卷六

一

比 干 諫 而 死 。 箕 子 曰 ： 「 知 不 用 而 言 ， 愚 也 ， 殺 身以 彰 君 之 惡 ， 不 忠 也 。 二 者 不 可 ， 然 且 為 之 ， 不 祥 莫 大焉 。 」 遂 解 髮 佯 狂 而 去 。 君 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 勞 矣 ！ 箕 子！ 盡 其 精 神 ， 竭 其 忠 愛 ， 見 比 干 之 事 ， 免 其 身 ， 仁 知 之至 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 人 亦 有 言 ， 靡 哲 不 愚 。 」

二

齊 桓 公 見 小 臣 ， 三 往 不 得 見 。 左 右 曰 ： 「 夫 小 臣、 國 之 賤 臣 也 ， 君 三 往 而 不 得 見 ， 其 可 已 矣 ！ 」 桓 公 曰： 「 惡 ！ 是 何 言 也 ！ 吾 聞 之 ： 布 衣 之 士 不 欲 富 貴 ， 不 輕身 於 萬 乘 之 君 ； 萬 乘 之 君 不 好 仁 義 ， 不 輕 身 於 布 衣 之 士。 縱 夫 子 不 欲 富 貴 ， 可 也 ， 吾 不 好 仁 義 、 不 可 也 。 」 五往 而 得 見 也 。 天 下 諸 侯 聞 之 ， 謂 桓 公 猶 下 布 衣 之 士 ， 而況 國 君 乎 ！ 於 是 相 率 而 朝 ， 靡 有 不 至 。 桓 公 之 所 以 九 合諸 侯 ， 一 匡 天 下 者 、 此 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 有 覺 德 行 ， 四 國 順之 。 」

三

賞 勉 罰 偷 ， 則 民 不 怠 ； 兼 聽 齊 明 ， 則 天 下 歸 之 。然 後 明 其 分 職 ， 考 其 事 業 ， 較 其 官 能 ， 莫 不 理 法 ， 則 公道 達 而 私 門 塞 ， 公 義 立 而 私 事 息 。 如 是 、 則 持 厚 者 進 ，而 佞 諂 者 止 ， 貪 戾 者 退 ， 而 廉 潔 者 起 。 周 制 曰 ： 「 先 時者 、 死 無 赦 ； 不 及 時 者 、 死 無 赦 。 」 人 習 事 而 因 ， 人 之事 ， 使 如 耳 目 鼻 口 之 不 可 相 錯 也 。 故 曰 ： 職 分 而 民 不 慢， 次 定 而 序 不 亂 ， 兼 聽 齊 明 而 百 事 不 留 。 如 是 、 則 群 下百 吏 莫 不 脩 己 然 後 敢 安 仕 ， 成 能 然 後 敢 受 職 ， 小 人 易 心， 百 姓 易 俗 ， 奸 宄 之 屬 ， 莫 不 反 愨 ， 夫 是 之 謂 政 教 之 極， 則 不 可 加 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 訏 謨 定 命 ， 遠 猶 辰 告 。 敬 慎 威儀 ， 惟 民 之 則 。 」

四

子 路 治 蒲 三 年 ， 孔 子 過 之 。 入 境 而 善 之 ， 曰 ： 「由 恭 敬 以 信 矣 。 」 入 邑 ， 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 由 忠 信 以 寬 矣 。」 至 庭 ， 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 由 明 察 以 斷矣 。 」 子 貢 執 轡 而 問曰 ： 「 夫 子 未 見 由 ， 而 三 稱 善 ， 可 得 聞 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 入 其 境 ， 田 疇 草 萊 甚 辟 ， 此 恭 敬 以 信 ， 故 民 盡 力 。 入其 邑 ， 墉 屋 甚 尊 ， 樹 木 甚 茂 ， 此 忠 信 以 寬 ， 其 民 不 偷 。其 庭 甚 閑 ， 此 明 察 以 斷 ， 故 民 不 擾 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 夙 興夜 寐 ， 灑 掃 庭 內 。 」

五

古 者 有 命 ： 民 之 有 能 敬 長 憐 孤 、 取 捨 好 讓 、居 事力 者 、 命 於 其 君 ， 然 後 命 得 乘 飾 車 駢 馬 ， 未 得 命 者 、 不得 乘 飾 車 駢 馬 ， 皆 有 罰 。 故 民 雖 有 餘 財 侈 物 ， 而 無 禮 義功 德 ， 則 無 所 用 。 故 皆 興 仁 義 而 賤 財 利 ， 賤 財 利 則 不 爭， 不 爭 則 強 不 陵 弱 ， 眾 不 暴 寡 ， 是 君 之 所 以 象 典 刑 而 民莫 犯 法 ， 民 莫 犯 法 ， 而 亂 斯 止 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 質 爾 人 民 ，謹 爾 侯 度 ， 用 戒 不 虞 。 」

六

天 下 之 辯 ， 有 三 至 五 勝 ， 而 辭 置 下 。 辯 者 、 別 殊類 ， 使 不 相 害 ； 序 異 端 ， 使 不 相 悖 ； 輸 公 通 意 ， 揚 其 所謂 ， 使 人 預 知 焉 ， 不 務 相 迷 也 。 是 以 辯 者 不 失 所 守 ， 不勝 者 得 其 所 求 ， 故 辯 可 觀 也 。 夫 繁 文 以 相 假 ， 飾 辭 以 相悖 ， 數 譬 以 相 移 ， 外 人 之 身 ， 使 不 得 反 其 意 ， 則 論 便 然後 害 生 也 。 夫 不 疏 其 指 而 弗 知 ， 謂 之 隱 ； 外 意 外 身 ， 謂之 諱 ； 幾 廉 倚 跌 ， 謂 之 移 ； 指 緣 謬 辭 ， 謂 之 苟 ； 四 者 所不 為 也 ， 故 理 可 同 睹 也 。 夫 隱 諱 移 苟 ， 爭 言 競 為 而 後 息， 不 能 無 害 其 為 君 子 也 ， 故 君 子 不 為 也 。 論 語 曰 ： 「 君子 於 其 言 ， 無 所 苟 而 已 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 無 易 由 言 ， 無 曰苟 矣 。 」

七

吾 語 子 ： 「 夫 服 人 之 心 ， 高 上 尊 貴 ， 不 以 驕 人 ；聰 明 聖 知 ， 不 以 幽 人 ； 勇 猛 強 武 不 以 侵 人 ； 齊 給 便 捷 ，不 以 欺 誣 人 。 不 能 則 學 ， 不 知 則 問 ， 雖 知 必 讓 ， 然 後 為知 。 遇 君 則 修 臣 下 之 義 ， 出 鄉 則 脩 長 幼 之 義 ， 遇 長 老 則修 弟 子 之 義 ， 遇 等 夷 則 修 朋 友 之 義 ， 遇 少 而 賤 者 則 修 告道 寬 裕 之 義 。 故 無 不 愛 也 ， 無 不 敬 也 ， 無 與 人 爭 也 ， 曠然 而 天 地 苞 萬 物 也 。 如 是 、 則 老 者 安 之 ， 少 者 懷 之 、 朋友 信 之 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 惠 于 朋 友 ， 庶 民 小 子 。 子 孫 繩 繩 ，萬 民 靡 不 承 。 」

八

仁 者 必 敬 其 人 。 敬 其 人 有 道 ， 遇 賢 者 則 愛 親 而 敬之 ， 遇 不 肖 者 則 畏 疏 而 敬 之 。 其 敬 一 也 ， 其 情 二 也 。 若夫 忠 信 端 愨 而 不 害 傷 ， 則 無 接 而 不 然 ， 是 仁 之 質 也 。 仁以 為 質 ， 義 以 為 理 ， 開 口 無 不 可 以 為 人 法 式 者 。 詩 曰 ：「 不 僭 不 賊 ， 鮮 不 為 則 。 」

九

子 曰 ： 「 不 學 而 好 思 ， 雖 知 不 廣 矣 ； 學 而 慢其 身， 雖 學 不 尊 矣 。 不 以 誠 立 ， 雖 立 不 久 矣 ； 誠 未 著 而 好 言， 雖 言 不 信 矣 。 美 材 也 ， 而 不 聞 君 子 之 道 ，隱 小 物 以 害大 物 者 ， 災 必 及 身 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 其 何 能 淑 ， 載 胥 及 溺。 」

