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2. 桓公

元年

元年，春，王正月，公即位。

三月，公會鄭伯于垂。

鄭伯以璧假許田。

夏，四月，丁未，公及鄭伯盟于越。

秋，大水。

冬，十月。

左傳曰，元年，春，公即位，修好于鄭。鄭人請復祀周公，卒易祊田，公許之。三月，鄭伯以璧假許田，為周公祊故也。夏，四月丁未，公及鄭伯盟于越。結祊成也，盟曰。渝盟無享國。

秋，大水。凡平原出水為大水。

冬，鄭伯拜盟。

宋華父督見孔父之妻于路，目逆而送之，曰，美而豔。

二年

二年，春，王正月，戊申，宋督弒其君與夷，及其大夫孔父。

滕子來朝。

三月，公會齊侯，陳侯鄭伯于稷，以成宋亂。

夏，四月，取郜大鼎于宋，戊申，納于大廟。

秋，七月，杞侯來朝。

蔡侯鄭伯會于鄧。

九月入杞。

公及戎盟于唐。

冬，公至自唐。

左傳曰，二年，春，宋督攻孔氏，殺孔父，而取其妻，公怒，督懼，遂弒殤公。君子以督為有無君之心，而後動於惡，故先書弒其君。

會于稷，以成宋亂，為賂故，立華氏也。宋殤公立，十年十一戰，民不堪命，孔父嘉為司馬，督為大宰，故因民之不堪命，先宣言曰，司馬則然，已殺孔父，而弒殤公，召莊公于鄭而立之，以親鄭，以郜大鼎賂公，齊陳鄭皆有賂，故遂相宋公。

夏，四月，取郜大鼎于宋，戊申，納于大廟，

非禮也。臧哀伯諫曰，君人者，將昭德塞違，以臨照百官，猶懼或失之，故昭令德以示子孫。是以清廟茅屋，大路越席，大羹不致，粢食不鑿，昭其儉也。袞冕黻珽帶裳幅舄衡紞紘綖，昭其度也。藻率鞞鞛，鞶厲游纓，昭其數也。火龍黼黻，昭其文也。五色比象，昭其物也。鍚鸞和鈴，昭其聲也。三辰旂旗，昭其明也。

夫德，儉而有度，登降有數，文物以紀之，聲明以發之，以臨照百官，百官于是乎戒懼，而不敢易紀律，今滅德立違，而寘其賂器于太廟，以明示百官，百官象之，其又何誅焉。國家之敗，由官邪也，官之失德，寵賂章也，郜鼎在廟，章孰甚焉。武王克商，遷九鼎于雒邑，義士猶或非之，而況將昭違亂之賂器於大廟，其若之何。公不聽。周內史聞之曰，臧孫達其有後于魯乎，君違，不忘諫之以德。

秋，七月，杞侯來朝。不敬，杞侯歸，乃謀伐之。

蔡侯鄭伯會于鄧。始懼楚也。

九月，入杞，討不敬也。公及戎盟于唐。脩舊好也。冬，公至自唐。告于廟也。凡公行，告于宗廟，反行飲至，舍爵策勳焉，禮也。特相會，往來稱地，讓事也。自參以上，則往稱地，來稱會，成事也。

初，晉穆侯之夫人姜氏，以條之役生太子，命之曰仇，其弟以千畝之戰生，命之曰成師。師服曰，異哉，君之名子也，夫名以制義，義以出禮，禮以體政，政以正民，是以政成而民聽，易則生亂。嘉耦曰妃，怨耦曰仇，古之命也。今君命大子曰仇，弟曰成師，始兆亂矣，兄其替乎。惠之二十四年，晉始亂，故封桓叔于曲沃，靖侯之孫欒賓傅之。師服曰，吾聞國家之立也，本大而末小，是以能固，故天子建國，諸侯立家，卿置側室，大夫有貳宗，士有隸子弟，庶人工商各有分親，皆有等衰，是以民服事其上，而下無覬覦，今晉，甸侯也，而建國，本既弱矣，其能久乎。惠之三十年，晉潘父弒昭侯而納桓叔，不克，晉人立孝侯。惠之四十五年，曲沃莊伯伐翼，弒孝侯，翼人立其弟鄂侯，鄂侯生哀侯，哀侯侵陘庭之田，陘庭南鄙，啟曲沃伐翼。

三年

三年，春，正月，公會齊侯于嬴。

夏，齊侯衛侯胥命于蒲。

六月，公會杞侯于郕。

秋，七月，壬，辰朔，日有食之，既。

公子翬如齊逆女。

九月，齊侯送姜氏于讙。

公會齊侯于讙。

夫人姜氏至自齊。

冬，齊侯使其弟年來聘。

有年。

左傳曰，三年，春，曲沃武公伐翼，次于陘庭，韓萬御戎，梁弘為右，逐翼侯于汾隰，驂絓而止，夜獲之，及欒共叔。會于嬴。成昏于齊也。

夏，齊侯衛侯胥命于蒲。不盟也。

公會杞侯于郕。杞求成也。

秋，公子翬如齊逆女。脩先君之好，故曰公子。齊侯送姜氏。

非禮也。凡公女嫁于敵國，姊妹則上卿送之，以禮於先君，公子則下卿送之，於大國雖公子亦上卿送之，於天子，則諸卿皆行，公不自送，於小國則上大夫送之。

冬，齊仲年來聘。致夫人也。

芮伯萬之母芮姜，惡芮伯之多寵人也，故逐之，出居于魏。

四年

四年，春，正月，公狩于郎。

夏，天王使宰渠伯糾來聘。

左傳曰，四年，春，正月，公狩于郎。書時，禮也。

夏，周宰渠伯糾來聘。父在，故名。

秋，秦師侵芮，敗焉，小之也。冬王師秦師圍魏，執芮伯以歸。

五年

五年，春，正月，甲戌，己丑，陳侯鮑卒。

夏，齊侯鄭伯如紀。

天王使仍叔之子來聘。

葬陳桓公。

城祝丘。

秋，蔡人，衛人，陳人，從王伐鄭。

大雩。

螽。

冬，州公如曹。

左傳曰，五年，春，正月，甲戌己丑，陳侯鮑卒。再赴也。於是陳亂，文公子佗殺大子免而代之，公疾病而亂作，國人分散，故再赴。

夏，齊侯鄭伯朝于紀。欲以襲之，紀人知之。

仍叔之子。弱也。

王奪鄭伯政，鄭伯不朝。秋，王以諸侯伐鄭。鄭伯禦之。王為中軍，虢公林父將右軍，蔡人衛人屬焉，周公黑肩將左軍，陳人屬焉。鄭子元請為左拒，以當蔡人衛人，為右拒，以當陳人，曰，陳亂，民莫有鬬心，若先犯之，必奔，王卒顧之，必亂，蔡衛不枝，固將先奔，既而萃於王卒，可以集事。從之。曼伯為右拒，祭仲足為左拒，原繁高渠彌以中軍奉公，為魚麗之陳，先偏後伍，伍承彌縫，戰于繻葛，命二拒曰，旝動而鼓。蔡衛陳皆奔，王卒亂，鄭師合以攻之，王卒大敗，祝聃射王中肩，王亦能軍，祝聃請從之，公曰，君子不欲多上人，况敢陵天子乎，苟自救也，社稷無隕，多矣。夜，鄭伯使祭足勞王，且問左右。

秋，大雩，書不時也，凡祀，啟蟄而郊，龍見而雩，始殺而嘗，閉蟄而烝，過則書。

冬，淳于公如曹，度其國危，遂不復。

六年

六年，春，正月，寔來。

夏，四月，公會紀侯于郕。

秋，八月，壬午，大閱。

蔡人殺陳佗。

九月，丁卯，子同生。

冬，紀侯來朝。

左傳曰，六年，春，自曹來朝。書曰寔來，不復其國也。

楚武王侵隨，使薳章求成焉，軍於瑕以待之，隨人使少師董成，鬬伯比言于楚子曰，吾不得志於漢東也，我則使然，我張吾三軍，而被吾甲兵，以武臨之，彼則懼而協以謀我，故難間也。漢東之國隨為大，隨張，必棄小國，小國離，楚之利也，少師侈，請羸師以張之。熊率且比曰，季梁在，何益。鬬伯比曰，以為後圖，少師得其君。

王毀軍而納少師。少師歸，請追楚師，隨侯將許之，季梁止之曰，天方授楚，楚之羸，其誘我也，君何急焉，臣聞小之能敵大也，小道大淫，所謂道，忠於民而信於神也，上思利民，忠也，祝史正辭，信也，今民餒而君逞欲，祝史矯舉以祭，臣不知其可也。公曰，吾牲牷肥腯，粢盛豐備，何則不信。對曰，夫民，神之主也，是以聖王先成民，而後致力於神，故奉牲以告曰，博碩肥腯，謂民力之普存也，謂其畜之碩大蕃滋也，謂其不疾瘯蠡也，謂其備腯咸有也。奉盛以告曰，絜粢豐盛，謂其三時不害，而民和年豐也，奉酒醴以告曰，嘉栗旨酒，謂其上下皆有嘉德，而無違心也，所謂馨香，無讒慝也，故務其三時，脩其五教，親其九族，以致其禋祀，於是乎民和，而神降之福，故動則有成，今民各有心，而鬼神乏主，君雖獨豐，其何福之有，君姑脩政，而親兄弟之國，庶免于難。

隨侯懼而脩政，楚不敢伐。

夏，會于成。紀來諮，謀齊難也。

北戎伐齊，齊侯使乞師于鄭，鄭大子忽帥師救齊，六月，大敗戎師，獲其二帥，大良少良，甲首三百，以獻於齊，于是諸侯之大夫戍齊，齊人饋之餼，使魯為其班，後鄭。鄭忽以其有功也，怒，故有郎之師。

公之未昏於齊也，齊侯欲以文姜妻鄭大子忽，大子忽辭，人問其故，大子曰，人各有耦，齊大，非吾耦也，詩云，自求多福，在我而已，大國何為。君子曰，善自為謀。及其敗戎師也，齊侯又請妻之，固辭，人問其故，大子曰，無事于齊，吾猶不敢，今以君命奔齊之急，而受室以歸，是以師昏也，民其謂我何。遂辭諸鄭伯。

秋，大閱。簡車馬也。

九月，丁卯，子同生。以大子生之禮舉之，接以大牢，卜士負之，士妻食之，公與文姜宗婦命之，公問名於申繻。對曰，名有五，有信，有義，有象，有假，有類，以名生為信，以德命為義，以類命為象，取於物為假，取於父為類，不以國，不以官，不以山川，不以隱疾，不以畜牲，不以器幣，周人以諱事神，名終將諱之，故以國則廢名，以官則廢職，以山川則廢主，以畜牲則廢祀，以器幣則廢禮，晉以僖侯廢司徒，宋以武公廢司空，先君獻武廢二山，是以大物不可以命。公曰，是其生也，與吾同物，命之曰同。

冬，紀侯來朝，請王命以求成于齊，公告不能。

七年

七年，春，二月，己亥，焚咸丘。

夏，穀伯綏來朝。

鄧侯吾離來朝。

左傳曰，七年，春，穀伯鄧侯來朝。名，賤之也。

夏盟，向，求成於鄭，既而背之，秋，鄭人齊人衛人伐盟，向，王遷盟向之民於郟。

冬，曲沃伯誘晉小子侯，殺之。

八年

八年，春，正月，己卯烝。

天王使家父來聘。

夏，五月，丁丑，烝。

秋，伐邾。

冬，十月，雨雪。

祭公來，遂逆王后于紀.。

左傳曰，八年，春，滅翼。

隨少師有寵，楚鬬伯比曰，可矣，讐有釁，不可失也。夏，楚子合諸侯於沈鹿，黃隨不會，使薳章讓黃，楚子伐隨，軍於漢淮之間。季梁請下之，弗許而後戰，所以怒我而怠寇也。少師謂隨侯曰，必速戰，不然，將失楚師。隨侯禦之，望楚師，季梁曰，楚人上左，君必左，無與王遇，且攻其右，右無良焉，必敗，偏敗，衆乃攜矣。少師曰，不當王，非敵也。弗從。戰於速杞，隨師敗績，隨侯逸，鬬丹獲其戎車，與其戎右少師。秋，隨及楚平，楚子將不許，鬥伯比曰，天去其疾矣，隨未可克也，乃盟而還。

冬，王命虢仲立晉哀侯之弟緡于晉。

祭公來，遂逆王后於紀。禮也。

九年，春，紀季姜歸于京師。

夏，四月。

秋，七月。

冬，曹伯使其世子射姑來朝。

左傳曰，九年，春，紀季姜歸于京師。凡諸侯之女行，唯王后書。

巴子使韓服告于楚，請與鄧為好，楚子使道朔將巴客以聘於鄧。鄧南鄙鄾人，攻而奪之幣，殺道朔，及巴行人，楚子使，薳章讓於鄧，鄧人弗受。

夏，楚使鬬廉帥師，及巴師圍鄾，鄧養甥聃甥帥師救鄾，三逐巴師。不克，鬬廉衡陳其師於巴師之中，以戰而北，鄧人逐之，背巴師而夾攻之，鄧師大敗，鄾人宵潰。

秋，虢仲芮伯梁伯荀侯賈伯，伐曲沃。

冬，曹大子來朝。賓之以上卿，禮也。享曹太子，初獻，樂奏而歎。施父曰，曹大子其有憂乎，非歎所也。

十年

十年，春，王正月，庚申，曹伯終生卒。

夏，五月，葬曹桓公。

秋，公會衛侯于桃丘，弗遇。

冬，十有二月，丙午，齊侯衛侯鄭伯來戰于郎。

左傳曰，十年，春，曹桓公卒。

虢仲譖其大夫詹父於王，詹父有辭，以王師伐虢，夏，虢公出奔虞。

秋，秦人納芮伯萬於芮。

初，虞叔有玉，虞公求旃，弗獻，既而悔之，曰，周諺有之，匹夫無罪，懷璧其罪，吾焉用此，其以賈害也。乃獻之，又求其寶劍，叔曰，是無厭也，無厭，將及我。遂伐虞公，故虞公出奔共池。

冬，齊衛鄭來戰於郎。我有辭也。初北戎病齊，諸侯救之，鄭公子忽有功焉，齊人餼諸侯，使魯次之，魯以周班後鄭，鄭人怒，請師於齊，齊人以衛師助之，故不稱侵伐，先書齊衛，王爵也。

