last name being given to them because the pictures and descriptions of punishments were hung up on them for the people to look at.'
He Xiu on Gongyang relates some remarks of Zijia Ju (駒), that this gate and its towers were a usurpation on the part of Lu of the distinctions of the royal palace, and hence that the fire was a token of the displeasure of Heaven. But the premiss is without foundation.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Tong revolted from Chu, on which the viscount of Wu made the chief of Shujiu entice the people of Chu, advising them to proceed against Wu with an army, while they would then invade Tong; so that they would thus help Wu by making Chu have no fears of it. In autumn, Nang Wa of Chu invaded Wu, and encamped with his army at Yuzhang. The people of Wu then appeared with their boats at that place, [as if they were going to attack Tong], and at the same time privately sent a force against Chao. In the 10th month, Wu attacked the army of Chu in Yuzhang, and defeated it, after which it laid siege to Chao, reduced it, and took the Gongzi Fan of Chu prisoner.'
In the Zhuan, at the end of duke Zhao's 30th year. Wu Yun suggests to the viscount of Wu that he should keep on harassing Chu, and in many ways leading it astray. The above narrative gives one of the delusions practised on Chu in accordance with that advice.
[There is a brief narrative here, apparently meaningless in itself, but introductory to par. 2 of next year:——'Duke Zhuang of Zhu was drinking with Yi Yegu, when that officer went out for a private occasion. [As he did so], the porter begged a piece of meat from him, on which he took his staff from him, and beat him with it.']
Par. 4. 新作,—see on V. xx. 1
III. Third year.
1. In the duke's third year, in spring, in the king's first month, he was going to Jin; but when he got to the He, he returned.
2. In the second month, on Xinmao, Chuan, viscount of Zhu, died.
3. It was summer, the fourth month.
4. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Zhuang of Zhu.
5. In winter, Zhongsun Heji and the viscount of Zhu made a covenant in Ba.
Par. 1. We do not know why the duke suffered this repulse from Jin. Jia Kui thinks it may have been because Jin considered that he was dilatory in presenting himself at its court after he succeeded to Lu. It may have been so; but there is no historical evidence to go upon in the matter.
Par. 2. Gong and Gu have 三月 instead of 二月. The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d month, on Xinmao, the viscount of Zhu was in one of the gate-towers (See on II. 2), looking down upon the courtyard, which the porter was sprinkling with a pitcher of water. The sight made him angry, but the porter said that Yi Yegu had made his water in the court (See the Zhuan after par. 3 of last year). The viscount ordered that officer to be seized, but he could not be found, which put him in a greater rage, so that he threw himself down on a bench, fell upon a vessel of charcoal, was burned and died. Before he was put into his grave, five chariots and five men were buried [in an adjoining grave]. It was owing to the irascibility of duke Zhuang, and his love of cleanliness, that he came to this end.'
Chuan had been viscount of Zhu for 33 years. He was succeeded by his son Yi (益), known as duke Yin (隐公).
Par. 4. [The Zhuan appends here:——'In autumn, in the 9th month, the people of Xianyu defeated an army of Jin at Pingzhong, and captured Guan Hu of that State;—through his reliance on his valour.']
Par. 5. Gongyang has 枝 for 拔. Du does not assign the position of Ba. Most of the critics take it as the same as Tan;—see VII. iv. 1. Zuo says the object of this covenant was to confirm the friendship of Lu and Zhu. The viscount of Zhu is of course the son of duke Zhuang; and the transaction is commented on as improper on his part, so soon after the death of his father.
[We have here a narrative about the rapacity of the chief minister of Chu:——'Zhao, marquis of Cai, had made two sets of girdle-ornaments and two robes of fur, with which he went to Chu, where he presented one set and one robe to king Zhao. The king wore them at an entertainment which he gave to the marquis, who himself wore the others. Zichang (Nang Wa; the minister) wished to get them, but was refused; in consequence of which he detained the marquis in Chu for 3 years. Duke Cheng of Tang [also] went to Chu, with two splendid gray horses, which Zichang wanted; and when they were not given to him, he detained the marquis also for 3 years. Some officers of Tang took counsel together, and asked leave to take the place of those who had attended the marquis to Chu. This being granted them, they made those others drunk, stole the horses, and presented them to Zichang, who thereupon allowed the marquis to return to Tang. These men then presented themselves as prisoners to the minister of Crime, saying, "Our ruler, through his fondness for those horses, put his body in straits, and abandoned his country. We beg leave to assist the parties concerned to recover other horses, which shall be equal to them." The marquis said, "It was my fault. Do not you, gentlemen, subject yourselves to disgrace;"—and he rewarded them all.
'When the officers of Cai heard this, they urgently begged their marquis to present the girdle ornament to Zichang; and this was followed by the minister's saying to the officers, when he was at audience, and saw the followers of the marquis of Cai, "The ruler of Cai has been here so long, because you have not been ready [with the necessary gifts]. If they are not all furnished by tomorrow, ye shall die." When the marquis of Cai had got to the Han on his return, he took a piece of jade in his hand, and sank it in the water, saying, "I swear by this great stream that I will not cross the Han again to go to the south." He went [by and by] to Jin, with his son Yuan and the sons of his great officers, and presented them as hostages, begging that Chu might be invaded.']
IV. Fourth year.
1. In the duke's fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, Wu, marquis of Chen, died.
2. In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Liu, the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquises of Cai and Wey, the [heir-] son of Chen, the earl of Zheng, the baron of Xu, the earl of Cao, the viscounts of Ju, Zhu, Dun, Hu, and Teng, the earls of Xue and Qi, the viscount of little Zhu, and Guo Xia of Qi, in Shaoling, when they made an incursion into Chu.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Gengchen, the Gongsun Sheng of Cai led a force and extinguished Shen, carrying back with him Jia, the viscount of Shen, whom he then put to death.
4. In the fifth month, the duke and the above princes made a covenant in Gaoyou.
5. Cheng, earl of Qi, died during the meeting.
6. In the sixth month, there was the burial of duke Hui of Chen.
7. Xu removed [its capital] to Rongcheng.
8. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from the meeting.
9. Juan of Liu died.
10. There was the burial of duke Dao of Qi.
11. A body of men from Chu laid siege to [the capital of] Cai.
12. Shi Yang of Jin and Kong Yu of Wey led a force, and invaded Xianyu.
13. There was the burial of duke Wen of Liu.
14. In winter, in the eleventh month, on Gengwu, the marquis of Cai and the viscount of Wu fought with an army of Chu in Boju, when the army of Chu was disgracefully defeated. Nang Wa of Chu fled from that State to Zheng.
15. On Gengchen, Wu entered Ying.
Par. 2. Shaoling,—see V. iv. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In the 3d month, duke Wen of Liu assembled the States in Shaoling, to consult about invading Chu. Xun Yin of Jin asked a bribe from the marquis of Cai; and when he did not get it, he said to Fan Xianzi, "The State is now in a perilous condition, and the other States are disaffected towards it; shall we not find it a difficult enterprise to invade an enemy in such circumstances? The rains are beginning to come down; fever is arising; Zhongshan (Xianyu) is not submissive. To throw away our covenant with Chu, and excite its enmity, will occasion no injury to Chu, but to us the loss of Zhongshan. Our best plan will be to refuse [the request of] the marquis of Cai. Since the affair at Fangcheng (See on IX. xvi. 7) we have not been able to get our will on Chu;—we shall only be making toil for ourselves." Accordingly, the request of the marquis of Cai was refused. The men of Jin borrowed a [royal] pennon with feathers from Zheng [to look at]; and when it was given to them, a man of no note carried it, next day, at the top of a flag to the meeting, [to humiliate Zheng]; and in consequence of this Jin lost the States.'
A great opportunity was thus lost by Jin of establishing more than its former supremacy among the States, but the above Zhuan shows us the reason of its failure. Though the princes were present at the meeting, they were only puppets in the hands of their ministers, who were not animated by any spirit of unity, or regard for any advantage but their own. An incursion into Chu was but a lame and impotent conclusion to such a gathering under the sanction of a representative of the king; and even that 'incursion' is difficult to make out from the Zhuan. Lü Dagui (吕大圭; towards the end of the Song dynasty) describes the occasion very clearly:——'By this meeting in Shaoling Jin might have regained its supremacy among the States, but it lost the opportunity. Cai, Chen, Zheng, Xu, Dun, and Hu had been the submissive servants of Chu, but they all joined in this meeting, showing that they were distressed by Chu and weary of it, and wanted to transfer their service to Jin. For 24 years, from the meeting at Pingqiu (X. xiii. 4), Jin had not been able to assemble the States; but now, above, it had got the presence of the viscount of Liu, and, below, it had called together the rulers of 17 States;—the forces of duke Huan of Qi had never been on so grand a scale. Of the [grand] expedition of Huan, however, it is written that he invaded Chu, and that he imposed a covenant [on Chu] at Shaoling (V. iv. 1,3); while of this expedition of [duke] Ding of Jin, where he assembled the rulers of 17 States, it is only said, that "An incursion was made into Chu." An incursion is a small affair. Ding was evidently a man with whom nothing could be done. From this time Jin could have no hope of again presiding over the States.'
Par. 3. Shen,—see on VI. iii. 1. It is necessary to distinguish this Shen from the city of the same name, belonging to Chu, of the 尹 or commandants of which we read so often in the Zhuan. It was in the pres. dis. of Gushi (固始), Guangzhou (光州), Henan. This latter 沈 is sometimes written 寢 (Qin). 姓 is here pronounced as 生 (Sheng).
The Zhuan says:——'The people of Shen did not attend the meeting in Shaoling, and they of Jin sent Cai to attack it. In summer, Cai extinguished Shen.' Mao thinks that it was to the meeting in Shaoling that Gongsun Sheng carried the viscount of Shen, and that it was Jin which there put him to death. It may have been so, and the concluding sentence of the Zhuan relates what took place after the meeting.
Par. 4. Gongyang has (浩油) for (皋鼬). Gaoyou was in the pres. dis. of Linying (臨穎), dep. Kaifeng. It belonged to Zheng.
The Zhuan says, "In prospect of the meeting, Zihang Jingzi of Wey had said to duke Ling of that State, "It may be difficult to get an agreement of opinion at the meeting, and there will be troublesome speeches about which no one can decide. You should make the litanist Tuo (See Ana. VI. xiv.) go with you." The duke approved of the advice, and instructed Ziyu (The designation of Tuo) to go with him; but he declined to do so, saying, "When I do all my four limbs are capable of to discharge the duties of my old office, I am still afraid of not being equal to them, and of giving the penal officer the trouble to record my failings. If I must now discharge two offices, I shall commit some great offence. Moreover, the priest is an ordinary inferior officer, attached to the altars of the land and grain. While those are not moved, he does not go out of the limits of the State;—this is the rule of his office. When the ruler is about to march with an army, the priest sprinkles the altar of the land, anoints the drums, and follows the ruler, carrying the Spirit-tablets with him. On such an occasion he passes beyond the limits of the State; but when the business is one of civility or friendship, the ruler goes at the head of 2,500 men, or a minister goes at the head of 500; but I take no part in the affair." The duke, however, replied, "You must go."
'When they got to Gaoyou, it was in contemplation to give Cai precedence over Wey, and the marquis sent the priest Tuo to speak privately to Chang Hong, saying, "I have heard something on the road, and do not know whether it be true or not. Should I have heard that Cai is going to have precedence [at this meeting] over Wey, is it true?" Hong replied, 'Cai Shu was the elder brother of Kang Shu (See the Shu V. Bkk. ix. and xvii.); is it not proper that [Cai] should take precedence of Wey?" Ziyu said, "Looking at the matter from [the example of] the former kings, we find that what they exalted was virtue. When king Wu had subdued Shang, king Cheng completed the establishment of the new dynasty, and chose and appointed [the princes of] intelligent virtue, to act as bulwarks and screens to Zhou. Hence it was that the duke of Zhou gave his aid to the royal House for the adjustment of all the kingdom, he being most dear and closely related to Zhou. To the duke of Lu (Boqin, the duke of Zhou's son) there were given—a grand chariot, a grand flag with dragons on it, the huang-stone of the sovereigns of Xia, and the [great bow], Fanruo of Fengfu. [The Heads of] six clans of the people of Yin,—the Tiao, the Xu, the Xiao, the Suo, the Changzhuo, and the Weizhuo, were ordered to lead the chiefs of their kindred, to collect their branches, the remoter as well as the near, to conduct the multitude of their connexions, and to repair with them to Zhou, to receive the instructions and laws of the duke of Zhou. They were then charged to perform duty in Lu, that thus the brilliant virtue of the duke of Zhou might be made illustrious. Lands [also] were apportioned [to the duke of Lu] on an enlarged scale, with priests, superintendents of the ancestral temple, diviners, historiographers, all the appendages of State, the tablets of historical records, the various officers and the ordinary instruments of their offices. The people of Shangyan were also attached; and a charge was given to Boqin, and the old capital of Shaohao was assigned as the centre of his State.
'To Kang Shu (The first marquis of Wey) there were given a grand carriage, four flags,—of various coloured silks, of red, of plain silk, and ornamented with feathers,—and [the bell], Dalü, with seven clans of the people of Yin,—the Tao, the Shi, the Po, the Yi, the Fan, the Ji, and the Zhongkui. The boundaries of his territory extended from Wufu southwards to the north of Putian. He received a portion of the territory of Youyan, that he might discharge his duty to the king, and a portion of the lands belonging to the eastern capital of Xiangtu, that he might be able the better to attend at the king's journeys to the east. Dan Ji delivered to him the land, and Tao Shu the people. The charge was given to him, as contained in the 'Announcement to Kang (Shu, V. ix.),' and the old capital of Yin was assigned as the centre of his State. Both in Wey and Lu they were to commence their govt. according to the principles of Shang, but their boundaries were defined according to the rules of Zhou.
