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1. 隱 公
元 年 春 王 正 月。
三 月，公 及 邾 儀 父 盟 于 蔑。
夏，五 月，鄭 伯 克 段 于 鄢。
秋，七 月，天 王 使 宰 咺 來 歸 惠 公 仲 子之 賵。
九 月，及 宋 人 盟 于 宿。
冬，十 有 二 月，祭 伯 來。
公 子 益 師 卒。
左 傳 曰，惠 公 元 妃 孟 子，孟 子 卒，繼 室 以 聲 子，生 隱 公。宋 武 公 生 仲 子。仲 子 生 而 有 文 在 其 手，曰 為 魯 夫 人，故 仲 子 歸 于 我，生 桓 公 而 惠 公 薨，是 以 隱 公 立 而 奉 之。
元 年 春 王 周 正 月，不 書 即 位，攝 也。
三 月，公 及 邾 儀 父 盟 于 蔑。邾 子 克 也，未 王 命，故 不 書 爵，曰 儀 父，貴 之 也。公 攝 位，而 欲 求 好 於 邾，故 為 蔑 之 盟。
☉ 夏 四 月，費 伯 帥 師 城 郎。不 書，非 公 命 也。
初，鄭 武 公 娶 于 申，曰 武 姜，生 莊 公，及 共 叔 段。莊 公 寤 生，驚 姜 氏，故 名 曰 寤 生，遂 惡 之，愛 共 叔 段，欲 立 之 ，亟 請 於 武 公，公 弗 許。 及 莊 公 即 位，為 之 請 制，公， 曰 制，巖 邑 也，虢 叔 死 焉，佗 邑 唯 命。請 京。使 居 之，謂 之 京 城 大 叔。祭 仲 曰，都 城 過 百 雉，國 之 害 也，先 王 之 制，大 都 不 過 參 國 之 一，中 五之 一，小 九 之 一，今 京 不 度，非 制 也，君 將 不 堪。公 曰，姜 氏 欲 之，焉 辟 害。對 曰，姜 氏 何 厭 之 有，不 如 早 為 之 所，無 使 滋 蔓，蔓 難 圖 也，蔓 草 猶 不 可 除，況 君 之 寵 弟 乎。公 曰，多 行 不 義，必 自 斃，子 姑 待 之。
既 而 大 叔 命 西 鄙 北 鄙 貳 於 己。公 子 呂 曰，國 不 堪 貳，君 將 若 之 何，欲 與 大 叔，臣 請 事 之，若 弗 與則 請 除 之，無 生 民 心。公 曰，無 庸 將 自 及。
大 叔 又 收 貳 以 為 己 邑，至 于 廩 延。子 封 曰，可 矣，厚 將 得 眾。公 曰，不 義 不 暱，厚 將 崩。
大 叔 完 聚，繕 甲 兵，具 卒 乘，將 襲 鄭 夫 人 將 啟 之。公 聞 其 期，曰，可 矣。命 子 封 帥 車 二 百 乘 以 伐 京，京 叛 大 叔 段，段 入 于 鄢，公 伐 諸 鄢，五 月 辛 丑，大 叔 出 奔 共。
書 曰，鄭 伯 克 段 于 鄢，段 不 弟，故 不 言 弟。如 二 君，故 曰 克。稱 鄭 伯，譏 失 教 也。謂 之 鄭 志，不 言 出 奔，難 之 也。
遂 寘 姜 氏 于 城 潁，而 誓 之 曰，不 及 黃 泉，無 相 見 也。既 而 悔 之。潁 考 叔 為 潁 谷 封 人，聞 之，有 獻 於 公，公 賜 之 食，食 舍 肉，公 問 之。對 曰，小 人 有 母，皆 嘗 小 人 之 食 矣，未 嘗 君 之 羹，請 以 遺 之。公 曰 ． 爾 有 母 遺，繄 我 獨 無。潁 考 叔 曰，敢 問 何 謂 也。公 語 之 故，且 告 之 悔。對 曰，君 何 患 焉，若 闕 地 及 泉，隧 而 相 見，其 誰 曰 不 然。公 從 之，公 入 而 賦，大 隧 之 中，其 樂 也 融 融。姜 出 而 賦，大 隧 之 外，其 樂 也 洩 洩。
遂 為 母 子 如 初。君子 曰，潁 考 叔 純 孝 也，愛 其 母，施 及 莊 公，詩 曰，孝 子 不 匱，永 錫 爾 類，其 是 之 謂 乎。
秋，七 月，天 王 使 宰 咺 來 歸 惠 公 仲 子 之 賵，緩。且 子 氏 未 薨，故 名。天 子 七 月 而 葬，同 軌 畢 至，諸 侯 五月，同 盟 至。大 夫 三 月，同 位 至，士 踰 月，外 姻 至，贈 死 不 及 尸，弔 生 不 及 哀，豫 凶 事，非 禮 也。
☉ 八 月，紀 人 伐 夷，夷 不 告，故 不 書 ☉ 有 蜚，不 為 災，亦 不 書。
惠 公 之 季 年，敗 宋 師 于 黃，公 立，而 求 成 焉，九 月。及 宋 人 盟 于 宿，始 通 也。
☉ 冬 十 月，庚 申，改 葬 惠 公，公 弗 臨，故 不 書。惠 公 之 薨 也，有 宋 師，太 子 少，葬 故 有 闕，是 以 改 葬。☉ 衛 侯 來 會 葬，不 見 公，亦 不 書。
☉ 鄭 共 叔 之 亂，公 孫 滑 出 奔 衛，衛 人 為 之 伐 鄭，取 廩 延，鄭 人 以 王 師 虢 師 伐 衛 南 鄙，請 師 於 邾，邾 子 使 私 於 公 子 豫，豫 請 往，公 弗 許，遂 行，及 邾 人，鄭 人，盟 于 翼。不書，非 公 命 也。☉
新 作 南 門，不 書，亦 非 公 命 也。
十 二 月 祭 伯 來，非 王 命 也。
眾 父 卒。公 不 與 小 斂，故 不 書 日。
二 年，春，公 會 戎 于 潛。
夏，五 月，莒 人 入 向。
無 駭 帥 師 入 極。
秋，八 月 庚 辰，公 及 戎 盟 于 唐。
九 月，紀 裂 繻 來 逆 女。
冬，十 月 伯 姬 歸 于 紀。
紀 子 帛 莒 子 盟 于 密。
十 有 二 月，乙 卯 夫 人 子 氏 薨。
鄭 人 伐 衛。
左 傳 曰，二 年，春，公 會 戎 于 潛，修 惠 公 之 好 也，戎 請 盟，公 辭。
莒 子 娶 于 向，向 姜 不 安 莒 而 歸，夏，莒 人 入 向，以 姜 氏 還。
司 空 無 駭 入 極，費 庈 父 勝 之。
戎 請 盟，秋，盟 于 唐，復 修 戎 好 也。
九 月，紀 裂 繻 來 逆 女，卿 為 君 逆 也。
冬 紀 子 帛，莒 子，盟 于 密，魯 故 也。
鄭 人 伐 衛，討 公 孫 滑 之 亂 也。
三 年，春，王 二 月，己 巳，日 有 食 之。
三 月，庚 戌，天 王 崩。
夏，四 月，辛 卯，尹 氏 卒。
秋 武 氏 子 來 求 賻。
八 月，庚 辰，宋 公 和 卒。
冬，十 有 二 月，齊 侯 鄭 伯 盟 于 石 門。
癸 未，葬 宋 穆 公。
左 傳 曰，三 年，春，王 三 月，壬 戌，平 王 崩。赴 以 庚 戌，故 書 之。
夏，君 氏 卒，聲 子 也。不 赴 於 諸 侯，不 反 哭 于 寢，不 祔 于 姑，故 不 曰 薨。不 稱 夫 人，故 不 言 葬。不 書 姓。為 公 故，曰 君 氏。
鄭 武 公 莊 公，為 平 王 卿 士，王 貳 于 虢，鄭 伯 怨 王，王 曰，無 之。故 周 鄭 交 質，王 子 狐 為 質 於 鄭，鄭 公子 忽 為 質 於 周。王 崩，周 人 將 畀 虢 公 政，四 月，鄭 祭 足 帥 師，取 溫 之 麥，秋，又 取 成 周 之 禾，周 鄭 交 惡。君 子 曰，信 不 由 中，質 無 益 也，明 恕 而 行，要 之 以 禮，雖 無 有 質，誰 能 間 之，苟 有 明 信，澗 谿 沼 沚 之 毛， 蘋 蘩 薀 藻 之 菜，筐 筥 錡 釜 之 器，潢 汙 行 潦 之 水，可 薦 於 鬼 神，可 羞 ，於 王 公，而 況 君 子 結 二 國 之 信，行 之 以 禮，又 焉 用 質，風 有 采 蘩 采 蘋，雅 有 行 葦 泂 酌，昭 忠 信 也。
武 氏 子 來 求 賻，王 未 葬 也。
宋 穆 公 疾，召 大 司 馬 孔 父 而 屬 殤 公 焉，曰，先 君 舍 與 夷 而 立 寡 人，寡 人 弗 敢 忘，若 以 大 夫 之 靈，得 保 首領 以 沒，先 君 若 問 與 夷，其 將 何 辭 以 對，請 子 奉 之，以 主 社 稷，寡 人雖 死，亦 無 悔 焉。對 曰，群 臣 願 奉 馮 也。公 曰，不 可，先 君 以 寡 人 為 賢，使 主 社 稷，若 棄 德 不 讓，是 廢 先 君 之 舉 也，豈 曰 能 賢，光 昭 先 君之 令 德，可 不 務 乎，吾 子 其 無 廢 先 君 之 功。使 公 子 馮 出 居 於 鄭。八 月，庚 辰，宋 穆 公 卒，殤 公 即 位。君 子 曰，宋 宣 公 可 謂 知 人 矣，立 穆 公，其 子 饗 之，命 以 義 夫，商 頌 曰，殷 受 命 咸 宜，百 祿 是 荷，其 是 之 謂 乎。
冬 齊 鄭 盟 于 石 門，尋 盧 之 盟 也。庚 戌，鄭 伯 之 車 僨 于 濟。
衛 莊 公 娶 于 齊 東 宮 得 臣 之 妹，曰 莊 姜，美 而 無 子，衛 人 所 為 賦 碩 人 也。又 娶 于 陳，曰 厲 媯，生 孝 伯，早 死，其 娣 戴 媯，生 桓 公，莊 姜 以 為 己 子。公 子 州 吁，嬖 人 之 子 也，有 寵 而 好 兵，公 弗 禁，莊 姜 惡 之，石 碏 諫 曰，臣 聞 愛 子，教 之 以 義 方，弗 納 于 邪，驕 奢 淫 泆，所 自 邪 也，四 者 之 來，寵 祿 過 也，將 立 州 吁，乃 定 之 矣，若 猶 未 也，階 之 為 禍。夫 寵 而 不 驕，驕 而 能 降，降 而 不 憾，憾 而 能 眕 者，鮮 矣，且 夫 賤 妨 貴，少 陵 長，遠 間 親，新 間 舊，小 加 大，淫 破 義，所 謂 六 逆 也。君 義，臣 行，父 慈，子 孝，兄 愛，弟 敬，所 謂 六 順 也，去 順 效 逆，所 以 速 禍 也，君 人 者，將 禍 是 務 去，而 速 之，無 乃 不 可 乎。弗 聽，其 子 厚，與 州 吁 游，禁 之，不 可，桓 公 立，乃 老。
四 年，春，王 二 月，莒 人 伐 杞，取 牟 婁。
戊 申，衛 州 吁 弒 其 君 完。
夏，公 及 宋 公 遇 于 清。
宋 公 陳 侯 蔡 人 衛 人 伐 鄭。
秋，翬 帥 師 會 宋 公 陳 侯 蔡 人 衛 人 伐 鄭。
九 月，衛 人 殺 州 吁 于 濮。
冬，十 有 二 月，衛 人 立 晉。
四 年，春，衛 州 吁 弒 桓 公 而 立。公 與 宋 公 為 會，將 尋 宿 之 盟，未 及 期 衛 人 來 告 亂，夏，公 及 宋 公 遇 于 清。
宋 殤 公 之 即 位 也，公 子 馮 出 奔 鄭，鄭 人 欲 納 之。及 衛 州 吁 立，將 脩 先 君 之 怨 於 鄭，而 求 寵 於 諸 侯，以 和 其 民，使 告 於 宋， 曰，君 若 伐 鄭，以 除 君 害，君 為 主，敝 邑 以 賦，與 陳 蔡 從，則 衛 國 之 願 也。宋 人 許 之，於 是 陳 蔡 方 睦 於 衛，故 宋 公，陳 侯，蔡 人，衛 人，伐 鄭，圍 其 東 門，五 日 而 還。
公 問 於 眾 仲 曰，衛 州 吁 其 成 乎。對 曰，臣 聞 以 德 和 民，不 聞 以 亂，以 亂，猶 治 絲而 棼 之 也，夫 州 吁，阻 兵 而 安 忍，阻 兵，無 眾，安 忍，無 親，眾 叛 親 離，難 以 濟 矣，夫 兵，猶 火 也，弗 戢，將 自 焚 也，夫 州 吁，弒 其 君 而 虐 用 其 民，於 是 乎 不 務 令 德，而 欲 以 亂 成，必 不 免 矣。
秋，諸 侯 復 伐 鄭，宋 公 使 來 乞 師，公 辭 之，羽 父 請 以 師 會 之，公 弗 許，固 請 而 行，故 書 曰 翬 帥 師，疾 之 也。諸 侯 之 師，敗 鄭 徒 兵，取 其 禾 而 還。
州 吁 未 能 和 其 民，厚 問 定 君 於 石 子。石 子 曰，王 覲 為 可。曰，何 以 得 覲。曰，陳 桓 公 方 有 寵 於 王，陳 衛 方 睦，若 朝 陳 使 請，必 可 得 也。厚 從 州 吁 如 陳，石 碏 使 告 于 陳 曰，衛 國 褊 小，老 夫 耄 矣，無 能 為 也，此 二 人 者，實 弒 寡 君，敢 即 圖 之。陳 人 執 之，而 請 蒞 于 衛。九 月，衛 人 使 右 宰 醜，蒞 殺 州 吁 于 濮，石 碏 使其 宰 獳 羊 肩，蒞 殺 石 厚 于 陳。君 子 曰，石 碏 純 臣 也，惡 州 吁，而 厚 與 焉。大 義 滅 親，其 是 之 謂 乎。
衛 人 逆 公 子 晉 于 邢，冬，十 二 月，宣 公 即 位。書 曰，衛 人 立 晉，眾 也。
五 年，春，公 矢 魚 于 棠。
夏，四 月，葬 衛 桓 公。
秋，衛 師 入 郕。
九 月，考 仲 子 之 宮，初 獻 六 羽。
邾 人 鄭 人 伐 宋。
冬，十 有 二 月，辛 巳，公 子 彄 卒。
宋 人 伐 鄭，圍 長 葛。
左 傳 曰，五 年 春，公 將 如 棠 觀 魚 者，臧 僖伯 諫 曰，凡 物 不 足 以 講 大 事，其 材 不 足 以 備 器 用，則 君 不 舉 焉。君 將 納 民 於 軌 物 者 也，故 講 事 以 度 軌 量，謂 之 軌，取 材 以 章 物 采，謂 之 物，不 軌 不 物，謂 之 亂 政，亂 政 亟 行，所 以 敗 也。故 春 蒐，夏 苗，秋 獮，冬 狩，皆 於 農 隙 以 講 事 也。三 年 而 治 兵，入 而 振 旅，歸 而 飲 至，以 數 軍 實，昭 文 章，明 貴 賤，辨 等 列，順 少 長，習 威 儀 也。鳥 獸 之 肉，不 登 於 俎，皮 革 齒 牙，骨 角 毛 羽，不 登 於 器，則 公 不 射，古 之 制 也。若 夫 山 林 川 澤 之 實，器 用 之 資，皁 隸 之 事，官 司 之 守，非 君 所 及 也。公 曰，吾 將 略 地 焉。遂 往，陳 魚 而 觀 之。僖 伯 稱 疾 不 從。書 曰，公 矢 魚 于 棠，非 禮 也，且 言 遠 地 也。
曲 沃 莊 伯，以 鄭 人 邢 人 伐 翼，王 使 尹 氏 武 氏 助 之，翼 侯 奔 隨。
夏 葬 衛 桓 公。衛 亂，是 以 緩。
