|
2. 桓 公元 年
元 年,春,王 正 月,公 即 位。
三 月,公 會 鄭 伯 于 垂。
鄭 伯 以 璧 假 許 田。
夏,四 月,丁 未,公 及 鄭 伯 盟 于 越。
秋,大 水。
冬,十 月。
左 傳 曰,元 年,春,公 即 位,修 好 于 鄭。鄭 人 請 復 祀 周 公,卒 易
祊 田,公 許 之。三 月,鄭 伯 以 璧 假 許 田,為 周 公 祊 故 也。夏,四 月 丁 未,公 及 鄭 伯 盟 于 越。結 祊 成 也,盟 曰。渝 盟
無 享 國。
秋,大 水。凡 平 原 出 水 為 大 水。
冬,鄭 伯 拜 盟。
宋 華 父 督 見 孔 父 之 妻 于 路,目 逆 而 送之,曰,美 而
豔。 二 年
二 年,春,王 正 月,戊 申,宋 督 弒 其 君 與 夷,及 其 大 夫 孔
父。
滕 子 來 朝。
三 月,公 會 齊 侯,陳 侯 鄭 伯 于 稷,以 成 宋 亂。
夏,四 月,取 郜 大 鼎 于 宋,戊 申,納 于 大 廟。
秋,七 月,杞 侯 來 朝。
蔡 侯 鄭 伯 會 于 鄧。
九 月 入 杞。
公 及 戎 盟 于 唐。
冬,公 至 自 唐。
左 傳 曰,二 年,春,宋 督 攻 孔 氏,殺 孔 父,而 取 其 妻,公 怒,督
懼,遂 弒 殤 公。君 子 以 督 為 有 無 君 之 心,而 後 動 於 惡,故 先 書 弒 其 君。
會 于 稷,以 成 宋 亂,為 賂 故,立 華 氏 也。宋 殤 公 立,十 年 十 一
戰,民 不 堪 命,孔 父 嘉 為 司 馬,督 為 大 宰,故 因 民 之 不 堪 命,先 宣 言 曰,司 馬 則 然,已 殺 孔 父,而 弒 殤 公,召 莊
公 于 鄭 而 立 之,以 親 鄭,以 郜 大 鼎 賂 公,齊 陳 鄭 皆 有 賂,故 遂 相 宋 公。
夏,四 月,取 郜 大 鼎 于 宋,戊 申,納 于 大 廟 ,
非 禮 也。臧 哀 伯 諫 曰,君 人 者,將 昭 德 塞 違,以 臨 照 百 官,猶
懼 或 失 之,故 昭 令 德 以 示 子 孫。是 以 清 廟 茅 屋,大 路 越 席,大 羹 不 致,粢 食 不 鑿,昭 其 儉 也。袞 冕 黻 珽 帶 裳
幅 舄 衡 紞 紘 綖,昭 其 度 也。藻 率 鞞 鞛,鞶 厲 游 纓,昭 其 數 也。火 龍 黼 黻,昭 其 文 也。五 色 比 象,昭 其 物 也。鍚 鸞
和 鈴,昭 其 聲 也。三 辰 旂 旗,昭 其 明 也。
夫 德,儉 而 有 度,登 降 有 數,文 物 以 紀 之,聲 明 以 發 之,以 臨
照 百 官,百 官 于 是 乎戒 懼,而 不 敢 易 紀 律,今 滅 德 立 違,而 寘 其 賂 器 于 太 廟,以 明 示 百 官,百 官 象 之,其 又
何 誅 焉。國 家 之 敗,由 官 邪 也,官 之 失 德,寵 賂 章 也,郜 鼎 在 廟,章 孰 甚 焉。武 王 克 商,遷 九 鼎 于 雒 邑,義 士 猶
或 非 之,而 況 將 昭 違 亂 之 賂 器 於 大 廟,其 若 之 何。公 不 聽。周 內 史 聞 之 曰,臧 孫 達 其 有 後 于 魯 乎,君 違,不
忘 諫 之 以 德。
秋,七 月,杞 侯 來 朝。不 敬,杞 侯 歸,乃 謀 伐 之。
蔡 侯 鄭 伯 會 于 鄧。始 懼 楚 也。
九 月,入 杞,討 不 敬 也。公 及 戎 盟 于 唐。脩 舊 好 也。冬,公 至
自 唐。告 于 廟 也。凡 公 行,告 于 宗 廟,反 行 飲 至,舍 爵 策 勳 焉,禮 也。特 相 會,往 來 稱 地,讓 事 也。自 參 以 上,則 往
稱 地,來 稱 會,成 事 也。
初,晉 穆 侯 之 夫 人 姜 氏,以 條 之 役 生太 子,命 之 曰 仇,其 弟
以 千 畝 之 戰 生,命 之 曰 成 師。師 服 曰,異 哉,君 之 名 子 也,夫 名 以 制 義,義 以 出 禮,禮 以 體 政,政 以 正 民,是 以
政 成 而 民 聽,易 則 生 亂。嘉 耦 曰 妃,怨 耦 曰 仇,古 之 命 也。今 君 命 大 子 曰 仇,弟 曰 成 師,始 兆 亂 矣,兄 其 替
乎。惠 之 二 十 四 年,晉 始 亂,故 封 桓 叔 于 曲 沃,靖 侯 之 孫 欒 賓 傅 之。師 服 曰,吾 聞 國 家 之 立 也,本 大 而 末
小,是 以 能 固,故 天 子 建 國,諸 侯 立 家,卿 置 側 室,大 夫 有 貳 宗,士 有 隸 子 弟,庶 人 工 商 各 有 分 親,皆 有 等
衰,是 以 民 服 事 其 上,而 下 無 覬 覦,今 晉,甸 侯 也,而 建 國,本 既 弱 矣,其 能 久 乎。惠 之三 十 年,晉 潘 父 弒 昭 侯
而 納 桓 叔,不 克,晉 人 立 孝 侯。惠 之 四 十 五 年,曲 沃 莊 伯 伐 翼,弒 孝 侯,翼 人 立 其 弟 鄂 侯,鄂 侯 生 哀 侯,哀 侯
侵 陘 庭 之 田,陘 庭 南 鄙,啟 曲 沃 伐 翼。 三 年
三 年,春,正 月,公 會 齊 侯 于 嬴。
夏,齊 侯 衛 侯 胥 命 于 蒲。
六 月,公 會 杞 侯 于 郕。
秋,七 月,壬,辰 朔,日 有 食 之,既。
公 子 翬 如 齊 逆 女。
九 月,齊 侯 送 姜 氏于 讙。
公 會 齊 侯 于 讙。
夫 人 姜 氏 至 自 齊。
冬,齊 侯 使 其 弟 年 來 聘。
有 年。
左 傳 曰,三 年,春,曲 沃 武 公 伐 翼,次 于 陘 庭,韓 萬 御 戎,梁 弘
為 右,逐 翼 侯 于 汾 隰,驂 絓 而 止,夜 獲 之,及 欒 共 叔。會 于 嬴。成 昏 于 齊 也。
夏,齊 侯 衛 侯 胥 命 于 蒲。不 盟 也。
公 會 杞 侯 于 郕。杞 求 成 也。
秋,公 子 翬 如 齊 逆 女。脩 先 君 之 好,故 曰 公 子。齊 侯 送 姜
氏。
非 禮 也。凡 公 女 嫁 于 敵 國,姊 妹 則 上 卿 送 之,以 禮 於 先
君,公 子 則 下 卿 送 之,於 大 國 雖 公 子 亦 上 卿 送 之,於 天 子,則 諸 卿 皆 行,公 不 自 送,於 小 國 則 上 大 夫 送
之。
冬,齊 仲 年 來 聘。致 夫 人 也。
芮 伯 萬 之 母 芮 姜,惡 芮 伯 之 多 寵 人 也,故 逐 之,出 居 于
魏。 四 年
四 年,春,正 月,公 狩 于 郎。
夏,天 王 使 宰 渠 伯 糾 來 聘。
左 傳 曰,四 年,春,正 月,公 狩 于 郎。書 時,禮 也。
夏,周 宰 渠 伯 糾 來 聘。父 在,故 名。
秋,秦 師 侵 芮,敗 焉,小 之 也。冬 王 師 秦 師 圍 魏,執 芮 伯 以
歸。 五 年
五 年,春,正 月,甲 戌,己 丑,陳 侯 鮑 卒。
夏,齊 侯 鄭 伯 如 紀。
天 王 使 仍 叔 之 子 來 聘。
葬 陳 桓 公。
城 祝 丘。
秋,蔡 人,衛 人,陳 人,從 王 伐 鄭。
大 雩。
螽。
冬,州 公 如 曹。
左 傳 曰,五 年,春,正 月,甲 戌 己 丑,陳 侯 鮑 卒。再 赴 也。於 是 陳
亂,文 公 子 佗 殺 大 子 免 而 代 之,公 疾 病 而 亂 作,國 人 分 散,故 再 赴。
夏,齊 侯 鄭 伯 朝 于 紀。欲 以 襲 之,紀 人 知 之。
仍 叔 之 子。弱 也。
王 奪 鄭 伯 政,鄭 伯 不 朝。秋,王 以 諸 侯 伐 鄭。鄭 伯 禦 之。王 為
中 軍,虢 公 林 父 將 右 軍,蔡 人 衛 人 屬 焉,周 公 黑 肩 將 左 軍,陳人 屬 焉。鄭 子 元 請 為 左 拒,以 當 蔡 人 衛 人,為
右 拒,以 當 陳 人,曰,陳 亂,民 莫 有 鬬 心,若 先 犯 之,必 奔,王 卒 顧 之,必 亂,蔡 衛 不 枝,固 將 先 奔,既 而 萃 於 王
卒,可 以 集 事。從 之。曼 伯 為 右 拒,祭 仲 足 為 左 拒,原 繁 高 渠 彌 以 中 軍 奉 公,為 魚 麗 之 陳,先 偏 後 伍,伍 承 彌
縫,戰 于 繻 葛,命 二 拒 曰,旝 動 而 鼓。蔡 衛 陳 皆 奔,王 卒 亂,鄭 師 合以 攻 之,王 卒 大 敗,祝 聃 射 王 中 肩,王 亦 能
軍,祝 聃 請 從 之,公 曰,君 子 不 欲 多 上 人,况 敢 陵 天 子 乎,苟 自 救 也,社 稷 無 隕,多 矣。夜,鄭 伯 使 祭 足 勞 王,且
問 左 右。
秋,大 雩,書 不 時 也,凡 祀,啟 蟄 而 郊,龍 見 而 雩,始 殺 而 嘗,閉
蟄 而 烝,過 則 書。
冬,淳 于 公 如 曹,度 其 國 危,遂 不 復。 六 年
六 年,春,正 月,寔 來。
夏,四 月,公 會 紀 侯 于 郕。
秋,八 月,壬 午,大 閱。
蔡 人 殺 陳 佗。
九 月,丁 卯,子 同 生。
冬,紀 侯 來 朝。
左 傳 曰,六 年,春,自 曹 來 朝。書 曰 寔 來,不 復 其 國 也。
楚 武 王 侵 隨,使 薳 章 求 成 焉,軍 於 瑕 以 待 之,隨 人 使 少 師
董 成,鬬 伯 比 言 于 楚 子 曰,吾 不 得 志 於 漢 東 也,我 則 使 然,我 張 吾 三 軍,而 被 吾 甲 兵,以 武 臨 之,彼 則 懼 而
協 以 謀 我,故 難 間 也。漢 東 之 國 隨 為 大,隨 張,必 棄 小 國,小 國 離,楚 之 利 也,少 師 侈,請 羸 師 以 張 之。熊 率 且
比 曰,季 梁 在,何 益。鬬 伯 比 曰,以 為 後 圖,少 師 得 其 君。
王 毀 軍 而 納 少 師。少 師 歸,請 追 楚 師,隨 侯 將 許 之,季 梁 止
之 曰,天 方 授 楚,楚 之 羸,其 誘 我 也,君 何 急 焉,臣 聞 小 之 能 敵 大 也,小 道 大 淫,所 謂 道,忠 於 民 而 信 於 神
也,上 思 利 民,忠 也,祝 史 正 辭,信 也,今 民 餒 而 君 逞 欲,祝 史 矯 舉 以 祭,臣 不 知 其 可 也。公 曰,吾 牲 牷 肥 腯,粢
盛 豐 備,何 則 不 信。對 曰,夫 民,神 之 主 也,是 以 聖 王 先 成 民,而 後 致 力 於 神,故 奉 牲 以 告 曰,博 碩 肥 腯,謂 民
力 之 普 存 也,謂 其 畜 之 碩 大 蕃 滋 也,謂 其 不 疾 瘯 蠡 也,謂 其 備 腯 咸 有 也。奉 盛 以 告 曰,絜 粢 豐 盛,謂 其 三
時 不 害,而 民 和 年 豐 也,奉 酒 醴 以 告 曰,嘉 栗 旨 酒,謂 其 上 下 皆 有 嘉 德,而 無 違 心 也,所 謂 馨 香,無 讒 慝
也,故 務 其 三 時,脩 其 五 教,親 其 九 族,以 致 其 禋 祀,於 是 乎 民 和,而 神 降 之 福,故 動 則 有 成,今 民 各 有 心,而
鬼 神 乏 主,君 雖 獨 豐,其 何 福 之 有,君 姑 脩 政,而 親 兄 弟之 國,庶 免 于 難。
隨 侯 懼 而 脩 政,楚 不 敢 伐。
夏,會 于 成。紀 來 諮,謀 齊 難 也。
北 戎 伐 齊,齊 侯 使 乞 師 于 鄭,鄭 大 子 忽 帥 師 救 齊,六 月,大
敗 戎 師,獲 其 二 帥,大 良 少 良,甲 首 三 百,以 獻 於 齊,于 是 諸 侯 之 大 夫 戍 齊,齊 人 饋 之 餼,使 魯 為 其 班,後
鄭。鄭 忽 以 其 有 功 也,怒,故 有 郎 之 師。
公 之 未 昏 於 齊 也,齊 侯 欲 以 文 姜 妻 鄭 大 子 忽,大 子 忽
辭,人 問 其 故,大 子 曰,人 各 有 耦,齊 大,非 吾 耦 也,詩 云,自 求 多 福,在 我 而 已 ,大 國 何 為。君 子 曰,善 自 為
謀。及 其 敗 戎 師 也,齊 侯 又 請 妻 之,固 辭,人 問 其 故,大 子 曰,無 事 于 齊,吾 猶 不 敢,今 以 君 命 奔 齊 之 急,而 受
室 以 歸,是 以 師 昏 也,民 其 謂 我 何。遂 辭 諸 鄭 伯。
秋,大 閱。簡 車 馬 也。
九 月,丁 卯,子 同 生。以 大 子 生 之 禮 舉 之,接 以 大 牢,卜 士
負 之,士 妻 食 之,公 與 文 姜 宗 婦 命 之,公 問 名 於 申 繻。對 曰,名 有 五,有 信,有 義,有 象,有 假,有 類,以 名 生 為
信,以 德 命 為 義,以 類 命 為 象,取 於 物 為 假,取 於 父 為 類,不 以 國,不 以 官,不 以 山 川,不 以 隱 疾,不 以 畜 牲,不
以 器 幣,周 人 以 諱 事 神,名 終 將 諱 之,故 以 國 則 廢 名,以 官 則 廢 職,以 山 川 則 廢 主,以 畜 牲 則 廢 祀,以 器 幣
則 廢 禮,晉 以 僖 侯 廢 司 徒,宋 以 武 公 廢 司 空,先 君 獻 武 廢 二 山,是 以 大 物 不 可 以 命。公 曰,是 其 生 也,與 吾
同 物,命 之 曰 同。
冬,紀 侯 來 朝,請 王 命 以 求 成 于 齊,公 告 不 能。 七 年
七 年,春,二 月,己 亥,焚 咸 丘。
夏,穀 伯 綏 來 朝。
鄧 侯 吾 離 來 朝。
左 傳 曰,七 年,春,穀 伯 鄧 侯 來 朝。名,賤 之 也。
夏 盟,向,求 成 於 鄭,既 而 背 之,秋,鄭 人 齊 人 衛 人 伐 盟,向,王
遷 盟 向 之 民 於 郟。
冬,曲 沃 伯 誘 晉 小 子 侯,殺 之。 八 年
八 年,春,正 月,己 卯 烝。
天 王 使 家 父 來 聘。
夏,五 月,丁 丑,烝。
秋,伐 邾。
冬,十 月,雨 雪。
祭 公 來,遂 逆 王 后 于 紀.。
左 傳 曰,八 年,春,滅 翼。
隨 少 師 有 寵,楚 鬬 伯 比 曰,可 矣,讐 有 釁,不 可 失 也。夏,楚 子
合 諸 侯 於 沈 鹿,黃 隨 不 會,使 薳 章 讓 黃,楚 子 伐 隨,軍 於 漢 淮 之 間。季 梁 請 下 之,弗 許 而 後 戰,所 以 怒 我 而