'To Tang Shu (The first lord of Jin) there were given a grand carriage, the drum of Mixu, the Quegong mail, the bell Guxian, 9 clans of the surname Huai, aud five presidents over the different departments of office. The charge was given to him, as contained in the 'Announcement of Tang (Now lost),' and the old capital of Xia was assigned as the centre of his State. He was to commence his govt. according to the principles of Xia, but his boundaries were defined by the rules of the Rong. Those three princes were all younger brothers, but they were possessed of excellent virtue, and they were therefore distinguished by those grants of territory and other things. If it were not so, there were many elder brothers in the families of Wen, Wu, Cheng, and Kang, but they obtained no such grants;—showing that it was not years which [these kings] valued. Guan and Cai instigated the [remaining descendant of] Shang poisonously to dismember the royal House, on which the king put Guan Shu to death, and banished Cai Shu, giving him seven chariots and an attendance of seventy men. His son Cai Zhong adopted a different style of conduct, and pursued a virtuous course, on which the duke of Zhou raised him to be a minister of his own, introduced him to the king, and obtained a charge appointing him to the rule of Cai. In that charge it is said, 'Be not, like your father, disobedient to the royal orders (Shu, V. xxvii. 3)';—how then can Cai be made to take precedence of Wey? The own brothers of king Wu were eight. The duke of Zhou was prime minister; Tang Shu was minister of Crime; Dan Ji was minister of Works; and five were not in any office. Was any preference given to years? [The first lord of] Cao was a son of Wen (By a difft. mother from the duke of Zhou or king Wu), and [the first lord of] Jin was a son of Wu; yet Cao was [only] an earldom in the dian domain;—showing that no preference was given to years. And now you are going to give a preference to them,—contrary to the practice of the former kings. When duke Wen of Jin presided over the covenant of Jiantu (V. xviii. 8; but in the text there Cai has precedence of Wey. Du tries to explain this in harmony with the Zhuan here), duke Cheng of Wey was not present, but [only] his full brother Yishu, who not withstanding took precedence of Cai. The writing of the covenant was—The king speaks to this effect:——Chong of Jin, Shen of Lu, Wu of Wey, Jiawu of Cai, Jie of Zheng, Pan of Qi, Wangchen of Song, Qi of Ju—' It is deposited in the royal library, and can there be examined and seen. You wish to observe the old ways of Wen and Wu;—how is it then that you do not make virtue your regulating principle as they did?"
'Chang Hong was pleased with this representation, and laid it before the viscount of Liu, who took counsel upon it with Fan Xianzi, the result being that precedence was given to Wey at the covenant.
'In returning from Shaoling, Zitaishu died before he arrived at Zheng. Zhao Jianzi wept for him very sorrowfully, and said, "At the meeting of Huangfu (X. xxv. 2), he gave me these nine maxims:—Do not begin disorder; do not trust in riches; do not rely on favour; do not oppose a common agreement; do not carry yourself proudly in ceremonies; do not be proud of your power; do not transfer your anger; take no counsels that are contrary to virtue; do nothing against righteousness.'"
Par. 5, Gongyang has 戊 instead of 成. Duke Cheng was succeeded by his son Qi (乞), known as duke Yin (隐公), but he was murdered very soon by a younger brother Guo (過), who established himself in his place, and is known as duke Xi (僖公).
Par. 7. Rongcheng was in the pres. dis. of Jianli (監利), dep. Jingzhou, Hubei. This is now the 4th time within the Chunqiu period that Xu changed its capital. The Zhuan says nothing about this removal; but Wang Bao observes that the changes were all ordered by Chu, though the text represents them as if they originated with Xu itself. This removal would be forced on Xu for having obeyed the summons of Jin, and attended the meeting in Shaoling.
Par. 9. This was duke Wen (文) of Liu, who first appears in the Zhuan on IX. xxii. 4, by his designation of Bofen (伯蚠), and which records also his elevation to be viscount. His name was Juan (卷). The king sent notices of his death to the princes with whom he had been present at the meeting of Shaoling, according to royal practice. Otherwise, there was no interchange of such communications between the princes of the States and the nobles of Zhou. It was also in accordance with royal practice that such notices should only contain the name of the deceased noble, without mentioning his title. Gong and Gu give each a different reason for the notification of this death, but both are incorrect. A Zhuan, under the 26th year of Zhao, however, gives Di as the name of the viscount of Liu (劉狄). The individual probably had the two names, Di and Juan.
Par. 11. This attack on Cai was, no doubt, as Zuo says, in consequence of Cai's extinction of Shen. It was the duty of Jin to come now to the help of Cai; and as it did not do so, we shall presently find Cai leagued with Wu.
Par. 12. For 圉 Gongyang has 圄. In the Zhuan on par. 2, we have Xun Yin urging on Fan Xianzi the necessity of action against Xianyu. Zhao Pengfei says, 'For Jin to invade Chu would have been a gain to the other States, but an injury to its own six ministers; hence when duke Ding went out against Chu, the ministers, jealous of his acquiring the merit of success, refused the request of Cai, humiliated Zheng, and frustrated the whole enterprise. The invasion of Xianyu was an injury to the marquis of Jin, but a gain to his ministers; hence Xunshi, Shishi, and Zhaoshi, one after another, attacked it, to show their merit and ability.'
Par. 13. Notice of the death of the viscount of Liu having been sent to the States, because he had covenanted with their princes, it was in order for them to send representatives to his funeral. Many of the critics fail to see this, and find it difficult to account for this par. Zhao Kuang says the thing was contrary to propriety (非禮); Gao Kang, that only Lu sent a representative, and therefore the thing is recorded. The remarks of Li Lian (李廉 ; end of the Yuan dyn) are worthy of notice:——'The three Gong (公) of the son of Heaven (See Shu, V. xx. 5) were so denominated. Any one who filled that office, and had territory as a noble of the royal domain, was also called Gong, the title following the name of the territory, as in the instances of "The duke of Zhai (祭公)," "the duke of Zhou (周公，州公)," etc. The king's other ministers and great officers, who had received investiture as nobles of the royal domain, were all called "viscounts (子)," as in the instances of "the viscount of Wen (温子)," "the viscount of Liu (劉子)," "the viscount of Shan (單子)," etc. But towards the end of the Zhou dynasty, all the nobles of the domain received the title of Gong after their death, as in the instances of "duke Su of Cheng (成肅公)," "duke Ping of Shan (單平公)," etc. The Chunqiu, in this par., takes the opportunity of the burial of "duke" Wen of Liu," to call attention to the usurpation. In the mention of the individual, when alive, as "the viscount of Liu," when dead as "Juan of Liu," and, at his burial, as "duke Wen of Liu," we have the careful and severe pencil of the sage.'
Par. 14. For 柏舉 Gongyang has 伯 莒 and Guliang (柏舉). The place belonged to Chu, and was in the present dis. of Macheng (麻城), dep. Huangzhou (黄州), Hubei.
The Zhuan says:——'Wu Yun acted as messenger [to other States] for Wu, [constantly] laying plans against Chu. When Xi Yuan was put to death by Chu (X. xxvii. 3), the different branches of the Bo family left that State, and Pi, the grandson of Bo Zhouli, was made grand-administrator of Wu, that he [also] might plan against Chu. From the date of king Zhao's accession, there was no year in which Chu was not [somehow] attacked by Wu. The marquis of Cai took advantage of these circumstances, and placed his son Qian, and the sons of his great officers, in Wu as hostages [of his fidelity in an alliance against Chu].
'This winter, the marquis of Cai, the viscount of Wu, and the marquis of Tang, invaded Chu. They left their boats in a bend of the Huai; and advancing from Yuzhang, they lined one side of the Han, the army of Chu being on the other. Xu, marshal of the Left, said to Zichang (The chief minister of Chu), 'Do you keep on this side of the Han, going up or down, according as they move. I will [meantime] lead all the troops outside the wall of defence, and destroy their ships, and then, on my return, I will shut up the passes of Dasui, Zhiyuan, and Ming'ai. If you then cross the Han, while I fall on them from behind, we shall give them a great defeat." Having agreed on this plan, he marched [to execute his part of it]; but Hei, [commandant] of Wucheng, said to Zichang, "Wu uses [shields] of wood, while ours are of leather. We must not remain 'here long; your best plan is to fight soon." The historiographer Huang [also] said to him, "The people of Chu hate you, and love the marshal. If he destroys the boats of Wu on the Huai, and then enters the country, after stopping up the passes in the wall, he alone will have [the merit of] conquering Wu. You must fight soon, or you will not escape [your doom]." Zichang then crossed the Han, and drew up his troops. Three battles were fought between Xiaobie and Dabie (See on the Shu, III. i. Pt. ii. 3), and then Zichang, knowing that he could not conquer, wished to flee [to another State]. The historiographer said to him, "You sought the office, when it seemed safe; if now, in difficulty, you flee from it, what State will you enter? You must die in this struggle, and will thus make a complete atonement for your former offences.
'In the 11th month, on Gengwu, the two armies were drawn up at Boju, when the younger brother of Helu, [who afterwards called himself] king Fugai, early in the morning made a request to Helu, saying, "In consequence of the want of benevolence in Wa of Chu, his officers have no mind to die [in this struggle]. If I first attack him, his soldiers are sure to flee, and if you then follow up my success with the whole army, we are sure to conquer." Helu refused him permission, but he then said, "I will now give an illustration of the saying that a minister does what is right without waiting for orders. I will die today, but [the capital of] Chu can be entered [in consequence." He then with his own men, 5,000 in number, commenced the battle by an attack on the soldiers of Zichang, who took to flight. The army of Chu was thrown into confusion, and that of Wu inflicted a great defeat upon it. Zichang fled to Zheng, and the historiographer Huang died in his war chariot.'
The 蔡侯以吴子 of the text indicates that the marquis of Cai was the mover of the expedition against Chu, of which this battle was the first great event. As Mao says, 經特書蔡侯以之，以主在蔡也 The ruler of Wu appears in this par. for the first time with his title of 子 or viscount, and many of the critics foolishly see in this a sign of the sage's approval. The circumstance seems to be immaterial. Though Cai instigated the expedition, it was of course carried on and carried out by the power of Wu.
Par. 15. Gong and Gu have 楚 instead of 郢. Ying, 10 miles to the north of the pres, dep. city of Jingzhou (荆州), Hubei, had been the capital of Chu since the time of king Wu (B.C. 740—89).
Continuing the preceding narrative, the Zhuan says:——'Wu pursued the army of Chu to the Qingfa, and was about to fall upon it there, but king Fugai said, "A wild beast in the toils will still fight; how much more will men! If they know that there is no escape for them, and so fight to the death, they will be sure to defeat us. If we let the first of them cross, and know that they can escape, the rest will be anxious to follow them, and have no mind to fight. Let us then attack them when the half of them have crossed." This plan was taken, and so the army of Chu was defeated again. [At one place] the men of Chu were taking their meal when those of Wu came upon them, and they fled. The latter ate the food and resumed the pursuit, defeating them again at Yongshi; and with five battles, they reached Ying.
'On Jimao, the viscount of Chu took his youngest sister, Mi Biwo, left the city, and crossed the Ju. Gu, the director of Remonstrances, went with him in the same boat, the king, [to keep back] the army of Wu, making men lead elephants with torches [tied to their tails], so as to rush upon it. On Gengchen, Wu entered Ying, and [the viscount and others] occupied the palaces according to their rank. Zishan (A son of the viscount) took the palace of the chief minister, where Fugai was going to attack him, which frightened him so that he left it, and the other then entered it.
'Xu, marshal of the Left, returned, after getting as far as Xi, and defeated the troops of Wu at Yongshi, but was wounded himself. Aforetime he had been in the service of Helu, and therefore felt that it would be a disgrace to him to be taken. He said to his officers, "Which of you can carry off my head?" Wu Goubi said, "Will it do if one so mean in rank as I do it?" "Yes," said the marshal; "it has been my error that I [did not know your worth before]. In each of these three battles I have been wounded, and am of no more use." Goubi then spread his skirt on the ground, cut off the marshal's head, and wrapped it up, after which he hid the body, and made his escape with the head.
'The viscount of Chu, after crossing the Ju,
crossed [also] the Jiang, and took refuge in the marsh of Yun. While he
was sleeping, some robbers attacked him, and [one of them] aimed a blow
at him with a spear, which Wangsun Youyu intercepted by interposing his
back, and receiving the weapon in his shoulder. The king on this fled to
Yun, followed by Zhong Jian carrying his young sister on his back. Youyu
[also] slowly revived, and followed him. Huai, the younger brother of
Xin, commandant of Yun, wanted to kill the king, saying, "King Ping put
my father to death. May I not now put his son to death?" Xin said, "When
a ruler punishes a subject, who dare count him an enemy for it? The
ruler's order is [the will of ] Heaven. If a man dies by the will of
Heaven, who can be regarded as the enemy? The ode (Shi, III. iii. ode
VI. 3) says,
It is only the truly virtuous man who can do thus. To avoid the powerful and insult the weak is contrary to valour. To take advantage of another's straits is contrary to benevolence. To cause the destruction of your ancestral temple and the discontinuance of its sacrifices is contrary to filial piety. To take action which will have no good name is contrary to wisdom. If you are determined to violate all these principles, I will kill you."
