卷三

一

傳 曰 ： 昔 者 、 舜 甑 盆 無 膻 ， 而 下 不 以 餘 獲罪 ； 飯 乎土 簋 ， 啜 乎 土 型 ， 而 農 不 以 力 獲 罪 ； 麑 衣 而 ● 領 ， 而 女不 以 巧 獲 罪 ； 法 下 易 由 ， 事 寡 易 為 功 ， 而 民 不 以 政 獲 罪。 故 大 道 多 容 ， 大 德 多 下 ， 聖 人 寡 為 ， 故 用 物 常 壯 也 。傳 曰 ： 易 簡 而 天 下 之 理 得 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 政 有 夷 之 行 ， 子孫 保 之 。 」 忠 易 為 禮 ， 誠 易 為 辭 ， 賢 人 易 為 民 ， 工 巧 易為 材 。 詩 曰 ： 「 政 有 夷 之 行 ， 子 孫 保 之 。 」

二

有 殷 之 時 ， 穀 生 湯 之 廷 ， 三 日 而 大 拱 。 湯 問伊 尹曰 ： 「 何 物 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 穀 樹 也 。 」 湯 問 ：「 何 為 而生 於 此 ？ 」 伊 尹 曰 ： 「 穀 之 出 澤 ， 野 物 也 ， 今 生 天 子 之庭 ， 殆 不 吉 也 。 」 湯 曰 ： 「 奈何 ？ 」 伊 尹 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 ：妖 者 、 禍 之 先 ， 祥 者 、 福 之 先 。 見 妖 而 為 善 ， 則 禍 不 至， 見 祥 而 為 不 善 ， 則 福 不 臻 」 」 湯 乃 齋 戒 靜 處 ， 夙 興 夜寐 ， 弔 死 問 疾 ， 赦 過 賑 窮 ， 七 日 而 穀 亡 ， 妖 孽 不 見 ， 國家 昌 。 詩 曰 ： 「 畏 天 之 威 ， 于 時 保 之 。 」

三

昔 者 、 周 文 王 之 時 ， 蒞 國 八 年 ， 夏 六 月 ， 文 王 寢疾 ， 五 日 而 地 動 ， 東 西 南 北 不 出 國 郊 。 有 司 皆 曰 ： 「 臣聞 ： 地 之 動 ， 為 人 主 也 。 今 者 、 君 王 寢 疾 ， 五 日 而 地 動， 四 面 不 出 國 郊 ， 群 臣 皆 恐 ， 請 移 之 。 」 文 王 曰 ： 「 奈何 其 移 之 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 興 事 動 眾 ， 以 增 國 城 ， 其 可 移之 乎 ！ 」 文 王 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 夫 天 之 道 見 妖 ， 是 以 罰 有 罪也 ， 我 必 有 罪 ， 故 此 罰 我 也 。 今 又 專 興 事 動 眾 ， 以 增 國城 ， 是 重 吾 罪 也 ， 不 可 以 之 。 昌 也 請 改 行 重 善 移 之 ， 其可 以 免 乎 ！ 」 於 是 遂 謹 其 禮 節 祑 皮 革 ， 以 交 諸 侯 ； 飾 其辭 令 幣 帛 ， 以 禮 俊 士 ； 頒 其 爵 列 等 級 田 疇 ， 以 賞 有 功 。遂 與 群 臣 行 此 ， 無 幾 何 而 疾 止 。 文 王 即 位 八 年 而 地 動 ，之 後 四 十 三 年 ， 凡 蒞 國 五 十 一 年 而 終 ， 此 文 王 之 所 以 踐妖 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 畏 天 之 威 ， 于 時 保 之 。 」

四

王 者 之 論 德 也 ， 而 不 尊 無 功 ， 不 官 無 德 ， 不誅 無罪 。 朝 無 幸 位 ， 民 無 幸 生 。 故 上 賢 使 能 ， 而 等 級 不 踰 ；折 暴 禁 悍 ， 而 刑 罰 不 過 。 百 姓 曉 然 皆 知 夫 為 善 於 家 ， 取賞 於 朝 也 ； 為 不 善 於 幽 ， 而 蒙 刑 於 顯 。 夫 是 之 謂 定 論 ，是 王 者 之 德 。 詩 曰 ： 「 明 昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」

五

傳 曰 ： 以 從 俗 為 善 ， 以 貨 財 為 寶 ， 以 養 性 為 己 為道 ， 是 民 德 也 ， 未 及 於 士 也 。 行 法 而 志 堅 ， 不 以 私 欲 害其 所 聞 ， 是 勁 士 也 ， 未 及 於 君 子 也 。 行 法 而 志 堅 ， 好 脩其 所 聞 ， 以 矯 其 情 ； 言 行 多 當 ， 未 安 諭 也 ； 知 慮 多 當 ，未 周 密 也 ； 上 則 能 大 其 所 隆 也 ， 下 則 能 開 道 不 若 己 者 ，是 篤 厚 君 子 ， 未 及 聖 人 也 。 若 夫 百 王 之 法 ， 若 別 白 黑 ；應 當 世 之 變 ， 若 數 三 綱 ； 行 禮 要 節 ， 若 運 四 支 ； 因 化 之功 ， 若 推 四 時 ； 天 下 得 序 ， 群 物 安 居 ， 是 聖 人 也 。 詩 曰： 「 明 昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」

六

魏 文 侯 欲 置 相 ， 召 李 克 問 曰 ： 「 寡 人 欲 置相 ， 非翟 黃 則 魏 成 子 ， 願 卜 之 於 先 生 。 」 李 克 避 席 而 辭 曰 ： 「臌臣 聞 之 ； 卑 不 謀 尊 ， 疏 不 間 親 。 臣 外 居 者 也 ， 不 敢 當 命。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 先 生 臨 事 勿 讓 。 」 李 克 曰 ： 「 夫 觀 士 也， 居 則 視 其 所 親 ， 富 則 視 其 所 與 ， 達 則 視 其 所 舉 ， 窮 則視 其 所 不 為 ， 貧 則 視 其 所 不 取 。 此 五 者 足 以 觀 矣 。 」 文侯 曰 ： 「 請 先 生 就 舍 ， 寡 人 之 相 定 矣 。 」 李 克 出 ， 遇 翟黃 ， 曰 ： 「 今 日 聞 君 召 先 生 而 卜 相 ， 果 誰 為 之 ？ 」 李 克曰 ： 「 魏 成 子 為 之 。 」 翟 黃 悖 然 作 色 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 何 負 於魏 成 子 ！ 西 河 之 守 ， 吾 所 進 也 ； 君 以 鄴 為 憂 ， 吾 進 西門豹 ， 君 欲 伐 中 山 ， 吾 進 樂 羊 ； 中 山 既 拔 ， 無 守 之 者 ， 吾進 先 生 ； 君 欲 置 太 子 傅 ， 吾 進 趙 蒼 。 皆 有 成 功 就 事 ， 吾何 負 於 魏 成 子 ！ 」 克 曰 ： 「 子 之 言 克 於 子 之 君 也 ， 豈 比周 以 求 大 官 哉 ！ 君 問 置 相 ， 非 成 則 黃 ， 二 子 何 如 ？ 臣 對曰 ： 君 不 察 故 也 。 居 則 視 其 所 親 ， 富 則 視 其 所 與 ， 達 則視 其 所 舉 ， 窮 則 視 其 所 不 為 ， 貧 則 視 其 所 不 取 。 五 者 以定 矣 ， 何 待 克 哉 ！ 是 以 知 魏 成 子 為 相 也 。 且 子 焉 得 與 魏成 子 比 ！ 魏 成 子 食 祿 日 千 鍾 ， 什 一 在 內 ， 以 聘 約 天 下 之士 ， 是 以 得 卜 子 夏 ， 田 子 方 ， 段 干 木 ， 此 三 人 ， 君 皆 師友 之 ， 子 之 所 進 皆 臣 之 ， 子 焉 得 與 魏 成 子 比 乎 ！ 」 翟 黃逡 巡 再 拜 曰 ： 「 鄙 人 固 陋 ， 失 對 於 夫 子 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 明昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」

七

成 侯 嗣 公 ， 聚 歛 計 數 之 君 也 ， 未 及 取 民 也 ； 子 產取 民 也 ， 未 及 為 政 也 ； 管 仲 為 政 也 ， 未 及 脩 禮 。 故 脩 禮者 王 ， 為 政 者 強 ， 取 民 者 安 ， 聚 歛 者 亡 。 故 聚 歛 以 招 穀， 積 財 以 肥 敵 ， 危 身 亡 國 之 道 也 ， 明 君 不 蹈 也 。 將 脩 禮以 齊 朝 ， 正 法 以 齊 官 ， 平 政 以 齊 下 ， 然 後 節 奏 齊 乎 朝 ，法 則 度 量 正 乎 官 ， 忠 信 愛 刑 平 乎 下 。 如 是 ， 百 姓 愛 之 如父 母 ， 畏 之 如 神 明 。 是 以 德 澤 洋 乎 海 內 ， 福 祉 歸 乎 王 公。 詩 曰 ： 「 降 福 簡 簡 ， 威 儀 反 反 ， 既 醉 既 飽 ， 福 祿 來 反。 」

八

楚 莊 王 寢 疾 ， 卜 之 ， 曰 ： 「 河 為 崇 。 」 大 夫 曰 ：「 請 用 牲 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 止 。 古 者 、 聖 王 制 祭 不 過 望 ，濉 漳 江 漢 ， 楚 之 望 也 ， 寡 人 雖 不 德 ， 河 非 所 獲 罪 也 。 」遂 不 祭 ， 三 日 而 疾 有 瘳 。 孔 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ：「 楚 莊 王 之 霸 ， 其 有 方 矣 ， 制 節 守 職 ， 反 身 不 貳 ， 其 霸不 亦 宜 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 嗟 嗟 保 介 ！ 」 莊 王 之 謂 也 。

九

人 主 之 疾 ， 十 有 二 發 ， 非 有 賢 醫 ， 莫 能 治 也 。 何謂 十 二 發 ？ 痿 、 蹶 、 逆 、 脹 、 滿 、 支 、 膈 、 盲 、 煩 、 喘、 痺 、 風 ， 此 之 曰 十 二 發 。 賢 醫 治 之 何 ？ 曰 ： 省 事 輕 刑， 則 痿 不 作 ； 無 使 小 民 飢 寒 ， 則 蹶 不 作 ； 無 令 財 貨 上 流， 則 逆 不 作 ； 無 令 倉 廩 積 腐 ， 則 脹 不 作 ； 無 使 府 庫 充 實， 則 滿 不 作 ； 無 使 群 臣 縱 恣 ， 則 支 不 作 ； 無 使 下 情 不 上通 ， 則 隔 不 作 ； 上 材 恤 下 ， 則 肓 不 作 ； 法 令 奉 行 ， 則 煩不 作 ； 無 使 下 怨 ， 則 喘 不 作 ； 無 使 賢 伏 匿 ， 則 痺 不 作 ；無 使 百 姓 歌 吟 誹 謗 ， 則 風 不 作 。 夫 重 臣 群 下 者 ， 人 主 之心 腹 支 體 也 ， 心 腹 支 體 無 疾 ， 則 人 主 無 疾 矣 ， 故 非有 賢醫 ， 莫 能 治 也 。 人 皆 有 此 十 二 疾 ， 而 不 用 賢 醫 ， 則 國 非其 國 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 多 將 熇 熇 ， 不 可 救 藥 。 」 終 亦 必 亡 而已 矣 。 故 賢 醫 用 ， 則 眾 庶 無 疾 ， 況 人 主 乎 ！

十

傳 曰 ： 太 平 之 時 ， 無 瘖 、 ● 、 跛 、 眇 、 尪 蹇 、 侏儒 、 折 短 ， 父 不 哭 子 ， 兄 不 哭 弟 ， 道 無 襁 負 之 遺 育 ， 然各 以 序 終 者 ， 賢 醫 之 用 也 。 故 安 止 平 正 除 疾 之 道 無 他 焉， 用 賢 而 已 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 有 瞽 有 瞽 ， 在 周 之 庭 。 」 紂 之遺 民 也 。

十一—十二

傳 曰 ： 「 喪 祭 之 禮 廢 ， 則 臣 子 之 恩 薄 ， 臣 子之 恩薄 ， 則 背 死 亡 生 者 眾 。 」 小 雅 曰 ： 「 子 子 孫 孫 ， 勿 替 引之 。 」 　 　 人 事 倫 ， 則 順 于 鬼 神 ； 順 于 鬼 神 ， 則 降 福 孔 皆 。詩 曰 ： 「 以 享 以 祀 ， 以 介 景 福 。 」