十有一年

十有一年，春，正月，齊人衛人鄭人盟于惡曹。

夏，五月，癸未，鄭伯寤生卒。

秋，七月，葬鄭莊公。

九月，宋人執鄭祭仲。

突歸于鄭。

鄭忽出奔衛。

柔會宋公，陳侯，蔡叔，盟于折。

公會宋公于夫鍾。

冬，十有二月，公會宋公于闞。

左傳曰，十一年，春，齊衛鄭宋盟於惡曹。

楚屈瑕將盟貳軫，鄖人軍於蒲騷，將與隨絞州蓼，伐楚師，莫敖患之，鬬廉曰，鄖人軍其郊，必不誡，且日虞四邑之至也，君次於郊郢，以禦四邑，我以銳師宵加於鄖，鄖有虞心，而恃其城，莫有鬬志，若敗鄖師，四邑必離。莫敖曰，盍請濟師於王。對曰，師克在和，不在衆，商周之不敵，君之所聞也，成軍以出，又何濟焉。莫敖曰，卜之。對曰，卜以决疑，不疑何卜。遂敗鄖師於蒲騷，卒盟而還。

鄭昭公之敗北戎也，齊人將妻之，昭公辭，祭仲曰，必取之，君多內寵，子無大援，將不立，三公子皆君也。弗從。

夏，鄭莊公卒。初，祭封人仲足有寵於莊公，莊公使為卿，為公娶鄧曼，生昭公，故祭仲立之。

宋雍氏女於鄭莊公曰雍姞，生厲公，雍氏宗有寵於宋莊公，故誘祭仲而執之，曰，不立突，將死。亦執厲公而求賂焉，祭仲與宋人盟，以厲公歸，而立之。秋，九月，丁亥，昭公奔衛。已亥，厲公立。

十有二年

十有二年，春，正月。

夏，六月，壬寅，公會杞侯莒子盟于曲池。

秋，七月，丁亥，公會宋公燕人，盟于穀丘。

八月，壬辰，陳侯躍卒。

公會宋公于虛。

冬，十有一月，公會宋公于龜。

丙戌，公會鄭伯盟于武父。

丙戌，衛侯晉卒。

十有二月，及鄭師伐宋，丁未，戰于宋。

左傳曰，十二年，夏，盟于曲池，平杞莒也。

公欲平宋鄭，秋，公及宋公盟于句瀆之丘。

宋成未可知也，故又會于虛。冬，又會于龜。

宋公辭平，故與鄭伯盟于武父，

遂帥師而伐宋，戰焉，宋無信也。君子曰，苟信不繼，盟無益也，詩云，

君子屢盟，亂是用長，無信也。

楚伐絞，軍其南門，莫敖屈瑕曰，絞小而輕，輕則寡謀，謀無扞采樵者以誘之。從之。絞人獲三十人，明日，絞人爭出，驅楚役徒於山中，楚人坐其北門，而覆諸山下，大敗之，為城下之盟而還。伐絞之役，楚師分涉於彭，羅人欲伐之，使伯嘉諜之，三巡數之。

十有三年

十有三年，春，二月，公會紀侯鄭伯，己巳，及齊侯宋公，衛侯燕人戰。齊師，宋師，衛師，燕師，敗績。

三月，葬衛宣公。

夏，大水。

秋，七月。

冬，十月。

左傳曰，十三年，春，楚屈瑕伐羅，鬬伯比送之，還，謂其御曰，莫敖必敗，舉趾高，心不固矣。遂見楚子，曰，必濟師。楚子辭焉，入告夫人鄧曼，鄧曼曰，大夫其非衆之謂，其謂君撫小民以信，訓諸司以德，而威莫敖以刑也，莫敖狃於蒲騷之役，將自用也，必小羅，君若不鎮撫，其不設備乎，夫固謂君訓衆而好鎮撫之，召諸司而勸之以令德，見莫敖而告諸天之不假易也，不然，夫豈不知楚師之盡行也。楚子使賴人追之，不及。莫敖使徇於師曰，諫者有刑。及鄢，亂次以濟，遂無次，且不設備，及羅，羅與盧戎兩軍之，大敗之。莫敖縊於荒谷，羣帥囚於冶父，以聽刑，楚子曰，孤之罪也。皆免之。

宋多責賂於鄭，鄭不堪命，故以紀魯及齊與宋衛燕戰。不書所戰，後也。鄭人來請脩好。

十有四年

十有四年，春，正月，公會鄭伯于曹。

無冰。

夏，五。鄭伯使其弟語來盟。

秋，八月，壬申，御廩災。

乙亥，嘗。

冬，十有二月，丁巳，齊侯祿父卒。

宋人以齊人，蔡人，衛人，陳人，伐鄭。

左傳曰，十四年，春，會於曹。曹人致餼，禮也。

夏，鄭子人來，尋盟，且脩曹之會。

秋，八月，壬申，御廩災，乙亥，嘗。書不害也。

冬，宋人以諸侯伐鄭。報宋之戰也。焚渠門，入及大逵，伐東郊，取牛首，以大宮之椽，歸為盧門之椽。

十有五年，春，二月，天王使家父來求車。

三月，乙未，天王崩。

夏，四月，己巳，葬齊僖公。

五月，鄭伯突出奔蔡。

鄭世子忽復歸于鄭。

許叔入于許。

公會齊侯于艾。

邾人，牟人，葛人來朝。

秋，九月，鄭伯突入于櫟。

冬，十有一月，公會宋公，衛侯，陳侯，于袲，伐鄭。

左傳曰，十五年，春，天王使家父來求車。非禮也。諸侯不貢車服，天子不私求財。

祭仲專，鄭伯患之，使其壻雍糾殺之，將享諸郊，雍姬知之，謂其母曰，父與夫孰親。其母曰，人盡夫也，父一而已，胡可比也。遂告祭仲曰，雍氏舍其室，而將享子於郊，吾惑之，以告。祭仲殺雍糾，尸諸周氏之汪。公載以出，曰，謀及婦人，宜其死也。夏，厲公出奔蔡。

六月，乙亥，昭公入。

許叔入於許。

公會齊侯于艾。謀定許也。

秋，鄭伯因櫟人殺檀伯，而遂居櫟。

冬，會于袲。謀伐鄭，將納厲公也，弗克而還。

十有六年，春，正月，公會宋公蔡侯衛侯于曹。

夏，四月，公會宋公，衛侯，陳侯，蔡侯，伐鄭。

秋，七月，公至自伐鄭。

冬，城向。

十有一月，衛侯朔出奔齊。

左傳曰，十六年，春，正月，會於曹。謀伐鄭也。

夏，伐鄭。秋，七月，公至自伐鄭。以飲至之禮也。

冬，城向，書時也。

初，衛宣公烝於夷姜，生急子，屬諸右公子，為之娶於齊而美，公取之，生壽及朔，屬壽於左公子，夷姜縊，宣姜與公子朔構急子，公使諸齊，使盜待諸莘，將殺之，壽子告之，使行，不可，曰棄父之命，惡用子矣，有無父之國，則可也。及行，飲以酒，壽子載其旌以先，盜殺之。急子至，曰，我之求也，此何罪，請殺我乎，又殺之。二公子故怨惠公。十一月，左公子洩，右公子職，立公子黔牟。惠公奔齊。

十有七年，春，正月，丙辰，公會齊侯，紀侯，盟于黃。

二月，丙午，公會邾儀父，盟于趡。

夏，五月，丙午，及齊師戰于奚。

六月，丁丑，蔡侯封人卒。

秋，八月，蔡季自陳歸于蔡。

癸巳，葬蔡桓侯。

及宋人，衛人，伐邾。

冬，十月朔，日有食之。

左傳曰，十七年，春，盟於黃。平齊紀，且謀衛故也。

及邾儀父盟于趡。尋蔑之盟也。

夏，及齊師戰于奚。疆事也。於是齊人侵魯疆，疆吏來告，公曰，疆場之事，慎守其一，而備其不虞，姑盡所備焉，事至而戰，又何謁焉。

蔡桓侯卒。蔡人召蔡季於陳。秋，蔡季自陳歸於蔡。蔡人嘉之也。

伐邾。宋志也。

冬，十月朔，日有食之。不書日，官失之也，天子有日官，諸侯有日御，日官居卿以底日，禮也。日御不失日，以授百官於朝。

初，鄭伯將以高渠彌為卿，昭公惡之，固諫不聽，昭公立，懼其殺己也，辛卯，弒昭公而立公子亹。君子謂昭公知所惡矣。公子達曰，高伯其為戮乎，復惡已甚矣。

十有八年，春，王正月，公會齊侯于濼，公與夫人姜氏遂如齊。

夏，四月，丙子，公薨于齊，丁酉，公之喪至自齊。

秋，七月。

冬，十有二月，己丑，葬我君桓公。

左傳曰，十八年，春，公將有行，遂與姜氏如齊。申繻曰，女有家，男有室，無相瀆也，謂之有禮，易此必敗。公會齊侯于濼。遂及文姜如齊。齊侯通焉，公謫之，以告。

夏，四月，丙子，享公，使公子彭生乘公，公薨于車。魯人告于齊曰，寡君畏君之威，不敢寕居，來修舊好，禮成而不反，無所歸咎，惡於諸侯，請以彭生除之。齊人殺彭生。

秋，齊侯師于首止，子亹會之，高渠彌相。七月，戊戌，齊人殺子亹，而轘高渠彌，祭仲逆鄭子於陳而立之。是行也，祭仲知之，故稱疾不往。人曰，祭仲以知免，仲曰，信也。

周公欲弒莊王，而立王子克。辛伯告王，遂與王殺周公黑肩，王子克奔燕。初，子儀有寵於桓王，桓王屬諸周公，辛伯諫曰，並后，匹嫡，兩政，耦國，亂之本也。周公弗從，故及。

BOOK II. DUKE HUAN.

I. First year.

1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke succeeded duke Yin.

2. In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Zheng in Chui.

3. The earl of Zheng borrowed the fields of Xu for a bi symbol.

4. In summer, in the fourth month, on [the day] Dingwei, the duke and the earl of Zheng made a covenant in Yue.

5. In autumn there were great floods.

6. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

The title of the Book. 桓公, 'Duke Huan.' See what is said on the title of the former book, where it is related how this Huan was a younger brother of Yin, and would have succeeded to the marquisate on their father's death but for his youth. It appears that Yin had always intended to resign the dignity in his favour, when he should have grown up. The young man, however, was impatient, or perhaps he was doubtful of his brother's intentions; so he lent a ready ear to the slanders of their near relative Gongzi Hui, and gave his sanction to the murder of Yin. He thus became marquis of Lu by a deed of atrocious guilt.—Sima Qian gives his name as Yun 允, while other authorities say that it was Gui 軌. The honorary title Huan denotes— Extender of cultivation and Subjugator of the distant 辟土服遠曰桓.

Huan's rule lasted 18 years, B. C. 710—93. His 1st year synchronized with the 9th year of king Huan; the 20th year of Xi of Qi; the 7th year of Ai 哀 of Jin; the 8th of Xuan 宣 of Wey; the 4th of Huan 桓 of Cai; the 33d of Zhuang of Zheng; the 46th of Huan of Cao; the 34th of Huan of Chen; the 40th of Wu of Qi 杞; the 9th of Shang 殤 of Song; the 5th of Ning 寧 of Qin; and the 30th of Wu of Chu.

Par. 1. After what has been said on all the phrases in this par. in the notes on the 1st par. of the former Book, it is only necessary to deal here, rather more at large, with the characters 即位. They are somewhat difficult to translate. To say 'came to the throne' would be inaccurate, because Lu was only one of the feudal States of the kingdom; and 'came to the place' or 'to the seat,' would be awkward. The reader will see how I have dealt with it. On the death of duke Yin, in the 11th month of the year before, his brother had immediately taken his place; still what remained in that year was counted to Yin, and the first day of the next, his successor announced the beginning of the new rule in the ancestral temple,—changed the beginning 改元,' as it is called,—and took solemn possession of the vacant dignity. This is the accession in the text; but here comes a great questioning with the critics. It seems to be a rule in the Chunqiu that the phrase 'came to the place' is not used where the preceding marquis has been murdered. So we find it at the accessions of Zhuang, Min, and Xi. How is it that we find the phrase here, describing the accession of Huan, chargeable with being accessory to the murder of his brother? The answer given by Zhu Xi is the only sensible one. The paragraph simply relates what took place. Huan omitted no ceremony that should have been proper on the occasion. He denied that he had been a party to the murder, and would have his accession gone about, as if Yin had died a natural death. No contrivances of Confucius, to construct his record so as to brand the new marquis, were necessary. His own conduct was the strongest condemnation of him.

Par. 2. Chui,—see on I. viii. 1; but if Chui belonged to Wey, as is stated there, Du Yu thinks it would hardly have been the meeting place of the marquis of Lu and the earl of Zheng. Jia Kui 賈逵 thought it was in Lu, which seems more likely;—it is easier to suppose that the lords of Song and Wey might have met in Lu on the occasion in I. viii. 1. This point, however, need not affect the identification of the place, for Lu and Wey were conterminous on the northwest of Lu. Huan would be glad to get the countenance of Zheng, considering the circumstances in which he had just succeeded to Lu, and it appears from the next par. that Zheng had also something to gain by the meeting.

Par. 3. See the Zhuan on I. viii. 2, and Du Yu's explanation of it. Zuoshi says here:—‘The duke on his accession would cultivate the friendship of Zheng, and the earl 鄭人 again requested liberty to sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, and to complete the exchange of the fields of Beng. The duke acceded, and in the 3d month the earl borrowed the fields of Xu for a bi-stone;—with reference to the sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, and to Beng.' It would appear that the exchange of the lands of Beng and Xu, proposed by Zheng to duke Yin, had not as yet taken full effect. Lu had taken possession of Beng, but Xu had not been given over to Zheng. Whatever difficulty there was in the matter was now adjusted. Kong Yingda thinks that Xu was of more value than Beng, and that Lu required something additional for it; and Su Che and Hu An'guo follow his view. Chen Fuliang 陳傳良 of the Song dynasty) thinks that the addition of the bi and the word 'borrowing' were simply to gloss over the transaction. This is more likely. For the two princes to exchange lands granted to their States by an act of the royal House, without any reference to the reigning king, shows how his authority was reduced.