'[After this], Dou Xin, and another younger brother Chao, fled with the king to Sui, whither they were followed by the men of Wu, who said to the people of Sui, "The States about the Han, possessed by descendants of [the House of] Zhou, have been all destroyed by Chu. Heaven has now moved our hearts to inflict punishment on Chu, and your ruler is concealing its [ruler]. What is the offence of the House of Zhou? If your ruler will try to recompense the House of Zhou, and extend his favour to us, so that we may accomplish the purpose which Heaven has put into our hearts, it will be the act of his kindness, and the lands of Hanyang shall be his." The viscount of Chu was on the north of [one of] the palaces of the marquis of Sui, and the men of Wu were on the south of it. Ziqi (A brother of king Zhao), who was like the king, [told the latter] to make his escape, and as if he himself were the king, proposed to the people of Sui to deliver him up, for that so the king would escape. They consulted the tortoise-shell about it, and receiving an unfavourable reply, they refused the request of Wu, saying, "Sui, though small and isolated, and situated near to Chu, has been preserved by that State. For generations there have been the engagements of covenants between us, which to this day we have not violated. If in the time of its calamity we should abandon it, wherewith should we serve your ruler? The troubles of your ministers would not arise from one man only. If you can consolidate under Wu all the territory of Chu, we shall not presume not to obey your orders." On this the men of Wu withdrew. Lü Jin before this had been an officer in the family of Ziqi, and [now] appealed to the people of Sui not to give up [the fugitives]. The king requested that Jin might be introduced to him, but he declined the honour, saying, "I do not dare to make your strait a source of profit." The king made a cut over [the region of] Ziqi's heart, and [with the blood] made a covenant with the people of Sui.
'At an earlier period, Wu Yun had been on terms of friendship with Shen Baoxu; and when he fled from Chu, he said to him "I shall repay Chu for this." Baoxu replied, "Do your utmost. You can repay [your wrong], and I can raise up Chu [again]." When king Zhao was in Sui, Shen Baoxu went to Qin to beg the help of an army, and said, "Wu is a great pig and a long snake, bent on eating up the superior States, one after another. Its tyranny has commenced with Chu. My ruler having failed to maintain his altars, is now a fugitive in the wilds, and has sent me to tell you of his distress, and to say for him, 'That barbarous State of the east is insatiable. If it become your neighbour, it will be a constant cause of trouble to your borders. While Wu has not settled its conquest, let your lordship [come and] take a portion of it. If Chu indeed perish, the land will be yours; if by your powerful help and comfort [I can preserve it], it will be to serve your lordship with it for generations.'" The earl of Qin sent a refusal [for the present] to him, saying, "I have heard your orders. Go in the meantime to your lodging. I will take counsel and inform you of the result." Baoxu replied, "My ruler is a fugitive in the wilds, and has nowhere to lie down. How dare I go to a place of ease?" He stood leaning against the wall of the courtyard, and cried. Day or night his voice was not silent; a spoonful of water did not enter his mouth;—for seven days. [At the end of that time], duke Ai of Qin sang to him the Wuyi (Shi, I. xi. ode VIII. 7), on which he bowed his head nine times to the ground, and remained kneeling on the earth. Soon after an army of Qin took the field.'
V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Xinhai, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
2. In summer, we sent grain to Cai.
3. Yuyue entered Wu.
4. Jisun Yiru died.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Renzi, Shusun Bugan died.
6. In winter, Shi Yang of Jin led a force, and laid siege to [the chief town of] Xianyu.
Par. 1. This eclipse took place, at noon, on Feby 10th, B.C. 504. Gongyang has 正月 instead of 三月, which is an error.
[The Zhuan introduces here the death of [the king's] son Zhao who maintained so long a struggle for the throne:——'This spring, an officer of the king killed [the king's] son Zhao in Chu.]
Par. 2. 粟 is the general name for glumaceous grain, now generally applied (See Williams' Phonetic dict. in voc.) to millet and maize; but the meaning need not be restricted here. Zuoshi says that Lu did this to succour Cai in its distress, pitying its want of supplies. Gong and Gu supply 諸侯, 'the States,' as the nominative to 歸; but, according to the analogy of other passages, the text can only be speaking of Lu. Other States may have done the same thing, though no notice is taken of their action. We can understand how Cai should have been in distress from want of provisions, overrun, as it had been, in the previous year by Chu, and taking a prominent part, as it had done, in the operations of Wu against that State.
Par. 3. Yuyue is Yue; but it is difficult to account for the initial Yu. Du makes it simply an initial sound (發聲). Liu Chang tells us that the people of the State themselves called it Yuyue, and that the States of Zhou called it Yue; which account would agree with the use of the former style in the text here, Yue, we may suppose, having sent a notification to Lu of its movement. Other explanations have been offered on which we need not dwell. We must understand 吳 here as the name of the State. Yue entered the boundaries, not the capital, of Wu, taking advantage, as Zuoshi says, of the viscount of Wu's being in Chu with all his forces.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, Ji Pingzi went to Dongye; and on his return, before he arrived at the capital, on Bingshen he died in Fang. Yang Hu [the Yang Huo of the Ana., XVIII.i.; he was the principal officer of the Ji family) was going to put his body into the coffin, having [still] on the [precious stone] Yufan [which he had worn when the duke was absent from the State]. Zhongliang Huai (Another minister of the Ji family), however, would not give it for that purpose, saying, "He had ceased to tread on the [ruler's] steps, and another stone should be used." Yang Hu wished to expel Huai, and told Gongshan Buniu (See on Ana., XVII. v.) the circumstance, but that officer said, "He was acting in the interest of the ruler. Why should you be angry with him?"
'After the burial. Huanzi went to Dongye. When he arrived at Bi, Zixie (The above Gongshan Buniu), who was in charge of that city, met him, with complimentary offerings because of his journey, in the suburbs. Huanzi received him with respect. Zhongliang Huai, however, to whom he also presented offerings, showed him no respect, in consequence of which he was angry, and said to Yang Hu, "You can send him away.'"
The form of this notice of the death of Pingzi is very troublesome to the critics, and they think that the death of a man who had expelled his ruler, and held the State against him, should not have appeared without some sign of condemnation. Some of them say that it exhibits strikingly the weakness of duke Ding!
The Huanzi in the Zhuan was the son of Pingzi, and had succeeded him. His name was Si (斯).
Par. 5. Shusun Bugan was mentioned in the Zhuan on 1.2. He was succeeded by his son Shusun Zhouqiu (州仇), better known as Shusun Wushu (武叔). Both he and Huanzi were young and feeble, and the power of the State fell into the hands of Yang Hu.
[We have here three narratives in the Zhuan. The 1st continues the narrative of the invasion of Chu by Wu with which the last year concludes.—'Shen Baoxu arrived [in Chu] with the army of Qin, Zipu and Zihu of that State having command of 500 chariots for its relief. Zipu, being unacquainted as yet with the ways of Wu, made the troops of Chu engage a body of the Wuites, and then joined them himself from Ji, and a great defeat was thus inflicted on king Fugai at Yi. The men of Wu, however, captured Wei Ye at Boju, but his son led the fugitives, and joined Zixi, who defeated an army of Wu at Junxiang.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, Ziqi and Zipu extinguished Tang. In the 9th month, Fugai returned to Wu, and set himself up for king; but, being defeated in a battle with the king, he fled to Chu, where he became the founder of the Tangqi family.
'The army of Wu defeated that of Chu at Yongshi, but the army of Qin again defeated Wu, whose army occupied Jun. Ziqi proposed to burn that city, but Zixi said, "The bones of our fathers and elder bothers are lying exposed there. We cannot collect them, and surely they ought not to be burned." Ziqi replied, "The State is [in danger of] perishing. If the dead have any knowledge, they will enjoy the old sacrifices. Why should they be afraid of being burned?" They did burn the city, and fought another battle, in which Wu was defeated. It was defeated again severely in a battle in the valley of Gongxu, after which the viscount of Wu returned to his own State. He had as a prisoner Yin Yupi, who asked leave to go before him to Wu, but made his escape on the way, and returned to Chu.
'Houzang, a younger brother of Zhuliang, commandant of She, had followed their mother, [when she was carried a prisoner] to Wu, and [now] he returned without waiting for her. The commandant of She would never look straight at him.'
2d, regarding the course of Yang Hu, tyrannizing over the Ji family.—'On Yihai, Yang Hu imprisoned Ji Huanzi and Gongfu Wenbo (A cousin of Huanzi), and drove out Zhongliang Huai. In winter, in the 10th month on Dinghai, he killed Gonghe Miao. On Jichou, he imposed a covenant on Huanzi, inside the Ji gate. On Gengyin, there were great imprecations, and he drove out Gongfu Chu, and Qin Chuan, both of whom fled to Qi.'
3d, a continuation of the affairs of Chu. 'The viscount of Chu [re-] entered Ying. Before this, when Dou Xin had heard that the Wuites were quarrelling about the palaces [of Chu], he said, "I have heard that where there is no spirit of concession there is no harmony, and that, where there is no harmony, a distant enterprize cannot be carried out. The people of Wu thus quarrelling in Chu, there is sure to be disorder among themselves, which will compel their return to their own State; how is it possible for them to settle Chu?"
'When the king was fleeing to Sui, he wished to get across the Chengjiu. [Just then], Wei, commandant of Lan, was conveying his children across it, and refused to give the boat the king, in consequence of which, when tranquillity came again, the king wanted to put him to death. Zixi, however, said, to him, "It was by thinking of old wrongs that Zichang came to ruin; why should your majesty imitate him?" The king said, "Good!" and he made Wei resume his office, intending thereby to keep in mind his own former offences. [At the same time], he rewarded Dou Xin, the Wangsuns Youyu and Yu, Zhong Jian, Dou Chao, Shen Baoxu, the Wangsun Jia, Song Mu, and Dou Huai. Zixi said to him, "Please pass Huai by;" but he replied, "He displayed great virtue in overcoming his [own] small resentment, thus acting rightly."
'Shen Baoxu said, "I acted for the ruler, and not for myself. Since you are now [re-] established what have I to seek? Moreover I blamed Ziqi (See after X. xiv.5), and shall I now do as he did?" Accordingly he declined any reward.
'The king was going to give his youngest sister in marriage [to some one], but she refused, saying, "A young lady shows what she is by keeping far from all men: but Zhong Jian has carried me on his back." She was given to him, accordingly, to wife, and he was made director of Music.
'When the king was in Sui, Zixi had assumed the royal carriage and robes, in order to keep the people [who were wandering about] on the roads together, and had made Pixie his capital, joining the king afterwards when he heard where he was. The king employed Youyu to wall Jun; and when he was reporting the execution of his commission, Zixi asked him how high and thick the walls had been made. He did not know, and Zixi said, "Since you were not able for the work, you should have declined it. After walling a city, if you do not know the height, thickness, and length of the walls, what do you know?" Youyu replied, "I did refuse the commission on the ground of my incompetency, but you sent me to do it. Every man has what he can do, and what he cannot do. When the king met with robbers in [the marsh of] Yun, I received the spear in my person. The mark is still here." With this he bared his person, and showed him his back saying, "This is what I could do. What you did at Pixie I could not do."']
Par. 6. Zuoshi says this expedition was undertaken to avenge the affair in which Guan Hu was taken (See after III. 4.).
VI. Sixth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Guihai, You Su of Zheng, at the head of a force, extinguished Xu, and carried Si, baron of Xu, back with him to Zheng.
2. In the second month, the duke made an incursion into Zheng.
3. The duke arrived from the incursion into Zheng.
4. In summer, Jisun Si and Zhongsun Heji went to Jin.
5. In autumn, the people of Jin seized Yue Qili, the messenger of Song.
6. In winter, we walled Zhongcheng.
7. Jisun Si and Zhongsun Ji led a force, and laid siege to Yun.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says that Zheng now extinguished Xu through taking advantage of the defeats which Chu had sustained from Wu. Zheng had pursued Xu with implacable hatred (See I. xi. 3), and it might seem that it had now obtained the gratification of its desires, yet we find the State of Xu still existing in the 1st year of duke Ai. Here and elsewhere Gongyang has 遬 for 速
Par. 2. The Zhuan says:——'In the 2d month, the duke made an incursion into Zheng and took Kuang, to punish, in behalf of Jin, the action of Zheng in attacking Xumi (See below, the 2d narr. after par. 4). On his way he did not ask liberty to pass through Wey; and on their return Yang Hu made Ji and Meng enter by the south gate [of its capital], and pass out by the east, halting [afterwards] at the marsh of Tun. The marquis of Wey was enraged, and was sending Mi Zixia to pursue them. Gongshu Wenzi [at this time] was old, but he had himself wheeled by men to the marquis, and said to him, "To condemn others and to imitate them is contrary to propriety. During the troubles of duke Zhao, your lordship was going to take the Shu tripod of [duke] Wen, [the tortoise-shell of duke] Cheng, which gave such clear responses, and the mirrored-girdle of [duke] Ding, and give the choice of any one of them to whoever would restore him. Your own son and the sons of us your ministers you were ready to give as hostages, if any of the States would take pity on him. This is what we have heard; and does it not seem improper that for a small occasion of anger you should now cover over your former kindly feeling and action? Of all the sons of Taisi (King Wen's queen) the duke of Zhou and Kang Shu were the most friendly; and will it not be acting under a delusion if, to imitate [the conduct of] a small man, you throw away [that good relation between Wey and Lu]? Heaven means to multiply the offences of Yang Hu, in order to destroy him. Suppose that your lordship wait for the present for that issue," The marquis on this desisted from his purpose.'
The rulers of Lu had not in person conducted any military expedition since the 18th year of duke Xuan, a period of 80 years. The power of the State had been in the hands of the three great clans. These were now very much reduced, and we find duke Ding himself taking the field. Yet he was merely a puppet in the hands of the ministers of those clans, who made use of him to further their own ambitious designs against their chiefs.
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, Ji Huanzi went to Jin, to present the spoils of Zheng. Yang Hu forced Meng Yizi to go [at the same time] with offerings in return for those which the marchioness [of Jin] had sent [to Lu]. The people of Jin entertained them both together. Mengsun, standing outside the apartment, said to Fan Xianzi, "If Yang Hu cannot remain in Lu, and rests his shoulder against Jin, by the former rulers you must make him marshal of the army of the centre!" Xianzi replied, "If our ruler have that office [vacant], he will employ the proper man [to fill it]. What should I know about it?" [Afterwards] he said to Jianzi, "The people of Lu are distressed by Yang Hu. Mengsun knows that an occasion will arise, when he thinks Hu will be obliged to flee the State. He therefore forces himself to make this request for him, to obtain his entrance [into our State]."'