十

民 勞 思 佚 ， 治 暴 思 仁 ， 刑 危 思 安 ， 國 亂 思 天 。 詩曰 ： 「 靡 有 旅 力 ， 以 念 穹 蒼 。 」

十一

問 者 曰 ： 「 古 之 謂 知 道 者 曰 先 生 ， 何 也 ？ 」 「 猶言 先 醒 也 。 不 聞 道 術 之 人 ， 則 冥 於 得 失 ， 不 知 亂 之 所 由， 眊 眊 乎 其 猶 醉 也 。 故 世 主 有 先 生 者 ， 有 後 生 者 、 有 不生 者 。 昔 者 、 楚 莊 王 謀 事 而 居 有 憂 色 。 申 公 巫 臣 問 曰 ：『 王 何 為 有 憂 也 ？ 』 莊 王 曰 ： 『 吾 聞 諸 侯 之 德 ， 能 自 取師 者 王 ， 能 自 取 友 者 霸 ，而 與 居 不 若 其 身 者 亡 。 以 寡 人之 不 肖 也 ， 諸 大 夫 之 論 ， 莫 有 及 於 寡 人 ， 是 以 憂 也 。 』莊 王 之 德 宜 君 人 ， 威 服 諸 侯 ， 日 猶 恐 懼 ， 思 索 賢 佐 。 此其 先 生 者 也 。 昔 者 、 宋 昭 公 出 亡 ， 謂 其 御 曰 ： 『 吾 知 其所 以 亡 矣 。 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 何 哉 ？ 』 昭 公 曰 ： 『 吾 被 服 而立 ， 侍 御 者 數 十 人 ， 無 不 曰 ： 吾 君 、 麗 者 也 。 吾 發 言 動事 ， 朝 臣 數 百 人 ， 無 不 曰 ： 吾 君 、 聖 者 也 。 吾 外 內 不 見吾 過 失 ， 是 以 亡 也 。 』 於 是 改 操 易 行 ， 安 義 行 道 ， 不 出二 年 ， 而 美 聞 於 宋 ， 宋 人 迎 而 復 之 ， 諡 為 昭 。 此 其 後 生者 也 。 昔 郭 君 出 郭 ， 謂 其 御 者 曰 ： 『 吾 渴 ， 欲 飲 。 』 御者 進 清 酒 。 曰 ： 『 吾 飢 ， 欲 食 。 』 御 者 進 乾 脯 梁 糗 。 曰： 『 何 備 也 ！ 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 臣 儲 之 。 』 曰 ： 『 奚 儲 之 ？』 御 者 曰 ： 『 為 君 之 出 亡 ， 而 道 飢 渴 也 。 』 曰 ： 『 子 知吾 且 亡 乎 ？ 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 然 。 』 曰 ： 『 何 不 以 諫 也 ？ 』御 者 曰 ： 『 君 喜 道 諛 ， 而 惡 至 言 。 臣 欲 進 諫 ， 恐 先 郭 亡， 是 以 不 諫 也 。 』 郭 君 作 色 而 怒 曰 ： 『 吾 所 以 亡 者 、 誠何 哉 ？ 』 御 轉 其 辭 曰 ： 『 君 之 所 以 亡 者 、 太 賢 。 』 曰 ：『 夫 賢 者 所 以 不 為 存 而 亡 者 、 何 也 ？ 』 御 曰 ： 『 天 下 無賢 而 獨 賢 ， 是 以 亡 也 。 』 伏 軾 而 嘆 曰 ： 『 嗟 乎 ！ 失 賢 人者 如 此 乎 ？ 』 於 是 身 倦 力 解 ， 枕 御 膝 而 臥 ， 御 自 易 以 備， 疏 行 而 去 。 身 死 中 野 ， 為 虎 狼 所 食 。 此 其 不 生 者 也 。故 先 生 者 、 當 年 霸 ， 楚 莊 王 是 也 。 後 生 者 、 三 年 而 復 ，宋 昭 公 是 也 。 不 生 者 、 死 中 野 ， 為 虎 狼 所 食 ， 郭 君 是 也。 有 先 生 者 、 有 後 生 者 、 有 不 生 者 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 聽 言 則對 ， 誦 言 如 醉 。 」

十二

田 常 弒 簡 公 ， 乃 盟 于 國 人 ， 曰 ： 「 不 盟 者 、 死 及家 。 」 石 他 曰 ： 「 古 之 事 君 者 、 死 其 君 之 事 。 舍 君 以 全親 ， 非 忠 也 ； 捨 親 以 死 君 之 事 ， 非 孝 也 ； 他 則 不 能 。 然不 盟 ， 是 殺 吾 親 也 ， 從 人 而 盟 ， 是 背 吾 君 也 。 嗚 呼 ！ 生亂 世 ， 不 得 正 行 ； 劫 乎 暴 人 ， 不 得 全 義 ， 悲 夫 ！ 」 乃 進盟 ， 以 免 父 母 ； 退 伏 劍 ， 以 死 其 君 。 聞 之 者 曰 ： 「 君 子哉 ！ 安 之 命 矣 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 人 亦 有 言 ； 進 退 維 谷 。 」 石先 生 之 謂 也 。

十三

易 曰 ： 「 困 于 石 ， 據 于 蒺 藜 ， 入 于 其 宮 ， 不 見 其妻 ， 凶 。 」 此 言 困 而 不 見 據 賢 人 者 也 。 昔 者 、 秦 繆 公 困於 殽 ， 疾 據 五 羖 大 夫 、 蹇 叔 、 公 孫 友 而 小 霸 。 晉 文 困 於驪 氏 ， 疾 據 咎 犯 、 趙 衰 、 介 子 推 而 遂 為 君 。 越 王 勾 踐 困於 會 稽 ， 疾 據 范 蠡 、 大 夫 種 、 而 霸 南 國 。 齊 桓 公 困 於 長勺 ， 疾 據 管 仲 、 甯 戚 、 隰 朋 ， 而 匡 天 下 。 此 皆 困 而 知 疾據 賢 人 者 也 。 夫 困 而 不 知 疾 據 賢 人 ， 而 不 亡 者 、 未 嘗 有之 也 。 詩 曰 ：「 人 之 云 亡 ， 邦 國 殄 瘁 。 」 無 善 人 之 謂 也。

十四

孟 子 說 齊 宣 王 而 不 說 。 淳 于 髡 侍 ， 孟 子 曰 ： 「 今日 說 公 之 君 ， 公 之 君 不 說 ， 意 者 、 其 未 知 善 之 為 善 乎 ？」 淳 于 髡 曰 ： 「 夫 子 亦 誠 無 善 耳 。 昔 者 瓠 巴 鼓 瑟 ， 而 潛魚 出 聽 ； 伯 牙 鼓 琴 ， 而 六 馬 仰 秣 ； 魚 馬 猶 知 善 之 為 善 ，而 況 君 人 者 也 。 」 孟 子 曰 ： 「 夫 雷 電 之 起 也 ， 破 竹 折 木， 震 驚 天 下 ， 而 不 能 使 聾 者 卒 有 聞 ； 日 月 之 明 ， 遍 照 天下 ， 而 不 能 使 盲 者 卒 有 見 。 今 公 之 君 若 此 也 。 」 淳 于 髡曰 ： 「 不 然 。 昔 者 、 揖 封 生 高 商 ， 齊 人 好 歌 ； 杞 梁 之 妻悲 哭 ， 而 人 稱 詠 。 夫 聲 無 細 而 不 聞 ， 行 無 隱 而 不 形 。 夫子 苟 賢 ， 居 魯 而 魯 國 之 削 ， 何 也 ？ 」 孟 子 曰 ： 「 不 用 賢， 削 何 有 也 ！ 吞 舟 之 魚 不 居 潛 澤 ， 度 量 之 士 不 居 汙 世 。夫 蓻 、 冬 至 必 彫 ， 吾 亦 時 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 不 自 我 先 ， 不自 我 後 。 」 非 遭 彫 世 者 歟 ！

十五

孔 子 曰 ： 「 可 與 言 終 日 而 不 倦 者 、 其 惟 學乎 ！ 其身 體 不 足 觀 也 ， 勇 力 不 足 憚 也 ， 族 姓 不 足 稱 也 ， 宗 祖 不足 道 也 ； 而 可 以 聞 於 四 方 ， 而 昭 於 諸 侯 者 、 其 惟 學 乎 ！」 詩 曰 ： 「 不 愆 不 忘 ， 率 由 舊 章 。 」 夫 學 之 謂 也 。