怠 寇 也。少 師 謂 隨 侯 曰,必 速 戰,不 然,將 失 楚 師。隨 侯 禦 之,望 楚 師,季 梁 曰,楚 人 上 左,君 必 左,無 與 王 遇,且
攻 其 右,右 無 良 焉,必 敗,偏 敗,衆 乃 攜 矣。少 師 曰,不 當 王,非 敵 也。弗 從。戰 於 速 杞,隨 師 敗 績,隨 侯 逸,鬬 丹 獲
其 戎 車,與 其 戎 右 少 師。秋,隨 及 楚 平,楚 子 將 不 許,鬥 伯 比 曰,天 去 其 疾 矣,隨 未 可 克 也,乃 盟 而 還。
冬,王 命 虢 仲 立 晉 哀 侯 之 弟 緡 于 晉。
祭 公 來,遂 逆 王 后 於 紀。禮 也。
九 年,春,紀 季 姜 歸 于 京 師。
夏,四 月。
秋,七 月。
冬,曹 伯 使 其 世 子 射 姑 來 朝。
左 傳 曰,九 年,春,紀 季 姜 歸 于 京 師。凡 諸 侯 之 女 行,唯 王 后
書。
巴 子 使 韓 服 告 于 楚,請 與 鄧 為 好,楚子 使 道 朔 將 巴 客 以
聘 於 鄧。鄧 南 鄙 鄾 人,攻 而 奪 之 幣,殺 道 朔,及 巴 行 人,楚 子 使,薳 章 讓 於 鄧,鄧 人 弗 受。
夏,楚 使 鬬 廉 帥 師,及 巴 師 圍 鄾,鄧 養 甥 聃 甥 帥 師 救 鄾,三
逐 巴 師。不 克,鬬 廉 衡 陳 其 師 於 巴 師 之 中,以 戰 而 北,鄧 人 逐 之,背 巴 師 而 夾 攻 之,鄧 師 大 敗,鄾 人宵
潰。
秋,虢 仲 芮 伯 梁 伯 荀 侯 賈 伯,伐 曲 沃。
冬,曹 大 子 來 朝。賓 之 以 上 卿,禮 也。享 曹 太 子,初 獻,樂 奏 而
歎。施 父 曰,曹 大 子 其 有 憂 乎,非 歎 所 也。 十 年
十 年,春,王 正 月,庚 申,曹 伯 終生 卒。
夏,五 月,葬 曹 桓 公。
秋,公 會 衛 侯 于 桃 丘,弗 遇。
冬,十 有 二 月,丙 午,齊 侯 衛 侯 鄭 伯 來 戰 于 郎。
左 傳 曰,十 年,春,曹 桓 公 卒。
虢 仲 譖 其 大 夫 詹 父 於 王,詹 父 有 辭,以 王 師 伐 虢,夏,虢 公
出 奔 虞。
秋,秦 人 納 芮 伯 萬 於 芮。
初,虞 叔 有 玉,虞 公 求 旃,弗 獻,既 而 悔 之,曰,周 諺 有 之,匹 夫
無 罪,懷 璧 其 罪,吾 焉 用 此,其 以 賈 害 也。乃 獻 之,又 求 其 寶 劍,叔 曰,是 無 厭 也,無 厭,將 及 我。遂 伐 虞 公,故 虞
公 出 奔 共 池。
冬,齊 衛 鄭 來 戰 於 郎。我 有 辭 也。初 北 戎 病 齊,諸 侯 救 之,鄭
公 子 忽 有 功 焉,齊 人 餼 諸 侯,使 魯 次 之,魯 以 周 班 後 鄭,鄭 人 怒,請 師 於 齊,齊 人 以 衛 師 助 之,故 不 稱 侵
伐,先 書 齊 衛,王 爵 也。 十 有 一 年
十 有 一 年,春,正 月,齊 人 衛 人 鄭 人 盟 于 惡 曹。
夏,五 月,癸 未,鄭 伯 寤 生 卒。
秋,七 月,葬 鄭 莊 公。
九 月,宋 人 執 鄭 祭 仲。
突 歸 于 鄭。
鄭 忽 出 奔 衛。
柔 會 宋 公,陳 侯,蔡 叔,盟 于 折。
公 會 宋 公 于 夫 鍾。
冬,十 有 二 月,公 會 宋 公 于 闞。
左 傳 曰,十 一 年,春,齊 衛 鄭 宋 盟 於 惡 曹。
楚 屈 瑕 將 盟 貳 軫,鄖 人 軍 於 蒲 騷,將與 隨 絞 州 蓼,伐 楚
師,莫 敖 患 之,鬬 廉 曰,鄖 人 軍 其 郊,必 不 誡,且 日 虞 四 邑 之 至 也,君 次 於 郊 郢,以 禦 四 邑,我 以 銳 師 宵 加 於
鄖,鄖 有 虞 心,而 恃 其 城,莫 有 鬬 志,若 敗 鄖 師,四 邑 必 離。莫 敖 曰,盍 請 濟 師 於 王。對 曰,師 克 在 和,不 在 衆,商
周 之 不 敵,君 之 所 聞 也,成 軍 以 出,又 何 濟 焉。莫 敖 曰,卜 之。對 曰,卜 以 决 疑,不 疑 何 卜。遂 敗 鄖 師 於 蒲 騷,卒
盟 而 還。
鄭 昭 公 之 敗 北 戎 也,齊 人 將 妻 之,昭公 辭,祭 仲 曰,必 取
之,君 多 內 寵,子 無 大 援,將 不 立,三 公 子 皆 君 也。弗 從。
夏,鄭 莊 公 卒。初,祭 封 人 仲 足 有 寵 於 莊 公,莊 公 使 為 卿,為
公 娶 鄧 曼,生 昭 公,故 祭 仲 立 之。
宋 雍 氏 女 於 鄭 莊 公 曰 雍 姞,生 厲 公,雍 氏 宗 有 寵 於 宋 莊
公,故 誘 祭 仲 而 執 之,曰,不 立 突,將 死。亦 執 厲 公 而 求 賂 焉,祭 仲 與 宋 人 盟,以 厲 公 歸,而 立 之。秋,九 月,丁
亥,昭 公 奔 衛。已 亥,厲 公 立。 十 有 二 年
十 有 二 年,春,正 月。
夏,六 月,壬 寅,公 會 杞 侯 莒 子 盟 于 曲 池。
秋,七 月,丁 亥,公 會 宋 公 燕 人,盟 于 穀 丘。
八 月,壬 辰,陳 侯 躍 卒。
公 會 宋 公 于 虛。
冬,十 有 一 月,公 會 宋 公 于 龜。
丙 戌,公 會 鄭 伯 盟 于 武 父。
丙 戌,衛 侯 晉 卒。
十 有 二 月,及 鄭 師 伐 宋,丁 未,戰 于宋。
左 傳 曰,十 二 年,夏,盟 于 曲 池,平 杞 莒 也。
公 欲 平 宋 鄭,秋,公 及 宋 公 盟 于 句 瀆 之 丘。
宋 成 未 可 知 也,故 又 會 于 虛。冬,又 會 于 龜。
宋 公 辭 平,故 與 鄭 伯 盟 于 武 父,
遂 帥 師 而 伐 宋,戰 焉,宋 無 信 也。君 子 曰,苟 信 不 繼,盟 無 益
也,詩 云,
君 子 屢 盟,亂 是 用 長,無 信 也。
楚 伐 絞,軍 其 南 門,莫 敖 屈 瑕 曰,絞 小 而 輕,輕 則 寡 謀,謀
無 扞 采 樵 者 以 誘 之。從 之。絞 人 獲 三 十 人,明 日,絞 人 爭 出,驅 楚 役 徒 於 山 中,楚 人 坐 其 北 門,而 覆 諸 山
下,大 敗 之,為 城 下 之 盟 而 還。伐 絞 之 役,楚 師 分 涉 於 彭,羅 人 欲 伐 之,使 伯 嘉 諜 之,三 巡 數 之。 十 有 三 年
十 有 三 年,春,二 月,公 會 紀 侯 鄭 伯,己 巳,及 齊 侯 宋 公,衛 侯
燕 人 戰。齊 師,宋 師,衛 師,燕 師,敗 績。
三 月,葬 衛 宣 公。
夏,大 水。
秋,七 月。
冬,十 月。
左 傳 曰,十 三 年,春,楚 屈 瑕 伐 羅,鬬 伯 比 送 之,還,謂 其 御
曰,莫 敖 必 敗,舉 趾 高,心 不 固 矣。遂 見 楚 子,曰,必 濟 師。楚 子 辭 焉,入 告 夫 人 鄧 曼,鄧 曼 曰,大 夫 其 非 衆 之
謂,其 謂 君 撫 小 民 以 信,訓 諸 司 以 德,而 威 莫 敖 以 刑 也,莫 敖 狃 於 蒲 騷 之 役,將 自 用 也,必 小 羅,君 若 不 鎮
撫,其 不 設 備 乎,夫 固 謂 君 訓 衆 而 好 鎮 撫 之,召 諸 司 而 勸 之 以 令 德,見 莫 敖 而 告 諸 天 之 不 假 易 也,不
然,夫 豈 不 知 楚 師 之 盡 行 也。楚 子 使 賴 人 追 之,不 及。莫 敖 使 徇 於 師 曰,諫 者 有 刑。及 鄢,亂 次 以 濟,遂 無
次,且 不 設 備,及 羅,羅 與 盧 戎 兩 軍 之,大 敗 之。莫 敖 縊 於 荒 谷,羣 帥 囚 於 冶 父,以 聽 刑,楚 子 曰,孤 之 罪 也。皆
免 之。
宋 多 責 賂 於 鄭,鄭 不 堪 命,故 以 紀 魯 及 齊 與 宋 衛 燕 戰。不
書 所 戰,後 也。鄭 人 來 請 脩 好。 十 有 四 年
十 有 四 年,春,正 月,公 會 鄭 伯 于 曹。
無 冰。
夏,五。鄭 伯 使 其 弟 語 來 盟。
秋,八 月,壬 申,御 廩 災。
乙 亥,嘗。
冬,十 有 二 月,丁 巳,齊 侯 祿 父 卒。
宋 人 以 齊 人,蔡 人,衛 人,陳 人,伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,十 四 年,春,會 於 曹。曹 人 致 餼,禮 也。
夏,鄭 子 人 來,尋 盟,且 脩 曹 之 會。
秋,八 月,壬 申,御 廩 災,乙 亥,嘗。書 不 害 也。
冬,宋 人 以 諸 侯 伐 鄭。報 宋 之 戰 也。焚 渠 門,入 及 大 逵,伐 東
郊,取 牛 首,以 大 宮 之 椽,歸 為 盧 門 之 椽。
十 有 五 年,春,二 月,天 王 使 家 父來 求 車。
三 月,乙 未,天 王 崩。
夏,四 月,己巳,葬 齊 僖 公。
五 月,鄭 伯 突 出 奔 蔡。
鄭 世 子 忽 復 歸 于 鄭。
許 叔 入 于 許。
公 會 齊 侯 于 艾。
邾 人,牟 人,葛 人 來 朝。
秋,九 月,鄭 伯 突 入 于 櫟。
冬,十 有 一 月,公 會 宋 公,衛 侯,陳 侯,于 袲,伐 鄭。
左 傳 曰,十 五 年,春,天 王 使 家 父 來 求 車。非 禮 也。諸 侯 不 貢
車 服,天 子 不 私 求 財。
祭 仲 專,鄭 伯 患 之,使 其 壻 雍 糾 殺 之,將 享 諸 郊,雍 姬 知
之,謂 其 母 曰,父 與 夫 孰 親。其 母 曰,人 盡 夫也,父 一 而 已,胡 可 比 也。遂 告 祭 仲 曰,雍 氏 舍 其 室,而 將 享 子 於
郊,吾 惑 之,以 告。祭 仲 殺 雍 糾,尸 諸 周 氏 之 汪。公 載 以 出,曰,謀 及婦 人,宜 其 死 也。夏,厲 公 出 奔 蔡。
六 月,乙 亥,昭 公 入。
許 叔 入 於 許。
公 會 齊 侯 于 艾。謀 定 許 也。
秋,鄭 伯 因 櫟 人 殺 檀 伯,而 遂 居 櫟。
冬,會 于 袲。謀 伐 鄭,將 納 厲 公 也,弗 克 而 還。
十 有 六 年,春,正 月,公 會 宋 公 蔡 侯 衛 侯 于 曹。
夏,四 月,公 會 宋 公,衛 侯,陳 侯,蔡 侯,伐 鄭。
秋,七 月,公 至 自 伐 鄭。
冬,城 向。
十 有 一 月,衛 侯 朔 出 奔 齊。
左 傳 曰,十 六 年,春,正 月,會 於 曹。謀 伐 鄭 也。
夏,伐 鄭。秋,七 月,公 至 自 伐 鄭。以 飲 至 之 禮 也。
冬,城 向,書 時 也。
初,衛 宣 公 烝 於 夷 姜,生 急 子,屬 諸 右 公 子,為 之 娶 於 齊 而
美,公 取 之,生 壽 及 朔,屬 壽 於 左 公 子,夷 姜 縊,宣 姜 與 公 子 朔 構 急 子,公 使 諸 齊,使 盜 待 諸 莘,將 殺 之,壽子
告 之,使 行,不 可,曰 棄 父 之 命,惡 用 子 矣,有 無 父 之 國,則 可 也。及 行,飲 以 酒,壽 子 載 其 旌 以 先,盜 殺 之。急 子
至,曰,我 之 求 也,此 何 罪,請 殺 我 乎,又 殺 之。二 公 子 故 怨 惠 公。十 一 月,左 公 子 洩,右 公 子 職,立 公 子 黔 牟。惠
公 奔 齊。
十 有 七 年,春,正 月,丙 辰,公 會 齊 侯,紀 侯,盟 于 黃。
二 月,丙 午,公 會 邾 儀 父,盟 于 趡。
夏,五 月,丙 午,及 齊 師 戰 于 奚。
六 月,丁 丑,蔡 侯 封 人 卒。
秋,八 月,蔡 季 自 陳 歸 于 蔡。
癸 巳,葬 蔡 桓 侯。
及 宋 人,衛 人,伐 邾。
冬,十 月 朔,日 有 食 之。
左 傳 曰,十 七 年,春,盟 於 黃。平 齊 紀,且 謀 衛 故 也。
及 邾 儀 父 盟 于 趡。尋 蔑 之 盟 也。
夏,及 齊 師 戰 于 奚。疆 事 也。於 是 齊 人 侵 魯 疆,疆 吏 來 告,公
曰,疆 場 之 事,慎 守 其 一,而 備 其 不 虞,姑 盡 所 備 焉,事 至 而 戰,又 何 謁 焉。
蔡 桓 侯 卒。蔡 人 召 蔡 季 於 陳。秋,蔡 季 自 陳 歸 於 蔡。蔡 人 嘉
之 也。
伐 邾。宋 志 也。
冬,十 月 朔,日 有 食 之。不 書 日,官 失 之 也,天 子 有 日 官,諸
侯 有 日 御,日 官 居 卿 以 底 日,禮 也。日 御 不 失 日,以 授 百 官 於 朝。
初,鄭 伯 將 以 高 渠 彌 為 卿,昭 公 惡 之,固 諫 不 聽,昭 公
立,懼 其 殺 己 也,辛 卯,弒 昭 公 而 立 公 子 亹。君 子 謂 昭 公 知 所 惡 矣。公 子 達 曰,高 伯 其 為 戮 乎,復 惡 已 甚
矣。
十 有 八 年,春,王 正 月,公 會 齊 侯 于 濼,公 與 夫 人 姜 氏 遂 如
齊。
夏,四 月,丙 子,公 薨 于 齊,丁 酉,公 之 喪 至 自 齊。
秋,七 月。
冬,十 有 二 月,己 丑,葬 我 君 桓 公。
左 傳 曰,十 八 年,春,公 將 有 行,遂 與 姜 氏 如 齊。申 繻 曰,女 有
家,男 有 室 ,無 相 瀆 也,謂 之 有 禮,易 此 必 敗。公 會 齊 侯 于 濼。遂 及 文 姜 如 齊。齊 侯 通 焉,公 謫 之,以 告。
夏,四 月,丙 子,享 公,使 公 子 彭 生 乘 公,公 薨 于 車。魯 人 告 于
齊 曰,寡 君 畏 君 之 威,不 敢 寕 居,來 修 舊 好,禮 成 而 不 反,無 所 歸 咎,惡 於 諸 侯,請 以 彭 生 除 之。齊 人 殺 彭
生。
秋,齊 侯 師 于 首 止,子 亹 會 之,高 渠 彌 相。七 月,戊 戌,齊 人 殺
子 亹,而 轘 高 渠 彌,祭 仲 逆 鄭 子 於 陳 而 立 之。是 行 也,祭 仲 知 之,故 稱 疾 不 往。人 曰,祭 仲 以 知 免,仲 曰,信
也。
周 公 欲 弒 莊 王,而 立 王 子 克。辛 伯 告王,遂 與 王 殺 周 公 黑
肩,王 子 克 奔 燕。初,子 儀 有 寵 於 桓 王,桓 王 屬 諸 周 公,辛 伯 諫 曰,並 后,匹 嫡,兩 政,耦 國,亂 之 本 也。周 公 弗
從,故 及。
|
|
BOOK II. DUKE HUAN.I. First year.