[The Zhuan gives here two brief narratives:——
1st, about Wu and Chu. 'In the 4th month, Zhonglei, the eldest son of [the viscount of] Wu, defeated the fleet of Chu, and captured [the two commanders], Chen, viscount of Pan, and the viscount of Xiaowei, along with 7 great officers. Chu was greatly alarmed, and afraid it would be ruined. [About the same time], Ziqi was defeated with an army on the land at Fanyang. The chief minister Zixi, however, was glad, and said, "Now it can be done;" and upon this he removed the capital from Ying to Ruo, and changed the regulations of the government, in order [the better] to settle the State.'
2d, about troubles in Zhou, and the share of Zheng in them. 'Dan Pian of Zhou had led on the adherents of king [Jing's] son Zhao, and endeavoured by the assistance of Zheng to raise an insurrection in Zhou. Upon this Zheng had attacked Feng, Hua, Xumi, Fushu, Huren, and Quewai. In the 6th month, Yan Mo of Jin went to guard [the territory of] Zhou, and walled Xumi.']
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 8th month, Yue Qi of Song said to duke Jing, "Of all the States only we do service to Jin. If an envoy do not now go there, Jin will be offended." Having told his steward Chen Yin [what he said], that officer observed, "He is sure to send you." After a few days the duke said, "I am pleased with what you said; you must go [to Jin]." Chen Yin, [on hearing this], said, "Get your successor appointed [a minister] before you set out, and our House will not go to ruin. The ruler also will know that we are proceeding with a knowledge of the dangers it involves." Yue Qi accordingly introduced [his son] Hun [to the duke], and took his departure. Zhao Jianzi met him, and entertained him at a drinking-feast in Mianshang, being presented by Yue Qi with 60 shields of willow. Chen Yin said, "Formerly we lodged with Fanshi, but now you are going to lodge with Zhaoshi, and are presenting him with gifts besides. You should not have given those willow shields;—you are purchasing misfortune with them. But though you die in Jin, your descendants will meet with prosperity in Song."
'Fan Xianzi said to the marquis of Jin, "He crossed the borders of his State, charged with the orders of his ruler; but before discharging his commission, he has accepted a private invitation to drink, thus acting disrespectfully both to his own ruler and to you. He should not be left unpunished." Accordingly Yue Qi was seized.'
Par. 6. Zhongcheng,—see VIII. ix. 13. Lu was not at this time on good terms either with Zheng or Qi, and we may suppose that the walls of' Zhongcheng were now repaired as a precautionary measure against hostilities.
Par. 7. The omission of 何 before 忌 must be regarded as an error of the text. The marquis of Qi had taken Yun in Zhao's 25th year, and given it to that prince. The people left it in Zhao's 30th year; and the probability is that, when they reoccupied it, they had endeavoured to do so under the protection of Qi. The siege in the text would be to recall them to their allegiance to Lu.
[We have here two brief narratives:—
1st, on the progress of Yang Hu's encroachments in Lu. 'Yang Hu imposed another covenant on the duke and the 3 Huan clans at the altar of Zhou, and one upon the people at the altar of Bo; the imprecations being spoken in the street of Wufu."
2d, on affairs in Zhou. 'In winter, in the 12th month, the king by Heaven's grace took up his residence in Guyou, that he might escape from the insurrection of Dan Pian (See the 2d narr. after par. 4).']
VII. Seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, it was the spring, the king's first month.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. In autumn, the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng made a covenant in Xian.
4. The people of Qi seized Beigong Jie, the messenger of Wey, and proceeded to make an incursion into that State.
5. The marquises of Qi and Wey made a covenant in Suo.
6. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
7. Guo Xia of Qi led a force and invaded our western border.
8. In the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
9. It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. [The Zhuan appends two brief notices:—1st, concerning events in Zhou. 'This spring, in the 2d month. Dan Pian of Zhou entered into Yili, and held it in revolt.' 2d, of the relations between Lu and Qi. 'The people of Qi restored Yun and Yangguan [to Lu]. Yang Hu took the merit of this, and assumed [the more] the functions of the govt.']
Par. 2. [The Zhuan continues the narrative of events in Zhou:——'In the 4th month duke Wu of Shan and duke Huan of Liu defeated the lord of Yin at Qionggu.
Par. 3. Xian,—see V. xiii. 3. This covenant is remarkable as indicating that the dominion of the ba, or leaders of the States, had passed away. The kingdom had in this respect reverted to the condition in which it was before the rise of duke Huan of Qi. No one State could maintain preeminence over others. One and another now began to meet and covenant together as suited their private convenience, though Qi, perhaps, cherished a lingering hope of regaining its former influence. The Zhuan says that these princes now required [the marquis of] Wey to attend a meeting.
Parr. 4,5. Instead of 沙 Gongyang has 沙澤, and the Zhuan has 瑣. The place is the same as the 瑣澤 in VIII. xii. 2, and was in the east of the pres. dis. of Yuancheng (元城). dep. Daming, Zhili. It belonged to Jin. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey wished to revolt from Jin, but his great officers objected to such a course. On this he dispatched Beigong Jie to Qi, and sent a private message to the marquis, saying, "Seize Jie, and then make an incursion upon us." The marquis of Qi did so, and then the marquis of Wey made a covenant with him in Suo.' The 以 in par. 4 must be taken as = 遂. See V. xxi. 4, where we have it used in the same way.
Par. 7. The object of Qi in now invading Lu was, we may suppose, to force it to revolt from Jin, as Zheng and Wey had done. Lu tried to meet the invaders, when, according to the Zhuan, 'Yang Hu acted as charioteer to Ji Huanzi, and Gonglian Chufu to Meng Yizi. [Hu] was about to attack at night the army of Qi, which got intelligence of the project, assumed the appearance of being unprepared, and lay in ambush to await the onset. Chufu said, "Hu, you have not calculated the danger; you shall die." Shan Yi said to him, "Hu, you are plunging the two ministers into danger. I will kill you, without waiting for the officers [of justice]." Hu became afraid, and withdrew, so that no defeat was sustained.'
Par. 8. This is the second instance of the repetition of a sacrifice for rain. The other was in the 25th year of duke Zhao.
Par. 9. [The Zhuan goes on here with the account of things in Zhou:——'In winter in the 11th month, on Wuwu, the viscounts of Shan and Liu met the king in the house of Qingshi (commandant of Guyou). Ji Qin of Jin escorted him, and on Jisi he entered the royal city. He lodged [first] in the house of Zhang, Head of a ducal clan, and afterwards repaired to announce his arrival in the temple of king Zhuang.]
VIII. Eighth year.
1. In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke made an incursion into Qi.
2. The duke arrived from the incursion into Qi.
3. In the second month, the duke made an incursion into Qi.
4. In the third month, the duke arrived from the incursion into Qi.
5. Lu, earl of Cao, died.
6. In summer, Guo Xia of Qi led a force, and invaded our western border.
7. The duke had a meeting with an army of Jin in Wa.
8. The duke arrived from Wa.
9. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Wechen, Liu, marquis of Chen, died.
10. Shi Yang of Jin led a force, and made an incursion into Zheng, going on to make one into Wey.
11. There was the burial of duke Jing of Cao.
12. In the ninth month, there was the burial of duke Huai of Chen.
13. Jisun Si and Zhongsun Heji led a force, and made an incursion into Wey.
14. In winter, the marquis of Wey and the earl of Zheng made a covenant in Qupu.
15. We sacrificed to the former dukes according to their proper order.
16. A robber stole the precious [symbol of] jade and the great bow.
Parr. 1, 2. This incursion would be made to retaliate the invasion of Lu by Guo Xia in the previous autumn. The Zhuan says:——'The duke made an incursion into Qi, and attacked the gate of Yangzhou. The soldiers all sat in ranks on the ground, and talked of the bow of Yan Gao, how it was 180 catties in weight, taking it also and handing it round for all to look at. [In the meantime], the men of Yangzhou came out, and Yan Gao seized a weak bow from another man; but Zichu of Jiqiu attacked him with a sword, [or spear], and he and another man both fell down; but Yan then shot Zichu in the jaw, and killed him. Yan Xi shot a man in the eyebrow, and retired saying, "I have no valour. I meant to hit his eye." When the army withdrew, Ran Meng preceded it, pretending to be wounded in his foot. His elder brother Hui, [when he saw the troops return without Meng], cried out, "Meng must be bringing up the rear!"'
[The Zhuan introduces here two narratives: —1st, about affairs in Zhou. 'In the 2d month, on Jichou, the viscount of Shan attacked Gucheng, and the viscount of Liu attacked Yili. On Xinmao, the former attacked Jiancheng, and the latter Yu. The object of these operations was to effect the settlement of the royal House.'
2d, about the affairs of Jin and Song. 'Zhao Yang said to the marquis of Jin, "Of all the States it is only Song which [heartily] serves Jin. We should be glad to meet a messenger from it, still apprehensive lest he would not come. But now by seizing and holding its messenger, we are repelling the States from us." It was [then] designed to send Yue Qi back to Song, but Shi Yang said, "We have detained him three years; and if we send him back without any ground for doing so, Song is sure to revolt from us." Xianzi then said privately to Ziliang (Yue Qi), "Our ruler was afraid of not finding an opportunity to serve the ruler of Song, and therefore detained you. Do you get Hun [your son] to come and take your place for the present." Ziliang told this to Chen Yin, who said, "Song will revolt from Jin. It would only be throwing Hun away. You had better wait here." [In the end], Yue Qi was returning [to Song], and died in Taihang, on which Shi Yang said, "Song is sure to revolt. We had better detain his body as a means of seeking peace with it." The body was accordingly detained in Zhou.']
Parr. 3, 4. Dissatisfied with the little success of his expedition in the 1st month, the duke now made, or was compelled by Yang Hu to make, another, which was as fruitless. The Zhuan says:——'The duke made an incursion into Qi, and attacked the outer suburbs of Linqiu. The inhabitants set fire to their large war chariots; but some of the men put out the flames with horse-rugs soaked in water, and they then broke down [the wall of the suburbs]. The inhabitants came out, and [the rest of] the army hurried forwards. Yang Hu, pretending that he did not see Ran Meng, cried out, "If Meng were here, he would be sure to be defeated!" Meng pursued the enemy, but looking round, and seeing no others following him, he pretended [to be hit], and threw himself down, when Hu said, "All behave like visitors."
'Shan Yue had a son born at this time, and was waiting the result of these expeditions to give him a name. As some prisouers were taken in the affair at Yangzhou (In the 1st month), he gave the child the name of Yangzhou.'
Par. 5. Wang Kekuan thus runs over the history of the two last earls of Cao:——'When duke Sheng (聲) had occupied the earldom 5 years, he was murdered by his younger brother Tong (通), who took his place. He again—duke Yin—after 4 years was murdered by his younger brother, Lu, who took his place. Lu was succeeded by his son Yang (陽).'
Par. 6. Zuo repeats this par. with the addition of Gao Zhang as commanding the troops of Qi, along with Guo Xia. This attack was, of course, in retaliation for the two incursions into Qi.
Parr. 7, 8. Wa was in Wey,—in the pres. dis. of Huah (滑), dep. Weihui, Henan. The army of Jin had come to the relief of Lu, but the troops of Qi had withdrawn before its arrival. The duke, however, felt it his duty to go on to meet its leaders; but as he had not left his capital for that purpose, the 8th par. simply says that he came 'from Wa,' and not 'from the meeting.' The Zhuan says:——'Shi Yang, Zhao Yang, and Xun Yin, [came to] relieve us, and the duke went to meet the army of Jin at Wa. Fan Xianzi (Shi Yang) had a lamb carried with him (As his present of introduction), and Zhao Jianzi and Zhonghang Wenzi (Xun Yin) had each of them a goose. From this time Lu valued the lamb [as a present of introduction].'
Par. 10. Gongyang has 趙鞅 instead of 士鞅. The Zhuan says:——'The army of Jin was going to impose a covenant on the marquis of Wey at Zhuanze; and Zhao Jianzi said, "Which of you, my officers, will venture to make the covenant with the marquis of Wey?" She Tuo and Cheng He undertook to do it, and the people of Wey asked them to hold the bull's ear, but Cheng He said, 'Wey is [only] like our Wen or Yuan. How can [its lord] be regarded as the prince of a State?" When the marquis was about to put his fingers into the [vessel of] blood, She Tuo pushed his hand in up to the wrist. The marquis was enraged, and Wangsun Jia hurried forward, and said, "Covenants should serve to illustrate the rules of propriety. Even one like our ruler of Wey did not presume not to do service to [Jin as being] observant of those rules, and was going to receive this covenant!" The marquis wished to revolt from Jin, but had a difficulty with the great officers. Wangsun Jia made him halt in the suburbs; and when the great officers asked the reason, the marquis told them the insults of Jin, and added, "I have disgraced the altars. You must consult the tortoise-shell, and appoint another in my place. I will agree to your selection." The great officers said, "It is the misfortune of Wey, and not any fault of yours." "There is something worse," said the duke. "They told me that I must send my son and the sons of my great officers as hostages [to Jin]." The officers replied, "If it will be of any benefit, let the prince go, and our sons will follow him carrying halters and ropes on their backs." It was then arranged that the hostages should go; but Wangsun Jia said, "If the State of Wey has had any misfortunes, the mechanics and merchants have always shared in them. Let [the sons of] all classes go." The marquis reported this to the great officers, who were willing to send all, and a day was fixed for their setting out. The marquis [in the meantime] gave audience to the people, and made Jia ask them, saying, "If Wey revolt from Jin, and Jin 5 times attack us, how would you bear the distress?" They all replied, "Though it should 5 times attack us, we should still be able to fight." "Then," said Jia, "we had better revolt from it at once. We can give our hostages when we are brought to distress. It will not then be too late." Accordingly Wey revolted from Jin, and refused, though Jin requested it, to make another covenant.
