Notes
1. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Her father
was the old gentleman Lü, the Marquis of Lin-szu; her brothers were [Lü] Tse,
the Marquis of Chou-lü, and [Lü] Shih-chih, the Chien-ch'eng Marquis." For
names of persons, places, and official titles, cf. Glossary.
2. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says," 名之 [means] to
name him as a son born to the Empress."HS 27 A: 10b
says, "The Empress had no issue, [but] a Beauty in the [imperial] harem had a
male [child]. The Empress Dowager had the Empress name him [as her son] and
killed his mother. After Emperor Hui had died and his heir had been established
[as Emperor, he spoke] some resentful words, [so] the Empress Dowager dismissed
him [cf. 3: 3b], and replaced him, establishing a scion of the Lü family, [Lü]
Hung, as the Young Emperor." The similar phrasing used in recounting the
killing of a son and his mother, a concubine, which happened after King Ling of
Yen died (cf. 38: 3b), proves that the first Young Emperor was the son of
Emperor Hui.
3. In other cases, the day of an emperor's
accession is given. Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) thinks that the reason that date
is not given here is because the Empress Dowager's actions were tantamount to
herself ascending the throne, and because the child did not himself rule, but
was soon after degraded and imprisoned.
4. Ever since, when an Empress has assumed
the Emperor's power, her act has been called by this phrase, so that it has
become an idiom. The SC says at this point, "In the
first year all the proclamations and decrees emanated from the Empress
Dowager." Yen Shih-ku says, "The words of the Son of Heaven are called (1)
`decrees 制書' and (2) `edicts 詔書.' `Decrees' means that they are commands for
decreeing and regulating 制度之命. [These] were not what an Empress Dowager is
permitted to pronounce. Now the Empress Dowager [née] Lü appeared in court and
performed the duties of the Son of Heaven, making decisions about the many
[affairs of the governmental] mechanism, hence she styled [her orders imperial]
decrees and edicts." An empress could issue edicts, but the issuing of decrees
was the sole prerogative of the Emperor. Cf. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 593, for a
quotation from the Han Chih-tu (by Hu Kuang, 91-172) enumerating the four kinds
of imperial orders. Cf. Mh II, 126, n. 2; 99 A:
4a.
5. These four appointments were not all
made at the same time. Lü T'ai was enfeoffed as King in 186, Lü Ch'an in 182,
Lü Lu and Lü Tung in 180. According to SC ch. 9
(Mh II, 417), in the first year the Empress Dowager appointed
Lü P'ing as Marquis of Fu-liu and Lü Chung, the son of Lü Shih-chih, as the
Marquis of P'ei; in the fourth year (Mh II, 418), she
appointed Lü T'a as Marquis of Yü (cf. 16: 65a), Lü Keng-shih, her nephew, as
Marquis of T'eng, and Lü Fen, another nephew, as Marquis of Lü-ch'eng; in the
eighth year (Mh II, 425), she appointed Lü Chuang, a
younger son of Lü T'ai, as Marquis of T'ung-p'ing---these are the six marquises
referred to. In addition there were other marquisates in her family: Lü Lu
became Marquis of Hu-ling, later succeeding Lü Shih-chih as Chien-ch'eng
Marquis; in 184, Lü Hsü, the younger sister of the Dowager Empress, was
ennobled as the Marquis of Lin-kuang. The HS evidently
did not count women in the enumeration of the six marquises.
6. Cf. Glossary, sub Three
Sets.
7. This law was probably directed against
lese-majesty and libellious complaint against the government, such as charging
it with tyranny or talk that would start a rebellion. This crime was again
abolished in 178 B.C. Cf. 4: 10b. Yen Shih-ku says, "Outrageously erroneous
talk 過誤之言 is considered `monstrous talking.' " In 78 B.C. Kuei Hung interpreted some
omens as implying that a commoner, descended from some ancient prince, would
take the throne. Hence he advised the Han dynasty to resign and search for a
sage. Ho Kuang, who controlled the government, had Kuei Hung executed for
"falsely bringing forward monstrous talk, treason, and inhuman conduct." Cf.