The bi was one of the five sceptres or symbols of rank held by the princes from the king. Counts and barons received bi, differentiated by the figures engraved upon them. But the princes carried other bi, called 琢璧, in their visits among themselves; and it was, no doubt, one of these which was given at this time to Lu. All the bi were made round.

Par. 4. Yue is the same as Chui; and the place had thus three names;—Chui, Yue, and Quanqiu. This covenant was the sequel of the meeting in p. 2, 'to settle finally the exchange of Beng and Xu.' Zuoshi says that among the words of the covenant were these,—'May he who departs from this covenant not enjoy his State!'

Par. 5. Acc. to Zuoshi, the phrase 大水, 'great floods,' is used when the water is out all over the level plains.

Par. 6. See on I. vi. 3.

The Zhuan appends here:—

['In winter, the earl of Zheng [came, or sent] to render thanks for the covenant.'

'Huafu Du of Song happened to see the wife of Kongfu [Confucius' ancestor] on the way. He gazed at her as she approached, and followed her with his eyes when she had passed, saying, "How handsome and beautifull"']

II. Second year.

1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first month, on [the day] Wushen, Du of Song murdered his ruler Yuyi, and the great officer Kongfu.

2. The viscount of Teng appeared at the court of Lu.

3. In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, the marquis of Chen, and the earl of Zheng, at Ji, to settle the confusion of Song.

4. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke brought the tripod of Gao from Song, and on [the day] Wushen deposited it in the Grand temple.

5. In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Qi came to the court of Lu.

6. The marquis of Cai and the earl of Zheng had a meeting at Deng.

7. In the ninth month we entered Qi.

8. The duke and the Rong made a covenant in Tang.

9. In winter the duke arrived from Tang.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The Zhuan at the end of last year was preliminary to this par. Zuoshi adds here:——In the duke's 2d year, in spring, Du attacked the Kong family, killed Kongfu, and carried off his wife. The duke was angry, and Du, in fear, proceeded also to murder him. The superior man understands that Du was one who had no regard for his ruler in his heart, and that thence proceeded his wicked movements. It is on this account that the text mentions first his murder of his ruler, though it was second in point of fact.' See farther on par. 3.

Huafu Du was a grandson of duke Dai (戴) of Song (died B.C. 765). See about Kongfu Jia in the proleg. to vol.I., p. 57. The 父, written sometimes 甫, is a respectful adjunct sometimes of the clan-name, and sometimes of the designation.

Par. 2. See on I. xi. 1. The only thing to be noticed here is the descent of the title from 'marquis' to 'viscount,' which has given rise to an immense amount of speculation and writing. Hu An'guo's view may be mentioned,—that Confucius here degrades the marquis to condemn him for visiting a villain like the duke of Lu! The only satisfactory account of the difference of the titles is that given by Du Yu, that, for some reason or other, the lord of Teng had been degraded in rank by king Huan.—The visit was, no doubt, to congratulate duke Huan on his succession. According to the rule in the Zhou li (see on I.xi.1), all the other princes in this part of the kingdom should in the same way have come to Lu.

Par. 3. Ji was in Song;—somewhere in the pres. dep. of Kaifeng. Zuoshi says that though the meeting is cautiously said in the text to have been 'to settle the confusion of Song,' it was really brought about by bribes (see on next par.), to maintain the power of the Hua family. He adds:——During the 10 years of duke Shang's rule in Song, he had fought 11 battles, so that the people were not able to endure the constant summonses to the field. Kongfu Jia was the minister of War, and Du was the premier of the State. Taking advantage of the dissatisfaction of the people, Du first set on foot a report that the constant fighting was owing to the minister of War, and then, after killing Kongfu, he murdered duke Shang. Immediately after, he called duke Zhuang (the Gongzi Ping; see the Zhuan on I. iii. 5) from Zheng, and raised him to the dukedom;—in order to please Zheng, bribing also the duke of Lu with the great tripod of Gao. Qi, Chen, and Zheng all received bribes, and so Du acted as chief minister to the duke of Song.'

Par. 4. We have met with a city of Gao already in Song;—see I. x. 4. If Gao mentioned here were not the same, it is yet placed by Du in the same dis., that of Chengwu in Yanzhou dep. Perhaps there had been a small State of this name, which had been absorbed by Song. The tripod in the text had belonged to it, either made in Gao, or more probably presented to it by king Wu, when he distributed among the princes many of the spoils of Shang. It was now held by Song, and as a valuable curio was given at this time by Hua Du as a bribe to Lu. I have translated 取 by 'brought,' without seeking to find any mysterious implication in its employment,—that the 'marquis of Lu was taking from Song what Song had no right to give, and he had no right to receive.' The 'grand temple' was that of the duke of Zhou.

There is here a long Zhuan:——This act of the duke was not proper, and Zang Aibo [son of Zang Xibo, famous for his remonstrance addressed to duke Yin;—see I. v. 1] remonstrated with him, saying, "He who is a ruler of men makes it his object to illustrate his virtue, and to repress in others what is wrong, that he may shed an enlightening influence on his officers. He is still afraid lest in any way he should fail to accomplish these things; and moreover he seeks to display excellent virtue for the benefit of his posterity. Thus it is that his ancestral temple has a roof of thatch; the mats in his grand chariot are only of grass; the grand soups [grand, as used in sacrifice] are without condiments; the millets are not finely cleaned:—all these are illustrations of his thrift. His robe, cap, kneecovers, and mace; his girdle, lower robe, buskins, and shoes; the crosspiece of his cap, its stopper pendants, its fastening strings, and its crown;—all these illustrate his observance of the statutory measures. His gem-mats, and his scabbard, with its ornaments above and below; his belt, with its descending ends: the streamers of his flags and the ornaments at his horses' breasts:—these illustrate his attention to the regular degrees of rank. The flames, the dragons, the axes, and the symbol of distinction represented on his robes:——these illustrate the elegance of his taste. The five colours laid on in accordance with the appearances of nature;—these illustrate with what propriety his articles are made. The bells on his horses' foreheads and bits, and those on his carriage pole and on his flags:—these illustrate his knowledge of sounds. The sun, moon and stars represented on his flags:—these illustrate the brightness of his intelligence.

"Now when thus virtuously thrifty and observant of the statutes, attentive to the degrees of high and low; his character stamped on his elegant robes and his carriage; sounded forth also and brightly displayed:—when thus he presents himself for the enlightenment of his officers, they are struck with awe, and do not dare to depart from the rules and laws. But now you are extinguishing your virtue, and have given your support to a man altogether bad. You have placed moreover the bribe received from him in the grand temple, to exhibit it to your officers. If your officers copy your example, on what ground can you punish them? The ruin of States and clans takes its rise from the corruption of the officers. Officers lose their virtue, when the fondness for bribes on the part of their ruler is displayed to them; and here is the tripod of Gao in your temple, so that this could not be more plainly displayed! When king Wu had subdued Shang, he removed the nine tripods to the city of Luo, and the righteous Boyi 伯夷 and others, it would appear, condemned him for it; but what can be said when this bribe is seen in the grand temple,—this bribe of wickedness and disorder?" The duke did not listen to the remonstrance, but when Zhou's historiographer of the Interior heard of it, he said, "Zangsun Da shall have posterity in Lu! His prince was doing wrong, and he neglected not to administer to him virtuous reproof."'

Parr. 5,7. See I.iv. 1; and p. 2. Zuoshi says that the marquis of Qi behaved at this time disrespectfully, and that it was to punish him for this that the expedition in p. 7 was undertaken. Gongyang and Guliang, however, read 紀 instead of 杞 in p. 5.

Par. 6. There was a small State called Deng, a long way off to the west near the river Han; but the Deng here was a city of Cai, 35 li southeast from the pres. dis. city of Yancheng (郾成) dep. Kaifeng. Acc. to Zuoshi, the lords of Cai and Zheng met here, in fear for the first time of the encroachments and growing power of Chu.

Parr. 8,9. See I. ii. 1,4. The duke and the Rong met now, says Zuoshi, to renew the good relations between the Rong and Lu. The 至 in p. 9, intimates that the duke on his return to Lu gave notice of his arrival in his ancestral temple. Zuoshi says:—‘On setting out on any expedition, the duke announced the movement in the ancestral temple. On his return, he drank in celebration of that 飲至 in the temple; and when he put down the cup, he had the transaction entered in the tablets;—this was the rule. When only two parties were concerned at a meeting [as in these parr.], the place of it is mentioned both in the account of the setting out and of the return, as if to signify how each had declined to take the presidency. When three or more parties were concerned, then the place is mentioned in the account of the going, and on the return it is said, "The duke came from the meeting," intimating that there was a president, and the business was completed.'

[Zuoshi has here a narrative about the affairs of Jin:—‘Years back, the wife of Mu, marquis of Jin (B. C. 811—84), a lady Jiang, gave birth to her eldest son, at the time of the expedition against Tiao, and on that account there was given him the name of Qiu 仇 = "enemy,"). His brother was born at the time of the battle of Qianmou, and he got with reference to it the name of Chengshi 成師 = 'grand success"). Shifu said, "How strange the names our lord has given to his sons! Now names should be definitions of what is right; the doing of what is right produces rules of what is proper; those rules again are embodied in the practice of government; and government has its issues in the rectification of the people. Therefore when government is completed in this way, the people are obedient; when this course is changed, it produces disorder. A good partner is called Fei (妃 'consort'); a grumbling partner is called Qiu (仇 'enemy'):—these are ancient designations. Now our lord has called his eldest son Enemy, and his second son Grand Success;—this is an early omen of disorder, as if the elder brother would be superseded." In the 24th year of duke Hui of Lu (B. C. 744), Jin began to be in confusion, and the marquis Zhao [son of Qiu above] appointed Huanshu [his uncle, the above Chengshi] to Quwo, with Luan Bin, grandson of the marquis Jing, as his minister. Shifu said, "I have heard that in the setting up of States and clans, in order to the security of the parent State, while its root is large, the branches must be small. Therefore the son of Heaven establishes States; princes of States establish clans. Heads of clans establish collateral families; great officers have their secondary branches; officers have their sons and younger brothers as their servants; and the common people, mechanics and traders, have their different relatives of various degrees. In this way the people serve their superiors, and inferiors cherish no ambitious designs. Now Jin is a marquisate in the Dian (甸) domain; and, establishing this State, can it continue long, its root so weak? In the 30th year of duke Hui, Panfu killed the marquis Zhao, and endeavoured without success to establish Huanshu in Jin. The people of Jin appointed the marquis Xiao. In the 45th year of duke Hui, Zhuang, earl of Quwo, attacked Yi, and murdered the marquis Xiao. The people of Jin set up his younger brother, the marquis E. E begat the marquis Ai. Ai overran the lands of Xingting, which were on his southern border, and so opened the way for Quwo to attack Yi.']

III. Third year.

1. In his third year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Ying.

2. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the marquis of Wey pledged each other at Pu.

3. In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Cheng.

4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Renchen, the first day of the moon, the sun was totally eclipsed.

5. Duke [Xiao's] son, Hui, went to Qi, to meet the [duke's] bride.

6. In the ninth month, the marquis of Qi escorted his daughter to Huan.

7. The duke and the marquis of Qi had a meeting in Huan.

8. The [duke's] wife, the lady Jiang, arrived from Qi.

9. In winter, the marquis of Qi, sent his younger brother Nian with friendly inquiries.

10. There was a good year. [Zuoshi here continues his narrative of events in Jin: —In the 3d year, in spring, duke Wu of Quwo [son of earl Zhuang], proceeded against Yi, and halted in Xingting. [His uncle], Han Wan drove his chariot, having on his right Liang Hong. They pursued the marquis of Yi [i.e., Jin] to the banks of the Fen, when the trace of one of his outside horses got entangled about the yoke, and the carriage stopped. They caught him in the night, and Gongshu of Luan with him.']

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The absence of 王, 'king's,' after 春 and before 正月, has given rise to endless speculation and conjecture, especially as the character is wanting in most of the years of Huan. Du Yu thinks that the king had not sent round the calendar to the princes on those years. Guliang thinks the omission is to mark the sage's condemnation of duke Huan's character. But then it should have been omitted every year,—especially in the 1st. Even Du's explanation cannot be admitted in all the ommissions of the term throughout the classic. We can only accept the omission without trying to account for it. Ying belonged to Qi,—50 li to the southeast of the pres. dep. city of Tai'an. The object of the meeting here was to settle a marriage between the duke and a princess of Qi. The Kangxi editors say here that as 會 intimates that the mover to the meeting was not Lu but the outside party, and we must suppose here that the mover was really the marquis of Lu, wishing to strengthen himself in his ill-acquired dignity by an alliance with a powerful House, the term is used to mark Confucius' condemnation of Qi. But the thing itself was the condemnation of Qi, and we need not look for it in the simple term.

Par. 2. Pu was in Wey,—in the pres. dis. of Changyuan (長垣) dis., dep. Daming, Zhili. 胥命- 相命, 'charged each other;' i.e., the subject about which the two princes had met was put in writing, and read out in the hearing of them both; but they separated, simply pledged to each other in a certain line of conduct, without having gone through the formalities of making a convenant.

Par. 3. Zuo and Gu both have here 杞 while Gongyang reads 紀. The Kangxi editors think Gong's reading is right. Both Ji (紀) and Cheng, they say, were afraid of Qi, and were cultivating the friendship of Lu as a counterpoise to the other powerful State. Cheng,—see I. v.3.

Par. 4. See on I.iii.1. 既=盡, 'totally.' There was a total eclipse in this year, on the day Renchen; but the month, acc. to Mr. Chalmers' table, should be the 8th, and not the 7th. See prolegg. to the Shu, p. 103.

Par. 5—. See on I.ii.5. The ancient practice of the princes going themselves to meet their brides had long fallen into disuse, though it might sometimes be observed, especially by the lord of a small State intermarrying with a larger. Hui (I. iv. 5; x.2) appears here with his full title of 'duke's son,'—acc. to Zuoshi out of respect to his father, a former marquis of Lu, and who, it might be presumed, was pleased with the match; but the reader need not weary himself in trying to account for the difference of style in this matter between this and former paragraphs.