'In autumn, Shi Yang of Jin joined duke Huan of Cheng (成) in an incursion into Zheng, when they laid siege to Chonglao, in retaliation for Zheng's [attack of] Yique (See the 2d narr. after VI. 4). They then went on to an incursion into Wey.'
Par. 13. Zuo says this incursion was made on account of Jin. That State now called in the help of Lu to wreak its anger on Wey.
Par. 14. 曲濮 is explained as if it were 濮曲, a well known bend or turn of the river Pu, in the pres. Puzhou, dep Caozhou, Shandong. It was in Wey. The object of the covenant between Zheng and Wey was, no doubt, to encourage each other in their revolt from Jin.
Par. 15. To understand this par., the reader must refer to the long note on VI. ii. 6. The tablets of the dukes Min and Xi were then made to change places, contrary to the natural order, and this would affect the order in which the tablets of the subsequent dukes had been arranged. This error was now corrected; the tablet of Min was restored to its proper place, and the others placed where they ought always to have been. This is the view of Zuoshi, Gongyang, and Guliang, who make the former dukes to be Xi and Min. Mao, however, argues from XII. iii. 3, that the shrine-house of Xi continued at that time to follow that of Huan; but we cannot be certain that the fire which is there mentioned followed what may be called 'its natural course.' Hu An'guo, following some scholar of Shu, called Feng Shan (蜀人馮山), prefers to understand 先公 of duke Zhao, whose tablet, he supposes, had till this time been kept out of the ancestral temple by the influence of the Ji family. But, as the Kangxi editors observe, if this view, otherwise not unreasonable, were the correct one, the analogy of the Classic would make us expect the name 昭 in the text, rather than the indefinite 先公.
The Zhuan says:—— 'Ji Wu, Gongchu Ji, and Gongshan Buniu could not get their way with Jishi. Shusun Zhe did not find favour with Shusunshi, and Shuzhong Zhi could not get his way in the State. These five men, in consequence, joined Yang Hu, who wished to take off [the Heads of] the three Huan clans, and to give to Ji Wu the place of Jishi, and to Shusun Zhe that of Shusunshi, while he himself took the place of Mengshi. In winter, in the 10th month, they offered sacrifice to the former dukes in their natural order, and prayed [for their sanction to their scheme]; and on Xinmao, they offered the di sacrifice in the temple of duke Xi.'
According to this narrative, the rearrangement of the sacrificial order proceeded from Yang Hu; and as it was made in contemplation of a coup, he probably designed to intimate that his object was to put civil matters, as well as religious, 'in a natural order.' The di sacrifice in Xi's temple, where all the tablets were brought together, would be to console Xi's Spirit, for the previous degradation of his own tablet.'
Par. 16. The Zhuan says:——'On Renchen, [Yang Hu] was going to give an entertainment to Jishi in the orchard of Pu with the intention of killing him there, and gave notice to the war-chariots of the capital to come to him on Guisi. Gonglian Chufu, commandant of Cheng, told Mengsun of this, and asked why Jishi (Yang Hu must have done it in his name) had given such an order. Mengsun said he had not heard of it. "Then," observed Chufu, "they are going to raise an insurrection, which will be sure to extend to you. Let us be prepared for it beforehand;" and accordingly he arranged with Mengsun to be ready to act on Renchen.
' [That day], Yang Hu rode [to the orchard] before the others, and Lin Chu drove Huanzi, with a body of foresters armed with spears and shields on each side of the chariot, while Yang Yue brought up the rear. As they drew near to the place, Huanzi, in doubt, said to Lin Chu, "Your forefathers were all faithful servants of the Ji family;—is it in this way that you are following their example?" Chu replied, "Your order comes too late. The government is in the hands of Yang Hu, and the State is submissive to him. To oppose him is to invite death; and my death would be of no advantage to you." Huanzi said, "It is not too late. Can you go with me to Mengshi's ?" " I do not dare to grudge dying," was the reply, "but I am afraid I shall not be able to bring you off." "Go," said Huanzi.
'Mengshi had selected 300 of his grooms, who were all strong men, and had set them to build a house outside his gate for Gongqi. Lin Chu made his horses furious, and when he got to the street, galloped them along [to Mengshi's house]. Yang Yue sent an arrow after him which missed, and the builders shut the gate, through which some one shot Yang Yue, and killed him.
'Yang Hu [now] brought by force the duke and Wushu (Shusunshi) with him to attack Mengshi; but Gonglian Chufu, at the head of the men of Cheng, entered the city by the upper east gate, and fought with the adherents of Yang inside the south gate. This battle was unsuccessful, but in another, in Jixia, the Yangites were defeated. Yang Hu then threw off his armour, went to the duke's palace, and took from it the precious symbol of jade, and the great bow. With these he came forth and halted in the street of Wufu, where he went to sleep, and afterwards had a meal prepared. His followers said, "The pursuers will be upon us;" but he replied, "When the people hear that I am gone forth, they will all be rejoicing over [Jisun's escape from] the summons to death, and will have no leisure to pursue me." His followers, however, said, "Ha! get the horses quickly yoked. Gonglian Yang (Chufu) will be here!" Gonglian Yang did ask leave to pursue the fugitives, but Mengsun refused it. Yang also wished to kill Huanzi, but Mengsun was afraid, and sent Huanzi to his own house.
'Ziyan (Ji Wu) drank and replaced the cups, all round, before the shrines in the temple of the Ji family, and then went forth. Yang Hu entered the pass of Huanyang, and held it in revolt.'
From this narrative it appears that by the 'robber' in the text we are to understand Yang Hu. It was not proper, according to Du, that the name or family name of him, who was merely the minister of a clan in the State, should appear in the text. The precious yu and the great bow have, since Liu Xin of the Han dynasty, been understood to be 'the huang-stone of the sovereigns of Xia, and the great bow Fanruo of Fengfu,' mentioned in the long narrative on IV. 4, as having been given by king Cheng to the first duke of Lu. The loss of them in such a way was very insulting to Lu, and night be considered ominous of its destruction.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'In Zheng, Si Chuan (known as 駟子然 a son of Zixia) succeeded Zitaishu as chief minister of that State.']
IX. Ninth year.
1. It was [the duke's] ninth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Wushen, Chai, earl of Zheng, died.
3. We got [again] the precious [symbol of] jade and the great bow.
4. In the sixth month, there was the burial of duke Xian of Zheng.
5. In autumn, the marquises of Qi and Wey halted at Wushi.
6. The earl of Qin died.
7. In winter, there was the burial of duke Ai of Qin.
Par. 1. [We have here two narratives in the Zhuan:-1st, relating to affairs in Song, a sequel to that after the 2d par. of last year. 'This spring, the duke of Song wished to send Yue Daxin to make a covenant with Jin, and to receive the corpse of Yue Qi, but he declined the mission on the pretence that he was unwell, and it was entrusted to Xiang Chao. [In consequence of this], Ziming (Yue Qi's son, Hun), ordered the master of the Right (Daxin, who is here also called Tongmen, 桐門, as a sort of surname from his place of residence) away [when he called upon him], saying, "Why is it that you strike your bells, when I am still wearing deep mourning for my father?" The master replied, "Your mourning could not be affected by that;" and afterwards he remarked to some one, "He could beget a child while wearing his deep mourning; why should I not strike my bells?" Ziming heard of this, and was angry, so that he said to the duke, "The master of the Right will prove injurious to the clans descended from duke Dai. His refusal to go to Jin must have come from a design to some insubordinate proceedings. It must be so, for he had no sickness." On this they drove the master out of the State.'
2d, about the new chief minister of Zheng, a sequel
to the concluding notice of last year:——'Si Chuan of Zheng put to death
Deng Xi, and proceeded to employ the penal laws inscribed by him on
tablets of bamboo. The superior man will say that in this matter Ziran
(Chuan) did not act in a good and generous way. If a man has what will
be of advantage to the State, any perversity of his may be overlooked.
The three stanzas of the Jingnü (Shi, I. iii., Ode XVII.) had their
place assigned them [in the Shi] because of the "Red-coloured reed" [in
the 2d]. The Gan mao (I. iv. ode VII.) with its "What will thou tell
him?" had its place from the generous loyalty [which it indicates].
Therefore, when we make use of a man's methods, we do not cast himself
away. The ode (I. ii. ode V.) says,
The writer, thinking of the man, loved even his tree; how much more should we compassionate the man of whose methods we are making use! Ziran took no means to encourage ability.']
Par. 2. Gongyang has 囆 for 蠆.
Par. 3. Zuoshi gives here a canon about the use of 得 and 獲 'We have here,' he says, '得, because the things were articles of use, and the taking such articles is described by 得; but when the use of them follows on the getting them, that getting is described by 獲.' The meaning is not clear, and the canon is unnecessary. The Zhuan says:——'Yang Hu returned the precious symbol of jade and the great bow. In summer we attacked the Yang pass, but Hu ordered the Lai gate to be set on fire; and while the troops were alarmed, he assailed them, and made his escape. Having fled to Qi, he begged [the assistance of] an army, with which to invade Lu, saying that after three attacks that State was sure to be taken. The marquis was about to grant his request, when Bao Wenzi remonstrated, saying, "I was in the service formerly of Shishi (See the Zhuan on VIII. xvii. 5. Wenzi was the Bao Guo there, and must now have been more than 90), [and know that] Lu cannot be taken. There is still harmony between its high officers and low, and its masses are well-affected. It is able to do service to the great State, and has not suffered calamity from Heaven;—how should we be able to take it? Yang Hu wishes to impose hard toil on the army of Qi, so that many of our great officers are sure to die under its fatigues, and he will then play out his deceitful plans. He found favour with Jishi, and then wanted to kill him, that through the disasters of the State he might seek for forbearance with himself. He makes friends of the rich, and not of men of virtue;—why should you use him? You are richer than Jishi, and [Qi] is greater than Lu;—it is just you whom Yang Hu will want to overthrow. Lu has got rid of its plague;—is not your lordship doing yourself an injury in receiving him?" [On this], the marquis of Qi seized Hu, and was going to send him to the east. [He said that] he wished to go there, and he was banished to [a city on] the western border. There he borrowed all the chariots of the city, cut through their axles, and returned them, bound up with hemp. He then went into a baggage waggon, lay down in it, and made his escape. He was pursued, however, taken, and sent to be confined in the capital, but he made his escape from it again in a baggage waggon, and fled to Song. From Song he fled to Jin, and took refuge with the Head of the Zhao family. Zhongni said, "Shall not the family of Zhao always be troubled with insubordination?"'
Par. 6. Wushi was a city of Jin,—in the west of the pres. dis. of Handan (邯鄲), dep. Guangping, Zhili. The marquises of Qi and Wey were now engaged in an invasion of Jin, and the text might have been 齊侯衛侯伐晉. Du supposes that they shrank from publicly announcing in plain terms their commencement of hostilities against a State which had so long been lord of covenants, and therefore sent the modified notification in the text.
The Zhuan says:——'This autumn, the marquis of Qi attacked [the city] Yiyi of Jin. Bi Wucun's father was about to marry him [at that time] to a lady, but he declined the match, asking that she might be given to his younger brother. "If I do not die," said he, "in this expedition, when I return, I shall take a wife from the House of Gao or from that of Guo." He mounted the wall [of Yiyi] before any other, but in seeking to get out at the gate, he was killed under the eaves. Dongguo Shu then took it on him to ascend before the rest, and was followed by Li Mi, who said to him, "Do you stand aside to the left, and I will do the same to the right. When the others have done scaling, we can then go down [and open the gates]." On this Shu took the left, and Mi was down before him. [After the city was carried], Shu was resting by Wang Meng, who said to him, "I was the first to get up," on which Shu fastened his buff-coat and said, "He placed me a little ago in a false position, and you are now doing the same." Meng smiled and said, "I followed you as closely as the outside horse follows the inside."
'Jin had a thousand chariots in Zhongmou, and as the marquis of Wey wished to go to Wushi, he consulted the tortoise-shell about passing that place. The shell was [only] burnt [and gave no indication], on which he said, "It will do. The chariots of Wey can cope with half of them, and I will cope with the other half. We shall be a match for them." Accordingly, he passed by Zhongmou, and when the men of that place wanted to attack him, Chushi Pu of Wey, who was a refugee there, said, "Though Wey is but small, its ruler is there. You will not conquer him. The army of Qi is arrogant through having reduced the city. Its commander also is of mean rank. If you meet it, you are sure to defeat it. Your best plan is to pursue Qi." In accordance with this advice, they attacked the army of Qi, and defeated it.
'The marquis of Qi gave to Wey [the three cities of] Zhuo, Mei, and Xing. He was going to reward Li Mi, but that officer declined any reward, saying, "There was one who mounted the wall before me, with a white complexion, fine teeth, and wearing a fox's fur.' The marquis sent to see Dongguo Shu, and then said, to him, "It was you. I will give the reward to you." Shu, however, said, "He [and I] were like guests [at the same feast];"—declining the reward, which was then given to Li Mi.
'When the army of Qi was in Yiyi, the marquis said to the inhabitants, "He who finds Bi Wucun shall be made chief of 5 houses and exempted from all services." In this way he recovered Wucun's body, which was encoffined with 3 suits of clothes from the marquis. A chariot of rhinoceros' hide went before the coffin, and a high umbrella, and in this fashion it was sent home before the army. While the trackers knelt, the marquis wept by the coffin before the troops, and with his own hand pushed the bier on three turns of the wheels.'
X. Tenth year.
1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, we made peace with Qi.