四 月，鄭 人 侵 衛 牧，以 報 東 門 之 役，衛 人 以 燕 師 伐 鄭，鄭 祭 足，原 繁，洩 駕，以 三 軍 軍 其 前，使 曼 伯 與 子 元，潛 軍 軍 其 後，燕 人 畏 鄭 三 軍，而 不 虞 制 人。六 月，鄭 二 公 子 以 制 人 敗 燕 師 于 北 制。君 子 曰，不 備 不 虞，不 可 以 師。
曲 沃 叛 王，秋，王 命 虢 公 伐 曲 沃，而 立 哀 侯 于 翼。衛 之 亂 也，郕 人 侵 衛，故 衛 師 入 郕。
九 月，考 仲 子 之 宮 將 萬 焉，公 問 羽 數於 眾 仲，對 曰，天 子 用 八，諸 侯 用 六，大 夫 四，士 二，夫 舞，所 以 節 八 音 而 行 八 風，故 自 八 以 下。公 從 之，於 是 初 獻 六 羽，始 用 六 佾 也。
宋 人 取 邾 田，邾 人 告 於 鄭，曰，請 君 釋憾 於 宋，敝 邑 為 道，鄭 人 以 王 師 會 之，伐 宋，入 其 郛，以 報 東 門 之 役。宋 人 使 來 告 命。公 聞 其 入 郛 也，將 救 之，問 於 使 者 曰，師 何 及。對 曰，未 及 國。公 怒，乃 止，辭，使 者，曰，君 命 寡 人，同 恤 社 稷 之 難，今 問 諸 使 者，曰 師 未 及 國，非 寡 人 之 所 敢 知 也。
冬 十 二 月，辛 巳，臧 僖 伯 卒。公 曰，叔 父 有 憾 於 寡 人，寡 人 弗 敢 忘。葬 之，加 一 等。
宋 人 伐 鄭，圍 長 葛。以 報 入 郛 之 役 也。
六 年，春，鄭 人 來 渝 平。
夏，五 月，辛 酉，公 會 齊 侯 盟 于 艾。
冬，宋 人 取 長 葛。
左 傳 曰，六 年，春，鄭 人 來 渝 平，更 成 也。
翼 九 宗 五 正 頃 父 之 子 嘉 父，逆 晉侯 于 隨，納 諸 鄂，晉 人 謂 之 鄂 侯。
夏，盟 于 艾，始 平 于 齊 也。
五 月，庚 申，鄭 伯 侵 陳，大 獲。往 歲，鄭 伯 請 成 于 陳，陳 侯 不 許。五 父 諫 曰，親 仁 善 鄰，國 之 寶 也，君 其 許 鄭。陳 侯 曰，宋 衛 實 難，鄭 何 能 為。遂 不 許。
君 子 曰，善 不 可 失，惡 不 可 長，其 陳 桓 公 之 謂 乎。長 惡 不 悛，從 自 及 也，雖 欲 救 之，其 將 能 乎。商 書 曰，惡 之 易 也，如 火 之 燎 于 原，不 可 鄉 邇，其 猶 可 撲 滅 周 任 有 言 曰，為 國 家 者，見 惡，如 農 夫 之 務 去 草 焉，芟 夷 蘊 崇 之，絕 其 本 根，勿 使 能 殖，則 善 者 信 矣。
秋，宋 人 取 長 葛。
冬，京 師 來 告 饑，公 為 之 請 糴 於 宋 衛 齊 鄭。禮 也。
鄭 伯 如 周，始 朝 桓 王 也，王 不 禮 焉，周 桓 公 言 於 王 曰，我 周 之 東 遷，晉 鄭 焉 依，善 鄭 以 勸 來 者，猶 懼 不蔇，況 不 禮 焉，鄭 不 來 矣。
七 年，春，王 三 月，叔 姬 歸 于 紀。
滕 侯 卒。
夏，城 中 丘。
齊 侯 使 其 弟 年 來 聘。
秋，公 伐 邾。
冬，天 王 使 凡 伯 來 聘。
戎 伐 凡 伯 于 楚 丘 以 歸。
左 傳 曰，七 年，春，滕 侯 卒。不 書 名，未 同 盟 也。
凡 諸 侯 同 盟，於 是 稱 名，故 薨 則 赴 以 名，告 終 嗣 也，以 繼 好 息 民，謂 之 禮 經。
夏，城 中 丘。書 不 時 也。
齊 侯 使 夷 仲 年 來 聘。結 艾 之 盟 也。
秋，宋 及 鄭 平，七 月，庚 申，盟 于 宿，公 伐 邾，為 宋 討 也。
初 戎 朝 于 周，發 幣 于 公 卿，凡 伯 弗 賓，冬，王 使 凡 伯 來 聘，還，戎 伐 之 于 楚 丘，以 歸。
陳 及 鄭 平，十 二 月，陳 五 父 如 鄭 蒞 盟，壬 申，及 鄭 伯 盟。歃 如 忘。洩 伯 曰，五 父 必 不 免，不 賴 盟 矣。鄭 良 佐 如 陳 蒞 盟，辛 巳，及 陳 侯 盟，亦 知 陳 之 將 亂 也。鄭 公 子 忽 在 王 所，故 陳 侯 請 妻 之，鄭 伯 許 之，乃 成 昏。
八 年，春，宋 公 衛 侯 遇 于 垂。
三 月，鄭 伯 使 宛 來 歸 祊。
庚 寅，我 入祊。
夏，六 月，己 亥，蔡 侯 考 父 卒。
辛 亥，宿 男 卒。
秋，七 月，庚 午，宋 公 齊 侯 衛 侯 盟 于 瓦 屋。
八 月，葬 蔡 宣 公。
九 月，辛 卯，公 及 莒 人 盟 于 浮 來。
冬，十 有 二 月，無 駭 卒。
左 傳 曰，八 年，春，齊 侯 將 平 宋 衛，有 會 期，宋 公 以 幣 請 於 衛，請 先 相 見，衛 侯 許 之，故 遇 于 犬 丘。
鄭 伯 請 釋 泰 山 之 祀，而 祀 周 公，以 泰 山 之 祊 易 許 田。三 月，鄭 伯 使 宛 來 歸 祊，不 祀 泰 山 也。
夏 虢 公 忌 父。始 作 卿 士 于 周。四 月，甲 辰，鄭 公 子 忽 如 陳 逆 婦 媯，辛 亥，以 媯 氏 歸。甲 寅，入 于 鄭，陳 鍼 子 送 女。先 配 而 後 祖。鍼 子 曰，是 不 為 夫 婦，誣 其 祖 矣，非 禮 也，何 以 能 育。
齊 人 卒 平 宋 衛 于 鄭，秋，會 于 溫，盟 于 瓦 屋，以 釋 東 門 之 役。禮 也。
八 月 丙 戌，鄭 伯 以 齊 人 朝 王，禮 也。
公 及 莒 人 盟 于 浮 來。以 成 紀 好 也。
冬 齊 侯 使 來 告 成 三 國，公 使 眾 仲 對 曰，君 釋 三 國 之 圖，以 鳩 其 民，君 之 惠 也，寡 君 聞 命 矣，敢 不 承 受 君 之 明 德。
無 駭 卒。羽 父 請 諡 與 族。公 問 族 於 眾 仲。眾 仲 對 曰，天 子 建 德，因 生 以 賜 姓，胙 之 土，而 命 之 氏，諸 侯 以字，為 諡，因 以 為 族，官 有 世 功，則 有 官 族，邑 亦 如 之。公 命 以 字 為 展 氏。
九 年，春，天 子 使 南 季 來 聘。
三 月，癸 酉，大 雨 震 電，庚 辰，大 雨 雪。
冬，公 會 齊 侯 于 防。
左 傳 曰，九 年，春，王 三 月，癸 酉，大 雨 霖，以 震，書 始 也。庚 辰，大 雨 雪，亦 如 之。書 時 失 也。凡 雨，自 三 日 以 往 為 霖，平 地 尺 為 大 雪。
夏 城 郎。書 不 時 也。
宋 公 不 王，鄭 伯 為 王 左 卿 士，以 王 命 討 之，伐 宋。宋 以 入 郛 之 役 怨 公，不 告 命，公 怒，絕 宋 使。秋，鄭 人 以 王 命 來 告 伐 宋。冬，公 會 齊 侯 于 防。謀 伐 宋 也。
北 戎 侵 鄭，鄭 伯 禦 之，患 戎 師 曰，彼 徒 我 車，懼 其 侵 軼 我 也。公 子 突 曰，使 勇 而 無 剛 者，嘗 寇 而 速 去 之，君 為 三 覆 以 待 之，戎 輕 而 不 整，貪 而 無 親，勝 不 相 讓，敗 不 相 救，先 者 見 獲，必 務 進，進 而 遇 覆，必 速 奔，後 者 不 救，則 無 繼 矣，乃 可 以 逞。從 之。戎 人 之 前，遇 覆 者 奔，祝 聃 逐 之，衷 戎 師，前 後 擊 之，盡 殪，戎 師 大 奔。十 一 月，甲 寅 鄭 人 大 敗 戎 師。
十 年，春，王 二 月，公 會 齊 侯 鄭 伯 于 中 丘。
夏，翬 帥 師，會 齊 人 鄭 人 伐 宋。
六 月，壬 戌，公 敗 宋 師 于 菅。
辛 未，取 郜。辛 巳，取 防。
秋，宋 人 衛 人 入 鄭。
宋 人 蔡 人 衛 人 伐 戴，鄭 伯 伐 取 之。
冬，十 月，壬 午，齊 人 鄭 人 入 郕。
左 傳 曰，十 年，春，王 正 月，公 會 齊 侯 鄭 伯 于 中 丘。癸 丑，盟 于 鄧，為 師 期。
夏，五 月，羽 父 先 會 齊 侯 鄭 伯 伐 宋。
六 月 戊 申 公 會 齊 侯 鄭 伯 于 老 桃。壬 戌，公 敗 宋 師 于 菅。
庚 午，鄭 師 入 郜，辛 未，歸 于 我，庚 辰，鄭 師 入 防，辛 巳，歸 于 我，君 子 謂 鄭 莊 公 於 是 乎 可 謂 正 矣，以 王 命 討 不 庭，不 貪 其 土，以 勞 王 爵，正 之 體 也。
蔡 人 衛 人 郕 人 不 會 王 命。
秋，七 月，庚 寅，鄭 師 入 郊，猶 在 郊，宋 人 衛 人 入 鄭，蔡 人 從 之 伐 戴。八 月，壬 戌，鄭 伯 圍 戴，癸 亥，克 之，取 三 師 焉。宋 衛 既 入 鄭，而 以 伐 戴 召 蔡 人，蔡 人 怒，故不 和 而 敗。
九 月，戊 寅，鄭 伯 入 宋。
冬，齊 人 鄭 人 入 郕。討 違 王 命 也。
十 有一 年
十 有 一 年，春，滕 侯 薛 侯 來 朝。
夏，公 會 鄭 伯 于 時 來。
秋，七 月，壬 午，公 及 齊 侯 鄭 伯 入 許。
冬，十 有 一 月，壬 辰，公 薨。
左 傳 曰，十 一 年，春，滕 侯 薛 侯 來 朝，爭 長。薛 侯 曰，我 先 封。滕 侯 曰，我 周 之 卜 正 也，薛 庶 姓 也，我 不 可 以 後 之。公 使 羽 父 請 於 薛 侯 曰，君 與 滕 君，辱 在 寡 人，周 諺 有 之 曰，山 有 木，工 則 度 之，賓 有 禮，主 則 擇 之，周 之 宗 盟，異 姓 為 後，寡 人 若 朝 于 薛 不 敢 與 諸 任 齒，君 若 辱 貺 寡 人，則 願 以 滕 君 為 請。薛 侯 許 之，乃 長 滕 侯。
夏，公 會 鄭 伯 于 郲。謀 伐 許 也。鄭 伯 將 伐 許，五 月，甲 辰，授 兵 于 大 宮，公 孫 閼 與 潁 考 叔 爭 車，潁 考 叔 挾 輈 以 走，子 都 拔 棘 以 逐 之，及 大 逵，弗 及，子 都 怒。
秋 ，七 月，公 會 齊 侯 鄭 伯 伐 許，庚 辰，傅 于 許，潁 考 叔 取 鄭 伯 之 旗 蝥 弧 以 先 登，子 都 自 下 射 之，顛。瑕 叔 盈 又 以 蝥 弧 登，周 麾 而 呼 曰，君 登 矣，鄭 師 畢 登。壬 午，遂 入 許，許 莊 公 奔 衛。齊 侯 以 許 讓 公，公 曰，君 謂 許 不 共，故 從 君 討 之，許 既 伏 其 罪 矣，雖 君 有 命，寡 人 弗 敢 與 聞。乃 與 鄭 人。鄭 伯 使 許 大 夫 百 里，奉 許 叔以 居 許 東 偏，曰，天 禍 許 國，鬼 神 實 不 逞 于 許 君，而 假 手 于 我 寡 人，寡 人 唯 是 一 二 父 兄，不 能 共 億，其 敢 以 許 自 為 功 乎，寡 人 有 弟，不 能 和 協，而 使 餬 其 口 於 四 方，其 況 能 久 有 許 乎，吾 子 其 奉 許 叔，以 撫 柔 此 民 也，吾 將 使 獲 也 佐 吾 子，若 寡 人 得 沒 于 地，天 其 以 禮 悔 禍 于 許，無 寧 茲 許 公 復 奉 其 社 稷，唯 我 鄭 國 之 有 請 謁 焉，如 舊 昏 媾，其 能 降 以 相 從 也，無 滋 他 族，實 偪 處 此，以 與 我 鄭 國 爭 此 土 也，吾 子 孫 其 覆 亡 之 不 暇，而 況 能 禋 祀 許 乎，寡 人 之 使 吾 子 處 此，不 唯 許 國 之 為，亦 聊 以 固 吾 圉 也。乃 使 公 孫 獲 處 許 西 偏，曰，凡 而 器 用 財 賄，無 寘 於 許，我 死，乃 亟 去 之，吾 先 君 新 邑 於 此，王 室 而 既 卑 矣，周 之 子 孫，日 失 其 序，夫 許，大 岳 之 胤 也，天 而 既 厭 周 德 矣，吾 其 能 與 許 爭 乎。君 子 謂 鄭 莊 公 於 是 乎 有 禮，禮，經 國 家，定 社 稷，序 民 人，利 後 嗣 者 也，許 無 刑 而 伐 之，服 而 舍 之，度 德 而 處 之，量 力 而 行 之，相 時 而 動，無累 後 人，可 謂 知 禮 矣。
鄭 伯 使 卒 出 豭，行 出 犬 雞，以 詛 射 潁 考 叔 者。君 子 謂 鄭 莊 公 失 政 刑，矣 政 以 治 民，刑 以 正 邪，既 無 德 政，又 無 威 刑，是 以 及 邪，邪 而 詛 之，將 何 益 矣。
王 取 鄔，劉，蒍 邘 之 田 于 鄭，而 與 鄭 人 蘇 忿 生 之 田，溫，原，絺，樊，隰 郕 欑 茅，向，盟，州，陘，隤，懷。君 子 是 以 知 桓 王 之 失 鄭 也，恕 而 行 之，德 之 則 也，禮 之經 也，己 弗 能 有，而 以 與 人，人 之 不 至，不 亦 宜 乎。
鄭 息 有 違 言，息 侯 伐 鄭，鄭 伯 與 戰 于 竟，息 師 大 敗 而 還。君 子 是 以 知 息 之 將 亡 也，不 度 德，不 量 力，不 親 親，不 徵 辭，不 察 有 罪，犯 五 不 韙，而 以 伐 人，其 喪 師 也，不 亦 宜 乎。
冬 十 月，鄭 伯 以 虢 師 伐 宋，壬 戌，大 敗 宋 師，以 報 其 入 鄭 也，宋 不 告 命，故 不 書。凡 諸 侯 有 命，告 則 書，不 然 則 否，師 出 臧 否，亦 如 之，雖 及 滅 國，滅 不 告 敗，勝 不 告 克，不 書 于 策。
羽 父 請 殺 桓 公，將 以 求 大 宰，公 曰，為 其 少 故 也，吾 將 授 之 矣，使 營 菟 裘，吾 將 老 焉。羽 父 懼，反 譖 公 于 桓 公，而 請 弒 之。公 之 為 公 子 也，與 鄭 人 戰 于 狐 壤，止 焉，鄭 人 囚 諸 尹 氏，賂 尹 氏 而 禱 於 其 主 鍾 巫，遂 與 尹 氏 歸，而 立 其 主。十 一 月，公 祭 鍾 巫，齊 于 社 圃，館 于 寪 氏。壬 辰，羽 父 使 賊 弒 公 于 寪 氏。立 桓 公，而 討 寪 氏，有 死 者。
不 書 葬，不 成 喪 也。
BOOK I. DUKE YIN.