75: 1b, 2a.
8. Yen Shih-ku says, "She specially
appointed as officials [some] Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and
Diligent Cultivators of the Fields, and honored them [with an official] rank,
wishing thereby to encourage the world, ordering that each one should perfect
his conduct and devote himself to the fundamental, [agriculture]." Ch'ien
Ta-chao points out that those ranking as two thousand piculs were
Administrators of commanderies and Chancellors of kingdoms, and says that this
passage means that each of these officials were to recommend one person, and
that it is impossible that the position of Filially Pious, Fraternally
Respectful, and Diligent Cultivator of the Soil should be ranked as two
thousand piculs. The Filially Pious and the Fraternally Respectful are
distinguished in 4: 14b.
9. In 27 A: 10b Liu Hsiang says that this
fire occurred because King Yu of Chao, Liu Yu, was to be slandered and
imprisoned to death. Cf. 3: 4b.
10. HS ch. 13: 19b
notes that Ch'iang was made King of Huai-yang on June 6, 187 B.C. Chin Shao
(fl. ca. 275) says, "The Han commentator [gives] his name as Chang ###." Ju Shun
(fl. dur. 221-265) tells that HS ch. 18 says, "All were
sons of the Lü family and were made marquises because they were sons of
Hsiao-hui," but this statement is not in the present text of that chapter. [Lü]
Ch'iang was furthermore never a marquis, but was directly made a king. Possibly
this latter saying is displaced, and should be after the last of these supposed
sons.HS 13: 21a says
of the two of these five who are recorded in the date 180 B.C., "Because he was
not [the Emperor Hui's] son he was killed." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084)
thinks that all of these five were not really sons of Hsiao-hui because they
are not mentioned in HS ch. 14, where are listed the
vassals of the Liu surname, but are only mentioned in ch. 13, in which are
listed vassals of other surnames and in ch. 18, in which are listed nobles
related by marriage to the royal family. SC 9: 10b (Mh II, 432) says of two of these five: "Who had been
pronounced the younger brothers of the Young Emperor" (who was a natural son of
Hsiao-hui). HS 13: 19b says of Ch'iang and Pu-yi, "The
Empress of Kao-[tsu] falsely set him up as a son of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui."The HS thus
clearly implies that these five children were not really sons of Hsiao-hui. It
records their appointment in the terms in which that appointment was made, but
indicates their true descent by listing them in the appropriate tables, and by
the statement on 3: 8a.HS 18: 4b also
lists another supposed son of the Emperor Hsiao-hui by the name of [Lü] T'ai 大,
who was made Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing 昌平, and who in 181 became King of Lü 呂王. Cf.
13: 20b; SC 17: 12a. SC 9:10
groups him with the other spurious sons, so that he too was a scion of the Lü
family. Cf. p. 209, n. 3.
11. Following the mention of the year, the
present text reads, "in the spring," but the next date is also "in the spring,
the first month" (3a); since the chapter proceeds chronologically, this word
"spring" should be "winter," according to Su Yü (xx cent.). HS 16: 2a recounts this matter, dating it merely "in the
second year of the Empress of Kao-[tsu]." We have deleted "spring," following
ch. 16.
12. This sentence is a loose quotation from
Analects XIV, xviii, 2.
13. According to 16: 1b, Kao-tsu had fixed
the relative ranking of 18 marquises, including Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an; now
the Empress Dowager ordered the relative ranking of the others. She was
probably planning to win adherents and strengthen her clique thereby. These
ranks are recorded in ch. 16. Ch'en P'ing was ranked by this committee as
number 47; the other three had previously been ranked as numbers 4, 6, and 9
respectively in order of court precedence. Thus a committee of marquises who
had previously been ranked among the first, together with the Lieutenant
Chancellor, did the ranking.
14. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "The
nobles at the four seasons all get grants of money for food." Wen Ying (fl. ca.