2. In summer, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi at Jiagu.
3. The duke came from Jiagu.
4. Zhao Yang of Jin led a force, and laid siege to [the capital of] Wey.
5. An officer came from Qi and restored [to us] Yun, Huan, and the lands of Guiyin.
6. Shusun Zhouqiu and Zhongsun Heji led a force, and laid siege to Hou.
7. In autumn, Shusun Zhouqiu and Zhongsun Heji led a force, and laid siege to Hou.
8. Yue Daxin of Song fled from that State to Cao.
9. The Gongzi Di of Song fled from that State to Chen.
10. In winter, the marquises of Qi and Wey, and You Su of Zheng, had a meeting in Anfu.
11. Shusun Zhouqiu went to Qi.
12. Chen, a younger brother of the duke of Song, with Zhong Tuo and Shi Kou, fled from that State to Chen.
Par. 1. For 8 years now there had been hostilities between Lu and Qi, which were happily terminated by this peace. The influence of Confucius was now felt in the councils of Lu, and many of the critics ascribe the peace, with probability, to that. In the omission of 公 before 及, Li Lian sees an intimation that the peace was desired by the whole State; but when some other critics would press the 及, as indicating that the peace was agreed to by Qi at the earnest instance of Lu, he demurs to such a view as inconsistent with the calm dignity of the sage.
Par. 2. For 夾 Gongyang has 頰. The situation of Jiagu is not positively determined, and it has been assigned to three different places. The Kangxi editors incline to place it in the dis. of Laiwu (萊蕪), dep. Tai'an. The object of the meeting was, no doubt, to confirm the peace which had been agreed upon.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi at Zhuqi, i.e., Jiagu, when Kong Qiu attended him as director [of the cercmonies]. Li Mi had said to the marquis, "Kong Qiu is acquainted with ceremonies, but has no courage. If you employ some of the natives of Lai to come with weapons and carry off the marquis of Lu, you will get from him whatever you wish." The marquis of Qi had arranged accordingly, but Kong Qiu withdrew with the duke, saying, "Let the soldiers smite those [intruders]. You and the marquis of Qi are met on terms of friendship, and for those captives from the distant barbarous east to throw the meeting into confusion with their weapons is not the way to get the States to receive his commands. Those distant people have nothing to do with our great land; those wild tribes must not be permitted to create disorder among our flowery States; captives in war should not break in upon a covenant; weapons of war should not come near a friendly meeting. As before the Spirits, such a thing is inauspicious; in point of virtue, it is contrary to what is right; as between man and man, it is a failure in propriety:—the ruler [of Qi] must not act thus." When the marquis heard this, he instantly ordered the Lai-ites away.
'When they were about to covenant together, the people of Qi added to the words of the covenant these sentences, "Be it to Lu according to [the curses of] this covenant, if, when the army of Qi crosses its own borders, it do not follow us with 300 chariots of war." On this Kong Qiu made Zi Wuxuan reply with a bow, "And so be it also to Qi, if without restoring to us the lands of Wenyang you expect us to obey your orders!"
'The marquis of Qi wanted to give an entertainment to the duke, but Kong Qiu said to Liangqiu Ju, "Are you not acquainted with former transactions between Qi and Lu? The business is finished, and now to have an entertainment besides would only be troubling the officers. Our cups of ceremony, moreover, do not cross our gates, and our admirable instruments of music are not fit for the wild country. An entertainment at which thing's were not complete would be a throwing away of the [proper] ceremonies. If things were not complete, it would be like employing chaff and bai [instead of the good grain]. Such employment would be disgraceful to our rulers; and to throw away the proper ceremonies would be to bring a bad report [upon our meeting];—why should you not consider the matter? An entertainment answers the purpose of displaying virtue; if that be not displayed, it is better to have no entertainment."
'Accordingly the purpose of an entertainment was not carried into effect.'
The substance of the above narrative is given by Guliang, with the embellishment of a jester whom Qi sent to dance before the tent of the marquis of Lu; but the Kangxi editors here reject both the Zhuan. as derogatory to Confucius, and licentious additions of romancists. They have the authority for doing so of Zhu Xi, and other Song scholars; but the objections are mainly based on the inconsistency of the narrative with what they think Qi was likely to do in the circumstances, and what they feel sure Confucius would have done. Surely something like what Zuoshi tells us did take place at Jiagu. We may believe that he has given us what was the current tradition about the meeting soon after it was held. Jiang Bingzhang says, 'Zuoshi was well acquainted with the history of Confucius in Lu;—he had heard and seen the facts. What other testimony can be needed to support his, as if he were speaking of things strange and beyond the sphere of his own knowledge?'
Par. 4. This siege was to be revenged on Wey for the taking of Yiyi in the autumn of last year. The Zhuan says:——'Last year when the marquis of Wey had attacked Wu, the commandant of Handan, in Hanshi (I. q. ), he raised a wall to the northwest of that city, and guarded it, in consequence of which the inhabitants dispersed in the night. [In consequence of this], Wu now attacked the west gate of the capital of Wey, having 70 footmen with him, and killed a man right in the gate, saying, "Allow me to repay you for the affair of Hanshi." She Tuo said to him, "You are indeed a man of courage; but if I go, they will not dare to open the gate." Accordingly he also attacked the gate next morning, having with him 70 footmen, whom he arranged on the right and left, where they all stood like trees till noon, when they retired, the gate not having been opened.
'When the expedition returned, the people of Jin discussed the cause of Wey's revolt, and it was said that it was occasioned by She Tuo and Cheng He. On this they laid hold on She Tuo, and asked Wey, [in consideration of their doing so], to come to a good understanding with them; and when Wey refused to do so, they proceeded to put She Tuo to death, while Cheng He fled to Yan.
'The superior man will say that this was an
illustration of the saying that they who cast propriety away shall have
a different fate from other men. The ode (Shi, I. iv. ode VIII. 3) says,
She Tuo did die quickly.'
Par. 5. Gong and Gu have 運 instead of 鄆, and Gu has 之 between 陰 and 田. This is the sequel to par. 2, the result of the meeting at Jiagu. Yun, Huan, and Guiyin constituted what were called the lands of Wenyang. Yun has often occurred. Huan, —see on II. iii. 6. We might translate 龜陰田 by 'the lands on the north of mount Gui;' —which mount lies between the dis. of Xintai (新泰), dep. Tai'an, and that of Sishui (泗水), dep. Yanzhou. Qi, we were told under par. 1 of the 7th year, restored Yun to Lu; but when Yang Hu fled to Qi, he had again delivered it to that State in the 8th year, as well as the other places mentioned.
Parr. 6, 7. Hou was the principal city of the Shusun family, and was at this time held in revolt by one of its retainers. In par. 7, Gongyang has 費 instead of 郈; but his text must be wrong. Perhaps the two paragraphs following one another, identical save in one character, made him think the 郈 was a mistake; but the thing is clear enough in Zuoshi's narrative.
The Zhuan says, "Before this, when Shusun Chengzi wanted to appoint Wushu his successor, Gongruo Miao remonstrated strongly, and urged him not to do so. Chengzi, however, made the appointment, and died [soon after]. Gongnan then employed a ruffian to shoot Miao, but he did not succeed in killing him. Gongnan was superintendent of [Shusun's] horses, and sent Gongruo to be commandant of Hou.
'When Wushu was established in his position, he employed the superintendent of his horses in Hou, called Hou Fan, to kill Gongruo. He was not able to do so; but one of his grooms said [to Shusun], "I will pass by the court of audience, carrying a sword. Gongruo will be sure to ask whose it is. I will tell him it is yours, and as he will [want to] look at it, I will pretend to be stupid, and hand it to him with the point turned towards him;—and in this way I can kill him." [Shusun] told the man to do as he proposed; and when Gongruo was saying, "Do you want to deal with me as the king of Wu was dealt with (See IX. xxix. 4)?" the other killed him. [On this], Hou Fan took possession of Hou, and held it in revolt. Wushu and Yizi (Heji) laid siege to it, but could not reduce it.
'In autumn they laid siege to it again, having with them an army of Qi, but were again unable to take it. Shusun said to Si Chi, superintendent of the mechanics of Hou, "The place is not only an occasion of grief to our own family, but also a source of distress to the whole State; what is to be done?" Chi replied, "My duty is in four words of the last stanza of the Yangshui (Shi, I. x. ode III. 3. The words are, "I have heard your orders."), on which Shusun bowed to him with his head to the ground. [Soon after], Chi said to Hou Fan, "It will not do for you to dwell here between Qi and Lu, and not be serving either of them. Why not ask to be allowed to do service to Qi, and so present yourself to the people with its authority? If you do not do so, they will revolt from you."
'Hou Fan took his advice, and [ere long] a messenger arrived from Qi, for whom Si Chi and some others spread the report through the city, that Hou Fan was going to exchange Hou for a city in Qi, and that Qi would remove to it the people of Hou. The people were indignant and frightened, on which Chi said to Hou Fan, "The people talk differently from what they did. You had better make an exchange with Qi. That is better than dying here. It will be another Hou, and you will be at ease there; why must you stick to this city? The people of Qi wish to have this, and so be near to [the capital of] Lu;—they will be sure to give you as much territory again. And why not place a large number of buff-coats near your gate, to be prepared for any unexpected movement?" "Very well," said Hou Fan, and accordingly he placed a number of buff-coats [at his gate]. He [also] asked leave of Qi to make an exchange with it of Hou, and [it was arranged that] a commissioner should come from that State to view the city. Just before his arrival, Chi sent men to run about everywhere, crying out, "The army of Qi is come." The people were in great alarm, got between the buff-coats and the gate, and held Hou Fan in siege. Chi proposed shooting at them, but Fan stopped him, saying, "Try to get me off." He then asked to be allowed to leave the place, which the people granted. Chi preceded him to Su, and Fan himself went last of all. Whenever he went out at a gate, the people shut it. When he had got to the gate in the suburbs, they stopped him saying, "You are going away with the buff-coats of the Shusun family. If the officers require them from us, we are afraid we shall have to die." Si Chi said (He must have returned from Su), "Shusun's buff-coats have their own mark. We do not dare to take them with us." Hou Fan said to him, "Do you stop, and number them with them." Chi accordingly stayed, and delivered the buffcoats to the men of Lu. Hou Fan fled to Qi, and the people of that State gave the city over to Lu.'
Par. 8. Gongyang has 世 for 大. See the 1st narr. appended to par. 1 of last year, where this par. is anticipated.
Parr. 9, 12. Here and afterwards, Gongyang has 池 for 地, as the name of the prince. Both he and Chen were brothers of the duke. After 暨 in par. 12 Gong and Gu introduce a 宋.
The Zhuan says:——'The Gongzi Di of Song was so much attached to Qu Fulie, that he divided his property into 11 parts, and gave him 5 of them. He had 4 white horses, which the duke's favourite Xiang Tui wanted to get; and the duke gave them to him, having coloured their manes and tails red. Di was enraged, and made his servants beat Tui, and take the horses from him. Tui was afraid, and going to run away, when the duke shut his gate, and wept over him, till his eyes were quite swollen.
'Di's own brother Chen, said to him, "You divided your property, and gave [half] to Lie. That you should make an exception of Tui, and humiliate him, was an act of partiality. You must show respect to the ruler. If you just cross the borders, he will be sure to send and stop you." [On this] Di fled to Chen, without the duke's stopping him; and when Chen interceded for him, the duke would not listen to him. Chen then said, "It was I who deceived my elder brother. If I leave the State taking the people with me, whom will you have to stop with you?" In winter he left and fled to Chen, along with Zhong Tuo and Shi Kou.'
Par. 10. Gongyang has simply 鞌 for 安甫 Where Anfu was has not been ascertained. The meeting of the three States shows how disaffection to Jin continued to grow, and the dread of it to become less.
Par. 11. This visit was no doubt to express the acknowledgments of Lu for the surrender to it of Hou, and for other favours received from Qi during the year. The Zhuan says:——'Wushu went on a complimentary visit to Qi, when the marquis entertained him, and said to him, "Sir Shusun, if Hou had been in another part of your ruler's State, I should have taken no knowledge of it; but as it immediately adjoins my own State, I assisted your ruler in his trouble about it." Wushu replied, "That was not what my ruler expected. His service of your lordship depends on his [command of his] territories, and the [stability of his] altars. How dared I trouble your lordship's officers with my domestics? And a bad subject is an object of indignation to all under heaven;—your lordship should not consider what you did as a special gift to my ruler."'
XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, Chen, younger brother of the duke of Song, with Zhong Tuo, Shi Kou, and the Gongzi Di, [returning] from Chen, entered Xiao, and held it in revolt.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. In autumn, Yue Daxin entered Xiao from Cao.
4. In winter, we made peace with Zheng, and Shu Xuan proceeded thither to make a covenant.
Parr. 1, 3. Here we find all who were described as flying from Song last year returning to it in a way which was, as Zuoshi says, 'very distressing to Song, and all because of the duke's favouritism for Xiang Tui.' In par. 1 a prominence in the return and revolt is given to the Gongzi Chen. Xiao,—see V. xxx. 6. It was then a small attached State of Song, having been raised to that distinction about the 12th year of Zhuang. This State was extinguished by Chu in the 12th year of Xuan, and Xiao became again a simple city of Song.
Par. 4. Shu Xuan was the successor to Shu Yi, whose death is mentioned in X. xxix. 3, as Head of the Shu family. Zuoshi observes that in this peace and covenant Lu took its first public step in revolting from Jin. It had made an incursion into Zheng in the duke's 6th year at the requisition of Jin.
XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, Ding, earl of Xue, died.
2. In summer, there was the burial of duke Xiang of Xue.
3. Shusun Zhouqiu led a force, and pulled down the walls of Hou.
4. Gongmeng Kou of Wey led a force, and invaded Cao.
5. Jisun Si and Zhongsun Heji led a force, and pulled down the walls of Bi.
6. In autumn, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Guihai, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, when they made a covenant in Huang.
8. In the eleventh month, on Bingyin, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
9. The duke arrived from Huang.
10. In the twelfth month, the duke laid siege to Cheng.
11. The duke arrived from besieging Cheng.
Parr. 1, 2. Ding had been earl of Xue for 3 years, and was succeeded by his son Bi (比). Gao Kang observes that the death of 3 earls of Xue is recorded in the Chunqiu; but in no case is the day or month of their burial given,—through the indifference of the historiographers. Evidently they did not think it worth their while to be particular about so small a State. It is of no use to look for great meanings, as many critics do, in these omissions of dates.