I. First year.
1. [It was his] first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2. In the third month, the duke and Yifu of Zhu made a covenant in Mie.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Zheng overcame Duan in Yan.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the [sub] administrator Xuan with a present of [two] carriages and their horses for the funerals of duke Hui and [his wife] Zhong Zi.
5. In the ninth month, [the duke] and an officer of Song made a covenant in Su.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, the earl of Zhai came [to Lu].
7. Gongzi Yishi died.
Title of the Work.—春秋，附左傳 'The Spring and Autumn; with the Zuo zhuan.' 'Spring and Autumn' is equivalent to 'Annals, digested under the four seasons of every year,' only two seasons being given for the sake of brevity. The subject of the name is fully discussed in the Prolegomena, ch. I. I have printed all the text of Zuo Qiuming, immediately after the year of the Classic to which it belongs. Where his remarks are simply comments on the text, I have embodied them with my own notes. His narratives, however, are all translated entire, and the additional narratives which he gives, not belonging to events referred to in the text, and indicated by a (☉), are included in the notes, within brackets.
Title of the Book.— 隱公, 'Duke Yin.' Of the 12 dukes of Lu, whose years are chronicled in the Chunqiu, Yin is the first, his rule extending from B.C. 721—711. From the establishment of Boqin, son of the famous duke of Zhou, as marquis of Lu, in B.C. 1,114, there had been 13 chiefs. Yin's father and predecessor, duke Hui (惠公), married first a daughter of the House of Song (孟子); and on her death he supplied her place with Sheng Zi (聲子), one of her relatives who had followed her from Song to the harem of Lu. This lady was the mother of Yin; but duke Hui by and by took as a second wife the daughter of the duke Wu (武) of Song, called 仲子 . Acc. to Zuoshi, she had been born with some remarkable lines on one of her hands, which were read as meaning that she would become marchioness of Lu. By her Hui had a son of higher dignity than Yin, in consequence of the superior position of his mother, and who afterwards made himself duke Huan. This child being too young to take charge of the State on his father's death, was set aside in favour of Yin, who, however, only considered himself as occupying in room of his younger brother till the latter should come of age.
Yin's name was Xigu (息故), Yin being the honorary or sacrificial title conferred after his death, and meaning,—'Sorrowfully swept away, unsuccessful (隱拂不成).'
Lu was only a marquisate. Its chiefs were not dukes. Throughout the Chunqiu, however, we find the chiefs even of the smaller States all dignified with the title of 'duke' after their death. Mao Qiling ingeniously explains this as an instance of the style of the 'historiographers,' referring to the commencing words in 'The Speech at Bi' (Shu V. xxix.) —公曰, whereas, in the Preface to the Shu, par. 66, instead of 公, we read 魯侯, 'the marquis of Lu.' The confusion which is caused, however, by the practice, in the narratives of Zuo Qiuming is very great, as he uses now the name with the title of rank, and now the honorary name and title of duke, with the most entire indifference.
Yin's 1st year synchronized with the 49th of king Ping (平王); the 9th year of Xi of Qi (齊僖公); the 2d of E of Jin (晉鄂侯) ; the 11th of Zhuang of Quwo (曲沃莊伯); the 13th of Huan of Wey (衛桓公); the 28th of Xuan of Cai (蔡宣公) ; the 22d of Zhuang of Zheng (鄭莊公) ; the 35th of Huan of Cao (曹桓公); the 23d of Huan of Chen (陳桓公); the 29th of Wu of Qi (杞武公); the 7th of Mu of Song (宋穆公); the 44th of Wen of Qin (楚文公); and the 19th of Wu of Chu (楚武王).
Par. 1. This paragraph, it will be seen, is incomplete, the adjunct merely of a 公即位, which is found at the beginning of nearly every other book. The reason of the incompleteness will be considered below.
元年, —'the 1st year.' The Erya explains 元 by 始 'the beginning,' 'first,' and Gongyang makes the phrase simply 君之始年 , 'the prince's 1st year.' Du Yu tries to find a deeper meaning in the phrase, saying that the 1st year of a rule stands to all the following years in the relation of the original chaos to the subsequent kosmos, and is therefore called yuan, to intimate to rulers that from the first moment of their sway they are to advance in the path of order and right. This consideration explains also, he thinks, the use of 正月, 'the right month,' for 'the 1st month (凡人君即位，欲其體元以居正， 故不言一年一月也).' The Erya, however, gives 正 as 長, 'the most elevated,' 'the senior.' But in the denomination of the 1st month as 'the right or correct month,' we must acknowledge a recognition of what are called 'the three zheng (三正),'—the three different months, with which the dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou commenced the year. Xia began the year with the 1st month of spring; Shang, a month, and Zhou, 2 months earlier. It became so much a rule for the beginning of the year to be changed by every new dynasty, that Qin made its first month commence a lunation before that of Zhou. To a remark of Confucius, Ana. XV. x., we are indebted for the disuse of this foolish custom, so that all dynasties have since used 'the seasons of Xia.'—After all, there remains the question why the first month of the year should be called zheng (正).
王正月,—'the king's first month.' The 'king' here can hardly be any other than Ping, the king of Zhou for the time then being, as Du Yu says;—and in this style does the account of very many of the years of the Chunqiu begin, as if to do homage to the supremacy of the reigning House. Gongyang makes the king to be Wen; but though he was the founder of the Zhou dynasty, the commencement of the year was not yet changed in his time.
The remaining character in this par. occasions the foreign student considerable perplexity. The commencement of the year was really in the 2d month of winter, and yet it is here said to have been in the spring.—春王正月. We have spring when it really was not spring. It must be kept in mind that the usual names for the seasons—春夏秋冬, only denote in the Chunqiu the four quarters of the Zhou year, beginning with the 2d month of winter. It was, no doubt, a perception of the inconvenience of such a calendar which made Confucius, loyal as he was to the dynasty of Zhou, say that he preferred that of Xia to it. Strange as it is to read of spring, when the time is really winter, and of winter when the season is still autumn, it will appear, as we go on, that such is really the style of the Chunqiu. Mao, fully admitting all this, yet contends for a strange interpretation of the text, in which he joins 春 and 王 together, making the phrase to stand for the kings of Zhou,—'Spring kings,' who reigned by the virtue of wood, the first of the five elements (五行之首). He presses, in support of this view, the words of Zuoshi on this paragraph, —元年春王周正月, which show, he says, that Zuoshi joined 春 with 王, as he himself would do; but Zuoshi's language need not be so construed, and 春 evidently stands by itself, just as the names of the other seasons do.
We come now to the incompleteness of the par., already pointed out. According to the analogy of the style in the first years of other dukes, it should be stated that in his 1st year and the 1st month of it, the duke took the place (即位) of his predecessor. According to the rule of Zhou, on the death of a sovereign—and all the princes were little kings in their several States —his successor, acknowledged to be such as the chief mourner on the occasion and taking the direction of the proper ceremonies for the departed, 'ascended the throne by the bier.' There is an interesting account of such an accession in the Shu, V. xxii. The thing was done so hurriedly because 'the State could not be a single day without a sovereign (國家不可一日無君)— ,' or because, as we phrase it, 'the king never dies.' What remained of the year, however, was held to belong to the reign of the deceased king, and the new reign began with the beginning of the next year, when there was a more public 'taking of the place,' though I do not know that we have any account of the ceremonies which were then performed. The first 'placetaking' was equivalent to our 'accession;' the second, to our 'coronation.' The proper explanation, therefore, of the incompleteness of the paragraph is that Yin omitted the ordinary 'placetaking' ceremonies, and of course there could be no record of them. Perhaps he made the omission, having it in mind to resign ere long in favour of his younger brother (so, Zuoshi); but to say that the usual 公即位 was here omitted by Confucius, either to show his approval or disapproval of Yin, as Guliang does, followed by Hu An'guo (胡安國), A.D. 1,074—1,138) and a hundred other commentators, is not to explain the text, but to perplex the reader with vain fancies.
Par. 2. There was nothing proper for record in the 1st and 2d months of the year, and we come here to the third month. Zhu (we have Zhulou, 邾婁, in Gongyang) was a small State, nearly all surrounded by Lu,—the pres. dis. of Zou (鄒), dep. Yanzhou. At this time it was only a Fuyong (附庸), attached to Lu (see Mencius, V. 下, ii. 4.); but in a few years after this its chief was raised to the dignity of viscount (子). The House had the surname of Cao (曹), and had been invested with the territory by king Wu, as being descended from the ancient emperor Zhuanxu. The chief's name, as we learn afterwards from the Chunqiu, was Ke (克); Yifu (父), read in the 2d tone, found appended to many designations, by way of honour) is his designation (字), given to him here, says Zuoshi,' by way of honour,' for which remark there seems to be no ground. Mie (Gu and Gong both have 昧, with the same sound) was a place belonging to Lu,—in the pres. dis. of Sishui (泗水), dep. Yanzhou. We know nothing of any special object sought by the 'covenanting' here. Zuoshi merely says that the duke arranged for it to cultivate friendly relations with his neighbour, at the commencement of his temporary administration. 公 heads the record, here and in most other accounts of meetings and covenants on the part of the marquises of Lu with other princes;—an order proper in the historiographers of that State. I can think of no better word for 盟 than 'covenant,' 'to covenant.' On all occasions there was the death of a victim, over which the contracting parties appealed to superior Powers, wishing that, if they violated the terms of their covenant, they might meet with a fate like that of the slain animal. One definition of the term is 誓約, 'an agreement with an oath.' Compare the account of Jacob and Laban's covenant, Genesis, xxxi.
The 及 after 公 is to be taken as simply = 與, 'with;' 'and.' Gong, Gu, and others find recondite meanings in it, which will not bear examination.
[Zuoshi, after this paragraph, gives an incident of the 4th month, in summer, that 'the earl of Bi led a force, and walled Lang,' adding that no record of it was made, because it was not done with the duke's order. See the 1st note on 'The speech at Bi' in the Shu. I have translated the notice according to the view of Chen Shikai given there; but Zuoshi could not have intended 費伯 to be taken as meaning 'Earl of Bi,' but merely 'Bo (some scion of the House of Lu) of Bi.']
Par. 3. Zheng was an earldom which had not been of long duration. In B.C. 805, king Xuan had invested his brother You (友) with the lands of Zheng, in the pres. Hua Zhou (華州), dep. Tongzhou, Shaanxi. You's son, Juetu (掘突), known as duke Wu (武公), conquered a territory more to the east,—the country of Guo and Kuai (虢鄶之地) —and settled in it, calling it 'New Zheng;'—the name of which is still retained in the district of Xinzheng (新鄭), dep. Kaifeng, Henan. Wu's son, Wusheng (窹生), known as duke Zhuang (莊) and born in B.C. 756, is the earl of this par. Duan was his younger brother. Yan has left its name in the dis. of Yanling (鄢陵). Zuoshi's account of the event in the text is the following:—
'Duke Wu of Zheng had married a daughter of the House of Shen, called Wu Jiang, who bore duke Zhuang and his brother Duan of Gong. Duke Zhuang was born as she was waking from sleep [the meaning of the text here is uncertain], which frightened the lady so that she named him Wusheng (= born in waking), and hated him, while she loved Duan, and wished him to be declared his father's heir. Often did she ask this of duke Wu, but he refused it. When duke Zhuang came to the earldom, she begged him to confer on Duan the city of Zhi. "It is too dangerous a place," was the reply. "The Younger of Guo died there; but in regard to any other place, you may command me." She then requested Jing; and there Duan took up his residence, and came to be styled Taishu (=the Great Younger) of Jing city. Zhong of Zhai said to the duke, "Any metropolitan city, whose wall is more than 3,000 cubits round, is dangerous to the State. According to the regulations of the former kings, such a city of the 1st order can have its wall only a third as long as that of the capital; one of the 2d order, only a fifth as long; and one of the least order, only a ninth. Now Jing is not in accordance with these measures and regulations. As ruler, you will not be able to endure Duan in such a place." The duke replied, "It was our mother's wish;—how could I avoid the danger?" "The lady Jiang," returned the officer, "is not to be satisfied. You had better take the necessary precautions, and not allow the danger to grow so great that it will be difficult to deal with it. Even grass, when it has grown and spread all about, cannot be removed;—how much less the brother of yourself, and the favoured brother as well!" The duke said, "By his many deeds of unrighteousness he will bring destruction on himself. Do you only wait a while."
'After this, Taishu ordered the places on the western and northern borders of the State to render to himself the same allegiance as they did to the earl. Then Gongzi Lü said to the duke, "A State cannot sustain the burden of two services;—what will you do now? If you wish to give Zheng to Taishu, allow me to serve him as a subject. If you do not mean to give it to him, allow me to put him out of the way, that the minds of the people be not perplexed." "There is no need," the duke replied, "for such a step. His calamity will come of itself."
'Taishu went on to take as his own the places from which he had required their divided contributions, as far as Linyan. Zifeng [the designation of Gongzi Lü above] said, "Now is the time. With these enlarged resources, he will draw all the people to himself." The duke replied, "They will not cleave to him, so unrighteous as he is. Through his prosperity he will fall the more."
'Taishu wrought at his defences, gathered the people about him, put in order buffcoats and weapons, prepared footmen, and chariots, intending to surprise Zheng, while his mother was to open to him from within. The duke heard the time agreed on between them, and said, "Now we can act." So he ordered Zifeng, with two hundred chariots, to attack Jing. Jing revolted from Taishu, who then entered Yan, which the duke himself proceeded to attack; and in the 5th month, on the day Xinchou, Taishu fled from it to Gong.
'In the words of the text,—"The earl of Zheng overcame Duan in Yan," Duan is not called the earl's younger brother, because he did not show himself to be such. They were as two hostile princes, and therefore we have the word "overcame." The duke is styled the earl of Zheng simply, to condemn him for his failure to instruct his brother properly. Duan's flight is not mentioned, in the text, because it was difficult to do so, having in mind Zheng's wish that Duan might be killed.