十六

子 曰 ： 「 不 知 命 ， 無 以 為 君 子 。 」 言 天 之 所 生 ，皆 有 仁 義 禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 不 知 天 之 所 以 命 生 ， 則 無 仁 義禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 無 仁 義 禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 謂 之 小 人 。 故 曰： 「 不 知 命 ， 無 以 為 君 子 。 」 小 雅 曰 ： 「 天 保 定 爾 ， 亦孔 之 固 。 」 言 天 之 所 以 仁 義 禮 智 保 定 人 之 甚 固 也 。 大 雅曰 ： 「 天 生 蒸 民 ， 有 物 有 則 。 民 之 秉 彝 ， 好 是 懿 德 。 」言 民 之 秉 德 以 則 天 也 。 不 知 所 以 則 天 ， 又 焉 得 為 君 子 乎！

十七

王 者 必 立 牧 ， 方 二 人 ， 使 窺 遠 牧 眾 也 。 遠 方 之 民有 飢 寒 而 不 得 衣 食 、 有 獄 訟 而 不 平 其 冤 ， 失 賢 而 不 舉 者、 入 告 乎 天 子 ， 天 子 於 其 君 之 朝 也 ， 揖 而 進 之 ， 曰 ： 「噫 ！ 朕 之 政 教 有 不 得 爾 者 邪 ？ 何 如 乃 有 飢 寒 而 不 得 衣 食， 有 獄 訟 而 不 平 其 冤 、 失 賢 而 不 舉 。 」 然 後 其 君 退 ， 而與 其 卿 大 夫 謀 之 。 遠 方 之 民 聞 之 ， 皆 曰 ： 「 誠 天 子 也 ！夫 我 居 之 僻 ， 見 我 之 近 也 ； 我 居 之 幽 ， 見 我 之 明 也 。 可欺 乎 哉 ！ 」 故 牧 者 所 以 開 四 目 、 通 四 聰 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 邦國 若 否 ， 仲 山 甫 明 之 。 」 此 之 謂 也 。

十八

楚 莊 王 伐 鄭 ， 鄭 伯 肉 袒 ， 左 把 茅 旌 ， 右 執 鸞 刀 以進 ， 言 於 莊 王 曰 ： 「 寡 人 無 良 邊 陲 之 臣 ， 以 干 大 褐 ， 使大 國 之 君 沛 焉 ， 遠 辱 至 此 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 君 子 不 令 臣 交易 為 言 ， 是 以 使 寡 人 得 見 君 之 玉 面 也 ， 而 微 至 乎 此 。 」莊 王 受 節 ， 左 右 麾 楚 軍 ， 退 舍 七 里 。 將 軍 子 重 進 諫 曰 ：「 夫 南 郢 之 與 鄭 ， 相 去 數 千 里 ， 大 夫 死 者 數 人 ， 廝 役 者數 百 人 ， 今 克 而 弗 有 ， 無 乃 失 民 臣 之 力 乎 ！ 」 莊 王 曰 ：「 吾 聞 ： 古 者 杅 不 穿 ， 皮 不 蠹 ， 不 出 於 四 方 ， 以 是 君 子之 重 禮 而 賤 財 也 ， 要 其 人 ， 不 要 其 土 ， 人 告 以 從 而 不 舍， 不 祥 也 。 吾 以 不 祥 立 於 天 下 ， 災 及 吾 身 ， 何 取 之 有 ？」 既 、 晉 之 救 鄭 者 至 ， 曰 ： 「 請 戰 。 」 莊 王 許 之 。 將 軍子 重 進 諫 曰 ：「 晉 、 強 國 也 ， 道 近 兵 銳 ， 楚 師 奄 罷 ， 君 其 勿 許 。 」 莊王 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 強 者 、 我 避 之 ， 弱 者 、 我 威 之 ， 是 寡 人無 以 立 乎 天 下 也 。 」 乃 遂 還 師 ， 以 逆 晉 寇 。 莊 王 援 桴 而鼓 之 ， 晉 師 大 敗 ， 士 卒 奔 者 爭 舟 ， 而 指 可 掬 也 。 莊 王 曰： 「 噫 ！ 吾 兩 君 不 相 好 ， 百 姓 何 罪 ？ 」 乃 退 楚 師 ， 以 佚晉 寇 。 詩 曰 ： 「 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 。 」

十九

君 子 崇 人 之 德 ， 揚 人 之 美 ， 非 道 諛 也 ； 正 言 直 行， 指 人 之 過 ， 非 毀 疵 也 ； 詘 柔 順 從 ， 剛 強 猛 毅 ， 與 物 周流 ， 道 德 不 外 。 詩 曰 ： 「 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 ； 不 侮 矜寡 ， 不 畏 強 禦 。 」

二十

衛 靈 公 晝 寢 而 起 ， 志 氣 益 衰 ， 使 人 馳 召 勇 士 公 孫悁 ， 道 遭 行 人 卜 商 ， 卜 商 曰 ： 「 何 驅 之 疾 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ：「 公 晝 寢 而 起 ， 使 我 召 勇 士 公 孫 悁 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 微 悁而 勇 若 悁 者 、 可 乎 ？ 」 御 者 曰 ： 「 可 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 載我 而 反 。 」 至 ， 君 曰 ： 「 使 子 召 勇 士 ， 何 為 召 儒 ？ 」 使者 曰 ： 「 行 人 曰 ： 『 微 悁 而 勇 若 悁 者 、 可 乎 ？ 』 臣 曰 ：『 可 。 』 即 載 與 來 。 」 君 曰 ： 「 諾 。 延 先 生 上 ， 趣 召 公孫 悁 。 」 至 ， 入 門 杖 劍 疾 呼 曰 ： 「 商 下 ， 我 存 若 頭 。 」子 夏 顧 咄 之 ， 曰 ： 「 咄 ！ 內 劍 ， 吾 將 與 若 言 勇 。 」 於 是、 君 令 內 劍 而 上 。 子 夏 曰 ： 「 來 、 吾 嘗 與 子 從 君 而 西 ，見 趙 簡 子 ， 簡 子 披 髮 杖 矛 而 見 我 君 ， 我 從 十 三 行 之 後 ，趨 而 進 曰 ： 『 諸 侯 相 見 ， 不 宜 不 朝 服 ， 不 朝 服 ， 行 人 卜商 將 以 頸 血 濺 君 之 服 矣 。 』 使 反 朝 服 ， 而 見 吾 君 ， 子 耶？ 我 耶 ？ 」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不 若 我一 矣 。 又 與 子 從 君 而 東 至 阿 ， 遭 齊 君 重 ● 而 坐 ， 吾 君 單 ● 而 坐 ， 我 從 十 三 行 之 後 ， 趨 而 進 曰 ： 『 禮 、 諸 侯 相 見， 不 宜 相 臨 。 』 以 庶 揄 其 一 ● 而 去 之 者 、 子 耶 ？ 我 耶 ？」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不 若 我 二 矣 。 又與 子 從 君 於 囿 中 ， 於 是 兩 寇 肩 逐 我 君 ， 拔 矛 下 格 而 還 。子 耶 ？ 我 耶 ？ 」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不若 我 三 矣 。 所 貴 為 士 者 、 上 攝 萬 乘 ， 下 不 敢 敖 乎 匹 夫 ；外 立 節 矜 ， 而 敵 不 侵 擾 ； 內 禁 殘 害 ， 而 君 不 危 殆 ； 是 士之 所 長 ， 君 子 之 所 致 貴 也 。 若 夫 以 長 掩 短 ， 以 眾 暴 寡 ，凌 轢 無 罪 之 民 ， 而 成 威 於 閭 巷 之 間 者 、 是 士 之 甚 毒 ， 而君 子 之 所 致 惡 也 ， 眾 之 所 誅 鋤 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 人 而 無 儀 ，不 死 何 為 。 』 夫 何 以 論 勇 於 人 主 之 前 哉 ！ 」 於 是 靈 公 避席 抑 手 曰 ： 「 寡 人 雖 不 敏 ， 請 從 先 生 之 勇 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「不 侮 矜 寡 ， 不 畏 強 禦 。 」 卜 先 生 也 。

二十一

孔 子 行 ， 簡 子 將 殺 陽 虎 ， 孔 子 似 之 ， 帶 甲 以 圍 孔子 舍 ， 子 路 慍 怒 ， 奮 戟 將 下 ， 孔 子 止 之 ， 曰 ： 「 由 。 何仁 義 之 寡 裕 也 ！ 夫 詩 書 之 不 習 ， 禮 樂 之 不 講 ， 是 丘 之 罪也 。 若 吾 非 陽 虎 ， 而 以 我 為 陽 虎 ， 則 非 丘 之 罪 也 ， 命 也！ 我 歌 ， 子 和 若 。 」 子 路 歌 ， 孔 子 和 之 ， 三 終 而 圍 罷 。詩 曰 ： 「 來 游 來 歌 。 」 以 陳 盛 德 之 和 而 無 為 也 。