Huan was in Lu,—in pres. dis. of Feicheng (肥城) dep. Qinan. It was contrary to the regular rule for the marquis himself to escort his daughter; but probably he had some business of another kind to discuss with the marquis of Lu. Zuoshi says:—— It was contrary to the rule for the marquis of Qi to escort his daughter. In all cases of the marriages of the daughters of princes:—if the intermarriage were with a State of equal dignity and power, and the ladies were sisters of the ruling prince, a minister of the highest rank escorted them, out of respect to their father, the former lord of the State; but if they were daughters of the ruling prince, only a minister of a lower rank escorted them; if the intermarriage were with a greater State, even in the case of a daughter of the ruling prince, a minister of the highest rank escorted her; if the intermarriage were with the son of Heaven, all the ministers of the State went, only the ruler himself did not go; and if it were with a smaller State, then the escort was only a great officer of the 1st class.' Observe the bride is here called 姜氏 'lady Jiang,' as being still in Qi and with her father.

The duke may be said to have observed the ancient ceremony of meeting his bride, as Huan was on the borders between Lu and Qi.

Par. 8. Having now entered Lu, the bride has passed into the wife (夫人). On 至, see the last par. of the previous year.

Par. 9. See I. vii. 5, and note. Zuoshi says that the object of this mission was to carry her parents' salutations to the wife (至夫人). Du Yu adds that it was to inquire also about her deportment, whether it was becomingly modest and reverent, and to show the earnest regard which the union might be supposed to produce between the States. A mission of this kind sent from Lu would be called 致女; coming to Lu it has the general name of 聘. Such a mission was sent three months after the lady had left her parents. If she were not giving satisfaction, she might be returned. (So Yingda says:—其意言不堪事宗廟, 則欲以之歸).

Par. 10. The phrase 有年 is expressive of a good year, no crop failing (五穀皆熟). It is strange that the critics should find a mystery in this simple paragraph, as if the sage had preserved the record to show how things turned out in Lu as they ought not to have done under so bad a ruler as Huan.

[Zuoshi appends here:——Rui Jiang, the mother of Wan, earl of Rui, indignant at him because of his many favourites, drove him out of Rui, and he took up his residence in Wei (魏).']

IV. Fourth year.

1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke hunted in Lang.

2. In summer, the king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the [sub-] administrator, Qu Bojiu, to Lu with friendly inquiries.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. 狩 here is the name of the winter hunt celebrated, as Zuo says, 'at the proper season;' for in reality Zhou's 1st month, was the 2d month of winter. This is an instance in point to show that Zhou's 'spring' did really include two months of the natural winter. Lang,—see I.ix. 4.

Par. 2. See I. i. 4, for the meaning of 宰. Qu was the name of a city in Zhou, from which the official family to whom it was granted took their clan-name. Zuoshi says the name (Bojiu) of the messenger is given because his father was still alive. If he had not been so, we should have read 渠氏.

There is no entry here under autumn or winter; not even the names of those seasons and their first months. This is contrary to the rule of the classic, and we must believe that a portion of the text is here lost. Of course many of the Chinese critics are unable to accept so simple a solution of the matter, and will have it that the sage left those seasons out of the year, to express his displeasure with duke Huan, and his condemnation of the king for sending friendly inquiries to such a man as he was!

[Zuoshi has two brief notes of events that happened in the second half of this year:——In autumn, an army of Qin made a raid on Rui, and was defeated. It was defeated through making too light of Rui.' 'In winter a king's army and an army of Qin besieged Wei. The army of Qin captured the earl of Rui, and carried him back to Qin with it.']

V. Fifth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the first month, on Jiaxu or Jichou, Bao, marquis of Chen, died.

2. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the earl of Zheng went to Ji.

3. The king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the son of Reng Shu to Lu with friendly inquiries.

4. There was the burial of duke Huan of Chen.

5. We walled Zhuqiu.

6. In autumn, an army of Cai, an army of Wey, and an army of Chen followed the king and invaded Zheng.

7. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.

8. There were locusts.

9. In winter the duke of Zhou went to Cao.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. There is here evidently some corruption of the text. Between Jiaxu and Jichou there are 14 clear days. We can hardly conceive how the historiographers could have entered the death of the marquis as having occurred on the one day or the other. If by any possibility they had done so, here, if anywhere, there was need for the pruning pencil of Confucius (筆削). Zuoshi says that two different announcements were communicated to Lu, and adds, 'At this time Chen was all in confusion. Tuo, the son of duke Wen, had killed the marquis's eldest son, Wen [so 兔 is here read], and superseded him. The disorder arose when the marquis was very ill; the people got scattered; and so two announcements were taken to Lu.' But this is an explanation made to suit the text. Cheng Yi supposes that after Jiaxu some entry has dropt out which constituted the 1st par.; and then a second par. might commence with 已丑. This is a reasonable conjecture, but there is another difficulty in the text which renders it inadmissible. The day Jichou was in the 1st month of this year, but Jiaxu was in the 12th month of the preceding. This error of the month, as preceding 甲戍, is equally fatal to the solution of Gongyang and Guliang, that the marquis, in a fit of madness, or some other way, disappeared on the first of the days mentioned, and was found dead on the second. The text is evidently corrupt. Leave out the two characters 甲戍, and the difficulty disappears.

Par. 2. 如, as in III. 5, simply 往, 'to go to.' Zuo says that 'the lords of Qi and Zheng went to the court of Ji wishing to surprise it, and that the people of Ji knew their design.' The marquis of Ji, it is understood, then communicated their visit and its object to Lu, to which alone he looked for help; and so the entry of a transaction, apparently foreign to Lu, was made by its historiographers. We shall see, hereafter, that Ji's fear of Qi was well founded.

Par. 3. For 仍 Guliang has 任. Compare I. iii. 4. Reng Shu must have been a great officer of Zhou. The critics are much concerned to determine whether Reng Shu himself were dead, or only old, so that his son was employed instead of him, and whether he took it upon him to send his son, or the son was directly commissioned by the king. The last point seems to be settled by the text; the others only give rise to uncertain speculations. Zuoshi simply says the messenger was 'a youth (弱也).'

Par. 5. Zhuqiu is believed to have been 50 li to the southeast of the pres. dep. city of Yizhou. Du thinks it was walled as a precaution, in consequence of the designs of Qi on Ji.

Par. 6. On this paragraph Zuoshi gives us the following narrative:——The king deprived the earl of Zheng of all share in the government of the kingdom, and the earl in consequence no more appeared at court. In autumn the king led several of the princes to invade Zheng, when the earl withstood him. The king drew up his forces so that he himself was in the centre, while Linfu, duke of Guo, commanded the army of the right, having the troops of Cai and Wey attached to him, and Heijian, duke of Zhou, commanded on the left, having the troops of Chen. Ziyuan of Zheng asked the earl to draw their troops up in squares, on the left opposed to the armies of Cai and Wey, and on the right to the men of Chen. "Chen," said he, "is at this time all in confusion, and the people have no heart to fight. If we attack them first, they will be sure to run. The king's soldiers seeing this will fall into disorder, and the troops of Cai and Wey will set them the example of flight without making any resistance. Let us then collect our troops and fall upon the king;—in this way we may calculate on success." The earl followed this counsel. Manbo commanded the square on the right; Zhai Zhongzu that on the left; while Yuan Fan and Gao Qumi, with the earl, led the centre, which was drawn up in fish-scale array. There was always a force of 25 chariots, supported by 5 files of 5 men each, to maintain a close and unbroken front. The battle was fought at Xuge. The earl commanded the squares on the right and left to wait till they saw his flag waved, and then to advance with drums beating. The troops of Cai, Wey, and Chen all fled, while the king's were thrown into disorder. The forces of Zheng then united in an attack on the opposite centre. The king received a great defeat, and an arrow shot by Zhu Dan wounded him in the shoulder; but, notwithstanding this, he retreated, still maintaining an able fight. Zhu Dan asked leave to pursue him, but the earl said, "A superior man does not wish to be always showing superiority over others; much less dare he offer insult to the son of Heaven! If we manage to save ourselves, and the altars of Zheng take no damage, we have accomplished very much." At night he sent Zu of Zhai to comfort the king, and to ask after the welfare of his officers.'

Par. 7. 雲=旱祭, 'a sacrifice in time of drought.' The Zhuan says that to offer this sacrifice—or at least the grand sacrifice for rain—in the autumn was unseasonable, and therefore the record of it appears here. Zuoshi adds:—‘With regard to the sacrifices in general, at the season of Qizhe ['the emergence of insects from their burrows;'—the 1st month of Xia, and the 3d of the Zhou year], the border sacrifice [to Heaven] was offered; at the season of Longxian ['the appearance of the Dragon (see the Shu, on Pt. I., par. 5);'—the 4th month of Xia, and the 6th of Zhou], the sacrifice for rain; at the season of Shisha ['comencement of death:' —the 8th month of Xia, and the 10th of Zhou], the Chang or sacrifice of first fruits; and at the season of Bizhe ['the closing of insects in their burrows;'—the 10th month of Xia, and 12th of Zhou], the Zheng or winter sacrifice. If any of those sacrifices were offered after the season for them, the historiographers made an entry of it.' According then to Zuoshi, this sacrifice for rain was competent to Zhou and its various States only in the 6th month, its object being to supplicate for rain in the beginning of summer, that there might be a good harvest;—of course it was out of season to offer this sacrifice in any month of Zhou's autumn. But I believe, with Mao Qiling, that, while there was the regular sacrifice at the beginning of the natural summer, special sacrifices might be offered at any season of prolonged drought, and it does not follow, therefore, that the sacrifice in the text was unseasonable. As to the name 'grand,' characterizing the sacrifice here, it has given rise to much controversy. Jia Kui thought the sacrifice was addressed to Heaven or God by the princes of Lu, under sanction of the grant to their ancestor to use imperial rites, and is therefore here called 'grand.' This point we must leave.

Par. 8. 蟲 (in Kungyang, ) are described by Du Yu as 蜈蚣之蜀, 'a kind of locusts.'

Par. 9. Zhou was a small State, in pres. dis. of Anqiu (安丘), dep. Qingzhou. Its prince appears here with the title of duke; —it is supposed because some previous lord had been one of the three Gong or dukes at the king's court. His capital was Chunyu (淳于). Cao was an earldom, held by the descendants of one of the sons of king Wen;—its capital was Taoqiu (陶丘), in pres. dis. of Dingtao (定陶), dep. Caozhou (曹州). Zuoshi says on the par:—‘In winter, the duke of Chunyu went to Cao, reckoning that his State was in a perilous state; and he did not return to it.'

VI.Sixth year.

1. In the [duke's sixth year, in spring, in the first month, Shi came to Lu.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ji in Cheng.

3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Renwu, [the duke] held a grand military review.

4. The people of Cai put to death Tuo of Chen.

5. In the ninth month, on [the day] Dingmao, the [duke's] son, Tong, was born.

6. In winter, the marquis of Ji came to [our] court.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. According to all the three Zhuan, this is a continuation of the last par. in last year. Zuoshi says:——In the spring, he came from Cao to the court of Lu. The text 寔來 intimates that he did not return again to his own State.' In this way, 寔='for good,' and Du Yu defines it by 實. Gong and Gu explain it by 是 and 是人, 'this man.' Cheng Yi and Hu An'guo, however, suppose that Shi was the name of the duke of Zhou. A prince, living, ought not to be called by his name, but this poor duke, a fugitive from his State, never to return to it, was in his princely character as good as dead, and might be named. The Kangxi editors say both views are to be preserved. The point is one of trivial importance.

[There is appended here in the Zhuan the following narrative—King Wu of Chu [this viscount of Chu had usurped the title of 'king'] burst suddenly into Sui, and sent Wei Zhang to beg that Chu and Sui might be on good terms with each other, meanwhile waiting with his army at Xia for intelligence. The court of Sui sent Shaoshi [少師; this is evidently the name of an office; but nothing can be ascertained about it. I have therefore followed the example of the Lieguo zhi which calls the phrase the name of the marquis of Sui's favourite] to manage the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Dou Bobi said to the viscount of Chu, "That we have not got our will on the east of the Han is all owing to ourselves. We have displayed our three armies, our men all equipt with their buff coats and weapons, and so we have presented ourselves to the States in all our power. They have been afraid, therefore, and have united together to provide against our designs. It is this which makes it difficult to separate them. Of the States east of the Han Sui is the greatest. Let Sui once be elated, and then it will spurn the smaller States, which will become alienated from it;—this will be to the advantage of Chu. This Shaoshi is a vain extravagant man; let us inflate him by making our army appear as if it were weak." Xiong Lüjubi said, "While Ji Liang is in Sui, of what use will this be?" Dou Bobi replied, "It will serve as a basis for future measures;—Shaoshi is his prince's favourite."

'The king, according to Bobi's counsel, gave his army a dilapidated appearance, and then received Shaoshi, who on his return to Sui requested leave to pursue the army of Chu. The marquis was about to grant it, when Ji Liang stopt him saying, "Heaven is now giving power to Chu. Its exhibition of weakness was only made to deceive us. Why, O ruler, be so hasty? I have heard that the condition in which a small State can match with a great one, is when the small one is ruled according to reason, and the great one is abandoned to wild excess. What I mean by being ruled according to reason, is showing a loyal love for the people, and a faithful worship of the Spirits. When the ruler thinks only of benefiting the people, that is loyal loving of them; when the priests' words are all correct, that is faithful worship. Now our people are famishing, and the prince indulges his desires; the priests are hypocrites in their sacrifices:—I do not know whether there is the condition of success." The marquis said, 'My victims are the best, and well fatted; the millet in the vessels is good and all complete;—where is there any want of sincerity?" Ji Liang replied, "The state of the people is what the Spirits regard. The sage kings therefore first secured the welfare of the people, and then put forth their strength in serving the Spirits. Thus when they presented their victims, and announced them as large and fat, they meant that the people's strength was all preserved; that to this was owing the large growth of the animals; that to this was owing their freedom from scab or itch; that to this it was owing they were so fat, and amply sufficient. When they presented their vessels of millet, and announced it as clean and abundant, they meant that in all the three seasons no harm was done to the cause of husbandry; that the people were harmonious, and the years good. When they presented their distilled and sweet spirits, and announced them as admirable, strong, and good, they meant that superiors and inferiors were all of admirable virtue, and their hearts in nothing inclined to perverseness; what was termed the widely diffused fragrance was really that there were no slanderers nor wicked men. In this way it was that they exerted themselves that the labours of the three seasons should be performed; they cultivated and inculcated the five great duties of society; they cherished and promoted the affection that should exist among the nine classes of kindred: and from this they proceeded to their pure sacrifices. Thus their people were harmonious, and the Spirits sent down blessings, so that every movement they undertook was successful. Now the people's hearts are all at variance, and the Spirits have no lord [i. e., none whom they will serve, and serve by blessing]. Although you as an individual may be liberal in your acts of worship, what blessing can that bring? I pray you to cultivate good government, and be friendly with the States of your brother princes; then perhaps you will escape calamity."

