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50 顯學第五十

世之顯學,儒、墨也。儒之所至,孔丘也。墨之所至,墨翟也。自孔子之死也, 有子張之儒,有子思之儒,有顏氏之儒,有孟氏之儒,有漆雕氏之儒,有仲良氏之儒, 有孫氏之儒,有樂正氏之儒。自墨子之死也,有相里氏之墨,有相夫氏之墨,有鄧陵氏之墨。 故孔、墨之後,儒分為八,墨離為三,取舍相反不同,而皆自謂真孔、墨,〔孔、墨〕不可復生, 將誰使定世之學乎?

孔子、墨子俱道堯、舜,而取舍不同,皆自謂真堯、舜,堯、舜不復生, 將誰使定儒、墨之誠乎?殷、周七百餘歲,虞、夏二千餘歲,而不能定儒、墨之真; 今乃欲審堯、舜之道於三千歲之前,意者其不可必乎!無參驗而必之者,愚也;弗能必而據之者, 誣也。故明據先王,必定堯、舜者,非愚則誣也。愚誣之學,雜反〔之〕行,明主弗受也。

墨者之葬也,冬日冬服,夏日夏服,桐棺三寸,服喪三月,世〔主〕以為儉而禮之。 儒者破家而葬,服喪三年,大毀扶杖,世主以為孝而禮之。夫是墨子之儉,將非孔子之侈也; 是孔子之孝,將非墨子之戾也。今孝、戾、侈、儉俱在儒、墨,而上兼禮之。

漆雕之議, 不色撓,不目逃,行曲則違於臧獲,行直則怒於諸侯,世主以為廉而禮之。宋榮子之議, 設不鬭爭,取不隨仇,不羞囹圄,見侮不辱,世主以為寬而禮之。夫是漆雕之廉, 將非宋榮之恕也;是宋榮之寬,將非漆雕之暴也。今寬、廉、恕、暴俱在二子,人主兼而禮之。

自愚誣之學,雜反之辭爭,而人主俱聽之,故海內之士言無定術,行無常議。夫冰炭不同器而久, 寒暑不兼時而至,雜反之學不兩立而治。今兼聽雜學繆行同異之辭,安得無亂乎?聽行如此,其於治人又必然矣。

今世之學士語治者,多曰:「與貧窮地以實無資。」今夫與人相(善)〔若〕也, 無豐年旁入之利,而獨以完給者,非力則儉也。與人相(善)〔若〕也,無饑饉、疾疚、禍罪之殃, 獨以貧窮者,非侈則墯也。侈而墯者貧,而力而儉者富。今上徵斂於富人以布施於貧家, 是奪力儉而與侈墯也,而欲索民之疾作而節用,不可得也。

今有人於此,義不入危城,不處軍旅,不以天下大利易其脛一毛, 世主必從而禮之,貴其智而高其行,以為輕物重生之士也。夫上所以陳良田大(澤)〔宅〕, 設爵祿,所以易民死命也。今上尊貴輕物重生之士,而索民之出死而重殉上事,不可得也。

藏書策,習談論,聚徒役,服文學而議說,世主必從而禮之,曰:「敬賢士,先王之道也。」 夫吏之所稅,耕者也;而上之所養,學士也。耕者則重稅,學士則多賞,而索民之疾作而少言談, 不可得也。

立節參(民)〔明〕,執操不侵,怨言過於耳,必隨之以劍,世主必從而禮之, 以為自好之士。夫斬首之勞不賞,而家鬭之勇尊顯,而索民之疾戰距敵而無私鬭,不可得也。 國平則養儒俠,難至則用介士。所養者非所用,所用者非所養,此所以亂也。