十三

武 王 伐 紂 ， 到 于 邢 丘 ， 楯 折 為 三 ， 天 雨 ， 三 日 不休 。 武 王 心 懼 ， 召 太 公 而 問 曰 ： 「 意 者 ， 紂 未 可 伐 乎 ？」 太 公 對 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 楯 折 為 三 者 ， 軍 當 分 為 三 也 。 天雨 、 三 日 不 休 ， 欲 灑 吾 兵 也 。 」 武 王 曰 ：「 然 何 若 矣 ？ 」 太 公 曰 ： 「 愛 其 人 ， 及 屋 上 烏 ； 惡 其 人者 ， 憎 其 骨 餘 。 咸 劉 厥 敵 ， 靡 使 有 餘 。 」 武 王 曰 ： 「 於戲 ！ 天 下 未 定 也 ！ 」 周 公 趨 而 進 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 使 各 度 其宅 ， 而 佃 其 田 ， 無 獲 舊 新 。 百 姓 有 過 ， 在 予 一 人 。 」 武王 曰 ： 「 於 戲 ！ 天 下 已 定 矣 。 」 乃 脩 武 勒 兵 於 甯 ， 更 名邢 丘 曰 懷 ， 甯 曰 脩 武 ， 行 克 紂 于 牧 之 野 。 詩 曰 ： 「 牧 野洋 洋 ， 檀 車 皇 皇 ， 駟 騵 彭 彭 ， 維 師 尚 父 ， 時 維 鷹 揚 ， 涼彼 武 王 ， 肆 伐 大 商 ， 會 朝 清 明 。 」 既 反 商 ， 及 下 車 ，封黃 帝 之 後 於 蒯 ， 封 帝 堯 之 後 於 祝 ， 封 舜 之 後 於陳 。 下 車而 封 夏 后 氏 之 後 於 杞 ， 封 殷 之 後 於 宋 ， 封 比 干 之 墓 ， 釋箕 子 之 囚 ， 表 商 容 之 閭 。 濟 河 而 西 ， 馬 放 華 山 之 陽 ， 示不 復 乘 ； 牛 放 桃 林 之 野 ， 示 不 復 服 也 ； 車 甲  而 藏 之 於府 庫 ， 示 不 復 用 也 。 於 是 廢 軍 而 郊 射 ， 左 射 貍 首 ， 右 射騶 虞 ， 然 後 天 下 知 武 王 不 復 用 兵 也 。 祀 乎 明 堂 ， 而 民 知孝 ； 朝 覲 ， 然 後 諸 侯 知 以 敬 ； 坐 三 老 於 大 學 ， 天 子 執 醬而 饋 ， 執 爵 而 酳 ， 所 以 教 諸 侯 之 悌 也 。 此 四 者 ， 天 下 之大 教 也 。 夫 武 之 久 ， 不 亦 宜 乎 ！ 詩 曰 ： 「 勝 殷 遏 劉 ， 耆定 爾 功 。 」 言 伐 紂 而 殷 亡 武 也 。

十四

孟 嘗 君 請 學 於 閔 子 ； 使 車 往 迎 閔 子 。 閔 子曰 ： 「禮 有 來 學 ， 而 無 往 教 。 致 師 而 學 ， 不 能 學 ； 往 教 ， 則 不能 化 君 也 。 君 所 謂 不 能 學 者 也 ， 臣 所 謂 不 能 化 者 也 。 」於 是 孟 嘗 君 曰 ： 「 敬 聞 命 矣 。 」 明 日 、 袪 衣 請 受 業 。 詩曰 ： 「 日 就 月 將 。 」

十五

劍 雖 利 ， 不 厲 不 斷 ； 材 雖 美 ， 不 學 不 高 。 雖 有 旨酒 嘉 殽 ， 不 嘗 ， 不 知 其 旨 ； 雖 有 善 道 ， 不 學 ， 不 達 其 功。 故 學 然 後 知 不 足 ， 教 然 後 知 不 究 。 不 足 ， 故 自 愧 而 勉， 不 究 、 故 盡 師 而 熟 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 則 教 學 相 長 也 。 子 夏問 詩 ， 學 一 以 知 二 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「 起 予 者 ， 商 也 ， 始 可 與言 詩 已 矣 。 」 孔 子 賢 乎 英 傑 ， 而 聖 德 備 ， 弟 子 被 光 景 而德 彰 。 詩 曰 ：「 日 就 月 將 。 」

十六

凡 學 之 道 ， 嚴 師 為 難 。 師 嚴 然 後 道 尊 ； 道 尊然 後民 知 敬 學 。 故 太 學 之 禮 ， 雖 詔 於 天 子 ， 無 北 面 ， 尊 師 尚道 也 。 故 不 言 而 信 ， 不 怒 而 威 ， 師 之 謂 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 日就 月 將 ， 學 有 緝 熙 于 光 明 。 」

十七

傳 曰 ： 宋 大 水 。 魯 人 弔 之 曰 ： 「 天 降 淫 雨 ，害 於粢 盛 ， 延 及 君 地 ， 以 憂 執 政 ， 使 臣 敬 弔 。 」 宋 人 應 之 ，曰 ： 「 寡 人 不 仁 ， 齋 戒 不 修 ， 使 民 不 時 ， 天 加 以 災 ， 又遺 君 憂 ， 拜 命 之 辱 。 」 孔 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 宋 國 其 庶 幾 矣。 」 弟 子 曰 ： 「 何 謂 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 昔 桀 紂 不 任 其 過 ，其 亡 也 忽 焉 。 成 湯 文 王 知 任 其 過 ， 其 興 也 勃 焉 。 過 而 改之 ， 是 不 過 也 。 」 宋 人 聞 之 ， 乃 夙 興 夜 寐 ， 弔 死 問 疾 ，戮 力 宇 內 ， 三 歲 ， 年 豐 政 平 。 鄉 使 宋 人 不 聞 孔 子 之 言 ，則 年 穀 未 豐 ， 而 國 家 未 寧 。 詩 曰 ： 「 佛 時 仔 肩 ， 示 我 顯德 行 。 」

十八

齊 桓 公 設 庭 燎 ， 為 便 人 欲 造 見 者 ，  年 而 士不 至。 於 是 東 野 有 以 九 九 見 者 ， 桓 公 使 戲 之 曰 ： 「 九 九 足 以見 乎 ？ 」 鄙 人 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 君 設 庭 燎 以 待 士 ， 期 年 而 士 不至 。 夫 士 之 所 以 不 至 者 ， 君 、 天 下 之 賢 君 也 ， 四 方 之 士皆 自 以 不 及 君 ， 故 不 至 也 。 夫 九 九 、 薄 能 耳 ， 而 君 猶 禮之 ， 況 賢 於 九 九 者 乎 ！ 夫 太 山 不 讓 礫 石 ， 江 海 不 辭 小 流， 所 以 成 其 大 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 先 民 有 言 ， 詢 于 芻 蕘 。 』 博謀 也 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 乃 固 禮 之 。  月 ， 四 方 之 士相 導 而 至 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 自 堂 徂 基 ， 自 羊 徂 牛 。 」 以 小 成大 。

十九

太 平 之 時 ， 民 行 役 者 不 踰 時 ， 男 女 不 失 時 以 偶 。孝 子 不 失 時 以 養 ； 外 無 曠 夫 ， 內 無 怨 女 ； 上 無 不 慈 之 父， 下 無 不 孝 之 子 ； 父 子 相 成 ， 夫 婦 相 保 ； 天 下 和 平 ， 國家 安 寧 ； 人 事 備 乎 下 ， 天 道 應 乎 上 。 故 天 不 變 經 ， 地 不易 形 ， 日 月 昭 明 ， 列 宿 有 常 ； 天 施 地 化 ， 陰 陽 和 合 ； 動以 雷 電 ， 潤 以 風 雨 ， 節 以 山 川 ， 均 其 寒 暑 ， 萬 民 育 生 ，各 得 其 所 ， 而 制 國 用 。 故 國 有 所 安 ， 地 有 所 主 ， 聖 人 刳木 為 舟 ， 剡 木 為 橶 ， 以 通 四 方 之 物 ， 使 澤 人 足 乎 水 ， 山人 足 乎 魚 ， 餘 衍 之 財 有 所 流 。 故 豐 膏 不 獨 樂 ， 磽 确 不 獨苦 ， 雖 遭 凶 年 飢 歲 ， 禹 湯 之 水 旱 ， 而 民 無 凍 餓 之 色 。 故生 不 乏 用 ， 死 不 轉 尸 ， 夫 是 之 謂 樂 。 詩 曰 ： 「 於 鑠 王 師， 遵 養 時 晦 。 」

二十

能 制 天 下 ， 必 能 養 其 民 也 ； 能 養 其 民 者 ， 為 自 養也 。 飲 食 適 乎 藏 ， 滋 味 適 乎 氣 ， 勞 佚 適 乎 筋 骨 ， 寒 煖 適乎 肌 膚 ； 然 後 氣 藏 平 ， 心 術 治 ， 思 慮 得 ， 喜 怒 時 ， 起 居而 遊 樂 ， 事 時 而 用 足 ， 夫 是 之 謂 能 自 養 者 也 。 故 聖 人 不淫 佚 侈 靡 者 ， 非 鄙 夫 色 而 愛 財 用 也 ， 養 有 適 ， 過 則 不 樂， 故 不 為 也 。 是 以 夏 不 數 浴 ， 非 愛 水 也 ； 冬 不 頻 湯 ， 非愛 火 也 ； 不 高 臺 榭 ， 非 無 土 木 也 ； 不 大 鍾 鼎 ， 非 無 金 錫也 ； 不 沈 於 酒 ， 不 貪 於 色 ， 非 辟 醜 也 ； 直 行 情 性 之 所 安而 制 度 ， 可 以 為 天 下 法 矣 。 故 用 不 靡 財 ， 足 以 養 其生 ，而 天 下 稱 其 仁 也 ； 養 不 害 性 ， 足 以 成 教 ， 而 天 下 稱 其 義也 ； 適 情 辟 餘 ， 不 求 非 其 有 ， 而 天 下 稱 其 廉 也 ； 行 成 不可 掩 ， 息 刑 不 可 犯 ， 執 一 道 而 輕 萬 物 ， 天 下 稱 其 勇 也 。四 行 在 乎 民 ， 居 則 婉 愉 ， 怒 則 勝 敵 ； 故 審 其 所 以 養 ， 而治 道 具 矣 ； 治 道 具 ， 而 遠 近 畜 矣 。 詩 曰 ：「 於 鑠 王 師 ， 遵 養 時 晦 。 」 言 相 養 者 之 至 於 晦 也 。

二十一

公 儀 休 相 魯 而 嗜 魚 ， 一 國 人 獻 魚 而 不 受 。 其 弟 諫曰 ： 「 嗜 魚 不 受 ， 何 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 夫 欲 嗜 魚 ， 故 不 受 也。 受 魚 而 免 於 相 ， 則 不 能 自 給 魚 ； 無 受 而 不 免 於 相 ， 長自 給 於 魚 。 」 此 明 於 魚 為 己 者 也 。 故 老 子 曰 ： 「 後 其 身而 身 先 ， 外 其 身 而 身 存 。 非 以 其 無 私 乎 ？ 故 能 成 其 私 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 思 無 邪 。 」 此 之 謂 也 。