'The marquis of Sui was afraid, and attended properly to his duties of government; and Chu did not dare to attack him.']

Par. 2. Zuo says the marquis of Ji came to this meeting to consult with Lu about his difficulties with Qi. The 郕 in the text is from Guliang. Zuo and Gong both read 成 which makes Du give the situation differently from that of the other in I.v. 3;—90 li northeast from pres. dis. city of Ningyang.

[The Zhuan has here:——The northern Rong had invaded Qi, which sent to ask the assistance of a force from Zheng, Hu, the eldest son of the earl of Zheng, led a force accordingly to the help of Qi, and inflicted a great defeat on the Rong, capturing their two leaders, Dailiang and Shaoliang, whom he presented to the marquis with the heads of 300 of their buff-coated warriors. At that time the great officers of many of the princes were keeping guard in Qi, and the marquis supplied them with cattle, employing the officers of Lu to arrange the order of distribution. These placed the troops of Zheng last, which made Hu indignant, considering that his had been the merit of the victory; and it gave rise to the battle of Lang [see the 10th year].

'Before the duke of Lu had married the daughter of Qi, the marquis had wished to marry her—Wen Jiang—to Hu; but he had refused the match. Some one asked the reason of his refusal, when he replied, "People should be equally matched. A daughter of Qi is too great a match for me. The ode says, 'For himself he seeks much happiness (Shi, III. i. 1. 6).' I have to do with what depends on myself simply; what have I to do with a great State?" A superior man will say that Hu did well in thus making himself the centre of his plan of life. On this occasion, when he had defeated the army of the Rong, the marquis of Qi again asked him to take another of his daughters to wife, but again he firmly refused. Being asked the reason, he said, "Formerly when I had had nothing to do in Qi, I still did not dare to marry one of its princesses. Now I hurried here by our ruler's order to succour Qi in its exigency; if I returned from it with a wife, it would be as if I had won her by arms." In this way he declined the alliance on the ground of wanting the earl of Zheng's command.'

Zuoshi seems to have forgotten here that he had already narrated the marriage of Hu of Zheng to a daughter of the house of Chen, under I. viii. 3. The marquis of Qi would hardly have offered one of his daughters to fill a secondary place in Hu's harem.]

Par. 3. 閱=簡車馬'to examine the chariots and horses.' This was an annual ceremony, to which the winter hunt was subsidiary. See the Zhou li, Bk. XXIX., pp. 24—4. Many of the critics think that the holding this review, as here, in the 8th month in autumn, was unseasonable, and that it is recorded to condemn it. But the duke might easily have had reasons sufficient to justify him for holding such a review at this time.

Par. 4. Zuoshi has no Zhuan here, but we find what serves for one under the 22d year of duke Zhuang. We have seen, under V. 1, that Tuo had killed the eldest son of the marquis of Chen, and superseded him. But that son's younger brother was a son of a princess of Cai, and in his interest Cai now did justice on Tuo. Tuo had not yet been recognized as marquis of Chen, and therefore we have simply his name, without his title. I have translated 蔡人 by 'the people of Cai,' after the analogy of 衛人 in I.iv.6,7. Gu and Gong account for his death at the hands of some people of Cai by saying that he had intruded into the territory of Cai in hunting or for a worse purpose, and was killed in a quarrel about a bird or a woman. Their Zhuan, however, where matters of history are concerned, are not to be compared with Zuoshi's.

Par. 5. Tsoshe tells us that this entry of Tong's birth intimates that he was received with all the honours proper to the birth of a son and heir; that an ox, a sheep, and a pig were sacrificed on the occasion; that an officer of divination carried him on his back, and his wife nursed him; and that the duke, with the child's mother, Wen Jiang, and the wives of the duke's noble kindred, gave him his name. This last ceremony took place on the 3d month after the birth. Zuoshi adds:——The duke asked Shen Xu about names, who replied "Names are taken from five things:—some pre-intimation; some auspice of virtue; some striking appearance about the child; the borrowing the name of some object; or some similarity. When a child is born with a name on it, that is a pre-intimation [a character, such as 友, may seem to be made by some marks on the body, and so is taken as the name]; when a child is named from some virtue, this is called an auspice [Chang (昌), the name of king Wen, is an instance in point]; when it is named from some resemblance about it to something, this is called naming from the appearance [Confucius was so named Niqiu (尼丘)]; when it is named from some object, this is called borrowing [the name of Confucius' son Boyu (魚, 'the fish') is an instance]; when the name is taken from something about the father, this is called a name from similarity [see below]. The name must not be taken from the name of the State; or of an office; or of a mountain or river; or of any malady; or of an animal; or of a utensil, or of a ceremonial offering. The people of Zhou do not use the name which they bore in serving the Spirits of the dead; and the name is not mentioned after death. To take the name from the State would do away with the State's name; one from an office would do away with the office; one from a hill or stream would do away with the sacrifice to it; one from an animal would do away with its use as a victim; one from a utensil or a ceremonial offering would do away with its use in ceremonies. The name of the marquis Xi of Jin [he was called 司徒] made the title of minister of Instruction (司徒) be discontinued in Jin. So with duke Wu of Song and the title of minister of Works (司空). Our former dukes Xian [called 具] and Wu [called 敖) caused two hills to lose their names. Therefore the names of such great objects and offices must not be given to a child." The duke said, "Well, his birth and mine were on the same day." So, from that similarity, the child was named Tong [the Similar].'

As this is the only instance in the classic in which the birth of a Son of any of the marquises of Lu is chronicled, there is much speculation as to the reason of the entry here. Some think it is a clear case of the pencil of the sage, who would thus show that duke Zhuang was really the son of the marquis of Lu, and not the fruit of the incestuous commerce which his mother subsequently indulged in!

Par. 6. Zuoshi says this visit from the marquis of Ji was to beg the services of the duke to ask the king's order to bring about peace between Ji and Qi, but that the duke told him he could do nothing in the matter.

VII.Seventh year.

1. In his seventh year, in spring, in the second month, on Jihai, the duke hunted with fire in Xianqiu.

2. In summer, Sui, earl of Gu, came to [our] court.

3. Wuli, marquis of Deng, came to [our] court.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Xianqiu was a district, and probably the name of a town in it, belonging to Lu;—somewhere in dep. of Yanzhou. 焚 here =火田, 'to hunt with fire.' This appears in the Erya as another name for the winter hunting (火田為狩). The object in using fire was to drive the birds and animals from their coverts. Du says the record is made here to condemn the duke for his wantonness in carrying on the operation, so that nothing should escape. But this does not appear in the text; and the Zhuan has nothing on the par.

Parr. 2, 3. Gu was a marquisate, with the surname Ying (嬴), and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Gucheng, dep. Xiangyang, Hubei. Deng was not far from Gu, an earldom with the surname Man (曼). Some place it in pres. Dengzhou, dep. Nanyang, Henan; others find its principal city, 20 li northeast of the dep. city of Xiangyang in Hubei. But the two identifications need not clash. What brought these two distant lords to Lu we cannot tell. Zuoshi says they are mentioned by name in contempt; but we may find a better reason in a rule of the Li ji, I. Pt. II. ii. 21, that princes who had lost their States were mentioned by name. The supposition that the princes in the text were in this condition adequately explains their coming all the long way from their former fiefs to Lu.

Nothing that occurred in autumn or winter is here entered. See what has been said upon this,—on the 4th year.

[Zuoshi appends here two short Zhuan:——Meng and Xiang sought terms of peace from Zheng [these are two of the places mentioned in one of the Zhuan under I. xi. 3, as granted by Zhou to Zheng. It was there said that Zhou could not keep them, and it would appear that Zheng also found it difficult to do so], and afterwards broke them. In autumn, an army of Zheng, an army of Qi, and an army of Wey invaded Meng and Xiang, when the king removed their inhabitants to Jia.'

'In winter, the earl of Quwo inveigled the child-marquis of Jin, and put him to death.']

VIII.Eighth year.

1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the first month, on Jimao, we offered the winter sacrifice.

2. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Jia Fu to Lu with friendly inquiries.

3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Dingchou, we offered the winter sacrifice.

4. In autumn, we invaded Zhu.

5. In winter, in the tenth month, there was snow.

6. The duke of Zhai came [to Lu], and immediately after went to meet the king's bride in Ji.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. (烝) was the name of the sacrifice offered in the ancestral temple at midwinter. (烝=眾), 'all;'—all the labours of the year had been completed, and the fruits of the earth gathered in. They could therefore be now presented more largely than at the other seasonal sacrifices. This is supposed to be the reason of the name. Zhou's 1st month was the 2d month of Xia's winter. The zheng sacrifice was now offered, therefore, at the proper time; but a record of it is here entered, the critics think, to show the absurdity of offering the same again in summer, as in par. 3.

Par. 2. See I. vii. 6. (家) is the clan name,= the surname, and 父 is the designation. The rule was, it is said, that great officers of Zhou sent on such missions to the States should be mentioned with their designation; but I am not sure of the correctness of such a rule.

[Zuoshi adds here that 'in the spring there was the extinction of Yi;' i.e. the earl of Quwo extinguished Jin, or thought he had done so.]

Par. 3. The proper sacrifice at this time was the 祠. To repeat at this season the winter sacrifice was certainly a strange proceeding.

[Zuoshi here gives the sequel of the Zhuan under VI. 1:——Shaoshi became more the favourite in Sui; and Dou Bobi of Chu said, "Our enemy presents an opening, which we must not lose." Accordingly, in summer, the viscount of Chu called the princes of the south together at Chenlu; and as Huang and Sui did not attend, he sent Wei Zhang to reprove Huang, while he proceeded himself to attack Sui, encamping his army between the Han and the Huai. Ji Liang begged the marquis of Sui to make offers of submission. "If Chu refuse them," he said, "and we fight afterwards, this will have made our men indignant and the thieves remiss." Shaoshi, however, said, "We must fight quickly, for, if we do not do so, we shall lose the army of Chu a second time." The marquis took the field; and as he surveyed from a distance the army of Chu, Ji Liang said, "In Chu they attach greatest importance to the left; the king is sure to be on the left. Don't let us meet him, but let us attack their right. There are no good soldiers there, and they will be beaten. When a part is beaten, the whole will be disorganized." Shaoshi said, "If we do not meet the king, we are no soldiers." The marquis would not follow Ji Liang's advice. The battle was fought in Suqi, and the army of Sui was completely defeated. The marquis fled. Dou Dan captured his war-chariot, and Shaoshi who had occupied the place in the right of it. In autumn, Sui and Chu made peace. At first the viscount was unwilling to grant peace, but Dou Bobi said, "Heaven has removed from Sui him who was its plague; it is not yet to be subdued." Accordingly the viscount granted a covenant, and withdrew with his army.']

Par. 4. The critics are much divided on the question whether the duke himself commanded in person in this expedition or not. I do not see that it can be determined; and have left the matter in the translation indefinite. Many of the neighbouring small lords had been to Lu since Huan's accession, but Xi of Zhu had not made his appearance. This invasion was the consequence probably.

Par. 5. This was only the 8th month of Xia, and snow was unseasonable.

[Zuoshi has here:——In winter, the king ordered Zhong of Guo to establish Min, younger brother of the marquis Ai, as marquis of Jin.']

Par. 6. In I. i. 6, we have an earl of Zhai. The duke in the text may have been the same, or a son of that earl, here called gong or duke, as being one of the king's three highest ministers;—see the Shu, V. xx. 5. When the king was taking a wife from one of the States, the rule was that one of these gong should meet her, and one of the princes, of the same surname as the royal House, act as director in the affair. The king himself could not appear in it, in consistency with his supreme position. Every thing in this par., therefore, is, as Zhishi says, 'proper.' The duke of Zhai comes from Zhou, gets his orders from the duke of Lu, and then goes to Ji to meet the bride, whom Lu could not designate 女, 'daughter' of Ji, simply, as she was going to be 'queen (后).' The poor marquis of Ji had, no doubt, managed to bring the match about, as a forlorn hope against the attempts on him of the lord of Qi. Mao observes that as this was the 18th year of king Huan, it cannot be supposed that he had remained queenless up to this time, and that the daughter of Ji was being taken by him as a second wife (再娶).

IX.Ninth year.

1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the lady Jiang, fourth daughter of [the marquis of] Ji, went to her palace in the capital.

2. It was summer, the fourth month.

3. It was autumn, the seventh month.

4. In winter, the earl of Cao sent his heir-son, Yigu, to our court.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. This is the sequel of the last par. of last year. Zuoshi observes that the historiographers did not enter any intermarriages of other States, excepting where they were with the royal House. 季 is the 4th in order of birth, and appears here as the designation of the lady, so that the translation might have been simply —Ji Jiang of Ji.' 歸,—see I. ii. 6. I have here rendered it 'to her palace,' as Ji Jiang was a royal bride. On 京師 Gongyang says, 'The phrase denotes the dwelling of the son of Heaven. 京 means "great;" and 師 means "all." Where the son of Heaven dwells must be described by such terms.'

Parr. 2, 3. See on I. vi. 3.

[The Zhuan adds:——The viscount of Ba sent Han Fu with an announcement to Chu, asking Chu's services to bring about good relations between it and Deng. The viscount of Chu then sent Daoshuo, along with the visitor from Ba, to present a friendly message to Deng, but the men of You, on the southern borders of Deng, attacked them, carried off the presents they were bearing, and slew them both. Chu sent Wei Zhang to complain to the lord of Deng of the matter, but he would not acknowledge that he had any hand in it

'In summer, Chu sent Dou Lian with a force and a force of Ba to lay siege to You, to the relief of which the lord of Deng sent his nephews Yang and Dan. They made three successful attacks on the troops of Ba, and Chu and Ba were likely to fail. Dou Lian then threw his force right in between the troops of Ba, engaged the enemy, and took to flight. The men of Deng pursued them, till their backs were towards the troops of Ba, and they were attacked on both sides. The army of Deng received a great defeat, and during the night the men of You dispersed.'

'In autumn, the brother of the duke of Guo, the earl of Rui, the earl of Liang, the marquis of Xun, and the earl of Jia, invaded Quwo.']

