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漢 書 四
文 紀 第 四
孝 文 皇 帝 ， 高 祖 中 子 也 ， 母 曰 薄 姬 。 高 祖 十 一 年 ， 誅 陳 豨 ， 定 代 地 ， 立 為 代 王 ， 都 中 都 。 十七 年 秋 ， 高 后 崩 ， 諸 呂 謀 為 亂 ， 欲 危 劉 氏 。 丞 相陳 平 、 太 尉 周 勃 、 朱 虛 侯 劉 章 等 共 誅 之 ， 謀 立 代 王 。 語在 高 后 紀 、 高 五 王 傳 。
大 臣 遂 使 人 迎 代 王 。 郎 中 令 張 武 等 議 ， 皆 曰 ： 「漢 大 臣 皆 故 高 帝 時 將 ， 習 兵 事 ， 多 謀 詐 ， 其 屬 意 非 止 此也 ， 特 畏 高 帝 、 呂 太 后 威 耳 。 今 已 誅 諸 呂 ， 新 喋血 京 師 ， 以 迎 大 王 為 名 ， 實 不 可 信 。 願 稱 疾 無 往， 以 觀 其 變 。 」
中 尉 宋 昌 進 曰 ： 「 群 臣 之 議 皆 非 也 。 夫秦 失 其 政 ， 豪 傑 並 起 ， 人 人 自 以 為 得 之 者 以 萬 數 ， 然 卒踐 天 子 位 者 ， 劉 氏 也 ， 天 下 絕 望 ， 一 矣 。
高 帝 王子 弟 ， 地 犬 牙 相 制 ， 所 謂 盤 石 之 宗 也 ， 天 下 服 其彊 ， 二 矣 。
漢 興 ， 除 秦 煩 苛 ， 約 法 令 ， 施 德 惠 ， 人 人 自 安 ， 難 動 搖 ， 三 矣 。
夫 以 呂 太 后 之 嚴 ， 立 諸 呂 為三 王 ， 擅 權 專 制 ， 然 而 太 尉 以 一 節 入 北 軍 ， 一 呼 士 皆 袒 左 ， 為 劉 氏 ， 畔 諸 呂 ， 卒 以 滅 之 。 此 乃 天 授 ， 非人 力 也 。 今 大 臣 雖 欲 為 變 ， 百 姓 弗 為 使 ， 其 黨 寧能 專 一 邪 ？ 內 有 朱 虛 、 東 牟 之 親 ， 外 畏 吳 、 楚 、 淮 南 、琅 邪 、 齊 、 代 之 彊 。 方 今 高 帝 子 獨 淮 南 王 與 大 王 ， 大 王又 長 ， 賢 聖 仁 孝 ， 聞 於 天 下 ， 故 大 臣 因 天 下 之 心 而 欲 迎立 大 王 ， 大 王 勿 疑 也 。 」
代 王 報 太 后 ， 計 猶 豫 未 定 。 卜之 ， 兆 得 大 橫 。 占 曰 ： 「 大 橫 庚 庚 ， 余 為 天 王 ，夏 啟 以 光 。 」 代 王 曰 ： 「 寡 人 固 已 為 王 ， 又 何 王乎 ？ 」 卜 人 曰 ： 「 所 謂 天 王 者 ， 乃 天 子 也 。 」
於 是 代 王乃 遣 太 后 弟 薄 昭 見 太 尉 勃 ， 勃 等 具 言 所 以 迎 立 王 者 。 昭 還 報 曰 ： 「 信 矣 ， 無 可 疑 者 。 」 代 王 笑 謂 宋 昌曰 ： 「 果 如 公 言 。 」 乃 令 宋 昌 驂 乘 ， 張 武 等 六人 乘 六 乘 傳 詣 長 安 。
至 高 陵 止 ， 而 使 宋 昌 先 之長 安 觀 變 。 昌 至 渭 橋 ， 丞 相 已 下 皆 迎 。 昌 還 報 ， 代 王乃 進 至 渭 橋 。 群 臣 拜 謁 稱 臣 ， 代 王 下 拜 。 太 尉 勃 進 曰 ：「 願 請 間 。 」 宋 昌 曰 ： 「 所 言 公 ， 公 言 之 ； 所 言私 ， 王 者 無 私 。 」 太 尉 勃 乃 跪 上 天 子 璽 。 代 王 謝 曰 ： 「至 邸 而 議 之 。 」
閏 月 己 酉 ， 入 代 邸 。 群 臣 從 至 ， 上 議 曰 ： 「 丞 相臣 平 、 太 尉 臣 勃 、 大 將 軍 臣 武 、 御 史 大 夫 臣 蒼 、宗 正 臣 郢 、 朱 虛 侯 臣 章 、 東 牟 侯 臣 興 居 、典 客 臣 揭 再 拜 言 大 王 足 下 ： 子 弘 等 皆 非 孝 惠 皇 帝子 ， 不 當 奉 宗 廟 。 臣 謹 請 陰 安 侯 、 頃 王 后、 琅 邪 王 、 列 侯 、 吏 二 千 石 議 ， 大 王 高 皇帝 子 ， 宜 為 嗣 。 願 大 王 即 天 子 位 。 」
代 王 曰 ： 「 奉 高 帝宗 廟 ， 重 事 也 。 寡 人 不 佞 ， 不 足 以 稱 。 願 請 楚 王 計 宜 者 ， 寡 人 弗 敢 當 。 」
群 臣 皆 伏 ，固 請 。 代 王 西 鄉 讓 者 三 ， 南 鄉 讓 者 再 。 丞 相 平等 皆 曰 ： 「 臣 伏 計 之 ， 大 王 奉 高 祖 宗 廟 最 宜 稱 ， 雖 天 下諸 侯 萬 民 皆 以 為 宜 。 臣 等 為 宗 廟 社 稷 計 ， 不 敢 忽 。 願 大 王 幸 聽 臣 等 。 臣 謹 奉 天 子 璽 符 再 拜 上 。 」
代 王曰 ： 「 宗 室 將 相 王 列 侯 以 為 （ 其 ） 〔 莫 〕 宜 寡 人 ， 寡 人不 敢 辭 。 」 遂 即 天 子 位 。
群 臣 以 次 侍 。 使 太 僕嬰 、 東 牟 侯 興 居 先 清 宮 ， 奉 天 子 法 駕 迎 代 邸 。 皇 帝 即 日 夕 入 未 央 宮 。
夜 拜 宋 昌 為 衛 將 軍 ， 領南 北 軍 ， 張 武 為 郎 中 令 ， 行 殿 中 。 還 坐 前 殿 ，下 詔 曰 ： 「 制 詔 丞 相 、 太 尉 、 御 史 大 夫 ： 間 者 諸 呂 用 事擅 權 ， 謀 為 大 逆 ， 欲 危 劉 氏 宗 廟 ， 賴 將 相 列 侯宗 室 大 臣 誅 之 ， 皆 伏 其 辜 。 朕 初 即 位 ， 其 赦 天 下 ， 賜 民爵 一 級 ， 女 子 百 戶 牛 酒 ， 酺 五 日 。 」
元 年 冬 十 月 辛 亥 ， 皇 帝 見 于 高 廟 。 遣 車 騎 將 軍 薄昭 迎 皇 太 后 于 代 。
詔 曰 ： 「 前 呂 產 自 置 為 相 國 ， 呂 祿 為上 將 軍 ， 擅 遣 將 軍 灌 嬰 將 兵 擊 齊 ， 欲 代 劉 氏 。 嬰 留 滎 陽， 與 諸 侯 合 謀 以 誅 呂 氏 。 呂 產 欲 為 不 善 ， 丞 相 平 與 太 尉勃 等 謀 奪 產 等 軍 。 朱 虛 侯 章 首 先 捕 斬 產 。 太 尉 勃 身 率 襄平 侯 通 持 節 承 詔 入 北 軍 。 典 客 揭 奪 呂 祿 印 。 其 益 封 太 尉勃 邑 萬 戶 ， 賜 金 五 千 斤 。 丞 相 平 、 將 軍 嬰 邑 各 三 千 戶 ，金 二 千 斤 。 朱 虛 侯 章 、 襄 平 侯 通 邑 各 二 千 戶 ， 金 千 斤 。封 典 客 揭 為 陽 信 侯 ， 賜 金 千 斤 。 」
十 二 月 ， 立 趙 幽 王 子 遂 為 趙 王 ， 徙 琅 邪 王 澤 為 燕王 。 呂 氏 所 奪 齊 楚 地 皆 歸 之 。
盡 除 收 帑 相 坐 律 令 。
正 月 ， 有 司 請 蚤 建 太 子 ， 所 以 尊 宗 廟 也 。詔 曰 ： 「 朕 既 不 德 ， 上 帝 神 明 未 歆 饗 也 ， 天 下 人 民 未 有 志 。 今 縱 不 能 博 求 天 下 賢 聖 有 德 之 人 而 嬗 天 下焉 ， 而 曰 豫 建 太 子 ， 是 重 吾 不 德 也 。 謂 天下 何 ？ 其 安 之 。 」
有 司 曰 ： 「 豫 建 太 子 ，所 以 重 宗 廟 社 稷 ， 不 忘 天 下 也 。 」 上 曰 ： 「 楚 王 ， 季 父也 ， 春 秋 高 ， 閱 天 下 之 義 理 多 矣 ， 明 於 國 家 之 體。 吳 王 於 朕 ， 兄 也 ； 淮 南 王 ， 弟 也 ： 皆 秉 德 以 陪 朕 ， 豈 為 不 豫 哉 ！ 諸 侯 王 宗 室 昆 弟 有 功 臣 ， 多 賢 及 有 德義 者 ， 若 舉 有 德 以 陪 朕 之 不 能 終 ， 是 社 稷 之 靈 ， 天 下 之福 也 。 今 不 選 舉 焉 ， 而 曰 必 子 ， 人 其 以 朕 為 忘 賢有 德 者 而 專 於 子 ， 非 所 以 憂 天 下 也 。 朕 甚 不 取 。 」
有 司 固 請 曰 ： 「 古 者 殷 周 有 國 ， 治 安 皆 且 千 歲 ， 有 天 下 者 莫 長 焉 ， 用 此 道 也 。 立 嗣 必 子 ， 所 從 來 遠 矣 。 高 帝 始 平 天 下 ， 建 諸 侯 ， 為 帝者 太 祖 。 諸 侯 王 列 侯 始 受 國 者 亦 皆 為 其 國 祖 。 子 孫 繼 嗣， 世 世 不 絕 ， 天 下 之 大 義 也 。 故 高 帝 設 之 以 撫 海 內 。 今 釋 宜 建 而 更 選 於 諸 侯 宗 室 ， 非 高 帝 之志 也 。 更 議 不 宜 。 子 啟 最 長 ， 敦 厚 慈仁 ， 請 建 以 為 太 子 。 」 上 乃 許 之 。 因 賜 天 下 民 當 為 父 後者 爵 一 級 。 封 將 軍 薄 昭 為 軹 侯 。
三 月 ， 有 司 請 立 皇 后 。 皇 太 后 曰 ： 「 立 太 子 母 竇氏 為 皇 后 。 」
詔 曰 ： 「 方 春 和 時 ， 草 木 群 生 之 物 皆 有 以 自 樂 ，而 吾 百 姓 鰥 寡 孤 獨 窮 困 之 人 或 阽 於 死 亡 ， 而 莫 之省 憂 。 為 民 父 母 將 何 如 ？ 其 議 所 以 振 貸 之 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 老 者 非 帛 不 煖 ， 非 肉 不 飽 。 今 歲 首， 不 時 使 人 存 問 長 老 ， 又 無 布 帛 酒 肉 之 賜 ， 將 何以 佐 天 下 子 孫 孝 養 其 親 ？
今 聞 吏 稟 當 受 鬻 者 ， 或 以 陳 粟， 豈 稱 養 老 之 意 哉 ！ 具 為 令 。 」 有 司 請 令縣 道 ， 年 八 十 已 上 ， 賜 米 人 月 一 石 ， 肉 二 十 斤 ，酒 五 斗 。 其 九 十 已 上 ， 又 賜 帛 人 二 疋 ， 絮 三 斤 。賜 物 及 當 稟 鬻 米 者 ， 長 吏 閱 視 ， 丞 若 尉 致 。 不滿 九 十 ， 嗇 夫 、 令 史 致 。 二 千 石 遣 都 吏 循 行 ，不 稱 者 督 之 。 刑 者 及 有 罪 耐 以 上 ， 不 用 此 令 。
楚 元 王 交 薨 。 四 月 ， 齊 楚 地 震 ， 二 十 九 山 同 日 崩 ， 大 水 潰 出 。 六 月 ， 令 郡 國 無 來 獻 。 施 惠 天 下 ， 諸 侯 四 夷 遠 近驩 洽 。
乃 脩 代 來 功 。 詔 曰 ： 「 方 大 臣 誅 諸 呂 迎 朕， 朕 狐 疑 ， 皆 止 朕 ， 唯 中 尉 宋 昌 勸 朕 ， 朕 已 得 保 宗 廟 。 已 尊 昌 為 衛 將 軍 ， 其 封 昌 為 壯武 侯 。 諸 從 朕 六 人 ， 官 皆 至 九 卿 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 列侯 從 高 帝 入 蜀 漢 者 六 十 八 人 益 邑 各 三 百 戶 。 吏 二 千 石 以上 從 高 帝 潁 川 守 尊 等 十 人 食 邑 六 百 戶 ， 淮 陽 守 申 屠 嘉 等十 人 五 百 戶 ， 衛 尉 足 等 十 人 四 百 戶 。 」 封 淮 南 王 舅 趙 兼為 周 陽 侯 ， 齊 王 舅 駟 鈞 為 靖 郭 侯 ， 故 常 山 丞 相 蔡兼 為 樊 侯 。
二 年 冬 十 月 ， 丞 相 陳 平 薨 。 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 聞 古 者 諸侯 建 國 千 餘 ， 各 守 其 地 ， 以 時 入 貢 ， 民 不 勞 苦 ， 上 下 驩欣 ， 靡 有 違 德 。 今 列 侯 多 居 長 安 ， 邑 遠 ， 吏 卒 給輸 費 苦 ， 而 列 侯 亦 無 繇 教 訓 其 民 。 其 令 列 侯 之 國， 為 吏 及 詔 所 止 者 ， 遣 太 子 。 」
十 一 月 癸 卯 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 聞 之 ， 天生 民 ， 為 之 置 君 以 養 治 之 。 人 主 不 德 ， 布 政 不 均 ， 則 天示 之 災 以 戒 不 治 。 乃 十 一 月 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 ， 適 見于 天 ， 災 孰 大 焉 ！
朕 獲 保 宗 廟 ， 以 微 眇 之身 託 于 士 民 君 王 之 上 ， 天 下 治 亂 ， 在 予 一 人 ， 唯 二 三 執政 猶 吾 股 肱 也 。 朕 下 不 能 治 育 群 生 ， 上 以 累 三 光 之 明 ，其 不 德 大 矣 。
令 至 ， 其 悉 思 朕 之 過 失 ， 及知 見 之 所 不 及 ， 以 啟 告 朕 。 及 舉 賢 良 方 正 能 直言 極 諫 者 ， 以 匡 朕 之 不 逮 。 因 各 敕 以 職 任 ， 務 省繇 費 以 便 民 。
朕 既 不 能 遠 德 ， 故 然 念 外 人 之 有非 ， 是 以 設 備 未 息 。 今 縱 不 能 罷 邊 屯 戍 ， 又 飭 兵厚 衛 ， 其 罷 衛 將 軍 軍 。 太 僕 見 馬 遺 財 足 ， 餘 皆 以 給 傳 置 。 」
春 正 月 丁 亥 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 夫 農 ， 天 下 之 本 也 ， 其 開藉 田 ， 朕 親 率 耕 ， 以 給 宗 廟 粢 盛 。 民 謫 作縣 官 及 貸 種 食 未 入 、 入 未 備 者 ， 皆 赦 之 。 」
三 月 ， 有 司 請 立 皇 子 為 諸 侯 王 。 詔 曰 ： 「 前 趙 幽王 幽 死 ， 朕 甚 憐 之 ， 已 立 其 太 子 遂 為 趙 王 。 遂 弟 辟 彊 及 齊 悼 惠 王 子 朱 虛 侯 章 、 東 牟 侯 興 居 有 功 ， 可 王 。」 乃 遂 立 辟 彊 為 河 間 王 ， 章 為 城 陽 王 ， 興 居 為 濟 北王 。 因 立 皇 子 武 為 代 王 ， 參 為 太 原 王 ， 揖 為 梁 王 。
五 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 古 之 治 天 下 ， 朝 有 進 善 之 旌 ，誹 謗 之 木 ， 所 以 通 治 道 而 來 諫 者 也 。 今 法 有誹 謗 訞 言 之 罪 ， 是 使 眾 臣 不 敢 盡 情 ， 而 上 無 由 聞過 失 也 。 將 何 以 來 遠 方 之 賢 良 ？ 其 除 之 。
民 或 祝 詛 上 ，以 相 約 而 後 相 謾 ， 吏 以 為 大 逆 ， 其 有 他 言 ， 吏 又以 為 誹 謗 。 此 細 民 之 愚 ， 無 知 抵 死 ， 朕 甚 不 取 。自 今 以 來 ， 有 犯 此 者 勿 聽 治 。 」
九 月 ， 初 與 郡 守 為 銅 虎 符 、 竹 使 符 。
詔 曰 ： 「 農 ， 天 下 之 大 本 也 ， 民 所 恃 以 生 也 ， 而民 或 不 務 本 而 事 末 ， 故 生 不 遂 。 朕 憂 其 然 ， 故 今茲 親 率 群 臣 農 以 勸 之 。 其 賜 天 下 民 今 年 田 租 之 半 。 」
三 年 冬 十 月 丁 酉 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。 十 一 月 丁 卯 晦 ，日 有 蝕 之 。 詔 曰 ： 「 前 日 詔 遣 列 侯 之 國 ， 辭 未 行 。 丞 相 朕 之所 重 ， 其 為 （ 遂 ） 〔 朕 〕 率 列 侯 之 國 。 」 遂 免 丞 相 勃 ，遣 就 國 。
十 二 月 ， 太 尉 潁 陰 侯 灌 嬰 為 丞 相 。 罷 太 尉 官 ，屬 丞 相 。 夏 四 月 ， 城 陽 王 章 薨 。 淮 南 王 長 殺 辟 陽 侯 審 食 其。
五 月 ， 匈 奴 入 居 北 地 、 河 南 為 寇 。 上 幸 甘泉 ， 遣 丞 相 灌 嬰 擊 匈 奴 ， 匈 奴 去 。 發 中 尉 材 官 屬衛 將 軍 ， 軍 長 安 。 上 自 甘 泉 之 高 奴 ， 因 幸 太 原 ， 見 故 群 臣 ，皆 賜 之 。 舉 功 行 賞 ， 諸 民 里 賜 牛 酒 。 復 晉 陽 、 中都 民 三 歲 租 。 留 游 太 原 十 餘 日 。
濟 北 王 興 居 聞 帝 之 代 ， 欲 自 擊 匈 奴 ， 乃 反 ， 發 兵欲 襲 滎 陽 。 於 是 詔 罷 丞 相 兵 ， 以 棘 蒲 侯 柴 武 為 大 將 軍 ，將 四 將 軍 十 萬 眾 擊 之 。 祁 侯 繒 賀 為 將 軍 ， 軍 滎 陽。 秋 七 月 ， 上 自 太 原 至 長 安 。 詔 曰 ： 「 濟 北 王 背 德 反 上， 詿 誤 吏 民 ， 為 大 逆 。 濟 北 吏 民 兵 未 至 先 自 定 及以 軍 城 邑 降 者 ， 皆 赦 之 ， 復 官 爵 。 與 王 興 居 去 來者 ， 亦 赦 之 。 」 八 月 ， 虜 濟 北 王 興 居 ， 自 殺 。 赦諸 與 興 居 反 者 。