'Immediately after these events, duke Zhuang placed his mother Jiang in Chengying, and swore an oath, saying, "I will not see you again, till I have reached the yellow spring [i.e., till I am dead, and under the yellow earth]." But he repented of this. By and by, Ying Kaoshu, the borderwarden of the vale of Ying, heard of it, and presented an offering to the duke, who caused food to be placed before him. Kaoshu put a piece of meat on one side; and when the duke asked the reason, he said, " I have a mother who always shares in what I eat. But she has not eaten of this meat which you, my ruler, have given, and I beg to be allowed to leave this piece for her." The duke said, " You have a mother to give it to. Alas! I alone have none." Kaoshu asked what the duke meant, who then told him all the circumstances, and how he repented of his oath. "Why should you be distressed about that?" said the officer. " If you dig into the earth to the yellow springs, and then make a subterranean passage, where you can meet each other, who can say that your oath is not fulfilled?' The duke followed this suggestion; and as he entered the passage sang,
"This great tunnel, within, With joy doth run." When his mother came out, she sang, "This great tunnel, without, The joy files about."
[After this, they were mother and son as before. 'A superior man may say, "Ying Kaoshu was filial indeed. His love for his mother passed over to and affected duke Zhuang. Was there not here an illustration of what is said in the Book of Poetry, "A filial son of piety unfailing, There shall for ever be conferred blessing on you?"' Space would fail me were I to make any remarks on the criticisms interspersed by Zuoshi in this and other narratives, or vindicate the translation of his narratives which I give. The reader will perceive that without the history in the Zhuan, the Confucian text would give very little idea of the event which it professes to record; and there are numberless instances, more flagrant still, in the Book. The 君子, who moralizes, is understood to be Zuoshi himself. We have no other instance in the Chunqiu of 克 used as in this paragraph.
Par. 4. 天王, 'Heaven's king,' or 'king by Heaven's grace,' is of course king Ping. The sovereign of China, as Heaven's vicegerent over the empire, is styled 天子, 'Heaven's son;' in his relation to the feudal princes as their ruler, he was called (天王), 'Heaven's king.' (仲子) is 'the second Zi,' i.e., the daughter of the duke of Song, who became the 2d wife of duke Hui as mentioned in the note on the title of this book; not Hui's mother, as Guliang absurdly says. 賵 is explained in the dict. as 賵死者, 'presents to the dead,' and 所以助主人送葬者 'aids to the presiding mourner to bury his dead.' But such presents were of various kinds, and 賵 denotes the gift specially of one or more carriages and their horses. So both Gong and Gu. The king sent such presents on the death of any of the princes or their wives; and here we have an instance in point. But there is much contention among the critics as to who the messenger was;—whether the king's chief Minister 冢宰, or some inferior officer of his department. The former view is taken by Guliang, and affirmed by the editors of the Kangxi Chunqiu;—but, as I must think, erroneously. Under the 冢宰 or 太宰, were two 小宰, and four 宰夫, called by Biot Grandadministrateur general,' 'Sous-adminstrateurs generaux,' and aides-administrateurs generaux.' It belonged to the department of the last, on all occasions of condolence, to superintend the arrangements, with every thing that was supplied by way of presents or offerings,—the silks, the utensils, the money, etc. (see the Zhou li, I., iii. 56—73). The officer in the text was, no doubt, one of these aid-administrators; and this removes all difficulty which the critics find in the mention of an officer of higher rank by his name.
The rule was that princes should be buried five months after their death, and Zuoshi says that the king's message and gift arrived too late, so far as duke Hui was concerned. This criticism may be correct; but he goes on to say that Zhong Zi was not yet dead, and the message and gift were too early, so far as she was concerned. The king could never have been guilty of such an impropriety as to anticipate the lady's death in this way, and the view of Zuoshi can only provoke a smile. He adds:—'The king's burial took place 7 months after his death, when all the feudal princes were expected to be present. The prince of a State was buried 5 months after his death, when all the princes, with whom he had covenanted, attended. The funeral of a great officer took place 3 months after his death, and was attended by all of the same rank; that of an officer, at the end of a month, and was attended by his relatives by affinity. Presents on account of a death were made before the burial, and visits of condolence were paid before the grief had assumed its greatest demonstrations. It was not proper to anticipate such occurrences.'
On first translating the Chunqiu, I construed the par. as if these were a 之 between 公 and 仲, and supposed that only one carriage and its horses were sent for the funeral of Zhong Zi, who had been the wife of Hui. I gave up the construction in deference to the prevailing opinion of the commentators; but it had been adopted by no less a scholar than Cheng Yi (程頤; A. D. 1033—1107).
[Zuoshi has here two other entries under this season:—'In the 8th month an officer of Ji attacked Yi;' and 'There were locusts.' He adds that Yi sent no official announcement of the attack to Lu, and that therefore it was not recorded; and that no notice was entered of the locusts, because they did not amount to a plague.]
Par. 5. Song was a dukedom,—having its chief city in the pres. dis. of Shangqiu (商邱), dep. Guide, Henan. The charge given to the viscount of Wey on his being appointed to the State is still preserved in the Shu, V. viii. The dukes of Song were descended from the kings of Yin or Shang; and of course their surname was Zi (子). Su was a small State, in the present Dongping (東平) Zhou, dep. Taian, Shandong. It was thus near Lu, but a good way from Song. Its chiefs were barons with the surname Feng (風).
Zuoshi tells us that in the last year of duke Hui, he defeated an army of Song in Huang, but that now duke Yin sought for peace. It was with this object that the covenant in the text was made.
I translate as if 公 preceded 及, for so the want must generally be supplied throughout the classic. Gong and Gu both understand some inferior officer of Lu (微者), but in other places they themselves supply 公. By 宋人, however, we must understand an officer of Song. It is better to translate so than to say simply—'a man of Song.'
[Between this par. and the next Zuoshi has the three following narratives:—
'In winter, in the 10th month, on the day Gengshen, the body of duke Hui was removed and buried a second time.' As the duke was not present, the event was not recorded. When duke Hui died, there was war with Song, and the heir-prince was young, so that there was some omission in the burial. He was therefore now buried again, and in another grave. The marquis of Wey came to be present at the burial. He did not have an interview with the duke, and so his visit was not recorded.'
'After the confusion occasioned by Gongshu of Zheng, Gongsun Hua [Duan or Gongshu's son] fled to Wey, and the people of Wey attacked Zheng in his behalf, and requested Linyan for him. Zheng then attacked the southern border of Wey, supported by a king's army and an army of Guo, and also requested the aid of troops from Zhu. The viscount of Zhu sent a private message to Gongzi Yu of Lu, who asked leave from the duke to go. It was refused; but he went and made a covenant with an officer of Zhu and an officer of Zheng in Yi. No record was made of this, because Yu's going was against the duke's order.'
'The southern gate of the city was made new.' It was done without the duke's order, and so was not recorded.]
Par. 6. Zhai [so 祭 is here read] was an earldom, in the present Zheng Zhou (鄭州), dep. Kaifeng, held by the descendants of one of the duke of Zhou's sons. Acc. to Zuoshi the earl here was a minister at court., and came to Lu, for what purpose we know not, without the orders of the king. Gongyang, indeed, thinks he came as a refugee, and that 伯 is the designation of the individual merely (字), and not his title; while Guliang makes the coming to have been to do a sort of homage to duke Yin. But this is simply guess work.
Par. 7. Of Yishi we know nothing but what this brief par. tells. He was 'a duke's son,' but whether the son of Hui, or of Hui's father, we cannot tell, It is best in such a case to take 公子 as if it were the surname. So He Xiu (何休) says here, 公子者氏也. Guliang finds a condemnation of Yishi in the omission of the day of his death; but the old method of interpretation which found praise or blame in the mention of or silence as to days, in the use of the name, the designation, the title, and such matters, is now discarded. 卒 is the proper term to use for the death of an officer.
Zuoshi gives the designation of Yishi as Zhongfu, and says that the day of his death is not recorded, because the duke did not attend at the ceremony of dressing the corpse, to it into the coffin.
II. Second year.
1. In his second year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with the [chief of the] Rong at Qian.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, an army of Ju entered Xiang.
3. Wuhai led a force and entered Ji.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, [on the day] Gengchen, the duke made a covenant with the Rong at Tang.
5. In the ninth month, Liexu of Ji came to meet the bride [for his prince].
6. In winter, in the tenth month, the duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ji.
7. Zibo of Ji and the count of Ju made a covenant at Mi.
8. In the twelfth month, on the day Yimao, the [duke's] wife, the lady Zi, died.
9. An army of Zheng invaded Wey.
Par. 1. There is wanting here the character 王, 'king,' after 春, probably because no month is specified under whose regimen it should be. Rong is properly the name of the wild tribes on the west of 'the Middle State (西戎);' but in the time of Zhou there were many of these tribes, and not those of the west only, settled in China along the seaboard and by the rivers,-remnants of the older inhabitants, not yet absorbed by the Chinese proper. We know, from the Shu, V. xxix., that Lu was troubled even in the days of Boqin by the Yi of the Huai and the Rong of Xu. The Rong in the text may have been a remnant of the latter. Du Yu says their settlement was in what is now the the dis. of Cao (曹), dep. Caozhou. He says also that Qian was a town of Lu, somewhere in the southwest of Caozhou dep. 會戎 is-'met with the Rong.' Guliang says the term 會 implies that the meeting originated with the other party, and not with Lu, and that the duke went out of his own State to it. He Xiu on Gongyang also advocates this view. But the meaning of 會 is not to be so determined; and, acc. to Du Yu, the place of meeting was in Lu. Zuoshi says the duke's object was to cultivate the old friendship which his father had maintained with the Rong, but that he declined to enter into a covenant, which the Rong wished him to make.
Par. 2. Ju has left its name in Ju Zhou, dep. Yizhou (沂州). It extended east from Lu to the seaboard. Its chiefs were viscounts, and claimed to be descended from the old Shaohao, Huangdi's successor. There is some difficulty about their surname, whether it was Ying (贏) or Si (已). Xiang was a small State, within the boundaries of Ju. Du Yu, indeed, would place it in the pres. dis. of Huaiyuan (懷遠), dep. Fengyang (鳳陽), Anhui. There was a Xiang there, but it was too far from Ju to be that in the text. And there were two Xiang in the pres. Shandong, one of them 70 li from Ju Zhou, which was, probably, that here. The chief of Xiang had the surname Jiang (姜), as we learn from what Zuoshi says on the par.:-'The viscount of Ju had married a daughter of Xiang, but she could not rest in Ju, and went back to Xiang. This summer, an army from Ju entered Xiang, and took the lady Jiang back to Ju.' I translate 莒人 by 'the army of Ju,' after Mao (莒人者 莒之師), who lays down the canon that, in the Chunqiu, wherever mention is made of troops under the command of any officer, high or low, who is not specified by name or designation, we find simply 人, 'the men' of such and such a State. Du Yu says, somewhat to the same effect, that we find 人 where the force is small, and the leader only of low rank. The term 入,'entered,' occurs frequently of military expeditions; implying, says Gu, that 'the entering is against the will of the invaded party (内弗受);' 'that the country or city is entered, but not retained,' says Gong. But there are instances in which the entering was followed by the entire subjugation and occupancy of the place or State; and this was probably the case in regard to Ju and Xiang, though the language of Zuoshi translated above has been pleaded against this conclusion. 入 implies invasion and capture in the present; what was done subsequently cannot be learned from the term.
Par. 3. Wuhai (Gu reads, here and subsequently, 侅) was an officer of Lu, -a scion of the ruling House, belonging to a branch which had not yet received a surname of its own. Zuoshi says he was Lu's minister of Works, and adds that at this time he was defeated by Qinfu of Bi,-the same who walled Lang in the previous year. Ji was a small attached State,-referred to the dis. of Yutai (魚臺), dep. Yanzhou. The incident given here is said to be the first in the Chunqiu of officers taking it upon themselves to institute warlike movements. It certainly shows how loosely the reins of government were held by the marquises of the State.
Par. 4. Tang was a place belonging to Lu, -its site 12 li east from the pres. dis. city of Yutai. Zuoshi says that the Rong at the meeting in spring had requested a covenant which the duke then refused, granting it now, however, on a second application, The text says this covenant was made on the day Gengchen, the 17th of the cycle; and Du Yu observes that in the 8th month of this year there was no Gengchen day, and concludes that there is an error in the text of the 8th month for the 7th, the 9th day of which was Gengchen. His calculation, however, proceeds on the supposition that the 1st year of Yin began with the day Xinsi (辛已). If we make it begin a month later, with the day Xinhai (辛亥), according to another scheme, we get the day Gengchen in the 8th month of this 2d year. But the Xinhai scheme fails in other instances. The chronologers of China have toiled admirably on the months and days of the Chunqiu; but thus far with only partial success. The dates in the classic and those in Zuoshi's Chun are often irreconcileable. Two data are necessary to a complete scheme,-that the day on which the 1st year of Yin began be known with certainty, and that the intercalary months in subsequent years be ascertained. Neither of these data can be got. See Mr. Chalmers' essay on the Astronomy of the ancient Chinese, in the prolegomena to the Shu, pp. 90-102.
Par. 5. Ji was a small State, a marquisate, in the dis. of Shouguang (壽光), dep. Qingzhou. It lay between Qi (杞) on the south and Qi on the north; and we shall find, ere long, that it was absorbed by Qi. Liexu (Zuoshi has 裂繻) was the name of a minister of Ji. We know that he comes here to meet his prince's bride from the phrase 逆女,for, when a minister is described as coming to Lu to meet a lady of the House for himself, he is said 逆某姬, 'to meet such and such a lady Ji.' He comes of course because he was sent, but it was not proper, according to the 'rules for marriage, 'that that should be stated.
Par. 6. This is the sequel of the last par. As it is the first par. of a season, it seems proper that it should stand by itself, and not make one with the other as in the Kangxi edition. 歸-嫁, 'to be married,' spoken of the lady. Her husband's house becomes her home.
Par. 7. Zibo, (in Zuoshi 子帛) is explained by Du Yu as the designation of Liexu in par. 5. Gong says he had not heard who 子伯 was; and Gu makes 伯 a verb and construes thus:-'The viscount of Ji, considering himself an earl, took precedence and covenanted with the viscount of Ju.' This is sufficiently absurd, and besides, the chiefs of Ji were marquises, which makes Wu Cheng (A. D. 1249 - 1333) suppose that 子伯 may have got, by some mistake, into the text instead of 侯. Du Yu's view may be accepted as most likely. He says also that Mi was a town belonging to Ju;-in dis. of Chang yi (昌邑), dep. Laizhou. This places it a considerable way from Ju, though near to Ji. The identification of the site may be accepted, but one does not see how a place at such a distance from Ju should have belonged to it. My friend, the scholar Wang Tao, has suggested that the chiefs of Ju themselves occupied originally in the territory of Laechow, and might claim jurisdiction over places there after they moved to the south. There was another Mi which is mentioned in the Chunqiu;-in Henan. Zuoshi says that the meeting was 'on Lu's account,' which Du Yu explains as meaning that the count of Ji, kindly disposed to Lu through his recent marriage, arranged for the meeting, to heal a long-standing alienation between Lu and Ju.
Par. 8. I have translated 夫人子氏 by 'the duke's wife;' meaning, of course, duke Yin. Du supposes the second wife of Hui to be the lady meant, in anticipation of whose death the king sent a funeral present in the previous year;-a view which confutes itself. Gong thinks the lady was Yin's mother. Gu takes the view I have done. The term 薨 is appropriate to narrate the death of one of the princes. It is here applied to the death of a prince's wife;-'the honour due to the husband passing to her.'