196-220) says, "Food 飡 is the towns [from the income of which] they live. In the
meantime [this phrase] was changed to be called `poll-tax money 算錢,' [cf. p. 184,
n. 1], like the present chief officials' salary 食奉, which they themselves report
as wine-money 媵錢. It is the land tax 租奉[perhaps this last phrase should be, "the
(marquises') poll-tax"]. Yen Shih-ku says, "Foodmoney 餐錢 is grants of money for
cooking and food 賜廚膳錢 ; 奉邑 was originally 食邑 `live [from the income] of towns' " Wei Chao
(197-273/4) interprets differently: "Cooked food 熟食 is called 飡; wine and meat
dishes are called 錢; grain and rice 粟米 are called 奉. The [marquises'] poll-tax and
their [official] salary really constitute their income; at the four seasons
they obtain [imperial grants at intervals---this is their food money." Shen
Ch'in-han (1778-1831) adds, "In the T'ang [period], each [high] official, in
addition to his monthly salary, had money for food and fodder. [This practise]
probably began with the Han [period]."
15. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that " 道 March" is
superfluous and should be omitted; the former Han dynasty had only a Wu-tu
Commandery and Hsien; the later Han dynasty first had a Wu-tu
March.
16. For eclipses, cf. App. I.
17. The SC at this
point adds the statement, "His younger brother, the Marquis of Hsiang-ch'eng,
[Lü] Shan [cf. Glossary. sub voce], was made King of
Ch'ang-shan and his given name was changed to Yi." Cf. Mh II, 418.
Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi says the same.
Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) thinks that the above sentence has dropped out of
the text of the HS at this point.
18. Ying Shao says, "Originally the Ch'in
[dynasty] cash were in substance like the cash of the Chou [dynasty]. Their
inscription was `Half ounce,' and their weight was the same as the inscription.
[These were] the `eight shu' cash. [But a
shu is 1/24 of an ounce, (cf. 4: app.
I), so that 8 shu is only one-third of an ounce.] Because they were too heavy,
the Han [dynasty] changed and coined the `leaf' 莢 cash. Today among the people,
the `elm leaf' 榆莢 cash are those. The people suffered because they were too light.
[So] at this time there were again put into circulation the `eight shu' cash."
The HS however mentions the `leaf' cash later. Cf. 3: 4b
and p. 199, n. 2. According to the Ku-chin-chu, attributed to Ts'ui Pao and
probably written about 300, "The `leaf' cash weigh three shu." But
HS 24B: 3b says of cash, "Moreover each at different
times may be lighter or heavier; they are not the same [in weight]," so that
uniformity had not been secured in coinage. Yeh Tê-hui (d. 1927) says that of
the Ch'in dynasty `half-ounce' cash that have been preserved, the lightest
weigh 15/100 of a tael and the heaviest 20/100 of a tael; the `eight shu' cash
would then correspond to the lightest Ch'in cash. Cf. p. 111, n. 3; p.
280.
19. The words 漢水, "the Han River," have
dropped out of the present text. Ch'ien Ta-chao reports that they are in the
Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549), and that the Han-chi
reads, "The Yangtze River and the Han River overflowed." Chou Shou-ch'ang
(1818-1884) reports that Ho Ch'uo collated a small character Sung text (prob.
1178) and says that after "Yangtze River" it had "the Han River."
HS 27A: 21b says, "In the third year of the Empress of
Kao-tsu, in the summer, in the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies there was high
water. The rivers overflowed, carrying away more than 4000 families."
Corresponding to the statement on 3: 5a that in the summer of the eighth year
the Yangtze and Han Rivers overflowed, 27A: 21b says, "The rivers again
overflowed." Hence the earlier passage should mention the Han as well as the
Yangtze River. Wang Hsien-ch'ien reports that the Wang ed. (1546) and the
Official ed. (1739) have "the Han River" at this point.
20. This "star" might have been a nova, a
comet, or the planet Venus, which is sometimes visible in
daytime.