二十二

詩 曰 ： 「 愷 悌 君 子 ， 民 之 父 母 。 」 君 子 為 民 父 母何 如 ？ 曰 ： 「 君 子 者 、 貌 恭 而 行 肆 ， 身 儉 而 施 博 ， 故 不肖 者 不 能 逮 也 。 殖 盡 於 己 ， 而 區 略 於 人 ， 故 可 盡 身 而 事也 。 篤 愛 而 不 奪 ， 厚 施 而 不 伐 ； 見 人 有 善 ， 欣 然 樂 之 ；見 人 不 善 ， 惕 然 掩 之 ； 有 其 過 而 兼 包 之 ； 授 衣 以 最 ， 授食 以 多 ； 法 下 易 由 ， 事 寡 易 為 ； 是 以 中 立 而 為 人 父 母 也。 築 城 而 居 之 ， 別 田 而 養 之 ， 立 學 以 教 之 ， 使 人 知 親 尊， 親 尊 故 為 父 服 斬 縗 三 年 ， 為 君 亦 服 斬 縗 三 年 ， 為 民 父母 之 謂 也 。 」

二十三

事 強 暴 之 國 難 ， 使 強 暴 之 國 事 我 易 。 事 之 以 貨 寶， 則 貨 單 而 交 不 結 ； 約 契 盟 誓 ， 則 約 定 而 反 無 日 ； 割 國之 強 乘 以 賂 之 ， 則 割 定 而 欲 無 厭 。 事 之 彌 順 ， 其 侵 之 愈甚 ， 必 致 寶 單 國 舉 而 後 已 ， 雖 左 堯 右 舜 ， 未 有 能 以 此 道免 者 也 。 故 非 有 聖 人 之 道 ， 持 以 巧 敏 拜 請 畏 事 之 ， 則 不足 以 持 國 安 身 矣 ， 故 明 君 不 道 也 。 必 修 禮 以 齊 朝 ， 正 法以 齊 官 ， 平 政 以 齊 下 ， 然 後 禮 義 節 奏 齊 乎 朝 ， 法 則 度 量正 乎 官 ， 忠 信 愛 利 平 乎 下 。 行 一 不 義 ， 殺 一 無 罪 ， 而 得天 下 ， 不 為 也 。 故 近 者 競 親 ， 而 遠 者 願 至 ， 上 下 一 心 ，三 軍 同 力 ； 名 聲 足 以 薰 炙 之 ， 威 強 足 以 一 齊 之 ， 則 拱 揖指 麾 ， 而 強 暴 之 國 莫 不 趨 使 ， 如 赤 子 歸 慈 母 者 、 何 也 ？仁 形 義 立 ， 教 誠 愛 深 故 。 詩 曰 ： 「 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來。 」

二十四

勇 士 一 呼 ， 三 軍 皆 避 ， 士 之 誠 也 。 昔 者 、 楚 熊 渠子 夜 行 ， 寢 石 以 為 伏 虎 ， 彎 弓 而 射 之 ， 沒 金 飲 羽 ， 下 視， 知 其 為 石 ， 石 為 之 開 ， 而 況 人 乎 ！ 夫 倡 而 不 和 ， 動 而不 僨 ， 中 心 有 不 全 者 矣 。 夫 不 降 席 而 匡 天 下 者 、 求 之 己也 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 其 身 正 ， 不 令 而 行 ； 其 身 不 正 ， 雖 令 不從 。 」 先 王 之 所 以 拱 揖 指 麾 ， 而 四 海 來 賓 者 、 誠 德 之 至也 ， 色 以 形 于 外 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來 。 」

二十五

昔 者 、 趙 簡 子 薨 而 未 葬 ， 中 牟 畔 之 ， 葬 五 日 ， 襄子 興 師 而 次 之 ， 圍 未 匝 ， 而 城 自 壞 者 十 丈 ， 襄 子 擊 金 而退 之 。 軍 吏 諫 曰 ： 「 君 誅 中 牟 之 罪 ， 而 城 自 壞 者 、 是 天助 之 也 ， 君 曷 為 而 退 之 ？ 」 襄 子 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 之 於 叔 向 曰： 『 君 子 不 乘 人 於 利 ， 不 厄 人 於 險 。 』 使 其 城 ， 然 後 攻之 。 」 中 牟 聞 其 義 而 請 降 。 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 襄 子 之 謂 也 。詩 曰 ： 『 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來 。 』 」

二十六

威 有 三 術 ： 有 道 德 之 威 者 、 有 暴 察 之 威 者 ，有 狂妄 之 威 者 ， 此 三 威 不 可 不 審 察 也 。 何 謂 道 德 之 威 ？ 曰 ：「 禮 樂 則 修 ， 分 義 則 明 ； 舉 措 則 時 ， 愛 利 則 刑 ； 如 是 、則 百 姓 貴 之 如 帝 王 ， 親 之 如 父 母 ， 畏 之 如 神 明 ； 故 賞 不用 而 民 勸 ， 罰 不 加 而 威 行 ， 是 道 德 之 威 也 。 」 何 謂 暴 察之 威 ？ 曰 ： 「 禮 樂 則 不 修 ， 分 義 則 不 明 ， 舉 措 則 不 時 ，愛 利 則 不 刑 ， 然 而 其 禁 非 也 暴 ， 其 誅 不 服 也 繁 審 ， 其 刑罰 而 信 ， 其 誅 殺 猛 而 必 ， 闇 如 雷 擊 之 ， 如 牆 壓 之 ； 百 姓劫 則 致 畏 ， 怠 則 傲 上 ， 執 拘 則 聚 ， 遠 聞 則 散 ， 非 劫 之 以刑 勢 ， 振 之 以 誅 殺 ， 則 無 以 有 其 下 ， 是 暴 察 之 威 也 。 」何 謂 狂 妄 之 威 ？ 曰 ： 「 無 愛 人 之 心 ， 無 利 人 之 事 ， 而日為 亂 人 之 道 ， 百 姓 讙 譁 ， 則 從 而 放 執 於 刑 灼 ； 不和 人 心， 悖 逆 天 理 ； 是 以 水 旱 為 之 不 時 ， 年 穀 以 之 不 升 ； 百 姓上 困 於 暴 亂 之 患 ， 而 下 窮 衣 食 之 用 ， 愁 哀 而 無 所 告 訴 ，比 周 憤 潰 以 離 上 ， 傾 覆 滅 亡 可 立 而 待 ， 是 狂 妄 之 威 也 。夫 道 德 之 威 成 乎 眾 強 ， 暴 察 之 威 成 乎 危 弱 ， 狂 妄 之 威 成乎 滅 亡 。 故 威 名 同 而 吉 凶 之 效 遠 矣 ， 故 不 可 不 審 察 也 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 昊 天 疾 威 ， 天 篤 降 喪 ， 瘨 我 飢 饉 ， 民 卒 流 亡。 」

二十七

晉 平 公 游 於 河 而 樂 ， 曰 ： 「 安 得 賢 士 ， 與 之樂 此也 ！ 」 船 人 盍 胥 跪 而 對 曰 ： 「 主 君 亦 不 好 士 耳 ！ 夫 珠 出於 江 海 ， 玉 出 於 崑 山 ， 無 足 而 至 者 ， 猶 主 君 之 好 也 。 士有 足 而 不 至 者 ， 蓋 主 君 無 好 士 之 意 耳 ， 無 患 乎 無 士 也 。」 平 公 曰 ： 「 吾 食 客 門 左 千 人 ， 門 右 千 人 ； 朝 食 不 足 ，夕 收 市 賦 ； 暮 食 不 足 ， 朝 收 市 賦 。 吾 可 謂 不 好 士 乎 ？ 」盍 胥 對 曰 ： 「 夫 鴻 鵠 一 舉 千 里 ， 所 恃 者 、 六 翮 爾 ； 背 上之 毛 ， 腹 下 之 毳 ， 益 一 把 ， 飛 不 為 加 高 ， 損 一 把 ， 飛 不為 加 下 。 今 君 之 食 客 ， 門 左 門 右 各 千 人 ， 亦 有 六 翮 其 中矣 ， 將 皆 背 上 之 毛 ， 腹 下 之 毳 耶 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 謀 夫 孔 多， 是 用 不 集 。 」

CHAPTER VI

1

When Pi-kan was put to death for remonstrating [with the Tyrant Chou], Chi-tzŭ said, "To speak, knowing [one's words] will not be put to use, is stupid. By sacrificing oneself to make the wickedness of one's prince apparent, is not loyal. These are two things that should not be done. If, however, they are done, there is no greater misfortune." Whereupon he let his hair down his back and, feigning madness, left.