Par. 9 Wey was a marquisate held by the descendants of Kangshu, one of the sons of king Wen, whose investiture with it is described in the Shu, V. ix. It may be roundly said to have embraced the pres. dep. of Weihui (衛輝 Henan,-lying, most of it, north of the He; but it extended eastwards, across part of Zhili, into Shandong as well. Its capital-subsequently changed-was the old Zhaoge (朝歌) of Shang, in pres. dis. of Qi (淇). The reason of Zheng's invasion of Wey is sufficiently indicated in one of the supplementary notices by Zuoshi of the occurrences in the 10th month of last year. 鄭人,-as 莒人 in par. 2.
III. Third year.
1. In his third year, in spring, in the king's second month, on the day Jisi, the sun was eclipsed.
2. In the third month, on the day Gengxu, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on the day Xinmao, [an officer of] the Yin family died.
4. In autumn, a son of the Wu family came [to Lu] to ask for the contribution of money towards the [king's] burial.
5. In the eighth month, on the day Gengchen, He, duke of Song, died.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng made a covenant at Shimen.
7. [On the day] Guiwei, there was the burial of duke Mu of Song.
Par. 1. This is the 1st of the 36 eclipses of the sun mentioned in the Chunqiu. From the table in the proleg. to the Shu, pp. 103, 104, it will be seen that it occurred on the 14th February, B. C. 719, being the 6th cycle day, or Jisi, of the 3d month of the Zhou year. There is an error therefore in the text of 2 for 3. The mathematicians of China were themselves aware of this, as early as the Sui dynasty (A. D. 589-617). Evidently this year commenced on January 16th, instead of a month earlier, by some previous error of intercalation. Generally, the character 朔, 'the 1st day of the moon,' follows the name of the day of the eclipse; and as it is wanting here, Gong and Gu conclude that the eclipse was really on the last day of the previous month. But this involves much greater difficulty than to suppose that the 朔 was omitted through inadvertence of the historiographers, or has dropt somehow out of the text. 日有食之=日有所食之者, 'The sun had something which was devouring it.' The phenomenon had suggested this idea to the earliest Chinese, and the phrase became stereotyped in the language. On the ceremonies observed at an eclipse, ' to save the sun,' see the Shu, III. iv. 4, and note. Gongyang thinks eclipses were recorded as extraordinary events (異); but the Kangxi editors approve rather the view that it was as calamitous presages (災).
Par. 2. 崩, 'the fall of a mountain,' is the appropriate term for the death of a sovereign. Zuoshi says that king Ping really died on the day Renxu 壬戌, i.e., 12 days before Gengxu, but that the official communication of the event gave the wrong date, which was therefore recorded; and Du Yu thinks the date was wrongly communicated to hurry the princes to the capital. But there must be some other way of explaining Zuoshi's statement, if it be correct.-The death of the sovereign was communicated to all the princes of the States, whose duty it then was to send off to the capital a high minister to take part in the preliminary funeral rites, and present the various offerings of money, silk, etc., required on such an occasion. The princes themselves did not go to the capital till the time of burial was arrived.
Par. 3. Who is denoted by the 尹氏 here is all-undetermined. Zuoshi reads 君 instead of 尹, and 君氏 is something like our 'royal lady,' meaning duke Yin's mother. Gongyang and Guliang both have 尹 and suppose that by 尹氏 is intended some minister at the court of Zhou of that surname, 氏 intimating that whatever office he held had become hereditary in his family. Many other explanations of the words have been attempted. The most probable appears to be that of Jin Liqiang (A. D. 1,232-1,303), which is strongly advocated by Mao,-that the person intended was an officer of Zheng, of whom we shall read in Zuoshi's Zhuan, on the duke's 11th year, where the text here will again be touched on. Zuoshi says that the term 卒 is used here for the lady's death, instead of 薨 for three reasons: because 1st, no notice of her death was sent to other States in covenant with Lu; 2d, duke Yin, on returning at midday from her burial, did not weep for her in his state apartment; 3d, he did not place her Spirit-tablet in the same shrine with that of Hui's grandmother, He adds that her burial is not recorded, because she is not styled 夫人, or [Hui's] wife; and that she is merely styled 君氏, without her surname, out of regard to the duke. [Much of this is needless trifling.]
[The Zhuan has here the following narrative:- 'The dukes Wu and Zhuang of Zheng had been high ministers at the court of king Ping, and the king wished to divide the authority of Zhuang between him and the duke of Guo. The earl resented the idea, and the king disclaimed it; and in consequence of this Zhou and Zheng exchanged hostages, the king's son Hu going as one to Zheng, and the earl's eldest son Hu going to Zhou. On the king's death, the other ministers at the court proposed giving Zheng's office to Guo; and in the 4th month Zhai Zu [the same as Zhong of Zhai in the narrative under the 3d p. of 1st year] led a force and carried away the wheat of Wen, and in the autumn, also the rice about Chengzhou, from which ensued enmity between Zhou and Zheng.-A superior man may say, "If there be not good faith in the heart, hostages are of no use. If parties act with intelligence and with mutual consideration, their actions under the rule of propriety, although there be no exchange of hostages, they cannot be alienated. When there are intelligence and sincerity, what is grown by streams in the valleys, by ponds, and in pools, the gatherings of duckweed, white southernwood, and pondweed, in baskets round and square, and cooked in pans and pots with the water from standing pools and road hollows, may be presented to the Spirits, and set before kings and dukes; -much more may we conclude that when two princes are contracting their States in good faith, and their proceedings are according to the proper rules, there is no good in hostages. In the 'Lessons from the States' we have the Cai fan (Shi 詩, I.ii. II.), and the Cai pin (ib., IV), and in the Ya we have the Xing Wei (III.ii. II), and the Jiong zhuo (ib., VII.);-pieces which all show how truthfulness of heart and good faith may be manifested with slight things."']
Par. 4. We saw, in p. 4 of the 1st year, how the king sent funeral presents to Lu;-that was according to propriety. Now, on hearing of the king's death, Lu ought to have sent the proper presents to the court, and of money among them (錢財曰賻). The duke had not done so, failing in duty; and the court showed its weakness and want of self-respect in sending to ask for the contribution. The Wus must have been a family holding some hereditary office at court.
Par. 5. The death of the duke of Song was communicated to Lu, and so the historiographers put it on record. The proper word for the death of the prince of a State is (薨), but here we have (卒); the reason being that, in the records of Lu, (薨) could be used only of its own princes.
Here the Zhuan has:-"Duke Mu [He's sacrificial title] of Song being ill, he called to him Kongfu, his minister of War, and charged him to secure the succession to duke Shang, saying, "My predecessor passed by his son Yuyi, and left the State to unworthy me. I dare not forget his deed; and if by your powerful influence I succeed in preserving my head till I die in peace, should my brother ask about Yuyi, what answer shall I be able to return? I beg you to secure him the appointment to be lord of the altars, and then I shall be able to die without regret." The other replied, "All the officers wish to support your son Ping." "That must not be," said the duke. "My brother deemed me worthy, and made me lord of the altars. If I now throw away my virtue, and do not yield the State to his son, I shall be nullifying his promotion of me, and not worthy to be deemed honourable. Should it not be my chief object to illustrate brightly the excellent virtue of my brother? Do not you, my friend and minister, nullify his merit." On this duke Mu's son, Ping, was sent away to reside in Zheng; and when Mu died on the day Kengchen, in the 8th month, duke Shang, succeeded him.-A superior man may say, "It may be pronounced of duke Xuan (who preceded Mu) of Song that he knew men. He made Mu possess the State, and his own son came afterwards to the enjoyment of it;-the charge was according to righteousness. Are not the words in the sacrificial odes of Shang.'
"Right is it that Yin should have the appointment, And sustain all the dignities (Shi 詩, IV.iv.III.)," descriptive of such a case?']
Par. 6. Qi was one of the most powerful States, a marquisate, whose capital was Yingqiu (營邱, in pres. dis. of Linzi (臨 淄), dep. Qingzhou; but it extended much beyond the boundaries of that department. Its princes had the surname of Jiang (姜), and traced their lineage up to the chief minister of Yao. Shimen belonged to Qi;-in the southwest of Changqing (長清) dis., dept. Ji'nan. It probably took its name from some 'Stone-gate' or embankment of the river Ji. Zuoshi says that in connection with this meeting, 'the carriage of the earl of Zheng was overturned in the Ji.'
Par. 7. The duke of Song is mentioned here, with his honorary or sacrificial title of Mu (Gong and Gu have 繆), the burial taking place, of course, in his own State. We might translate-'We buried,' it being the rule that friendly States should send a great officer to represent them on such occasions;-and this Lu had here done.
[The Zhuan appends here the following narrative about Wey:- 'Duke Zhuang of Wey had married the sister of Tihshin, the heirson of the marquis of Qi, known as Zhuang Jiang. She was beautiful but childless, and it was of her that the people of Wey made the song of "the Great Lady (Shi 詩, I.v.III.)." The duke then married a daughter of the House of Chenn, called Li Gui, who had a son called Xiaobo that died early. Dai Gui, who had accompanied her to the harem, had a son, who was afterwards duke Huan, and who was cherished by Zhuang Jiang as her own child. There was also Zhouyu, another son of the duke by a favourite concubine, a favoured child, and fond of his weapons, not restrained by the duke, but hated by Zhuang Jiang. Shi Que remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Your servant has heard that, when you love a son, you should teach him righteous ways, and not help him on in the course of depravity. There are pride, extravagance, lewdness, and dissipation, by which one depraves himself; but these four vices come from overindulgence and allowances. If you are going to make Zhouyu your successor, settle him in that position; if you have not yet decided on such a step, you are paving the way for him to create disorder. Few there are who can be favoured without getting arrogant; few arrogant who can submit themselves to others; few who can submit themselves without being indignant at their position; and few who can keep patient under such a feeling of indignancy. And moreover, there are what are called the six instances of insubordination, -when the mean stand in the way of the noble; or the young presume against their elders; or distant relatives cut out those who are near; or new friends alienate from the old; or a small Power attacks a great one; or lewdness defeats righteousness. The ruler righteous and the minister acting accordingly; the father kind and the son dutiful; the elder brother loving and the younger respectful:-these are what are called the six instances of what should be. To put away what should be and follow what should not be, is the way to accelerate calamity; and when a ruler of men accelerates the calamity which it should be his object to keep off, is not the case a deplorable one?" The duke did not listen to this remonstrance; and Que's son, Hou, became a companion of Zhouyu. The father tried to restrain him, but in vain. When duke Huan succeeded to his father, Que withdrew from public life on the plea of old age.']
IV. Fourth year.
1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, an army of Ju invaded Qi, and took Moulou.
2. [On the day] Wushen, Zhouyu of Wey murdered his ruler, Huan.
3. In summer, the duke and the duke of Song met at Qing.
4. The duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, an army of Cai, and an army of Wey invaked Zheng.
5. In autumn, Hui led a force, and joined the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the army of Cai, and the army of Wey, in the invasion of Zheng.
6. In the ninth month, the people of Wey put Zhouyu to death in Pu.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, the people of Wey raised Jin [to be marquis of the State].
Par. 1. Qi was a marquisate (its chiefs are also called earls and sometimes viscounts) whose capital at this time was Yongqiu (雍邱) in dis. of Qi, dept. Kaifeng. It lay between Ju on the south, and Qi and Ji (紀) on the north. Its chiefs were descendants of the great Yu, and of course had the surname Si (姒);-see Ana. III.v. The capital was changed more than once in the period of the Chunqiu. Moulou was on its southern border, near to Ju;-in dis. Zhucheng (諸城). 取, 'took,' is said to denote that the place was easily taken. Ju seems to have retained it. Gong and Gu say that this capture, being altogether foreign to Lu, should not have been recorded; but that Confucius entered it, to show his hatred of such an outrage on the part of Ju. especially as this is the 1st instance of the capture by one State of a city of another, recorded in this classic. But, no doubt, the capture was announced by Ju to Lu, and the record of it was en regle.
Par. 2. 弑 is the term appropriate to the murder of a ruler by a minister, or of a father by a son. To understand the record fully, refer to the last narrative under last year from the Zhuan. Guliang, here and below, has 祝 for 州; and deep meanings are found in the omission of 公子. 'duke's son,' before the name;-about which we need not be particular. 完 was the name of the son of duke Zhuang of Wey, mentioned as himself duke Huan (桓) in the narrative referred to. It might appear that this par. belonged to the 2d month, but Du Yu remarks that in that month there was no Mowshin day. The characters 三月 should be at the commencement of the par.
Par. 3. 遇 is simply 'to meet,' as if without previous agreement, and this is the meaning put on the term here; but such an interpretation would be meaningless. Why should a casual incident of that nature be recorded? In the Li Ji (禮記), I. Pt.II.ii. 12, we are told that 'interviews between the princes before the time agreed upon were called 遇. So Zuoshi interprets the word here, and Du Yu calls the interview 草次之期, 'a hurried arrangement.' Zuoshi says:- 'In spring Zhouyu of Wey had murdered duke Huan, and taken his place. The duke and the duke of Song had arranged for a meeting as a sequel to their covenant at Su [in the 1st year]; but before the time came, they got the news of the confusion in Wey.' In consequence of this, it would follow, they had only a hurried meeting. Qing was in Wey,-in dis. of Dong'e (東阿), dep. Yanzhou.
Par. 4. Chen was a marquisate, having its chief city in Yuanqiu (宛邱),-in pres. dis. of Huaining (淮寧), dep. Chenzhou (so called from the ancient State), Henan. Its chiefs were Guis (媯), descended from Shun. Chen and Cai were the most southern of the States of China proper in this period, and exposed consequently to danger from the barbarous Chu, by which they were ultimately absorbed. Cai also was a marquisate, with which king Wu invested his brother Shudu (叔度) at the commencement of the dynasty;-in dep. Runing (汝寧), Henan. Its capital at this time was in Shangcai (上蔡) dis. To understand the par., we must keep in mind the Zhuan under par. 5, last year. Zuoshi adds here:- 'When Shang came to the dukedom of Song, Ping, the son of duke Mu, fled to Zheng, where there was a wish to vindicate his right to Song. And now, when Zhouyu had made himself marquis of Wey, he thought at once of putting to rights his father's grudge against Zheng [see the 2d Zhuan after p. 5, 1st year], and of getting for himself the favour of the princes, in order to make his people better affected. He sent a message, therefore, to the duke of Song, saying, "If you will invade Zheng to remove the danger that is there to yourself [i.e. Mu's son Ping], you shall be chief of the expedition; and all my levies, as well as Chen and Cai, will follow you:-this is the desire of the State of Wey." They acceded in Song to the request; and as Chen and Cai were then friendly with Wey, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, an army of Cai, and an army of Wey, invaded Zheng, and laid siege for five days to the eastern gate of its capital;-when they returned.
'The duke of Lu asked Zhongzhong whether Zhouyu of Wey would accomplish his ambition. "Your servant has heard," said the officer, 'that the people may be made well affected by virtue; I have not heard that they can be made so by violence. To use violence with that view is like trying to put silk in order and only ravelling it. Zhouyu relies on his military force, and can do cruel things. For his military likings the multitude will not cleave to him; and for his cruelty his relatives will not. With the multitude rebellious, and his friends leaving him. it will be difficult for him to be successful. Military weapons are like fire; if you don't lay the fire aside, it will burn yourself. Zhouyu murdered his prince, and he uses his people oppressively, thus not making excellent virtue his pursuit, but wishing to succeed by violence;-he will certainly not escape calamity."'