且夫人主於聽學也,若是其言,宜布之官而用其身;若非其言,宜去其身而息其端。 今以為是也,而弗布於官;以為非也,而不息其端。是而不用,非而不息,亂亡之道也。

澹臺子羽,君子之容也,仲尼幾而取之,與處久而行不稱其貌。宰予之辭, 雅而文也,仲尼幾而取之,與處〔久〕而智不充其辯。故孔子曰:「以容取人乎,失之子羽; 以言取人乎,失之宰予。」故以仲尼之智而有失實之聲。今之新辯濫乎宰予,而世主之聽眩乎仲尼, 為悅其言,因任其身,則焉得無失乎?是以魏任孟卯之辯,而有華下之患;趙任馬服之辯, 而有長平之禍。此二者,任辯之失也。

夫視鍛錫而察青黃,區冶不能以必劍;水擊鵠鴈, 陸斷駒馬,則臧獲不疑鈍利。發齒吻形容,伯樂不能以必馬;授車就駕,而觀其末塗, 則臧獲不疑駑良。觀容服,聽辭言,仲尼不能以必士;試之官職,課其功伐,則庸人不疑於愚智。

故明主之吏,宰相必起於州部,猛將必發於卒伍。夫有功者必賞,則爵祿厚而愈勸;遷官襲級, 則官職大而愈治。夫爵祿大而官職治,王之道也。

磐石千里,不可謂富;象人百萬,不可謂強。石非不大,數非不眾也, 而不可謂富強者,磐不生粟,象人不可使距敵也。今商官技藝之士,亦不墾而食, 是地不墾,與磐石一貫也。儒俠毋軍勞,顯而榮者,則民不使,與象人同事也。 夫(禍知)〔知禍〕磐石象人,而不知禍商官儒俠為不墾之地,不使之民,不知事類者也。

故敵國之君王雖說吾義,吾弗入貢而臣;關內之侯雖非吾行,吾必使執禽而朝。 是故力多則人朝,力寡則朝於人。故明君務力。

夫嚴家無悍勇,而慈母有敗子。 吾以此知威勢之可以禁暴,而德厚之不足以止亂也。

夫聖人之治國,不恃人之為吾善也,而用其不得為非也。恃人之為吾善也, 境內不什數,用人不得〔為〕非,一國可使齊。為治者用眾而舍寡,故不務德而務法。

夫必恃自直之箭,百世無矢;恃自圜之木,千世無輪矣。自直之箭,自圜之木,百世無有一, 然而世皆乘車射禽者何也?隱栝之道用也。雖有不恃隱栝而有自直之箭,自圜之木,良工弗貴也。 何則?乘者非一人,射者非一發也。不恃賞罰而恃自善之民,明主弗貴也。何則?國法不可失, 而所治非一人也。故有術之君,不隨適然之善,而行必然之道。

今或謂人曰:「使子必智而壽。」則世必以為狂。夫智,性也;壽,命也。 性命者,非所學於人也,而以人之所不能為說人,此世之所以謂之為狂也。謂之不能然, 則是諭也,夫諭性也。以仁〔義〕教人,是以智與壽說也,有度之主弗受也。故善毛嗇、西施之美, 無益吾面;用脂澤粉黛,則倍其初。言先王之仁義,無益於治;明吾法度,必吾賞罰者, 亦國之脂澤粉黛也。故明主急其助而緩其頌,故不道仁義。

今巫祝之祝人曰:「使若千秋萬(秋)〔歲〕。」千(歲)〔秋〕萬歲之聲括耳, 而一日之壽無徵於人,此人所以簡巫祝也。今世儒者之說人主,不善今之所以為治,而語已治之功; 不審官法之事,不察姦邪之情,而皆道上古之傳譽、先王之成功。儒〔者〕(釋)〔飾〕辭曰: 「聽吾言,則可以霸王。」此說者之巫祝,有度之主不受也。故明主舉實事,去無用, 不道仁義者故,不聽學者之言。

今不知治者必曰:「得民之心。」欲得民之心而可以為治,則是伊尹、管仲無所用也, 將聽民而已矣。民智之不可用,猶嬰兒之心也。夫嬰兒不剔首則腹痛,不副痤則寖益。剔首、揊痤必一人抱之, 慈母治之,然猶啼呼不止,嬰兒子不知犯其所小苦,致其所大利也。