二十二

傳 曰 ： 魯 有 父 子 訟 者 、 康 子 欲 殺 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 未可 殺 也 。 夫 民 父 子 訟 之 為 不 義 久 矣 ， 是 則 上 失 其 道 ， 上有 道 ， 是 人 亡 矣 。 」 訟 者 聞 之 ， 請 無 訟 。 康 子 曰 ： 「 治民 以 孝 ， 殺 一 不 義 ， 以 僇 不 孝 ， 不 亦 可 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 否 。 不 教 而 聽 其 獄 ， 殺 不 辜 也 ； 三 軍 大 敗 ， 不 可 誅 也； 獄 讞 不 治 ， 不 可 刑 也 。 上 陳 之 教 ， 而 先 服 之 ， 則 百 姓從 風 矣 ； 邪 行 不 從 ， 然 後 俟 之 以 刑 ， 則 民 知 罪 矣 。 夫 一仞 之 墻 ， 民 不 能 踰 ， 百 仞 之 山 ， 童 子 登 遊 焉 ， 凌 遲 故 也。 今 其 仁 義 之 陵 遲 久 矣 ， 能 謂 民 無 踰 乎 ？ 詩 曰 ： 『 俾 民迷 。 』 昔 之 君 子 道 其 百 姓 不 使 迷 ， 是 以 威 厲 而 刑 措 不用 也 。 故 形 其 仁 義 ， 謹 其 教 道 ， 使 民 目 晰 焉 而 見之 ， 使民 耳 晰 焉 而 聞 之 ， 使 民 心 晰 焉 而 知 之 ， 則 道 不 迷 ， 而 民志 不 惑 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 『 示 我 顯 德 行 。 』 故 道 義 不 易 ， 民 不由 也 ； 禮 樂 不 明 ， 民 不 見 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 周 道 如 砥 ， 其 直如 矢 。 』 言 其 易 也 。 『 君 子 所 履 ， 小 人 所 視 。 』 言 其 明也 。 『 睠 言 顧 之 ， 潸 焉 出 涕 。 』 哀 其 不 聞 禮 教 而 就 刑 誅也 。 夫 散 其 本 教 ， 而 施 之 刑 辟 ， 猶 決 其 牢 ， 而 發 以 毒 矢也 ， 不 亦 哀 乎 ！ 故 曰 ： 未 可 殺 也 。 昔 者 、 先 王 使 民 以 禮， 譬 之 如 御 也 ， 刑 者 ， 鞭 策 也 ， 今 猶 無 轡 銜 而 鞭 策 以 御也 ， 欲 馬 之 進 ， 則 策 其 後 ， 欲 馬 之 退 ， 則 策 其 前 ， 御 者以 勞 ， 而 馬 亦 多 傷 矣 。 今 猶 此 也 ， 上 憂 勞 而 民 多 罹 刑 。詩 曰 ： 『 人 而 無 禮 ， 胡 不 遄 死 ！ 』 為 上 無 禮 ， 則 不 免 乎患 ； 為 下 無 禮 ， 則 不 免 乎 刑 ； 上 下 無 禮 ， 胡 不 遄 死 ！ 」康 子 避 席 再 拜 曰 ： 「 僕 雖 不 敏 ， 請 承 此 語 矣 。 」 孔 子 退朝 ， 門 人 子 路 難 曰 ： 「 父 子 訟 、 道 邪 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 非也 。 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 然 則 夫 子 胡 為 君 子 而 免 之 也 ？ 」 孔 子曰 ： 「 不 戒 責 成 ， 害 也 ， 慢 令 致 期 ， 暴 也 ， 不 教 而 誅 、賊 也 。 君 子 為 政 ， 避 此 三 者 。 且 詩 曰 ： 『 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪怒 伊 教 。 』 」

二十三

當 舜 之 時 ， 有 苗 不 服 ， 其 不 服 者 ， 衡 山 在南 ， 岐山 在 北 ， 左 洞 庭 之 波 ， 右 彭 澤 之 水 ， 由 此 險 也 。 以 其 不服 ， 禹 請 伐 之 ， 而 舜 不 許 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 喻 教 猶 未 竭 也 。 」久 喻 教 ， 而 有 苗 民 請 服 。 天 下 聞 之 ， 皆 薄 禹 之 義 ， 而 美舜 之 德 。 詩 曰 ： 「 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪 怒 伊 教 。 」 舜 之 謂 也 。問 曰 ： 「 然 則 禹 之 德 不 及 舜 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 非 然 也 。 禹 之所 以 請 伐 者 ， 欲 彰 舜 之 德 也 。 故 善 則 稱 君 ， 過 則 稱 己 ，臣 下 之 義 也 。 假 使 禹 為 君 ， 舜 為 臣 ， 亦 如 此 而 已 矣 。 夫禹 可 謂 達 乎 為 人 臣 之 大 體 也 。 」

二十四

季 孫 氏 之 治 魯 也 ， 眾 殺 人 ， 而 必 當 其 罪 ； 多 罰 人， 而 必 當 其 過 。 子 貢 曰 ： 「 暴 哉 ！ 治 乎 ！ 」 季 孫 聞 之 ，曰 ： 「 吾 殺 人 ， 必 當 其 罪 ； 罰 人 ， 必 當 其 過 。 先 生 以 為暴 ， 何 也 ？ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 夫 奚 不 若 子 產 之 治 鄭 ， 一 年 而負 罰 之 過 省 ， 二 年 而 刑 殺 之 罪 亡 ， 三 年 而 庫 無 拘 人 。 故民 歸 之 ， 如 水 就 下 ； 愛 之 、 如 孝 子 敬 父 母 。 子 產 病 ， 將死 ， 國 人 皆 吁 嗟 ， 曰 ： 『 誰 可 使 代 子 產 死 者 乎 ？ 』 及 其不 免 死 也 ， 士 大 夫 哭 之 於 朝 ， 商 賈 哭 之 於 市 ， 農 夫 哭 之於 野 。 哭 子 產 者 皆 如 喪 父 母 。 今 竊 聞 夫 子 疾 之 時 ， 則 國人 喜 ， 活 則 國 人 皆 駭 。 以 死 相 賀 ， 以 生 相 恐 ， 非 暴 而 何哉 ！ 賜 聞 之 ： 託 法 而 治 ， 謂 之 暴 ； 不 戒 致 期 ， 謂 之 虐 ；不 教 而 誅 ， 謂 之 賊 ； 以 身 勝 人 ， 謂 之 責 。 責 者 失 身 ， 賊者 失 臣 ， 虐 者 失 政 ， 暴 者 失 民 。 且 賜 聞 ： 居 上 位 ， 行 此四 者 而 不 亡 者 ， 未 之 有 也 。 」 於 是 季 孫 稽 首 謝 曰 ： 「 謹聞 命 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪 怒 伊 教 。 」

二十五

問 者 曰 ： 「 夫 智 者 何 以 樂 於 水 也 ？ 」 曰 ：「 夫 水者 ， 緣 理 而 行 ， 不 遺 小 間 ， 似 有 智 者 ； 動 而 下 之 ， 似 有禮 者 ； 蹈 深 不 疑 ， 似 有 勇 者 ； 障 防 而 清 ， 似 知 命 者 ； 歷險 致 遠 ， 卒 成 不 毀 ， 似 有 德 者 。 天 地 以 成 ， 群 物 以 生 ，國 家 以 寧 ， 萬 事 以 平 ， 品 物 以 正 。 此 智 者 所 以 樂 於 水 也。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 思 樂 泮 水 ， 薄 采 其 茆 。 魯 侯 戾 止 ， 在 泮 飲酒 。 」 樂 水 之 謂 也 。

二十六

問 者 曰 ： 「 夫 仁 者 何 以 樂 於 山 也 ？ 」 曰 ：「 夫 山者 、 萬 民 之 所 瞻 仰 也 。 草 木 生 焉 ， 萬 物 植 焉 ， 飛 鳥 集 焉， 走 獸 休 焉 ， 四 方 益 取 與 焉 ， 出 雲 道 風 ， 嵷 乎 天 地 之 間。 天 地 以 成 ， 國 家 以 寧 。 此 仁 者 所 以 樂 於 山 也 。 」 詩 曰： 「 太 山 巖 巖 ， 魯 邦 所 瞻 。 」 樂 山 之 謂 也 。

二十七

傳 曰 ： 晉 文 公 嘗 出 亡 ， 反 國 ， 三 行 賞 而 不 及陶 叔狐 。 陶 叔 狐 謂 咎 犯 曰 ： 「 吾 從 而 亡 ， 十 有 一 年 ， 顏 色 黯黑 ， 手 足 胼 胝 。 今 反 國 ， 三 行 賞 ， 而 我 不 與 焉 ， 君 其 忘我 乎 ？ 其 有 大 過 乎 ？ 子 試 為 我 言 之 。 」 咎 犯 言 之 。 文 公曰 ： 「 噫 ！ 我 豈 忘 是 子 哉 ！ 高 明 至 賢 ， 志 行 全 成 ， 湛 我以 道 ， 說 我 以 仁 ， 變 化 我 行 ， 昭 明 我 ， 使 我 為 成 人 者 ，吾 以 為 上 賞 。 恭 我 以 禮 ， 防 我 以 義 ， 藩 援 我 ， 使 我 不 為非 者 ， 吾 以 為 次 。 勇 猛 強 武 ， 氣 勢 自 御 ， 難 在 前 則 處 在， 難 在 後 則 處 後 ， 免 我 危 難 之 中 ， 吾 以 為 次 。 然 勞 苦 之士 次 之 。 詩 曰 ： 『 率 履 不 越 ， 遂 視 既 發 。 』 今 不 內 自 訟過 ， 不 悅 百 姓 ， 將 何 錫 之 哉 ！ 」

二十八

夫 詐 人 者 曰 ： 「 古 今 異 情 ， 其 所 以 治 亂 異 道 。 」而 眾 人 皆 愚 而 無 知 、 陋 而 無 度 者 也 ， 於 其 所 見 ， 猶 可 欺也 ， 況 乎 千 歲 之 後 乎 ！ 彼 詐 人 者 、 門 庭 之 間 猶 挾 欺 ， 而況 乎 千 歲 之 上 乎 ！ 然 則 聖 人 何 以 不 可 欺 也 ？ 曰 ： 聖 人 以己 度 人 者 也 。 以 心 度 心 ， 以 情 度 情 ， 以 類 度 類 ， 古 今 一也 。 類 不 悖 ， 雖 久 同 理 ， 故 性 緣 理 而 不 迷 也 。 夫 五 帝 之前 無 傳 人 ， 非 無 賢 人 ， 久 故 也 ； 五 帝 之 中 無 傳 政 ， 非 無善 改 ， 久 故 也 ； 虞 夏 有 傳 政 ， 不 如 殷 周 之 察 也 ， 非 無 善政 ， 久 故 也 。 夫 傳 者 久 則 愈 略 ， 近 則 愈 詳 ， 略 則 舉 大 ，詳 則 舉 細 。 故 愚 者 聞 其 大 不 知 其 細 ， 聞 其 細 不 知 其 大 ，是 以 久 而 差 。 三 王 五 帝 ， 政 之 至 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 帝 命 不 違， 至 于 湯 齊 。 」 言 古 今 一 也 。

二十九

舜 生 於 諸 馮 ， 遷 於 負 夏 ， 卒 於 鳴 條 ， 東 夷 之 人 也。 文 王 生 於 岐 周 ， 卒 於 畢 郢 ， 西 夷 之 人 也 。 地 之 相 去 也， 千 有 餘 里 ， 世 之 相 後 也 ， 千 有 餘 歲 ， 然 得 志 行 乎 中 國， 若 合 符 節 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 先 聖 後 聖 ， 其 揆 一 也 。 」 詩 曰： 「 帝 命 不 違 ， 至 于 湯 齊 。 」

三十

孔 子 觀 於 周 廟 ， 有 欹 器 焉 。 孔 子 問 於 守 廟 者 曰 ：「 此 謂 何 器 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 此 蓋 為 宥 座 之 器 。 」 孔 子 曰： 「 聞 宥 座 器 滿 則 覆 ， 虛 則 欹 ， 中 則 正 ， 有 之 乎 ？ 」 對曰 ： 「 然 。 」 孔 子 使 子 路 取 水 試 之 ， 滿 則 覆 ， 中 則 正 ，虛 則 欹 。 孔 子 喟 然 而 嘆 曰 ： 「 嗚 呼 ！ 惡 有 滿 而 不 覆 者 哉！ 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 敢 問 持 滿 有 道 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 持 滿 之道 ， 抑 而 損 之 。 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 損 之 有 道 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 德 行 寬 裕 者 、 守 之 以 恭 ； 土 地 廣 大 者 ， 守 之 以 儉 ； 祿位 尊 盛 者 ， 守 之 以 卑 ， 人 眾 兵 強 者 ， 守 之 以 畏 ； 聰 明 睿智 者 、 守 之 以 愚 ； 博 聞 強 記 者 ， 守 之 以 淺 。 夫 是 之謂 抑而 損 之 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」