1. In his first year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke succeeded duke Yin.
2. In the third month, the duke had a
meeting with the earl of Zheng in Chui.
3. The earl of Zheng borrowed the fields of
Xu for a bi symbol.
4. In summer, in the fourth month, on [the
day] Dingwei, the duke and the earl of Zheng made a covenant in Yue.
5. In autumn there were great floods.
6. It was winter, the tenth month.
COMMENTARY
The title of the Book. 桓公, 'Duke Huan.' See
what is said on the title of the former book, where it is related how this Huan
was a younger brother of Yin, and would have succeeded to the marquisate on
their father's death but for his youth. It appears that Yin had always intended
to resign the dignity in his favour, when he should have grown up. The young
man, however, was impatient, or perhaps he was doubtful of his brother's
intentions; so he lent a ready ear to the slanders of their near relative
Gongzi Hui, and gave his sanction to the murder of Yin. He thus became
marquis of Lu by a deed of atrocious guilt.—Sima Qian gives his name as Yun
允, while other authorities say that it was Gui 軌. The honorary title Huan
denotes— Extender of cultivation and Subjugator of the distant 辟 土 服 遠 曰 桓.
Huan's rule lasted 18 years, B. C. 710—93.
His 1st year synchronized with the 9th year of king Huan; the 20th year of Xi
of Qi; the 7th year of Ai 哀 of Jin; the 8th of Xuan 宣 of Wey; the 4th of
Huan 桓 of Cai; the 33d of Zhuang of Zheng; the 46th of Huan of Cao; the
34th of Huan of Chen; the 40th of Wu of Qi 杞; the 9th of Shang 殤 of Song; the
5th of Ning 寧 of Qin; and the 30th of Wu of Chu.
Par. 1. After what has been said on all the
phrases in this par. in the notes on the 1st par. of the former Book, it is
only necessary to deal here, rather more at large, with the characters 即位. They
are somewhat difficult to translate. To say 'came to the throne' would be
inaccurate, because Lu was only one of the feudal States of the kingdom; and
'came to the place' or 'to the seat,' would be awkward. The reader will see how
I have dealt with it. On the death of duke Yin, in the 11th month of the year
before, his brother had immediately taken his place; still what remained in
that year was counted to Yin, and the first day of the next, his successor
announced the beginning of the new rule in the ancestral temple,—changed the
beginning 改元,' as it is called,—and took solemn possession of the vacant
dignity. This is the accession in the text; but here comes a great questioning
with the critics. It seems to be a rule in the Chunqiu that the phrase
'came to the place' is not used where the preceding marquis has been murdered.
So we find it at the accessions of Zhuang, Min, and Xi. How is it that we find
the phrase here, describing the accession of Huan, chargeable with being
accessory to the murder of his brother? The answer given by Zhu Xi is the only
sensible one. The paragraph simply relates what took place. Huan omitted no
ceremony that should have been proper on the occasion. He denied that he had
been a party to the murder, and would have his accession gone about, as if Yin
had died a natural death. No contrivances of Confucius, to construct his record
so as to brand the new marquis, were necessary. His own conduct was the
strongest condemnation of him.
Par. 2. Chui,—see on I. viii. 1; but if
Chui belonged to Wey, as is stated there, Du Yu thinks it would hardly have
been the meeting place of the marquis of Lu and the earl of Zheng. Jia Kui 賈
逵 thought it was in Lu, which seems more likely;—it is easier to suppose that
the lords of Song and Wey might have met in Lu on the occasion in I. viii. 1.
This point, however, need not affect the identification of the place, for Lu
and Wey were conterminous on the northwest of Lu. Huan would be glad to get
the countenance of Zheng, considering the circumstances in which he had just
succeeded to Lu, and it appears from the next par. that Zheng had also
something to gain by the meeting.
Par. 3. See the Zhuan on I. viii. 2, and
Du Yu's explanation of it. Zuoshi says here:—‘The duke on his accession would
cultivate the friendship of Zheng, and the earl 鄭 人 again requested liberty to
sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, and to complete the exchange of the fields of
Beng. The duke acceded, and in the 3d month the earl borrowed the fields of Xu
for a bi-stone;—with reference to the sacrifice to the duke of Zhou, and to
Beng.' It would appear that the exchange of the lands of Beng and Xu, proposed
by Zheng to duke Yin, had not as yet taken full effect. Lu had taken
possession of Beng, but Xu had not been given over to Zheng. Whatever
difficulty there was in the matter was now adjusted. Kong Yingda thinks that
Xu was of more value than Beng, and that Lu required something additional for
it; and Su Che and Hu An'guo follow his view. Chen Fuliang 陳 傳 良 of the
Song dynasty) thinks that the addition of the bi and the word 'borrowing'
were simply to gloss over the transaction. This is more likely. For the two
princes to exchange lands granted to their States by an act of the royal House,
without any reference to the reigning king, shows how his authority was
reduced.
The bi was one of the five sceptres or
symbols of rank held by the princes from the king. Counts and barons received
bi, differentiated by the figures engraved upon them. But the princes carried
other bi, called 琢 璧, in their visits among themselves; and it was, no doubt,
one of these which was given at this time to Lu. All the bi were made
round.
Par. 4. Yue is the same as Chui; and the
place had thus three names;—Chui, Yue, and Quanqiu. This covenant was the
sequel of the meeting in p. 2, 'to settle finally the exchange of Beng and
Xu.' Zuoshi says that among the words of the covenant were these,—'May he who
departs from this covenant not enjoy his State!'
Par. 5. Acc. to Zuoshi, the phrase 大 水,
'great floods,' is used when the water is out all over the level plains.
Par. 6. See on I. vi. 3.
The Zhuan appends here:—
['In winter, the earl of Zheng [came, or
sent] to render thanks for the covenant.'
'Huafu Du of Song happened to see the
wife of Kongfu [Confucius' ancestor] on the way. He gazed at her as she
approached, and followed her with his eyes when she had passed, saying, "How
handsome and beautifull"'] II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring,
in the king's first month, on [the day] Wushen, Du of Song murdered his ruler
Yuyi, and the great officer Kongfu.
2. The viscount of Teng appeared at the
court of Lu.
3. In the third month, the duke had a
meeting with the marquis of Qi, the marquis of Chen, and the earl of Zheng,
at Ji, to settle the confusion of Song.
4. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke
brought the tripod of Gao from Song, and on [the day] Wushen deposited it in
the Grand temple.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, the
marquis of Qi came to the court of Lu.
6. The marquis of Cai and the earl of
Zheng had a meeting at Deng.
7. In the ninth month we entered Qi.
8. The duke and the Rong made a covenant in
Tang.
9. In winter the duke arrived from Tang.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The Zhuan at the end of last year
was preliminary to this par. Zuoshi adds here:——In the duke's 2d year, in
spring, Du attacked the Kong family, killed Kongfu, and carried off his
wife. The duke was angry, and Du, in fear, proceeded also to murder him. The
superior man understands that Du was one who had no regard for his ruler in
his heart, and that thence proceeded his wicked movements. It is on this
account that the text mentions first his murder of his ruler, though it was
second in point of fact.' See farther on par. 3.
Huafu Du was a grandson of duke Dai (戴)
of Song (died B.C. 765). See about Kongfu Jia in the proleg. to vol.I., p. 57.
The 父, written sometimes 甫, is a respectful adjunct sometimes of the clan-name,
and sometimes of the designation.
Par. 2. See on I. xi. 1. The only thing to
be noticed here is the descent of the title from 'marquis' to 'viscount,' which
has given rise to an immense amount of speculation and writing. Hu An'guo's
view may be mentioned,—that Confucius here degrades the marquis to condemn him
for visiting a villain like the duke of Lu! The only satisfactory account of
the difference of the titles is that given by Du Yu, that, for some reason or
other, the lord of Teng had been degraded in rank by king Huan.—The visit was,
no doubt, to congratulate duke Huan on his succession. According to the rule in
the Zhou li (see on I.xi.1), all the other princes in this part of the kingdom
should in the same way have come to Lu.
Par. 3. Ji was in Song;—somewhere in the
pres. dep. of Kaifeng. Zuoshi says that though the meeting is cautiously said
in the text to have been 'to settle the confusion of Song,' it was really
brought about by bribes (see on next par.), to maintain the power of the Hua
family. He adds:——During the 10 years of duke Shang's rule in Song, he had
fought 11 battles, so that the people were not able to endure the constant
summonses to the field. Kongfu Jia was the minister of War, and Du was the
premier of the State. Taking advantage of the dissatisfaction of the people,
Du first set on foot a report that the constant fighting was owing to the
minister of War, and then, after killing Kongfu, he murdered duke Shang.
Immediately after, he called duke Zhuang (the Gongzi Ping; see the Zhuan on
I. iii. 5) from Zheng, and raised him to the dukedom;—in order to please
Zheng, bribing also the duke of Lu with the great tripod of Gao. Qi,
Chen, and Zheng all received bribes, and so Du acted as chief minister to
the duke of Song.'
Par. 4. We have met with a city of Gao
already in Song;—see I. x. 4. If Gao mentioned here were not the same, it is
yet placed by Du in the same dis., that of Chengwu in Yanzhou dep. Perhaps
there had been a small State of this name, which had been absorbed by Song. The
tripod in the text had belonged to it, either made in Gao, or more probably
presented to it by king Wu, when he distributed among the princes many of the
spoils of Shang. It was now held by Song, and as a valuable curio was given at
this time by Hua Du as a bribe to Lu. I have translated 取 by 'brought,'
without seeking to find any mysterious implication in its employment,—that the
'marquis of Lu was taking from Song what Song had no right to give, and he had
no right to receive.' The 'grand temple' was that of the duke of Zhou.
There is here a long Zhuan:——This act of
the duke was not proper, and Zang Aibo [son of Zang Xibo, famous for his
remonstrance addressed to duke Yin;—see I. v. 1] remonstrated with him, saying,
"He who is a ruler of men makes it his object to illustrate his virtue, and to
repress in others what is wrong, that he may shed an enlightening influence on
his officers. He is still afraid lest in any way he should fail to accomplish
these things; and moreover he seeks to display excellent virtue for the benefit
of his posterity. Thus it is that his ancestral temple has a roof of thatch;
the mats in his grand chariot are only of grass; the grand soups [grand, as
used in sacrifice] are without condiments; the millets are not finely
cleaned:—all these are illustrations of his thrift. His robe, cap, kneecovers,
and mace; his girdle, lower robe, buskins, and shoes; the crosspiece of his
cap, its stopper pendants, its fastening strings, and its crown;—all these
illustrate his observance of the statutory measures. His gem-mats, and his
scabbard, with its ornaments above and below; his belt, with its descending
ends: the streamers of his flags and the ornaments at his horses'
breasts:—these illustrate his attention to the regular degrees of rank. The
flames, the dragons, the axes, and the symbol of distinction represented on his
robes:——these illustrate the elegance of his taste. The five colours laid on in
accordance with the appearances of nature;—these illustrate with what propriety
his articles are made. The bells on his horses' foreheads and bits, and those
on his carriage pole and on his flags:—these illustrate his knowledge of
sounds. The sun, moon and stars represented on his flags:—these illustrate the
brightness of his intelligence.
"Now when thus virtuously thrifty and
observant of the statutes, attentive to the degrees of high and low; his
character stamped on his elegant robes and his carriage; sounded forth also and
brightly displayed:—when thus he presents himself for the enlightenment of his
officers, they are struck with awe, and do not dare to depart from the rules
and laws. But now you are extinguishing your virtue, and have given your
support to a man altogether bad. You have placed moreover the bribe received
from him in the grand temple, to exhibit it to your officers. If your officers
copy your example, on what ground can you punish them? The ruin of States and
clans takes its rise from the corruption of the officers. Officers lose their
virtue, when the fondness for bribes on the part of their ruler is displayed to
them; and here is the tripod of Gao in your temple, so that this could not be
more plainly displayed! When king Wu had subdued Shang, he removed the nine
tripods to the city of Luo, and the righteous Boyi 伯夷 and others, it would appear,
condemned him for it; but what can be said when this bribe is seen in the grand
temple,—this bribe of wickedness and disorder?" The duke did not listen to the
remonstrance, but when Zhou's historiographer of the Interior heard of it, he
said, "Zangsun Da shall have posterity in Lu! His prince was doing wrong,
and he neglected not to administer to him virtuous reproof."'
Parr. 5,7. See I.iv. 1; and p. 2. Zuoshi
says that the marquis of Qi behaved at this time disrespectfully, and that it
was to punish him for this that the expedition in p. 7 was undertaken. Gongyang
and Guliang, however, read 紀 instead of 杞 in p. 5.
Par. 6. There was a small State called
Deng, a long way off to the west near the river Han; but the Deng here was a
city of Cai, 35 li southeast from the pres. dis. city of Yancheng (郾成) dep.
Kaifeng. Acc. to Zuoshi, the lords of Cai and Zheng met here, in fear for
the first time of the encroachments and growing power of Chu.
Parr. 8,9. See I. ii. 1,4. The duke and
the Rong met now, says Zuoshi, to renew the good relations between the Rong and
Lu. The 至 in p. 9, intimates that the duke on his return to Lu gave notice of
his arrival in his ancestral temple. Zuoshi says:—‘On setting out on any
expedition, the duke announced the movement in the ancestral temple. On his
return, he drank in celebration of that 飲 至 in the temple; and when he put down
the cup, he had the transaction entered in the tablets;—this was the rule. When
only two parties were concerned at a meeting [as in these parr.], the place of
it is mentioned both in the account of the setting out and of the return, as if
to signify how each had declined to take the presidency. When three or more
parties were concerned, then the place is mentioned in the account of the
going, and on the return it is said, "The duke came from the meeting,"
intimating that there was a president, and the business was completed.'