今上急耕田墾草以厚民產也, 而以上為酷;脩刑重罰以為禁邪也,而以上為嚴;徵賦錢粟以實倉庫,且以救飢饉,備軍旅也, 而以〔上〕為貪;境內必知介而無私解,并力疾鬭,所以禽虜也,而以上為暴。此四者,所以治安也, 而民不知悅也。

夫求聖通之〔士者〕,〔為民知之不足師用〕。〔昔禹決江浚河〕,〔而民聚瓦石〕; 〔子產開畝樹桑〕,〔鄭人謗訾〕。〔禹利天下〕,〔子產存鄭人〕,〔皆以受謗〕,〔夫民智之不足用亦明矣〕。 〔故舉士而求賢智〕,〔為政而期適民〕,〔皆亂之端〕,〔未可與為治也〕。

Chapter L. Learned Celebrities: A Critical Estimate of Confucians and Mohists1

In the present age, the celebrities for learning are the Literati and the Mohists. The highest figure of the Literati was K`ung Ch`iu; the highest figure of the Mohists was Mo Ti. Since the death of Confucius, there have appeared the School of Tzŭ-chang, the School of Tzŭ-ssŭ, the School of the Yen Clan, the School of the Mêng Clan, the School of the Ch`i-tiao Clan, the School of the Chung Liang Clan, the School of the Sun Clan, and the School of the Yo-chêng Clan. Since the death of Mo Tzŭ, there have appeared the Mohists of the Hsiang-li Clan, the Mohists of the Hsiang-fu Clan, and the Mohists of Têng Ling's School. Thus, after Confucius and Mo Tzŭ, the Literati have divided into eight schools and the Mohists into three. In what they accept and what they reject they are contrary to and different from one another but each claims to be orthodox Confucian or Mohist. Now that Confucius and Mo Tzŭ cannot come to life again, who can determine the orthodoxy of learned men?

Confucius and Mo Tzŭ both followed Yao and Shun; they differed in matters of acceptance and rejection, yet each claimed to be the true Yao and Shun. Now that Yao and Shun cannot come to life again, who is going to determine genuineness as between the Literati and the Mohists? For our people, who have passed through the time of Yü and Hsia upwards of seven hundred years, and through the Yin and Chou 2 Dynasties upwards of two thousand years, it is impossible to determine whether the Literati or the Mohists are right. Now, if anybody wants to scrutinize the ways of Yao and Shun that appeared three thousand years ago, it seems far from possible merely to imagine that! To be sure of anything that has no corroborating evidence, is stupid; to abide by anything that one can not be sure of, is self-deceptive. Therefore, those who openly quote the early kings and dogmatically uphold Yao and Shun, must be deceitful, if not stupid. Such stupid and deceptive learning and heretical and contradictory conduct, the intelligent sovereign never approves.

The Mohists, for funeral rites wear winter clothes in winter days and summer clothes in summer days, make coffins three inches thick of Paulownia wood, and observe only three months' mourning. Regarding this as restraint, sovereigns of this age respect them. The Literati, on the contrary, for funeral rites break up the household property and give sons in pawn to compensate for the losses, 3 observe three years' mourning till they break down in health and have to walk with the aid of canes. Regarding this as an act of filial piety, sovereigns of this age respect them. But, in fact, to approve the restraint of Mo Tzŭ one has to reprove Confucius for his extravagance; to approve the filial piety of Confucius one has to reprove Mo Tzŭ for his impiety. Now, piety and impiety, restraint and extravagance, all are found among the Literati and the Mohists, and the superiors respect them equally.

According to the theory of Ch`i-tiao, 4 a man should not change his facial colour in front of others 5 nor should he blink even in the face of danger 6 ; if he acts wrongly, he should give way to bondmen and bondwomen; and if he acts aright, he should assert himself even before the feudal lords. Regarding this as an act of integrity, sovereigns of this age respect him. Again, according to the teaching of Sung Yung Tzŭ, a man should delight 7 in a non-combatant attitude towards opponents and approve of non-retaliatory actions against enemies; if cast into prison, he should not be ashamed; and, if insulted, he should not feel humiliated. Regarding this as an attitude of generosity, sovereigns of this age respect him. But, in fact, to approve the integrity of Ch`i-tiao one has to reprove Sung Yung for his forgiveness; to approve the generosity of Sung Yung one has to reprove Ch`i-tiao for his fierceness. Now, generosity and integrity, forgiveness and fierceness, all are found in these two philosophers, and the lords of men respect them equally.