四 年 冬 十 二 月 ， 丞 相 灌 嬰 薨 。 夏 五 月 ， 復 諸 劉 有 屬 籍 ， 家 無 所 與 。 賜 諸侯 王 子 邑 各 二 千 戶 。 秋 九 月 ， 封 齊 悼 惠 王 子 七 人 為 列 侯 。 絳 侯 周 勃 有 罪 ， 逮 詣 廷 尉 詔 獄 。 作 顧 成 廟 。
五 年 春 二 月 ， 地 震 。 夏 四 月 ， 除 盜 鑄 錢 令 。 更 造 四 銖 錢 。
六 年 冬 十 月 ， 桃 李 華 。 十 一 月 ， 淮 南 王 長 謀 反 ， 廢 遷 蜀 嚴 道 ， 死 雍 。
七 年 冬 十 月 ， 令 列 侯 太 夫 人 、 夫 人 、 諸 侯 王 子 及吏 二 千 石 無 得 擅 徵 捕 。 六 月 癸 酉 ， 未 央 宮 東 闕 罘 罳 災 。
八 年 夏 ， 封 淮 南 厲 王 長 子 四 人 為 列 侯 。 有 長 星 出 于 東 方 。
九 年 春 ， 大 旱 。
十 年 冬 ， 行 幸 甘 泉 。 將 軍 薄 昭 死 。
十 一 年 冬 十 一 月 ， 行 幸 代 。 春 正 月 ， 上 自 代 還 。 夏 六 月 ， 梁 王 揖 薨 。 匈 奴 寇 狄 道 。
十 二 年 冬 十 二 月 ， 河 決 東 郡 。 春 正 月 ， 賜 諸 侯 王 女 邑 各 二 千 戶 。 二 月 ， 出 孝 惠 皇 帝 後 宮 美 人 ， 令 得 嫁 。 三 月 ， 除 關 無 用 傳 。
詔 曰 ： 「 道 民 之 路 ， 在 於 務 本 。 朕 親 率 天 下 農 ，十 年 于 今 ， 而 野 不 加 辟 ， 歲 一 不 登 ， 民 有 飢 色 ， 是 從 事 焉 尚 寡 ， 而 吏 未 加 務 也 。 吾 詔 書 數下 ， 歲 勸 民 種 樹 ， 而 功 未 興 ， 是 吏 奉 吾 詔 不 勤 ，而 勸 民 不 明 也 。 且 吾 農 民 甚 苦 ， 而 吏 莫 之 省 ， 將何 以 勸 焉 ？ 其 賜 農 民 今 年 租 稅 之 半 。 」
又 曰 ： 「 孝 悌 ， 天 下 之 大 順 也 。 力 田 ， 為 生 之 本也 。 三 老 ， 眾 民 之 師 也 。 廉 吏 ， 民 之 表 也 。 朕 甚 嘉 此 二三 大 夫 之 行 。
今 萬 家 之 縣 ， 云 無 應 令 ， 豈 實 人 情？ 是 吏 舉 賢 之 道 未 備 也 。 其 遣 謁 者 勞 賜 三 老 、 孝 者 帛 人五 匹 ， 悌 者 、 力 田 二 匹 ， 廉 吏 二 百 石 以 上 率 百 石 者 三 匹。 及 問 民 所 不 便 安 ， 而 以 戶 口 率 置 三 老 孝 悌 力 田常 員 ， 令 各 率 其 意 以 道 民 焉 。 」
十 三 年 春 二 月 甲 寅 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 親 率 天 下 農 耕 以供 粢 盛 ， 皇 后 親 桑 以 奉 祭 服 ， 其 具 禮 儀 。
夏 ， 除 祕 祝 ， 語 在 郊 祀 志 。
五 月 ， 除 肉 刑法 ， 語 在 刑 法 志 。
六 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 農 ， 天 下 之 本 ， 務 莫 大 焉 。 今 廑身 從 事 ， 而 有 租 稅 之 賦 ， 是 謂 本 末 者 無 以 異 也 ， 其 於 勸 農 之 道 未 備 。 其 除 田 之 租 稅 。 賜 天 下 孤 寡布 帛 絮 各 有 數 。 」
十 四 年 冬 ， 匈 奴 寇 邊 ， 殺 北 地 都 尉 卬 。 遣三 將 軍 軍 隴 西 、 北 地 、 上 郡 ， 中 尉 周 舍 為 衛 將 軍 ， 郎 中令 張 武 為 車 騎 將 軍 ， 軍 渭 北 ， 車 千 乘 ， 騎 卒 十 萬 人 。 上親 勞 軍 ， 勒 兵 ， 申 教 令 ， 賜 吏 卒 。 自 欲 征 匈 奴 ，群 臣 諫 ， 不 聽 。 皇 太 后 固 要 上 ， 乃 止 。 於 是 以 東陽 侯 張 相 如 為 大 將 軍 ， 建 成 侯 董 赫 、 內 史 欒 布 皆 為 將 軍， 擊 匈 奴 。 匈 奴 走 。
春 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 獲 執 犧 牲 珪 幣 以 事 上 帝 宗 廟 ， 十四 年 于 今 。 歷 日 彌 長 ， 以 不 敏 不 明 而 久 撫 臨 天 下， 朕 甚 自 媿 。 其 廣 增 諸 祀 壇 場 珪 幣 。
昔 先王 遠 施 不 求 其 報 ， 望 祀 不 祈 其 福 ， 右 賢 左 戚 ， 先民 後 己 ， 至 明 之 極 也 。
今 吾 聞 祠 官 祝 釐 ， 皆 歸 福於 朕 躬 ， 不 為 百 姓 ， 朕 甚 媿 之 。
夫 以 朕 之 不 德 ， 而 專 鄉獨 美 其 福 ， 百 姓 不 與 焉 ， 是 重 吾 不 德 也 。 其 令 祠 官 致 敬 ， 無 有 所 祈 。 」
十 五 年 春 ， 黃 龍 見 於 成 紀 。上 乃 下 詔 議 郊祀 。 公 孫 臣 明 服 色 ， 新 垣 平 設 五 廟 。 語 在 郊 祀 志。
夏 四 月 ， 上 幸 雍 ， 始 郊 見 五 帝 ， 赦 天 下 ， 修 名 山 大 川嘗 祀 而 絕 者 ， 有 司 以 歲 時 致 禮 。
九 月 ， 詔 諸 侯 王 公 卿 郡 守 舉 賢 良 能 直 言 極 諫 者 ，上 親 策 之 ， 傅 納 以 言 。 語 在 晁 錯 傳 。
十 六 年 夏 四 月 ， 上 郊 祀 五 帝 于 渭 陽 。 五 月 ， 立 齊 悼 惠 王 子 六 人 、 淮 南 厲 王 子 三 人 皆 為王 。 秋 九 月 ， 得 玉 杯 ， 刻 曰 「 人 主 延 壽 」 。 令天 下 大 酺 ， 明 年 改 元 。
後 元 年 冬 十 月 ， 新 垣 平 詐 覺 ， 謀 反 ， 夷 三 族 。 春 三 月 ， 孝 惠 皇 后 張 氏 薨 。
詔 曰 ： 「 間 者 數 年 比 不 登 ， 又 有 水 旱 疾 疫之 災 ， 朕 甚 憂 之 。 愚 而 不 明 ， 未 達 其 咎 。 意 者 朕 之 政 有所 失 而 行 有 過 與 ？ 乃 天 道 有 不 順 ， 地 利 或 不 得 ，人 事 多 失 和 ， 鬼 神 廢 不 享 與 ？ 何 以 致 此 ？ 將 百 官 之 奉 養或 費 ， 無 用 之 事 或 多 與 ？ 何 其 民 食 之 寡 乏 也 ！
夫 度 田 非益 寡 ， 而 計 民 未 加 益 ， 以 口 量 地 ， 其 於 古 猶 有 餘， 而 食 之 甚 不 足 者 ， 其 咎 安 在 ？ 無 乃 百 姓 之 從 事 於 末 以害 農 者 蕃 ， 為 酒 醪 以 靡 穀 者 多 ， 六 畜 之 食焉 者 眾 與 ？ 細 大 之 義 ， 吾 未 能 得 其 中 。 其 與 丞 相列 侯 吏 二 千 石 博 士 議 之 ， 有 可 以 佐 百 姓 者 ， 率 意 遠 思 ，無 有 所 隱 。 」
二 年 夏 ， 行 幸 雍 棫 陽 宮 。 六 月 ， 代 王 參 薨 。
匈 奴 和 親 。 詔 曰 ： 「 朕 既 不 明， 不 能 遠 德 ， 使 方 外 之 國 或 不 寧 息 。 夫 四 荒 之 外 不 安 其生 ， 封 圻 之 內 勤 勞 不 處 ， 二 者 之 咎 ， 皆 自於 朕 之 德 薄 而 不 能 達 遠 也 。
間 者 累 年 ， 匈 奴 並 暴 邊 境 ，多 殺 吏 民 ， 邊 臣 兵 吏 入 不 能 諭 其 內 志 ， 以 重吾 不 德 。 夫 久 結 難 連 兵 ， 中 外 之 國 將 何 以 自 寧 ？
今 朕 夙 興 夜 寐 ， 勤 勞 天 下 ， 憂 苦 萬 民 ， 為 之 惻 怛 不 安 ， 未 嘗 一 日 忘 於 心 ， 故 遣 使 者 冠 蓋 相 望 ， 結 徹 於 道， 以 諭 朕 志 於 單 于 。
今 單 于 反 古 之 道 ， 計 社 稷 之 安 ， 便 萬 民 之 利 ， 新 與 朕 俱 棄 細 過 ， 偕 之大 道 ， 結 兄 弟 之 義 ， 以 全 天 下 元 元 之 民 。和 親 以 定 ， 始 于 今 年 。 」
三 年 春 二 月 ， 行 幸 代 。
四 年 夏 四 月 丙 寅 晦 ， 日 有 蝕 之 。 五 月 ， 赦 天 下 。免 官 奴 婢 為 庶 人 。 行 幸 雍 。
五 年 春 正 月 ， 行 幸 隴 西 。 三 月 ， 行 幸 雍 。 秋 七 月， 行 幸 代 。
六 年 冬 ， 匈 奴 三 萬 騎 入 上 郡 ， 三 萬 騎 入 雲 中 。 以中 大 夫 令 免 為 車 騎 將 軍 屯 飛 狐 ， 故 楚 相 蘇 意 為 將軍 屯 句 注 ， 將 軍 張 武 屯 北 地 ， 河 內 太 守 周 亞 夫 為將 軍 次 細 柳 ， 宗 正 劉 禮 為 將 軍 次 霸 上 ， 祝 茲 侯 徐厲 為 將 軍 次 棘 門 ， 以 備 胡 。
夏 四 月 ， 大 旱 ， 蝗 。 令 諸 侯 無 入 貢 。 弛 山澤 。 減 諸 服 御 。 損 郎 吏 員 。 發 倉 庾 以 振 民。 民 得 賣 爵 。
七 年 夏 六 月 己 亥 ， 帝 崩 于 未 央 宮 。 遺 詔 曰： 「 朕 聞 之 ， 蓋 天 下 萬 物 之 萌 生 ， 靡 不 有 死 。 死者 天 地 之 理 ， 物 之 自 然 ， 奚 可 甚 哀 ！ 當 今 之 世 ，咸 嘉 生 而 惡 死 ， 厚 葬 以 破 業 ， 重 服 以 傷 生 ， 吾 甚 不 取 。
且 朕 既 不 德 ， 無 以 佐 百 姓 ； 今 崩 ， 又 使 重 服 久 臨 ， 以 罹 寒 暑 之 數 ， 哀 人 父 子 ， 傷 長 老 之 志 ， 損 其飲 食 ， 絕 鬼 神 之 祭 祀 ， 以 重 吾 不 德 ， 謂 天 下 何 ！朕 獲 保 宗 廟 ， 以 眇 眇 之 身 託 于 天 下 君 王 之 上 ， 二十 有 餘 年 矣 。 賴 天 之 靈 ， 社 稷 之 福 ， 方 內 安 寧 ， 靡 有 兵 革 。 朕 既 不 敏 ， 常 畏 過 行 ， 以 羞 先 帝 之 遺德 ； 惟 年 之 久 長 ， 懼 于 不 終 。
今 乃 幸 以 天 年 得復 供 養 于 高 廟 ， 朕 之 不 明 與 嘉 之 ， 其 奚 哀 念 之 有 ！
其 令 天 下 吏 民 ， 令 到 出 臨 三 日 ， 皆 釋 服 。 無 禁 取 婦 嫁 女 祠 祀 飲 酒 食 肉 。 自 當 給 喪 事 服 臨 者 ， 皆 無踐 。 姪 帶 無 過 三 寸 。 無 布 車 及 兵 器。 無 發 民 哭 臨 宮 殿 中 。 殿 中 當 臨 者 ， 皆 以 旦 夕各 十 五 舉 音 ， 禮 畢 罷 。 非 旦 夕 臨 時 ， 禁 無 得 擅 哭 臨 。 以 下 ， 服 大 紅 十 五 日 ， 小 紅 十 四 日 ， 纖 七 日， 釋 服 。 它 不 在 令 中 者 ， 皆 以 此 令 比 類 從 事 。 布 告 天 下 ， 使 明 知 朕 意 。
霸 陵 山 川 因 其 故 ， 無有 所 改 。歸 夫 人 以 下 至 少 使 。 」 令 中尉 亞 夫 為 車 騎 將 軍 ， 屬 國 悍 為 將 屯 將 軍 ， 郎 中令 張 武 為 復 土 將 軍 ， 發 近 縣 卒 萬 六 千 人 ， 發 內史 卒 萬 五 千 人 ， 臧 郭 穿 復 土 屬 將 軍 武 。 賜 諸 侯王 以 下 至 孝 悌 力 田 金 錢 帛 各 有 數 。乙 巳 ， 葬 霸 陵 。
贊 曰 ： 孝 文 皇 帝 即 位 二 十 三 年 ， 宮 室 苑 囿 車 騎 服御 無 所 增 益 。 有 不 便 ， 輒 弛 以 利 民 。 嘗 欲 作 露 臺， 召 匠 計 之 ， 直 百 金 。 上 曰 ： 「 百 金 ， 中 人 十 家 之 產 也。 吾 奉 先 帝 宮 室 ， 常 恐 羞 之 ， 何 以 臺 為 ！ 」
身 衣 弋 綈 ， 所 幸 慎 夫 人 衣 不 曳 地 ， 帷 帳 無 文 繡， 以 示 敦 朴 ， 為 天 下 先 。 治 霸 陵 ， 皆 瓦 器 ， 不 得 以 金 銀銅 錫 為 飾 ， 因 其 山 ， 不 起 墳 。
南 越 尉 佗 自 立 為 帝 ， 召 貴佗 兄 弟 ， 以 德 懷 之 ， 佗 遂 稱 臣 。 與 匈 奴 結 和 親 ， 後 而 背約 入 盜 ， 令 邊 備 守 ， 不 發 兵 深 入 ， 恐 煩 百 姓 。
吳 王 詐 病不 朝 ， 賜 以 几 杖 。 群 臣 袁 盎 等 諫 說 雖 切 ， 常 假 借 納 用 焉。 張 武 等 受 賂 金 錢 ， 覺 ， 更 加 賞 賜 ， 以 媿 其 心 。
專 務 以 德 化 民 ， 是 以 海 內 殷 富 ， 興 於 禮 義 ， 斷 獄 數 百 ，幾 致 刑 措 。 嗚 呼 ， 仁 哉 ！
Translation and Notes
The Fourth [Imperial Annals]
The Annals of [Emperor Hsiao]-Wen
Emperor Hsiao-wen was a son of Kao-tsu, neither the oldest nor the youngest. His mother was called the Concubine 1 [née] Po. In the eleventh year of Kao-tsu, 2 [Emperor Kao-tsu] executed Ch'en Hsi, pacified the region of Tai, and made [his son Heng 3 ] the King of Tai, with his capital at Chung-tu. In the seventeenth year [of Liu Heng's reign as King of Tai], in the autumn, the Empress of Kao-[tsu] died. The [members of] the Lü [clan] plotted to make a rebellion, wishing to endanger the Liu clan, [but] the Lieutenant Chancellor, Ch'en P'ing, the Grand Commandant, Chou P'o, the Marquis of Chu-hsü, Liu Chang, and others together executed them, [then] planned to set up the King of Tai, [Liu Heng, as the next emperor]. A discussion [of the foregoing matters] is found in the "Annals of the Empress of Kao-[tsu]" and in the "Memoirs of the Five Kings [Who Were Sons of] Kao-[tsu]."
The great officials thereupon sent some people to invite the King of Tai to come. His Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Chang Wu, 4 and others discussed [the matter] and all said, "The great officials of the Han [court] were all generals of the time of the deceased Emperor Kao-[tsu], are experienced in military affairs, and [use] many stratagems and deceits. Their intentions [may] not stop with this [proposal]. They feared only the majesty of the Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the Empress Dowager [née] Lü. Now they have executed the [members of the Lü [clan] and have newly tasted blood 5 in the capital. They use [this] invitation to you, great King, as a pretext; in reality they cannot be trusted. We hope that you will announce yourself ill and not go [to the capital], in order to watch their moves."