三十一

周 公 踐 天 子 之 位 ， 七 年 ， 布 衣 之 士 所 贄 而 師者 十人 ， 所 友 見 者 十 二 人 ， 窮 巷 白 屋 先 見 者 四 十 九 人 ， 時 進善 者 百 人 ， 教 士 千 人 ， 宮 朝 者 萬 人 。 成 王 封 伯 禽 於 魯 ，周 公 誡 之 曰 ： 「 往 矣 ！ 子 無 以 魯 國 驕 士 。 吾 、 文 王 之 子， 武 王 之 弟 ， 成 王 之 叔 父 也 ， 又 相 天 下 ， 吾 於 天 下 ， 亦不 輕 矣 。 然 一 沐 三 握 髮 ， 一 飯 三 吐 哺 ， 猶 恐 失 天 下 之 士。 吾 聞 德 行 寬 裕 ， 守 之 以 恭 者 榮 ； 土 地 廣 大 ， 守 之 以 儉者 安 ； 祿 位 尊 盛 ， 守 之 以 卑 者 貴 ； 人 眾 兵 強 ， 守 之 以 畏者 勝 ； 聰 明 睿 智 ， 守 之 以 愚 者 善 ； 博 聞 強 記 ， 守 之 以 淺者 智 。 夫 此 六 者 、 皆 謙 德 也 。 夫 貴 為 天 子 ， 富 有 四 海 ，由 此 德 也 ； 不 謙 而 失 天 下 ， 亡 其 身 者 ， 桀 紂 是 也 ； 可 不慎 歟 ！ 故 易 有 一 道 ， 大 足 以 守 天 下 ， 中 足 以 守 其 國 家 ，近 足 以 守 其 身 ， 謙 之 謂 也 。 夫 天 道 虧 盈 而 益 謙 ， 地 道 變盈 而 流 謙 ， 鬼 神 害 盈 而 福 謙 ， 人 道 惡 盈 而 好 謙 。 是 以 衣成 則 必 缺 ● ， 宮 成 則 必 缺 隅 ， 屋 成 則 必 加 拙 ， 示 不 成 者、 天 道 然 也 。 易 曰 ： 『 謙 、 亨 、 君 子 有 終 、 吉 。 』 詩 曰： 『 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 』 誡 之 哉 ！ 其 無 以 魯 國 驕 士也 。 」

三十二

傳 曰 ： 子 路 盛 服 以 見 孔 子 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 、 疏 疏者 何 也 ？ 昔 者 、 江 於 汶 ， 其 始 出 也 ， 不 足 以 濫 觴 ； 及 其至 乎 江 之 津 也 ， 不 方 舟 ， 不 避 風 ， 不 可 渡 也 ， 非 其 眾 川之 多 歟 ！ 今 汝 衣 服 其 盛 ， 顏 色 充 滿 ， 天 下 有 誰 加 汝 哉 ！」 子 路 趨 出 ， 改 服 而 入 ， 蓋 揖 如 也 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 志 之， 吾 語 女 ； 夫 慎 於 言 者 不 譁 ， 慎 於 行 者 不 伐 。 色 知 而 有長 者 、 小 人 也 。 故 君 子 知 之 為 知 之 ， 不 知 為 不 知 ， 言 之要 也 ； 能 之 為 能 之 ， 不 能 為 不 能 ， 行 之 要 也 。 言 要 則 知， 行 要 則 仁 ， 既 知 且 仁 ， 又 何 加 哉 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」

三十三

君 子 行 不 貴 苟 難 ， 說 不 貴 苟 察 ， 名 不 貴 苟 傳 ， 惟其 當 之 為 貴 。 夫 負 石 而 赴 河 ， 行 之 難 為 者 也 ， 而 申 徒 狄能 之 ， 君 子 不 貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也 。 山 淵 平 ， 天 地 比 ，齊 秦 襲 ， 入 乎 耳 ， 出 乎 口 ， 鉤 有 鬚 ， 卵 有 毛 ， 此 說 之 難持 者 也 ， 而 鄧  惠 施 能 之 ， 君 子 不 貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也。 盜 跖 吟 口 ， 名 聲 若 日 月 ， 與 舜 禹 俱 傳 而 不 息 ， 君 子 不貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也 。 故 君 子 行 不 貴 苟 難 ， 說 不 貴 苟 察， 名 不 貴 苟 傳 ， 維 其 當 之 為 貴 。 詩 曰 ： 「 不 競 不 絿 ， 不剛 不 柔 。 」

三十四

伯 夷 叔 齊 目 不 視 惡 色 ， 耳 不 聽 惡 聲 ； 非 其 君 不 事， 非 其 民 不 使 ； 橫 政 之 所 出 ， 橫 民 之 所 止 ， 弗 忍 居 也 ；思 與 鄉 人 居 ， 若 朝 衣 朝 冠 坐 於 塗 炭 也 。 故 聞 伯 夷 之 風 者、 貪 夫 廉 ， 懦 夫 有 立 志 。 至 柳 下 惠 則 不 然 ， 不 羞 汙 君 ，不 辭 小 官 ； 進 不 隱 賢 ， 必 由 其 道 ； 阨 窮 而 不 憫 ， 遺 佚 而不 怨 ； 與 鄉 人 居 ， 愉 愉 然 不 去 也 ， 雖 袒 裼 裸 裎 於 我 側 ，彼 安 能 浼 我 哉 ！ 故 聞 柳 下 惠 之 風 ， 鄙 夫 寬 ， 薄 夫 厚 。 至乎 孔 子 去 魯 ， 遲 遲 乎 其 行 也 ， 可 以 去 而 去 ， 可 以 止 而 止， 去 父 母 國 之 道 也 。 伯 夷 、 聖 人 之 清 者 也 ， 柳 下 惠 、 聖人 之 和 者 也 ， 孔 子 、 聖 人 之 中 者 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 不 競 不 絿， 不 剛 不 柔 。 」 中 庸 和 通 之 謂 也 。

三十五

王 者 之 等 賦 正 事 ， 田 野 什 一 ， 關 市 譏 而 不征 ， 山林 澤 梁 ， 以 時 入 而 不 禁 。 相 地 而 正 壤 ， 理 道 而 致 貢 。 萬物 群 來 ， 無 有 流 滯 ， 以 相 通 移 。 近 者 不 隱 其 能 ， 遠 者 不疾 其 勞 。 雖 幽 間 僻 陋 之 國 ， 莫 不 趨 使 而 安 樂 之 。 夫 是 之謂 王 者 之 等 賦 正 事 。 詩 曰 ： 「 敷 政 優 優 ， 百 祿 是 遒 。 」

三十六

孫 卿 與 臨 武 君 議 兵 於 趙 孝 成 王 之 前 。 王 曰 ：「 敢問 兵 之 要 ？ 」 臨 武 君 曰 ： 「 夫 兵 之 要 ， 上 得 天 時 ， 下 得地 利 ， 後 之 發 ， 先 之 至 ， 此 兵 之 要 也 。 」 孫 卿 曰 ： 「 不然 。 夫 兵 之 要 ， 在 附 親 士 民 而 已 。 六 馬 不 和 ， 造 父 不 能以 致 遠 ； 弓 矢 不 調 ， 羿 不 能 以 中 微 ； 士 民 不 親 附 ， 湯 武不 能 以 戰 勝 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 要 在 於 附 親 士 民 而 已 矣 。 」 臨武 君 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 夫 兵 之 用 ， 變 故 也 ， 其 所 貴 ， 謀 詐 也， 善 用 之 者 ， 猶 脫 兔 莫 知 其 出 ； 孫 吳 用 之 ， 無 敵 於 天 下。 由 此 觀 之 ，豈 待 親 士 民 而 後 可 哉 ！ 」 孫 卿 曰 ： 「 不 然。 君 之 所 道 者 、 諸 侯 之 兵 、 謀 臣 之 事 也 ； 臣 之 所 道 者 、仁 人 之 兵 ， 聖 王 之 事 也 。 彼 可 詐 者 ， 必 怠 慢 者 也 ， 君 臣上 下 之 際 ， 突 然 有 離 德 者 也 。 夫 以 跖 而 詐 桀 ， 猶 有 工 拙焉 。 以 桀 詐 堯 ， 如 以 指 撓 沸 ， 以 卵 投 石 ， 抱 羽 毛 而 赴 烈火 ， 入 則 燋 也 ， 夫 何 可 詐 也 ！ 且 夫 暴 國 將 孰 與 至 哉 ？ 彼其 與 至 者 ， 必 欺 其 民 ， 民 之 親 我 也 ， 芬 若 椒 蘭 ， 歡 如 父子 ， 彼 顧 其 上 ， 如 憯 毒 蜂 蠆 之 人 ， 雖 桀 跖 豈 肯 為 其 所 至惡 ， 賊 其 所 至 愛 哉 ！ 是 猶 使 人 之 子 孫 ， 自 賊 其 父 母 也 ，彼 則 先 覺 其 失 ， 何 可 詐 哉 ！ 且 仁 人 之 兵 ， 聚 則 成 卒 ， 散則 成 列 ， 延 居 則 若 莫 邪 之 長 刃 ， 嬰 之 者 斷 ， 銳 居 則 若 莫邪 之 利 鋒 ， 當 之 者 潰 ， 圓 居 則 若 丘 山 之 不 可 移 也 ， 方 居則 若 磐 石 之 不 可 拔 也 ， 觸 之 ， 摧 角 折 節 而 退 爾 ， 夫 何 可詐 也 。 詩 曰 ：『 武 王 載 旆 ， 有 虔 秉 鉞 ； 如 火 烈 烈 ， 則 莫 我 敢 曷 。 』 此謂 湯 武 之 兵 也 。 」 孝 成 王 避 席 仰 首 曰 ： 「 寡 人 雖 不 敏 ，請 依 先 生 之 兵 也 。 」

三十七

受 命 之 士 ， 正 衣 冠 而 立 ， 儼 然 ， 人 望 而 信之 ； 其次 、 聞 其 言 而 信 之 ； 其 次 、 見 其 行 而 信 之 ； 既 見 其 行 ，而 眾 皆 不 信 ， 斯 下 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 慎 與 言 矣 ， 謂 爾 不 信 。」

三十八

昔 者 、 不 出 戶 而 知 天 下 ， 不 窺 牖 而 見 天 道 ， 非 目能 視 乎 千 里 之 前 ， 非 耳 能 聞 乎 千 里 之 外 ， 以 己 之 情 量 之也 。 己 惡 飢 寒 焉 ， 則 知 天 下 之 欲 衣 食 也 ； 己 惡 勞 苦 焉 ，則 知 天 下 之 欲 安 佚 也 ； 己 惡 衰 乏 焉 ， 則 知 天 下 之 欲 富 足也 。 知 此 三 者 、 聖 王 之 所 以 不 降 席 而 匡 天 下 。 故 君 子 之道 ， 忠 恕 而 已 矣 。 夫 處 飢 渴 ， 苦 血 氣 ， 困 寒 暑 ， 動 肌 膚， 此 四 者 ， 民 之 大 害 也 ， 害 不 除 ， 未 可 教 御 也 。 四 體 不掩 ， 則 鮮 仁 人 ； 五 藏 空 虛 ， 則 無 立 士 。 故 先 王 之 法 ， 天子 親 耕 ， 后 妃 親 蠶 ， 先 天 下 憂 衣 與 食 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 父 母何 嘗 ？ 心 之 憂 矣 ， 之 子 無 裳 。 」

CHAPTER III

1 ¹

Tradition tells us that, of old, because Shun's pots and pans did not smell of cooking, ² those below him did not offend by leaving [food uneaten]. ³ Because he ate from earthen dishes ⁴ and drank from earthen vessels, craftsmen did not offend by exercising skill. ⁵ Because [he wore] deerskin garments with coarse cloth collars, ⁶ women did not offend by being extravagant. ¹¹ Since his regulations for [the masses] below were easy to follow, services being few and easy to perform successfully, ¹² the people did not offend by being [too much] governed. Truly the Great Way is greatly tolerant, great virtue is greatly humble, ¹³ and the Saintly Ruler is sparing of action. Hence things used by him always prosper.

There is the traditional saying: ¹⁴ "With the attainment of such ease and such freedom from laborious effort, the mastery is got of all principles under the sky." ¹⁵ For a sincere person it is easy to perform li; for an honest one it is easy to speak. For the sage it is easy to govern the people; for the craftsman it is easy to handle materials. The Ode says, ¹⁶

2 ¹⁸

During the Yin dynasty a ku started to grow in T`ang's courtyard. <sup>19</sup> In three days <sup>20</sup> it had become as large around as a man could embrace. T`ang inquired of I-yin, "What is this thing?"

I-yin answered, "It is a ku tree."

T'ang asked, "Why does it grow here?"

I-yin said, "The ku is a wild plant that grows in marshes. ²¹ That it is now growing in Your Majesty's courtyard is not very auspicious."

T'ang said, "What is to be done?"