Inasmuch as stupid and deceptive studies and heretical and contradictory theories are in conflict while the lords of men tolerate them equally, the gentry within the seas have neither definite forms of speech nor constant standards of conduct. Indeed, ice and charcoal do not share the same vessel and last long; winter and summer do not come at the same time. Likewise, heretical and contradictory studies do not stand together and have peace. Now that heretical studies are equally listened to and contradictory theories are absurdly acted upon, how can there be other than chaos? If the ruler listens so carelessly and acts so absurdly, the same must be true when he rules over men.

The learned gentlemen of the present age, when they speak on political order, mostly say: "Give the poor and the destitute land and thereby provide men of no property with enough." However, if there are men who were originally the same as others but have independently become able to be perfectly self-supporting, even without prosperous years or other income, it must be due to their diligence or to their frugality. Again, if there are men who were originally the same as others but have independently become poor and destitute without suffering from any misfortune of famine and drought or illness and malignancy or calamity and lawsuit, it must be due to their extravagance or to their laziness. Extravagant and lazy persons are poor; diligent and frugal persons are rich. Now, if the superior levies money from the rich in order to distribute alms among the poor, it means that he robs the diligent and frugal and rewards the extravagant and lazy. Naturally it is impossible to force people to speed up their work and also restrain their expenditure.

Now suppose there is a man, who, holding fast to his self-righteous principle, would not enter any city that was in danger, would not stay in military camps, and would not exchange a hair from his shin for any great profit in All-underHeaven. Then be sure the sovereign of this age will respect him therefor, honouring his wisdom, exalting his conduct, and regarding him as a gentleman despising material trifles and esteeming meaningful life. Indeed, the reason that the superior lines up good fields and large houses and establishes ranks and bounties, is to make people exert their strength to the point of death. Yet as long as the superior honours the gentlemen who despise material trifles and esteem meaningful life, it is impossible to expect the people to sacrifice their lives for his royal cause.

Suppose you keep a number of books, practise the art of speaking, gather a band of pupils, indulge in culture and learning, and discuss theories, then be sure sovereigns of this age will respect you therefor, saying, "To respect worthies is the way of the early kings." Indeed, those who are taxed by the magistrates are farmers while those who are fed by the superior are learned gentlemen. Being farmers, the former are more heavily taxed; being learned gentlemen, the latter are more liberally rewarded. Hence it is impossible to force the people to work hard and talk little.

Again, suppose you build a standard of estimation, blend all clever principles, 8 maintain strict self-control, and do not act aggressively, and are sure to pursue anybody with your sword whenever his reproachful words pass into your ears, then sovereigns of this age will honour you as a self-respecting gentleman. Indeed, as long as the merit of beheading in war is not rewarded but the bravery of family quarrels is celebrated with honours, it is impossible to force the people to fight hard and resist enemies and have no private quarrels. In time of peace, the state feeds the literati and the cavaliers, but in case of emergency, it uses the armed officers. Thus, those who have been fed, are not taken into service; those who are taken into service, have not been fed. That is the reason why the age is chaotic.

Further, the lord of men, in listening to a learned man, if he approves his words, should officially put them into practice and appoint the person to office, and, if he reproves him for his words, should get rid of the person and put an end to his heretical doctrine. Today, however, what is regarded as right is not officially put into practice, and what is regarded as wrong is not extinguished as heretical doctrine. Thus, the right is not used, the wrong not stopped; this is the way to chaos and ruin.