21. The SC at this
point and HS 97A: 5a tell that the Empress Dowager's
granddaughter, the Empress, had had no children, so she simulated pregnancy. A
child of a concubine was passed off as her son, then the child's mother was
killed---this child then was made the Heir-apparent and became the Young
Emperor. When he grew up he said, "How could the Empress Dowager kill my mother
and name me [as her son]? I am not yet grown; when I am grown I will do what I
will do." The Empress Dowager heard of it and imprisoned him until he died. Cf.
Mh II, 418 ff.
22. The SC quotes
this edict (with a few verbal changes) as a speech of the Empress Dowager. Cf.
Mh II, 419.
23. The Empress Dowager had dismissed the
last heir of the Emperor Hui; they tell her they do not know what to
do.
24. HS 27A: 21b adds
that in the autumn of this year there was high water in the Yellow River
basin.
25. This act constituted a rebellion
against the dynasty. Chao T'o was commonly known as " 尉佗 Commandant T'o," even
after he had become king and emperor. The SC uses this
name as the title of his biography.The use of a title name, like Wu, by a
ruler while he was living was contrary to the usual Chinese practise, although
many ancient kings used a title while living. According to the
SC, before Chao T'o was enfeoffed by Kao-tsu, he had
called himself "King Wu of Nan-Yüeh." Now he usurped the Emperor's title and
called himself "Emperor Wu of Nan-Yüeh." Wei Chao (197-273/4) understands the
text in this sense. Then the word "Yüeh" has dropped out of the text at this
point. The Han-chi and the Tzu-chih
T'ung-chien (1084) both have that word. It
has been suggested however that he changed the name of his kingdom from
Nan-Yüeh to Nan-wu, since there is mentioned a Chih, the Marquis of Nan-wu (cf.
1B: 21b), but there is no evidence to support this conjecture. An emperor would
hardly change the name of his state to that borne by an unimportant
marquisate.
26. The tomb of Kao-tsu was at Ch'ang-ling;
its magistrate was raised to rank with Commandery Administrators. Thus Kao-tsu
was honored.
27. A fen 分 is one tenth of an inch, so that
this name would imply that they were one-half inch (0.45 Eng. meas.) in
diameter. Ying Shao says that these were the `leaf' cash (cf. p. 196, n. 4).
Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that some other texts write shu for
fen, which is an
error, for the five-shu cash were not minted until the time of the Emperor Wu.
Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed.
(1549) read thus.
28. He was the sixth son of Kao-tsu. He had
married a lady of the Lü family, but loved a concubine. His wife slandered him
to the Empress Dowager, accusing him of having said that he would attack that
family after the death of the Empress Dowager. She sent for him and starved him
to death in his lodgings, then buried him as a commoner. Cf. Glossary sub Liu
Yu.
29. He was the fifth son of Kao-tsu. He had
been married to a grand-niece of the Empress Dowager; his wife surrounded
herself with her people, spying upon him so that he could not do what he liked.
His queen poisoned the concubine whom he loved, and so, in sorrow for her, he
committed suicide. The Empress Dowager thereupon punished him by taking his
title from his descendants, so that his ghost could not receive princely
worship. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu K'uei.
30. Liu Chien was the eighth son of
Kao-tsu. He had one son, by a concubine; after his death the Empress Dowager
sent men to kill this son, then disestablished his kingdom. The
SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien date this death in the
9th month; the Han-chi wrongly dates it in the 8th month.By this time, of the eight sons of
Kao-tsu, only two were alive: Heng, who later became the Emperor Hsiao-wen, and
Ch'ang, King of Huai-nan. Three had died seemingly natural deaths, one was
poisoned by the Empress Dowager, one had been starved to death by her, and one
was driven by her grandniece to commit suicide. Princess Yüan of Lu, Kao-tsu's
daughter and oldest child, had also died.
31. HS 27A: 21b
says, "In the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies the rivers again ran out [of their
banks], carrying away more than 6000 families; in the Nan-yang [Commandery] the
Mien River [a tributary of the Han] carried away more than ten thousand
families." Evidently the population was much denser in Shensi than along the
banks of the Yangtse River, or else events in the Yangtze valley received
little notice from the court historians.