The Palace Military Commander [of Tai], Sung Ch'ang, stepped forward and said, "The opinion of the courtiers is wrong. When the Ch'in [dynasty] lost its control, braves and heroes arose together, each one [of whom] thought he would obtain [the imperial throne]---they could be counted by the ten thousands. Nevertheless the person who finally mounted the throne of the Son of Heaven was of the Liu clan. [These ambitious people of] the world have given up any hopes [of attaining that throne. The foregoing is] the first point.
"The Emperor Kao-[tsu] made kings of his sons and kinsmen. Their territories interlock like the teeth of a dog; 6 they are what may be called, `being founded on a rock.' 7 The world has submitted to their power. [The foregoing is] the second point.
"When the Han [dynasty] arose, it did away with the vexatiousness and harshness of the Ch'in [dynasty], reduced [the number of] their laws and ordinances, 8 and showed its virtue and bounty. 9 Everyone is satisfied, and it would be hard to move or shake [them from their allegiance to the Han dynasty. The foregoing is] the third point.
"Moreover, although, by means of her power, the Empress Dowager [née] Lü established three kings from the Lü [clan] and arrogated to herself the [imperial] power, [issuing imperial] decrees on her own authority, yet when the Grand Commandant [Chou P'o] by means of one credential entered the Northern Army and once gave a call, the soldiers all bared their left arms 10 [to show that they were] for the Liu clan, rebelled against the Lü [clan], and finally, for this reason, exterminated [the Lü clan]. This [triumph] then was bestowed by Heaven, it was not [achieved] by human power. Although the great officials should now wish to do something else [than seat as emperor a scion of the Liu clan], the people would not permit themselves to be used by them; how could their faction [seize] the sole power? Inside [the capital] there are your relatives, [the Marquis of] Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang], and [the Marquis of] Tung-mou, [Liu Hsing-chü]; outside [the capital they would have to] fear the power of [the kingdoms of] Wu, Ch'u, Huai-nan, Lang-ya, Ch'i, and Tai. 11 Just now of the sons of the Emperor Kao-[tsu], there are only the King of Huai-nan [Liu Ch'ang] and yourself, great King. You, great King, are moreover the elder [of the two]. Your ability, your sageness, your paternal love, and your filial piety are known all over the world; hence the great officials are following the hopes of the world in desiring to welcome and establish you, great King, [on the imperial throne]. You, great King, should not have any doubts."
The King of Tai reported [the matter] to his Queen
Dowager. They discussed it, [but] hesitated and did
not reach a decision. [Then] they divined about it by means of the
tortoise-shell. The lines obtained
were the `great transversal.' The interpretation was:
Thereupon the King of Tai then sent Po Chao, the younger brother of his Queen Dowager, to see the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o and the others told him all their reasons for inviting and seating the King [of Tai on the imperial throne. 14 Po] Chao returned and reported, "They are indeed trustworthy. There is nothing suspicious." The King of Tai laughingly said to Sung Ch'ang, "It is really as you, sir, said." Then he ordered Sung Ch'ang to be his Chariot Companion, Chang Wu and others, six persons in all, to ride in six `riding chariots,' 15 and went to Ch'ang-an.
When he came to Kao-ling, he stopped and sent Sung Ch'ang ahead to Ch'ang-an to observe how things had turned. When [Sung] Ch'ang reached the Wei [River] Bridge, all [the officials, including] the Lieutenant Chancellor and [those ranking] below [him], welcomed [Sung] Ch'ang. He returned and reported; then the King of Tai advanced to the Wei [River] Bridge. [There] the officials bowed and paid their respects to him, calling themselves his subjects. The King of Tai got down [from his carriage] and bowed to them. The Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o, advanced and said, "I wish to beg for a word in private." Sung Ch'ang replied, "If what you have to say is of public [interest], say it publicly; if what you have to say is of private [concern], a [true] king has no private [interests]." The Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o then knelt and offered the imperial seal [and credentials 16 ] of the Son of Heaven. The King of Tai refused them and said, "Let us go to the prince's lodge 17 and discuss this matter."
In the intercalary month on [the day] chi-yu, 18 [the King of Tai, Liu Heng,] entered the prince's lodge of Tai. The courtiers followed him to [the lodge]. They presented [the results of] their discussion, saying, "The Lieutenant Chancellor your subject [Ch'en] P'ing, the Grand Commandant your subject [Chou] P'o, the General-in-chief your subject [Kuan Ying 19 ], the Grandee Secretary your subject [Chang] Ts'ang, the Superintendant of the Imperial House your subject [Liu] Ying-[k'o], the Marquis of Chu-hsü your subject [Liu] Chang, the Marquis of Tung-mou your subject [Liu] Hsing-chü, and the Director of Guests your subject [Liu] Chieh, making repeated obeisances, say to your Highness the great King: the [Imperial] Sons [Lü] Hung and the others are all not sons of Emperor Hsiao-hui and have no right to have charge of [the worship in] the [imperial] ancestral temples. Your subjects have respectfully begged the Marquise of Yin-an, the Queen of King Ch'ing, 20 the King of Lang-ya [Liu Tse], the marquises, and the officials [ranking at] two thousand piculs to discuss [this matter, and we all say]: You, great King, are the son of the Emperor Kao-[tsu] and are the proper [person] to be his successor. We hope that you, great King, will take the throne of the Son of Heaven."
The King of Tai replied, "The upholding [of the worship] in the Temple of Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the [imperial] ancestral temples is a weighty matter. I am lacking in ability and am not the person suitable [for this task]. I hope that you will ask the King of Ch'u [Liu Chiao] 21 to consider who is suitable. I personally do not dare to undertake [this task]."
While all the courtiers prostrated themselves and insistently begged him, the King of Tai, [Liu Heng, then] facing the west, refused thrice, and, when facing the south, refused twice. 22 The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, and the others all said, "Your subjects have humbly deliberated over this [matter]. You, great King, are the most suitable and capable [person] to receive [charge of] the Temple of Kao-tsu and the [imperial] ancestral temples. Even though the nobles and the people of the world all consider you suitable, we, your servants, who have been planning for the sake of the [dynasty's] ancestral temples and the [dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains, have not dared to be careless. We hope that you, great King, will favor us by listening to your servants. Your servant, respectfully holding the seals and the credentials of the Son of Heaven, making repeated obeisances, presents them [to you]."