[Zuoshi has here a narrative about the
affairs of Jin:—‘Years back, the wife of Mu, marquis of Jin (B. C. 811—84),
a lady Jiang, gave birth to her eldest son, at the time of the expedition
against Tiao, and on that account there was given him the name of Qiu 仇 =
"enemy,"). His brother was born at the time of the battle of Qianmou, and he
got with reference to it the name of Chengshi 成 師 = 'grand success"). Shifu
said, "How strange the names our lord has given to his sons! Now names should
be definitions of what is right; the doing of what is right produces rules of
what is proper; those rules again are embodied in the practice of government;
and government has its issues in the rectification of the people. Therefore
when government is completed in this way, the people are obedient; when this
course is changed, it produces disorder. A good partner is called Fei (妃
'consort'); a grumbling partner is called Qiu (仇 'enemy'):—these are ancient
designations. Now our lord has called his eldest son Enemy, and his second son
Grand Success;—this is an early omen of disorder, as if the elder brother would
be superseded." In the 24th year of duke Hui of Lu (B. C. 744), Jin began to
be in confusion, and the marquis Zhao [son of Qiu above] appointed Huanshu
[his uncle, the above Chengshi] to Quwo, with Luan Bin, grandson of the
marquis Jing, as his minister. Shifu said, "I have heard that in the setting
up of States and clans, in order to the security of the parent State, while its
root is large, the branches must be small. Therefore the son of Heaven
establishes States; princes of States establish clans. Heads of clans establish
collateral families; great officers have their secondary branches; officers
have their sons and younger brothers as their servants; and the common people,
mechanics and traders, have their different relatives of various degrees. In
this way the people serve their superiors, and inferiors cherish no ambitious
designs. Now Jin is a marquisate in the Dian (甸) domain; and, establishing
this State, can it continue long, its root so weak? In the 30th year of duke
Hui, Panfu killed the marquis Zhao, and endeavoured without success to
establish Huanshu in Jin. The people of Jin appointed the marquis Xiao. In
the 45th year of duke Hui, Zhuang, earl of Quwo, attacked Yi, and
murdered the marquis Xiao. The people of Jin set up his younger brother, the
marquis E. E begat the marquis Ai. Ai overran the lands of Xingting,
which were on his southern border, and so opened the way for Quwo to attack
Yi.'] III. Third year.
1. In his third year, in spring, in the
first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi in Ying.
2. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the
marquis of Wey pledged each other at Pu.
3. In the sixth month, the duke had a
meeting with the marquis of Qi in Cheng.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the
day] Renchen, the first day of the moon, the sun was totally eclipsed.
5. Duke [Xiao's] son, Hui, went to Qi,
to meet the [duke's] bride.
6. In the ninth month, the marquis of Qi
escorted his daughter to Huan.
7. The duke and the marquis of Qi had a
meeting in Huan.
8. The [duke's] wife, the lady Jiang,
arrived from Qi.
9. In winter, the marquis of Qi, sent his
younger brother Nian with friendly inquiries.
10. There was a good year. [Zuoshi here
continues his narrative of events in Jin: —In the 3d year, in spring, duke Wu
of Quwo [son of earl Zhuang], proceeded against Yi, and halted in
Xingting. [His uncle], Han Wan drove his chariot, having on his right Liang
Hong. They pursued the marquis of Yi [i.e., Jin] to the banks of the Fen,
when the trace of one of his outside horses got entangled about the yoke, and
the carriage stopped. They caught him in the night, and Gongshu of Luan with
him.']
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The absence of 王, 'king's,' after 春
and before 正 月, has given rise to endless speculation and conjecture,
especially as the character is wanting in most of the years of Huan. Du Yu
thinks that the king had not sent round the calendar to the princes on those
years. Guliang thinks the omission is to mark the sage's condemnation of duke
Huan's character. But then it should have been omitted every year,—especially
in the 1st. Even Du's explanation cannot be admitted in all the ommissions of
the term throughout the classic. We can only accept the omission without trying
to account for it. Ying belonged to Qi,—50 li to the southeast of the pres.
dep. city of Tai'an. The object of the meeting here was to settle a marriage
between the duke and a princess of Qi. The Kangxi editors say here that as 會
intimates that the mover to the meeting was not Lu but the outside party, and
we must suppose here that the mover was really the marquis of Lu, wishing to
strengthen himself in his ill-acquired dignity by an alliance with a powerful
House, the term is used to mark Confucius' condemnation of Qi. But the thing
itself was the condemnation of Qi, and we need not look for it in the simple
term.
Par. 2. Pu was in Wey,—in the pres. dis.
of Changyuan (長 垣) dis., dep. Daming, Zhili. 胥 命- 相 命, 'charged each other;'
i.e., the subject about which the two princes had met was put in writing, and
read out in the hearing of them both; but they separated, simply pledged to
each other in a certain line of conduct, without having gone through the
formalities of making a convenant.
Par. 3. Zuo and Gu both have here 杞 while
Gongyang reads 紀. The Kangxi editors think Gong's reading is right. Both Ji (紀)
and Cheng, they say, were afraid of Qi, and were cultivating the friendship
of Lu as a counterpoise to the other powerful State. Cheng,—see I. v.3.
Par. 4. See on I.iii.1. 既=盡, 'totally.'
There was a total eclipse in this year, on the day Renchen; but the month, acc.
to Mr. Chalmers' table, should be the 8th, and not the 7th. See prolegg. to the
Shu, p. 103.
Par. 5—. See on I.ii.5. The ancient
practice of the princes going themselves to meet their brides had long fallen
into disuse, though it might sometimes be observed, especially by the lord of a
small State intermarrying with a larger. Hui (I. iv. 5; x.2) appears here with
his full title of 'duke's son,'—acc. to Zuoshi out of respect to his father, a
former marquis of Lu, and who, it might be presumed, was pleased with the
match; but the reader need not weary himself in trying to account for the
difference of style in this matter between this and former paragraphs.
Huan was in Lu,—in pres. dis. of Feicheng
(肥城) dep. Qinan. It was contrary to the regular rule for the marquis himself
to escort his daughter; but probably he had some business of another kind to
discuss with the marquis of Lu. Zuoshi says:—— It was contrary to the rule for
the marquis of Qi to escort his daughter. In all cases of the marriages of
the daughters of princes:—if the intermarriage were with a State of equal
dignity and power, and the ladies were sisters of the ruling prince, a minister
of the highest rank escorted them, out of respect to their father, the former
lord of the State; but if they were daughters of the ruling prince, only a
minister of a lower rank escorted them; if the intermarriage were with a
greater State, even in the case of a daughter of the ruling prince, a minister
of the highest rank escorted her; if the intermarriage were with the son of
Heaven, all the ministers of the State went, only the ruler himself did not go;
and if it were with a smaller State, then the escort was only a great officer
of the 1st class.' Observe the bride is here called 姜氏 'lady Jiang,' as being
still in Qi and with her father.
The duke may be said to have observed the
ancient ceremony of meeting his bride, as Huan was on the borders between Lu
and Qi.
Par. 8. Having now entered Lu, the bride
has passed into the wife (夫 人). On 至, see the last par. of the previous
year.
Par. 9. See I. vii. 5, and note. Zuoshi
says that the object of this mission was to carry her parents' salutations to
the wife (至夫人). Du Yu adds that it was to inquire also about her deportment,
whether it was becomingly modest and reverent, and to show the earnest regard
which the union might be supposed to produce between the States. A mission of
this kind sent from Lu would be called 致 女; coming to Lu it has the general
name of 聘. Such a mission was sent three months after the lady had left her
parents. If she were not giving satisfaction, she might be returned. (So Yingda
says:—其 意 言 不 堪 事 宗 廟, 則 欲 以 之 歸).
Par. 10. The phrase 有 年 is expressive of a
good year, no crop failing (五穀皆熟). It is strange that the critics should find a
mystery in this simple paragraph, as if the sage had preserved the record to
show how things turned out in Lu as they ought not to have done under so bad a
ruler as Huan.
[Zuoshi appends here:——Rui Jiang, the
mother of Wan, earl of Rui, indignant at him because of his many favourites,
drove him out of Rui, and he took up his residence in Wei (魏).'] IV. Fourth year.
1. In his fourth year, in spring, in the
first month, the duke hunted in Lang.
2. In summer, the king [by] Heaven's
[grace], sent the [sub-] administrator, Qu Bojiu, to Lu with friendly
inquiries.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. 狩 here is the name of the winter
hunt celebrated, as Zuo says, 'at the proper season;' for in reality Zhou's 1st
month, was the 2d month of winter. This is an instance in point to show that
Zhou's 'spring' did really include two months of the natural winter. Lang,—see
I.ix. 4.
Par. 2. See I. i. 4, for the meaning of 宰.
Qu was the name of a city in Zhou, from which the official family to whom it
was granted took their clan-name. Zuoshi says the name (Bojiu) of the messenger
is given because his father was still alive. If he had not been so, we should
have read 渠 氏.
There is no entry here under autumn or
winter; not even the names of those seasons and their first months. This is
contrary to the rule of the classic, and we must believe that a portion of the
text is here lost. Of course many of the Chinese critics are unable to accept
so simple a solution of the matter, and will have it that the sage left those
seasons out of the year, to express his displeasure with duke Huan, and his
condemnation of the king for sending friendly inquiries to such a man as he
was!
[Zuoshi has two brief notes of events that
happened in the second half of this year:——In autumn, an army of Qin made a
raid on Rui, and was defeated. It was defeated through making too light of
Rui.' 'In winter a king's army and an army of Qin besieged Wei. The army of
Qin captured the earl of Rui, and carried him back to Qin with it.'] V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in
the first month, on Jiaxu or Jichou, Bao, marquis of Chen, died.
2. In summer, the marquis of Qi and the
earl of Zheng went to Ji.
3. The king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the
son of Reng Shu to Lu with friendly inquiries.
4. There was the burial of duke Huan of
Chen.
5. We walled Zhuqiu.
6. In autumn, an army of Cai, an army of
Wey, and an army of Chen followed the king and invaded Zheng.
7. There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
8. There were locusts.
9. In winter the duke of Zhou went to
Cao.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. There is here evidently some
corruption of the text. Between Jiaxu and Jichou there are 14 clear days.
We can hardly conceive how the historiographers could have entered the death of
the marquis as having occurred on the one day or the other. If by any
possibility they had done so, here, if anywhere, there was need for the pruning
pencil of Confucius (筆 削). Zuoshi says that two different announcements were
communicated to Lu, and adds, 'At this time Chen was all in confusion. Tuo,
the son of duke Wen, had killed the marquis's eldest son, Wen [so 兔 is here
read], and superseded him. The disorder arose when the marquis was very ill;
the people got scattered; and so two announcements were taken to Lu.' But this
is an explanation made to suit the text. Cheng Yi supposes that after Jiaxu
some entry has dropt out which constituted the 1st par.; and then a second par.
might commence with 已 丑. This is a reasonable conjecture, but there is another
difficulty in the text which renders it inadmissible. The day Jichou was in
the 1st month of this year, but Jiaxu was in the 12th month of the
preceding. This error of the month, as preceding 甲 戍, is equally fatal to the
solution of Gongyang and Guliang, that the marquis, in a fit of madness, or
some other way, disappeared on the first of the days mentioned, and was found
dead on the second. The text is evidently corrupt. Leave out the two
characters 甲 戍, and the difficulty disappears.
Par. 2. 如, as in III. 5, simply 往, 'to go
to.' Zuo says that 'the lords of Qi and Zheng went to the court of Ji
wishing to surprise it, and that the people of Ji knew their design.' The
marquis of Ji, it is understood, then communicated their visit and its object
to Lu, to which alone he looked for help; and so the entry of a transaction,
apparently foreign to Lu, was made by its historiographers. We shall see,
hereafter, that Ji's fear of Qi was well founded.
Par. 3. For 仍 Guliang has 任. Compare I.
iii. 4. Reng Shu must have been a great officer of Zhou. The critics are much
concerned to determine whether Reng Shu himself were dead, or only old, so
that his son was employed instead of him, and whether he took it upon him to
send his son, or the son was directly commissioned by the king. The last point
seems to be settled by the text; the others only give rise to uncertain
speculations. Zuoshi simply says the messenger was 'a youth (弱 也).'
Par. 5. Zhuqiu is believed to have been
50 li to the southeast of the pres. dep. city of Yizhou. Du thinks it was
walled as a precaution, in consequence of the designs of Qi on Ji.
Par. 6. On this paragraph Zuoshi gives us
the following narrative:——The king deprived the earl of Zheng of all share in
the government of the kingdom, and the earl in consequence no more appeared at
court. In autumn the king led several of the princes to invade Zheng, when the
earl withstood him. The king drew up his forces so that he himself was in the
centre, while Linfu, duke of Guo, commanded the army of the right, having the
troops of Cai and Wey attached to him, and Heijian, duke of Zhou, commanded
on the left, having the troops of Chen. Ziyuan of Zheng asked the earl to
draw their troops up in squares, on the left opposed to the armies of Cai and
Wey, and on the right to the men of Chen. "Chen," said he, "is at this time
all in confusion, and the people have no heart to fight. If we attack them
first, they will be sure to run. The king's soldiers seeing this will fall into
disorder, and the troops of Cai and Wey will set them the example of flight
without making any resistance. Let us then collect our troops and fall upon the
king;—in this way we may calculate on success." The earl followed this counsel.
Manbo commanded the square on the right; Zhai Zhongzu that on the left;
while Yuan Fan and Gao Qumi, with the earl, led the centre, which was drawn
up in fish-scale array. There was always a force of 25 chariots, supported by 5
files of 5 men each, to maintain a close and unbroken front. The battle was
fought at Xuge. The earl commanded the squares on the right and left to wait
till they saw his flag waved, and then to advance with drums beating. The
troops of Cai, Wey, and Chen all fled, while the king's were thrown into
disorder. The forces of Zheng then united in an attack on the opposite centre.
The king received a great defeat, and an arrow shot by Zhu Dan wounded him in
the shoulder; but, notwithstanding this, he retreated, still maintaining an
able fight. Zhu Dan asked leave to pursue him, but the earl said, "A superior
man does not wish to be always showing superiority over others; much less dare
he offer insult to the son of Heaven! If we manage to save ourselves, and the
altars of Zheng take no damage, we have accomplished very much." At night he
sent Zu of Zhai to comfort the king, and to ask after the welfare of his
officers.'
Par. 7. 雲=旱祭, 'a sacrifice in time of
drought.' The Zhuan says that to offer this sacrifice—or at least the grand
sacrifice for rain—in the autumn was unseasonable, and therefore the record of
it appears here. Zuoshi adds:—‘With regard to the sacrifices in general, at the
season of Qizhe ['the emergence of insects from their burrows;'—the 1st month
of Xia, and the 3d of the Zhou year], the border sacrifice [to Heaven] was
offered; at the season of Longxian ['the appearance of the Dragon (see the Shu,
on Pt. I., par. 5);'—the 4th month of Xia, and the 6th of Zhou], the sacrifice
for rain; at the season of Shisha ['comencement of death:' —the 8th month of
Xia, and the 10th of Zhou], the Chang or sacrifice of first fruits; and at the
season of Bizhe ['the closing of insects in their burrows;'—the 10th month of
Xia, and 12th of Zhou], the Zheng or winter sacrifice. If any of those
sacrifices were offered after the season for them, the historiographers made an
entry of it.' According then to Zuoshi, this sacrifice for rain was competent
to Zhou and its various States only in the 6th month, its object being to
supplicate for rain in the beginning of summer, that there might be a good
harvest;—of course it was out of season to offer this sacrifice in any month of
Zhou's autumn. But I believe, with Mao Qiling, that, while there was the
regular sacrifice at the beginning of the natural summer, special sacrifices
might be offered at any season of prolonged drought, and it does not follow,
therefore, that the sacrifice in the text was unseasonable. As to the name
'grand,' characterizing the sacrifice here, it has given rise to much
controversy. Jia Kui thought the sacrifice was addressed to Heaven or God by
the princes of Lu, under sanction of the grant to their ancestor to use
imperial rites, and is therefore here called 'grand.' This point we must
leave.