32. Aug. 18, 180 B.C., which P. Hoang makes
the first day of the 8th month; Chavannes (Mh II, 426
and n. 3; T'oung Pao 7: 26) puts an intercalary month in the 7th year instead
of in the 8th year, as Hoang does, and dates this death on the last day of the
6th month, making it July 21. We have followed P. Hoang, for his calendar
(which in this month seems to be one day in error) requires a smaller number of
emendations in the text of the histories.The SC states
that while the Empress Dowager was out of the palace she was bit in the side by
something that appeared to be like a blue dog and suddenly disappeared. When it
was divined about, the diviner's reply was, "It was the King of Chao, [Liu]
Ju-yi, [whom she had murdered], become an evil spirit." She fell sick of her
wound and died of it four months later. Cf. Mh II, 425;
HS 27 Ba: 27b.
33. According to the SC and HS 97A: 5a, the Empress
Dowager, before her death, had feared a revolution, and so ordered these two
nephews to be made First Ranking General and Chancellor of State, respectively,
and to reside in the Northern and Southern Armies to guard the capital for her
family. Cf. Mh II, 426.
34. According to the SC, Kao-tsu had made his generals and associates swear an
oath made with the most solemn ceremony---a white horse was sacrificed and its
blood smeared on the lips of those who took the oath---to the effect that all
the empire should unite to combat those who were kings and did not belong to
the Liu (the imperial) family. Cf. Mh II, 414. The
Empress Dowager, by naming kings from members of her own family, that of Lü,
had compelled the breaking of this oath.
35. Kao-tsu's oldest son.
36. The SC (Mh II, 429) tells that the King
of Ch'i's Chancellor opposed the King. (The Chancellors were appointed by the
emperor to watch the vassal kings.) On Sept. 12 the King tried to have his
Chancellor assassinated; the Chancellor raised his troops and tried to take the
King captive, but the King then killed the Chancellor.
37. The "trick" is expounded in
SC 52: 3a, b, which reads, "He sent forth all the troops
of his state and sent Chu Wu east to trick the King of Lang-ya [Liu Tse], by
saying, `The Lü clan is rebelling and the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang], is
mobilizing his troops, wishing to go west and execute [the Lü clan]. The King
of Ch'i considers that his son is young in years, and inexperienced in warlike
matters, [so] prefers to entrust his kingdom to you, great King. You, great
King, were yourself a general of Emperor Kao-[tsu] and are experienced in
warlike matters. The King of Ch'i dares not leave his troops, [so] he sends me,
your servant, to beg you, great King, to favor him by coming to Lin-tzu [his
capital] to visit the King of Ch'i, plan matters, and lead the troops of Ch'i
together with yours westwards to subjugate the rebellion in Kuan-chung.' The
King of Lang-ya believed him, thought [his suggestion] right, and galloped west
to see the King of Ch'i. The King of Ch'i with Wei P'o and others thereupon
detained the King of Lang-ya and sent Chu Wu to mobilize all [the troops] of
the kingdom of Lang-ya; then [the King of Ch'i] united [them with his own
troops and] led its troops [together with his own]."When the King of Lang-ya, Liu Tse, saw
that he had been deceived and could not return to his kingdom, he said to the
King of Ch'i, `King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [your father], was the oldest son of the
Emperor Kao-[tsu]; by rights then you, great King, are the heir and the first
grandson of Emperor Kao-[tsu]. You ought to be seated [on the throne]. Now the
great officials are hesitating in their discussions [concerning the succession]
and have not yet reached a decision, while I, Tse, am the oldest of the Liu
family. The great officials will of course wait for me, Tse, before coming to a
decision in their deliberations. Now you, great King, are detaining me, your
servant, uselessly. It would be better to send me through the Pass to
deliberate on this matter.' The King of Ch'i thought he was right, so prepared
for him the necessities and chariots and sent off the King of Lang-ya. When the
King of Lang-ya had gone, [the kingdom of] Ch'i thereupon set in motion its
troops, went westwards, and attacked the Chi-nan [Commandery] of the kingdom of
Lü."