The King of Tai said, "If the imperial house, the generals, the chancellors, the kings, and the marquises consider that there is no one 23 more suitable than myself, I would not dare to refuse." Thereupon he took the throne of the son of Heaven.
The courtiers arranged themselves by him in accordance with their rank. They sent the Chief of the Stud, [Hsia-hou] Ying, and the Marquis of Tung-mou, [Liu] Hsing-chü, first to clear 24 the palace. [Then] they presented the prescribed equipage for the Son of Heaven 25 and went to meet [the new Emperor] at the Prince's Lodge of Tai. The Emperor, on the same day, at sundown, entered the Wei-yang Palace.
That night he installed Sung Ch'ang as General of the Guards, commanding the Southern and Northern Armies, and Chang Wu as Chief of the Gentlemenat-the-Palace. [The Emperor] walked through the [Palace] Halls, [then] returned and seated himself [on the throne] in the Front Hall, and issued an edict, which said, "An imperial edict of decree 26 to the Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en P'ing], the Grand Commandant [Chou P'o], and the Grandee Secretary [Chang Ts'ang]. In the interval [since the last legitimate ruler], the Lü [clan] has been directing affairs, arbitrarily assuming the [imperial] authority, and plotting to commit treason, [thereby] seeking to endanger the ancestral temples of the Liu clan. Thanks to the generals, the chancellors, the marquises, the imperial house, and the great ministers, [the Lü clan] have been executed and have all suffered for their crimes. 27 We have newly ascended the throne. Let there be an amnesty [granted] to the world and let there be granted to the common people one step in [noble] rank and to the women of a hundred households an ox and wine, and [let there be universal] drinking for five days." 28
In his first year, in the winter, the tenth month, on [the day] hsin-hai, the Emperor was presented in the temple of Kao-[tsu]. 29 He sent the General of Chariots and Cavalry Po Chao to go to the Empress Dowager at Tai and invite her [to come to the capital].
An imperial edict said, "Formerly Lü Ch'an set himself up as Chancellor of State, [set up] Lü Lu as First [Ranking] General and unauthorizedly sent General Kuan Ying with troops to attack [the army of] Ch'i, wishing to substitute [the Lü clan] for the Liu clan. [Kuan] Ying remained at Jung-yang and planned in unison with the nobles to execute the Lü clan. Lü 30 Ch'an wished to do evil things, [but] the Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en] P'ing together with the Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o and others planned to snatch away the army of [Lü] Ch'an and the others. The Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, was at the head [of the cabal] and first arrested and beheaded [Lü] Ch'an; the Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o in person led the Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, [Chi] T'ung, who held a credential and bore a [false] imperial edict [ordering Chou P'o] to enter [and take command of] the Northern Army. 31 The Director of Guests [Liu] Chieh took away Lü 32 Lu's seal. Let there be added to the estate of the Grand Commandant [Chou] P'o ten thousand households and [let him be] granted [the equivalent of] five thousand catties of gold; to the estate of the Lieutenant Chancellor [Ch'en] P'ing and of General [Kuan] Ying each [let there be added] three thousand households and [let them be granted the equivalent of] two thousand catties of gold; to the estates of the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, the Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, [Chi] T'ung, [and the Marquis of Tung-mou, Liu Hsing-chü], 33 to each [let there be added] two thousand households and [let them be granted the equivalent of] a thousand catties of gold. Let the Director of Guests [Liu] Chieh be appointed as the Marquis of Yanghsin and be granted [the equivalent of] a thousand catties of gold."
In the twelfth month, [the Emperor] made [Liu] Sui, the son of King Yu of Chao [Liu Yu], the King of Chao. He had shifted the King of Lang-ya, [Liu] Tse, to be the King of Yen. 34 The territory that the Lü clan had taken away from [the kingdoms of] Ch'i and Ch'u was all returned to [those kingdoms]. 35
[The Emperor] completely abrogated all the statutes and orders for the arresting of wives and children and punishing them with [the criminal]. 36
In the first month the [high] officials begged [the Emperor] to name his Heir-apparent soon, so as to honor the ancestral temples. His imperial edict read, "Since We are without virtue, the Lords on High and the gods have not enjoyed Our sacrifices 37 [to them] and the people of the empire have not satisfied their desires. Now even if I cannot search through the empire thoroughly for the [most] capable, sage, and virtuous man [to whom I might] resign the empire, 38 yet, to speak of appointing my Heir-apparent before-hand is to double my lack of virtue. What shall I say to the empire [in justification of such an act]? Be satisfied [with the present situation]."
The [high] officials replied, "To appoint an heir-apparent beforehand is the means whereby to be mindful of the ancestral temples and the gods of the soils and grains and not neglect the empire." The Emperor said, "The King of Ch'u [Liu Chiao] is my youngest uncle; since he is advanced in years, he has seen much of the justice and natural law of the world and has a clear understanding of the constitution of the state. The King of Wu [Liu P'i] is to Us as an older brother. 39 The King of Huai-nan [Liu Chang] is [Our] younger brother. All of them are embracing virtue. [If one of these three men] were made to reinforce Us, would not that be adequate [provision for upholding the ancestral temples and the gods]? Among the vassal kings, the imperial house, my older and younger brothers [and cousins], and my meritorious subjects, there are many who are capable and also virtuous and just; if you select one who is virtuous to reinforce [Us] in doing what We cannot accomplish, that would be a blessing from the gods of the soils and grains and a [piece of] good fortune for the empire. Now you do not select and present [one of them], but say that [the heir] must be [Our] son, [so that] people will think that We have neglected the capable and virtuous, think only 40 of [Our] sons, which is not the way to care about the empire. We will certainly not adopt [this procedure]."
The [high] officials insistently begged [the Emperor], saying, "In ancient times, when the Yin and Chou [dynasties] possessed their states, good order and peace [reigned], and they both [lasted] for almost a thousand years. [The reason that] none of [the dynasties] who possessed the empire [lasted] as long [as they] 41 is because they used this method. The source [of the practise] of always making one's successor a son is already very distant. Emperor Kao-[tsu], who first pacified the empire and established the nobles, is the Great Founder of emperors. The vassal kings and marquises who first received their kingdoms are also the founders for their kingdoms. Their sons and grandsons will succeed them from generation to generation without end. This is the greatest moral and political principle in the world. Hence Emperor Kao-[tsu] established [this principle] in order that they might [continue] to govern the whole world. Now to pass by one who is suitable to be appointed and select someone else from the nobles or the imperial house is not the will of Emperor Kao-[tsu]. To deliberate over a change [of the heir] is inappropriate. Your son Ch'i 42 is your eldest; he is sincere, 43 liberal, kind, and benevolent. We beg that you appoint him as your Heir-apparent." The Emperor thereupon consented [to do so]. Then he granted one step in noble rank to those people in the empire who would be the successors of their fathers. He appointed General Po Chao as Marquis of Chih.
In the third month, the [high] officials begged [the Emperor] to appoint the Empress. The Empress Dowager said, "[The Emperor] should make the mother of the Heir-apparent, [the lady] née Tou, 44 the Empress."
An imperial edict said, "Just now it is spring, when [nature] is harmonious, and the plants and trees and all living beings have means of enjoying themselves, yet [among] my subjects there are widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, distressed and suffering people, and some at the point of death, but no one goes to look after their suffering. What should those who are the fathers and mothers of the common people 45 do [about this situation]? Let it be discussed what are the means to aid and lend to them."
[The edict] also said, "Unless the aged have silk, 46 they will not be warm; unless they have meat, they will not be well-nourished. Now at the beginning of the year, 47 if [We] do not at the right moment send people to visit and ask about [the health of] the elders and aged, nor make grants of [linen] cloth, [plain] silk, wine, or meat [to these people], in what way can [We] assist the children and grandchildren of the empire in filial piety to care for their relatives?
"Now [We] have heard that officials when giving grain to those who should receive gruel 48 sometimes use stale millet. How can this befit the intention of caring for the aged? For all these matters [you should prepare] ordinances." The [high] officials begged that [the Emperor] order that [in the] prefectures and marches 49 those in their eightieth [year] and above should be granted per person per month one picul of rice, twenty catties of meat, five tou50 of wine, and that those in their ninetieth [year] and above should also be granted per person two bolts of silk and three catties of silk wadding. For those to whom should be given goods or a grain allowance of gruel or rice, the chief officials 51 [of the prefecture] should supervise it and the Assistant [Prefect] or Chief of Police should transmit it. For those who are not fully ninety [years of age], the Inspector of Fields, the Prefect, or an official should transmit it. The [officials whose positions rank at] two thousand piculs should send their Director of Officials to travel about [inspecting]; those who are unworthy should be beaten. 52 To those who have suffered mutilating punishments together with those who have committed crimes [deserving the punishment of] shaving the whiskers or more serious [crimes], 53 this order should not apply.
[In this month] King Yüan of Ch'u, [Liu] Chiao, died. In the fourth month there was an earthquake in Ch'i and Ch'u. Twenty-nine mountains 54 collapsed on the same day and floods came out from their sides or welled up. 55 In the sixth month [the Emperor] ordered that the commanderies and kingdoms should not come [to the capital] to make offerings [of tribute]. He showed his grace to the world and the nobles and the barbarians [of the] four [quarters], both far and near, rejoiced and were agreeable.
Then [the Emperor] provided for those meritorious persons who came [with him] from [the kingdom of] Tai. His imperial edict said, "At the time when the great officials had executed the Lü [clan] and invited Us [to take the throne], We were hesitant and suspicious like a fox. 56 All [Our officials] stopped Us. Only [Our] Palace Military Commander, Sung Ch'ang, urged Us [to go]. We have therefore 57 been able to protect the [imperial] ancestral temples. We have already elevated [Sung] Ch'ang to be General of the Guards. Let [Sung] Ch'ang be appointed as Marquis of Chuang-wu" and let the six officials who came with Us [be elevated] to [the rank of] the nine great ministers. 58
[The edict] also said, "The marquises who followed the Emperor Kao-[tsu] into Shu and Han 59 were sixty-eight persons; for each [one of them let there be] added to their estates three hundred families. [Among] the officials [of positions ranking as worth] two thousand piculs and above who followed the Emperor Kao-[tsu, let there be given to] the Administrator of Ying-ch'uan, Tsun, and others, ten persons [in all], the income of six hundred families; to the Administrator of Huai-yang, Shen-t'u Chia, and others, ten persons [in all, the income of] five hundred families; to the Commandant of the [Palace] Guard, Tsu, and others, ten persons [in all, the income of] four hundred families." [The Emperor] appointed Chao Chien, the maternal uncle of the King of Huai-nan [Liu Ch'ang], as Marquis of Chou-yang, Szu Chün, the maternal uncle of the King of Ch'i [Liu Hsiang], as Marquis of Ching-kuo, 60 and Ts'ai Chien, the former Lieutenant Chancellor of the [former kingdom of] Ch'ang-shan, as Marquis of Fan.
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month, the Lieutenant Chancellor, Ch'en P'ing, died. 61 An imperial edict said, "We have heard that anciently the nobles, for whom there were established more than a thousand states, 62 each [actually] governed his own territory and at the [proper] time paid tribute [to the sovereign. Then] the people were not harassed or made to suffer; the superior and inferiors were content and rejoiced; there was no one who transgressed against 63 virtue. [But] now the marquises mostly live in Ch'ang-an, far from their estates, 64 [so that] their officials and retainers who transport [to them their taxes and provisions] are put to expense and suffering. Moreover the marquises-have thus no means of instructing and teaching their people. Let it be ordered that the marquises are to go to their states. As to [those who are imperial] officials, together with those who are retained [at the court] by an imperial edict, they shall send their heirs-apparent [to their states]." 65
In the eleventh month, on [the day] kuei-mao, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 66 The imperial edict said, "We have heard that when Heaven gave birth to the common people, it established princes for them to take care of and govern them. When the lord of men is not virtuous and his dispositions in his government are not equable, Heaven then informs him [of that fact] by a calamitous visitation, in order to forewarn him that he is not governing [rightly]. Now on the last day of the eleventh month there was an eclipse of the sun---a reproach 67 visible in the sky---what visitation could be greater?
"We have secured [the position as] guardian of the [imperial] ancestral temples; with a feeble and insignificant person [We] have been entrusted with a place above the educated 68 and common people and the princes and kings. The good or bad government of the world depends upon Ourself. 69 Even the two or three [persons] administering the government are like my legs and arms. Below Us, [We] have not been able to govern well and nurture the multitude of beings; above [Us, We] have thereby affected the brilliance of the three luminaries. 70 T his lack of virtue has been great indeed.
"Wherever this order arrives, let all think what are Our faults and errors together with the inadequacies of Our knowledge and discernment. We beg that you will inform and tell Us of it and also present [to Us] those capable and good persons who are foursquare and upright and are able to speak frankly and unflinchingly admonish [Us], so as to correct Our inadequacies. [Let] everyone be therefore diligent in his office and duties. Take care to lessen [the amount of] forced service 71 and expense in order to benefit the people.
"Since We are unable to [spread the influence of Our] virtue to distant [regions], with anxiety [We] reflect on the iniquitous conduct of foreigners, 72against whom, therefore, [We] have made preparations without ceasing. Now although [We] are unable to dismiss the encampments and garrison soldiers at the border, [need We] also be attentive to [Our personal] troops and make Our guard large? 73 Let the army of the General of the Guard 74 be abolished. Of the horses which the Chief of the Stud has now, [let] there remain just 75 enough; [let] all the remainder be given for the posts and post-horses." 76
In the spring, the first month, on [the day] ting-hai, 77an imperial edict said, "Now agriculture is the foundation of the world. Let the sacred field be opened. We Ourself lead in plowing in order to provide millet and grain offerings for the [imperial] ancestral temple. Those people who are punished [and made to] work in the prefectural offices, together with those who have borrowed seed and food, and have not paid it back, and those who have not paid in full, [let] them all be pardoned." 78
In the second month, 79 some [high] officials begged [the Emperor] to establish his Imperial Sons as vassal kings. His imperial edict said, "Previously when King Yu of Chao, [Liu Yu], died from being imprisoned, We deeply sympathized with him. [We] have already made his Heir-apparent, [Liu] Sui, the King of Chao. The younger brother of [Liu] Sui, [Liu] Pi-ch'iang, together with the sons of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei(2)], the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, and the Marquis of Tung-mou, [Liu] Hsing-chü, are meritorious [persons] and worthy to be made kings." So [the Emperor] thereupon 80 established [Liu] Pi-ch'iang as the King of Ho-chien, [Liu] Chang as the King of Ch'eng-yang, and [Liu] Hsing-chü as the King of Chi-pei. Because of [those appointments], he established his Imperial Sons, [Liu] Wu as the King of Tai, [Liu] Ts'an as the King of T'ai-Yüan, and [Liu] Yi(5) as the King of Liang.