I-yin said, "I have heard that evil omens come before disaster, and auspicious signs precede good fortune. If on observing an evil omen, one practices good acts, the disaster will not materialize; if on seeing an auspicious sign, one does not perform good acts, the good fortune will not come."

T'ang thereupon fasted and lived quietly, rising early of a morning and retiring [late] at night. He mourned the dead and made polite inquiries after those who were ill. ²² He pardoned crimes and gave alms to the poor. After seven days the ku died. The predicted misfortune ²³ never appeared, and the state prospered. The Ode says, ²⁴

3 ²⁵

Of old, in the time of King Wên of Chou, when he had ruled the country for eight years, in summer, the sixth month, ²⁶ he took to his bed with illness. After five days there was an earthquake, which, to the east, west, south, and north, did not extend beyond the outskirts of the capital. The functionaries all said, "We have heard that earthquakes occur because of the ruler. Now Your Majesty has been sick in bed for five days, and there has been an earthquake that did not extend beyond the outskirts of the capital in any direction. Your subjects are all frightened and we request that it may be averted."

King Wên said, "How are we going to avert it?"

They replied, "Undertake a [public] work and put the masses in motion so as to add to the city's walls: perhaps we can thereby avert it."

King Wên said, "It will not do. The Way of Heaven, in causing an evil omen to appear, is thereby to punish the guilty. ²⁷ I must be guilty, and hence this is to punish me. Now to go out of my way to undertake a [public] work and to put the masses in motion so as to add to the city's walls, would be to double my guilt. It cannot be done. ²⁸ I wish to reform my conduct and multiply good acts to avert it; I believe it can be avoided."

Thereupon he took pains with li and [rules of] precedence, ²⁹ and with [gifts of] furs made friends with the feudal lords. ³⁰ He made his speech elegant and presented capable officers with gifts of silk. He apportioned titles and rank; he measured out fields to confer on those who were deserving. Not long after he and his ministers had put these into practice, his illness was cured. ³¹ King Wên had been on the throne for eight years when the earthquake occurred. After [the earthquake] ³² he ruled for forty-three years [longer]; altogether he governed the country for fifty-one years before his death.

This was how King Wên dealt with an evil omen. The Ode says, ³³

4 ³⁴

The True King, in establishing degrees of virtue ³⁵ does not pay honor to those without merit, or give office to those who lack virtue, or punish those not guilty of crime. He has no worthless officers at court, ³⁶ and no parasites ³⁷ among the people. Thus it is possible for him to elevate the worthy and employ the able without over-stepping precedence, as well as to eliminate the cruel and exclude the overbearing without going to excess in punishments. The people are understanding, and all know that those who do good at home are rewarded in court, and those who do evil in secret are punished in public. Now this is what may be called establishing degrees; this [makes manifest] the inner power of the True King. The Ode says, ³⁸

5 ³⁹

A tradition states: ⁴⁰ To think conformity with the world good, to consider material wealth precious, and to take self-cultivation as the highest ⁴¹ conduct for the individual—such is the popular idea of virtue, but it is insufficient for the gentleman. His conduct is upright, his will inflexible, nor does he allow his personal desires to warp what he hears: ⁴² thus the correct gentleman, but it is insufficient for the superior man. His conduct is upright, his will inflexible; he likes to cultivate what he hears to stabilize his character. ⁴³ His speech and conduct for the most part are appropriate, but still the latter is not [wholly] natural, nor is the former [wholly] lucid. ⁴⁴ His intelligence for the most part is apt, but it is not perfectly subtle. If in a high position, he is able to make those whom he considers outstanding great; in a low position, he opens the true way to those inferior to himself: ⁴⁵ thus the sincere and generous superior man, but it is insufficient for the saint. When he goes [to rectify] ⁴⁶ the methods of the Hundred Kings, it is as easy as distinguishing black and white. He accommodates himself to his time as easily as one enumerates the Three Rules. ⁴⁷Practicingli and adhering to limits is as natural to him as his having four limbs. ⁴⁸ He adapts himself to change and establishes his merit ⁴⁹ as [inevitably as] the four seasons succeed one another. [Through him] the empire achieves order and all things dwell at peace: thus the saint. The Ode says, ⁵⁰

6 ⁵¹

Marquis Wên of Wei wished to appoint a prime minister. Summoning Li K`o, he inquired saying, "I wish to appoint a prime minister, and it is to be either Chai Huang, or Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ. ⁵² I wish to take your advice in this matter." ⁵³

Li K`o, withdrawing from the mat, declined, saying, "I have heard that a person of mean rank does not dispose of one who is of honorable rank, nor does a stranger come between relatives. ⁵⁴ I dwell outside [the palace], and so dare not accept your command."

Marquis Wên said, "Sir, feel yourself free to manage this affair."

Li K`o said, "Now if you would investigate a man, when he is living at home, see what he loves; when he is rich, see what he gives away; when he is successful, see whom he recommends; when he is in extremity, see what he will not do; when he is poor, see what he will not take. These five situations suffice for an investigation."

Marquis Wên said, "You may go home, sir. My prime minister has been decided upon."

Li K`o went out and met Chai Huang, who said, "Today I hear the prince summoned you to advise about a prime minister. Who is it to be?"

Li K`o said, "It will be Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ."

Chai Huang, taken aback, colored up and said, "How am I inferior to Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ? The governor of Hsi-ho <sup>55</sup> was put forward by me. When the Prince was worried by [the district of] Yeh, I put in Hsi-mên Pao. When the Prince wished to attack Chung-shan, I brought forward Yo Yang. After Chung-shan had been captured and there was no governor [for the district], I got you the appointment. When our Prince wished to appoint a tutor for the Heir Apparent, I got the place for Chao Ts`ang[-t`ang]. <sup>56</sup> All of these [men] were perfectly deserving and served faithfully. How am I inferior to Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ?"

Li K`o said, "When you mentioned me to your Prince, surely it could not have been with the idea of using the connection to seek high office? Our Prince asked me about the appointment of a prime minister, [saying], `It is to be either Ch`êng or Huang, [one of] the two. How about it?' And I replied, `[If Your Highness is undecided,] it is because he has not made a careful examination [of the men]. When they are living at home, see what they love; when they are rich, see what they give away, when they are successful, see whom they recommend; when they are in extremity, see what they will not do; when they are poor, see what they will not take. These five determine it; what is the use of waiting for [advice from] me?' This is how I know that Wei Ch'êng-tzŭ is to be the prime minister. For how can you be compared with Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ? <sup>57</sup> He has an allowance of a thousand chung [of grain], <sup>58</sup> and uses [only] one tenth for himself. [The other nine tenths] he uses for gifts to attract the empire's [worthy] gentlemen. <sup>59</sup> In this way he got Pu Tzŭ-hsia, T`ien Tzŭ-fang, and Tuan-kan Mu. All these three men our Prince treats as teachers and friends. All those whom you brought forward he treats as subjects. How then can you be compared with Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ?"

Chai Huang drew back, bowed twice to the ground, and said, "This uncouth person is truly inferior, and has replied improperly to his master." The Ode says, ⁶⁰

7 ⁶¹

Marquis Ch`êng and Duke Ssŭ were princes who collected imposts and made surveys; <sup>62</sup> they did not get so far as to attract the people. <sup>63</sup> Tzŭ-ch`an was one who attracted the people, but he did not get so far as to govern them. ⁶⁴ Kuan Chung governed them, but he did not get so far as to regulate li. Truly he who regulates li is a true king; he who governs is strong; he who attracts the people is at ease; he who collects imposts is lost. Hence collecting imposts is to summon bandits, ⁶⁵ and accumulating property is to enrich one's enemies. This is the way to endanger one's self and lose one's state: the intelligent ruler does not follow it. If [the prince] will reform ritual (li) to regulate the court, rectify the laws to regulate the officials, and stabilize the government to regulate the lower classes, ⁶⁶ then after that the rhythm [of li and i] ⁶⁷ will be adjusted in the court, the rules and regulations will be rectified among the officials; while loyalty, honesty, love, and gain will appear ⁶⁸ among the lower classes. In this way the people [come to] love him as their father and mother and to be in awe of him as they are of spiritual beings. ⁶⁹ By these means his transforming virtue fills the world, and prosperity and happiness revert to the nobles. The Ode says, ⁷⁰

8 ⁷²

King Chuang ⁷³ of Ch`u took to his bed with illness. The oracle read, "The River is the evil influence."

The Great Officers said, "We beg you to make use of sacrificial animals."

King Chuang said, "Stop! In antiquity, according to the sacrifices instituted by the saintly kings, ⁷⁴ [a ruler] did not go beyond [those within his own borders] in sacrificing to the spirits of hills and streams. The Sui, Chang, Chiang, and Han are the rivers Ch`u sacrifices to. Though I am devoid of virtue, it is not the River I have transgressed against." He never did perform the sacrifice, and in three days his disease was cured.

Confucius heard of this and said, "It was right that King Chuang of Ch`u should be overlord. He kept within limits and held to his duties, reflecting within himself ⁷⁵ and acting consistently. Was it not indeed fitting he should be overlord?" The Ode says, ⁷⁶

King Chuang is an example of this.

9

There are twelve symptoms of disease in rulers that, without a sage-physician, cannot be cured. What are the twelve symptoms? ⁷⁸ Paralysis, ⁷⁹ vertigo, ⁸⁰ persistent cough, ⁸¹ dropsy, ⁸² surfeit, ⁸³ lameness, ⁸⁴ obstruction, ⁸⁵ blindness, fever, ⁸⁶ shortness of breath, ⁸⁷ numbness, ⁸⁸ and fêng:⁸⁹ these are the twelve symptoms.

How is it that a sage-physician cures them? He economizes in affairs and lightens punishments, and as a result paralysis does not attack. ⁹⁰ He does not cause the common people to suffer from hunger or cold, and as a result vertigo does not appear. ⁹¹ He does not order property transferred to himself, and as a result a persistent cough ⁹² does not appear. He does not let [grain] collected in the public granaries spoil, and as a result dropsy does not appear. ⁹³ He does not have the treasury too full, and as a result surfeit does not appear. ⁹⁴ He does not let the ministers have free license, and as a result lameness does not occur. ⁹⁵ He does not prevent the lower classes from expressing their feelings to their superiors, and as a result obstruction does not occur. ⁹⁶ He gives talent precedence over his sympathies, ⁹⁷ and as a result blindness does not occur. ⁹⁸ Laws and commands he puts into practice, and as a result fever ⁹⁹ does not occur. He gives his inferiors no cause for resentment, and as a result shortness of breath does not occur. ¹⁰⁰ He does not cause the sages to go into hiding, and as a result numbness does not occur. ¹⁰¹ He does not give the people an excuse to sing abusive songs, and as a result fêng does not occur. ¹⁰²

Now the chief ministers and the various lesser officers are the heart and bowels, the limbs and the body of a ruler. If the heart and bowels, the limbs and body are without disease, then the ruler is without disease. Truly, [if they are diseased], unless he have a sage-physician, he cannot be cured. Whatever [ruler] ¹⁰³ has [one of] these twelve ailments without making use of a sage-physician, that ruler's state is not a real state. The Ode says, ¹⁰⁴

In the end failure is simply inevitable. Truly, if use is made of a sage-physician, the masses will be without ailment—how much the more does this apply to their ruler!

10 ¹⁰⁶

Traditionally, in a time of Great Peace there are no persons dumb, deaf, lame, one-eyed, feeble, dwarfed, or mutilated. ¹⁰⁷ Fathers do not [have reason to] weep for their sons, nor elder brothers to weep for their younger brothers. On the roads there are no infants abandoned to be reared [by others]; and everyone ends his life in his own station—such is the result of the employment of a sage-physician. Truly there is no other way of pacifying, putting in order, and expelling disease than precisely that of employing the sages. The Ode says, ¹⁰⁸

These were the people who survived the cruelties of [the tyrant] Chou.

11-12 ¹¹⁰

Tradition tells us that, if the rites (li) of mourning and sacrificing are neglected, then subjects and sons will be lacking in gratitude. If subjects and sons are lacking in gratitude, then those who repudiate the dead and forget the living ¹¹¹ will be many. The "Hsiao-ya" says, ¹¹²

If human affairs are well ordered, ¹¹³ then they are in conformity with the spirits. When they are in conformity with the spirits, then blessings sent down [by Heaven] reach elsewhere. ¹¹⁴ The Ode says, ¹¹⁵

13 ¹¹⁶

When King Wu attacked [the tyrant] Chou, as he came to Hsing-ch`iu, the yoke [on his chariot horses] <sup>117</sup> broke into three pieces, and rain fell for three days without stopping. King Wu was afraid <sup>118</sup> and summoned T`ai-kung, to whom he said, "It seems to me that the time has not yet come when Chou can be attacked."