38. I.e., the government was not an
absolute monarchy; the emperor acts only with the approval of his important
subordinates.
39. The SC says that
they went hunting; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien
follows it, while the Han-chi
follows the HS.
40. There was no keng-shen day in the
eighth month; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, by Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1036), 1:
5b, says that the text should read, "the ninth month," for although
SC 9: 11a (Mh II, 434) also reads
"the eighth month keng-shen," yet previously (Mh II,
429) it reads "the eighth month ping-wu," and the days
keng-shen and ping-wu
cannot be in the same month here. Then this date is Sept. 26, 180 B.C.
Chavannes reached the same Julian date (Mh II, 434), but
by emending the previous date, not this one. The SC says
in addition that it happened "in the morning." It also gives the impression
that Ts'ao Cho overheard part of a conversation not intended for his
ears.
41. According to 19B: 5b, Ts'ao Cho became
Grandee Secretary in 184 B.C. and was dismissed in 180 B.C. In that year an
edict commanded the Lieutenant Chancellor of Huai-nan, Chang Ts'ang, to take
his place; probably at this time Ts'ao Cho was merely acting for his successor
who had been appointed, but had not yet taken up his duties. HS
42: 4b says that he was dismissed after the killing of
the Lü clan, which Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks is an erroneous statement, because
at the time of Liu Heng's arrival in the capital on Nov. 14, Chang Ts'ang is
already mentioned as Grandee Secretary (cf. 4: 3a).
42. The SC (Mh II, 434) adds at this point,
"He urged [Lü] Ch'an to hasten into the palace."
43. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Shao
ed. (xi or xii cent.) reads 以 for 馳.
44. Reading 納 for 内 , as in the passages on p.
7b, at the suggestion of Ch'ien Ta-chao.
45. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the
Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) reads 綬 for the present 辭 and omits the words for
"general".
46. The SC (Mh II, 435) adds that Lü Lu did
not think that Li Chi would deceive him.
47. This phrase "bare the left arm" has
become an idiom.
48. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes,
"According to ch. 23, [at] the capital there were the encampments of the
Southern and Northern Armies. Although the Southern and Northern Armies of Han
[times] were called two comparable armies, really the Southern Army was not the
equal of the Northern Army. Emperor Kao-[tsu] sent forth 30,000 troops of the
Palace Military Commander. When Wang Wen-shu was Palace Military Commander, he
begged permission to replace the soldiers who had been lost, and secured
several tens of thousands of men. The roster of the Northern Army then must be
said to have been large. But when Kai K'uan-jao was Major of the Guard, the
soldiers of the guard [the patrol inside the capital, cf. 19 A: 22b; 77: 1a]
numbered not more than several thousand men. Hence the military policy of the
Han [dynasty] always stressed the Northern Army. When Chou P'o had once entered
the Northern Army, Lü Ch'an and his confederates could only fold their hands
and meet death. When the Heir-apparent Li [of Emperor Wu] did not secure help
from the Northern Army, he was finally defeated by the Lieutenant Chancellor's
troops. [Cf. Glossary sub Liu Chü]. The general nature of the power of the two
armies can thus be seen."Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) adds, "Hu
[San-hsing, 1230-1287], in his comment on the [Tzu-chih] T'ung-chien, [says
that] according to Pan [Ku's] Table [19A: 22b] the Colonel of the Capital
Encampment [cf. Mh II, 521, XVIII, 1°] takes
charge of [everything] inside the gates of the encampment of the Northern Army.