In the fifth month an imperial edict said, "According to the ancient [mode of] governing the world, in the court there was the banner for initiating improvements, 81 and the post for speaking ill and criticizing, 82 whereby there was kept open the way for [good] government and [whereby] remonstrances were caused to come [to the Emperor]. Now in the law there are the crimes of speaking evil and criticizing and of monstrous speech. 83 These [laws] keep the courtiers from daring to express their whole feelings so that the sovereign has no means of hearing about his mistakes and errors. By what means then [can we make] capable and good [people] from distant quarters come [to Us]? Let [these laws] be abrogated.
"If it happens that people make imprecations against the sovereign and have made pledges to each other, but later give each other the lie, the officials consider it treason, and, whatever else they may say, the officials nevertheless consider it speaking evil and criticizing. These [acts] are from the stupidity of unimportant people, who do not know [what they are doing] and run into death. [Such punishments are what] We very much do not want. From the present time on, whenever there are those who transgress in this manner, do not admit them to trial." 84
In the ninth month, there were first made for the Administrators of Commanderies bronze tiger credentials and envoy's bamboo credentials. 85
An imperial edict said, "Agriculture is the great foundation of the world; it is what the people depend on for their [very] life. Nevertheless the people sometimes do not apply themselves to the fundamental but occupy themselves with what is least [important]. As a result their livelihood is deficient. We are anxious about this state of affairs, hence We now at this time Ourselves lead [Our] ministers in agricultural [pursuits] in order to exhort them [to stress agriculture in their government]. Let there be granted to the people of the empire this year half of the land tax on the cultivated fields." 86
In the third year, in the winter, the tenth month, on [the day] ting-yu, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 87 In the eleventh month, on [the day] ting-mao, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. The imperial edict said, "Sometime ago an imperial edict ordered the marquises to go to their states. [But they asked] to be excused and have not gone. The Lieutenant Chancellor is [the person] whom We honor [most]. Let him lead the marquises to their states for Us." 88 Thereupon the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Chou] P'o, was dismissed and sent to go to his state.
In the twelfth month, the Grand Commandant, the Marquis of Ying-yin, Kuan Ying, was made Lieutenant Chancellor 89 and the office of Grand Commandant was abolished; [his duties] were taken care of by the Lieutenant Chancellor. In the summer, the fourth month, the King of Ch'eng-yang, [Liu] Chang, died. The King of Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang, killed the Marquis of Pi-yang, Shen Yi-chi. 90
In the fifth month, the Huns entered and occupied the Pei-ti [Commandery], south of the [Yellow] River, 91 whence they marauded. The Emperor favored the Kan-ch'üen [Palace by visiting it. 92 The Emperor] sent the Lieutenant Chancellor Kuan Ying to attack the Huns, 93 and the Huns left. [The Emperor] sent 94 the Palace Military Commander, with skilled soldiers 95 belonging to [the army of] the General of the Guard, to encamp at Ch'ang-an. The Emperor went from the Kan-ch'üan [Palace] to Kao-nu, and, availing himself of the opportunity, he favored [the kingdom of] T'ai-Yüan [by visiting it] and saw his former officials. 96 He granted [favors] to them all, promoting those who had distinguished themselves. He gave favors to the common people, granting them by hamlets an ox and wine. He exempted the people of Chin-yang and Chung-tu from the land tax for three years. 97 He stayed and amused himself in [the kingdom of] T'ai-Yüan for more than ten days.
When the King of Chi-pei, [Liu] Hsing-chü, heard that the Emperor had gone to Tai and that he him-self intended to attack the Huns, [the king] rebelled and mobilized his troops, wishing to surprise Jung-yang. 98 Thereupon an imperial edict abolished the troops of the Lieutenant Chancellor 99 and made the Marquis of Chi-p'u, Ch'ai Wu, the General-in-chief, leading four generals 100 [with] a multitude [numbering] a hundred thousand to attack [Liu Hsing-chü]. The Marquis of Ch'i, Tseng Ho, was made a General and encamped at Jung-yang. In the autumn, the seventh month, 101 the Emperor [went] from T'ai-Yüan to Ch'ang-an. His edict read, "The King of Chi-pei [Liu Hsing-chü] has been ungrateful for [Our] goodness, rebelled against his sovereign, deceived and led into error his officials and people, and committed treason. Those among the officials and people of Chi-pei who stopped [rebelling] of their own accord before the troops arrived and those who submitted together with their army, their cities, or their towns, are all to be pardoned and restored to their official [positions] and their [aristocratic] ranks. Those who have been with the King, [Liu] Hsing-chü, leave him, and come [to Us] will also be pardoned." In the eighth month the King of Chi-pei, [Liu] Hsing-chü, was captured and committed suicide. 102 [The Emperor] pardoned those who had rebelled with [Liu] Hsing-chü.
In the fourth year, 103 in the winter, the twelfth month, the Lieutenant Chancellor Kuan Ying died. In the summer, the fifth month, [the Emperor] exempted from all taxes the families of the [members of the] Liu [house] who had members enregistered [as belonging to the imperial house]. He granted estates to the sons of the vassal kings, to each [the income of] two thousand households. 104 In the autumn, the ninth month, [the Emperor] appointed ten 105 sons of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei(2)], as marquises. The Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, committed crime; he was arrested and brought to the Imperial Prison of the Commandant of Justice. 106 The Ku-ch'eng Temple was built. 107
In the fifth year, in the spring, the second month, there was an earthquake. In the summer, the fourth month, the order [against] casting counterfeit cash was abrogated. [The coinage] was changed and four shu cash were made. 108
In the sixth year, in the winter, the tenth month, the peach and plum [trees] blossomed. In the eleventh month, the King of Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang, plotted a rebellion, was dismissed, exiled to Yen-tao in the Shu [Commandery], and died [on the way 109 ] at Yung.
In the seventh year, in the winter, the tenth month, [the Emperor] ordered that Dowager Marchionesses, wives of marquises, sons of vassal kings, together with officials [with positions ranking as worth] two thousand piculs, were not arbitrarily to make levies nor arrests. In the summer, the fourth month, an amnesty was granted to the world. In the sixth month, on [the day] kuei-yu, there was a visitation [of fire] in the towers 110 screening the Eastern Portal of the Wei-yang Palace.
In the eighth year, in the summer, [the Emperor] enfeoffed as marquises the four sons of King Li of Huai-nan, [Liu] Ch`ang. 111 A long comet appeared in the eastern quarter [of the sky]. 112
In the ninth year, in the spring, there was a great drought.
In the tenth year, in the winter, [the Emperor] travelled and favored [by a visit] the Kan-ch'üan [Palace]. General Po Chao died. 113
In the eleventh year, in the winter, the eleventh month, [the Emperor] travelled and favored [the kingdom of] Tai [with a visit]. In the spring, the first month, the Emperor returned from [the kingdom of] Tai [to the capital]. In the summer, the sixth month, the King of Liang, [Liu] Yi(5), died. The Huns pillaged Ti-tao.
In the twelfth year, in the winter, the twelfth month, the [Yellow] River broke [its dykes] in the Tung Commandery. 114 In the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] granted estates of two thousand families to each of the daughters of the vassal kings. In the second month, the Beauties in the Emperor Hsiao-hui's harem were sent [home] and it was ordered that they might be married. In the third month, the [ customs] barriers were done away with and passports were no [longer] used. 115
An imperial edict said, "The road along which to guide the people is [to make them] devote themselves to fundamentals. We Ourselves have led the world in agriculture for ten years down to the present, yet to the countryside there has not been added any newly broken land, and [as soon as] one year has not a good harvest, 116 the people have hungry looks. This [shows that] those who apply themselves to [agriculture] are still too few, and that moreover the officials have not especially put their attention on it. I have many times put forth edicts, and yearly have urged the people to plant and sow, 117 but the results [of my action] have not yet appeared. This is [because] the officials have not been diligent in upholding my edicts or [because] they have not been intelligent in urging the people [to agriculture]. Forsooth, my farmers [have suffered] very bitterly, and yet the officials have perceived none of it; how then can [the officials effectively] encourage [agriculture]? Let there be granted to the farmers this year half of the land tax and tax on produce."
[The edict] also said, "The Filially Pious and the Fraternally Respectful are the most advantageous [persons] in the world. The Cultivators of the Fields are the fundamental sources of life. The San-lao are the teachers of the people. Honest officials are an example to the people. We greatly approve of the conduct of these few [kinds of] grandees. 118
"Now in prefectures of ten thousand families it is said, `There are none who [are able to] conform to [the Emperor's] order.' 119 How can peoples' natures be really [so inadequate]? This is because the way the officials have of recommending the capable is not adequate. Let Internuncios be sent to recompense and make grants: to the San-lao and the Filially Pious, five pieces of silk per person, to the Fraternally Respectful and the Cultivators of the Fields, two pieces, to the honest officials of [the rank of] two thousand piculs and above, for every hundred piculs, three pieces. When [the Internuncio] arrives, [let him] ask the people if there is anything inconvenient or discontenting, and let him establish the regular number of San-lao, Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and Cultivators of the Fields in accordance with the number of households and people, and order each to apply himself with all his mind in order to guide the people [aright]."
In the thirteenth year, in the spring, the second month, on [the day] chia-yin, an imperial edict said, "We Ourself lead the world in farming and plowing in order to offer millet and sacrificial grain [in sacrifice]. The Empress herself raises silk-worms in order to provide sacrificial clothing. Let ceremonies and rites be established [for these procedures]." 120
In the summer, [the Emperor] abolished the secret invocator. 121 A discussion is in the "Treatise on the Suburban Sacrifice and Offerings to the Spirits."
In the fifth month, [the Emperor] abolished the law providing for mutilating punishments. A discussion is in the "Treatise on Punishments and Laws." 122
In the sixth month, an imperial edict said, "Agriculture is the foundation of the world. No duty is greater. Now if [anyone] personally follows this pursuit diligently, he has yet [to pay] the impositions of the land tax and tax on produce. This is making 123 no distinction between [the treatment of what is] fundamental and [what is] least important. 124 This is not appropriate to [Our] way of encouraging agriculture. Let there be abolished the land tax and tax on produce [levied] upon the [cultivated] fields, and let there be granted to the orphans and widows of the empire [linen] cloth, silk, and silk wadding, to each person a definite amount."
In the fourteenth year, in the winter, the Huns pillaged at the frontier and killed the Chief Commandant of the Pei-ti [Commandery], [Sun] Ang. 125 [The Emperor] sent three generals to encamp in the Lung-hsi, the Pei-ti, and the Shang Commanderies. 126 The Palace Military Commander Chou Shê was made General of the Guard; the Chief of the Gentlemen-atthe-Palace Chang Wu was made General of Chariots and Cavalry to encamp north of the Wei [River] with a thousand chariots and a hundred thousand cavalry and foot-soldiers. The Emperor himself inquired about the army's welfare and aroused the troops by reiterated instructions and orders and by making grants to the officers and soldiers. He himself wanted to make the expedition against the Huns. When the courtiers remonstrated, he would not listen, [but] when the Empress Dowager earnestly besought him, the Emperor however stopped. Thereupon [the Emperor] made the Marquis of Tung-yang, Chang Hsiang-ju, the General-in-chief. The Marquis of Ch'eng, Tung Ch'ih, 127 the Prefect of the Capital, and Luan Pu were both made generals to attack the Huns. The Huns fled.
In the spring, an imperial edict said, "It is now the fourteenth year that We have had [the opportunity] to present the sacrificial oxen, the jade tablets, and the pieces of silk for the service of the Lords on High and the [imperial] ancestral temples. As the elapsed time has become longer and longer, and [We] have been neither intelligent nor brilliant, yet have controlled and governed the world for a long time, We Ourselves are very much ashamed [because We are unworthy]. Let there be extended and augmented the mounds on which sacrifices are made, the level places for sacrifice, 128 the jade tablets, and the pieces of silk at the various sacrifices.
"Formerly the ancient Kings extended [their benefits] far and wide and did not seek for any recompense; they performed the sacrifice from a distance [to the great mountains and rivers], 129 but did not pray for their own happiness.
In the place of honor were the sages, in the less honorable place were their relatives; 130
The people [came] first, they put themselves last; [this was] the extreme of the utmost wisdom. Now I have heard that when the sacrificial officials pray for happy omens, 131 they all [endeavor to make] happiness revert upon Our private person, and do not [pray] for [Our] subjects. We are very much ashamed at this. If now, in spite of Our lack of virtue, [We] nevertheless specially and solely enjoy the good [coming] from their [prayers for] happiness, and my subjects have no share in it, that will double my lack of virtue. Let it be ordered that the sacricial officials, in presenting their respectful [offerings], should not beg for anything."
In the fifteenth year, in the spring, a yellow dragon appeared at Ch'eng-chi. 132 The Emperor thereupon issued an edict [ordering] the discussion of the sacrifice in the suburbs and [other] sacrifices. Kung-sun Ch'en made clear the colors of the [sacrificial] robes; Hsin-Yüan P'ing established the five temples. 133 A discussion [of the foregoing matters] is in the "Treatise on the Suburban Sacrifice and Offerings to the Spirits."
In the summer, the fourth month, the Emperor favored Yung [by a visit] and for the first time was presented to the Five Lords [on High] by means of a suburban sacrifice. An amnesty [was granted] to the world. [The Emperor] renewed the sacrifices to the famous mountains and the great rivers, which had been worshipped and whose [sacrifices] had been stopped. The officers charged therewith [were ordered to] perform the [proper] rites [at the right time of] the year and season.
In the ninth month, an imperial edict [ordered] the vassal kings, the ministers, and the commandery administrators to present [to the Emperor] those who were capable and good, and could speak frankly and admonish [their superiors] unflinchingly. The Emperor in person questioned them [by setting a literary exercise]. They set forth in [written] words their ideas for adoption. 134 A discussion is in the "Memoir of Ch'ao Ts'o."
In the sixteenth year, in the summer, the fourth month, the Emperor made a suburban sacrifice to the Five Lords [on High] at [the altars] to the north of the Wei [River]. In the fifth month, [the Emperor] appointed six sons of King Tao-hui of Ch'i [Liu Fei(2)], and three sons of King Li of Huai-nan [Liu Ch'ang], as kings. 135 In the autumn, the ninth month, there was found a jade cup with the inscription, "Prolonged life to the Lord of Men." 136 [The Emperor] ordered that universal drinking [should be permitted all over] the empire. The next year [the Emperor] changed the beginning [of the count for the years of his rule].