T`ai-kung replied, "Not so. That the carriage yoke broke into three pieces means our army should be divided into three. The three days' rain without a stop ¹¹⁹ was intended to wash our weapons."

King Wu said, "In that case, what shall we do?"

T`ai-kung said, "Love for a person reaches to the crows on his roof; ¹²⁰ hate for a person includes the very walls of his village. ¹²¹ Let us slay all our enemies, ¹²² so that none will be left over."

King Wu said, "Ah, the empire is not yet established!"

The Duke of Chou hastened forward and said, "Not so. Let each regulate his own home and till his own fields. Without [regard for] old or new, [befriend only good men]. ¹²³ If the people commit a fault, let it be my sole responsibility."

King Wu said, "Ah, the empire has been established."

Thereupon he put his troops in order ¹²⁴ and checked their advance at Ning. He changed the name of Hsing-ch`iu to Huai; Ning he called Hsiu-wu. ¹²⁵ He marched to defeat [the tyrant] Chou in the Plain of Mu. The Ode says, ¹²⁶

After he had gone to [the capital of] Shang, ¹²⁸ before descending from his chariot he enfeoffed the descendants of Huang-ti in Chi, the descendants of the Emperor Yao in Chu, and the descendants of Shun in Ch`ên. After descending from his chariot, he enfeoffed the descendants of the Hsia imperial family in Ch`i, and the descendants of Yin in Sung. He raised a mound over the grave of Pi-kan, released Chi-tzŭ from prison, and marked out the village gate of Shang-jung. ¹²⁹

Crossing the River, he went to the west and released the [war]horses south of Mt. Hua to show that they would not again be mounted. The oxen he turned loose in the plain around T`ao-lin to show that they would not again be yoked to carts. War chariots and armor he had consecrated with blood and stored away in depots to show they would not again be used.

After that he disbanded his army and held archery practice in the suburbs. On the left they shot their arrows to the [song] li-shou,¹³⁰ and on the right to the [song] tsou-yü.¹³¹ Thereafter the empire knew that King Wu would not again employ troops. When he sacrificed in the ancestral temple, ¹³² the people learned about filial piety. He held open court and from that the feudal lords learned about respect. ¹³³ He seated the three [outstanding] old men in the Great School, ¹³⁴ and he, the Son of Heaven, respectfully served them with sauce and gave them cups to rinse out their mouths. In this manner he taught the feudal lords the behavior proper to a younger brother. These four [acts] constitute the great teachings of the empire. Now was it not fitting that King Wu was long [on the throne]? The Ode says, ¹³⁵

It says that when Wu attacked [the tyrant] Chou, Yin was lost. ¹³⁶

14 ¹³⁷

Mêng, Prince of Ch`ang, wishing to study under Min-tzŭ, ¹³⁸ sent his carriage to go meet him. Min-tzŭ said, "Etiquette (li) demands that [the pupil] come to study, not that [the master] go to teach. ¹³⁹ If you study by having your teacher come to you, you will be unable to learn. ¹⁴⁰ If I go to teach you, I will be unable to influence you. Where you would say you were unable to learn [if I do not go], I would say I would be unable to influence you [if I did go]."

Mêng Prince of Ch`ang then said, "I respectfully obey your command." Next day, lifting up his robe [and hastily taking a low seat], ¹⁴¹ he asked to receive instruction. The Ode says, ¹⁴²

15 ¹⁴³

Though a sword may be edged, if it is not sharpened, it will not cut. A man may be able, but if he does not study, he will not excel. There may be fine wine and superior delicacies, but without tasting them their excellence will not be known. There may be an excellent Way, but without study it will not be understood. Thus after study one realizes his shortcomings, and after teaching he realizes his shallowness. Because he falls short, he is ashamed of himself and makes an effort; because he is shallow, he gives himself over to a teacher ¹⁴⁴ (?) and becomes familiar [with his subject].

Viewed in the light of this, teaching and learning complement one another. When Tzŭ-hsia inquired about the Odes, he knew two parts from having studied one. Confucius said, "It is Shang who can bring out my meaning. Now I can begin to talk about the Odes with him." ¹⁴⁵

When Confucius gave distinction to that noble character, his own saintly virtue was completed. When the disciple received his influence, his own ¹⁴⁶ virtue was manifested. The Ode says, ¹⁴⁷

16 ¹⁴⁸

Now in the conduct of studies it is making the teacher respected that is difficult. If the teacher is respected, then the Way is honored. If the Way is honored, then the people know that learning is to be revered. ¹⁴⁹ Hence, by the ceremony (li) of the Great School, even though he address the Son of Heaven, [the teacher] does not have to face the north; this is out of honor for the teacher and esteem for the Way. Truly, "one who is given credence without having to speak, and who inspires awe without making a display of anger"—this may be said of a teacher. ¹⁵⁰ The Ode says, ¹⁵¹

17 ¹⁵³

There is the following traditional story: In Sung there was a great flood. ¹⁵⁴ A man from Lu condoled with [the Prince of Sung] saying, "Heaven has sent down excessive rains, injuring the millet for sacrifices and spreading over your land, to the grief of those in charge of the government. I have been sent respectfully to condole with you."

The Prince of Sung replied, ¹⁵⁵ "I have not practiced jên. Fasts and prohibitions have not been regulated, nor, in employing the people, has the proper time been chosen; [hence] Heaven has visited us with disaster. Having in addition caused you concern, I beg to acknowledge the condescension of your message."

Confucius heard of this and said, ¹⁵⁶ "Sung is almost ready [for enlightened government]."

A disciple said, "What do you mean?"

Confucius said, "Of old Chieh and Chou did not admit their faults, and their destruction was swift indeed. Ch`êng-t`ang and King Wên knew enough to recognize their faults, and their rise was sudden indeed. To reform after having committed faults is not to be at fault."

After the Prince of Sung heard of this remark, he rose early and retired late. He mourned for the dead, made polite enquiries after those who were ill, ¹⁵⁷ and greatly exerted himself inside the country. After three years the harvests were abundant and the government was tranquil. If previously the Prince of Sung had not heard of Confucius' words, the grain harvested would not have been abundant, nor would the state have been at peace. The Ode says, ¹⁵⁸

18 ¹⁶⁰

Duke Huan of Ch`i set up torches in the courtyard ¹⁶¹ for the sake of gentlemen who might want to come to see him. ¹⁶² For a full year no one came. Then [a rustic] from the eastern fields ¹⁶³ came to see him because of his skill in arithmetic. Duke Huan joked with him, saying, "Is arithmetic sufficient [reason] for an interview?"

The villager said, "[I had not thought arithmetic to be sufficient reason for an interview.] ¹⁶⁴ I had heard that Your Highness set up torches in his courtyard so as to await gentlemen, and that for a full year not one came. Now the reason that no gentlemen came was that Your Highness is the sage ruler in the empire, and everywhere gentlemen feel they are not adequate to Your Highness. Therefore they do not come. Now arithmetic is but a wretched accomplishment, yet if Your Highness treats me with courtesy, how much the more could those with worthier accomplishments than arithmetic expect! Now Mt. T`ai does not decline pebbles and stones, nor do rivers and oceans refuse small streams—thus have they accomplished their magnitude. The Ode says, ¹⁶⁵

It [speaks of] ¹⁶⁶ a great plan."

Duke Huan approved, and the man was accordingly ¹⁶⁷entertained formally for a full month. From all over gentlemen came leading one another to him. The Ode says, ¹⁶⁸

[It speaks of proceeding from the inside to the outside and of] ¹⁷⁰ achieving great things from small ones.

19

In an age of Great Peace the people, in supplying forced labor, do not go beyond the time [fixed]; men and women do not neglect the time [proper for] mating; filial sons do not neglect the time for nourishing [their parents]. ¹⁷¹ Abroad there are no unmarried men, and in the seclusion of the house there are no dissatisfied women. ¹⁷² On the one hand there are no heartless fathers, and on the other no unfilial sons. Father and son complete one another; husband and wife protect one another. The empire is at peace, the state is tranquil. Human affairs are complete here below; the Heavenly Way responds there above. Truly,

Heaven emanates and Earth produces.¹⁷³Yin and yang come together in equilibrium. Their motion produces thunder and lightning, their damp [emanation] is wind and rain, their periodicity shows in hills and streams, their balance produces [alterations of] heat and cold. All people maintain life; each on getting his place is employed by the ruler of the state. Hence there is someone to keep the state at peace, and there is someone to own the land.

The sages split trees to make boats and shaped wood to make paddles;¹⁷⁴ they used these to put products from all over into circulation, thus providing the people by the sea with plenty of wood and the people of the mountains with plenty of fish. ¹⁷⁵ Excess materials were assigned to definite places. Therefore those with fertile fields did not enjoy them alone, and those with stony fields were not left to suffer alone. Even if there were a bad year and a time of famine, or a flood like Yü's or a drought like T`ang's, still the people showed no signs of being cold or hungry. Thus the living were not made to work to the point of fatigue, and the dead did not lie in the ditches.¹⁷⁶ Now this is to be called happiness. The Ode says,¹⁷⁷

20

To be capable of ruling the empire, one must be able to nourish its people. He who is able to nourish the people practices self-nourishment. His drinking and eating conform to [the needs of] his viscera; his use of spices conforms to [the demands of] his ch`i;<sup>178</sup> his toil and rest conform to [the capacity of] his muscles and bones; his [adjustments to] heat and cold conform to his skin. Thereafter his ch`i and viscera are equitable, the working of his mind is controlled, his worries and cares achieve [a mean], his joy and anger are seasonable. In activity and repose he enjoys himself. By taking the opportunity he has enough for his needs. Now this is what is meant by one able to nourish himself.

Therefore, that the saints did not practice lascivious indulgence or wasteful extravagance is not because they despised sex or were miserly with their property. If in supplying one's needs, one goes to excess, the result is not pleasurable, and so they did not do so. It is for the same reason that in winter they did not bathe frequently—it was not that they grudged the water; and in summer they did not heat—it was not that they grudged the fire. ¹⁷⁹ That they did not make their towers and pavilions high was not due to a lack of earth and timber; that they did not make their bells ¹⁸¹ and tripods large was not due to a lack of copper and tin. That they did not drink deeply of wine or lust after women was not because they shunned them as repulsive. When they did in a straightforward manner what was restful to their feelings and dispositions, their practice was worth taking as a model for the empire. Thus in consuming they did not waste materials and so could support [the people's] life, so that the empire praised their jên. In supplying their wants they did not injure their nature and provided thereby an example, so that the empire praised their sense of fitness (i). They conformed to their feelings, avoided excess, and did not seek what they had no right to, so that the empire praised their integrity. Their conduct was perfect and could not be concealed; . . . punishment could not make them false [to their principles]. ¹⁸² Holding fast to the One Way, they despised all material things, and as a result the empire praised their bravery. If these four are practiced among the people, when at rest they are kindly and happy; aroused they overcome their enemies. Thus when we examine the means they employed in nourishing the people, [we find] a complete method for ruling. When the method of ruling is complete, near and far get sustenance. The Ode says, ¹⁸³

It says he nourished them even in the darkness.

21 ¹⁸⁵

Kung-i Hsiu, minister of Lu, ¹⁸⁶ was fond of fish. A native of the state made him a present of fish, but he would not accept it. His younger brother objected, saying,

"You are fond of fish; why do you not accept it?"

He said, "It is [precisely] because I am so fond of fish that I do not accept it. If I accept the fish and lose my place as minister, ¹⁸⁷ I will then be unable to supply myself with fish. By not accepting and not losing my place as minister, I will long be able to supply myself with fish. ¹⁸⁸ In this matter I understand how to take care of myself." ¹⁸⁹

Truly, as Lao-tzŭ said, ¹⁹⁰ "Make yourself last and you will be first; put yourself outside, and you will be preserved. Is it not that he had no eye to personal advantage, and was just in this way able to accomplish his personal advantage?" The Ode says, ¹⁹¹

This is illustrated in the above.

22 ¹⁹²

There is the following traditional story: In Lu there was a dispute at law between father and son. K`ang-tzŭ wished to have them put to death, but Confucius said, ¹⁹³ "It would not be right to put them to death. Now the people have long [been ignorant that] lawsuits between father and son are improper. ¹⁹⁴ This case is the result of those in responsible positions neglecting true principles. If superiors were possessed of the proper principles, such people as these would not be."