Parr. 3, 5. 墮 is pronounced both duo and hui, the second sound being taken probably, from 毀, which has the same meaning. Mao says, 所云墮者，謂毀其城，壞其郛，夷其阨塞，使失所險阻，而無可憑也, the term thus indicating the entire dismantling of the cities, the overthrow of all their walls and outworks. We could wish that we had more information as to how this movement originated, and how far it was proposed to carry it. Hou, Bi, and Cheng were the principal cities of the three clans, which had long got all the power of Lu into their hands. Each of the cities was fortifled in the strongest manner, and could defy any attempts of the marquises against them. Latterly, however, the chiefs had found these engines of their influence turned against themselves. Hou Fan had held Hou in revolt, and defied Shusun. First Nan Kuai and then Gongshan Buniu had held Bi; and Gonglian Chufu was in Cheng, all but independent of the Mengsun or the State. The three chiefs thus found their weapons turned against themselves, and were prepared to listen to the exhortations of Confucius, who was at this time minister of Crime, and advocated the dismantling of their cities, as an important step towards restoring the authority of the ruler of the State, and establishing an impartial justice throughout its borders. The sage was seconded by Zilu, or Zhong You, one of his most energetic disciples, who was in the employment of the Ji family. The Zhuan says:——'Zhong You was [at this time] steward to Jishi, and proposed dismantling the three capitals [of the clans]. On this Shusun dismantled Hou, and Jisun was going to do the same with Bi. Gongshan Buniu, however, and Shusun Zhe, led the men of Bi to surprise the capital. The duke with the 3 chiefs entered the palace of Jishi, and ascended the tower of Wuzi. There the men of Bi attacked them unsuccessfully, but they penetrated near to the duke's side. [On this], Zhongni ordered Shen Juxu and Yue Qi to go down and attack them. The men of Bi were defeated and fled, pursued by the people, who defeated them [again] at Gumie. Their two leaders fled to Qi, and Bi was dismantled.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, Gongmeng Kou invaded Cao, and reduced Jiao. In his retreat, Hua Luo had the charge of defending the rear, but he did not leave the ranks of the main body, until they had crossed [the border of Cao]. His charioteer said to him, "Does it not seem as if you were deficient in courage to be keeping in the ranks, when you should be in the rear?" Luo replied, "It is better to [seem to] be without courage than to make a useless display of defiance."'
Par. 7. Gongyang gives wrongly 晉侯 instead of 齊侯. Huang,—see II. xvii. 1. Du thinks this covenant was to confirm the revolt of Lu from Jin.
Par. 8. This eclipse took place in the forenoon of Sept. 15th, B.C. 497.
Parr. 10, 11. The Zhuan says:——'It was intended to dismantle Cheng; but Gonglian Chufu said to Mengsun, "If you dismantle Cheng, the men of Qi will [soon] be at the north gate. Cheng, moreover, is the sure defence of the Meng family. If there be no Cheng, there will be no Mengshi. Do you pretend that you do not know anything about it, and I will not dismantle the place." In winter, in the 12th month, the duke laid siege to Cheng, but he could not take it.'
Thus the work of reformation was stopped. About this time, too, Confucius was obliged by the intrigues of Qi and the falling off from him of Jishi, to abandon Lu.
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquises of Qi and Wey halted at Chuijia.
2. In summer, we enclosed the park of Sheyuan.
3. There was a grand review at Bipu.
4. Gongmeng Kou of Wey led a force and invaded Cao.
5. In autumn, Zhao Yang of Jin entered into Jinyang, and held it in revolt.
6. In winter, Xun Yin and Shi Jishe of Jin entered into Zhaoge and held it in revolt.
7. Zhao Yang of Jin returned to [the capital of] that State.
8. Xue murdered its ruler Bi.
Par. 1. Guliang has no 衛侯, and Gongyang has 瑕 instead of 葭. Chuijia, or as it was also called Jushi ( 郹 氏), was in Wey,—in the pres. dis. of Juye, (鉅野), dep. Caozhou. As to the force of 次, see on IX. 5. Du says here, that the two princes were intending to send a force against Jin, and halted here themselves, to succour it if necessary.
The Zhuan say:——'The marquises halted at Chuijia, or Jushi, and sent a force to invade Jin. When it was about to cross the He, the great officers all objected to its doing so; but Bing Yizi said, "We can do so. A light-armed force can attack the country inside the He (In the pres. dep. of Weihui, Henan). It will take several days to transmit the news to Jiang, and troops from Jiang cannot be on the He in less than 3 months, by which time we shall have crossed the river again." Accordingly they ravaged the country inside the He. The marquis of Qi called in the conveyances of all the great officers, and only Bing Yizi was allowed to use his.
'The marquis wished to ride in the same carriage with the marquis of Wey; and [to bring this about], he asked him to a feast, and caused a large war chariot to be yoked, with buff-coats in it. Then he made word [suddenly] be brought that the army of Jin was coming, and said to his guest, "Till your lordship's carriage is yoked, I beg to offer you mine instead." He then put on his armour, and they rode together, driving very fast. [By and by], some one told them that there was no army of Jin; and they stopped.'
Par. 2. Sheyuan was in the south of the pres. dis of Fei (肥), dep. Jinan. The summer was not the season for such an undertaking. "We may be sure,' says Li Lian,' "that by this time the master had nothing to do with the government of Lu." Comp. VIII. xviii. 10; X. ix. 5.
Par. 3. See X. xi 5.
Par. 4. This attack was made, it is supposed, because Cao would not join in the revolt against Jin.
Par. 5. Jinyang was a city and district of Jin,—the principal seat of the Zhao clan;—in the pres. dis. of Taiyuan, dep. Taiyuan (太原), Shanxi.
The Zhuan says:——'Zhao Yang of Jin said to Wu, [the commandant] of Handan, "Make over to me the 500 families rendered to you by Wey, and I will set them in Jinyang." Wu agreed to do so; but, on his return home, he told the elders of his family about the matter, and they all objected, saying, "It is on account of these families that Handan enjoys the favour of Wey. If you place them in Jinyang, you will cut off the communication between us and Wey. You had better make an incursion into Qi, and then take counsel about the matter, [as if you sent them away for fear of Qi]." Wu accordingly adopted this plan, and sent the families to Jinyang. Zhaomeng was angry, called Wu to him, and imprisoned him in Jinyang, causing his followers to give up their swords before they entered [the city], which, however, She Bin refused to do. He then sent word to the men of Handan that for some private reasons he had punished Wu, and would appoint any other [of his family] whom they wished in his place. Immediately after, he put Wu to death; but Zhao Ji (Wu's son) and She Bin held Handan in revolt against him. In summer, in the 6th month, Ji Qin, marshal of the 1st army, laid siege to Handan. Wu of Handan had been a nephew of Xun Yin, and Xun Yin's son had married a daughter of Fan Jishe. Thus these chiefs of the Xun and Fan families were friendly together, and therefore they took no part in the siege of Handan, and intended to make a rising. Dong Anyu heard of their purpose, and told it to Zhaomeng, saying that he should be prepared for them beforehand. That minister replied, "There is an order of the State that he who commences an insurrection shall die. I will wait for them." "Than that the people should be injured, I," said Anyu, "should prefer to die alone. [Make your preparations, and] explain your doing so by [throwing the blame on] me." Zhaomeng, however, refused to do so.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, the Fan and the Zhonghang attacked the palace of the Zhao, when Yang fled to Jinyang, where they came from the capital and besieged him.'
The above narrative seems hardly to bear out the statement of the text that 'Zhao Yang held Jinyang in revolt.' Mao says:——'Zhao Yang fled to Jinyang to escape the danger with which he was threatened; and how is it that the text says he held it in revolt? Jinyang was a city of Jin; but Zhao Yang looked upon it as his own, and wished to remove people from elsewhere to fill it; this done, he further regarded it as an independent State, and resisted in it the army of Jin, so that it no longer belonged to Jin. This might be described as revolt, and from this time the Zhao family wanted to dismember Jin.' If the Fan and the Xun were acting against Yang by the orders of the ruler he was certainly in opposition to the government, and a rebel; if they were acting on their own authority, or authority extorted from the marquis, a justification of his course might be pleaded. Only one thing is plain, that the rulers of Jin, once all-powerful, were now reduced as low as the rulers of Lu.
Par. 6. Zhaoge was the old capital of Yin, and at this time belonged to Jin. It was in the north of the pres dis. of Qi (淇); dep. Weihui, Henan. The Zhuan says:——'Fan Gaoyi did not find favour with Fan Jishe, and wished to create an insurrection in the Fan family. Liang Yingfu was a favourite with Zhi Wenzi (Xun Li), who wished to have him made a minister. Han Jianzi was on bad terms with Zhonghang Wenzi (Xun Yin), as was Wei Xiangzi with Fan Zhaozi (Fan Jishe). These five took counsel together how they might expel Xun Yin and Fan Jishe, and get Liang Yingfu substituted for the former, and Fan Gaoyi for the latter. Xun Li said to the marquis, "Your lordship gave a command to your great servants that the first who disturbed the peace should die. The words of it [were sunk] in the He. Three officers have now disturbed the peace, and only Yang has been driven out. Punishment is not equally distributed. I beg that all the three may be driven out."
'In winter, in the 11th month, Xun Li, Han Buxin (Jianzi), and Wei Manduo (Xiangzi) carried the marquis with them, and attacked, without success, the Fan and the Zhonghang. The chiefs of these two families prepared to attack the marquis, but Gao Qiang of Qi (A refugee in Jin. See the Zhuan on X. x. 2) said to them, "I know he is a good physician [who can heal] an arm broken in 3 places; but it is wrong to attack your ruler. The people will not side with you. I am here because I attacked my ruler. The three families (Their opponents: —the Zhi represented by Xun Li; the Han; and the Wei) are not on good terms among themselves, and may all be overcome. Reduce them, and with whom will the ruler find himself? If you first attack him, you will make them harmonious." They would not listen to him, but attacked the marquis, who was aided by the people of the capital. The chiefs were defeated, pursued, and attacked in their turn, and on Dingwei, Xun Yin and Shi Jishe fled to Zhaoge.'
Gongyang has a 及 in the text after 寅. Xun Yin and Shi (or Fan) Jishe might properly be described as revolters.
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'[The chiefs of] the Han and Wei made intercession for Zhaoshi; and in the 12th month, on Xinwei, Zhao Yang entered Jiang, and made a covenant in the marquis's palace.'
We are left to form our own judgment on this event. The Kangxi editors say that it is recorded by the sage to condemn the marquis of Jin for failing to punish Zhao Yang. Many critics have sought to vindicate the pardon and restoration of Yang on various grounds. The probability is that the marquis could not help himself, but was obliged to do as the great chiefs told him. The narratives about Yang bring before us, however, very distinctly, the six families which now divided the power of Jin;—those of Zhao, Han, Wei, Zhi, Fan, and Zhonghang. We see also premonitions of the rise of the former three over the latter. A shadow is thrown before of the division of the great State of Jin into the three States of Zhao, Han, and Wei.
Par. 8. The succession of Bi to Xue was noticed on the 1st and 2d parr. of last year. Not one of the Zhuan says anything of the circumstances of his death or murder, as the text calls it. He was followed by his son Yi, duke Hui (惠公，夷).
[The Zhuan gives here the following narrative about Wey:——'Before this, Gongshu Wenzi of Wey went to court, and begged that duke Ling would accept an entertainment from him. As he was retiring, he saw the historiographer Qiu, and told him, who said, "You are sure to meet with misfortune. You are rich, and the ruler is covetous. Some offence will be charged against you." "Yes," replied Wenzi, "it was my fault that I did not tell you before. But the ruler has promised; what is to be done?" "There is no harm," said the historiographer. "Deport yourself as a subject, and you will escape. When a rich man can so deport himself, he will escape danger. It is thus with both high and low. But [your son] Shu is proud, and is like to come to ruin. There are few who are rich without being proud. You are the only exception that I have seen. There has never been a case of a proud man, who did not come to ruin. Shu is sure to fall into calamity." When Wenzi was dead, the marquis of Wey began to hate Gongshu Shu,—because of his riches. Shu also wished to send away the partizans of the marchioness (The famous Nan Zi. See Ana. VI. xxvi.), and she accused him of intending to produce an insurrection.']
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Gongshu Shu of Wey came a fugitive to Lu.
2. Zhao Yang of Wey fled from that State to Song.
3. In the second month, the Gongzi Jie of Chu, and the Gongsun Tuoren of Chen, led a force and extinguished Dun, carrying Zang, the viscount of Dun, back with them [to Chu.]
4. In summer, Beigong Jie of Wey came a fugitive to Lu.
5. In the fifth month, Yuyue defeated Wu at Zuili.
6. Guang, viscount of Wu, died.
7. The duke had a meeting with the marquises of Qi and Wey in Qian.
8. The duke arrived from the meeting.
9. In autumn, the marquis of Qi and the duke of Song had a meeting in Tao.
10. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Shi Shang to Lu with a present of the flesh of sacrifice.
11. Kuaikui, heir-son of Wey, fled from that State to Song.
12. Gongmeng Kou of Wey fled from that State to Zheng.
13. Chen, younger brother of the duke of Song, came a fugitive to Lu from Xiao.
14. There was a grand review in Bipu.
15. The viscount of Zhu came and had a meeting with the duke.
16. We walled Jufu and Xiao.
Parr. 1, 2. We have here the sequel of the narrative at the end of last year. The Zhuan says here:——'This spring, the marquis of Wey drove out Gongshu Shu and his partizans, in consequence of which Zhao Yang fled to Song, and Shu came a fugitive to Lu.'