In the latter [part of his reign], 137 the first year, in the winter, the tenth month, the deceits of Hsin-Yüan P'ing were discovered; he plotted rebellion, and was exterminated with his three [sets of] relatives. 138In the spring, the third month, the Empress née Chang of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui died. 139
An imperial edict said, "Recently for many years there have continually been no good harvests. Moreover there have been visitations of floods, droughts, sickness, and epidemics. We have been very much worried because of them. We are ignorant and not perspicacious and do not yet understand just what is to blame. We have been thinking: is there some fault in Our [way of] government or is there some defect in [Our] conduct? Or is it that [We] have not obeyed the Way of Heaven or have perhaps not obtained the advantages of Earth, or are the affairs of men in great discord, 140 or have the spirits and divinities been neglected [so that] they have not enjoyed [Our offerings]? How has this been brought about? Or is it that the salaries of the officials are perhaps too lavish, or that useless activities are perhaps too many? How is it that the people's food is scarce and lacking?
"Now when the fields are measured, they have not decreased, and when the population is counted, it has not increased, [so that] the amount of land per person is greater than in ancient times. Yet there is very much too little food; where does the blame for it lie? Is it that Our subjects devote themselves to what is least important, 141 whereby those [persons] who injure agriculture are multiplied? [Is it due to the fact that] they make wine and lees, thereby wasting much grain and that masses of food are given to the six [kinds of] domestic animals? I have not yet been able to attain the proper mean between what is immaterial and what is important. Let [this matter] be discussed with the Lieutenant Chancellor, the marquises, the officials [of ranks worth] two thousand piculs, and the Erudits. Should there be anything that might be of assistance to Our subjects, let them apply themselves with all their minds 142 and think deeply [about the matter]. Let them not hide anything [from Us]." 143
In the second year, in the summer, [the Emperor] traveled and favored [by a visit] the Yü-yang Palace at Yung. In the sixth month, the King of Tai, [Liu] Ts'an, died.
The Huns [asked for] peace and friendship. 144The imperial edict said, "Since We are not perspicacious, We have been unable to [extend the influence of Our] virtue to distant [regions]. This has caused states outside the borders sometimes to be disquiet and discontented. Now when [the people] outside the four wildernesses [at the borders] 145 do not live quietly, [the people] within the fiefs and the imperial domain 146 toil, suffer, and are not in repose. The responsibility for [trouble] both [inside and outside the borders] lies altogether in the scantiness of Our virtue and its inability to penetrate to distant [regions].
"In recent times, for many years in succession, the Huns have simultaneously ravaged the border regions; they have killed many of the officials and people. Our subjects at the border, the soldiers and officers, have moreover 147 not been able to enlighten them 148 concerning [Our] inner intentions, thereby aggravating my lack of virtue. Since thus for a long time the Central [Empire] and the outer kingdoms 149 have been tied up in difficulties and continued hostilities, how can they themselves be contented [with this situation]?
"Now We `have risen early and gone to sleep late'; 150 [We] have toiled and suffered for the world; [We] have been solicitous and unhappy about all the people; for them We have been compassionate, sad, and disquieted; not for one day has [this matter] left [Our] mind. Hence [We] have sent envoys [in rapid succession, so that] the caps and [carriage] coverings [of one caravan] were in sight [of the second], and their wheel tracks 151 were uninterrupted [on the road], in order to enlighten the Shan-Yü concerning Our intentions.
"Now the Shan-Yü has returned 152 to the path of the ancients; he has sought for the peace of [Our] gods of the soils and grains; [his proposal] is advantageous for the interests of all the people. Recently, [together] with Us, we have [both] given up altogether the slight wrongs [we have done to each other]; hand in hand we are marching upon the road of high [principle]. We have bound ourselves together in the relationship of brotherhood in order to conserve the good 153 people of the world. The peace and friendship has been fixed upon to begin from the present year." 154
In the third year, in the spring, the second month, [the Emperor] travelled and favored [the kingdom of] Tai [by a visit]. 155
In the fourth year, in the summer, the fourth month, on [the day] ping-yin, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 156 In the fifth month, an amnesty was granted to the world. [The Emperor] freed the government male and female slaves and made them ordinary people. [The Emperor] travelled and favored Yung [by a visit].
In the fifth year, in the spring, the first month, [the Emperor] travelled and favored the Lung-hsi [Commandery with a visit]. In the third month, he travelled and favored Yung [with a visit]. In the autumn, the seventh month, he travelled and favored [the kingdom of] Tai [with a visit].
In the sixth year, in the winter, thirty thousand Hun horsemen entered the Shang Commandery and thirty thousand [Hun] horsemen entered the Yün-chung [Commandery]. The Chief of the Palace Grandees, Mien, 157 was made General of Chariots and Cavalry, and stationed at Fei-hu; the former Chancellor of [the kingdom of] Ch'u, Su Yi, was made a General, and stationed at Chü-chu; 158 General Chang Wu was stationed in the Pei-ti [Commandery]; the Administrator 159 of Ho-nei, Chou Ya-fu, was made a General and encamped temporarily 160at Hsi-liu. The Superintendant of the Imperial House, Liu Li, was made a General and encamped temporarily at Pa-shang; the Marquis of Chu-tzu, Hsü Li, was made a General and encamped temporarily at Chi-men, in order to be ready for the Hu.
In the summer, the fourth month, there was a great drouth and locusts. 161 [The Emperor] ordered that the nobles should not pay tribute. He opened [to the common people] the mountains and marshes, 162 reduced the [imperial] robes and the imperial officers, diminished the [regular] number of Gentlemen and officials, and opened the granaries 163 in order to succor the people. The people were allowed to sell [aristocratic] ranks. 164
In the seventh year, in the summer, the sixth month, on [the day] chi-hai, the Emperor died in the Wei-yang Palace. His testamentary decree said, "We have heard it [said that], of all [plants and animals] that sprout from or are born to any of the beings in the world, all of them, it seems, have to die. Death is a law of Heaven and Earth, and the nature of things. [Then] how could it be [so] greatly lamentable? [But] in the present age all esteem life and hate death; they elaborate burials, thereby ruining their estates; they perform a rigorous mourning, thereby injuring their health. I disapprove of this very much.
"Moreover since We have not been virtuous and have not been able to assist Our subjects, if now that [We] are dead, [We] also cause [people] to perform rigorous mourning and lament for a prolonged period, causing them to suffer [extreme] cold and heat for several [years, We would] make old and young to be afflicted [by our death], and would hurt the feelings of the elders [of the people]. 165 To diminish their drink and food, to interrupt the sacrifices to the manes and divinities, thereby aggravating my lack of virtue---what [could We] say to the world [about that]?
"We have had the opportunity to protect the [imperial] ancestral temples, and, [in spite of Our] insignificant person, [We] have been entrusted for already more than twenty years [with a position] above the world's princes and kings. By the aid of the blessing of Heaven [and Earth 166 ] and the benediction of the gods of the soils and grains, within the [four] quarters [of the world] there has been peace and contentment and no war. 167 Since We are not intelligent, We have been constantly afraid of committing some faulty action, thereby dishonoring the virtue handed down by the deceased emperors, [Our father and elder brother]. In truth, as the years have lengthened out, [We] have been afraid of coming to a bad end, but now [We] have [ended 168 ] happily the years [assigned to Us by] Heaven, and are permitted to return to and receive offerings in the [ancestral] temple of Kao-[tsu]. 169 When Our lack of wisdom is [thus] 170 recompensed, how can there be any thoughts of mourning?
"Let it be ordered that, when [this] order reaches them, the officials and people of the empire should lament for three days [and then] all take off their mourning garments. Let there be no prohibition of taking a wife or of marrying off a daughter, of making sacrifices or of drinking wine or eating meat. As to those who must themselves take part in mourning ceremonies, wear mourning garments, and lament, let none of them wear unhemmed [mourning] garments; 171 their headbands of hemp or white linen strands 172 and girdles should not be more than three inches [wide]. Do not make a display of chariots or soldiers' weapons, 173 and do not send people to wail and lament in the palaces or halls. Those in the [Palace] Hall who must lament shall all raise their voices fifteen times each morning and evening. 174 When the rites are ended, [this practise] must be stopped. Except for the morning and evening time for lamenting, let [people] be forbidden to wail 175 without special permission. [When the coffin is] already 176 buried, let there be worn deep mourning for fifteen days, light mourning for fourteen days, and thin [garments] for seven days; [then] take off the mourning garments. 177 Whatever is not [mentioned] in this order, let it all be done in accordance with [the spirit of] this order, and let it be published and told to the world in order that Our will may be clearly known.
"Let the mountain and stream at the Pa Tomb 178remain as it has been; let it not be altered. Let [the concubines of the Emperor], the Ladies 179 and those [ranking] lower, down to the Junior Maids, be sent back [to their homes]. Let it be ordered that the Palace Military Commander [Chou] Ya-fu be made General of Chariots and Cavalry, 180 that the [Director of] Dependent States [Hsü] Tao be made General In Charge of Encampments, 181 and that the Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace Chang Wu be made the General [In Charge of] Replacing the Earth. 182 Let there be mobilized [for the funeral] sixteen thousand soldiers from the neighboring prefectures and fifteen thousand soldiers of the Prefect of the Capital. 183 The burial of the outer coffin, the opening and replacing of the earth shall be in charge of General [Chang] Wu. Let there be granted to the vassal kings and to those [ranking] below [them] down to the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, and the [Deligent] Cultivators of the Soil, gold, cash, and silk, to each a definite amount." On [the day] yi-szu [the Emperor] was buried in the Pa Tomb.
In eulogy we say: 184 Emperor Hsiao-wen occupied the throne for twenty-three years. In his palaces and apartments, in his pastures and enclosures, in his carriages and saddle-horses, in his garments and daily needs, he made no addition or increase [over the requirements of his predecessors]. If there was [any activity] that was not convenient [for the people], he at once abandoned it in order to benefit his people. At one time he wanted to make a roofless terrace. He summoned the artisans to count up its [cost], and it would cost [the equivalent of] a hundred [catties of] gold. The Emperor said, "A hundred [catties of] gold is the estate of ten families of medium [means]. I have received the palaces and apartments of the deceased emperors and have constantly been afraid that I should disgrace them; what is the use of building this terrace?" 185
He personally dressed in thick black 186 silk. The clothes of his favorite, the Lady [née] Shen, did not trail on the ground. His curtains and canopies had no ornaments or embroidery, thereby showing that in naturalness and simplicity he was the leader of the world. When he constructed the Pa Tomb, he altogether [used] objects of pottery and did not allow the use of gold, silver, copper, or tin as ornaments. 187 He took advantage of [the rise of] the hill [where] his [grave was built], and did not raise a mound [upon his tomb].
When the Commandant of Nan-Yüeh, [Chao] T'o, set himself up as Emperor, [Emperor Wen] summoned and honored [Chao] T'o's older and younger cousins and enveloped them with his goodness; thereupon [Chao] T'o declared himself his subject. 188 After he had made peace and friendship with the Huns, and they had gone contrary to their covenant and entered [his territory] to rob, he ordered that the borders should prepare for defence, 189 but did not send troops deep into [the Hun territory], for fear of burdening his subjects.
When the King of Wu, [Liu P'i], feigned illness and did not come to court, [the Emperor] granted him a stool and a cane. 190 When the officials, Yüan Ang and others, remonstrated [with him], although their words were cutting, he often pardoned them, accepted [their advice], and put it into practise. 191When Chang Wu and others accepted bribes of gold or cash, and [the fact] was discovered, [the Emperor] gave to them still more presents and grants, in order to shame them.
His sole care was to improve the people by means of his virtue; for this reason [all the country] within the [four] seas was prosperous and opulent and advanced towards proper conduct and right relationships. 192 [During his reign] there were pronounced verdicts [of capital punishment] in [only] several hundred [cases]; [so that he] almost succeeded in setting aside punishments [without using them]. 193 Alas! How benevolent he was! 194
1. She is entitled here a yi 姬. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) writes, "The Han Ch'ih-lu Ling [prob. written in Han times, now lost] and the Mao-ling-shu [lost before 312] both [say that the yi was] an official in the court, ranking as equivalent to a position of two thousand piculs, in position next below the Favorite Beauty [cf. Glossary. sub voce] and above the Eighth [Rank] Ladies 八子 [fourth rank concubines]." Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that yi is merely a complimentary term for `concubine', not an official title, for HS 97A: 2a enumerates the ranks in the imperial harem, but does not mention any rank yi. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) says, "姬 is pronounced 怡 yi(2) and is a common term for the ordinary concubines," on which statement Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) remarks, "At the time of the Six Dynasties [265-618], people called their fathers' concubines yi(2), which is this word. But they did not know that 姬 had the pronunciation yi(2), hence they changed the writing [of the word] to 姨." Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) adds, "姬 meaning concubine has one signification; [the same word] meaning a surname is a different signification. These two significations have the different pronunciations [yi and chi]. [Fu] Tsan's explanation was based upon the official documents of his [own] time; how could he have imaginatively fabricated it?" Ch. 97 also uses yi as a title; the mother of Emperor Ching's heir was at first styled the Yi née Wang. For names of persons, places, and official titles, cf. the Glossary.
2. Cf. 1B: 17a. Ch'en Hsi was not killed until the end of 196 B.C., in the twelfth year, but Liu Heng was made King of Tai in Feb./Mar. 196 B.C., in the eleventh year.
3. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. (xi-xii cent.) contains the words 子恒, which have been translated in brackets. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that the Academy ed. (1124) also contains these words, but that the Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) does not. He says that these words are not original, because the annals of an emperor do not use his given name, since it became taboo when he ascended the throne.
4. Chang Wu later became a general against the Huns. Chief of the Gentlemen-atthe-Palace was the title given him after Liu Heng had ascended the throne as Emperor (cf. 4: 4b), but the vassal courts had functionaries with the same titles as those used in the imperial court, so that Chang Wu might possibly have had this title in the state of Tai before he went to the capital.