Par. 5. This Hui was an officer of Lu, a son, indeed, of the previous duke. He was afterwards concerned in the murder of duke Yin; and Gong and Gu think that he is here mentioned simply by his. name, denuded of the 'duke's son,' as the sage's punishment of him for his share in that deed. But this view is quite inadmissible. Zuoshi thinks the omission shows Confucius' dislike of him in the incident here mentioned; but neither need we suppose that. The historiographers had merely entered his name The 會 is little more than the 及 of other paragraphs. The Zhuan is:--'In the autumn, the princes again invaded Zheng, and the duke of Song sent to ask the assistance of a force from Lu. Yufu [the designation of this Hui] asked leave to join them with a force. The duke refused, when he strongly urged his request, and went. Hence the brief record of the text, expressive of dislike to his conduct. The army of the princes defeated the footmen of Zheng, carried off the paddy from the fields, and returned.'
Par. 6. Here and in p. 7, 衛人 denotes 'the people of Wey,' as if the things recorded had the consent, and were, indeed, the doing of them all. Zhouyu might have been mentioned as 衛候, being the ruler de facto; but he had had occupied his position only for a short time, and the marquis Huan was not yet buried. Pu was in Chen, near a river so named. Zuoshi gives the following account of Zhouyu's death:- 'Zhouyu finding himself unable to attach the people to himself, Shi Que's son Hou asked his father how to establish the prince in the State. Shi said, "It may be done by his going and having an audience of the king." "But how can this audience be obtained?" "Duke Huan of Chen," replied the father, "is now in favour with the king, and Chen and Wey are on friendly terms. If the marquis go to the court of Chen, and get the duke to ask an audience for him, it may be got." On this Hou went with Zhouyu to Chen; but Shi Que sent information to Chen, saying, "The State of Wey is narrow and small, and I am aged and can do nothing. These two men are the real murderers of my prince, and I venture to ask that you will instantly take the proper measures with them." The people of Chen made them prisoners, and requested Wey to send and manage the rest. In the 9th month, the people of Wey sent Chou, the superintendent of the Right, who put Zhouyu to death, at Pu, and Shi Que sent his steward, Nou Yangjian, who put Shi Hou to death in the capital of Chen. A superior man may say, "Shi Que was a minister without blemish. He hated Zhouyu, with whom his own son Hou was art and part;-and did he not so afford an illustration of the saying that great righteousness is supreme over the affections?"'
Par. 7. Jin was a brother of duke Huan, and had fled to the State of Xing (邢). They now sent to Xing for him, and raised him to the marquisate.
V. Fifth year.
1. In his fifth year, in spring, the duke [went] to see the fishermen at Tang.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Huan of Wey.
3. In autumn, an army of Wey entered Cheng.
4. In the ninth month, [the duke] completed the shrine-palace of Zhong Zi. For the first time he exhibited [only] six rows of pantomimes.
5. An army of Zhu and an army of Zheng invaded Song.
6. There were the ming-insects.
7. In winter, in the twelfth month, duke [Xiao's] son Kou died.
8. An army of Song invaded Zheng, and besieged Changge.
Par. 1. Instead of 觀 Zuoshi has 矢,with the meaning of 陳, 'to set in order,' 'to arrange.' Then 魚 is taken as-漁者 'fishermen.' Tang was in the dis. of Yutai, a long way from Qufu (曲阜) where the court of Lu was. The name Yutai, (漁臺), 'fishermen's tower,' remains, indeed, since A. D. 762, when the district was so called, a monument of the incident in this par. Zuoshi's view of it then is, that the duke, neglecting the business of govt., went off for his own pleasure to Tang, and there had the fishermen drawn up with all their equipments, and watched them as they proceeded to catch their prey. A great scholar, Ye Mengde (A. D. 1077-1138), and others, take 矢 as - 射, 'to shoot;' and think that duke Yin, really seeking his own pleasure, went off to Tang on the pretence that he was going to shoot fish for use in sacrifice!
The Zhuan says:-'The duke being about to go to Tang, to see the fishermen, Zang Xibo remonstrated with him, saying. "All pursuit of creatures in which the great affairs of the State are not illustrated, and when they do not supply materials available for use in its various requirements, the ruler does not engage in. Into the idea of a ruler it enters that he lead and help the people on to what should be observed, and all the ramifications thereof. Hence the practice of exercises in admeasurement of the degrees of what should be observed is called fixing the rule, and the obtaining the materials supplied thereby for the ornament of the various requirements of the State, is the guiding principle to show what creatures should be pursued. Where there are no such admeasurement and no such materials, the government is one of disorder; and the frequent indulgence in a government of disorder is the way to ruin. In accordance with this there are the spring hunting, the summer hunting, the autumn hunting, and the winter hunting:-all in the intervals of husbandry, for the illustration of one great business of States. Then every three years, there is the grand military review; when it is over, the troops are all led back; and their return is announced by the cup of spirits in the temple:-all to take reckoning of the accoutrements and spoils; to display the various blazonry; to exhibit the noble and the mean; to distinguish the observance of order and ranks; to show the proper difference between the young and the old; to practise the various observances of discipline. Now when the birds and beasts are such that their flesh is not presented in the sacrificial vessels, and their skins, hides, teeth, bones, horns, feathers, and hair are not used in the furniture of the State, it was the ancient rule that our dukes should not shoot them. With the creatures found in the mountains, forests, streams and marshes; with the materials for ordinary articles of use; with the business of underlings; and with the charges of inferior officers:-with all these the ruler has nothing to do." The duke said, 'I will walk over the country;" and so he went, had the fishermen drawn up in order, and looked at their operations. Xibo gave out that he was ill, and did not accompany him. The text, "The duke reviewed a display of the fishermen at Tang," intimates the impropriety of the affair, and tells moreover how far off the place was.'
[The Zhuan adds here a note about Jin (晉):- ' Earl Zhuang of K'ëuh-yuh, with an army of Zheng and an army of Xing, invaded Yi. The king sent his officers, the Heads of the Yin and Wu families, to assist him. The marquis of Yi fled to Sui.']
Par. 2. This burial was very late. more than double the regular 5 months after the prince's death;-owing to the confusion in which the State had been.
The Zhuan adds here- 'In the 4th month, an army of Zheng fell suddenly on the city Mu of Wey, to revenge the siege of its eastern gate [see the Zhuan on p. 4 of last year]. An army of Wey, aided by one of [the southern] Yan invaded Zheng in return. The officers of Zheng,-Zhai Zu, Yuan Fan, and Xie Jia, with three bodies of men, withstood them in front, and made the earl's two sons.-Manbo and Ziyuan, with another body, get stealthily behind them. The men of Yan were afraid of the three armies in their front, but had no anxiety about danger from the men of Zhi [a town of Zheng in their rear]; so that in the 6th month, the two princes, with the men of Zhi, defeated the army of Yan near the city, A superior man may say that without preparation and anxiety an army cannot be properly conducted.']
Part. 3. Cheng (Gong has 盛) was a small State, an earldom, held by the descendants of Shuwu (叔武), one of king Wen's sons;- in dis. of Wenshang (汶上), dep. Yanzhou. Ace. to Zuoshi, during the troubles of Wey, Cheng had made an incursion into it; hence this retributive expedition.
Par. 4. 考 is explained in the Erya (爾雅) by 成, 'to complete;'-see the Shu, V.xiii 24. Fu Qian (服虔; towards the end of the Han dyn.) contends that '考 is the name of the sacrifice offered immediately after the completion of the shrine-house (宮廟初成,祭指名考);' which seems to be the view also of Du Yu. But the sacrifice was the sequence of the finishing of the temple; and we need not extend the meaning of 考 beyond that of the erection of the building. Zhong Zi was the mother of duke Huan, who was now heir to the State; but she was only the second wife of duke Hui. The tablet of the 1st and proper wife had already received its proper place; and the erection of a separate house for that of Zhong Zi was a device to please the young prince, but not according to rule. A feeling of this seems to have prompted the exhibition of six rows of pantomimes, as recorded in the last part of the par. 羽, 'feathers,' is here=' feather-wavers,' i.e., the pantomimes, who waved the feathers of pheasants in harmony with the music which was played. Of such performers the kings used 8 rows, each consisting of 8 men. at their sacrifices, while the princes of States could only use 6 rows, each of 6 men. But it had been granted to the princes of Lu to use the kingly number in sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, their great ancestor, and they had usurped the privilege so as to use it in sacrificing to his descendants;-and on the occasion in the text duke Yin employed only the ordinary number used in sacrificing to the prince of a State. The Zhuan says:-'In the ninth month, having completed the shrine-palace for Zhong Zi, the pantomimes were about to be exhibited. The duke asked Zhongzhong about their number, who replied, "The emperor uses 8 rows; princes of States, 6; great officers, 4; and scholars, 2. Now the dancing is employed in harmony with the instruments of music, and the motion of the 8 winds of the year; the number of them therefore descends in gradation from 8 rows." On this the duke for the 1st time exhibited only 6 feather-wavers, and used 6 rows.'
Par 5. The Zhuan on this has:- 'The people of Song had taken some fields from Zhu; and the people of Zhu informed the earl of Zheng, saying, "If you will now vent your indignation on Song, our poor town will lead the way for you." An officer of Zheng, aided by a king's army, joined the forces of Zhu, and attacked Song, penetrating to the suburbs of its capital;-in revenge again for the siege of the eastern gate of Zheng. They sent off an account of their circumstances from Song to Lu; and when the duke heard that the enemy was in the suburbs of its capital, he was about to proceed to the relief of Song. Asking the messenger, however, how far the enemies' army had got, the man replied, "They have not yet reached our city." The duke was angry, and stopped his measures, dismissing the messenger with the words, "Your prince in his message requested me to have compassion on the peril in which his altars were, and now you tell me that the enemy has not reached your city;-I dare not take any notice of the case."'
Par. 6. This is the record of a plague (災); -'some evil caused by the misconduct of men (災,人之害也).' The ming is described as a grub that eats the heart of the growing grain (蟲食苗心曰螟);'-it developes into the locust (即蝗也). It is named from the place of its injurious action, lying hid in the heart of the plant (冥冥難知).
Par. 7. This Gongzi Kou is the same as the Zang Xibo in the Zhuan on p.1. Kou was his name, and his designation was Zizang (子臧). His grandchildren would first receive the clanname of Zang, from his designation; and he is so surnamed in the Zhuan as the ancestor of the Zang family. Xi (僖) is the honorary title given after his death. On this par. the Zhuan says:-'On the death of Zang Xibo, the duke said, "My uncle was angry with me [i.e., for not listening to his remonstrance]; but I dare not forget his faithfulness." He caused him to be buried with the honours of one rank above what was his due.'
Par. 8. Changge was a town of Zheng;- its name remains in the dis. of Changge, in Xu (許) Zhou, Henan. This expedition, Zuoshi observes, was in return for Zheng's attack of Song mentioned in par.5.
VI. Sixth year.
1. In [the duke's] sixth year, in spring, an officer of Zheng came [to Lu] with overtures of peace.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Xinyou, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, when they made a covenant at Ai.
3. [It was] autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, an army of Song took Changge.
Par. 1. The text here has 輸平,with Gong and Gu, while Zuoshi reads 渝平 But both the former commentators explain their phrase by 墮成, 'to the ruin of peace.' Zuoshi explains his by 更成, ='which changed their relations of enmity, and there was peace,' 渝 meaning 變, 'to change.' Later critics have taken 輸 in the sense of 納, 'to present,' to offer;' and thus a meaning is got out of the more likely reading, which comes to the same as the view of Zuoshi. There was reason for the overture of peace on the part of Zheng. Before Yin succeeded his father, he had been taken prisoner in an expedition against Zheng, and detained there. He made his escape, but might be supposed to be ill-affected towards it. When, however, he rejected the applicaton from Song the year before for assistance against Zheng, that State thought the time a favourable one for initiating proposals that Lu and it should be at amity.
[The Zhuan has here another note about the affairs of Jin:- The nine original clan-branches of Yi [i.e., Jin], with the representatives of the five ministers of the time of Yin, and Jiafu, son of Qingfu, went to meet the marquis of Jin in Sui [see the Zhuan after 1st par of last year], and escorted him back to E. The people of Jin called him the marquis of E].
Par. 2. Ai was a hill in Lu;-in the northwest of the dis. of Mengyin (蒙陰), dep. Qingzhou. Lu and Qi had been at feud before the time at which the Chunqiu opens. This meeting and covenant were the commencement of peace between them.
[The Zhuan here adds:-'In the 5th month, on the day Gengshen, the earl of Zheng made a sudden raid into Chen, and got great spoil. The year before, the earl had requested peace from Chen, when his proposals were rejected. Wufu remonstrated with the marquis of Chen, saying, "Intimacy with the virtuous and friendship with its neighbours are the jewels of a State. Do you grant Zheng's request." The marquis replied, 'My difficulties are with Song and Wey; what can Zheng do?" And so he repulsed Zheng.
'A superior man may say, Good relations should not be lost, and evil relations should not be prolonged;-does not this seem to be illustrated in the case of duke Huan of Chen? When a man goes on to prolong enmity, the consequences naturally come upon himself; and though he may wish deliverance from them, he will not obtain it. The Shang Shu says, "The evil issues of enmity develope easily, as when there is a fire blazing on a plain. It cannot be approached, and still less can it be beaten out (Shu, IV.vii. Pt. i.12)." Zhou Ren [see Ana. XVI.I.6.] has said, "The Head of a State or of a clan looks upon evil relations as a husbandman looks upon weeds or grass, which must be removed. He cuts down, kills them, collects them, and heaps them up, extirpating their roots that they may not be able to grow; and then the good grain stretches itself out."']
Par. 3. There was nothing to record in all the autumn of this year; but still it was necessary, according to the scheme of these annals, to indicate the season and the 1st month of it.
Par. 4. See the siege of this place in the last par. of last year. Du Yu says that the siege had then been unsuccessful, but that Song returned this year, and took the place by surprise. He says also, after Zuoshi, that the capture was made in autumn, but was only communicated in winter to Lu, so that the historiographers entered it under that season. But as Song was held by the representatives of the House of Shang, its months would be those of that dynasty, and part of its autumn would be Zhou's winter.
[Zuoshi appends here the following two Zhuan:- 'In winter, an announcement came from the capital of famine there, to meet which the duke asked the courts of Song, Qi, Wey, and Zheng, to be allowed to purchase grain in their States. This was proper.'
'The earl of Zheng went to Zhou, and for the first time sought an audience of king Huan. The king did not receive him courteously, when the duke Huan of Zhou said to him, "Our Zhou's removal to the east was all through the help of Jin and Zheng. You should treat Zheng well, to encourage other princes to come to court;-and still there is fear that they will not come. Now when he receives discourtesy, Zheng will not come again."']
VII. Seventh year.
1. In his seventh year, in spring, in the king's third month, the duke's third daughter went to the harem of Ji.
2. The marquis of Teng died.
3. In summer, we walled Zhongqiu.
4. The marquis of Qi sent his younger brother Nian [to Lu] with friendly inquiries.
5. In autumn, the duke invaded Zhu.
6. In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Fan to Lu with friendly inquiries.
7. The Rong attacked the earl of Fan at Chuqiu, and carried him back with them.
Par. 1. The marriage of the duke's eldest daughter to the marquis of Ji is entered in the 2d year, pp. 5,6. There the 歸 = 'went to be married to,' 'went as the wife;' here the 歸 has only the significance which appears in the translation. When the daughter of a State was married, the rule was that she should be accompanied by a half-sister and a cousin (-娣- 姪). Then two other States sent each a princess to attend her (二國來勝), each of whom was similarly accompanied by two relatives. Thus altogether a prince's marriage brought nine ladies to his harem (諸侯一 娶九女). In the case in the text, the girl had been too young to accompany her sister in the 2d year, and had waited five years, till she reached the statutory age of 15, and could proceed to Ji. She appears twice again in the classic; and it is contended that such prominence was given to her, humble though her rank, to mark the sage's sense of her worthiness.