Par. 4. The earl of Cao himself was ill, and therefore sent his son to visit the marquis of Lu in his stead. Zuoshi says:——The son of the earl of Cao was received, as was proper, with the honours due to a minister of the highest rank. At the ceremonial reception which was given to him, when the first cup was presented, as the music struck up, he sighed. Shifu said, "The prince of Cao will soon be sad indeed. This is not the place for sighing."'

The critics are much divided in their views of this visit, and labour hard to find the sage's work of 'condemnation' in it.

X.Tenth year.

1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Gengshen, Zhongsheng, earl of Cao, died.

2. In summer, in the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Huan of Cao.

3. In autumn, the duke [went to] have a meeting with the marquis of Wey in Taoqiu, but did not meet with him.

4. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Bingwu, the marquis of Qi, the marquis of Wey, and the earl of Zheng came and fought [with us] at Lang.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Parr. 1,2. See the Zhuan on last par. of last year. A great mystery is found in the reappearance of 王;—in the 10th year, the completion of numbers.' Zuo blends the two parr. together, saying that 'in the spring duke Huan of Cao died.'

[Zuoshi adds here:——The brother of the duke of Guo slandered his great officer Zhan Fu to the king. Zhan Fu was able to rebut the slander, and with an army from the king attacked Guo. In summer, the duke of Guo fled to Yu.']

Par. 3. Taoqiu was in Wey;—50 li to the west of the present dist. city of Dong'e (東阿), in dept. Dongchang. The meeting had been agreed upon, and the duke was anxious to detach Wey from the party of Zheng, which was threatening Lu;—see next par. The marquis of Wey, however, changed his mind, and determined to go with the other side.

[Zuoshi adds:——In autumn, Qin restored Wan, earl of Rui, to Rui.' See the Zhuan at the end of the 4th year.

'The 3d brother of the duke of Yu had a valuable piece of jade, which the duke asked of him. He refused it, but afterwards repented, saying, "There is the proverb in Zhou, 'A man may have no crime;—that he keeps his bi is his crime.' This jade is of no use to me;—shall I buy my hurt with it?" He then presented it to the duke, who went on to ask a precious sword which he had. The young brother then said to himself, 'This man is insatiable; his greed will reach to my person." He therefore attacked the duke, who was obliged to flee to Gongchi.']

Par. 4. Lang,—see I. ix. 4. Zuoshi says:——In winter, Qi, Wey, and Zheng came to fight with us in Lang; but we could explain what they complained of. Formerly when the northern Rong were distressing Qi, many of the princes sent to its relief, and Hu, son of the earl of Zheng, acquired merit. When the people of Qi were sending cattle round to the different troops, the officers of Lu were employed to arrange the order of distribution. They did so according to the rules of precedence at the court of Zhou, and sent last to Zheng. The men of Zheng were angry, and the earl requested the help of a force from Qi, which granted it and got troops from Wey besides. In these circumstances the text does not speak of their attacking Lu covertly or openly, but that they came and fought. It also puts Qi and Wey before Zheng, though Zheng was the prime mover of the expedition, —in the order of their rank as fixed by the king.' The battle was, we may suppose, bloodless.

XI.Eleventh year.

1. In the [duke's]. eleventh year, in spring, in the first month, an officer of Qi, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Zheng made a covenant in E'cao.

2. In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Guiwei, Wusheng, earl of Zheng, died.

3. In autumn, in the seventh month, there was the burial of duke Zhuang of Zheng.

4. In the ninth month, the people of Song seized Zhai Zhong of Zheng.

5. Tu returned to Zheng.

6. Hu of Zheng fled to Wey.

7. Rou had a meeting with the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, and the third brother of [the marquis of] Cai, in Zhe.

8. The duke had a meeting with the duke of Song in Fuzhong.

9. In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song in Kan.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The position of E'cao is not known. This meeting was, no doubt, a sequel, in some way, to the expedition of the three princes, the previous month, against Lu. Zuoshi says that Qi, Wey, Zheng and Song all united in the covenant, and Du thinks therefore that 宋 is wanting in the text. But the mention of Song is supposed by many, and I think correctly, to be an error of Zuo. But who were the covenanting parties? Sun Jue (孫覺) early in Song dyn.), Hu An'guo, the Kangxi editors, and many other critics, contend that they were the princes of the three States, who are called 人,—in condemnation. But why were they not called 人 in the par. immediately before? It is better to understand 人 here, as in many other places, of officers appointed by the princes to act for them.

[Zuoshi appends here:——Qu Xia of Chu was about to make a covenant with Er and Zhen, when the people of Yun took post with their army at Pusao, intending, with Sui, Jiao, Zhou, and Liao, to attack the army of Chu. The Mo'ao [this was the name of an office in Chu. The party intended is Qu Xia] was troubled about it; but Dou Lian said, 'The people of Yun, having their army in their suburbs, are sure to be off their guard; and they are daily anxious for the arrival of the forces of the other four States. Do you, Sir, take up a position at Jiaoying to withstand the advance of those forces, and I will make an attack upon Yun at night with a nimble, ardent troop. The men of Yun are anxiously looking out, and relying on the proximity of their city, so that they have no mind to fight. If we defeat the army of Yun, the other four cities will abandon their alliance with it." Qu Xia replied, "Why not ask the help of more troops from the king [i. e., the viscount of Chu]?" The other said, "An army conquers by its harmony, and not by its numbers. You have heard how unequally Shang and Zhou were matched. We have come forth with a complete army;—what more do we want?" The Mo'ao said, "Let us divine about it." "We divine," returned the other, "to determine in cases of doubt. Where we have no doubts, why should we divine?" Immediately he defeated the army of Yun in Pusao. The covenant [with Er and Zhen] was completed, and they returned.'

'When duke Zhao of Zheng [i. e., the earl's son Hu, afterwards duke Zhao] defeated the northern Rong, the marquis of Qi wished to give him one of his danghters to wife. When he declined the match, Zhai Zhong said to him, "You must take her. Our prince has many favourites in his family. Without some great support, you will not be able to secure the succession to yourself. Your three brothers may all aspire to the earldom." Hu, however, did not follow the advice.']

Parr. 2, 3. The earl of Zheng was certainly the ruling spirit of his time, shrewd, crafty, and daring,—the hero of the first part of the Chunqiu. His burial should not have taken place till the 10th month. There must have been something in the circumstances of the State to cause it to be hurried. Zuoshi appends to par. 2:——Zhong Zu had been border-warden of Zhai, and became a favourite with duke Zhuang, who made him one of his chief ministers. He had got the duke married to a lady Man, one of the daughters of the House of Deng, and the produce of the union was duke Zhao [the duke's son Hu.] It was on this account that Zhai Zhong secured the succession to him.'

Parr. 4—. Zhai was a place or district in Zheng, of which Zhai Zhong, as we learn from the last Zhuan, had been warden; and it became equivalent to his surname, and actually the surname of his descendants. Du says that Zhai was really his surname, and Zhong his name; but I must believe that Zhong was the designation, and Zu (足) the name. 宋人, —the people of Song;' like 蔡人, in VI. 4. A literal translation of 執 would be 'grabbed.' The reason of the seizure of Zhai Zhong is told by Zuoshi:——The officer Yong of Song had married a daughter, called Yong Ji [雍姞; Yong was the father's clanname; Ji the surname] to duke Zhuang of Zheng. She bore a son [Tu], who became duke Li. The Yong clan was in favour with duke Zhuang of Song, who therefore beguiled Zhai Zhong, seizing him, and telling him that, unless he raised Tu to the earldom, he should die. At the same time he seized duke Li [Tu], and required the promise of bribes from him. Zhai Zhong made a covenant with an officer of Song, took duke Li back with him to Zheng, and set him up.' The action of pp. 5, 6 was almost contemporaneous. As the Zhuan says:——In the 9th month, on Dinghai, duke Zhao fled to Wey. and on Jihai [12 days after] duke Li was acknowledged in his room.' As Hu had been both de jure and de facto earl of Zheng since his father's death, the critics are much concerned to find the reason why he is mentioned here simply by his name, without his title. Gongyang thinks the style is after the simplicity of the Yin dynasty, which called the son by his name in presence of the father; and the former earl might be considered as only just dead,—in fact, as almost still alive. Guliang thinks the name is given, as to a prince who had lost his State. Hu An'guo thinks the name is condemnatory of him, for having refused the strong alliance which Qi had pressed on them. Du's explanation is more likely. The announcement of his exit, he says, was from Zheng, which gave his name in contempt, and the historiographers of Lu entered it as it came to them. But see on XV. 4.

Par. 7. The situation of Zhe has not been determined. Rou was a great officer of Lu, who, acc. to Zuoshi, had not received a clan-name. On 蔡叔, Du Yu says that 叔 is the name, and Mao agrees with him. It serves, indeed, the purpose of a name; but I prefer to render the word, according to its signification, as in the translation. So, Sun Fu (蔡叔, 蔡侯弟也).

Parr. 8,9. Fuzhong (Gong reads 童) was in the small State of Cheng (郕); and Kan was very near to Cheng, belonging to Lu;—in the west of Wenshang (汶上) district. At this time Lu and Song, for some reason, became, or wanted to become, close friends. We shall find that their two princes had three meetings in the course of the next year. The affairs of Zheng were, no doubt, a principal topic with them.

XII.Twelfth year.

1. It was the [duke's] twelfth year, the spring, the first month.

2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Renyin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi and the viscount of Ju, when they made a covenant at Quchi.

3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Dinghai, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song, and an officer of Yan, when they made a covenant at Guqiu.

4. In the eighth month, on Renchen, Yue, marquis of Chen, died.

5. The duke had a meeting with the duke of Song in Xu.

6. In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song in Gui.

7. On Bingxu, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Zheng, when they made a covenant at Wufu.

8. On Bingxu, Jin, marquis of Wey, died.

9. In the twelfth month, [our army] and the army of Zheng invaded Song; and on Dingwei a battle was fought in Song.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. See on I. vi. 3.

Par. 2. For Qi 杞 we have 紀 in Gong and Gu. For 曲池 Gong has 毆蛇. Quchi was in Lu;—40 li to the northeast of pres. dis. city of Qufu. We might translate the characters—the pool of Qu.' There is or was such a pool, having its source in Shimen (石門) hill.

Zuoshi says the object of this meeting was 'to reconcile Qi and Ju,' which had been at feud since Ju invaded Qi in the 4th year of duke Yin.

Par. 3. Guqiu was in Song;—30 li north from the dep. city of Caozhou. Zuoshi says:——The duke, wishing to reconcile Song and Zheng, had a meeting in the autumn with the duke of Song, at the height of Goudou (句瀆之丘).' This is another name for Guqiu. Yan here is the 'southern' Yan, a small earldom, whose lords had the surname Ji (姞), and professed to be descended from Huangdi. It was in the pres. dis. of Ji (汲), dep. Weihui, Henan. Song had required very great promises from Tu, as the price of establishing him in Zheng; and the non-fulfilment of them created great animosity between the two States. Lu, at Zheng's solicitation, tried to act as mediator; but without success. But if this meeting were, as Zuoshi says, held simply on account of the differences between Song and Zheng, we cannot account for the presence of an officer of Yan, whose weight in the scale, on one side or the other, would hardly be appreciable. Wu Cheng (吳澄; the great Yuan commentator) thinks therefore, that the meeting was called for another purpose in which Yan had an interest, and that Lu took the opportunity to touch on Zheng matters. The 'History of the Different States' gives quite another turn to the par., and makes 燕人, to be the earl of the 'northern Yan,' who happened to arrive at Guqiu, while the meeting was being held, on his way to the court of Song.

Par. 4. This marquis was canonized as duke Li (厲公). His burial is not recorded, because Lu did not attend it. See on I. iii. 7. He Xiu foolishly supposes that this marquis was the son of Tuo, and therefore his burial is not entered,—in condemnation of Tuo.' Du Yu observes that the day Renchen was the 23d of the 7th month; and explains the error of entering the death under the 8th month as having arisen from the historiographers of Lu, simply taking down the date as it was given them erroneously, so far as the month was concerned, in the message from Chen (從赴).

Parr. 5, 6. Zuoshi says:——Uncertain whether Song would be reconciled to Zheng or not, Lu persevered in its endeavours; and the duke had the meetings in these two paragraphs.' Xu and Gui were both in Song; but their positions are not well determined.

Par. 7. Song had now positively declined to be reconciled, and Lu takes decidedly the side of Zheng. Wufu was in Zheng,—in the southwest of pres. dis. of Dongming (東明), dep. Daming, Zhili.

Par. 8. This is the only instance in the Chunqiu, in which, when entries of two or more different things that occurred on the same day are made, the name of the day is given with each of them.

Par. 9. This is the sequel of par. 7. The text, however, is not so precise as usual. We want a subject before 及, which should be 'the duke' or 我師, as I have given it. Then the clause at the end is quite indefinite, so that Gong and Gu both say that Lu and Zheng quarrelled, and fought between themselves,—whereas we find them fighting on the same side in the 2d par. of next year. Zuoshi, after mentioning the meeting of Lu and Zheng at Wufu, adds:——Immediately after, they led their forces and invaded Song, with which they fought a battle,—to punish it for its want of good faith. A superior man will say, "If there be not the appendage of good faith, covenants are of no use. It is said in the Poems (II. v. IV. 3),

'The king is continually insisting on covenants, And the disorder is thereby increased;'—which was from the want of good faith.'

The Zhuan adds here:——Chu invaded Jiao, and attacked the south gate of the city. The Mo'ao, Qu Xia, said, "Jiao being small will be lightly moved. Lightly moved, its plans will be with little thought. Let us leave our wood-gatherers unprotected and so entrap it.' His advice was followed, and the people of Jiao caught 30 men. Next day they struggled to get out to pursue the service-men of Chu upon the hill. The army took post at the north gate, and an ambuscade had been placed at the foot of the hill. Jiao received a great defeat. Chu imposed a covenant beneath the wall, and withdrew. In this invasion of Jiao, the army of Chu waded through the Peng in separate divisions. The people of Luo wished to attack them, and sent Bojia to act as a spy. He went thrice round the troops, and counted them.']

XIII.Thirteenth year.

1. In his thirteenth year, in spring, in the second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ji and the earl of Zheng; and on Jisi they fought with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and an officer of Yan, when the armies of Qi, Song, Wey, and Yan received a severe defeat.