On hearing of this the superior man says, Chi-tzŭ was put to a hard task indeed. He exhausted his vigor and pushed to the limit his loyalty and love. When he witnessed the affair of Pi-kan, he removed himself. [He represents] the extreme of jên [combined with] understanding. The Ode says, ¹

2 ²

Duke Huan of Ch`i, wishing to see the Hsiao-ch`ên [Chi], ³ thrice went to him without being granted an interview. His attendants said, "The office of hsiao-ch`ên is the lowest in the state. Having thrice gone to him without being granted an interview, Your Highness may properly desist."

Duke Huan said, "Alas, what sort of talk is this? I have heard that a gentleman in cotton clothes who does not desire riches and honor will stand on his dignity toward the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots, and that the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots who does not love jên and i will stand on his dignity toward a cotton-clothed gentleman. It is all right if our master ⁴ does not desire riches and honor, but for me not to love jên and i is not all right." When he went for the fifth time, he was granted an interview.

On hearing of this the feudal lords of the empire said, "If Duke Huan condescends even to a cotton-clothed gentleman, how much the more can a prince of the realm expect!" And they led one another to his court; there were none who did not come. Such were the means whereby Duke Huan assembled the feudal lords and by which he united and rectified the empire. ⁵

The Ode says, ⁶

3 ⁷

When industry is rewarded and idleness punished, the people are not lax. When judgments are impartial and uniformly perspicacious, ⁸ the empire submits. After that official duties ⁹ are made clear, occupations are examined, and abilities compared: there are none that are not controlled, ¹⁰ so that the Public Way is current and selfish authority is impeded, public duties (i) are established and selfish affairs inhibited. In this way, while those possessing good qualities are brought forward, ¹¹ flatterers and sycophants are stopped; while the avaricious and the wicked withdraw, the scrupulous and the moderate rise up. The Regulations of Chou read, ¹² "When they anticipate the time, let them be put to death without mercy; when they are behind the time, let them be put to death without mercy." ¹³ In practicing affairs, men are confined to human occupations (?), just as ear, eye, nose, and mouth may not be mutually interchanged. ¹⁴ Hence it is said, "Duties being apportioned, the people are not remiss; precedence being establised, ranks are not confused; judgments being impartial, perspicacity is uniform, and the various affairs are not hindered." Under these circumstances, of inferiors and petty officials, none but practice self-improvement; only thereafter do they dare rest secure in office, and only after they have perfected their abilities do they dare receive employment. Mean men reform their hearts, and the people reform their customs. Of such as rebels and traitors, none but return to a state of honesty. The perfection of such government and of such teaching cannot be added to.

The Ode says, ¹⁵

4 ¹⁸

After Tzŭ-lu had been governing P`u for three years, Confucius went to see him. <sup>19</sup> On entering the borders [of P`u] he approved, saying, "Yu (= Tzŭ-lu) trusts those who are respectful (?)." On entering the city he said, "Excellent! Yu is generous to the loyal and trustworthy (?)." On arriving at the audience hall he said, "Excellent! Yu is enlightened in his judgments."

Grasping the reins, Tzŭ-kung asked, "Master, you have not yet seen Yu, and still have thrice praised his excellence. Might I hear [your reasons]?"

Confucius said, "On entering the borders, [I saw that] the grain fields and the hemp fields were very well attended to, and that the fallow lands were well opened up. ²⁰ This is the result of trusting those who are respectful, so that the people put forth all their strength. On entering the city [I saw that] walls and dwellings were very high, ²¹ and that the trees were very flourishing. This is the result of being generous to the loyal and trustworthy, so that ²² the people are not lazy. On entering the audience hall [I found that it] was very quiet. ²³ This is the result of enlightened judgments, so that the people do not make disturbances."

The Ode says, ²⁴

5 ²⁶

In ancient times, since [rulers] had the people meant for them by their mandate, ²⁷ the people were capable ²⁸ of respect for the aged and pity for the orphan, and in transactions loved to yield. Only after they had received the command from their ruler, did those who were assiduous in service ²⁹ (?) get ³⁰ to ride in elaborate carriages with paired horses. Those who had not received his command did not get to ride, and if they did ride, ³¹ they were in every case punished. Thus, even if people had excess property and luxury goods, if they had not li and i, merit and virtue, there was no way they could make use [of these things]. ³² So it was that always they made jên and i flourish, but despised property and gain. Despising property and gain, they did not compete. Since they did not compete, the strong did not oppress the weak, nor were the many harsh to the few. This is how T`ang (= Yao) and Yü (= Shun) ³³ gave form to ³⁴ regulations and punishments, and none of the people went against the laws. When the people did not go against the laws, disorder first came to an end.

The Ode says, ³⁵

6 ³⁸

In the world's debates there are three excellencies and five points of superiority, but language as such is relegated to an inferior place. ³⁹ Disputants distinguish different categories to prevent their interfering with one another. They (arrange in succession =) keep separate incompatible doctrines to prevent their mutual contradiction. They put forth their intentions and display their meanings, ⁴⁰ making plain ⁴¹ what they mean so as to let others partake in understanding. They do not devote themselves to confusing one another. Under these conditions the winner ⁴² does not lose what he should preserve, while the one who does not win gets what he seeks. [Conducted] in this way, debating is worthwhile. ⁴³

But, while involved diction to falsify [the argument], decorated words to pervert it, numerous metaphors to shift it, raising the voice so that it is impossible to attain to [understanding] ⁴⁴ may be convenient to the argument, still harm results from these. ⁴⁵ Now not explaining one's point so that it is not known is called obscurantism, and excluding meaning and excluding yourself ⁴⁶ (?) is called evasion. In approaching an honest man, to take advantage of his slips is called shiftiness. In pointing out connections, to use misleading words is called wrong. These four are not practiced [by the superior man], ⁴⁷ and as a result the truth is made apparent to everybody. Now if arguments and disputes can be brought to an end only ⁴⁸ by obscurantism, evasion, perversion, and wrong, they cannot but injure a person as a superior man, and so the superior man does not practice [the like]. The Lun yü says, ⁴⁹ "What the superior requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."

The Ode says, ⁵⁰

7 ⁵¹

I tell you, ⁵² [the man who] attracts other people's minds is not arrogant toward others because of elevated and high rank, nor does he keep others in obscurity because of his own great intelligence and saintly knowledge. He does not use his courage and strength to encroach on others, nor does he cheat others because he is clever and quick. ⁵³ If he is unable [to do a thing], he practices; if he does not know [something], he asks. Though he know [a thing], he is always humble, and only afterward admits that he knows it. When he encounters a ruler, he practices conduct appropriate to a subject. When he meets a villager, ⁵⁴ he practices conduct appropriate to the age [of the person]. When he meets an elder he practices conduct appropriate to a disciple. When he meets one of his own status, he practices conduct appropriate to a friend. When he meets one younger and inferior [to himself], he practices conduct appropriate to instruction and generosity. Thus there are none he does not love and none he does not respect. He does not contest with others, but is as universal as ⁵⁵ Heaven and Earth, which embrace all things. One who is like this gives rest to the aged, treats the young tenderly, and shows sincerity to his friends. ⁵⁶

The Ode says, ⁵⁷

8 ⁵⁹

The man characterized by jên always is respectful toward his fellows. There is a proper method in respecting one's fellows. With a sage one respects him in loving and keeping near to him. With an unworthy person one respects him while fearing and keeping him at a distance. The being respectful is the same [in both cases], but the circumstances are different. If he is loyal, sincere, upright, and guileless, and does not work harm, then none he deals with but are thus. Such is the substance of jén. Jén is the substance and i is the principle. [Such a man] never opens his mouth but that [what he says] may be taken as a model for others.

The Ode says, ⁶⁰

9

The Master said, "As for one who does not study, but who loves to think, though he have [some] knowledge, it will not be broad. One who studies, but is remiss about his person, though studious, will not be respected. He who establishes himself without being sincere, though he be established, will not long endure. One who loves speech without showing that he is sincere will not be believed if he speak. One with fine talents who will not follow the way of the superior man, who conceals a small thing and thereby harms a great one—disaster will certainly overwhelm him."

The Ode says, ⁶¹

10 ⁶²

When the people are weary they think of ease; when the government is harsh they think of jên, when punishments are severe they think of peace, and when the state is in disorder they think of Heaven. The Ode says, ⁶³

11 ⁶⁴

One asked, ⁶⁵ "The ancients' designation for a person of understanding was `earlier born.' What does this mean?"

It is like saying "earlier awakened." ⁶⁶ A man who has not heard of the methods of the True Way is in the dark as to success and failure, and does not know the sources of government ⁶⁷ and disorder. His befuddlement is like drunkenness.