Par. 8. 蟲 (in Kungyang, ) are described by
Du Yu as 蜈蚣之蜀, 'a kind of locusts.'
Par. 9. Zhou was a small State, in pres.
dis. of Anqiu (安 丘), dep. Qingzhou. Its prince appears here with the title
of duke; —it is supposed because some previous lord had been one of the three
Gong or dukes at the king's court. His capital was Chunyu (淳 于). Cao was an
earldom, held by the descendants of one of the sons of king Wen;—its capital
was Taoqiu (陶 丘), in pres. dis. of Dingtao (定陶), dep. Caozhou (曹州). Zuoshi says
on the par:—‘In winter, the duke of Chunyu went to Cao, reckoning that his
State was in a perilous state; and he did not return to it.' VI.Sixth year.
1. In the [duke's sixth year, in spring, in
the first month, Shi came to Lu.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke
had a meeting with the marquis of Ji in Cheng.
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Renwu, [the duke] held a grand military review.
4. The people of Cai put to death Tuo of
Chen.
5. In the ninth month, on [the day]
Dingmao, the [duke's] son, Tong, was born.
6. In winter, the marquis of Ji came
to [our] court.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. According to all the three Zhuan,
this is a continuation of the last par. in last year. Zuoshi says:——In the
spring, he came from Cao to the court of Lu. The text 寔 來 intimates that he
did not return again to his own State.' In this way, 寔='for good,' and Du Yu
defines it by 實. Gong and Gu explain it by 是 and 是 人, 'this man.' Cheng Yi and
Hu An'guo, however, suppose that Shi was the name of the duke of Zhou. A
prince, living, ought not to be called by his name, but this poor duke, a
fugitive from his State, never to return to it, was in his princely character
as good as dead, and might be named. The Kangxi editors say both views are to
be preserved. The point is one of trivial importance.
[There is appended here in the Zhuan the
following narrative—King Wu of Chu [this viscount of Chu had usurped the
title of 'king'] burst suddenly into Sui, and sent Wei Zhang to beg that Chu
and Sui might be on good terms with each other, meanwhile waiting with his army
at Xia for intelligence. The court of Sui sent Shaoshi [少 師; this is
evidently the name of an office; but nothing can be ascertained about it. I
have therefore followed the example of the Lieguo zhi which calls the phrase
the name of the marquis of Sui's favourite] to manage the conclusion of a
treaty of peace. Dou Bobi said to the viscount of Chu, "That we have not got
our will on the east of the Han is all owing to ourselves. We have displayed
our three armies, our men all equipt with their buff coats and weapons, and so
we have presented ourselves to the States in all our power. They have been
afraid, therefore, and have united together to provide against our designs. It
is this which makes it difficult to separate them. Of the States east of the
Han Sui is the greatest. Let Sui once be elated, and then it will spurn the
smaller States, which will become alienated from it;—this will be to the
advantage of Chu. This Shaoshi is a vain extravagant man; let us inflate him
by making our army appear as if it were weak." Xiong Lüjubi said, "While Ji
Liang is in Sui, of what use will this be?" Dou Bobi replied, "It will serve
as a basis for future measures;—Shaoshi is his prince's favourite."
'The king, according to Bobi's counsel,
gave his army a dilapidated appearance, and then received Shaoshi, who on his
return to Sui requested leave to pursue the army of Chu. The marquis was
about to grant it, when Ji Liang stopt him saying, "Heaven is now giving power
to Chu. Its exhibition of weakness was only made to deceive us. Why, O ruler,
be so hasty? I have heard that the condition in which a small State can match
with a great one, is when the small one is ruled according to reason, and the
great one is abandoned to wild excess. What I mean by being ruled according to
reason, is showing a loyal love for the people, and a faithful worship of the
Spirits. When the ruler thinks only of benefiting the people, that is loyal
loving of them; when the priests' words are all correct, that is faithful
worship. Now our people are famishing, and the prince indulges his desires; the
priests are hypocrites in their sacrifices:—I do not know whether there is the
condition of success." The marquis said, 'My victims are the best, and well
fatted; the millet in the vessels is good and all complete;—where is there any
want of sincerity?" Ji Liang replied, "The state of the people is what the
Spirits regard. The sage kings therefore first secured the welfare of the
people, and then put forth their strength in serving the Spirits. Thus when
they presented their victims, and announced them as large and fat, they meant
that the people's strength was all preserved; that to this was owing the large
growth of the animals; that to this was owing their freedom from scab or itch;
that to this it was owing they were so fat, and amply sufficient. When they
presented their vessels of millet, and announced it as clean and abundant, they
meant that in all the three seasons no harm was done to the cause of husbandry;
that the people were harmonious, and the years good. When they presented their
distilled and sweet spirits, and announced them as admirable, strong, and good,
they meant that superiors and inferiors were all of admirable virtue, and their
hearts in nothing inclined to perverseness; what was termed the widely diffused
fragrance was really that there were no slanderers nor wicked men. In this way
it was that they exerted themselves that the labours of the three seasons
should be performed; they cultivated and inculcated the five great duties of
society; they cherished and promoted the affection that should exist among the
nine classes of kindred: and from this they proceeded to their pure sacrifices.
Thus their people were harmonious, and the Spirits sent down blessings, so that
every movement they undertook was successful. Now the people's hearts are all
at variance, and the Spirits have no lord [i. e., none whom they will serve,
and serve by blessing]. Although you as an individual may be liberal in your
acts of worship, what blessing can that bring? I pray you to cultivate good
government, and be friendly with the States of your brother princes; then
perhaps you will escape calamity."
'The marquis of Sui was afraid, and
attended properly to his duties of government; and Chu did not dare to attack
him.']
Par. 2. Zuo says the marquis of Ji came to
this meeting to consult with Lu about his difficulties with Qi. The 郕 in the
text is from Guliang. Zuo and Gong both read 成 which makes Du give the
situation differently from that of the other in I.v. 3;—90 li northeast from
pres. dis. city of Ningyang.
[The Zhuan has here:——The northern Rong had
invaded Qi, which sent to ask the assistance of a force from Zheng, Hu,
the eldest son of the earl of Zheng, led a force accordingly to the help of
Qi, and inflicted a great defeat on the Rong, capturing their two leaders,
Dailiang and Shaoliang, whom he presented to the marquis with the heads of 300
of their buff-coated warriors. At that time the great officers of many of the
princes were keeping guard in Qi, and the marquis supplied them with cattle,
employing the officers of Lu to arrange the order of distribution. These
placed the troops of Zheng last, which made Hu indignant, considering that
his had been the merit of the victory; and it gave rise to the battle of Lang
[see the 10th year].
'Before the duke of Lu had married the
daughter of Qi, the marquis had wished to marry her—Wen Jiang—to Hu; but he
had refused the match. Some one asked the reason of his refusal, when he
replied, "People should be equally matched. A daughter of Qi is too great a
match for me. The ode says, 'For himself he seeks much happiness (Shi, III. i.
1. 6).' I have to do with what depends on myself simply; what have I to do with
a great State?" A superior man will say that Hu did well in thus making
himself the centre of his plan of life. On this occasion, when he had defeated
the army of the Rong, the marquis of Qi again asked him to take another of
his daughters to wife, but again he firmly refused. Being asked the reason, he
said, "Formerly when I had had nothing to do in Qi, I still did not dare to
marry one of its princesses. Now I hurried here by our ruler's order to succour
Qi in its exigency; if I returned from it with a wife, it would be as if I
had won her by arms." In this way he declined the alliance on the ground of
wanting the earl of Zheng's command.'
Zuoshi seems to have forgotten here that he
had already narrated the marriage of Hu of Zheng to a daughter of the house
of Chen, under I. viii. 3. The marquis of Qi would hardly have offered one
of his daughters to fill a secondary place in Hu's harem.]
Par. 3. 閱=簡 車 馬'to examine the chariots and
horses.' This was an annual ceremony, to which the winter hunt was subsidiary.
See the Zhou li, Bk. XXIX., pp. 24—4. Many of the critics think that the
holding this review, as here, in the 8th month in autumn, was unseasonable, and
that it is recorded to condemn it. But the duke might easily have had reasons
sufficient to justify him for holding such a review at this time.
Par. 4. Zuoshi has no Zhuan here, but we
find what serves for one under the 22d year of duke Zhuang. We have seen, under
V. 1, that Tuo had killed the eldest son of the marquis of Chen, and
superseded him. But that son's younger brother was a son of a princess of
Cai, and in his interest Cai now did justice on Tuo. Tuo had not yet been
recognized as marquis of Chen, and therefore we have simply his name, without
his title. I have translated 蔡 人 by 'the people of Cai,' after the analogy of
衛 人 in I.iv.6,7. Gu and Gong account for his death at the hands of some people
of Cai by saying that he had intruded into the territory of Cai in hunting
or for a worse purpose, and was killed in a quarrel about a bird or a woman.
Their Zhuan, however, where matters of history are concerned, are not to be
compared with Zuoshi's.
Par. 5. Tsoshe tells us that this entry of
Tong's birth intimates that he was received with all the honours proper to the
birth of a son and heir; that an ox, a sheep, and a pig were sacrificed on the
occasion; that an officer of divination carried him on his back, and his wife
nursed him; and that the duke, with the child's mother, Wen Jiang, and the
wives of the duke's noble kindred, gave him his name. This last ceremony took
place on the 3d month after the birth. Zuoshi adds:——The duke asked Shen Xu
about names, who replied "Names are taken from five things:—some pre-intimation;
some auspice of virtue; some striking appearance about the child; the borrowing
the name of some object; or some similarity. When a child is born with a name
on it, that is a pre-intimation [a character, such as 友, may seem to be made by
some marks on the body, and so is taken as the name]; when a child is named
from some virtue, this is called an auspice [Chang (昌), the name of king Wen, is
an instance in point]; when it is named from some resemblance about it to
something, this is called naming from the appearance [Confucius was so named
Niqiu (尼 丘)]; when it is named from some object, this is called borrowing [the
name of Confucius' son Boyu (魚, 'the fish') is an instance]; when the name is
taken from something about the father, this is called a name from similarity
[see below]. The name must not be taken from the name of the State; or of an
office; or of a mountain or river; or of any malady; or of an animal; or of a
utensil, or of a ceremonial offering. The people of Zhou do not use the name
which they bore in serving the Spirits of the dead; and the name is not
mentioned after death. To take the name from the State would do away with the
State's name; one from an office would do away with the office; one from a hill
or stream would do away with the sacrifice to it; one from an animal would do
away with its use as a victim; one from a utensil or a ceremonial offering
would do away with its use in ceremonies. The name of the marquis Xi of Jin
[he was called 司 徒] made the title of minister of Instruction (司 徒) be
discontinued in Jin. So with duke Wu of Song and the title of minister of
Works (司 空). Our former dukes Xian [called 具] and Wu [called 敖) caused two
hills to lose their names. Therefore the names of such great objects and
offices must not be given to a child." The duke said, "Well, his birth and mine
were on the same day." So, from that similarity, the child was named Tong [the
Similar].'
As this is the only instance in the
classic in which the birth of a Son of any of the marquises of Lu is
chronicled, there is much speculation as to the reason of the entry here. Some
think it is a clear case of the pencil of the sage, who would thus show that
duke Zhuang was really the son of the marquis of Lu, and not the fruit of the
incestuous commerce which his mother subsequently indulged in!
Par. 6. Zuoshi says this visit from the
marquis of Ji was to beg the services of the duke to ask the king's order to
bring about peace between Ji and Qi, but that the duke told him he could do
nothing in the matter. VII.Seventh year.
1. In his seventh year, in spring, in the
second month, on Jihai, the duke hunted with fire in Xianqiu.
2. In summer, Sui, earl of Gu, came to
[our] court.
3. Wuli, marquis of Deng, came to [our]
court.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Xianqiu was a district, and
probably the name of a town in it, belonging to Lu;—somewhere in dep. of
Yanzhou. 焚 here =火田, 'to hunt with fire.' This appears in the Erya as another
name for the winter hunting (火田為狩). The object in using fire was to drive the
birds and animals from their coverts. Du says the record is made here to
condemn the duke for his wantonness in carrying on the operation, so that
nothing should escape. But this does not appear in the text; and the Zhuan has
nothing on the par.
Parr. 2, 3. Gu was a marquisate, with the
surname Ying (嬴), and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Gucheng, dep.
Xiangyang, Hubei. Deng was not far from Gu, an earldom with the surname Man
(曼). Some place it in pres. Dengzhou, dep. Nanyang, Henan; others find its
principal city, 20 li northeast of the dep. city of Xiangyang in Hubei. But
the two identifications need not clash. What brought these two distant lords to
Lu we cannot tell. Zuoshi says they are mentioned by name in contempt; but we
may find a better reason in a rule of the Li ji, I. Pt. II. ii. 21, that
princes who had lost their States were mentioned by name. The supposition that
the princes in the text were in this condition adequately explains their coming
all the long way from their former fiefs to Lu.
Nothing that occurred in autumn or winter
is here entered. See what has been said upon this,—on the 4th year.
[Zuoshi appends here two short Zhuan:——Meng
and Xiang sought terms of peace from Zheng [these are two of the places
mentioned in one of the Zhuan under I. xi. 3, as granted by Zhou to Zheng. It
was there said that Zhou could not keep them, and it would appear that Zheng
also found it difficult to do so], and afterwards broke them. In autumn, an
army of Zheng, an army of Qi, and an army of Wey invaded Meng and Xiang,
when the king removed their inhabitants to Jia.'
'In winter, the earl of Quwo inveigled
the child-marquis of Jin, and put him to death.'] VIII.Eighth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring,
in the first month, on Jimao, we offered the winter sacrifice.
2. The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Jia
Fu to Lu with friendly inquiries.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on
Dingchou, we offered the winter sacrifice.
4. In autumn, we invaded Zhu.
5. In winter, in the tenth month, there was
snow.
6. The duke of Zhai came [to Lu], and
immediately after went to meet the king's bride in Ji.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. (烝) was the name of the sacrifice
offered in the ancestral temple at midwinter. (烝=眾), 'all;'—all the labours of
the year had been completed, and the fruits of the earth gathered in. They
could therefore be now presented more largely than at the other seasonal
sacrifices. This is supposed to be the reason of the name. Zhou's 1st month was
the 2d month of Xia's winter. The zheng sacrifice was now offered, therefore,
at the proper time; but a record of it is here entered, the critics think, to
show the absurdity of offering the same again in summer, as in par. 3.
Par. 2. See I. vii. 6. (家) is the clan
name,= the surname, and 父 is the designation. The rule was, it is said, that
great officers of Zhou sent on such missions to the States should be mentioned
with their designation; but I am not sure of the correctness of such a
rule.
[Zuoshi adds here that 'in the spring there
was the extinction of Yi;' i.e. the earl of Quwo extinguished Jin, or
thought he had done so.]
Par. 3. The proper sacrifice at this time
was the 祠. To repeat at this season the winter sacrifice was certainly a
strange proceeding.
[Zuoshi here gives the sequel of the Zhuan
under VI. 1:——Shaoshi became more the favourite in Sui; and Dou Bobi of Chu
said, "Our enemy presents an opening, which we must not lose." Accordingly, in
summer, the viscount of Chu called the princes of the south together at
Chenlu; and as Huang and Sui did not attend, he sent Wei Zhang to reprove
Huang, while he proceeded himself to attack Sui, encamping his army between the
Han and the Huai. Ji Liang begged the marquis of Sui to make offers of
submission. "If Chu refuse them," he said, "and we fight afterwards, this
will have made our men indignant and the thieves remiss." Shaoshi, however,
said, "We must fight quickly, for, if we do not do so, we shall lose the army
of Chu a second time." The marquis took the field; and as he surveyed from a
distance the army of Chu, Ji Liang said, "In Chu they attach greatest
importance to the left; the king is sure to be on the left. Don't let us meet
him, but let us attack their right. There are no good soldiers there, and they
will be beaten. When a part is beaten, the whole will be disorganized."