Par. 2. Teng was a small State:- in dis. of Teng, dept. Yanzhou, held by the descendants of Shuxiu (叔繡), one of king Wu's brothers. Its chief is here styled marquis, but afterwards he appears only as viscount, his rank having been reduced. According to the general practice of the Chunqiu, the name as well as the title should be given in the notice of the death. The want of the name here is probably an omission of the historiographer; but Zuoshi says that it is in rule, because duke Yin and the marquis had never covenanted together.
He adds. 'At covenants between the princes, they were mentioned by name; and therefore on the death of one of them, his name was given when the event was communicated to other States. At the same time his successor was also mentioned.-for the continuance of friendship, and the assurance of the people. This was one of the standing regulations of the. kingdom.'
Par. 3. Zhongqiu was in dis. of Lanshan (蘭山), dep. Yizhou. No doubt there was some exigency requiring it to be fortified. Zuoshi, however, says the record is made, because of the unseasonableness of the undertaking, calling the people off from their field labours.
Par. 4. Zuoshi tells us that this Nian's designation was Yizhong (夷仲), and that the visit in the text was to cement the covenant made the year before (p. 2) by Lu and Qi. These pin or missions of friendly inquiries were regular institutions. by which the princes maintained a good understanding with one another;-see the Li ji, I., Pt. II. ii. 12, 諸侯 使 大 夫 問 於 諸 侯 曰 聘. The employment by Qi of the prince's brother, instead of the officer usually charged with such a mission, was a special honour done to Li. From the Zhou li (周禮), Bk. XXXVIII., p. 24, we learn that among States in the same quarter of the empire, there ought to have been every year 'the interchange of inquiries (相問),' and every two years 'the interchange of pin (殷相聘).' Conciliatory offerings of silk and pieces of jade were made at such times.
Par. 5. Acc. to the Zhuan, this attack of Zhu was a cowardly proceeding on the part of Lu; and a covenant of peace had been made between the two States, not long before;-see the 1st year, p. 2.-'This autumn, Song and Zheng made peace, and in the 7th month, on the day Gengshen, covenanted at Su. The duke proceeded to attack Zhu,-so punishing it to gratify Song.'
Par. 6. This earl of Fan was a high minister and noble at the court. Fan was in the pres. dis. of Hui (輝), dep. Weihui, Henan. Not only was there an interchange of friendly missions among the princes themselves, but also between them and the king. Indeed, the king was supposed to send annually to every one of them to inquire about his welfare (王之所以撫邦國諸侯者， 歲 偏 存; Zhou li, XXXVIII. 17); but as Cheng Yi observes, for the king to send such a mission to Yin, who had never sent one to court, was derogatory to his dignity (非王體).
Par. 7. These Rong are probably the same as those mentioned in the 2d year, pp. 1, 5. Chuqiu was in the east of the pres. dis. of Cao, dept. Caozhou. The incident shows how lawless the time was. The Zhuan relates that, some time before, the Rong had presented themselves at Zhou in homage, and distributed presents among the high ministers, but that the earl of Fan had not received them courteously. They took advantage therefore of the opportunity presented by his return from Lu, attacked him, and carried him off. 以歸, according to Gongyang means that the Rong made the earl prisoner (執之); but Du Yu says that they did not seize him (非執也), influenced, probably, by a remark of Guliang that the phrase denotes something lighter than seizure (愈於執). And the Kangxi editors say this interpretation is much the better of the two. They are also stumbled at the use of the word 'attacked' in p. 6, as too weighty for the occasion. There, however, 伐 is; and I apprehend 以歸 also is only a gentle way of telling that the earl was captured and carried off.
[The Zhuan has here:- 'Chen and Zheng made peace. In the 12th month, Wufu of Chen went to Zheng, and on the day Renshen made a covenant with the earl, and smeared his mouth with the blood of the victim, as if he were forgetting what he was doing. Xie Bo said, "Wufu will not escape a violent death. This covenant will be of no use to him." Liang Zuo of Zheng went to Chen and on the day Xinsi made a covenant with the marquis, when he also perceived the disorders which were imminent in Chen.' 'Hu, son of the earl of Zheng, had lived at the king's [as a hostage; see the Zhuan, after p.3 of the 3d year]; and on this account [i.e., according to Du Yu, thinking it likely he would be a favourite with the king] the marquis of Chen proposed to give him his daughter to wife. The earl acceded to the proposal, and the marriage was determined on.']
1. In [the duke's] eighth year, in spring, the duke of Song and the marquis of Wey met at Chui.
2. In the third month, the earl of Zheng sent Yuan [to Lu] to give up Beng.
3. On [the day] Gengyin we entered Beng.
4. In summer, in the sixth month, on [the day] Jihai, Kaofu, marquis of Cai, died.
5. On [the day] Xinhai, the baron of Su died.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Gengwu, the duke of Song, the marquis of Qi, and the marquis of Wey made a covenant at Wawu.
7. In the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Xuan of Cai.
8. In the ninth month, on [the day] Xinmao, the duke and an officer of Ju made a covenant at Fulai.
9. There were the ming-insects.
10. In winter, in the twelfth month, Wuhai died.
Par. 1. On this paragraph Zuoshi says:- 'The marquis of Qi wanted to bring about peace between Song and Wey on the one hand and Zheng on the other, and had fixed a time for a meeting with the princes of the two former States. The duke of Song, however, sent presents to Wey, and begged that the marquis and himself might have a previous meeting between themselves. The marquis agreed, and they met accordingly at Quanqiu.' Regulated by this account, the meaning of 遇 differs slightly from that laid down on par. 3 of the 4th year. The idea, however, of a 'hurried' meeting remains. The meeting proposed by Qi was held in the 7th month; this was a preliminary meeting of Song and Wey to consider how they should receive Qi's proposals. Quanqiu in the Zhuan, and Chui in the text, are two names of the same place;-Du Yu says it was in Wey, on the north of the dep. city of Caozhou; but see on II. i.2.
Par. 2. Zuoshi says here:-'The earl of Zheng intimated his wish to give up the sacrifice at mount Tai, and to sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, and to exchange therefore Beng near mount Tai for the fields of Xu. In the 3d month, accordingly, he sent Yuan to give up Beng to Lu, and no more used the mount Tai sacrifice.' But to understand this, an explanation is necessary, which is supplied by Du Yu.-When king Cheng built the city of Luo (雒), and was meditating the removal of his capital to it, he granted to the duke of Zhou the lands of Xu (in the southwest of the present Xu Zhou, dep. Kaifeng), where the princes of Lu might reside when they visited Luo on state occasions; and subsequently a temple was built there to the duke of Zhou. But the first earl of Zheng, as a brother of king Xuan, had the town of Beng, near mount Tai, where he and his successors might rest, when called there on occasion of the king's eastern progresses, and having then to assist at the sacrifices on or to the mountain. Owing to the decay of the royal House, there was now an end of the kingly progresses. The earl concluded that Zheng had no farther occasion for Beng, and therefore offered it to Lu, to which it was near, in exchange for Xu, which was near to Zheng, volunteering to maintain there Lu's sacrifice to the duke of Zhou.-If all this be correct, yet we know that Lu's part of the arrangement did not take effect for some time;-see the 1st year of duke Huan, p. 2. Yuan, of course, was an officer of Zheng.
Par. 3. Gong and Gu lay great stress on the mention of the day here;-but without reason. The use of 入, however, seems strange, as that character should denote a hostile entry.
[The Zhuan appends here:- 'In summer, Jifu, duke of Guo, for the first time became a high minister and noble at the court of Zhou.' 'In the 4th month, on the day Jiachen, Hu, son of the earl of Zheng, went to Chen, and met his Gui bride. On the day Xinhai, he commenced his return with her. On the day Jiayin, they entered the capital of Zheng, the officer Qian of Chen acting as escort to the lady. The prince was first mated, and then announced the thing in the ancestral temple. The officer Qian said, "These are not husband and wife;-he is imposing on his fathers. The proceeding is improper, How can they expect to have children?"']
Par. 5. Su;-see on p. 5 of 1st year. The name of the baron should follow the title, but is wanting;-through an omission of the historiographer.
Par. 6. The meeting here is that spoken of in the Zhuan on par 1, as called by Qi. Attention is called to it by critics as the first meeting in the Chunqiu when more than two princes came together to consult and covenant on the affairs of the time. As it was called by the marquis of Qi, he should appear 1st on the list; but, says Du Yu, he did honour to the duke of Song, ceding the presidency of the meeting to him. Zhuoshi says they first met at Wen, and then covenanted together at Wawu. A reconciliation was effected between Song and Wey and Zheng, and the siege of Zheng's eastern gate was condoned Wawu was in the king's domain,-20 li south of the dis. city of Weichuan (洧川), dep. Kaifeng.
Par. 7. [To this the Zhuan appends:- "In the 8th month, on the day Bingxu, the earl of Zheng, through the marquis of Qi, appeared at court. This was proper.']
Par. 8. Fu (Gong and Gu read 包)-lai was in Ju;-20 li west of the pres. city of Ju Zhou. In the 2d year, p. 7, we have a meeting between the count of Ju and an officer to bring about a good understanding between Ju and Lu. This was the sequel of that,-'to carry out the good wishes of Ji.'
Par. 9. See on paragraph 5, 5th year.
[The Zhuan adds here:-'In winter, the marquis of Qi sent a messenger to inform the duke that he had effected the pacification of the three States [Song, Wey, and Zheng]. The duke sent Zhongzhong to reply to him, "That you have reconciled the conflicting schemes of the three States, and given rest and settlement to their people, is your kindness, O prince. I have heard your message, and dare not but accept and acknowledge your bright virtue."'
Par. 10. Wuhai;-see paragraph 3 of the 2d year. The Zhuan has here:-'On the death of Wuhai, Yufu [the designation of Hui, IV., 5] requested for him an honorary title and a clan-name. The duke asked Zhongzhong about the clan-name. who replied, 'When the Son of Heaven [would ennoble the virtuous, he gives them surnames from their birth-places (or the birthplaces of their ancestors]; he rewards them with territory, and the name of it becomes their clan-name. The princes again confer the clan-name from the designation of the grandfather, or from his honorary title [the text is here difficult to construe]. Or when merit has been displayed in one office by members of the same family for generations, the name of that office may become the clan-name, or the name of the city held by the family may become so." The duke determined that Wuhai's clanname should be Zhan, from the designation of his grandfather (公子展).'
Du Yu illustrates what the Zhuan says about the procedure of the king by the case of the chiefs of Chen. They were descended from Shun, who was born near the river Gui; hence they got the surname of Gui. When they were invested with Chen, that became their clan-name, to distinguish them from other branches of Shun's descendants. He says further, that the princes of States could not confer surnames (姓), but only clan-names (氏), which they did in the way described.
But while the theory of surnames and clan-names in ancient China may have been as here described, they were often assumed and acknowledged without any conferring on the part of the king or the princes. See Mao Qiling (毛奇齡) in loc. He says:-'When a ruler of Lu died, the event was recorded; when the ruler of another State died, that also was recorded, when the announcement of it arrived. The deaths of great officers, scions of the ruling family, were sometimes recorded and sometimes not; with the accompaniment of their clan-names or without; and with the mention of the month and day of the death or without it:-all this proceeded from the historiographers of Lu, and the Master simply transcribed their record without making any change in it himself. We have here the mention of Wuhai's death, without his clan-name, just as we have similar records of other officer's in IV. 5.;IX.3; etc.
'Now according to the ordinary view of the matter, the clan-name was only conferred on men who had been distinguished for their virtue. But on this principle few officers mentioned in the Chunqiu could have received it, whereas we find it given to many of the worst characters, and to be abhorred for their flagrant wickedness. It is impossible to suppose that the clan-names of the officers of Lu were all given by the marquises. The general rule was that the son of a deceased ruler was styled 公 子, or "duke's son;" his son again, 公 孫 子 or "duke's grandson." But in the next descent, the son took as a matter of course the designation of his grandfather, or his honorary title, or the name of his office, or of his city, and made it his own clan-name. One surname branched out into many clan-names, and one clan-name branched out again into many family names (姓 分 而 為 氏，氏 又 分 而 為 族). Zuoshi would make it appear here that Wuhai had no clan-name till after his death;-which is not to be believed, His record of events is very much to be relied on; but as to every ten of his devices to explain the style of the classic, he is sure to be mistaken in five or six of them.'
1. In [the duke's] ninth year, in spring, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Nan Ji to Lu with friendly inquiries.
2. In the third month, on the day Guiyou, there was great rain, with thunder and lightning. On [the day] Gengchen there was a great fall of snow.
3. Xie died.
4. In summer, we walled Lang.
5. It was autumn, the seventh month.
6. In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Fang.
Par. 1. See on p. 6 of 7th year. Nan is the clan-name, and Ji the designation of the officer, the king's messenger.
Par. 2. The Zhuan says on this:-'In spring, in the king's 3d month, on the day Guiyou, there was great rain without ceasing, accompanied with thunder;-this describes the beginning of the storm. On the day Gengchen, there was a great fall of snow;-this also in the same way describes its unseasonableness. When rain continues for more than three days, it is called a great rain (霖). When it lies a foot deep on the ground, there has been a great fall of snow.' The 3d month of Zhou's spring was only the 1st month of spring, when thunder and much snow were certainly unseasonable phænomena.
Par. 3. Xie (Gong and Gu have 俠) was an officer of Lu, a scion of the ruling House, belonging, Zuoshi would say, to a branch which had not yet received a clan-name.
Par. 4. See the Zhuan after p. 2, 1st year. Lang was in the northeast of pres. dis. city of Yutai (魚臺). The walling Lang at this time, Zuoshi says, was unseasonable.
Par. 5. See on VI. 3.
Par. 6. Fang (Gong and Gu have 邴) was in Lu;-in dis. of Bi, dep. Yizhou. As preliminary to the meeting here, the Zhuan has:- 'The duke of Song had not been discharging his duty to the king [by appearing at court], and the earl of Zheng, as the king's minister of the Left, assumed a king's order to punish him, and invaded Song, the duke of which, resenting our duke's conduct when his suburbs were entered, [see Zhuan on V. 5], sent no information of his present difficulties. Our duke was angry, and broke off all communication with Song. In autumn, an officer of Zheng came announcing the king's command to attack Song; and in winter the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Fang, to arrange for doing so.'
[The Zhuan appends here the following narrative:-'The northern Rong [their seat was in pres. dep. of Yongping, Zhili] made a sudden raid into Zheng. The earl withstood them, but was troubled by the nature of their troops, and said, "They are footmen, while we have chariots. The fear is lest they fall suddenly upon us." His son Tu said, 'Let a body of bold men, but not persistent, feign an attack upon the thieves, and then quickly draw off from them; and at the same time place three bodies in ambuscade to be ready for them. The Rong are light and nimble, but have no order; they are greedy and have no love for one another; when they conquer, no one will yield place to his fellow; and when they are defeated, no one tries to save another. When their front men see their success [in the retreat of our skirmishers], they will think of nothing, but to push forward. When they are thus advancing, and fall into the ambush, they will be sure to hurry away in flight. Those behind will not go to their rescue, so there will be no support to them; and thus your anxiety may be relieved." The earl followed this plan. As soon as the front men of the Rong met with those who were in ambuscade, they fled, pursued by Chuh Tan. Their detachment was surrounded; and smitten both in front and in rear, till they were all cut to pieces. The rest of the Rong made a grand flight. It was in the 12th month, on the day Jiayin that the army of Zheng inflicted this great defeat on the Rong.']