Gong and Gu both have, in par. 2, 晉趙陽 for 衛趙陽, misled, probably, by the 晉趙鞅 in parr. 5 and 7 of last year.
[The Zhuan appends here a continuation of affairs in Jin:——'Liang Yingfu hated Dong Anyu, and said to Zhi Wenzi (Xun Li), "If you do not kill Anyu, but allow him to continue to direct the affairs of the Zhao family, Zhaoshi is sure to get the State of Jin; why not require Zhaoshi to punish him, on the ground that he was the first to excite our [recent] troubles?" Wenzi sent a representation to that effect to Zhaoshi, saying, "Although the Fan and the Zhonghang did really rise in insurrection, yet it was Anyu who provoked them. He was chargeable with the same crime as they. It is a law of Jin that they who commence to disturb the peace should die. Those two chiefs have suffered for their crime; and I venture to submit the case to you." Zhaomeng was troubled about the matter, but Anyu said, "If by my death the State of Jin get repose, and the Zhao family be established, why should I live? What man must not die? I shall [only] die [too] late." Accordingly he strangled himself. Zhaomeng exposed his body in the marketplace, and sent word to Zhishi, saying. "You ordered me to put to death the criminal Anyu. He has suffered for his crime, and I presume to inform you of it." Zhi Bo made a covenant in consequence with Zhaomeng, and then the Zhao family was established, and sacrificed to Anyu in its ancestral temple.']
Par. 3. Dun had long been subservient to Chu, and obedient to its cell; but we saw in the 4th year how it transferred its allegiance to Jin; and it now suffered for doing so. Chen however, was then among the revolters from Chu, and here we find it aiding that State in its vengeance upon Dun. It must have found means to make its peace for the time with its powerful superior. Gongyang has here 三 月 instead of 二月；公子佗人 instead of 公孫佗人; and 牄 for 牂.
The Zhuan says:——'Zang, viscount of Dun, wishing to serve Jin, had rebelled against Chu, and broken off its friendship with Chen. In the 2d month, Chu extinguished Dun.'
Par. 4. Zuo observes that Beigong Jie now fled to Lu, on account of [the affair of] Gongshu Shu. Nan Zi was the cause of all the disturbances of Wey. Gao Kang says, "Duke Ling of Wey gave ear implicitly to what was told him in the harem. It was thus he sent out as fugitives the hereditary servants of the State, and all who favoured them. The State in fact was thus placed by him at the disposal of his harem.'
Parr. 5, 6. Gongyang has 醉 for 檇. Zuili was in Wu;—5 li south of the pres. dis. city of Jiaxing (嘉興) dep. Jiaxing, Zhejiang. The Zhuan says:——'Wu invaded Yue, and was met by Goujian, viscount of Yue. The two armies were drawn up at Zuili, when Goujian, distressed by the order and steadiness of the troops of Wu, sent a body of men resolved to sell their lives, who made two daring attempts to break in upon them, but they did not move from their place. He [then] sent three lines of criminals, who held swords to their throats, and addressed their opponents, saying, "Your ruler and ours are here in the field of battle, and we are servants who have violated [the laws of his] flags and drums. We are here inactive before your ruler's ranks, and do not dare to flee from the punishment [which is our due];—we dare to go home to death." And with this they all cut their throats. The army of Wu was looking at them with fixed eyes, when the viscount of Yue took the opportunity, and made an attack which was the prelude to a great defeat. Ling Gufu struck Helu with a great lance, and cut off one of his great toes, and carried away one of his shoes. [The viscount of Wu] then retreated and died at Xing, 7 li from Zuili. Fuchai [his son] made a man stand in his court, and say to him, whenever he came out or went in, "Fuchai, have you forgotten that the king of Yue killed your father?" to whom he would reply, "Here I am. I dare not forget it." Three years after this he repaid Yue for the affair.'
Par. 7. Gongyang has 堅 for 牽. The place was in Wey;—in the pres. dis. of Jun (濬), dep. Weihui, Henan. The object of the meeting was to relieve the siege of Zhaoge, as the Zhuan says:——'The men of Jin were besieging Zhaoge, when the duke had a meeting with the marquises of Qi and Wey, between Pi and Shangliang, to take counsel about relieving the chiefs of the Fan and Zhonghang clans (See par. 6 of last year). Fu of Xicheng and Xiaowang Taojia led a force of Di to surprise [the capital of] Jin, and fought in it, but were unsuccessful and retired. Shi Fu fled to Zhou, and Xiaowang Taojia entered Zhaoge.'
Par. 9. Tao,—see V. viii. 1. This meeting, like the one at Qian, was on account of the Fan family, and other revolters in Jin. The Kangxi editors say, 'At this time, Wey had its difficulties with Gongshu Shu, and Song its difficulties with the Gongzi Chen. [Duke] Jing of Qi could not settle their disorders for those States, but took counsel with their rulers how they could help the revolted subjects of Jin. Wey and Song, unable themselves to bring their own revolted subjects to order, could do nothing but follow Qi;—they were all of them wrong.'
Par. 10. 石 is the clan name, and 尚 is the name; from which the critics conclude the envoy must have been simply of the rank of an officer (天王之士). 脤 is the name of the flesh used by the king in sacrifice (祭肉);—especially of that offered at the altar of the land. A portion of this was put into the shell of a large bivalve, and sent round to the different princes of the surname Ji. The bivalve was called 蜃, and hence the flesh thus sent got the name of 脤. There has been no mention of any complimentary visit from the court of Zhou to Lu since the 10th year of duke Xuan. How it came to observe this special rule just at this time, it is not worth while to consider; but as Confucius had a short time before this left Lu, because the duke did not observe the rule of sending portions of the sacrificial flesh to his great officers, that circumstance may have led him to give the event of the text a place in the Chunqiu.
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Wey, to
gratify his wife Nan Zi, had invited Zhao of Song (Her brother) to his
court. At the meeting at Tao, Kuaikui, eldest son of the marquis, had
presented [the city of] Yu to Qi; and as he was [returning] through the
country of Song, the country-people sang to him,
The prince was ashamed, and said to Su of Xiyang, "Follow me, when I visit the duchess; and when she sees me, and I look round, do you kill her." Su agreed to this. The prince accordingly went to the court of the marchioness, who saw him, but though he looked round thrice, Su did not advance. The marchioness observed his countenance, burst into tears, and ran off, crying, "The prince is going to kill me." The marquis took her by the hand, and went up with her into a tower. [On this] the prince fled to Song, and all belonging to his party were driven out of the State. It was in consequence of this that Gongmeng Kou fled to Zheng, and from Zheng to Qi.
'The prince said to people that Su of Xiyang had been the occasion of his calamity, but Su [on the other hand] told people that the prince had brought calamity on him. "Contrary to all principle," he said, "the prince wanted me to kill his mother, and said that if I did not consent he would kill me. If I had killed the marchioness, he would have thrown the blame on me. I agreed to do it therefore, but did not do it, wishing to defer my death. The common saying is that people preserve themselves by good faith. I hold that the good faith must be in regard to what is righteous."'
Par. 12. See the preceding narrative.
Par. 13. See X. 12 and XI. 1. Why Chen alone of all the insurgents in Xiao fled from Song, if indeed it were so, we do not know.
Par. 14. See par. 3 of last year.
Par. 15. It is to be understood that it was to Bipu that the viscount of Zhu came. Compare III. xxiii. 7, where a visit is paid to duke Zhuang at Gu. Then the ceremonies of a court visit were observed, however, and we have 朝 instead of 會.
Par. 16. Jufu and Xiao were two cities of Lu, in the pres. Juzhou, dep. Yizhou (沂州). Lu walled these two places, in case of hostilities from Jin, whose superiority it no longer acknowledged.
The character for 'in the winter' it will be observed, has somehow been omitted or lost from the paragraphs of this year.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'In winter, in the 12th month, the men of Jin defeated the forces of Fanshi and Zhonghangshi at Lu, and captured Ji Qin and Gao Qiang. They also defeated the forces of Zheng and of Fanshi at Baiquan.']
XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the viscount of Zhu came to Lu on a court visit.
2. Field mice ate at the ox for the border sacrifice, so that it died; and another was divined for.
3. In the second month, on Xinchou, the viscount of Chu extinguished Hu, and carried Bao, viscount of Hu, back with him to Chu.
4. In summer, in the fifth month, on Xinhai, we offered the border sacrifice.
5. On Renshen, the duke died in the high chamber.
6. Han Da of Zheng led a force, and invaded Song.
7. The marquises of Qi and Wey halted at Quchu.
8. The viscount of Zhu came hurrying to the [ceremonies consequent on the duke's] death.
9. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Renshen, the lady Si died.
10. In the eighth month, on Gengchen, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
11. In the ninth month, the viscount of Teng came to be present at the [duke's] funeral.
12. On Dingsi there should have been the interment of our ruler duke Ding; [but] the rain came down, so that it could not be carried out. On Wuwu, in the afternoon, it was done.
13. On Xinsi, there was the burial of Ding Si.
14. In winter, we walled Qi.
Par. 1. The viscount of Zhu had a meeting, we saw last year, with the duke, at Bipu, and here we find him, at the beginning of this year, paying a formal visit at his court; and in summer he hurries to it again, as soon as he hears of the duke's death. There must have been great friendship, or some other cogent reason, to make him thus demean himself.
The Zhuan here says:——'When duke Yin of Zhu appeared at the court of Lu, Zigong (One of Confucius' most famous disciples) witnessed [the ceremony between the two princes]. The viscount bore his symbol of jade [too] high, with his countenance turned upwards; the duke received it [too] low, with his countenance bent down. Zigong said, "Looking on [and judging] according to the rules of ceremony, the two rulers will [soon] die or go into exile. Those rules are [as] a stem from which grow life or death, preservation or ruin. We draw our conclusion from the manner in which parties move to the right or to the left, advance and recede, look down and look up; and we observe this at court-meetings and sacrifices, and occasions of death and war. It is now in the first month that these princes meet at court together, and they both violate the proper rules;—their minds are gone. On a festal occasion like this, unobservant of such an essential matter, how is it possible for them to continue long? The high symbol and upturned look are indicative of pride; the low symbol and look bent down are indicative of negligence. Pride is not far removed from disorder, and negligence is near to sickness. Our ruler is the host, and will probably be the first to die.'
Parr. 2, 4. See VIII. vii. 1. Here we are not told in what part the mice attacked the ox, but the animal died. The sacrifice, notwithstanding, was performed, though the 5th month was beyond the equinox, and the ceremony was therefore irregular.
Par. 3. Comp. par. 3 of last year. Chu had the same grounds of resentment against Hu as against Dun. The Zhuan says here:——'When Wu entered Chu (IV. 15), the viscount of Hu had plundered all the cities of Chu which were near his State, and carried the people off. After Chu was settled again, Bao, the viscount of Hu, still refused to do service to it, saying, "Preservation and ruin happen as appointed; why should I incur the numerous expenses connected with serving Chu?" In the 2d month, Chu extinguished Hu.'
Par. 5. Du says that 高寢 is the 'name of a place,' and for Ding to die here was not to die in his proper place. Thus of the eleven marquises of Lu whose deaths have now been chronicled, only three—Zhuang, Xuan, and Cheng—died, as all ought to have done, in the 'State chamber.' Some critics however, with whom I am inclined to agree, take 高寢 as synonymous with 路寢. The critics dwell on the privilege which Ding possessed in the counsels of Confucius, which might have raised Lu to more than its ancient eminence among the States of the kingdom. That he did not avail himself long of them was a proof, they say, both of his own weakness and of the averted regards from Lu of Heaven.
The Zhuan says:——'On the death of the duke, Zhongni said, "It is unfortunate for Ci (Zigong; see on par. 1) that his words have proved correct;—it will make him a still greater talker."'
Par. 6. The Zhuan says that at this time 'Da defeated an army of Song at Laoqiu.' The Gongzis, who fled at first from Song to Chen (X. 9), subsequently took refuge in Zheng. This led to hostilities between the two States, which continued for many years (See XII. xii. 5). Gongyang has 軒 for 罕.
Par. 7. Gong has 蘧蒢 for 渠蒢; and the Zhuan calls the place 迧濿. Nothing is known of it, but that it was in Song. "The marquises," says Zuo, "halted here, to take counsel about succouring Song;' i.e., they consulted about succouring it, but did not do so.
Parr. 8, 11. Both the things related here were contrary to rule. We have not hitherto met with an instance of the prince of one State hurrying to be present at the preparatory obsequies of the prince of another. The student will mark the difference between the terms 奔 and 會. The funeral took place, according to rule, 5 months after the death; and there was time to go to it without 'hurrying.' Not so with the coffining and other preparatory rites, which commenced immediately after the decease.
Parr. 9, 13. Guliang has 弋 for 姒. This lady Si was the mother, it is generally supposed, of duke Ai, and a concubine of Ding. She has not, in the former of these paragraphs, the title of 小君 or wife, nor in the latter the title of 夫人, or marchioness, because, though Ai was now marquis, the year had not expired, and he had not the title. This is more likely than, the reason which Zuoshi gives for the former omission,—that the lady's death was not communicated to other States, nor was her spirit-tablet placed in its proper place in the temple; and for the latter, that her funeral rites were imperfectly attended to.
Par. 10. This is the last of the eclipses recorded in the classic, and took place in the forenoon of July 16th, B.C. 494.
Par. 12. See on VII. viii. 9, 10. Zuoshi observes here, as there, that to defer the burial, in consequence of the rain, was proper. In the Yi (under the diagram Feng—豐) we find 日中昃 'after mid-day is the afternoon.' Guliang has 稷 for 昃.
Par. 14. Qi;—see IX. xxi. 2, where Qi treacherously passes from Zhu to Lu. The fortifying the place now appears to have been in contemplation of hostilities against Zhu. Perhaps it was a knowledge of such a design against his State which made the viscount of Zhu so assiduous in his attentions to duke Ding alive and dead.
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