Shaoshi said, "If we do not meet the king, we are no soldiers." The marquis
would not follow Ji Liang's advice. The battle was fought in Suqi, and the army
of Sui was completely defeated. The marquis fled. Dou Dan captured his
war-chariot, and Shaoshi who had occupied the place in the right of it. In
autumn, Sui and Chu made peace. At first the viscount was unwilling to grant
peace, but Dou Bobi said, "Heaven has removed from Sui him who was its plague;
it is not yet to be subdued." Accordingly the viscount granted a covenant, and
withdrew with his army.']
Par. 4. The critics are much divided on the
question whether the duke himself commanded in person in this expedition or
not. I do not see that it can be determined; and have left the matter in the
translation indefinite. Many of the neighbouring small lords had been to Lu
since Huan's accession, but Xi of Zhu had not made his appearance. This
invasion was the consequence probably.
Par. 5. This was only the 8th month of Xia,
and snow was unseasonable.
[Zuoshi has here:——In winter, the king
ordered Zhong of Guo to establish Min, younger brother of the marquis Ai, as
marquis of Jin.']
Par. 6. In I. i. 6, we have an earl of
Zhai. The duke in the text may have been the same, or a son of that earl, here
called gong or duke, as being one of the king's three highest ministers;—see
the Shu, V. xx. 5. When the king was taking a wife from one of the States, the
rule was that one of these gong should meet her, and one of the princes, of the
same surname as the royal House, act as director in the affair. The king
himself could not appear in it, in consistency with his supreme position. Every
thing in this par., therefore, is, as Zhishi says, 'proper.' The duke of Zhai
comes from Zhou, gets his orders from the duke of Lu, and then goes to Ji to
meet the bride, whom Lu could not designate 女, 'daughter' of Ji, simply, as
she was going to be 'queen (后).' The poor marquis of Ji had, no doubt, managed
to bring the match about, as a forlorn hope against the attempts on him of the
lord of Qi. Mao observes that as this was the 18th year of king Huan, it
cannot be supposed that he had remained queenless up to this time, and that the
daughter of Ji was being taken by him as a second wife (再娶). IX.Ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring,
the lady Jiang, fourth daughter of [the marquis of] Ji, went to her palace in
the capital.
2. It was summer, the fourth month.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, the earl of Cao sent his
heir-son, Yigu, to our court.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. This is the sequel of the last par.
of last year. Zuoshi observes that the historiographers did not enter any
intermarriages of other States, excepting where they were with the royal House.
季 is the 4th in order of birth, and appears here as the designation of the
lady, so that the translation might have been simply —Ji Jiang of Ji.' 歸,—see
I. ii. 6. I have here rendered it 'to her palace,' as Ji Jiang was a royal
bride. On 京師 Gongyang says, 'The phrase denotes the dwelling of the son of
Heaven. 京 means "great;" and 師 means "all." Where the son of Heaven dwells must
be described by such terms.'
Parr. 2, 3. See on I. vi. 3.
[The Zhuan adds:——The viscount of Ba sent
Han Fu with an announcement to Chu, asking Chu's services to bring about
good relations between it and Deng. The viscount of Chu then sent Daoshuo,
along with the visitor from Ba, to present a friendly message to Deng, but the
men of You, on the southern borders of Deng, attacked them, carried off the
presents they were bearing, and slew them both. Chu sent Wei Zhang to
complain to the lord of Deng of the matter, but he would not acknowledge that
he had any hand in it
'In summer, Chu sent Dou Lian with a
force and a force of Ba to lay siege to You, to the relief of which the lord of
Deng sent his nephews Yang and Dan. They made three successful attacks on the
troops of Ba, and Chu and Ba were likely to fail. Dou Lian then threw his
force right in between the troops of Ba, engaged the enemy, and took to flight.
The men of Deng pursued them, till their backs were towards the troops of Ba,
and they were attacked on both sides. The army of Deng received a great
defeat, and during the night the men of You dispersed.'
'In autumn, the brother of the duke of
Guo, the earl of Rui, the earl of Liang, the marquis of Xun, and the earl of
Jia, invaded Quwo.']
Par. 4. The earl of Cao himself was ill,
and therefore sent his son to visit the marquis of Lu in his stead. Zuoshi
says:——The son of the earl of Cao was received, as was proper, with the
honours due to a minister of the highest rank. At the ceremonial reception
which was given to him, when the first cup was presented, as the music struck
up, he sighed. Shifu said, "The prince of Cao will soon be sad indeed. This
is not the place for sighing."'
The critics are much divided in their views
of this visit, and labour hard to find the sage's work of 'condemnation' in it. X.Tenth year.
1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in
the king's first month, on Gengshen, Zhongsheng, earl of Cao, died.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, there was
the burial of duke Huan of Cao.
3. In autumn, the duke [went to] have a
meeting with the marquis of Wey in Taoqiu, but did not meet with him.
4. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Bingwu, the marquis of Qi, the marquis of Wey, and the earl of Zheng came
and fought [with us] at Lang.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Parr. 1,2. See the Zhuan on last
par. of last year. A great mystery is found in the reappearance of 王;—in the
10th year, the completion of numbers.' Zuo blends the two parr. together,
saying that 'in the spring duke Huan of Cao died.'
[Zuoshi adds here:——The brother of the duke
of Guo slandered his great officer Zhan Fu to the king. Zhan Fu was able to
rebut the slander, and with an army from the king attacked Guo. In summer, the
duke of Guo fled to Yu.']
Par. 3. Taoqiu was in Wey;—50 li to the
west of the present dist. city of Dong'e (東 阿), in dept. Dongchang. The meeting
had been agreed upon, and the duke was anxious to detach Wey from the party of
Zheng, which was threatening Lu;—see next par. The marquis of Wey, however,
changed his mind, and determined to go with the other side.
[Zuoshi adds:——In autumn, Qin restored
Wan, earl of Rui, to Rui.' See the Zhuan at the end of the 4th year.
'The 3d brother of the duke of Yu had a
valuable piece of jade, which the duke asked of him. He refused it, but
afterwards repented, saying, "There is the proverb in Zhou, 'A man may have no
crime;—that he keeps his bi is his crime.' This jade is of no use to
me;—shall I buy my hurt with it?" He then presented it to the duke, who went on
to ask a precious sword which he had. The young brother then said to himself,
'This man is insatiable; his greed will reach to my person." He therefore
attacked the duke, who was obliged to flee to Gongchi.']
Par. 4. Lang,—see I. ix. 4. Zuoshi
says:——In winter, Qi, Wey, and Zheng came to fight with us in Lang; but we
could explain what they complained of. Formerly when the northern Rong were
distressing Qi, many of the princes sent to its relief, and Hu, son of the
earl of Zheng, acquired merit. When the people of Qi were sending cattle
round to the different troops, the officers of Lu were employed to arrange the
order of distribution. They did so according to the rules of precedence at the
court of Zhou, and sent last to Zheng. The men of Zheng were angry, and the
earl requested the help of a force from Qi, which granted it and got troops
from Wey besides. In these circumstances the text does not speak of their
attacking Lu covertly or openly, but that they came and fought. It also puts
Qi and Wey before Zheng, though Zheng was the prime mover of the
expedition, —in the order of their rank as fixed by the king.' The battle was,
we may suppose, bloodless. XI.Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's]. eleventh year, in
spring, in the first month, an officer of Qi, an officer of Wey, and an
officer of Zheng made a covenant in E'cao.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on [the
day] Guiwei, Wusheng, earl of Zheng, died.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, there
was the burial of duke Zhuang of Zheng.
4. In the ninth month, the people of Song
seized Zhai Zhong of Zheng.
5. Tu returned to Zheng.
6. Hu of Zheng fled to Wey.
7. Rou had a meeting with the duke of Song,
the marquis of Chen, and the third brother of [the marquis of] Cai, in Zhe.
8. The duke had a meeting with the duke of
Song in Fuzhong.
9. In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke
had a meeting with the duke of Song in Kan.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The position of E'cao is not
known. This meeting was, no doubt, a sequel, in some way, to the expedition of
the three princes, the previous month, against Lu. Zuoshi says that Qi, Wey,
Zheng and Song all united in the covenant, and Du thinks therefore that 宋 is
wanting in the text. But the mention of Song is supposed by many, and I think
correctly, to be an error of Zuo. But who were the covenanting parties? Sun
Jue (孫覺) early in Song dyn.), Hu An'guo, the Kangxi editors, and many other
critics, contend that they were the princes of the three States, who are called
人,—in condemnation. But why were they not called 人 in the par. immediately
before? It is better to understand 人 here, as in many other places, of officers
appointed by the princes to act for them.
[Zuoshi appends here:——Qu Xia of Chu
was about to make a covenant with Er and Zhen, when the people of Yun took
post with their army at Pusao, intending, with Sui, Jiao, Zhou, and Liao,
to attack the army of Chu. The Mo'ao [this was the name of an office in
Chu. The party intended is Qu Xia] was troubled about it; but Dou Lian
said, 'The people of Yun, having their army in their suburbs, are sure to be
off their guard; and they are daily anxious for the arrival of the forces of
the other four States. Do you, Sir, take up a position at Jiaoying to
withstand the advance of those forces, and I will make an attack upon Yun at
night with a nimble, ardent troop. The men of Yun are anxiously looking out,
and relying on the proximity of their city, so that they have no mind to fight.
If we defeat the army of Yun, the other four cities will abandon their alliance
with it." Qu Xia replied, "Why not ask the help of more troops from the king
[i. e., the viscount of Chu]?" The other said, "An army conquers by its
harmony, and not by its numbers. You have heard how unequally Shang and Zhou
were matched. We have come forth with a complete army;—what more do we want?"
The Mo'ao said, "Let us divine about it." "We divine," returned the other,
"to determine in cases of doubt. Where we have no doubts, why should we
divine?" Immediately he defeated the army of Yun in Pusao. The covenant
[with Er and Zhen] was completed, and they returned.'
'When duke Zhao of Zheng [i. e., the
earl's son Hu, afterwards duke Zhao] defeated the northern Rong, the
marquis of Qi wished to give him one of his danghters to wife. When he
declined the match, Zhai Zhong said to him, "You must take her. Our prince has
many favourites in his family. Without some great support, you will not be able
to secure the succession to yourself. Your three brothers may all aspire to the
earldom." Hu, however, did not follow the advice.']
Parr. 2, 3. The earl of Zheng was
certainly the ruling spirit of his time, shrewd, crafty, and daring,—the hero
of the first part of the Chunqiu. His burial should not have taken place
till the 10th month. There must have been something in the circumstances of the
State to cause it to be hurried. Zuoshi appends to par. 2:——Zhong Zu had been
border-warden of Zhai, and became a favourite with duke Zhuang, who made him one
of his chief ministers. He had got the duke married to a lady Man, one of the
daughters of the House of Deng, and the produce of the union was duke Zhao
[the duke's son Hu.] It was on this account that Zhai Zhong secured the
succession to him.'
Parr. 4—. Zhai was a place or district in
Zheng, of which Zhai Zhong, as we learn from the last Zhuan, had been warden;
and it became equivalent to his surname, and actually the surname of his
descendants. Du says that Zhai was really his surname, and Zhong his name; but
I must believe that Zhong was the designation, and Zu (足) the name. 宋人, —the
people of Song;' like 蔡人, in VI. 4. A literal translation of 執 would be
'grabbed.' The reason of the seizure of Zhai Zhong is told by Zuoshi:——The
officer Yong of Song had married a daughter, called Yong Ji [雍姞; Yong was
the father's clanname; Ji the surname] to duke Zhuang of Zheng. She bore a
son [Tu], who became duke Li. The Yong clan was in favour with duke Zhuang of
Song, who therefore beguiled Zhai Zhong, seizing him, and telling him that,
unless he raised Tu to the earldom, he should die. At the same time he seized
duke Li [Tu], and required the promise of bribes from him. Zhai Zhong made a
covenant with an officer of Song, took duke Li back with him to Zheng, and set
him up.' The action of pp. 5, 6 was almost contemporaneous. As the Zhuan
says:——In the 9th month, on Dinghai, duke Zhao fled to Wey. and on Jihai [12
days after] duke Li was acknowledged in his room.' As Hu had been both de
jure and de facto earl of Zheng since his father's death, the critics are much
concerned to find the reason why he is mentioned here simply by his name,
without his title. Gongyang thinks the style is after the simplicity of the Yin
dynasty, which called the son by his name in presence of the father; and the
former earl might be considered as only just dead,—in fact, as almost still
alive. Guliang thinks the name is given, as to a prince who had lost his
State. Hu An'guo thinks the name is condemnatory of him, for having refused
the strong alliance which Qi had pressed on them. Du's explanation is more
likely. The announcement of his exit, he says, was from Zheng, which gave his
name in contempt, and the historiographers of Lu entered it as it came to
them. But see on XV. 4.
Par. 7. The situation of Zhe has not been
determined. Rou was a great officer of Lu, who, acc. to Zuoshi, had not
received a clan-name. On 蔡叔, Du Yu says that 叔 is the name, and Mao agrees
with him. It serves, indeed, the purpose of a name; but I prefer to render the
word, according to its signification, as in the translation. So, Sun Fu (蔡叔,
蔡侯弟也).
Parr. 8,9. Fuzhong (Gong reads 童) was in
the small State of Cheng (郕); and Kan was very near to Cheng, belonging to
Lu;—in the west of Wenshang (汶上) district. At this time Lu and Song, for some
reason, became, or wanted to become, close friends. We shall find that their
two princes had three meetings in the course of the next year. The affairs of
Zheng were, no doubt, a principal topic with them. XII.Twelfth year.
1. It was the [duke's] twelfth year, the
spring, the first month.
2. In summer, in the sixth month, on Renyin,
the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi and the viscount of Ju, when
they made a covenant at Quchi.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, on
Dinghai, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song, and an officer of Yan,
when they made a covenant at Guqiu.
4. In the eighth month, on Renchen, Yue,
marquis of Chen, died.
5. The duke had a meeting with the duke of
Song in Xu.
6. In winter, in the eleventh month, the
duke had a meeting with the duke of Song in Gui.
7. On Bingxu, the duke had a meeting with
the earl of Zheng, when they made a covenant at Wufu.
8. On Bingxu, Jin, marquis of Wey, died.
9. In the twelfth month, [our army] and the
army of Zheng invaded Song; and on Dingwei a battle was fought in Song.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. See on I. vi. 3.
Par. 2. For Qi 杞 we have 紀 in Gong and Gu.
For 曲池 Gong has 毆蛇. Quchi was in Lu;—40 li to the northeast of pres. dis.
city of Qufu. We might translate the characters—the pool of Qu.' There
is or was such a pool, having its source in Shimen (石門) hill.
Zuoshi says the object of this meeting was
'to reconcile Qi and Ju,' which had been at feud since Ju invaded Qi in the
4th year of duke Yin.
Par. 3. Guqiu was in Song;—30 li north
from the dep. city of Caozhou. Zuoshi says:——The duke, wishing to reconcile
Song and Zheng, had a meeting in the autumn with the duke of Song, at the
height of Goudou (句瀆之丘).' This is another name for Guqiu. Yan here is the
'southern' Yan, a small earldom, whose lords had the surname Ji (姞), and
professed to be descended from Huangdi. It was in the pres. dis. of Ji (汲),
dep. Weihui, Henan. Song had required very great promises from Tu, as the
price of establishing him in Zheng; and the non-fulfilment of them created
great animosity between the two States. Lu, at Zheng's solicitation, tried to
act as mediator; but without success. But if this meeting were, as Zuoshi says,
held simply on account of the differences between Song and Zheng, we cannot
account for the presence of an officer of Yan, whose weight in the scale, on
one side or the other, would hardly be appreciable. Wu Cheng (吳 澄; the great
Yuan commentator) thinks therefore, that the meeting was called for another
purpose in which Yan had an interest, and that Lu took the opportunity to
touch on Zheng matters. The 'History of the Different States' gives quite
another turn to the par., and makes 燕人, to be the earl of the 'northern Yan,'
who happened to arrive at Guqiu, while the meeting was being held, on his way
to the court of Song.