T`an-t`ai Tzŭ-yü had the manners of a gentleman. Considering him a man of promise, Chung-ni took him into service, and, after having dealt with him for a long time, found his deeds not equal to his looks. Again, Tsai Yü's speech was elegant and refined. Considering him a man of promise, Chung-ni took him into service, and, after having dealt with him for a long time, found his wisdom falling short of his eloquence. Hence Confucius said: "In taking a man on the basis of his manners I made a mistake in choosing Tzŭ-yü; in taking a man on the basis of his words I made a mistake in choosing Tsai Yü." Thus, notwithstanding his wisdom, Chung-ni expressed regretful sighs for his misjudgment of realities. Now that the new debaters of today are even more reckless than Tsai Yü and sovereigns of this age in listening to them are even more susceptible to delusion than Chung-ni, if the superior appoints any debater to office on account of delight in his words, how can a mistake be avoided? For instance, Wey trusted to the eloquence of Mêng Mao 9 and met disaster at the foot of Mt. Hua. Again, Chao trusted to the eloquence of Ma-fu 10 and experienced the calamity of Ch`ang-p`ing. These two instances well illustrate the error in trusting to eloquence.

Indeed, if only the heated and hammered tin 11 is inspected and only the blue and yellow glearns are observed, even Ou 12 Yeh can not ascertain the quality of a sword. But if you hit herons and wild geese in water with the sword and kill ponies and horses on land with it, then even bondmen and bondwomen, ignorant as they are, are not in doubt whether the sword is blunt or sharp. If the teeth in the mouth are examined and the formal features are surveyed, then even Pai Lo could not be sure of the quality of a horse. But if you harness it to a cart and observe it till the end of the drive, then even bondmen and bondwomen are not in doubt whether it is a hack or a good horse. Similarly, if only manners and clothes are looked at and only words and phrases are listened to, then even Chung-ni can not ascertain the personality of a gentleman. But if you test him with an official commission and hold him responsible for any work done, then even the mediocre man is not in doubt whether he is stupid or intelligent.

Therefore, as to the subordinates of the intelligent sovereign, prime ministers must have arisen from among the district-magistrates and gallant generals must have emerged from among the squads of soldiers. If persons who have rendered meritorious services are always rewarded, then the greater ranks and bounties become the better encouraged they will be. Again, if offices are elevated and ranks are raised, then the greater the official responsibilities become the more they will promote political order. Indeed, according as ranks and bounties are raised official responsibilities promote political order, this is the royal road to supremacy.

The possessor of a thousand li of rocky land, can not be called rich; the possessor of a million puppets can not be called strong. Not because the rocks are not big and the puppets 13 are not numerous. The possessors can not be called rich and strong, simply because great rocks do not produce grain and puppets can not be used to resist enemies. Now, men who get office through purchase and practise artful craft, eat without cultivating the land. They are thus as unproductive as uncultivated land, in the same category as great rocks. Likewise, the literati and the cavaliers who have rendered no meritorious service in the army but are celebrated and prosperous, 14 are useless people, in the same class as puppets. Those who know the calamity of great rocks and puppets but never know that the office-purchasers, the literati, and the cavaliers, are as harmful as uncultivated land and useless people, do not know the similarity of one thing to another.

For such reasons, in the cases of the princes and kings of enemy states, though they are delighted at our righteousness, we can not lay them under tribute as vassals 15 ; but in the case of the feudal lords inside the passes 16 , though they disapprove our doings, we can always make them bring birds 17 to visit our court. Thus, whoever has great strength sees others visit his court; whoever has little strength visits the courts of others. Therefore the enlightened ruler strives after might.

Indeed, the strictly kept household sees no fierce servants, but a compassionate mother has spoilt children. From this I know that authority and position are able to suppress violence, but that virtue and favour are not sufficient to stop disorder.

Indeed, the sage, in ruling the state, does not count on people's doing him good, but utilizes their inability to do him wrong. If he counts on people's doing him good, within the boundary there will never be enough such persons to count by tens. But if he utilizes people's inability to do him wrong, an entire state can be uniformed. 18 Therefore, the administrator of the state affairs ought to consider the many but disregard the few. Hence his devotion not to virtue but to law.