1. In his tenthyear, in spring, in the king's second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng in Zhongqiu.
2. In summer, Hui led a force, and joined an officer of Qi and an officer of Zheng in an invasion of Song.
3. In the sixth month, on [the day] Renxu, the duke defeated an army of Song at Jian.
4. On the day Xinwei, we took Gao; on the day Xinsi, we took Fang.
5. In autumn, an army of Song and an army of Wey entered Zheng.
6. The army of Song, the army of Cai, and the army of Wey attacked Dai. The earl of Zheng attacked and took them [all.]
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on the day Renwu, an army of Qi and an army of Zheng entered Cheng.
Par. 1. Zhongqiu,-see VII. 3. This meeting was a sequel to that in p. 6 of last year. The Zhuan says on it:-'In the 1st month, the duke had a meeting with the princes of Qi and Zheng in Zhongqiu, and on the day Guichou they made a covenant in Deng, settling the time when they should take the field.' From this it appears they made a covenant at this time; and to the question why it is not recorded in the text, all that Du Yu can say is that the duke only mentioned the meeting in the report he took back to his ancestral temple. Du also observes that the day Guichou was the 26th of the 1st month, and that second month in the text must be an error. But all through this year, as often in other years, the months and days of the Jing and Zhuan do not accord.
Par. 2. The Zhuan on this is:-In summer, in the 5th month, Yufu, preceding the duke, joined the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng in invading Song.' If this be correct, then both the marquis and earl are simply styled 人 'man' in the text;-contrary to the general usage of the Work, where 人 either denotes an officer, not of very high rank, or a force under the command of such an officer. Agreeing with the Zhuan, Du Yu says that Hui hurried away, ambitious of joining the two princes, and without waiting for orders from the duke, and that therefore his name only is mentioned by the sage. But this is not more reasonable than the theory of Gong and Gu mentioned on p. 5 of the 4th year. The text leads us to suppose that the princes of Lu, Qi, and Zheng all sent officers and troops against Song, in anticipation of their own advance.
Par. 3. The Zhuan is:-'In the 6th month, on the day Wushen, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng at Laotao, and on the day Renxu he defeated an army of Song at Jian.' Du Yu from this concludes that Qi and Zheng were dilatory, and had not united their forces with Lu, when the duke seized an advantage presented by the army of Song, unprepared for action, and defeated it. The situation of Jian does not appear to have been identified. Du says it was in Song.
Par. 4. The Zhuan is:-'On the day Gengwu, the army of Zheng entered Gao, and on Xinwei the earl gave it over to us. On Gengchen his army entered Fang, and on Xinsi he gave it also over to us.' From the text we should infer that both Gao and Fang were taken by the troops of Lu. Zuoshi, however, goes on to moralize over his narrative:-'The superior man will say that in this matter duke Zhuang of Zheng may be pronounced a correct man. With the king's command he was punishing a prince who had forsaken the court. Not coveting his territory for himself, he rewarded with it the higher nobility of Lu:-this was a fine instance of correctness.' Gao was 80 li to the southeast from the pres. dis. city of Chengwu (城 武), dep. Yanzhou. Fang was also in Yanzhou, west of the dis. city of Jinxiang (金鄉).
[The Zhuan adds here:-'The people of Cai, of Wey, and of Cheng, did not unite with Zheng and the others at the king's command.']
Par. 5. This was intended as a diversion, to compel Zheng to withdraw from Song.
Par. 6. Dai was a small State, having its chief city in pres. dis. of Kaocheng (考 城), dep. Guide, Henan. Its lords had the surname of 子, and must have been some branch, therefore, of the old House of Song. It would appear that the officers of Song and Wey, after entering Zheng, had been joined by a body of troops from Cai, and then turned aside to attack Dai. The Zhuan says:-'In autumn, in the 7th month, the army of Zheng entered its own borders and was still there, when the troops of Song and Wey entered the State. These were joined by a force from Cai, and proceeded to attack Dai. In the 8th month, on the day Renxu, the earl of Zheng surrounded Dai; on Guihai, he reduced it; taking at the same time the three armies. After Song and Wey had entered Zheng, and then taken occasion to attack Dai, they called the forces of Cai to cooperate with them. The men of Cai were angry, so that there was discord among themselves, and they were defeated.' Gong and Gu both understand 之, as many students do on a first look at the text, as referring to Dai, and seem to think that Zheng all at once made common cause with Song, Wey, and Cai and with their help took the city. But this is quite inconsistent with the relations of these States and Zheng. Hu An'guo is of opinion that Zheng took advantage of the open strife and secret dissatisfaction between Dai, Song, Wey, and Cai, and so took the city and defeated the forces of the other three States. This is the view, followed in the 'History of the Divided States,' in its lively account of the affair. Upon the whole, the narrative in the Zhuan is to be preferred, though it would be more easy to understand 取 之 if it were spoken of the capture of a city.
[There is a short Zhuan appended here, that 'in the 9th month, on the day Wuyin, the earl of Zheng again entered Song.'].
Par. 7. This is understood from the Zhuan appended to p. 4. Zuo says here that the allies 'entered Cheng to punish its disobedience to the king's command.' Cheng,-see on p. 3 of the 5th year.
1. In [the duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the marquis of Teng and the marquis of Xue appeared at the court [of Lu].
2. In summer, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Zheng at Shilai.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on the day Renwu, the duke, with the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng, entered Xu.
4. In winter, in the eleventh month, on [the day] Renchen, the duke died.
Par. 1. 朝 is here, of course, a verb; but it is difficult to give an exact rendering of it. Gongyang says that the chao was of the same nature as the pin,-a friendly visit,' the difference being that the visitors in the pin were officers, representing the princes, whereas in the chao, the princes appeared themselves (諸 侯 來 曰 朝，大 夫 來 曰 聘). According to the rules of the Zhou dynasty, every prince within 'the five tenures' was required to appear at the king's court, at least once, every six years;-see the Shu V. xx. 14, and note; but this statute was little observed in the time of the Chunqiu. The princes were also required to appear at one another's courts. Zuoshi says, on p. 3 of the 15th year of duke Wen, that they did so once in 5 years; but acc. to the Zhou li, XXXVIII. 24, a prince visited his brother princes at their courts only once (世 相 見). Whatever the rule was, there was now no consistency in the observance of it.
Xue was a marquisate, near to Teng, having its chief town 40 li south of the pres. dis. city which still bears the name of Teng. Its lords were recognized as descended from Huangdi, and had the surname of Ren (任).
In connection with this par., the Zhuan says; -'The two princes contended which should have the precedence. The marquis of Xue said, "My fief is the older." The marquis said, "My ancestor was the chief minister of divination to Zhou. Yours is a different surname from that of our royal House. I cannot go after you." The duke sent a request by Yufu to the marquis of Xue, saying, "Your lordship and the lord of Teng have condescended to visit me. There is a common saying in Zhou, 'The mountain has trees, but the workman measures them; Guests have certain rules, but the host selects them.' Now the House of Zhou at covenants first records the princes of its own surname, and those of different surnames come after. If I were at the court of Xue, I should not dare to take rank with the Ren. If your lordship will condescend to confer kindness on me, allow me to make a request in favour of Teng in this matter." The marquis of Xue agreed, and gave the precedence to the marquis of Teng.'
Par. 2. After 夏 Gong and Gu have 五 月. For 時來 Gong has 祁黎, and Zuo simply 郲. Shilai was in Zheng, 40 li to the east of the dep. city of Kaifeng. The meeting was preliminary to the invasion of Xu, the result of which we have in the next par. The Zhuan says:-'The duke and the earl of Zheng met at Lai, to make arrangements for the invasion of Xu. The earl being about to attack Xu, in the 5th month, on the day Jiachen he took his weapons of war out of the grand temple. Gongsun E and Ying Kaoshu contended for a chariot [a prize offered by the earl to the strongest of his officers]. Kaoshu took the curved end of the chariot pole under his arm, and ran off with it, while Zidu [the designation of Gongsun E] seized his spear, and pursued him as far as the highway, without coming up with him. Zidu was enraged.' See this Zhuan and the next told graphically in the 列 國 志，第 七 囘.
Par. 3. Xu was a small State, which has left its name in the pres. Xu Zhou, Henan. Its lords were barons, having the surname Jiang (姜), and being descended from Yao's chief minister, the 'Four Mountains' of the 1st Book of the Shu. The State was on the south of Zheng, and suffered much from that greater Power, being often reduced to the verge of extinction, but manifesting a wonderful tenacity of life. Its capital at this time was Xuchang (許昌), 30 li to the east of the pres. Zhou city: The Zhuan is:-'On the day Gengchen, the three princes were close to Xu, when Ying Kaoshu took the flag maohu of the earl of Zheng, and was the first to mount the wall. Zidu pierced him with an arrow from below, and he fell down dead. Xia Shuying took up the flag, and again mounting the wall with it, he waved it all about, and shouted, "Our lord has mounted." All the army of Zheng then forced their way up; and on the day Renwu the princes entered Xu, duke Zhuang of which fled to Wey. The marquis of Qi refused to accept Xu, and wished the duke to take it; but the duke said, "You said, my Lord, that the baron of Xu did not perform his duty, and I therefore followed you to punish him. He has paid the penalty of his crime; but, as to his State, I dare not take any notice even of your commands.' Xu therefore was given to Zheng, the earl of which made Boli, an officer of Xu, take charge of a younger brother of the baron who had fled, and reside with him in the eastern border of the State, saying, "Heaven has sent calamity on Xu;-it must be that the Spirits were not pleased with its lord, and made use of me, unworthy as I am, to punish him. But I have not been able to secure the repose of my uncles and cousins in Zheng;- dare I consider that Xu has come to me from my merit? I had a younger brother, whom I could not retain in harmony, and whom I caused to wander about filling his mouth in different States;-can I long enjoy the possession of Xu? Do you, Sir, maintain this youth, and help him to soothe and comfort the people of Xu; and I will send my officer Huo to assist you. If I live out my days in the land, and Heaven then graciously repent of the calamities inflicted on Xu, shall not the lord of Xu again worship at his altars? Then when Zheng has requests and messages to send to Xu, he will condescend to accede to them as intermarriages that have existed between our States might suggest, and there will be no people of other families allowed to settle here, and press upon Zheng, contending with it for the possession of this territory. In that case my descendants would have all their time occupied with defending themselves from overthrow, and could in no wise maintain the sacrifices of Xu. When I appoint you, Sir to dwell here, I do so not only for the sake of the State of Xu, but also to strengthen my own borders." Accordingly the earl sent Gongsun Huo to reside in the western border of Xu, charging him, "Do not place your equipments and various wealth in Xu, but when I am dead, quickly leave it. My predecessor was the first to establish his capital here in Zheng. Even the royal House has become small, and the descendants of Zhou are daily losing their patrimonies. Now the lords of Xu are the posterity of Taiyue; and since Heaven is manifesting its dissatisfaction with the virtue of Zhou, am I able to go on contending with Xu?" The superior man may say that in this matter duke Zhuang of Zheng behaved with propriety. It is propriety which governs States and clans, gives settlement to the tutelary altars, secures the order of the people, and provides for the good of one's future heirs. Because Xu transgressed the law, the earl punished it, and on its submission he left it. His arrangement of affairs was according to his measurement of his virtue; his action proceeded on the estimate of his strength; his movements were according to the exigency of the times:-so as not to embarrass those who should follow him. He may be pronounced one who knew propriety.'
'The earl of Zheng made every hundred soldiers contribute a pig, and every five and twenty contribute a fowl and a dog, and over their blood curse the man who had shot Ying Kaoshu. The superior man may say here that duke Zhuang of Zheng failed in his methods of government and punishment. Government is seen in the ruling of the people, and punishment in dealing rightly with the bad. As he showed neither the virtue of government, nor the terrors of punishment, his officers became depraved. Of what benefit was it simply to curse the man who had so become depraved?
[There are here appended three other Zhuan:- 'From Zheng the king took Wu, Liu, and the fields of Wei and Yu; and he gave to Zheng the fields which had been granted to Su Fensheng, containing the towns of Wen, Yuan, Chi, Fan, Xicheng, Zuanmao, Xiang, Meng, Zhou, Hing, Tui, and Huai. The superior man from this transaction may know that king Huan had lost Zheng. To act towards another on the principle of reciprocity is the pattern of virtue, the standard rule of propriety. But when the king took what he could not hold himself to give to another, was it not to be expected that that other would not come to his court?'
'Zheng and Xi had some strife of words, on which the marquis of Xi invaded Zheng. The earl fought with him in the borders, when the army of Xi received a great defeat, and retreated. The superior man from this transaction may know that Xi would soon perish. Its lord did not consider the virtue of his opponent; he did not estimate his own strength; he did not cherish the regard which he should have done to his relative [the chiefs of Zheng and Xi were of the same surname]; he made no examination into the language which was causing the strife; he did not try to ascertain whose the wrong was:-but guilty in all these five points, he proceeded to attack the other side. Was it not right that he should lose his army?'
'In winter, in the tenth month, the earl of Zheng, aided by an army of Guo, invaded Song, and on the day Renxu inflicted a great defeat on its army, thus taking revenge for Song's entrance into Zheng the year before. Song made no announcement of this to Lu, and therefore it was not entered in the historiographer's tablets. Whatever announcements were received from other princes were so entered; but where there was no announcement, no official record was made. The rule was also observed in regard to the good and evil, the success and defeat, of all military expeditions. Though the issue should be the extinction of a State, if the extinguished State did not announce its ruin, and the victor did not announce his conquest, the event was not written in the tablets.']
Par. 4. The reader supposes from this paragraph that duke Yin died a natural death, instead of being murdered, as was really the case. And numerous other instances will occur throughout the classic, which make the foreign student think very doubtfully of the merits of Confucius as a historian. The Chinese critics, however, can see no flaw in the sage. It was his duty, they say, to conceal such a nefarious transaction which reflected dishonour on his native State. And yet, they think, there are intimations of the real nature of the event, in its not being stated where he died, and in no entry being made of his burial! Of this and analogous peculiarities of the Chunqiu I have spoken In the prolegomena.
The account of Yin's death, as given in the Zhuan is:-'Yufu asked leave to put duke Huan [Yin's younger brother and successor] to death, intending thereon to ask to be made chief minister. The duke said, "I shall resign in his favour;-I have not done so yet simply because of his youth. I have caused Tuqiu to be built, and mean there to spend my old age.' Yufu was frightened at what he had done, and went and slandered the duke to Huan, requesting leave to murder him. When he was a young man, the duke had fought with an army of Zheng at Hurang, and was taken prisoner. Zheng kept him in confinement in the house of the officer Yin. He bribed this Yin, and prayed to Zhongwu, the Spirit whose shrine Yin had set up in his house. After this he and Yin returned together to Lu, and there he set up an altar to Zhongwu. In the eleventh month he was in the habit of going to sacrifice to this Zhongwu, fasting in the enclosure of the altar to the Spirits of the land, and lodging in the house of the officer Wei. On the day Renchen, Yufu employed ruffians to murder the duke in the house of the officer Wei. He then raised duke Huan to the marquisate, and punished several members of the Wei family with death.']
Zuoshi adds that the burial of duke Yin does not appear in the text, because the funeral rites were not paid to him.
The Kangxi editors have a note here on the circumstance that only in the first of Yin's eleven years is the 'first month (正月)' recorded. Gong and Gu see in the omission an intimation that Yin 不 自 正, or 不 有正, 'did not consider himself, or was not, the rightful holder of the State.' Disclaiming this view, the editors seem to think that the omission is in condemnation of Yin's never having returned any of the king's friendly messages, and never having gone himself to the capital, thereby being the first to set the example of not doing honour to the ruling monarch by going or sending to receive the calendar for the year from him. This is being wise above what is written. To seek for meanings in the Chunqiu in this way makes the whole book a riddle, which two men will not guess alike.
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