Par. 4. This marquis was canonized as duke
Li (厲公). His burial is not recorded, because Lu did not attend it. See on I.
iii. 7. He Xiu foolishly supposes that this marquis was the son of Tuo, and
therefore his burial is not entered,—in condemnation of Tuo.' Du Yu observes
that the day Renchen was the 23d of the 7th month; and explains the error of
entering the death under the 8th month as having arisen from the
historiographers of Lu, simply taking down the date as it was given them
erroneously, so far as the month was concerned, in the message from Chen
(從赴).
Parr. 5, 6. Zuoshi says:——Uncertain whether
Song would be reconciled to Zheng or not, Lu persevered in its endeavours;
and the duke had the meetings in these two paragraphs.' Xu and Gui were both
in Song; but their positions are not well determined.
Par. 7. Song had now positively declined to
be reconciled, and Lu takes decidedly the side of Zheng. Wufu was in
Zheng,—in the southwest of pres. dis. of Dongming (東明), dep. Daming,
Zhili.
Par. 8. This is the only instance in the
Chunqiu, in which, when entries of two or more different things that
occurred on the same day are made, the name of the day is given with each of
them.
Par. 9. This is the sequel of par. 7. The
text, however, is not so precise as usual. We want a subject before 及, which
should be 'the duke' or 我師, as I have given it. Then the clause at the end is
quite indefinite, so that Gong and Gu both say that Lu and Zheng quarrelled,
and fought between themselves,—whereas we find them fighting on the same side
in the 2d par. of next year. Zuoshi, after mentioning the meeting of Lu and
Zheng at Wufu, adds:——Immediately after, they led their forces and invaded
Song, with which they fought a battle,—to punish it for its want of good faith.
A superior man will say, "If there be not the appendage of good faith,
covenants are of no use. It is said in the Poems (II. v. IV. 3),
'The king is continually insisting on covenants,
And the disorder is thereby increased;'—which was from the want of good
faith.'
The Zhuan adds here:——Chu invaded Jiao,
and attacked the south gate of the city. The Mo'ao, Qu Xia, said, "Jiao
being small will be lightly moved. Lightly moved, its plans will be with little
thought. Let us leave our wood-gatherers unprotected and so entrap it.' His
advice was followed, and the people of Jiao caught 30 men. Next day they
struggled to get out to pursue the service-men of Chu upon the hill. The army
took post at the north gate, and an ambuscade had been placed at the foot of
the hill. Jiao received a great defeat. Chu imposed a covenant beneath the
wall, and withdrew. In this invasion of Jiao, the army of Chu waded through
the Peng in separate divisions. The people of Luo wished to attack them, and
sent Bojia to act as a spy. He went thrice round the troops, and counted
them.'] XIII.Thirteenth year.
1. In his thirteenth year, in spring, in the
second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ji and the earl of
Zheng; and on Jisi they fought with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song,
the marquis of Wey, and an officer of Yan, when the armies of Qi, Song, Wey,
and Yan received a severe defeat.
2. In the third month there was the burial
of duke Xuan of Wey.
3. In summer there were great floods.
4. It was autumn, the seventh month.
5. It was winter, the tenth month.
COMMENTARY
[Zuoshi gives the following narrative as
prior to the fight in par. 1:——In spring, Qu Xia of Chu proceeded to
invade Luo, and was escorted part of the way by Dou Bobi. As Bobi was
returning, he said to his charioteer, "The Mo'ao will certainly be defeated.
He walks high on his tiptoes;—his mind is not firm." Immediately after, he had
an interview with the viscount of Chu, and begged him to send more troops.
The viscount refused, and when he had gone into his palace told his wife, a Man
of Deng [see on VII. 3] about the matter. "Your great officer's words," said
she, "were not merely for the sake of sending more troops; his meaning was that
you should comfort the inferior people by your good faith, instruct all the
officers by your virtue, and awe the Mo'ao by the fear of punishment. The
Mo'ao, accustomed to success by the action of Pusao [see the Zhuan
appended to XI. 1; but perhaps for Pusao we should read Jiao] will presume
on his own ability, and is sure to make too little of Luo. If you do not control
him and comfort the army. the Mo'ao will not make the necessary preparations.
Bobi's meaning certainly is that you, my Lord, should instruct all the people,
by good words controlling him and comforting them; that you should call the
officers and stimulate them on the subject of excellent virtue; that you should
see the Mo'ao, and tell him how Heaven does not make use of hasty,
supercilious men. If this were not his meaning, he would not speak as he has
done;—does he not know that all the army of Chu has gone on the expedition?"
The viscount on this sent a Man of Lai after Qu Xia, but he could not
overtake him. Meanwhile the Mo'ao had sent an order round the army that
whosover remonstrated with him should be punished. When they got to the river
Yan, the troops got disordered in crossing it. After that, they observed no
order, and the general made no preparations. When they got to Luo, its army and
one of the Lu Rong [see the Shu, V. ii. 4.] attacked them, and inflicted a
grand defeat. The Mo'ao strangled himself in the valley of Huang, and all the
principal officers of the expedition rendered themselves as prisoners at Yefu
to await their punishment. But the viscount of Chu said, "The fault was
mine," and forgave them all.']
Par. 1. The three Zhuan all differ as to
the parties in whose interest this battle was fought. Gongyang thinks they were
Lu and Song; Guliang, Ji and Qi; and Zuoshi, Song and Zheng. The Kangxi
editors prefer the view of Guliang, referring to the arguings of Zhao Kuang
(趙匡; of the Tang dyn.), Hu An'guo, Sun Jue, and Wu Cheng in its favour;
and place the scene of the battle in Ji (紀). Something may be said in favour of
each view, but a fourth one, advocated by Mao Qiling, is to my mind still more
likely. He sees in the battle Lu's return to Qi and Wey for their attack in
the duke's 10th year. Then Zheng was associated with them under Hu, but Huan
had managed to make Zheng under Tu confederate with him to punish the other
two States. The battle he thinks was fought in Song, like the one in the
preceding par., which seems to account for the place not being mentioned in the
text. Zuoshi's account is:——"Song kept constantly requiring the payment of the
bribes promised by the earl of Zheng. Zheng could not endure its demands, and
with the help of Ji and Lu fought with Qi, Song, Wey, and Yan. The name of
the place of the battle is not in the text, because the duke was too late to
take part in it.' The last observation is sufficiently absurd. The marquis of
Wey is mentioned, the son, that is, of Jin, whose death is mentioned in the
8th par. of last year. As the father was not yet buried, the son ought not, it
is said, according to rule, to be mentioned by his title. But would that rule
hold, when a new year came between the death and burial of the former prince?
Then the son would publicly 'come to the vacant place,' and a new rule be
inaugurated. 敗績 means a great defeat.' Zuoshi says, under the 11th year of duke
Zhuang that 大崩曰敗績, 'the phrase indicates a ruin like the fall of a great
mountain.' 績=功績, 'merit.' The defeat involved the loss of merit and
character.
Par. 8. See on 1.5. Wang Bao (王葆); Song
dyn., about contemporary with Hu An'guo) says:——Nine times is the calamity of
floods recorded in the Chunqiu: twice in the time of Huan, and thrice in
the time of Zhuang. Of the nine calamities five of them occurred in the days of
the father and his son. May we conclude that they were in retribution to the
father for his wickedness accumulated and unrepented of, and to the son for
allowing his father's wrong to go unavenged?' So speculate Chinese scholars. XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the
first month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Zheng in Cao.
2. There was no ice.
3. In summer, in the 5th [month],—the earl
of Zheng sent his younger brother Yu to Lu to make a covenant.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Renshen, the granary of the ancestral temple was struck with lightning.
5. On Yihai we offered the autumnal
sacrifice.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, on
Dingsi, Lufu, marquis of Qi, died.
7. An officer of Song, with an officer of
Qi, an officer of Cai, an officer of Wey, and an officer of Chen, invaded
Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Since the meeting of the duke and
earl at Wufu in the 12th year, Lu and Zheng had been fast allies, and this
meeting was, no doubt, to cement the bond between them. Du says that, as they
met in Cao, the earl of Cao was also a party at the meeting. Zuoshi adds
that the people of Cao supplied, cattle and other fresh provisions;—which
was proper.'
Par. 2. The 1st month of Zhou was the 11th
of Xia, the 2d month of winter, when there ought to have been ice.
Par. 3. After (五) there is wanting the
character (月), 'month;' and perhaps other characters as well. Or it may be, as
some critics think, that (五) is an interpolation.
Instead of (語), Guliang has (禦). Zuoshi
says:——The son of duke Zhuang of Zheng, Ziren (子人); this was the designation
of Yu, and afterwards became a clan-name] came to renew the covenant [尋盟], and
to confirm the meeting in Cao.' I suppose this meeting had then been agreed
on. Guliang lays down a law, that where the day of a covenant is not given, it
intimates that the covenant had formerly been arranged for. The law is
arbitrary; but the fact in this case was, probably, as it would assume.
Par. 4. Wu Cheng says:——When the prince
is in his chariot, he is in immediate proximity to his charioteer. (輿御者最相親 近)
Therefore the charioteer 御 is used of the men whom the prince approaches
nearest, and also of the things which the prince himself uses. The (御) granary
was that in which the rice which was produced from the field cultivated by the
prince himself was stored, used to supply the grain for the vessels of the
ancestral temple, and which it was not presumed to apply to any other use.'
This is an attempt to explain the use of (御) here; and it is strange the
dictionary takes no notice of the term in this passage. The phrase might be
rendered by 'the duke's own granary,' as well as by those I have employed in
the translation. 災= 'met with calamity;' but acc. to Zuoshi, in the Chunqiu
the term is used specially of 'calamity by fire from Heaven (天火曰災).'
Par. 5. The Chang was a regularly recurring
sacrifice, and as ordinary and regular things are not entered in the
Chunqiu, the critics are greatly concerned to account for this entry. A
sufficient reason seems to be supplied in the date. The Chang was due on the
8th month of Xia, and it was now only the 8th month of Zhou, = the 6th month of
Xia. But the grain for it would have to be supplied from the granary which had
been burned; and by the mention of the sacrifice immediately after that event,
the text seems to intimate some connection between the two things. Zuoshi
simply says that the proximity of the texts shows that 'no harm was done' by
the lightning; i.e., observes Du, 'the fire was extinguished before it reached
the grain.' But, contends Guliang, to use the miserable remains of the grain
scathed by the lightning was very disrespectful; and not to divine again for
another day on which to offer the Chang, after such an ominous disaster, Hu
An'guo shows, was more disrespectful still! To a western reader all this seems'
much ado about nothing.'
Par. 7. Du Yu gives here, from another
part of the Zhuan, a useful canon about the use of (以) in the text and similar
paragraphs:——When armies can be ordered to the right or the left, 以 is used.'
The character simply =用, 'used.' In this case the troops of Qi and other
States were at the disposal of Song. Once in the Shi—IV.i.[iii.] V.—we find the
same usage of 以. The invasion of Zheng was in reprisal for the events in par.
1 of last year, and XII. 8. The Zhuan says:——In winter, an officer of Song,
aided by armies from several princes, invaded Zheng, to avenge the battle [or
battles] in Song. The allies burned the Qu gate of its outer wall and
penetrated to the great road. Then they attacked the eastern suburbs; took
Niushou; and carried off the beams of Zheng's ancestral temple to supply those
of the Lu gate of Song [carried off the year before].' XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in
spring, in the second month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Jia Fu to Lu
to ask for carriages.
2. In the third month, on Yiwei, the king
[by] Heaven's [grace] died.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jisi,
there was the burial of duke Xi of Qi.
4. In the fifth month, Tu, earl of Zheng,
fled to Cai.
5. Hu, heir-son of Zheng, returned to his
dignity in Zheng.
6. The third brother of [the baron of] Xu
entered into Xu.
7. The duke had a meeting with the marquis
of Qi in Ai.
8. An officer of Zhu, an officer of Mou,
and an officer of Ge came to [our] court.
9. In autumn, in the ninth month, Tu, earl
of Zheng, entered into Li.
10. In winter, in the eleventh month, the
duke joined the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and the marquis of Chen, at
Chi, and they invaded Zheng.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. 家父,—see VIII.2. On the whole par.,
see on I. iii. 5. Zuoshi says here:——This mission was contrary to propriety. It
did not belong to the princes to contribute carriages or dresses to the king;
and it was not for the son of Heaven privately to ask for money or valua-
bles.'
Par. 2. See on I.iii.2.
Par. 4. The Zhuan relates:——Zhai Zhong
monopolized the government of Zheng, to the great trouble of the earl, who
employed Zhong's son-in-law, Yong Jiu [this Yong Jiu had come to Zheng with Tu
from Song, and married a daughter of Zhai Zhong] to kill him. Jiu proposed
doing so at a feast which he was to give Zhong in the suburbs, but Yong Ji
[Jiu's wife, and Zhong's daughter] became aware of the design, and said to her
mother, "Whether is a father or a husband the nearer and dearer?" The mother
said, "Any man may be husband to a woman, but she can have but one father. How
can there be any comparison between them?" She then told Zhai Zhong, saying,
"Yong is leaving his house, and intends to feast you in the suburbs and there
kill you; I got him to tell me by guile." On this Zhai Zhong killed Yong Jiu,
and threw away his body by the pool of the Zhou family. The earl took it with
him in his carriage, and left the State, saying, "It was right he should die,
who communicated his plans to his wife!" Thus in summer duke Li quitted Zheng,
and fled to Cai.' Here Tu has his title given him, which, we saw, was
withheld from Hu in XI. 6. Some of the reasons assigned by the critics for
that withholding were then adduced, but another may here be suggested. Under
Hu, Lu and Zheng were and continued after this to be enemies. Under Tu,
they were friends. These different conditions betray themselves in the
historiographers, and Confucius did not care to alter their style in XI.6. In
this part it should seem that there ought to be some mention of Zhai Zhong's
expelling his prince; but the characters 出奔 'went out and fled,' imply an
impelling violence behind.
Par. 5. The feeling of Lu against Hu
appears here also in his being only called 世子 or 'heir-son.' Zuo says:——In the
6th month, on Yihai, duke Zhao entered.' The phrase 復歸, however, implies his
recovery of former dignity. In a Zhuan on duke Zheng, XVIII.5, Zuo has—復其位曰復歸
'restoration to one's dignity is expressed by 復歸.'
Par. 6. See the long Zhuan on the affairs
of Xu on I.xi.3. The Xu Shu here is the young brother of the baron who had
fled before Zheng and its allies, and whom the earl had placed in the eastern
borders of the State, as if with some prevision of what now occurred. After
sixteen years, the young man recovered the possession of his fathers. (入) here
has not the hostile meaning which it generally bears, though the Kangxi
editors think such a term is used to convey some blame of Xu Shu, for taking
possession of the seat of his fathers without announcing his purpose to the
king, and getting his sanction to his undertaking. But of what use could such a
proceeding have been? The king was hardly able to sustain himself. The 于 after
入 seems to distinguish this use of 入 from the cases in which it is followed
directly by its object.
Par. 7. Zuoshi says the object of this
meeting was 'to consult about the settlement of Xu;' but the critics doubt
this view as nothing is found in the Chunqiu or elsewhere to confirm it.
See I. vi. 2. For 艾 Gong has 鄗, and Gu 蒿.
Par. 8. Zhu, Mou, and Ge were all small
States, though the lords of Zhu came to be called viscount and marquis, and
the chief of Ge was an earl, with the surname Ying (嬴). It was in pres. dis.
of Ningling (寧陵), dep. Guide. Mou was merely an 'attached' State, in pres.
dis. of Laiwu (萊蕪), dep. Tai'an. Du Yu thinks the three visitors were all
the heir-sons of the three small States; the chiefs of which, as being merely
'attached,' would be entered by their names, and their sons, therefore, would
simply be called 'men,' and not named; but this is mere conjecture. We may
adhere here to the translation of (人) by 'officer.'