Similarly, if one should always count on arrows which are straight of themselves, there would be no arrow in a hundred generations; if one should only count on pieces of wood which are round of themselves, there would be no wheel in a thousand generations. Though in a hundred generations there is neither an arrow that is straight of itself nor a wheel that is round of itself, yet how is it then that people of every generation ride in carts and shoot birds? It is because the tools for straightening and bending are used. To rely not on the tools for straightening and bending 19 but on 20 arrows straight of themselves and wheels round of themselves, is not thought much of by the skilful carpenter. Why? Because riding is not a matter of one man alone, nor is archery a question of a single shot. Reliance not on rewards and punishments but on people who are righteous of themselves, is not highly considered by the enlightened sovereign. Why? Because the law of the state must not be dispensed with and whom it regulates is not one man only. Therefore, the tactful ruler does not follow the good that happens by accident but practises the Tao that prevails by necessity.

Now supposing some one addressed a person, saying, "I will make you to be wise and to live long," the world would certainly think he was practising deception. 21 Indeed, wisdom is a matter of nature, longevity is a matter of fate. As nature, and fate are not what one can learn from others, to assert to a person what men can not really do, that is what the world calls deception. To call anybody what he can not really be, is flattery. 22 Flattery 23 is a matter of nature, indeed. To instruct men in benevolence and righteousness is the same as to make assertions in the matters of intelligence and longevity, which the sovereign with a legal standard does not heed. For illustration, admiring the beauty of Mao-ch`iang 24 and Hsi-shih gains one's facial looks nothing; but applying rouge, pomade, powder, and eyebrow-paint, makes one's appearance twice as good as before. Similarly, speaking about the benevolence and righteousness of the early kings gains nothing for political order; but understanding clearly our laws and measures and determining our rewards and punishments is the rouge, pomade, powder, and eyebrow-paint of the state. So the enlightened sovereign urgently seeks real aids, and regards as secondary all empty compliments. Hence no talk about benevolence and righteousness.

Now, witches and priests, in praying for somebody, all say, "May your age last as long as one thousand autumns and ten thousand years." Then the sounds, "one thousand autumns and ten thousand years", echo through the ears. As a matter of fact, however, nobody ever testifies to the addition of a single day to his age. That is the reason why people despise witches and priests. Likewise, the literati of the present age, when they counsel the lord of men, instead of speaking about methods to attain political order at present, talk about the achievement of political order in the past. They neither study affairs pertaining to regulations for the officials nor observe the conditions of the wicked and the villainous, but all speak on the reputed glories of remote antiquity and on the achievements of the early kings. Ornamenting their speeches, the literati say, "If you listen to our words, you will thereby become Hegemonic Ruler." Such people are but witches and priests among the itinerants, whom the sovereign with a legal standard does not heed. Therefore, the enlightened sovereign exalts real facts, discards useless things, and does not speak about benevolence and righteousness. He accordingly does not listen to the words of the learned men.

Men of today who do not know the right way to political order, all say, "Win the hearts of the people." If they should think of winning the hearts of the people and thereby attaining political order, then even Yi Yin and Kuan Chung would find no use for their statesmanship and the superior would listen to the people only. The intelligence of the people, however, can not be depended upon just like the mind of the baby. If the baby does not have his head shaved, the ache will recur 25 ; if his boil is not cut open, his trouble will turn from bad to worse. However, to shave his head or to open his boil someone has to hold the baby while the compassionate mother is performing this work. Yet he keeps crying and yelling incessantly as he does not know that suffering the small pain will gain him a great benefit.

Now, the superior urges the tillage of rice fields and the cultivation of grassy lands in order to increase the production of the people, but they think the superior is cruel. To perfect penalties and increase punishments is to suppress wickedness, but they think the superior is severe. Again, he levies taxes in cash and in grain to fill up the storehouses and treasures in order thereby to relieve famine and drought and provide for corps and battalions, but they think the superior is greedy. Finally, he traces out every culprit within the boundary, discriminates 26 among men without personal favouritism. . . . 27 , and unites the forces for fierce struggle, in order thereby to take his enemies captive, but they think the superior is violent. These four measures are methods to attain order and maintain peace, but the people do not know that they ought to rejoice in them.