5. Those bound together by an oath sealed the oath by annointing their lips with the blood of a victim. Cf. Mh II, 414, n. 1; SC ch. 76. The SC ch. 10 writes ch'ieh-hsüeh 啑血 and the HS writes tieh-hsüeh 喋血. The two phrases have the same meaning. There are however two interpretations of this phrase. (1) Chavannes (Mh II, 414 and n. 1), following Yen Shih-ku, translates the phrase "march in blood." Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, " 喋 should be pronounced tieh, the tieh meaning `to trample on,' " and Ju Shun says, "When, in killing people, a vast amount of blood is shed it is tieh-hsüeh," so that Yen Shih-ku seemingly has grounds for his statement. (2) Nevertheless Chou Shou-ch'ang (18141884) writes, "In my opinion, tieh is itself the tieh [in the phrase] ch'ieh-tieh 唼喋. It is used in HS ch. 57 and the commentator says, `It means the noise made by fowl when eating.' Its derived meaning is tieh-hsüeh, and it is interpreted `to taste with the mouth.' SC ch. 90 says tieh-hsüeh and the Shih-chi Chi-chieh [written by P'ei Yin, fl. 465-472] quotes Hsu Kuang (352-425) [as saying], `Tieh is also written ch'ieh,' which is sufficient proof that these two characters were originally interchanged. But 蹀 [which Fu Ch'ien used to give the pronunciation of tieh, and which Yen Shih-ku and Chavannes misunderstood to give the meaning of tieh] has the radical 足, and Hsü Shen [fl. 100] interprets it as `trample.' So 蹀 cannot be written as 喋." Then tieh-hsüeh does not mean "to march in blood." Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) approves of Chou Shou-ch'ang's interpretation.
6. I.e., irregularily interlocking. Cf. Mh II, 445, n. 2.
7. The Chinese figure of speech is quite parallel to the Jewish figure used in the translation. The figure implies that the establishment of the dynasty is as secure as if it were held down by a large mill-stone. Cf. Mh II, 445, n. 3.
8. Cf. 1A: 20a, b.
9. A quotation from 1A: 30b, which passage explains it.
10. Cf. 3: 7a.
11. The King of Wu was Liu P'i, a first cousin of Liu Heng; the King of Ch'u was Liu Chiao, his uncle; the King of Huai-nan was Liu Ch`ang, his half-brother; the King of Lang-ya was Liu Tse, a cousin; the King of Ch'i was Liu Hsiang, a nephew; Tai was his own kingdom.
12. Ying Shao (fl. ca. 140-206) says, "When a tortoise [is used], [divination] is called 兆; when stalks of plants [are used], it is called 卦. In divination by the tortoise one uses a rod to make the tortoise-[shell] glow; the lines were exactly transversal."
13. These three lines rime and are each of four characters. They seem to be a passage quoted from an ancient and lost book of divination in which this response is mentioned as having been given to King Ch'i of the Hsia dynasty. That there were other books of divination using the hexagrams besides the ones that have come down to us is shown by a tablet of the first cent. B.C., containing an interpretation of one of the hexagrams, which interpretation is not found in Book of Changes (cf. Chavannes, Documents chinois decouverts par Aurel Stein, p. 25). The last word of the first line should be pronounced kang to complete the rime. Karlgren, Analytic Dictionary, 316, gives the T'ang pronunciation kang. The meaning of the first line is obscure. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says that the last two characters mean "crosswise." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Transversal lines [mean] `there was not a thought but did him homage' [Book of Odes III, I, x, 6, (Legge, p. 463)]. Keng 庚 is 更 to change. It says that he should leave [the condition of] a noble and ascend the imperial throne. Before this time, when the Five Emperors ruled the world and [became] aged, they resigned [the throne] to a capable [person]. In the time of [Emperor] Ch'i of the Hsia [dynasty], [the son of the great Yü], for the first time [a father] passed on his title [to his son, Emperor Ch'i], and was moreover able to rule gloriously over the patrimony founded by his deceased lord. Emperor Wen also succeeded to the heritage of his father. It says that he is one like [Emperor] Ch'i." Cf. Mh II, 447, n. 1.Chavannes remarks that in the Tso-chuan, the phrase "the Heavenly King 天王" always refers to the son of Heaven of the Chou dynasty. Cf. Mh II, 447, n. 2.
14. We have emended 者 to 意 in accordance with the suggestion of Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922), for the SC reads the latter character and Yen Shih-ku uses it in his explanation, so that it was in his text. The reason the great ministers had for selecting Kao-tsu's younger son rather than his eldest grandson, the King of Ch'i, was that they feared the family of the wife of the King of Ch'i would cause such trouble as the Lü family had caused. Cf. Mh II, 439.
15. Cf. p. 107, n. 3.
16. The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) at this point adds the word 符; later in this passage (p. 4a) the HS also has it; hence it was originally in the text here, according to Wang Hsien-ch'ien.
17. Yen Shih-ku says, "The sojourning quarters at the capital for those at court from commanderies or kingdoms are usually named 邸 [the princes' lodges]. This word [means] to arrive, meaning the place to which one comes." Cf. Mh II, 412, n. 1.
18. This was 48 days after the Lü family had been exterminated.
19. The text writes at this point Wu. The SC 10: 3b writes Ch'en Wu 陳武. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says this is Ch'ai Wu , for on p. 12a, Ch'ai Wu 柴武 is said to have been made Commander-in-chief in 177 B.C. In the passage corresponding to p. 12a, the SC and the Han-ti Nien-chi (before 275) both write Ch'en Wu; Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says that he had two surnames.But Ch'en (or Ch'ai) Wu did not become General-in-chief until three years after this time. Lü Ch'an had made Kuan Ying General-in-chief and sent him to attack the army of Ch'i; he however revolted against the Lü family and joined the Liu cabal; cf. 3: 5b. Hence he is the person who had this title at this time and should be mentioned here. Because he was appointed by the Lü family, who were usurpers, he is not mentioned in the table of officials in 19B: 6b. In the distribution of rewards (cf. 4: 5a, b) "General Kuan Ying" was awarded a territory of 3000 families and the equivalent of 2000 catties of gold. Hence we are fairly safe in following Ch'ien Ta-chao in saying that the HS has made a slip here.
20. The SC So-yin (by Szu-ma Cheng, fl. 713-742) says that Su Ling (fl. 196-227), Hsü Kuang (352-425) and Wei Chao (197-273/4) think that the Marquise of Yin-an and the Queen of King Ch'ing were different persons; Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) agree, because the SC, by adding the words "the Marquis" before the name of King Ch'ing makes it plain that they were two persons. Szu-ma Cheng explains that King Ch'ing, Liu Chung, was, at his death, merely a marquis, since he had resigned his kingdom. (Cf. Mh II, 449, n. 2.) Su Ling says that the Marquise of Yin-an was "the wife of Kao-tsu's eldest brother, Liu Po, and the mother of [Liu Hsin, who was] the Marquis of Keng-chieh," and that the Queen of King Ch'ing was "the wife of Kao-tsu's elder brother, Liu Chung." HS 36: 2a also tells that the mother of Liu Hsin, the Marquis of Keng-chieh, was the wife of Liu Po. Ju Shun however identifies this Marquise and the Queen as the same person. He says, "When the Queen of King Ch'ing was appointed as the Marquise of Yin-an, Lü Hsü was the Marquise of Lin-kuang and the wife of Hsiao Ho was also the Marquise of Tso. Moreover the Table of marquises of the imperial family [ch. 15] has no Marquis [or Marquise] of Yin-an for this period, so that we can thereby know that she was the Queen of King Ch'ing. In my opinion the chief priestess [in the ancestral sacrifices] at the Han [temple] was the Marquise of Yin-an, the wife of Emperor Kao-[tsu's] older brother." It is however possible that the absence of this marquise's name from the table of marquises is because of her sex; we have followed the majority of the commentators in considering them as two persons. Chavannes disagrees.
21. Liu Chiao, a younger brother of Kao-tsu, was the then oldest male member of the imperial family. Cf. Mh II, 450, n. 1. He was not mentioned in the memorial asking Liu Heng to take the throne, probably because he was ill and not in the capital. Ho Ch'uo says that this request to consult Liu Chiao is according to the proprieties, for "the Marquise of Yin-an [the wife of Kao-tsu's oldest brother] and the Queen of King Ch'ing [the wife of Kao-tsu's second older brother] were both women and the King of Lang-ya, [Lin Tse], was a distant relative."
22. Ju Shun says, "Someone says that the seats of guest and host face east and west; the seats of prince and minister face south and north." Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) contradicts the opinion of Ju Shun (which Chavannes adopted, cf. Mh II, 450, n. 2) to the effect that Liu Heng, by turning towards the south, was showing himself more complaisant to his subject's wishes. He says, "Probably when the King entered the prince's lodge of Tai, the courtiers of the Han court followed and came to the King, and he treated them in accordance with the proprieties of guest and host, hence he faced west, and when the courtiers urged him to take a higher position, he refused thrice. The courtiers thereupon supported the King to a seat facing due south, [south is the direction the emperor's throne always faces], and the King again refused twice. Therefore the turning to the south was not what the King could help, but the courtiers, supporting him, made him face south. If we assume that he eagerly seated himself facing the south, would that have been possible?"
23. Reading 莫 for 其 in accordance with the SC and the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832).
24. According to 38:7a, Liu Hsing-chü especially asked to go with Hsia-hou Ying and clear the palace. Ying Shao says, "According to the old code, to whatever place the Son of Heaven is to go and favor by visiting it, there must first be sent the Chief Forerunner 靜室令 [cf. Han-kuan Ta-wen, 3: 11b] to go and investigate, to clear and pacify the [Palace] Hall in order to take precautions against untoward events." According to the SC (cf. Mh II, 440 f), the Young Emperor was still living in the forbidden apartments of the palace, and had to be ejected. He was moved to the apartments of the Privy Treasurer and killed later in the night after Emperor Wen had taken the throne.
25. Ju Shun says, "The prescribed equipage is with the Palace Attendants, the [imperial] Chariot Companion, and the [Chief Commandant] Custodian of the [Imperial] Equipages and the Gentlemen driving 36 auxiliary carriages."
26. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Ching-te ed. (1004-1005) does not have the words 制詔. The SC also does not have them nor the three titles following them. These titles have probably the same significance as the titles in the edict on 1B: 17b, 18a.
27. Cf. Mh II, 124, n. 1.
28. It has been debated just who these women were. Yao Ts'a (533-606) thinks that they were the wives of those who were granted ranks. Li Hsien (651-684) thinks they were families of women which had no male members: in those families which had males, the head of the family was given a rank; to those families which had no males, meat and wine were given. But Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) replies that there would be few families without male members, so that it would be difficult to divide an ox among them. No amount of meat and wine is specified; in SC 28:32b it is said, "To a hundred families, one ox and 10 piculs of wine." Cf. Mh II, 503. Possibly the emperor wanted everyone to enjoy himself, so, as Su Lin (fl. 196-227) said, "To the men were granted noble ranks [Yen Shih-ku explains that the head of the household received the step; 2: 4a says that one step in rank was given to a family] and to the women were granted an ox and wine [for the families to enjoy]." This practise was later common, cf. 6: 27a, 32a, 36a, etc. Cf. Mh II, 452, n. 1.Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "[According to] the Han Code, when three or more people gather to drink wine without [adequate] motive, they shall be fined [the equivalent of] four taels of gold." The Emperor's edict permitting drinking was then an extraordinary privilege. Cf. Mh II, 452, n. 2. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) read 餔 instead of 酺.
29. This was the second day after the emperor had entered the capital and taken the throne. The presentation in the imperial ancestral temple was an important feature of the coronation.
30. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. (x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) omit the surname here.
31. For these events, cf. 3: 5b ff.
32. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. and the Chekiang ed. omit the surname here.
33. The SC at this point adds "of the Marquis of Tung-mou, Liu Hsing-chü." HS 38: 6b also states that Liu Hsing-chü was made the same grant as Liu Chang; those six words seem to have dropped out of the HS text.
34. The SC dates this appointment on Nov. 15, two months previously. Possibly the HS mentions it now because of its importance in connection with the enlarging of Ch'i and Ch'u. Cf. n. 2.
35. Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) says, "Liu Tse's kingdom, Lang-ya, was a commandery taken from Ch'i; when Lü T'ai was made King of Lü with P'eng-ch'eng as his kingdom, [his territory] was taken from Ch'u. Now the Lü family had been executed, the kingdom of Lü ended, and the appointment of [Liu] Tse shifted too, hence this territory was returned to Ch'i and Ch'u, to which it had previously [belonged]." Cf. 38: 6b.
36. Cf. Mh II, 454-455. The long edict in the SC accompanying this abrogation has been transferred in the HS to ch. 23. Ying Shao says, "帑 [means] children 子. According to the Ch'in [dynasty] laws, when a person committed a crime they joined with him [in punishment] his house and family. Now [the Emperor] abrogated this law." Cf. 5: n. 2.1. The practise nevertheless continued; cf. 5: 4a.
37. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan ed. and the Chekiang ed. do not have the character 也 at this point; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that these editions are correct, for the SC is also without this character.
38. The Emperor was thinking of the example given by Yao and Shun, who each passed over their children and appointed an able person from outside their family as their successor. But cf. Mh II, 455, n. 1. The SC does not have the word 詔, so that this passage appears there as a speech of the Emperor. Probably this passage is taken from an exchange of edicts and memorials. It is then illuminating in that it shows the manner of intercourse between the officials and the emperor.
39. Liu P'i was actually a cousin of the Emperor. He was the son of Liu Chung, an older brother of Kao-tsu.
40. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. reads 傳 for 專; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that that edition is wrong, for the SC reads as the text does here.
41. Cf. Mh II, 456, n. 2.
42. Liu Ch'i was not the eldest son of the Emperor, for his first wife had had three sons, but she and her sons had all died before this time. Cf. Mh II, 496. Liu Ch'i later became the Emperor Ching. SC 10: 7a uses 某 for his given name, because of the taboo on it; the HS mentions the name here and uses the same word again on p. 9a. Yet in the chapter on the Emperor Ching and in its later annals the HS rarely uses this word. Cf. 6: 24a, 8: 13a. Su Yü (fl. 1913) remarks that in Pan Ku's time the emperor was only distantly related to the emperors of the Former Han period, hence taboos were no longer stressed. The foregoing is typical of the way Szu-ma Ch'ien and Pan Ku regarded the taboo on the personal names of emperors.
43. The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) write 純厚; the HS and the Han-chi (ii cent.) write the first character of this phrase 敦.
44. In Chou times the Empress was chosen for different reasons; cf. Mh II, 458 and n. 1.
45. The emperor and officials were supposed to be the fathers and mothers of the people. This phrase is used as early as the Book of History, V, iv, 16 (Legge, p. 333). This edict is merely summarized in the SC. Cf. Mh II, 458.This edict of an emperor the Chinese have considered "truly virtuous" deserves to be contrasted with the legendary reaction of Gautama the Buddha to his "four encounters" (sickness, age, death, and the hermit). Hsiao-wen tried to relieve suffering; Gautama concluded it was inevitable. This edict probably initiated the practise of government loans to poor people.