Now among the world's rulers there are those who are earlier awakened, ⁶⁸ those who are later awakened, ⁶⁹ and those who are not awakened ⁷⁰ [at all]. Of old, when King Chuang of Ch`u was making plans, whenever one turned out well ⁷¹ he would have an anxious look. Shên-Kung Wu Ch'en asked,

"Why is Your Highness anxious?"

King Chuang said, "I have heard [it said] of the potentialities (tê) of the feudal lords that one who can himself choose his teachers will be king; one that can himself choose his friends will be hegemon; and one whose associates are not his equals will be lost. I am unworthy insofar as none of the arguments of the Great Officers come up to mine. For this reason I am anxious."

It was fitting that King Chuang, with his mortal power (tê), should rule men and subjugate the feudal lords; yet every day he was anxious and concerned to seek out sage advisers. Such is the earlier awakened.

Of old Duke Chao of Sung went into exile. He said to his charioteer, "I know how I lost [my state]."

The charioteer said, "How?"

Duke Chao said, "When I put on clothes and stood up, of the several tens of attendants, none of them but said, `Our ruler is elegant.' Whenever I spoke or did anything, of the several hundreds of court ministers, none but said, `Our ruler is a sage.' Inside [the court] and out I never saw my faults, and this is how I lost [my state]."

Whereupon he reformed his principles and changed his conduct, rested in i and practiced the True Way. He had been two years in exile before his excellence became known in Sung. The people of Sung went to meet him to restore him to his throne. His posthumous designation was Chao, "in demeanor respectful and intelligent." ⁷² Such is the later awakened.

Of old the Prince of Kuo was driven out of Kuo. He said to his charioteer, "I am thirsty and wish to drink." The charioteer gave him clear wine. He said, "I am hungry and wish to eat." The charioteer gave him dried meat and cooked millet. He said, "How is it that you had it ready?"

The charioteer said, "I had stored it away."

"Why had you stored it?"

The charioteer said, "Against your going away into exile, when you would be hungry and thirsty on the way."

"Did you know I was about to ⁷³ lose my state?"

The charioteer said, "I did."

"Then why did you not remonstrate with me?"

The charioteer said, "You were pleased with flattery in speech and disliked straightforward language. I wished to offer remonstrances, but feared before [I could speak] Kuo would be lost. For this reason I did not remonstrate."

The Prince of Kuo flushed in anger and said, "What was really the cause of my losing my state?"

The charioteer reversed his statement and said, "You lost it because you were too much of a sage."

He said, "How is it that a sage loses his state instead of preserving it?"

The charioteer said, "It was because you alone were the only sage in the empire that you lost your state."

The Prince of Kuo was pleased, ⁷⁴ and leaning against the crossbar sighed, "Alas, so this is the way it goes with a sage!" ⁷⁵ Then, his body being weary and his strength exhausted, he pillowed [his head] against the charioteer's knee and went to sleep. The charioteer put a clod in his own place, ⁷⁶ and abandoned him. [The Prince of Kuo] perished in the wilderness and was eaten by tigers and wolves. Such is the one who is not awakened at all.

Now one earlier awakened, in that same year becomes hegemon —such was King Chuang of Ch`u. One later awakened is restored within three years—such was Duke Chao of Sung. One not awakened at all dies in the wilderness and is eaten by tigers and wolves—such was the Prince of Kuo. There are those earlier awakened, those later awakened, and those not awakened at all. ⁷⁷

The Ode says, ⁷⁸

12 ⁷⁹

After T`ien Ch`ang had assassinated Duke Chien, ⁸⁰ he made a covenant with the people of the state, saying, "Those who do not covenant with me will be put to death with their families."

Shih T`o ⁸¹ said, "Of old those who served a ruler died in their ruler's interests. To abandon ⁸² one's ruler so as to preserve one's parents is not loyal. To abandon ⁸³ one's parents so as to die in the interests of one's ruler is not filial. So I cannot do it. However, if I do not covenant, it will be to kill my parents. If I do as others do and covenant, it will be repudiating my ruler. Alas! One born in disordered times cannot achieve upright conduct, and one suffering violence at the hands of a cruel man cannot behave in complete conformity with i. Too bad!" Whereupon he went up and covenanted so as to spare his father and mother, and then withdrew and threw himself on his sword to die for his ruler.

Those who heard of it said, "A superior man indeed! What could he have done? ⁸⁴ It was fate."

The Ode says, ⁸⁵

This applies to Master Shih.

13

The I [ching] says, ⁸⁶ "[The subject is] straitened before a [frowning] rock. He lays hold of thorns. He enters his palace, and does not see his wife. There will be evil." This speaks of one who in difficulty does not find a sage on whom to rely.

Of old Duke Mu of Ch`in was in difficulty in Hsiao, <sup>87</sup> but quickly relying on the Great Officer Wu-ku, Chien Shu, and Kung-sun Chih, he became a minor hegemon. [Duke] <sup>88</sup> Wên of Chin was [involved] in difficulty through Li[-chi], <sup>89</sup> but quickly relying on Uncle Fan, Chao Shuai, and Chieh-tzŭ T`ui, he became in the end ruler [of Chin]. Kou-chien, King of Yüeh, was in difficulty in Kuei-chi, ⁹⁰ but quickly relying on Fan Li and the Great Officer [Wên] Chung, he gained the hegemony over the states of the south. Duke Huan of Ch`i was in difficulty in Ch`ang-cho, ⁹¹ but quickly relying on Kuan-chung, Ning Ch`i and Hsi P`êng, he brought the empire into order. These all were men who knew enough quickly to rely on sages when in difficulty. There have never been any who, when in difficulty, did not know enough to rely on sages that were not lost. ⁹²

The Ode says, ⁹³

It refers to a lack of good men.

14

Mencius exercised his eloquence on King Hsüan of Ch`i, who was not pleased. Ch`un-yü K`un was in attendance. ⁹⁴ Mencius said, "Today I exhorted your ruler, but he was not pleased. I suppose that he does not know what good is?"

Ch`un-yü K`un said, "Master, it is only that you are really not good. Of old when Hu-pa played the cither, the fishes of the deep came out to listen; and when Po-ya played the lute, his six horses raised their heads from their feeding. ⁹⁵ If even fishes and horses know what is good, how much the more must a prince ⁹⁶ [know it]."

Mencius said, "Lightning and thunder occur and split bamboo, break trees, and convulse the empire, but they are not able suddenly ⁹⁷ to make the deaf have hearing. The brightness of sun and moon everywhere illumines the world, but it is not able suddenly ⁹⁸ to make the blind have sight. Now it is like this with your ruler."

Ch`un-yü K`un said, "Not so. Of old when I-fêng lived in Kao-shang, the people of Ch`i were fond of singing. <sup>99</sup> When Ch`i Liang's wife grieved and wailed, people praised her voice. ¹⁰⁰ Truly, `There is no sound so faint as not to be heard, and no conduct so secret as not to show.' ¹⁰¹ If you, Master, are living as a sage in Lu, how is it that the state of Lu is being dismembered?"

Mencius said, "If the sage is not employed, [the result is ruin]; how can there be [only] dismemberment? ¹⁰² The fish [large enough] to swallow a boat does not dwell in a shallow pool, nor does the gentleman of capacity dwell in a polluted world. [Just as] plants, when winter comes, must wither, so have I too my seasons."

The Ode says, ¹⁰³

Is this not [said of] one who encountered a time of withering?

15 ¹⁰⁴

Confucius said, "Is it not only the man of learning with whom one can speak all day long ¹⁰⁵ without fatigue? His physique may not be worth looking at and his strength insufficient to inspire fear; his family may not be worth mentioning and his ancestors not worth talking about, but he can be famous everywhere and illustrious among the feudal lords. It is not only the man of learning [of whom this is possible]?"

The Ode says, ¹⁰⁶

This refers to [a man of] learning.

16

The Master said, "Without recognizing the ordinances [of Heaven], it is impossible to be a superior man." ¹⁰⁷ What he means is that everything given life by Heaven is in possession of [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, and a mind devoted to the good; but without knowing how through its ordinances Heaven gives life, one is without [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, or a mind devoted to the good. One lacking [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, and a mind devoted to the good is termed a mean man. That is why he said, "Without recognizing the ordinances [of Heaven] it is impossible to a superior man."

The "Hsiao-ya" says, ¹⁰⁸

It speaks of the great security with which ¹⁰⁹ Heaven protects and establishes man through jên, i, li, and knowledge. The "Ta-ya" says, ¹¹⁰

It says that the people in possessing virtue pattern themselves after Heaven. How can the person who does not know how to pattern himself after Heaven be a superior man?