Indeed, the superior seeks for saintly and well-informed men, because the intelligence of the people is not adequate for use as directive. For instance, of old, Yü opened the Kiang 28 and deepened the Ho 29 for draining the Great Deluge away, but the people gathered tiles and stones to hit him. Likewise, Tzŭ-ch`an cleared fields and planted mulberry-trees, but the people of Chêng slandered and reviled him. Yü benefited All-under-Heaven and Tzŭ-ch`an preserved Chêng, but both incurred slander. Clearly enough, indeed, the intelligence of the people is not adequately dependable. Therefore, in appointing officials, to seek for the worthy and the wise; in administering the government, to expect to suit the people: both alike are causes of confusion, and can not be employed for the attainment of political order.

Notes

1. 顯學. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Upholding Learning" (Liang. op. cit., p. 129, f. 2), which is incorrect.

2. With Kao Hêng 殷周 and 虞夏 as misplaced in the text should replace each other.

3. 賃子而償 is found in the Royal Readings.

4. This Ch`i-tiao must be different from the one already mentioned.

5. This means to maintain his dignity.

6. This means to maintain his steadfastness.

7. I propose 說 for 設.

8. The Palace Library edition has 明 in place of 民.

9. Commander of Wey's Army defeated by General Pai Ch`i of Ch`in in 273 b.c.

10. The style of Chao Kua, who was defeated by Pai Ch`i in 260 b.c.

11. They need so alloy tin with iron to make swords.

12. With Wang Hsien-shen 區 and 歐 were synonyms.

13. With Wang Hsien-shen 數 should be 象人.

14. With Wang 顯而榮 should be 而顯榮.

15. The German rendering of this passage by Alfred Forke reads: "Wenn such Fürsten und Könige der feindlichen Staaten rich an unserer Rechtschaf-fenheit freuen, so sind wir doch (in ihren Augen) keine Menschen, haben Tribut zu zahlen and zu dienen." This is evidently because he misread 吾弗入貢而臣 for 吾弗人,貢而臣 (v. Geschiches der alten chinesischen Philosophis, p. 476).

16. Namely, within the sphere of our influence.

17. Forke's translation of this passage reads: "Wenn auch die Fürsten innerhalb der Pässe unser Tun verurteilen, so können wir sie doch ergreifen lassen und an unsern Hof zitieren." Again, he mistook for 執禽 for 執擒 (v. Ibid.). 禽 literally means "birds" but in this case it connotes both birds and animals. "The Board of Ceremonies" in the Rites of Chou says: "For the classification of different vassals different birds and animals were used to make six kinds of presents to the superior. The feudal lords bring fur robes, the nobles kid skin, the high officers wild-geese, the gentry pheasants, the commoners ducks, and the craftsmen and salesmen fowls." Again, there is a passage in the Book of the Warring States as follows: "Men became vassals, women concubines, all bringing birds and following the coachmen on the way."

18. Forke's translation of this passage reads: ". . . . . . während durch Verhinderung des Bösen die Bewohner des ganzen Reichs sich regieren lassen." For this he read the text as 用人不得為非,一國可使齊為治也 (Op. cit., p. 478). According to Ku Kuang-ts`ê the last three characters 為治也 should be 為治者 which is the subject of the following sentence 為治者,用眾而舍寡.

19. With Wang Hsien-shen 雖有 above 不恃隱栝 is superfluous.

20. With Wang 有 should be 恃.

21. 狂 means 誑.

22. With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.

23. With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.

24. With Wang Hsien-shen 毛嗇 should be 毛嬙.

25. With Wang 腹 is a mistake for 復.

26. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 介 should be 分.

27. Ku thought there were hiatuses both above and below 解, which alone, if literally translated, makes no unity of thought in the whole passage, and is therefore not translated.

28. Namely, the Yangtse River.

29. Namely, the Yellow River.

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