2. In the third month there was the burial of duke Xuan of Wey.

3. In summer there were great floods.

4. It was autumn, the seventh month.

5. It was winter, the tenth month.

COMMENTARY

[Zuoshi gives the following narrative as prior to the fight in par. 1:——In spring, Qu Xia of Chu proceeded to invade Luo, and was escorted part of the way by Dou Bobi. As Bobi was returning, he said to his charioteer, "The Mo'ao will certainly be defeated. He walks high on his tiptoes;—his mind is not firm." Immediately after, he had an interview with the viscount of Chu, and begged him to send more troops. The viscount refused, and when he had gone into his palace told his wife, a Man of Deng [see on VII. 3] about the matter. "Your great officer's words," said she, "were not merely for the sake of sending more troops; his meaning was that you should comfort the inferior people by your good faith, instruct all the officers by your virtue, and awe the Mo'ao by the fear of punishment. The Mo'ao, accustomed to success by the action of Pusao [see the Zhuan appended to XI. 1; but perhaps for Pusao we should read Jiao] will presume on his own ability, and is sure to make too little of Luo. If you do not control him and comfort the army. the Mo'ao will not make the necessary preparations. Bobi's meaning certainly is that you, my Lord, should instruct all the people, by good words controlling him and comforting them; that you should call the officers and stimulate them on the subject of excellent virtue; that you should see the Mo'ao, and tell him how Heaven does not make use of hasty, supercilious men. If this were not his meaning, he would not speak as he has done;—does he not know that all the army of Chu has gone on the expedition?" The viscount on this sent a Man of Lai after Qu Xia, but he could not overtake him. Meanwhile the Mo'ao had sent an order round the army that whosover remonstrated with him should be punished. When they got to the river Yan, the troops got disordered in crossing it. After that, they observed no order, and the general made no preparations. When they got to Luo, its army and one of the Lu Rong [see the Shu, V. ii. 4.] attacked them, and inflicted a grand defeat. The Mo'ao strangled himself in the valley of Huang, and all the principal officers of the expedition rendered themselves as prisoners at Yefu to await their punishment. But the viscount of Chu said, "The fault was mine," and forgave them all.']

Par. 1. The three Zhuan all differ as to the parties in whose interest this battle was fought. Gongyang thinks they were Lu and Song; Guliang, Ji and Qi; and Zuoshi, Song and Zheng. The Kangxi editors prefer the view of Guliang, referring to the arguings of Zhao Kuang (趙匡; of the Tang dyn.), Hu An'guo, Sun Jue, and Wu Cheng in its favour; and place the scene of the battle in Ji (紀). Something may be said in favour of each view, but a fourth one, advocated by Mao Qiling, is to my mind still more likely. He sees in the battle Lu's return to Qi and Wey for their attack in the duke's 10th year. Then Zheng was associated with them under Hu, but Huan had managed to make Zheng under Tu confederate with him to punish the other two States. The battle he thinks was fought in Song, like the one in the preceding par., which seems to account for the place not being mentioned in the text. Zuoshi's account is:——"Song kept constantly requiring the payment of the bribes promised by the earl of Zheng. Zheng could not endure its demands, and with the help of Ji and Lu fought with Qi, Song, Wey, and Yan. The name of the place of the battle is not in the text, because the duke was too late to take part in it.' The last observation is sufficiently absurd. The marquis of Wey is mentioned, the son, that is, of Jin, whose death is mentioned in the 8th par. of last year. As the father was not yet buried, the son ought not, it is said, according to rule, to be mentioned by his title. But would that rule hold, when a new year came between the death and burial of the former prince? Then the son would publicly 'come to the vacant place,' and a new rule be inaugurated. 敗績 means a great defeat.' Zuoshi says, under the 11th year of duke Zhuang that 大崩曰敗績, 'the phrase indicates a ruin like the fall of a great mountain.' 績=功績, 'merit.' The defeat involved the loss of merit and character.

Par. 8. See on 1.5. Wang Bao (王葆); Song dyn., about contemporary with Hu An'guo) says:——Nine times is the calamity of floods recorded in the Chunqiu: twice in the time of Huan, and thrice in the time of Zhuang. Of the nine calamities five of them occurred in the days of the father and his son. May we conclude that they were in retribution to the father for his wickedness accumulated and unrepented of, and to the son for allowing his father's wrong to go unavenged?' So speculate Chinese scholars.

XIV. Fourteenth year.

1. In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Zheng in Cao.

2. There was no ice.

3. In summer, in the 5th [month],—the earl of Zheng sent his younger brother Yu to Lu to make a covenant.

4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Renshen, the granary of the ancestral temple was struck with lightning.

5. On Yihai we offered the autumnal sacrifice.

6. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Dingsi, Lufu, marquis of Qi, died.

7. An officer of Song, with an officer of Qi, an officer of Cai, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Chen, invaded Zheng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Since the meeting of the duke and earl at Wufu in the 12th year, Lu and Zheng had been fast allies, and this meeting was, no doubt, to cement the bond between them. Du says that, as they met in Cao, the earl of Cao was also a party at the meeting. Zuoshi adds that the people of Cao supplied, cattle and other fresh provisions;—which was proper.'

Par. 2. The 1st month of Zhou was the 11th of Xia, the 2d month of winter, when there ought to have been ice.

Par. 3. After (五) there is wanting the character (月), 'month;' and perhaps other characters as well. Or it may be, as some critics think, that (五) is an interpolation.

Instead of (語), Guliang has (禦). Zuoshi says:——The son of duke Zhuang of Zheng, Ziren (子人); this was the designation of Yu, and afterwards became a clan-name] came to renew the covenant [尋盟], and to confirm the meeting in Cao.' I suppose this meeting had then been agreed on. Guliang lays down a law, that where the day of a covenant is not given, it intimates that the covenant had formerly been arranged for. The law is arbitrary; but the fact in this case was, probably, as it would assume.

Par. 4. Wu Cheng says:——When the prince is in his chariot, he is in immediate proximity to his charioteer. (輿御者最相親近) Therefore the charioteer 御 is used of the men whom the prince approaches nearest, and also of the things which the prince himself uses. The (御) granary was that in which the rice which was produced from the field cultivated by the prince himself was stored, used to supply the grain for the vessels of the ancestral temple, and which it was not presumed to apply to any other use.' This is an attempt to explain the use of (御) here; and it is strange the dictionary takes no notice of the term in this passage. The phrase might be rendered by 'the duke's own granary,' as well as by those I have employed in the translation. 災= 'met with calamity;' but acc. to Zuoshi, in the Chunqiu the term is used specially of 'calamity by fire from Heaven (天火曰災).'

Par. 5. The Chang was a regularly recurring sacrifice, and as ordinary and regular things are not entered in the Chunqiu, the critics are greatly concerned to account for this entry. A sufficient reason seems to be supplied in the date. The Chang was due on the 8th month of Xia, and it was now only the 8th month of Zhou, = the 6th month of Xia. But the grain for it would have to be supplied from the granary which had been burned; and by the mention of the sacrifice immediately after that event, the text seems to intimate some connection between the two things. Zuoshi simply says that the proximity of the texts shows that 'no harm was done' by the lightning; i.e., observes Du, 'the fire was extinguished before it reached the grain.' But, contends Guliang, to use the miserable remains of the grain scathed by the lightning was very disrespectful; and not to divine again for another day on which to offer the Chang, after such an ominous disaster, Hu An'guo shows, was more disrespectful still! To a western reader all this seems' much ado about nothing.'

Par. 7. Du Yu gives here, from another part of the Zhuan, a useful canon about the use of (以) in the text and similar paragraphs:——When armies can be ordered to the right or the left, 以 is used.' The character simply =用, 'used.' In this case the troops of Qi and other States were at the disposal of Song. Once in the Shi—IV.i.[iii.] V.—we find the same usage of 以. The invasion of Zheng was in reprisal for the events in par. 1 of last year, and XII. 8. The Zhuan says:——In winter, an officer of Song, aided by armies from several princes, invaded Zheng, to avenge the battle [or battles] in Song. The allies burned the Qu gate of its outer wall and penetrated to the great road. Then they attacked the eastern suburbs; took Niushou; and carried off the beams of Zheng's ancestral temple to supply those of the Lu gate of Song [carried off the year before].'

XV. Fifteenth year.

1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the second month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Jia Fu to Lu to ask for carriages.

2. In the third month, on Yiwei, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.

3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jisi, there was the burial of duke Xi of Qi.

4. In the fifth month, Tu, earl of Zheng, fled to Cai.

5. Hu, heir-son of Zheng, returned to his dignity in Zheng.

6. The third brother of [the baron of] Xu entered into Xu.

7. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Ai.

8. An officer of Zhu, an officer of Mou, and an officer of Ge came to [our] court.

9. In autumn, in the ninth month, Tu, earl of Zheng, entered into Li.

10. In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke joined the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and the marquis of Chen, at Chi, and they invaded Zheng.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. 家父,—see VIII.2. On the whole par., see on I. iii. 5. Zuoshi says here:——This mission was contrary to propriety. It did not belong to the princes to contribute carriages or dresses to the king; and it was not for the son of Heaven privately to ask for money or valua- bles.'

Par. 2. See on I.iii.2.

Par. 4. The Zhuan relates:——Zhai Zhong monopolized the government of Zheng, to the great trouble of the earl, who employed Zhong's son-in-law, Yong Jiu [this Yong Jiu had come to Zheng with Tu from Song, and married a daughter of Zhai Zhong] to kill him. Jiu proposed doing so at a feast which he was to give Zhong in the suburbs, but Yong Ji [Jiu's wife, and Zhong's daughter] became aware of the design, and said to her mother, "Whether is a father or a husband the nearer and dearer?" The mother said, "Any man may be husband to a woman, but she can have but one father. How can there be any comparison between them?" She then told Zhai Zhong, saying, "Yong is leaving his house, and intends to feast you in the suburbs and there kill you; I got him to tell me by guile." On this Zhai Zhong killed Yong Jiu, and threw away his body by the pool of the Zhou family. The earl took it with him in his carriage, and left the State, saying, "It was right he should die, who communicated his plans to his wife!" Thus in summer duke Li quitted Zheng, and fled to Cai.' Here Tu has his title given him, which, we saw, was withheld from Hu in XI. 6. Some of the reasons assigned by the critics for that withholding were then adduced, but another may here be suggested. Under Hu, Lu and Zheng were and continued after this to be enemies. Under Tu, they were friends. These different conditions betray themselves in the historiographers, and Confucius did not care to alter their style in XI.6. In this part it should seem that there ought to be some mention of Zhai Zhong's expelling his prince; but the characters 出奔 'went out and fled,' imply an impelling violence behind.

Par. 5. The feeling of Lu against Hu appears here also in his being only called 世子 or 'heir-son.' Zuo says:——In the 6th month, on Yihai, duke Zhao entered.' The phrase 復歸, however, implies his recovery of former dignity. In a Zhuan on duke Zheng, XVIII.5, Zuo has—復其位曰復歸 'restoration to one's dignity is expressed by 復歸.'

Par. 6. See the long Zhuan on the affairs of Xu on I.xi.3. The Xu Shu here is the young brother of the baron who had fled before Zheng and its allies, and whom the earl had placed in the eastern borders of the State, as if with some prevision of what now occurred. After sixteen years, the young man recovered the possession of his fathers. (入) here has not the hostile meaning which it generally bears, though the Kangxi editors think such a term is used to convey some blame of Xu Shu, for taking possession of the seat of his fathers without announcing his purpose to the king, and getting his sanction to his undertaking. But of what use could such a proceeding have been? The king was hardly able to sustain himself. The 于 after 入 seems to distinguish this use of 入 from the cases in which it is followed directly by its object.

Par. 7. Zuoshi says the object of this meeting was 'to consult about the settlement of Xu;' but the critics doubt this view as nothing is found in the Chunqiu or elsewhere to confirm it. See I. vi. 2. For 艾 Gong has 鄗, and Gu 蒿.

Par. 8. Zhu, Mou, and Ge were all small States, though the lords of Zhu came to be called viscount and marquis, and the chief of Ge was an earl, with the surname Ying (嬴). It was in pres. dis. of Ningling (寧陵), dep. Guide. Mou was merely an 'attached' State, in pres. dis. of Laiwu (萊蕪), dep. Tai'an. Du Yu thinks the three visitors were all the heir-sons of the three small States; the chiefs of which, as being merely 'attached,' would be entered by their names, and their sons, therefore, would simply be called 'men,' and not named; but this is mere conjecture. We may adhere here to the translation of (人) by 'officer.'

Par. 9. Li was a strong city of Zheng, in pres. Yu Zhou, dep. Kaifeng. Zuoshi says: —In autumn, [Tu], the earl of Zheng, procured the death of Tan Bo [the commandant of Li] by some of the people of Li, and immediately took up his residence in it.' The meaning of (人) here is intermediate between its purely hostile significance, and that in par. 6.

6. Gongyang supposes that this occupation of Li was equivalent to the recovery by Tu of Zheng, led away probably by the 'earl of Zheng,' in which we again see the favour which Lu bore to Tu.

Par. 10. Chi was in Song;—in Su Zhou (宿州), dep. Fengyang, Anhui, Zuoshi says the movement was to restore duke Li; and that it was unsuccessful, and the invaders returned. Gongyang has 齊侯 after 會, and 侈, for 袲. Song was induced to join the undertaking, probably by assurances from Tu that, if he were once again reestablished in Zheng, he would fulfil the promises he had formerly made.

XVI. Sixteenth year.

1. In his sixteenth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song, the marquis of Cai, and the marquis of Wei, in Cao.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke joined the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the marquis of Chen, and the marquis of Cai, in invading Zheng.

3. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Zheng.

4. In winter, we walled Xiang.

5. In the eleventh month, Shuo, marquis of Wey, fled to Qi.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. The expedition by Lu, Song, Wey and Chen against Zheng in the 11th month of the last year had been unsuccessful. The princes of Lu, Song, and Wey now meet and arrange for another; and they have Cai also to join their confederacy. Zuoshi says:——The object of the meeting was to plan about invading Zheng (謀伐鄭也).'

Par. 2. This is the sequel of the last par.; and Chen reappears in the expedition. In accounts of conferences and expeditions, Cai is always placed before Wey, as in par. 1, while here it is last in order. This makes Du say that at this time the marquis of Cai was 'the last to arrive (後至).' Yingda, however, quotes from Ban Gu (historian of the 1st Han), to the effect that, from Yin to the 14th year of duke Zhuang,—a period of 43 years,—there was no regular order of precedence among the princes, as no really leading one among them (霸主) had yet arisen.'

Par. 3. See on II. 9.