There was also a Palace Military Commander who took charge of patrolling the
capital. His subordinates were [the Colonel] of the Capital Encampment, the
Pretors of the Waters, and others, both chiefs and assistants. At the time of
the Later Han [dynasty], there were first established the Palace Captains at
the Northern Army, having charge of the five encampments. The commentator Liu
[Chao, (fl. dur. 502-556), in a note to HHS, Tr. 27: 7b]
says that formerly there was the Colonel of the Capital Encampment commanding
affairs within the encampment of the Northern Army. After the Revival [23-25],
the [Colonel of] the Capital Encampment was abolished, [but] there were however
established Palace Captains to superintend the five encampments. [Each palace
had its encampment]. In addition, according to Pan [K'u's] Table [19 A: 23a],
after [the discussion of the Colonel of] the Capital Encampment there [are
mentioned] eight Colonels, all of whom were first established by the Emperor
Wu. According to my notion, before [the time of] the Emperor Wu, the Northern
Army was under the Palace Military Commander, hence he commanded the Chief of
the Capital Encampment, his assistants and other officers."The Southern Army was probably
governed by the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards [cf. Glossary.
sub voce]. According to Pan [Ku's] Table, the Commandant
of the [Palace] Guards had charge of the soldiers encamped as a guard to the
palace gates. When Chou P'o had entered the Northern Army, `there was still the
Southern Army.' So he first sent Ts'ao Cho to inform the Commandant of the
[Palace] Guards not to admit Lü Ch'an at the gate of the [Front] Hall [in the
Wei-yang Palace], and afterwards sent the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang], to
pursue [Lü] Ch'an and kill him in the official's privy of the
Gentlemen-of-the-Palace's quarters in the Wei-yang Palace. According to this
[account], we know that the Southern Army was under the Commandant of the
[Palace] Guards."
49. Cf. p. 205, n. 4.
50. This Front Hall was the hall of
audience in the Wei-yang Palace; the imperial apartments were
there.
51. The SC writes 訟言;
the HS reads the first word as 誦, which Wei Chao
(197-273/4) and Teng Chan (fl. ca. 208) interpret as 公. Cf. Mh II, 436, n. 1.
52. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh
ed. (prob. xi or xii cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) omit 日. The fact
that the sun was declining was probably taken as an approval by Heaven of this
destruction.
53. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) says that
according to 19 A: 8a the Chief of the Gentleman-at-the-Palace controlled the
gates and doors to the Palace in general and the Hall, hence his office was
inside the Palace. HS 50: 5b speaks of a "chief in the
office 署 of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace," which Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks was this
place. The Han dynasty's palace as a whole was called a 宮; within it was the
Front Hall 前殿, the Forbidden Apartments 禁中, the Tung-ko 東閣 (p. 132, n. 2), the Harem 后宮,
etc.
54. Yen Shih-ku says that he wanted to make
kind inquiries.
55. The day after the one in which the
preceding events, including the murder of Lü Ch'an, happened. According to p.
204 n. 2, this was Sept. 27, 180 B.C.
56. The Official ed. (1739) writes
"beheaded 斬" for the 殺 in the text.
57. This was the second "Young Emperor";
the first one was Hsiao-hui's natural child and had been imprisoned to death by
the Empress Dowager in 184 B.C.; the second Young Emperor was Lü Hung. His
three supposed younger brothers were (1) the Marquis of Chih, Lü Chao, who had
succeeded Lü Heng as King of Heng-shan, (2) the Marquis of Hu-kuan, Lü Wu, who
had become the King of Huai-yang, and (3) the Marquis of Chang-p'ing, Lü T'ai,
who had become King of Lü. (The SC [cf.
Mh II, 441] speaks of the King of Liang, but Liang is a
mistake for Lü. At that time the King of Liang had been Lü Ch'an.) The name of
the place, Lü, was changed to Chi-ch'uan 濟川, so that Lü T'ai is also called the
King of Chi-ch'uan.
58. Cf. p. 186 n. 1, ad fin.
59. Possibly alluding to Ts'ao Ts'an's
phrase, "Your Majesty sits with unruffled garments and folded hands." Cf. p.
186 n. 1, ad fin. Much of this eulogy is taken from the corresponding passage
in SCHC 9:37f; cf. Mh II,
442.