17 ¹¹¹

The True King must needs set up three ¹¹² inspectors ¹¹³ whom he sends to inspect distant places and care for the masses. When the people of distant places suffer from famine and cold without being able to obtain clothing and food, when they have criminal cases and lawsuits and no one settles their complaints, ¹¹⁴ when sages are neglected and not brought forward, [then the inspectors] go back and report to the Son of Heaven. When the rulers of such [places] come to court, the Son of Heaven bows and has them advance to him, saying, "Alas, have my government and teachings failed to get to you? How else is it that [your people] suffer from famine and cold without being able to obtain clothing and food, that they have criminal cases and lawsuits and no one settles their complaints, ¹¹⁵ that sages are neglected and not brought forward?"

Thereafter such rulers return [to their own states] and discuss the matter with their ministers and Great Officers. When the people of those distant places hear of it, they all say, "He is truly Son of Heaven. Although we dwell in an out-of-the-way place, he sees us as though we were near at hand, and though we dwell in seclusion he sees us clearly. How is it possible to deceive him?"

Thus it is that inspectors were the means by which he everywhere kept his eyes open and made effective his hearing. ¹¹⁶

The Ode says, ¹¹⁷

This is illustrated above.

18 ¹¹⁸

King Chuang of Ch`u attacked [and defeated] ¹¹⁹ Chêng. The Earl of Chêng advanced with bared body, holding in his left hand an ox-tail tufted banner ¹²⁰ and in his right grasping a sacrificial knife with bells, ¹²¹ and said to King Chuang, "I am devoid of goodness. Because of [my behavior toward your] subjects on the frontier, I have met with a Heaven ¹²²-sent disaster and have caused you, Prince of a great state, to have the overwhelming disgrace of coming from afar to this place."

King Chuang said, "It was the words of Your Highness' bad subjects in their intercourse with us ¹²³ that gave me the opportunity of viewing Your Highness' jade countenance, and this is the insignificant [reason] which has brought us to this pass." ¹²⁴ Taking his signal staff ¹²⁵ King Chuang signaled to his attendants to remove the camp of Ch`u's army seven li.

The general Tzŭ-chung proffered an objection, "Nan-ying is several thousand li distant from Chêng. Among the Great Officers there have been several casualties, and among the camp laborers ¹²⁶ several hundreds have been killed. Now to win a victory and not to have it—is this wasting the strength of the people and of your servants or not?" ¹²⁷

King Chuang said, "I have heard that of old, if the cups did not leak and the leather [garments] were not worn out, it was because one had not gone outside his own borders. ¹²⁸ Through this the superior man [shows that he] ¹²⁹ holds li to be important but despises property; ¹³⁰ that he wants the men but not their territory. ¹³¹ When a man offers submission, it is inauspicious not to desist. Should I [try to] establish myself in the empire by inauspicious means, disaster would overwhelm me. How can I take [their territory]?"

Meanwhile those Chin [had sent] to help Chêng arrived and requested [that Ch`u give] battle. King Chuang assented. The general Tzŭ-chung proffered an objection, "Chin is a powerful state. They have had [only] a short way [to come], and their troops are fresh, while Ch`u's army is long since worn out. ¹³² May Your Highness not consent [to fight]."

King Chuang said, "It is not possible. If I should flee before the strong but [attempt to] overawe the weak, I would have no way to establish myself in the empire." In the end he turned his troops back to meet the intruders from Chin. King Chuang took a drumstick and beat with it. ¹³³ The army of Chin was severely defeated, so that of the officers and men who fled and struggled for boats, the fingers [cut off by those who already had taken possession of the boats] could be gathered by the double-handfuls. ¹³⁴

King [Chuang] said, "Alas, we two rulers are not on good terms, but of what crime are the people guilty?" Whereupon he withdrew Chu's army to let the invaders from Chin escape.

The Ode says, ¹³⁵

19 ¹³⁶

The superior man, in revering a man's virtue and holding up a man's excellencies is not speaking flattery; nor in correcting speech and rectifying conduct, nor in pointing out a man's faults is he picking flaws. He is pliant and docile, ¹³⁷ strong and resolute. ¹³⁸ Everywhere moving with events, he does not go outside the Way and virtue. The Ode says, ¹³⁹

20

Duke Ling of Wei had been asleep in the daytime. ¹⁴⁰ When he got up, his vitality became progressively weaker. A man was sent in haste to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan. On the way he met the Hsing-jên¹⁴¹ Pu Shang. Pu Shang said, "Why are you in such a hurry?"

[The man] replied, "The Duke having slept in the daytime, when he got up he sent me to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan."

Tzŭ-hsia said, "Would another person than Chüan, ¹⁴² but equal to Chüan in bravery do?"

The driver said, "He would do."

Tzŭ-hsia said, "Carry me back."

When they arrived the ruler said, "I sent you to summon a brave soldier. Why have you brought a literatus?"

The messenger said, "[This] Hsing-jên said, `Would another person than Chüan, but equal to Chüan in bravery do?' And I said, `He would do.' So I brought him with me."

The ruler said, "Very well. Invite the gentleman to come up, but in addition summon Kung-sun Chüan."

[Suddenly Chüan] arrived. ¹⁴³ He came in the door grasping a sword and impetuously cried, "Shang, if you will come down I will leave you your head!"

Tzŭ-hsia ¹⁴⁴ looked at him and said, "What! ¹⁴⁵ Put away your sword. I am going to speak with you about courage." Whereupon the ruler ordered him to put away his sword and come up. Tzŭ-hsia said, "Come, now. I once was with you when we followed our ruler to the west to visit Chao Chien-tzŭ. When Chien-tzŭ gave our ruler an audience, his hair was not done up and he held a lance. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, `When feudal lords meet it is not proper for them not to wear court costume. If [Your Highness] ¹⁴⁶ does not put on court costume, this Hsing-gên, Pu Shang, is going to splash your dress with the blood from your throat.' ¹⁴⁷ Now was it you or was it I who caused him to change to court costume to receive our ruler?"

Chüan said, "It was you."

Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is one instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler to the east of A. When we met the ruler of Ch`i, he sat on a double mat, while our ruler sat on a single mat. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, `According to etiquette (li), when feudal lords meet, it is not proper that they should face one another as befits commoners.' ¹⁴⁸ Now was it you or was it I who took away one of his mats?"

Chüan said, "It was you."

Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is the second instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler in the hunting park and two full-grown boars pursued our ruler. ¹⁴⁹ Now was it you or was it I who seized a lance and, striking downward, ¹⁵⁰ turned them?"

Chüan said, "It was you."

Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is the third instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Now what is valued in a soldier is that while on the one hand he can assist [in governing a state of] ten thousand chariots, on the other hand he dares not be arrogant toward a commoner. Outside he establishes moderation and compassion, so that enemies do not attack or make disturbances; inside [the state] he forbids harmful [acts], so that the ruler is not in danger. These are the excellencies of a soldier and that to which the superior man attaches the highest value. But covering up the short with the long, ill-treating the few by the many, oppressing a guiltless people and exerting authority inside the village lanes—these are the extreme evils of which a soldier may be guilty; they are that on which the superior man visits his dislike, and what the masses punish and root out. The Ode says, ¹⁵¹

How is it you discuss courage in front of a ruler?"

Whereupon Duke Ling withdrew from the mat, raised his hands, and said, "Though I am not intelligent, I should like ¹⁵² to follow your [kind of] courage."

The Ode says, ¹⁵³

Such was Master Pu.

21 ¹⁵⁴

Confucius had gone on a journey ¹⁵⁵ when Chien-tzŭ was about to kill Yang Hu. Confucius resembled the latter, and [Chien-tzŭ] surrounded Confucius' dwelling with troops. ¹⁵⁶ Tzŭ-lu was angry, and, brandishing a lance, was about to strike when Confucius stopped him, saying, "Yu, how is it you are so lacking in an abundance of jên and i? If the Shih and the Shu are not studied, if rites (li) and music are not explained, that is my fault. If when I am not Yang Hu, they take me for Yang Hu, that is not my fault; it is fate. You sing and I will accompany you." ¹⁵⁷

Tzŭ-lu sang and Confucius accompanied him. When they had finished three strophes, the soldiers had left off surrounding them.

The Ode says, ¹⁵⁸

This is how through a display of the harmony of flourishing virtue noninterference is practiced.