Par. 4. It is mentioned before, I. ii. 2, that 'Ju entered Xiang;' and in VII.iv. 1, we read that duke Xuan attacked Ju and took Xiang. But here we find duke Huan fortifying Xiang. This can hardly have been the same place, but another, properly belonging to Lu. Du Yu says nothing here on this point, nor does any other of the critics, so far as I have observed. Zuoshi observes that this undertaking was recorded because it was 'at the proper time.' But the time for such undertakings was not yet come, according to the natural reading of the par., which simply says the thing was done in winter; and as the next par. begins with the specification of the 11th month, we conclude that Xiang was walled in the 10th;—which was only the 8th month of the Xia year. To justify Zuoshi's observation, therefore, Du contends that though no month is mentioned here, we must understand the 11th month's and he says also that the sixth month of this year was intercalary, which of course would carry the 11th month of Zhou forward to the term for for such an undertaking. All this, however, is very uncertain.

Par. 5. Zuoshi has here a melancholy narrative: —Long before this, duke Xuan of Wey had committed incest with Yijiang [a concubine of his father;—comp. 1. Cor. v. 1], the produce of which was Jizi, the charge of whom he entrusted to Zhi (職), his father's son by the occupant of the right or the harem. In course of time, he made an engagement for Jizi with one of the princesses of Qi, but took her to himself in consequence of her beauty. She gave birth to two sons, Shou and Shuo, the former of whom he gave in charge to his father's son by the occupant of the left of the harem. Yijiang strangled herself; and Xuan Jiang [the lady of Qi, who should have been Jizi's wife] and Shuo plotted against Jizi, till the duke sent him on a mission to Qi, employing ruffians to wait for him at Shen, and put him to death. Shou told Jizi of the scheme, and urged him to go to some other State; but he refused, saying, "If I disobey my father's command, how can I use the name of son? If there were any State without fathers, I might go there." As he was about to set out, Shou made him drunk, took his flag, and went on before him. The ruffians [thinking him to be Jizi] killed him, and then came Jizi, crying out, "It was I whom ye sought? What crime had he? Please kill me." The ruffians killed him also. On this account, the two brothers of Xuan [who had received charge of Jizi and Shou] cherished resentment against duke Hui [Shuo], and raised Qianmou to the marquisate, when Hui fled to Qi.' See the Shi, I. iii. XIX.

XVII. Seventeenth year.

1. In his seventeenth year, in spring, in the first month, on Bingchen, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi and the marquis of Ji, when they made a covenant in Huang.

2. In the second month, on Bingwu, the duke had a meeting with Yifu of Zhu, when they made a covenant in Cui.

3. In summer, in the fifth month, on Bingwu, we fought with the army of Qi at Xi.

4. In the sixth month, on Dingchou, Fengren, marquis of Cai, died.

5. In autumn, in the eighth month, the fourth brother of [the marquis of] of Cai returned from Chen to Cai.

6. On Guixi there was the burial of the marquis Huan of Cai.

7. Along with an army of Song and an army of Wey, [we] invaded Zhu.

8. In winter, in the tenth month, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Huang, acc. to Du, was in Qi. Some find it in the pres. dis. of Huang, dep. Dengzhou; but that would seem to be too distant from Lu, though convenient enough for Qi and Ji.

Zuoshi says that the object of the meeting was to reconcile Qi and Ji, and to consult about the affairs of Wey. We may suppose that Ji was now in more danger from Qi, since the death of the king, and the consequent loss of his influence in favour of his son-in-law.

Par. 2. Cui was in Lu, somewhere in the borders of the pres. diss. of Sishui and Zou. Zuo says the object of the meeting was to renew the covenant at Mie;—see I.i.2. Du observes that Bingwu was not in the 2d month, but was the 4th day of the 3d month. It is plain that there could be no Bingwu in the 2d month, as we have the same day, in the next par. recurring in the 5th month. Gong has 及 instead of 會.

Par. 3. Gongyang has here no 夏, and Guliang, instead of 奚, has 郎. He was in Lu;—in pres. dis. of Teng, dept. Yanzhou. Zuo says:——This fight was in consequence of some border dispute. When it arose, the people of Qi made a stealthy inroad on the borders of Lu, the officers of which came and told the duke, who said, "On the borders it is for you carefully to guard your own particular charge, and to be prepared for anything unexpected. In the meantime look thoroughly to your preparations; and when the thing comes, fight. What need you come to see me for?"

The covenant of the 1st month had proved of little use.

Par. 5. 季 has the meaning in the translation, and was also and naturally the designation of the individual. On par. 4 Zuo says that, on the death of the marquis [who had no son], the people of Cai called his younger brother from Chen; and here he observes that the entry here [the designation being given, and not the name] shows how highly the people of Cai thought of him. I think the character 歸 intimates that Ji was raised to be marquis of Cai; and this was the opinion of Du Yu, who identifies him with Xianwu, who, we shall see hereafter, was carried off prisoner by Chu.

I am surprised that the Kangxi editors doubt this identification, and follow the opinion of He Xiu, the editor of Gongyang, who says that Ji refused to accept the marquisate, which was then given to Heenwoo. Guliang says strangely that Ji was a nobleman of Cai, raised by the support of Chen to be marquis. Yet even he does not doubt the elevation of Ji.

Par. 6. In all other cases, where the burial of a prince is recorded, the title of duke follows the honorary or sacrificial epithet. Here we have a solitary instance, where the title of rank, borne during the life-time, is preserved. This has given rise to much speculation. It seems the simplest solution of the difficulty to suppose an error in the text of 候 for 公.

Par. 7. Lu had covenanted with Zhu in the 2d month, and, the year before, Zhu had sent its salutations to the court of Lu; and yet here we find Lu joined with Song and Wey in an invasion of Zhu. Zuoshi says that Lu was following the lead of Song, which, acc. to Du, was quarrelling with Zhu about their borders.

Par. 8. This eclipse took place, Oct. 3d, B. C. 694, and on Gengwu, the 7th day of the cycle. The day of the cycle is not given in the text, because, acc. to Zuoshi, 'the officers had lost it.' He adds, 'The son of Heaven had his "officer of the days (日官)," and the princes their "superintendent of the days (日御)." The officer of the days had the rank of a high minister, and it was his business to regulate the days of the year. The superintendents of the days were required not to lose the days [which they had received from the king's officer], but to deliver them to the difft. officers in their princes' courts.' It may have been so that the number of the day was thus lost; but it is simpler to suppose that the historiographers on this occasion omitted it. This is the view taken by many critics; —as Zhao Kuang (趙匡; Tang dyn.), Chen Fuliang (陳傳良; 12th cent.), and Zhan Ruoshui (湛若水); Ming dyn.). The Kangxi editors observe, that, during the Han dynasty and previously, astronomers could only determine the first day of the moon, approximately, in an average way (平朔), from the average motion of the sun and moon, but that from the time of Liu Hong, (劉洪; the After Han dyn.), and through his labours, it became possible to determine exactly the time of new moon (定朔), by adding to or subtracting from the average time, as might be necessary. Still, this want of exactitude in these times could not affect the day of the cycle on which a phænonenon like an eclipse was to be recorded.

[The Zhuan appends here:——Years back, when the earl of Zheng [Wusheng (寤生), duke Zhuang, the earl] had wished to make Gao Qumi one of his high ministers, duke Zhao [then the earl's son Hu], who disliked Gao, had remonstrated strongly against such a measure. The earl did not listen to him; but when duke Zhao succeeded to the State, Gao was afraid lest he should put him to death. On the day Xinmao, therefore, he took the initiative, and killed duke Zhao, raising up his brother Wei in his room. A superior man will say that the prince knew the man whom he disliked. Kongzi Da said, "Gao Bo [Gao Qumi] indeed deserved an evil end! His revenge of an ill done to him was excessive."']

XVIII. Eighteenth year.

1. In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, near the Luo, after which the duke and his wife, the lady Jiang, went to Qi.

2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingzi, the duke died in Qi; and on Dingyou, his coffin arrived from Qi.

3. It was autumn, the seventh month.

4. In winter, in the twelfth month, on Jichou, we buried our ruler, duke Huan.

COMMENTARY

Par. 1. Once more, at the commencement of duke Huan's last year, the character 王 reappears, and the fancies to which its reappearance has given rise are numerous and ridiculous. It would be as fruitless to detail as to discuss them. We must read the two entries about the meeting on the Luo, and the going to Qi, in one par. because of the 遂, which, as a 繼事之詞, or 'a word connecting events,' links them together. The character 與 in the second part does not occur in Gongyang; and Duan Yucai, in his 'Old Text of Zuoshi's Chunqiu' omits it, contending that Guliang also did not have it. It is, however, in all the editions of Gu that I have seen. Duan says that it is 'a vulgar addition' to Zuoshi (俗增之). The critics generally receive it, however. The conjunctions 及, 會, and 曁 are those proper to the Classic, and for the 與 here they account by insisting on its equivalence to 許, 'to grant,' 'to allow.' It was contrary to propriety for the duke's wife to go to Qi, but she was bent on going, and the duke weakly allowed her to accompany him.

The 濼 (pronounced Luo or Luo) was a stream, which flows into the Ji (濟) in the northwest of the dis. of Licheng (歷城), dep. Ji'nan. We have no intimation of the business discussed at this meeting between Lu and Qi; and the ordinary view is that it had been brought about by duke Xiang of Qi simply with a view to bring his sister and him together, and then to get her farther to accompany him to his capital. The only scholar who controverts this view is Wan Sida (萬斯大), of the pres. dyn., who argues, feebly however, that Xiang was a younger brother of Wen Jiang (文姜), and that the incestuous connection between them originated at this meeting.

The Zhuan says:——In spring the duke, being about to travel, allowed at the same time his wife Jiang to go with him to Qi. Shen Xu said, "The woman has her husband's house; the man has his wife's chamber; and there must be no defilement on either side;—then is there what is called propriety. Any change in this matter is sure to lead to ruin." Notwithstanding this remonstrance, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi near the Luo, and then went on with Wen Jiang [his wife was styled Wen, from her elegance and accomplishments] to Qi, where she had criminal connection with the marquis, her brother. The duke angrily reproached her, and she told the marquis of it.'

Par. 2. In continuation of the last Zhuan, Zuoshi says:——The marquis feasted the duke, and then, [having made him drunk], employed Pengsheng, a half brother of his own, to take him to his lodging in his carriage. The duke died in the carriage, and the people of Lu sent a message to the marquis of Qi, saying, "Our poor lord, in awe of your majesty, did not dare to remain quietly at home, but went to renew the old friendship between your State and ours. After the ceremonies had been all completed, he did not come back. We do not fix the crime on any one, but the wicked deed is known among all the princes, and we beg you will take the shame of it away with Pengsheng." On this, the people of Qi put Pengsheng to death.'

The reader will find all the incidents of Huan's visit to Qi, his wife's misconduct, his death, etc., graphically told in the 'History of the Different States,' Bk. XIII. As to Confucius' silence about them in the text, see the note to I.xi.4. Zhu Xi says very lamely, 'Confucius gives a straightforward narration, and his judgment lies in the facts themselves. When he says, "The duke met with the marquis of Qi in such and such a place; the duke and his wife Jiang went to Qi; the duke died in Qi; the duke's coffin came from Qi; the duke's wife withdrew to Qi;"—with such entries plainly before our eyes, we could understand the nature of them without any Zhuan.' 喪 is to be taken here as 喪器=柩, 'the coffin with the body in it;'—see the dictionary, in voc.

Par. 3. [Zuoshi gives here two narratives:——In autumn, the marquis of Qi went with a force to Shouzhi, and there Ziwei [the new earl of Zheng; see the Zhuan at the end of last year] went to have a meeting with him, Gao Qumi being in attendance as his minister. In the 7th month, on Wuxu, the marquis put Ziwei to death, and caused Gao Qumi to be torn in pieces by chariots. After this, Zhai Zhong sent to Chen for another son of duke Zhuang, met him, and made him earl of Zheng. When Ziwei and Qumi were setting out for Shouzhi, Zhai Zhong, knowing what would happen, made a pretence of being ill, and would not accompany them. Some people said, "Zhai Zhong escaped by his intelligence," and he himself said that it was so.'

'The duke of Zhou [Heijian; see the Zhuan on V. 6] wished to murder king Zhuang, and set his brother Ke [the king's brother; another son of king Huan] on the throne. Xin Bo told the king of it, and then he and the king put the duke of Zhou, Heijian, to death, while the king's brother Ke fled to Yan. Formerly, Ziyi [the designation of Ke] was the favourite with king Huan, who placed him under the care of the duke of Zhou. Xin Bo remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Equal queens [i. e., a concubine made the equal of the queen], equal sons [i. e., the son of a concubine put on the same level as the queen's son], two governments [i. e., favourites made equal to ministers], and equal cities [i. e., any other fortified city made as large as the capital]:—these all lead to disorder." The duke paid no heed to this advice, and he consequently came to his bad end.']

[The marquis of Qi, having committed incest with his sister, and murdered his brother-in-law, proceeded to execute the justice which the former of these narratives describes to awe princes and people into silence about his own misdeeds. The division of the body by five chariots was a horrible punishment. The head, the two arms, and two legs were bound, each to a carriage in which an ox was yoked, each animal placed in a separate direction. The oxen were then urged and beaten till the head and limbs were torn from the body.]

Par. 4. The burial took place later than it should have done; and indeed, according to Gong and Gu, it should not have taken place at all until the real murderer of the duke was punished. But what could Lu do in the circumstances? The evil man had come to an evil end; and the best plan was to consign his coffin to the earth.


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Published by The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, © Copyright 2003 by Anne Kinney and the University of Virginia

2. 桓 公

元 年

二 年

三 年

四 年

五 年

六 年

七 年

八 年

十 年

十 有 一 年

十 有 二 年

十 有 三 年

十 有 四 年

BOOK II. DUKE HUAN.

I. First year.

II. Second year.

III. Third year.

IV. Fourth year.

V. Fifth year.

VI.Sixth year.

VII.Seventh year.

VIII.Eighth year.

IX.Ninth year.

X.Tenth year.

XI.Eleventh year.

XII.Twelfth year.

XIII.Thirteenth year.

XIV. Fourteenth year.

XV. Fifteenth year.

XVI. Sixteenth year.

XVII. Seventeenth year.

XVIII. Eighteenth year.

2. 桓公

元年

二年

三年

四年

五年

六年

七年

八年

十年

十有一年

十有二年

十有三年

十有四年