The litigants, hearing of this remark, asked that the case be dropped. K`ang-tzŭ said, "The people are governed through filial piety. Surely it would be proper to put to death one who behaves thus unfittingly as a censure for the unfilial?" ¹⁹⁵

Confucius said, "Not at all. Having left them without instruction, to judge their suits is to put to death the guiltless. Though the armies of a great state suffer a severe defeat, they should not be punished. If lawsuits and judgments are not supervised, it is not right to inflict punishments. If superiors, having made manifest their teachings, themselves submit to them first, then the people will readily fall into line. Only if they conduct themselves improperly and are not obedient are they punished, since then the people will recognize their guilt. Now take a wall eight feet high—the people cannot cross over it. But a mountain eight hundred feet high—small boys climb and play on it. It is because of the [gradual] decline. ¹⁹⁶Jên and i have long been in a decline— can we say the people do not cross them? The Ode says, ¹⁹⁷

The superior men of antiquity taught the people and did not lead them astray. Thus authority was strict [but not made use of], ¹⁹⁸ and punishments were set up but not employed. In this way they embodied jên and i and took pains in teaching the True Way. They caused the people to see it clearly with their eyes and to hear it clearly with their ears and to know it clearly with their minds. As a result, since the True Way was not obscured, the aims of the people were not confused. The Ode says, ¹⁹⁹

"Truly, unless the True Way and i are made simple, the people will not follow them; unless rites (li) and music are made clear, the people will not perceive them. The Ode says, ²⁰⁰

This says how simple it was.

This says how clear it was.

He is sorrowing because he did not pay attention to instruction in rites (li) and so is suffering punishment. ²⁰¹ Now having dispensed with this fundamental instruction, to visit them with punishment is like breaking down the pen and shooting [at the cattle] with poisoned arrows. It is not indeed reason for grief? ²⁰² That is why I said it would not be right to put them to death.

"The former kings' use of rites (li) in employing the people in olden times may be compared to driving a chariot. Punishments were the whip and stick. At the present day it is like driving with whip and stick, but without having reins and bit. When you wish the horse to advance, you beat him behind; when you wish him to retreat, you beat him in front. The driver has much trouble doing it, and the horse in turn suffers greatly. ²⁰³ So it is today. Superiors are anxious and put to trouble, while the people are greatly grieved and suffer punishment. The Ode says, ²⁰⁴

For one in a superior position who does not observe the rites (li), misfortune is inevitable. For one in an inferior position who does not observe the rites (li), punishment is inevitable. If superior and inferior [alike] do not observe the rites (li), `why do they not quickly die?' "

K`ang-tzŭ withdrew from the mat, bowed twice and said, "Although I am not intelligent, I wish to receive these words."

When Confucius withdrew from court, his disciple Tzŭ-lu objected saying, "A lawsuit between father and son, is it in accordance with the True Way?"

Confucius said, "It is not."

Tzŭ-lu said, "In that case, how could you, Master, as a superior man, excuse it?"

Confucius said, "Without warning, to hold [the people] responsible for the completion of a task is injurious. To insist on a definite period [for the execution of] offhand orders is oppressive. To inflict punishment without having instructed them is harmful. ²⁰⁵ A superior man in governing avoids these three [evils]. Moreover the Ode says, ²⁰⁶

23 ²⁰⁷

In the time of Shun the state of Miao did not submit. They did not submit [because they had] the Hêng mountains on their southern [border], the Min mountains ²⁰⁸ on their northern [border], the waves ²⁰⁹ of Tung-t`ing [lake] to their left, and the waters of P`êng-li ²¹⁰ [lake] to their right; through these they were protected. Because they would not submit, Yü asked to attack them, but Shun would not agree. He said, "I have not as yet exhausted my teachings." For a long time he gave out his teachings, ²¹¹ and the ruler of the Miao ²¹² [finally] asked to submit.

When the people of the empire heard of this, they all rated Yü low in i and praised Shun's transforming virtue. The Ode says, ²¹³

This could be said of Shun. If you ask, "In that case, Yü's transforming virtue did not come up to Shun's?" I would say, "Not at all. Yü asked to attack them because of his desire to show off Shun's transforming virtue. Truly, `credit the good to your prince and take the blame on yourself'; this is the proper act (i) of a subject. Let us suppose Yü to have been the ruler and Shun his subject: it would have simply been the same as in this case. Yü may be said to be the great figure of one who succeeded in being a subject."

24

In his administration of Lu, Chi-sun-tzŭ had people put to death on a large scale, as their crimes strictly merited, and frequently inflicted punishments on people, as their faults strictly deserved. Tzŭ-kung said, "A cruel government!"

When he heard of this remark, Chi-sun said, "I put the people to death when their crimes strictly merit it, and I punish them when their faults strictly deserve it. How is it that you, sir, find it cruel?"

Tzŭ-kung said, "How unlike Tzŭ-ch`an's administration of Chêng! In one year [the number of] faults requiring punishment diminished; in two years crimes requiring capital punishment disappeared. In three years the prisons had no prisoners. As a result the people turned to him as water flows downhill, and loved him as a filial son respects his father and mother. When Tzŭ-ch`an was sick and on the point of death, the citizens all lamented, saying, `Is there not someone else who could die in the place of Tzŭ-ch`an?' When he finally did die, the nobles and great officers wept for him in the court, the merchants wept for him in the market, and the farmers wept for him in the fields. For all of them weeping for Tzŭ-ch`an was like mourning for father and mother. Now I heard that when you were sick, our citizens were happy, and when you recovered they all were frightened. When they take your death [as reason] for congratulation and your living [as reason] for fear, if this is not [the fruit of] cruelty, what is it? ²¹⁴ I have heard that to govern by relying on laws is called cruel; that to insist on a definite period [for the completion of a task] without having given warning is called tyranny; that to punish [people] without having instructed them is called oppression; ²¹⁵ that to impose oneself on others is called exaction. He who makes exactions will lose his life; the oppressor will lose his subjects; the tyrant will lose the government; the cruel ruler will lose the people. Furthermore I have heard that there has never been one who occupied the highest place and practiced these four who did not perish."

Whereupon Chi-sun bowed his head gratefully and said, "I listen with respect to your command." The Ode says, ²¹⁶

25 ²¹⁷

Should someone ask, "Just what does a wise man find in water to give him pleasure?" I would answer, "Now water moves in accordance with principle, not losing one little moment. In this it resembles the wise man. In moving it descends, ²¹⁸ and in this it resembles one who observes li. It follows along a deep gorge without any uncertainty: in this it resembles the brave man. It keeps itself pure through protective embankments, ²¹⁹ and in this resembles the man who knows the mandate [of Heaven]. Passing through defiles, it goes far, and achieves its destination without diminution: ²²⁰ in this it resembles the virtuous man. Through it Heaven and Earth are completed, through it all living beings are produced and the state is at peace; through it all affairs are settled and material things are rectified. For these reasons the sage take pleasure in water."

The Ode says, ²²¹

This speaks of taking pleasure in water. ²²²

26 ²²³

Should someone ask, "Just what does the man possessed of jên find in mountains to give him pleasure?" I would answer, "It is mountains to which all people raise their eyes and look. Grass and trees grow there; all living things flourish there; the birds that fly assemble there; the beasts that walk take their repose there; and while all [alike] take from them, they show [favoritism to none]. ²²⁴ [Mountains] put forth clouds and make the wind circulate; they soar up between heaven and earth. ²²⁵ Through them heaven and earth are completed, and the state is at peace. These are the reasons why the man of jên takes pleasure in mountains." ²²⁷ The Ode says, ²²⁸

This speaks of taking pleasure in a mountain.

27 ²³¹

There is the following traditional story: When Duke Wên of Chin had returned to his state from exile, he thrice gave out rewards, but none reached T`ao Shu-hu. ²³²

T`ao Shu-hu said to Uncle Fan, ²³³ "I followed [our prince] ²³⁴ into exile for eleven years until my complexion was burnt black and my hands and feet were [covered with] calluses. Now he has returned to his state and thrice has given out rewards, but nothing to me. Is it that the prince has forgotten me? Or am I greatly to blame? Would you try speaking on my behalf?"

Uncle Fan spoke about it to Duke Wên, who said, "Eh, how could it be that I have forgotten this man? Those who were greatly enlightened and most worthy, whose minds and conduct were perfect, ²³⁵ who soothed me with the True Way and persuaded me with jên, who changed my conduct and made bright my [fame], ²³⁶ making me an accomplished person, to these I gave the highest reward. Those who treated me with respect according to the rites (li), who protected me with i, who guarded and assisted me so that I did not commit faults, to these I gave the next highest [reward]. Those who were brave, strong, and martial, who were forward and self-reliant, who, when there was trouble in front, placed themselves in front, and when the trouble was in the rear, placed themselves in the rear, rescuing me out of danger and difficulty, to these I gave the next highest [reward]. After them I put the gentlemen who [merely] endured hardship." ²³⁷ The Ode says, ²³⁸

Now if one does not internally reflect on his own faults, he will not please the people; so what reward will there be for him? ²³⁹

28 ²⁴⁰

Those who deceive the people say, "The circumstances of ancient and modern times are different; hence methods for governing are different." Since the people are all stupid and without knowledge, mean and lacking in discrimination, they can even be deceived about that which they have seen [with their own eyes]; how much the more [may they be deceived about events] after a thousand years! Those who deceive the people foster deceit inside their very courtyards; how much the easier [to foster it] in regard to [events of] a thousand years ago! In that case how does the saint manage not to be deceived? The saint measures others by himself. He measures [men's] hearts by his heart; he measures their feelings by his feelings; he measures each kind of thing by its own kind. [To him] ancient and modern are one. Categories do not become confused; even though the time has been long, the principle [governing them] is the same. Truly human nature conforms to [the same] principle and does not go astray.

That before the Five Emperors there is no record of individuals is not because there were no sages; it is because it was so long ago. That during the [time of the] Five Emperors there is no record of government is not because there was no good government; it is because it was so long ago. That for the time of the Yü ²⁴¹ and the Hsia the records of government are not so detailed as those of the Yin and the Chou is not because the government was not good; it is because it was so long ago. Now the greater the antiquity from which a record is transmitted, the more abridged it is, and the more recent the times, [relatively] the more detailed it is. If abridged, great events are mentioned; if detailed, small events are mentioned. As a result, stupid men hearing of the great events are ignorant of the small ones, and hearing of the small events are ignorant of the great ones. They are mistaken because it has been so long ago. The Three Kings and the Five Emperors represent the acme of government. The Ode says, ²⁴²

It speaks of the identity of ancient and modern.

29 ²⁴⁴

Shun was born in Chu-fêng. He moved to Fu-hsia, and died in Ming-t`iao. He was a man [who lived near to] the Eastern Barbarians. King Wên was born in Chou by [Mount] Ch`i and died in Pi-ying. He was a man [who lived near to] the Western Barbarians. In space they were separated by more than a thousandli; in time they were more than a thousand years apart, but their success in imposing their wills on the Middle Kingdom was like the two parts of a tally that fit perfectly together.

Confucius said, ²⁴⁵ "In their principles the earlier saints and the later saints are the same." The Ode says, ²⁴⁶

30 ²⁴⁷

Confucius paid a visit to the ancestral temple of Chou, ²⁴⁸ where they had a vessel that leaned at an angle. Confucius asked the caretaker of the temple, "What vessel is that?"

The caretaker replied, "Why that, I believe, is a Warning Vessel." ²⁴⁹

Confucius said, "I have heard that a Warning Vessel, ²⁵⁰ when full, turns over, when empty it leans at an angle, and when half full it stands straight. ²⁵¹ Is this true?"

"It is."

Confucius had Tzŭ-lu bring water to try it. Full, it turned over; half full, it stood straight; empty, it leaned at an angle. Confucius heaved a sigh and said, "Ah, does it ever happen that those who are full do not turn over!" ²⁵²

Tzŭ-lu said, "I should like to ask whether there is a method for controlling fullness?"

Confucius said, "The method of controlling fullness is to repress and diminish it."

Tzŭ-lu said, "Is there a method for diminishing it?"