22

The Ode says, ¹⁵⁹

What is meant by saying that the sovereign is the parent of the people? It means that the sovereign is reverent in aspect and strict in conduct; he is frugal toward himself, but liberal to others. Truly the unworthy cannot come up to him. In his own affairs (?) he is rigorous with himself, but is easy-going (?) with others. ¹⁶⁰ Truly he is able to serve to the extent of his abilities (?). Being sincere in his love, he does not rob; he is generous in his gifts but not boastful. On seeing a man who is good he rejoices in him gladly, and on seeing a man who is not good he conceals [his wickedness] in alarm. When there is a fault, he wraps it up completely. In giving clothes, he gives the best; in giving food he gives much. Laws he puts in an inferior place and makes them easy to follow. He makes duties few and easy to perform. This is how by acting impartially ¹⁶¹ he is a parent to the people. He builds cities and has them live there. He divides up the fields and nourishes [the people with their produce]. He sets up schools to instruct them. He causes them to realize that parents are worthy of respect. Because they are worthy of respect, one wears deepest mourning ¹⁶² for three years [on the death of] a father. Likewise [on the death of] a prince one wears deepest mourning for three years. This is what is meant by his being parent to the people.

23 ¹⁶³

To serve a tyrannical state is difficult, but it is easy to make a tyrannical state serve oneself. If you serve it with goods and valuables, then when your valuables are exhausted, ¹⁶⁴ friendly relations will not continue. If you make treaties and covenants, it will not be long after the agreement is fixed that [such a state] will repudiate it. Should you present [such a state] with territory cut off from your own borders, even though the amount cut off [and presented] be fixed, still their greed will not be satisfied. The more completely one gives in to them, the more serious their encroachments. The inevitable end is that your valuables are used up ¹⁶⁵ and your [whole] state taken over; even with Yao on your left and Shun on your right you would not be able to avoid [such an end], if you follow this road. So one who, without the methods of the sages, serves in fear, putting his sole ¹⁶⁶ reliance on glib speech and obsequious conduct will not be able to hold his state or keep his own person intact. Hence the enlightened ruler does not follow this way. It is necessary to reform ritual (li) to regulate the court, to rectify the laws to regulate the officials, and to stabilize the government to regulate the lower classes. Only after that is the rhythm of li and i adjusted in the court, are rules and regulations rectified among the officials, and loyalty and honesty, love and gain stabilized among the lower classes. He would not practice one unjust thing, or put to death one innocent man to get the empire, and so those in his vicinity contest for his affection, while those far away desire to go to him. Superiors and inferiors are of one mind; the three armies make common effort. When his renown in sufficient to consume [his opponents] and his power sufficient to bring them under his control, he bows and grasps his signal flag, and not one of the tyrannical states but makes haste to send envoys, like infants turning to their mother. Why is this? It is because jên is put into practice, ¹⁶⁷i is established, instruction is sincere, and love deep. Truly, as the Ode says, ¹⁶⁸

24 ¹⁶⁹

With one shout the brave officer puts to flight all the three armies: it is because of his sincerity. ¹⁷⁰ Of old Hsiung Ch`ü-tzŭ of Ch`u was traveling at night. [He saw] ¹⁷¹ a stone lying [in his path] which he took to be a reclining tiger. Bending his bow, he shot it, so that the head [of the arrow] was buried up to the feathers. ¹⁷² When he looked down and realized it was a stone, [he then again shot it, but the arrow bounced off without leaving a mark. When Hsiung Ch`ü-tzŭ showed a sincere mind, metal and stone] opened up for him; ¹⁷³ how much the more will men!

Now if a person initiates a thing and others do not join in with him, or if when he acts others do not agree, it is certainly ¹⁷⁴ because he is not complete within. The man who rules the empire without descending from his mat has sought in himself [for sincerity].

Confucius said, ¹⁷⁵ "When a prince's personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed." That the Former Kings were able to attract to themselves as guests everyone in the world by bowing and grasping a signal flag ¹⁷⁶ was because of the acme of sincere virtue which showed in their external aspect. ¹⁷⁷

The Ode says, ¹⁷⁸

25 ¹⁷⁹

Of old Chao Chien-tzŭ had died and before he was buried [the district of] Chung-mou revolted. When he had been buried five days, ¹⁸⁰ Hsiang-tzŭ raised troops and attacked [Chung-mou]. ¹⁸¹ Before he had finished surrounding [the city], ten ch`ang of its walls fell down of their own accord. Hsiang-tzŭ beat the signal for retreat, ¹⁸² and [his forces] withdrew. An officer objected, "When Your Highness is punishing the crime of Chung-mou and their walls break down of themselves, it is Heaven aiding you. Why have you withdrawn [your forces]?"

Hsiang-tzŭ said, "I have heard Shu-hsiang say that the superior man does not take advantage of another in distress, ¹⁸³ nor does he make trouble for a man who is in straits. Have them repair their walls; ¹⁸⁴ after that we will launch an attack."

When [the people of] Chung-mou heard how just (i) he had been, they asked to surrender. [. . . .] would say, "Good. [. . . .] Hsiang-tzŭ is meant by this." ¹⁸⁵

The Ode says, ¹⁸⁶

26 ¹⁸⁷

There are three methods of [acquiring] prestige. There is the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue, there is the prestige from harsh supervision, and there is the prestige from demented wantonness. It is absolutely necessary to examine into these three [sources of] prestige. What do we mean by the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue? Rites (li) and music are in order; distinctions and obligations (i) are clear; promotions and employment are seasonable; love and profit are impartial. ¹⁸⁸ Under such circumstances as these, the people honor [the ruler] as emperor. They love him as their parent, and fear him as [they do] spiritual beings. Truly, when rewards are not used and still the people are persuaded [to do good], when punishments are not applied, and yet [the ruler's] prestige is effective, his is the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue.

What do we mean by the prestige from harsh supervision? Rites (li) and music are not in order; distinctions and obligations are not clear; promotions and employment are not seasonable; love and profit are not impartial. But restrictions on wrong-doers are harsh, and the punishment of those who do not submit is invariable; ¹⁸⁹ penalties are numerous ¹⁹⁰ and extensive; executions are cruel and inevitable. With a crash ¹⁹¹ like thunder [people] are struck down, oppressed as by a [falling] wall. [Under such conditions, when] ¹⁹² the people are under pressure they are afraid; when it is relaxed they are disrespectful toward their superiors. When seized by force, they assemble; when from afar they hear [of him], they scatter. If they are not pressed by punishments and force and stirred up by executions and death, [the ruler] has no way of keeping them under him. Such is the prestige from harsh supervision.

What do we mean by the prestige from demented wantonness? No disposition for loving others, no undertakings to benefit others, and daily throwing into disorder the Way of man. When the people murmur, [the ruler] following them up, seizes and binds them, punishes and tortures them. ¹⁹³ He does not conform to human feelings and goes against Heaven's principles. Under these conditions flood and drought are unseasonable; the yearly grain crops do not ripen. The people on the one hand suffer distress from the troubles of harsh [government] and disorder, and on the other hand are in straits in the matters of food and clothing. They are anxious and grieved, with no way of making complaint. Forming cliques, they run off and are estranged from their superiors. Overthrow and destruction can be expected at any moment: such is the prestige from demented wantonness.

Now the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue culminates in numbers and strength; the prestige from harsh supervision culminates in danger and weakness; and the prestige from demented wantonness culminates in destruction. Now though the term "prestige" is the same [in all these cases], the good or bad results are far apart. Hence it is absolutely necessary to examine into them.

The Ode says, ¹⁹⁴

27 ¹⁹⁶

Duke P`ing of Chin ¹⁹⁷ was happily drifting along the River and said, "Where am I to get worthy gentlemen to enjoy this with me?"

His boatman Ho Hsü ¹⁹⁸ knelt and replied, "It is simply because Your Highness does not care for [worthy] gentlemen [that he has none]. Now pearls from river and ocean, and jade from the K`un mountains, come to you without having feet, because of Your Highness' liking for them. ¹⁹⁹ If [worthy] gentlemen, possessed of feet, do not come, it means nothing else than that Your Highness does not care for gentlemen. Do not worry about there being no gentlemen."

Duke P`ing said, "As for the guests I support, to the left of the gate there are a thousand men, and to the right of the gate [another] thousand. If in the morning there is not enough for their support, in the evening I give them the market revenues; if in the evening there is not enough for their support, in the morning I give them the market revenues. Can it be said of me that I do not care for gentlemen?"

Ho Hsü replied, "Now the heron in going a thousand li at a single flight relies on only six quills. As for the feathers on his back and the down under his belly, should you add a handful he would not fly any higher, and should you take away a handful he would not fly any lower. Now these two thousand men Your Highness is supporting to the right and to the left of his gate— are there really six quills among them? Or are they all feathers on the back and down under the belly?"

The Ode says, ²⁰⁰