Par. 9. Li was a strong city of Zheng,
in pres. Yu Zhou, dep. Kaifeng. Zuoshi says: —In autumn, [Tu], the earl of
Zheng, procured the death of Tan Bo [the commandant of Li] by some of the
people of Li, and immediately took up his residence in it.' The meaning of
(人) here is intermediate between its purely hostile significance, and that in
par. 6.
6. Gongyang supposes that this occupation
of Li was equivalent to the recovery by Tu of Zheng, led away probably by
the 'earl of Zheng,' in which we again see the favour which Lu bore to
Tu.
Par. 10. Chi was in Song;—in Su Zhou
(宿州), dep. Fengyang, Anhui, Zuoshi says the movement was to restore duke Li;
and that it was unsuccessful, and the invaders returned. Gongyang has 齊侯 after
會, and 侈, for 袲. Song was induced to join the undertaking, probably by
assurances from Tu that, if he were once again reestablished in Zheng, he
would fulfil the promises he had formerly made. XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In his sixteenth year, in spring, in the
first month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Song, the marquis of
Cai, and the marquis of Wei, in Cao.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, the duke
joined the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the marquis of Chen, and the
marquis of Cai, in invading Zheng.
3. In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke
arrived from the invasion of Zheng.
4. In winter, we walled Xiang.
5. In the eleventh month, Shuo,
marquis of Wey, fled to Qi.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. The expedition by Lu, Song, Wey
and Chen against Zheng in the 11th month of the last year had been
unsuccessful. The princes of Lu, Song, and Wey now meet and arrange for
another; and they have Cai also to join their confederacy. Zuoshi says:——The
object of the meeting was to plan about invading Zheng (謀伐鄭也).'
Par. 2. This is the sequel of the last
par.; and Chen reappears in the expedition. In accounts of conferences and
expeditions, Cai is always placed before Wey, as in par. 1, while here it is
last in order. This makes Du say that at this time the marquis of Cai was
'the last to arrive (後至).' Yingda, however, quotes from Ban Gu (historian of
the 1st Han), to the effect that, from Yin to the 14th year of duke Zhuang,—a
period of 43 years,—there was no regular order of precedence among the princes,
as no really leading one among them (霸主) had yet arisen.'
Par. 3. See on II. 9.
Par. 4. It is mentioned before, I. ii. 2,
that 'Ju entered Xiang;' and in VII.iv. 1, we read that duke Xuan attacked
Ju and took Xiang. But here we find duke Huan fortifying Xiang. This can
hardly have been the same place, but another, properly belonging to Lu. Du Yu
says nothing here on this point, nor does any other of the critics, so far as I
have observed. Zuoshi observes that this undertaking was recorded because it
was 'at the proper time.' But the time for such undertakings was not yet come,
according to the natural reading of the par., which simply says the thing was
done in winter; and as the next par. begins with the specification of the 11th
month, we conclude that Xiang was walled in the 10th;—which was only the 8th
month of the Xia year. To justify Zuoshi's observation, therefore, Du contends
that though no month is mentioned here, we must understand the 11th month's and
he says also that the sixth month of this year was intercalary, which of course
would carry the 11th month of Zhou forward to the term for for such an
undertaking. All this, however, is very uncertain.
Par. 5. Zuoshi has here a melancholy
narrative: —Long before this, duke Xuan of Wey had committed incest with
Yijiang [a concubine of his father;—comp. 1. Cor. v. 1], the produce of which
was Jizi, the charge of whom he entrusted to Zhi (職), his father's son by the
occupant of the right or the harem. In course of time, he made an engagement
for Jizi with one of the princesses of Qi, but took her to himself in
consequence of her beauty. She gave birth to two sons, Shou and Shuo, the former
of whom he gave in charge to his father's son by the occupant of the left of
the harem. Yijiang strangled herself; and Xuan Jiang [the lady of Qi, who
should have been Jizi's wife] and Shuo plotted against Jizi, till the
duke sent him on a mission to Qi, employing ruffians to wait for him at Shen,
and put him to death. Shou told Jizi of the scheme, and urged him to go to
some other State; but he refused, saying, "If I disobey my father's command,
how can I use the name of son? If there were any State without fathers, I might
go there." As he was about to set out, Shou made him drunk, took his flag, and
went on before him. The ruffians [thinking him to be Jizi] killed him, and
then came Jizi, crying out, "It was I whom ye sought? What crime had he?
Please kill me." The ruffians killed him also. On this account, the two
brothers of Xuan [who had received charge of Jizi and Shou] cherished
resentment against duke Hui [Shuo], and raised Qianmou to the marquisate, when
Hui fled to Qi.' See the Shi, I. iii. XIX. XVII. Seventeenth year.
1. In his seventeenth year, in spring, in
the first month, on Bingchen, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi
and the marquis of Ji, when they made a covenant in Huang.
2. In the second month, on Bingwu, the duke
had a meeting with Yifu of Zhu, when they made a covenant in Cui.
3. In summer, in the fifth month, on
Bingwu, we fought with the army of Qi at Xi.
4. In the sixth month, on Dingchou,
Fengren, marquis of Cai, died.
5. In autumn, in the eighth month, the
fourth brother of [the marquis of] of Cai returned from Chen to Cai.
6. On Guixi there was the burial of the
marquis Huan of Cai.
7. Along with an army of Song and an army of
Wey, [we] invaded Zhu.
8. In winter, in the tenth month, the first
day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Huang, acc. to Du, was in Qi.
Some find it in the pres. dis. of Huang, dep. Dengzhou; but that would seem to
be too distant from Lu, though convenient enough for Qi and Ji.
Zuoshi says that the object of the meeting
was to reconcile Qi and Ji, and to consult about the affairs of Wey. We may
suppose that Ji was now in more danger from Qi, since the death of the king,
and the consequent loss of his influence in favour of his son-in-law.
Par. 2. Cui was in Lu, somewhere in the
borders of the pres. diss. of Sishui and Zou. Zuo says the object of the
meeting was to renew the covenant at Mie;—see I.i.2. Du observes that Bingwu
was not in the 2d month, but was the 4th day of the 3d month. It is plain that
there could be no Bingwu in the 2d month, as we have the same day, in the next
par. recurring in the 5th month. Gong has 及 instead of 會.
Par. 3. Gongyang has here no 夏, and Guliang,
instead of 奚, has 郎. He was in Lu;—in pres. dis. of Teng, dept.
Yanzhou. Zuo says:——This fight was in consequence of some border dispute. When
it arose, the people of Qi made a stealthy inroad on the borders of Lu, the
officers of which came and told the duke, who said, "On the borders it is for
you carefully to guard your own particular charge, and to be prepared for
anything unexpected. In the meantime look thoroughly to your preparations; and
when the thing comes, fight. What need you come to see me for?"
The covenant of the 1st month had proved of
little use.
Par. 5. 季 has the meaning in the
translation, and was also and naturally the designation of the individual. On
par. 4 Zuo says that, on the death of the marquis [who had no son], the people
of Cai called his younger brother from Chen; and here he observes that the
entry here [the designation being given, and not the name] shows how highly the
people of Cai thought of him. I think the character 歸 intimates that Ji was
raised to be marquis of Cai; and this was the opinion of Du Yu, who
identifies him with Xianwu, who, we shall see hereafter, was carried off
prisoner by Chu.
I am surprised that the Kangxi editors
doubt this identification, and follow the opinion of He Xiu, the editor of
Gongyang, who says that Ji refused to accept the marquisate, which was then
given to Heenwoo. Guliang says strangely that Ji was a nobleman of Cai,
raised by the support of Chen to be marquis. Yet even he does not doubt the
elevation of Ji.
Par. 6. In all other cases, where the
burial of a prince is recorded, the title of duke follows the honorary or
sacrificial epithet. Here we have a solitary instance, where the title of rank,
borne during the life-time, is preserved. This has given rise to much
speculation. It seems the simplest solution of the difficulty to suppose an
error in the text of 候 for 公.
Par. 7. Lu had covenanted with Zhu in the
2d month, and, the year before, Zhu had sent its salutations to the court of
Lu; and yet here we find Lu joined with Song and Wey in an invasion of Zhu.
Zuoshi says that Lu was following the lead of Song, which, acc. to Du, was
quarrelling with Zhu about their borders.
Par. 8. This eclipse took place, Oct. 3d,
B. C. 694, and on Gengwu, the 7th day of the cycle. The day of the cycle is
not given in the text, because, acc. to Zuoshi, 'the officers had lost it.' He
adds, 'The son of Heaven had his "officer of the days (日官)," and the princes
their "superintendent of the days (日御)." The officer of the days had the rank
of a high minister, and it was his business to regulate the days of the year.
The superintendents of the days were required not to lose the days [which they
had received from the king's officer], but to deliver them to the difft.
officers in their princes' courts.' It may have been so that the number of the
day was thus lost; but it is simpler to suppose that the historiographers on
this occasion omitted it. This is the view taken by many critics; —as Zhao
Kuang (趙匡; Tang dyn.), Chen Fuliang (陳傳良; 12th cent.), and Zhan Ruoshui
(湛若水); Ming dyn.). The Kangxi editors observe, that, during the Han dynasty
and previously, astronomers could only determine the first day of the moon,
approximately, in an average way (平朔), from the average motion of the sun and
moon, but that from the time of Liu Hong, (劉洪; the After Han dyn.), and through
his labours, it became possible to determine exactly the time of new moon (定朔),
by adding to or subtracting from the average time, as might be necessary.
Still, this want of exactitude in these times could not affect the day of the
cycle on which a phænonenon like an eclipse was to be recorded.
[The Zhuan appends here:——Years back, when
the earl of Zheng [Wusheng (寤生), duke Zhuang, the earl] had wished to make Gao
Qumi one of his high ministers, duke Zhao [then the earl's son Hu], who
disliked Gao, had remonstrated strongly against such a measure. The earl did
not listen to him; but when duke Zhao succeeded to the State, Gao was afraid
lest he should put him to death. On the day Xinmao, therefore, he took the
initiative, and killed duke Zhao, raising up his brother Wei in his room. A
superior man will say that the prince knew the man whom he disliked. Kongzi
Da said, "Gao Bo [Gao Qumi] indeed deserved an evil end! His revenge of
an ill done to him was excessive."'] XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the
king's first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, near the
Luo, after which the duke and his wife, the lady Jiang, went to Qi.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on
Bingzi, the duke died in Qi; and on Dingyou, his coffin arrived from Qi.
3. It was autumn, the seventh month.
4. In winter, in the twelfth month,
on Jichou, we buried our ruler, duke Huan.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Once more, at the commencement of
duke Huan's last year, the character 王 reappears, and the fancies to which its
reappearance has given rise are numerous and ridiculous. It would be as
fruitless to detail as to discuss them. We must read the two entries about the
meeting on the Luo, and the going to Qi, in one par. because of the 遂, which,
as a 繼事之詞, or 'a word connecting events,' links them together. The character 與
in the second part does not occur in Gongyang; and Duan Yucai, in his 'Old
Text of Zuoshi's Chunqiu' omits it, contending that Guliang also did not
have it. It is, however, in all the editions of Gu that I have seen. Duan says
that it is 'a vulgar addition' to Zuoshi (俗 增之). The critics generally receive
it, however. The conjunctions 及, 會, and 曁 are those proper to the Classic, and
for the 與 here they account by insisting on its equivalence to 許, 'to grant,'
'to allow.' It was contrary to propriety for the duke's wife to go to Qi, but
she was bent on going, and the duke weakly allowed her to accompany him.
The 濼 (pronounced Luo or Luo) was a stream,
which flows into the Ji (濟) in the northwest of the dis. of Licheng (歷城), dep.
Ji'nan. We have no intimation of the business discussed at this meeting between
Lu and Qi; and the ordinary view is that it had been brought about by duke
Xiang of Qi simply with a view to bring his sister and him together, and then
to get her farther to accompany him to his capital. The only scholar who
controverts this view is Wan Sida (萬斯大), of the pres. dyn., who argues, feebly
however, that Xiang was a younger brother of Wen Jiang (文姜), and that the incestuous
connection between them originated at this meeting.
The Zhuan says:——In spring the duke, being
about to travel, allowed at the same time his wife Jiang to go with him to
Qi. Shen Xu said, "The woman has her husband's house; the man has his wife's
chamber; and there must be no defilement on either side;—then is there what is
called propriety. Any change in this matter is sure to lead to ruin."
Notwithstanding this remonstrance, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of
Qi near the Luo, and then went on with Wen Jiang [his wife was styled Wen,
from her elegance and accomplishments] to Qi, where she had criminal
connection with the marquis, her brother. The duke angrily reproached her, and
she told the marquis of it.'
Par. 2. In continuation of the last Zhuan,
Zuoshi says:——The marquis feasted the duke, and then, [having made him drunk],
employed Pengsheng, a half brother of his own, to take him to his lodging in
his carriage. The duke died in the carriage, and the people of Lu sent a
message to the marquis of Qi, saying, "Our poor lord, in awe of your majesty,
did not dare to remain quietly at home, but went to renew the old friendship
between your State and ours. After the ceremonies had been all completed, he
did not come back. We do not fix the crime on any one, but the wicked deed is
known among all the princes, and we beg you will take the shame of it away with
Pengsheng." On this, the people of Qi put Pengsheng to death.'
The reader will find all the incidents of
Huan's visit to Qi, his wife's misconduct, his death, etc., graphically told
in the 'History of the Different States,' Bk. XIII. As to Confucius' silence
about them in the text, see the note to I.xi.4. Zhu Xi says very lamely,
'Confucius gives a straightforward narration, and his judgment lies in the
facts themselves. When he says, "The duke met with the marquis of Qi in such
and such a place; the duke and his wife Jiang went to Qi; the duke died in
Qi; the duke's coffin came from Qi; the duke's wife withdrew to Qi;"—with
such entries plainly before our eyes, we could understand the nature of them
without any Zhuan.' 喪 is to be taken here as 喪器=柩, 'the coffin with the body in
it;'—see the dictionary, in voc.
Par. 3. [Zuoshi gives here two
narratives:——In autumn, the marquis of Qi went with a force to Shouzhi, and
there Ziwei [the new earl of Zheng; see the Zhuan at the end of last year]
went to have a meeting with him, Gao Qumi being in attendance as his
minister. In the 7th month, on Wuxu, the marquis put Ziwei to death, and
caused Gao Qumi to be torn in pieces by chariots. After this, Zhai Zhong
sent to Chen for another son of duke Zhuang, met him, and made him earl of
Zheng. When Ziwei and Qumi were setting out for Shouzhi, Zhai Zhong,
knowing what would happen, made a pretence of being ill, and would not
accompany them. Some people said, "Zhai Zhong escaped by his intelligence," and
he himself said that it was so.'
'The duke of Zhou [Heijian; see the Zhuan
on V. 6] wished to murder king Zhuang, and set his brother Ke [the king's
brother; another son of king Huan] on the throne. Xin Bo told the king of it,
and then he and the king put the duke of Zhou, Heijian, to death, while the
king's brother Ke fled to Yan. Formerly, Ziyi [the designation of Ke] was
the favourite with king Huan, who placed him under the care of the duke of
Zhou. Xin Bo remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Equal queens [i. e., a
concubine made the equal of the queen], equal sons [i. e., the son of a
concubine put on the same level as the queen's son], two governments [i. e.,
favourites made equal to ministers], and equal cities [i. e., any other
fortified city made as large as the capital]:—these all lead to disorder." The
duke paid no heed to this advice, and he consequently came to his bad
end.']
[The marquis of Qi, having committed
incest with his sister, and murdered his brother-in-law, proceeded to execute the
justice which the former of these narratives describes to awe princes and
people into silence about his own misdeeds. The division of the body by five
chariots was a horrible punishment. The head, the two arms, and two legs were
bound, each to a carriage in which an ox was yoked, each animal placed in a
separate direction. The oxen were then urged and beaten till the head and limbs
were torn from the body.]
Par. 4. The burial took place later than it
should have done; and indeed, according to Gong and Gu, it should not have
taken place at all until the real murderer of the duke was punished. But what
could Lu do in the circumstances? The evil man had come to an evil end; and
the best plan was to consign his coffin to the earth.
|