Confucius said, "Let those whose virtuous conduct is ample preserve it by being reverent. Let those whose territory is extensive preserve it by economy. Let those whose pay is rich and whose rank is elevated ²⁵³ preserve them by humility. Let those whose people are many and whose weapons are strong preserve them by fear. Let those possessed of intelligence and knowledge preserve them through [an air of] stupidity. Let those with great learning and strong memories preserve them through [an air of] shallowness. ²⁵⁴ Now this is what I mean by repressing and diminishing." The Ode says, ²⁵⁵

31 ²⁵⁶

During the seven years that the Duke of Chou occupied the place of the Son of Heaven, ²⁵⁷ there were ten por gentlemen to whom he gave presents and whom he treated as teachers. ²⁵⁸ There were thirteen men to whom he [made return presents and] ²⁵⁹ regarded as friends, and forty-nine from poor dwellings in mean quarters to whom he gave precedence in interviews. ²⁶⁰ There were a hundred good men whom he advanced at regular times; there were a thousand teachers, and ten thousand officials. ²⁶¹

King Ch`êng enfeoffed Po-ch`in in Lu, [and before his departure for Lu] the Duke of Chou admonished him saying, "You are going now. Do not treat ordinary gentlemen with disrespect because of [your position in] the state of Lu. I am the son of King Wên, younger brother of King Wu, and uncle of King Ch`êng. ²⁶² In addition I am minister of the empire. ²⁶³ Certainly my position in the empire is not to be despised. Yet in washing my hair once, I must catch it up [all wet as it is] three times; and in eating one meal I must thrice spit out [my food], and still I fear to lose [an interview with] one of the empire's gentlemen.

"I have heard that ²⁶⁴ one whose virtuous conduct is ample and who preserves it by reverence will prosper; that one whose territory is extensive and who preserves it by economy will find security; that one whose pay is rich and whose rank is elevated and who preserves them by humility will be honored; that one whose people are many and whose weapons are strong and who preserves them by fear will be victorious; that one who has intelligence and knowledge and who preserves them by [an air of] stupidity will excel; ²⁶⁵ that one whose learning is extensive and whose memory is strong and who preserves them by [an air of] shallowness will have wisdom. ²⁶⁶ Now these six are all of them `humbled virtues.' To have the rank of emperor and the wealth of the whole land ²⁶⁷ and then to lose the empire and forfeit their own lives from not humbling these virtues—such was the lot of Chieh and Chou. Can you not but take [them as a] warning?

"Truly, the I [ching] has the One Way whereby, on a large scale, one may preserve an empire, or on a medium scale, one may preserve a state, or more immediately one may preserve his person, and it is called humility. Now `it is the Way of Heaven to diminish the full and to augment the humble. It is the Way of Earth to overthrow the full and to replenish the humble. Spiritual Beings inflict calamity on the full and bless the humble. It is the Way of Man to hate the full and love the humble.' <sup>268</sup> By this principle the completed garment must have a gap at the lapel; the finished dwelling must have a break at a corner; the finished room must have a defect added. This shows that incompleteness is in accordance with the Way of Heaven. The I [ching] says, <sup>269</sup> `Chien indicates progress and success. The superior man will maintain his success to the end, and have good fortune.' The Ode says, ²⁷⁰

Take heed! and do not treat ordinary gentlemen with disrespect because of [your position in] the state of Lu."

32 ²⁷¹

There is the following traditional story: Tzŭ-lu appeared before Confucius in full dress. Confucius said, "Yu, why so dressed up? ²⁷² Back where the Chiang comes out from under [Mt.] Min, at the beginning it is large enough [only] to fill up a beaker. ²⁷³ But by the time it reaches the river ford, except by putting boats together and going when there is no wind, ²⁷⁴ it is impossible to cross. Is this not because the accumulated waters are so great? ²⁷⁵ Now overdressed as you are ²⁷⁶ and with so severe an expression, ²⁷⁷ is there anyone in the empire to improve on you?"

Tzŭ-lu hastily went out, changed his clothes, and came back humbly. ²⁷⁸ Confucius said, "Yu, mark well what I am going to tell you. He who is cautious about his speech is not loud. He who is cautious about his conduct does not show off. The man who shows his knowledge and his skills in his face is a mean fellow. Truly, `when the superior man knows a thing, he holds that he knows it, and when he does not know a thing, he admits that he does not know it.' ²⁷⁹ This is the important thing in speech. When he can do a thing, he holds that he can do it, and when he cannot do a thing he admits that he cannot do it: this is the important thing in action. In speech the important thing is knowledge; in action it is jên. The possession of both knowledge and jên—what more can you add to that?" The Ode says, ²⁸⁰

33 ²⁸¹

The superior man does not respect foolhardiness in conduct; in explanations he does not respect sophistry; and in fame he does not respect notoriety. He respects only what is fitting. Now to carry a stone and throw yourself into the river is hard to do, but Shên-t`u Ti was capable of it. <sup>282</sup> The superior man does not respect him, <sup>283</sup> because it was not according to the mean of li and i. That mountains and streams are level, that heaven and earth are equal, <sup>284</sup> that Ch`i and Ch`in are contiguous, that `it goes in the ear and comes out the mouth,' ²⁸⁵ that a barb has whiskers, ²⁸⁶ and an egg has hair: ²⁸⁷ these theories are difficult to uphold, but Têng Hsi and Hui Shih were equal to it. The superior man does not respect them, because [such paradoxes] are not in accord with the mean of li and i. The notoriety of Tao-chih is in everyone's mouth; ²⁸⁸ his fame is [glaring as] the sun and moon, and is transmitted without interruption [to later generations] together with the fame of Shun and Yü. The superior man does not respect him, as [such notoriety] is not in accord with mean of li and i. Thus the superior man does not respect foolhardiness in conduct; in explanations he does not respect sophistry; and in fame he does not respect notoriety. He respects only what is fitting. The Ode says, ²⁸⁹

34 ²⁹¹

Po-i and Shu-ch`i ²⁹² would not allow their eyes to look on a bad sight, or their ears to listen to a bad sound. They would not serve a prince of whom they did not approve, or command a people whom they did not esteem. They could not bear to dwell either in [a court] from which a lawless government emanated, or among lawless people. They considered living with commoners as equivalent to sitting in dirt and charcoal while wearing court robes and court cap. Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Po-i, the avaricious ²⁹³ become pure and the weak acquire determination.

When we come to Liu-hsia Hui, ²⁹⁴ it is not thus. He was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor would he refuse an inferior office. When advanced to employment he did not conceal his worth, [but] made it a point to follow ²⁹⁵ the True Way. When straitened by poverty he did not grieve; when dismissed and left without office he did not murmur. Living with commoners he was happy ²⁹⁶ and would not leave. [He would say,] "Although he stand by my side with breast and arms bare, or with his body naked, how can another person ²⁹⁷ defile me?" Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Liu-hsia Hui, the mean become generous and the niggardly become liberal.

When we come to Confucius' leaving Lu and delaying his departure, ²⁹⁸ "when it was proper to go, he went, ²⁹⁹ and when it was proper to stay, he stayed": this is the way to leave the country of one's father and mother. ³⁰⁰

Po-i among the saints was the pure one; Liu-hsia Hui was the accommodating one; and Confucius was the temperate one. ³⁰¹ The Ode says, ³⁰²

This speaks of moderation and harmony.

35 ³⁰³

In scaling taxes and rectifying affairs the king levies a tithe on fields; at the customs barriers and markets he has inspections, but no duties; the use of mountains and forests, of lakes and weirs is limited to certain seasons, but it is not prohibited [entirely]; ³⁰⁴ he inspects ³⁰⁵ the land, and taxes ³⁰⁶ [on the basis of] the quality of the soil. He has tribute sent according to [the length of] ³⁰⁷ the way it must come. All produce comes without interference in circulation, so that it may be freely distributed. Those near [the imperial domain] do not hide their ability, and those far away are not dissatisfied with their labor. Though a state be secluded and backward, there is none [of its inhabitants] but will hasten to serve him and rejoice [in his government]. This is what is meant by a king's scaling taxes and rectifying affairs. The Ode says, ³⁰⁸

36 ³⁰⁹

Sun Ch`ing <sup>310</sup> and the Prince of Lin-wu <sup>311</sup> were discussing military affairs before King Hsiao-ch`êng of Chao. The king said, "I venture to ask what is [most] important in military operations."

The Prince of Lin-wu said, "Well, in military operations the important thing is on the one hand to take advantage of the opportunities given by Heaven and on the other to take advantage of the terrain. Mobilize last but get there first. This is what is important in military operations."

Sun Ch`ing said, "Not so. Now the one important thing in military operations consists in gaining the support of officers and people. If the six [chariot] horses are not in accord, Ts`ao-fu [himself] could not drive them far. If bow and arrow do not match, [even] Yi could not hit a small mark with them. Without the support of officers and people, T`ang or Wu would not have been able to win victories with them. Seen in this light, the important thing is simply to gain the support of officers and people."

The Prince of Lin-wu said, "Not so. What is employed in military tactics is [the element of] surprise; what is valued are stratagems and guile. Those skilled in the use [of such elements] may be compared with an escaping hare—no one knows where they are going to pop out. Sun [Wu] and Wu [Ch`i] used them, and were without opponents in the empire. Seen in this light, why is it necessary to wait for the support of officers and people before you can do anything?"

Sun Ch`ing said, "Not so. What you ³¹² speak of are the military operations of a feudal lord, the affairs of a scheming minister. What I am talking about are the military methods of the man characterized by jên, and the undertakings of a Saintly King. It is possible to practice guile only against those who are lazy or where there is a marked estrangement between prince and subjects, between superior and inferior. Now if a Chih [tries to] deceive a Chieh, there is still [the chance of] skill and awkwardness involved; but if a Chieh [tries to] deceive a Yao, it is like stirring up boiling water with the finger, or dashing an egg against a rock. If you run into a raging fire while carrying feathers and fur, you will be burnt. So how can you use guile? Furthermore, who is going to succeed with an oppressive state? Any who succeed with such [a state] must needs cheat the people. ³¹³ But the people's love for me is like the pleasure they take in the chiao and the lan plants for their fragrance; it is joyous as [the love between] father and son. ³¹⁴ They regard their superiors as men with poisonous beestingers. ³¹⁵ Though there be a Chieh or a Chih, is [anyone] going to be willing on the behalf of those he most hates to injure those whom he most loves? This is like [trying to] make a man's sons and grandsons injure their own parents; the former will notify them in advance, ³¹⁶ so how can you use guile?

"Furthermore, the troops of the man characterized by jên form companies when together, and when separated they form ranks. Extended, they are like the long sword Mo-yeh: ³¹⁷ those running up against them are cut in two. In a salient they are like the sharp point of Mo-yeh: those who oppose them are destroyed. In surrounding [operations] they are immovable as hills and mountains. In square formations they are like a great boulder that cannot be disloged; those that butt against them retreat with broken horns and cracked joints. So how can you use guile? The Ode says, ³¹⁸

This is said of the military tactics of T`ang and Wu."

King Hsiao-ch`êng withdrew from the mat, clasped his hands ³²¹ and said, "Though I am not intelligent, I ask to rely on the Master's military tactics."

37

The ruler ³²² who has received the heavenly mandate adjusts his clothes and cap and puts on a dignified attitude, and the people, regarding him from afar, trust him. ³²³ Next to him is the one whom they trust from having heard him speak. Next is the one whom they trust after viewing his conduct. But he is lowest of all ³²⁴ whom everyone mistrusts after seeing his conduct. The Ode says, ³²⁵

38

In antiquity they understood the empire without going out of doors. They perceived ³²⁶ the Way of Heaven without looking out of their windows. This was not because their eyes could see a thousand li ahead, nor because their ears could hear [sounds] a thousand ³²⁷li away, but because they measured others by their own feelings. ³²⁸ From their own dislike of hunger and cold they understood the empire's desire for food and clothing; from their own dislike of toil and suffering they understood the empire's desire for peace and ease; from their own dislike of decay and poverty they understood the empire's desire for riches and abundance. ³²⁹ Understanding these things was how the sage-kings put the empire in order without descending from the mats [on which they were sitting]. Hence the way of the superior man rests [solely] on sincereity and compassion. ³³⁰ Now, hunger and thirst troubling blood and ch`i, cold and heat acting on the skin, ³³¹ these four are the great misfortunes of the people. It is impossible to teach or control them unless these misfortunes are removed. ³³² If the four limbs are not covered, there will be few persons practicing jên. If the five viscera are empty, there will be no gentlemen established [in the way of virtue]. ³³³ Therefore, after the method of the former kings, the Son of Heaven personally tilled the soil, and the Empress and Imperial Concubines tended the silkworms, making themselves the first in the Empire to care for food and clothing. The Ode says, ³³⁴