46. Cotton was not brought to China until later. Silk and linen (including hemp) were used for clothing.
47. This sentence might seem to contradict the conclusion arrived at in 1: App. II. But the emperor is not here thinking of the calendar year, since the edict was issued in the "third month." He is thinking of the seasons, which were thought to begin with the spring.
48. Yen Shih-ku says that 鬻 is thin congee 淖糜.
49. Cf. Glossary, sub Ch'iang-tao.
50. Cf. App. I.
51. Cf. p. 88, n. 1.
52. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes that 督 has two meanings: in addition to its usual meaning "to examine" it is also used to mean "beat" and is interchanged with 厾. This beating was performed without baring the body. HS 76: 7b, col. 8 definitely establishes this meaning.
53. Cf. p. 118, n. 1. Those aged who had committed more serious crimes than this were not to receive any pension. The SC (Mh II, 458) states that orphans under their ninth year were also to receive grants.
54. HS 27Ca: 10a says, "In Ch'i and Ch'u there was an earthquake and mountains fell in 29 places on the same day. All [of them] sent out high water which broke through the sides up or welled up."
55. Yen Shih-ku remarks, "To break through the side is 潰; to well up is 出."
56. Yen Shih-ku says, "The fox in his character as an animal is by nature very suspicious. Every time he crosses a river on ice he listens as he crosses. Hence we talk of a suspicious person and call him `as suspicious as a fox.' " Cf. Mh II, 458, n. 2.
57. Reading 以 for 已 with the SC, at the suggestion of Su Yü (xx cent.). He says that these two characters were interchanged.
58. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that, because of the phrasing, the last clause of this sentence is not given in the original wording of the edict, but is a summary made by the historian. The SC has the same wording. For a list of the "nine great ministers" under the Han dynasty, cf. Mh II, 459, n. 2.
59. Cf. 1A: 28a.
60. Chavannes explains that because Emperor Wen had given his own maternal uncle, Po Chao, an appointment, he also appointed these other maternal uncles to avoid jealousy. Cf. Mh II, 460, n. 1. In spite of all his care, Liu Hsing-chü finally revolted.
61. Ch'ien Ta-chao writes, "In [recording] the death of a Lieutenant Chancellor, the general rule is to record the day but not write his surname. Only for Ch'en P'ing and Kuan Ying the surname is written but the day is not written. For Shen-t'u Chia the day is not recorded. For Ti Fang-chin, both surname and day are written." SC 10: 8a adds that the Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, was made Lieutenant Chancellor.
62. SC 10: 8a says instead that they "established their states for more than a thousand years." Cf. Mh II, 460.
63. Cf. Mh II, 460, n. 3.
64. Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) says, "The three imperial commanderies [the capital commandery, Tso-p'ing-yi, Yu-fu-feng] were not used for enfeoffing marquises. The nearest estates of the marquises were several hundred li from Ch'ang-an; the distant ones were then a thousand li or several thousand li [away]. Only the Kuan-nei Marquises had the income of towns in Kuan-chung."
65. Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "[According to] the Han [dynastic] Code, the oldest sons of kings and marquises were all called `Heirs-apparent' 太子; the mothers of the kings were called `Dowager Queens' 太后; [these titles were] not necessarily [held only by the oldest son and mother] of the Son of Heaven."
66. Cf. App. III.
67. Yen Shih-ku says, "適 should be read as 謫, i.e., `a reproach.' " Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) remarks, "Ever since the Ch'in dynasty no awe had been felt at [events in] the sky; at the time of the Emperor Wen we first hear of this sort of speech." However the Empress née Lü was very much worried by a total eclipse; cf. 3: App., ii; Mh II, 423.
68. Instead of 士 `educated people,' the SC has 兆 `million [people]'; 士民 may however be a compound noun, meaning merely `people.'
69. The phrase 予一人was used by the Emperor of himself; its connotation was not that of praising the Emperor, as in the translation "I, the Unique Man," but "humble. He wants to say that the [Emperor's] own ability is equivalent to that of one person." Po-hu-t'ung (i or iii cent.), A:7b.
70. Yen Shih-ku says, "The three luminaries are the sun, the moon, and the stars."
71. Yen Shih-ku says that 繇 should be read as 徭.
72. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) says that `foreigners' here refers to the Hu and Yüeh peoples, to the northwest and southeast of Central China respectively.
73. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the last clause in this sentence refers to the troops and guard at the capital.
74. The army at the capital, over which Sung Ch'ang had been appointed. But that army was not altogether disbanded; it is mentioned again on p. 11b.
75. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that 遺 means 留, and that 財 is the same as 纔, which means 少`a little.'
76. The Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) says that 置 is 驛. Cf. Mh II, 462, n. 4.
77. Shen Ch'in-han notes that the History of the Southern Ch'i Dynasty, ch. 9, p. 27b says that the Emperor Wu of that dynasty (483-494) was advised to and did plow the sacred field on the day ting-hai Feb. 14, 485. Wang Chien (452-489) says that in the classics there is no mention of a hai day. Ho T'ung-chih (449-503) replies, "[Emperor] Wen of the Han [dynasty] used this day to till the sacred [field] and worship the God of Agriculture. Later kings, following his example, used it. There is no further meaning [to the day ting-hai]." For a discussion of the Sacred Field, cf. App. II.
78. They were not to be punished for the crime committed when they failed to repay and were forgiven the repayment.
79. The text writes "third month," but HS 14: 6b, 7b, 10b, 13a lists all these appointments in the second month on the day yi-mao, Mar. 15. We have accordingly emended to . Cf. Mh II, 464, n. 2.
80. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that 遂 (which we have translated "thereupon") is an interpolation from the preceding sentence. The SC does not have it.
81. This banner was supposed to have hung where five roads met at the court of Yao; anyone who had an improvement to propose stood under it. Cf. Mh II, 465, n. 1. In the Wen-Yüan Ying-hua (written ca. 978, by Li Fang) ch. 362, p. 6b, Lu Shih (fl. dur. 48-33 B.C.) in his own comment on his Hua-chien [Painted Admonishments], is quoted as saying, "[According to] the stories of the two Han dynasties, in the third year of the Emperor Wen [177 B.C.] there were painted at the Yung-ming Hall [his text says it was inside the Wei-yang Palace, but, according to the San-fu Huang-t'u, (iii to vi cent.) in the Wei-yang Palace there was a Hsien-ming Hall, but no Yung-ming Hall] the five colored objects: the plant that curbs negligence [which grew in the court of Yao and bent its head each time a slanderous flatterer entered the palace], the banner for initiating improvement, the post for speaking ill and criticizing [cf. below], the drum for daring to admonish [the prince], and the single horned monster [which gores wicked people when it sees them]."
82. This legend seems to have originated in the Shih-tzu. Szu-ma Cheng quotes the Shih-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) as saying "Yao established the post for speaking ill and criticizing." The Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (possibly forged by Kao Yu, fl. 205-212, according to Maspero, TP 20: 231) 24: 31 (Wilhelm's trans. p. 422) however says that this post belonged to Shun. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "Yao made them. [They were] posts with a cross-piece [on the] bridges." Ying Shao says, "They were boards at the side of the bridges on which to write the errors and faults of the government. At [the time of] the Ch'in [dynasty], they were done away with; now they were reestablished." Yen Shih-ku approves of the latter explanation. Shen Ch'in-han says, "Ts'ui Pao (fl. dur. 265-420) in his Ku-chin-chu [C: 7a, b, makes] Ch'en Ya ask, `What [likeness] had the posts for speaking ill and criticizing that Yao erected?' He answered, `[Like] the present ornamental pillars, with a cross-piece on the post like a flower and shaped like a well-sweep. On the large roads where thoroughfares meet they were everywhere placed. Some people call them "sign-posts 表木." They are a sign that the kings receive admonition and also to point out the roads. The Ch'in [dynasty] however abolished them and the Han [dynasty] first reestablished them. Now in the Western Capital [Ch'ang-an] they are called "posts with cross-pieces 交午" '柱."
83. The Empress née Lü had abolished this latter crime; evidently it had been revived. Cf. 3: 2a and p. 193, n. 2, also 11: 3a. Yen Shih-ku says that 訞 and 妖 are synonymous.
84. Cf. Mh II, 465, n. 2.
85. Ying Shao says, "Bronze [or copper] tiger credentials were of the first to the fifth [in number]. When the state must mobilize its troops, [the Emperor] sent a messenger to the commanderies who matched his [half of] the credential [with the other half held by the commandery official]. If the credential matched, then [the official in charge] listened to and accepted [the envoy]. The bamboo envoy's credentials all use five stalks of arrow-bamboo [a small species of bamboo]. They are five inches long and are engraved in seal characters number one to number five." The Han-chiu-yi (i cent.) says, "A commandery or a state was given three bronze tiger credentials and five bamboo envoy credentials." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "The credentials were substituted for the ancient kuei 圭 [a long narrow jade used as insignia] and chang 璋 [the lengthwise half of a kuei], because they were simpler and easier." Yen Shih-ku says, " `To make credentials for the commandery administrators' means: each one was divided into two halves [lengthwise]. The right [half] was left in the capital; the left [half] was used to give to him [the commandery administrator]." Ch'ien Ta-chao says, "The Shuo-wen [ca. 100, says] 琥 is an auspicious jade [tablet used for] mobilizing forth troops. [On it] is the carving of a tiger. He who employs troops uses his majesty and bravery, hence [he uses] jade. Bronze [ones] always use [the character] 虎." Cf. 3: 7a. In Mh II, 466, n. 1, there is a picture of one with Chavannes' account of them. He must be wrong when he says that "la partie gauche était remise à celui qu'on voulait charger d'une mission;" the inscription he prints says that it was given to the commandery Administrator. The SC (Mh II, 465) writes that these credentials were made for "the Administrators or Chancellors of commanderies or kingdoms."
86. Yen Shih-ku says, "They were excused from it and it should not be collected."
87. Cf. App. III.
88. The Southern Academy ed. (1528-30), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739) and the SC all write 朕 instead of 遂. We have adopted this reading.
89. Usually appointments and dismissals of even the highest officials were not recorded in the Annals; in this case, because the Grand Commandant's office was abolished in consequence, an appointment was recorded.
90. He murdered him in his house. For details, cf. ch. 44 and Glossary sub Liu Ch'ang.
91. This was the Ordos region in the north of the present Shensi, south of the great northern bend of the Yellow River. It had been conquered by Meng T'ien, a general of the First Emperor (cf. Mh II, 167) and was taken away from the Huns again by Wei Ch'ing in 127 B.C.; cf. 6: 10b.
92. Ju Shun quotes Ts'ai Yung (133-192) as saying, "Where the chariots and equipage of the Son of Heaven go, the people and the officials consider it an unhoped for piece of good fortune, hence it is called `the favor of a visit 幸見.' The chief magistrate [of the prefecture], the San-lao, and their official subordinates themselves visit [the emperor's] coach. Music is played and they are granted wine, food, silk, bonnets of linen or of linen woven with white nettle [the Sung Ch'i ed. says that the words for `wine' and `linen' were not in the Yüeh ed (xi-xii cent.)], ornaments worn at the girdle, girdles, and the like. The common people [are granted by the emperor] steps in noble rank by number or the half of the land tax on the fields. Hence they therefore call it `a favor 幸.' "
93. HS 94A: 10a says that he ordered out border officers, chariots, and cavalry, [altogether] 80,000 [in number] to go to Kao-nu. HS 27Ba: 23b says there were ordered out chariots, cavalry, and soldiers, [altogether] 85,000 [in number]. Cf. de Groot, Die Hunnen, pp. 74-76.
94. Chavannes (Mh II, 469, n. 3) suggests emending 發 to 廢. The word for "abolish" in this sense (cf. above) is however 罷. In the "Treatise on Offices" (ch. 19) there is no record of this office having been abolished at this time; the text's reading is preferable.
95. For "skilled soldiers", who were cavalry and cross-bowmen handling the heaviest cross-bows, cf. p. 80, n. 2; SC 57: 1b; HS 42: 6a; 49: 11a; Mh II, 469, n. 4.
96. T'ai-Yüen had been part of Emperor Wen's former Kingdom of Tai. At this time the Emperor's son Liu Ts'an had been made its King.
97. Chin-yang and Chung-tu had been the capitals of the kingdom of Tai when Emperor Wen had been its King.
98. He felt that he had not been adequately rewarded by the Emperor Wen, for, although he had done more than anyone else in overthrowing the Lü faction, he had been given only a small territory. He belonged to the party that wished to enthrone the King of Ch'i, Liu Hsiang, and took the opportunity given by the Emperor's absence from the capital to start a rebellion.
99. He had been commanding the troops formerly under the control of the Grand Commandant. Cf. 4: 11b.
100. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that these four generals were (1) the Marquis of Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing (cf. Mh III, 141, no. 107), (2) the Marquis of Kung, Lu Pa-shih (cf. Mh III, 133, no. 52), (3) the Marquis of Ning, Wei Su (cf. Mh III, 137, no. 75), and (4) the Marquis of Shen-tse, Chao Chiang-yeh (Mh III, 127, no. 4). Cf. SC 22: 7b.
101. HS 27Ba: 23b says that this autumn there was a drought all over the empire.
102. The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (prob. vi cent.) says, "When [Liu] Hsing-chü first raised his troops, a great wind came blowing straight from the east. It blew straight his banners and flags right up in the sky into a cloud and [a flag] dropped into a well in the western part of his [capital] city. His horses all neighed sorrowfully and would not advance. [His followers] on the left and right, [including] Li K'uo and others, admonished him, but he would not listen. Therefore he later committed suicide."
103. The SC mentions no events in the fourth or fifth years.
104. HS 27Bb: 13a says, "In the sixth month (July) there was a great fall of snow."
105. The text reads, "seven sons," but HS 15 A: 3b-5b enumerates ten sons of King Tao-hui as all appointed in the fifth month on the day chia-yin (July 1, 176 B.C.). Sun Yüeh's Han-chi follows ch. 15. HS 38:7b also says "seven sons." In their ancient form, "seven" and "ten" are easily confused.
106. Chou P'o was arrested on the report that he planned to rebel. At the intercession of the Empress Dowager née Po, the Emperor Wen finally freed Chou P'o. He returned to his state and died in 169 B.C.
107. The Ku-ch'eng Temple was the temple for Emperor Wen's posthumous worship. Ju Shun says, "He made his temple while he was alive. [The meaning of its name] is like [the phrase] in the Book of History [IV, V, i, 2; Legge, p. 199] `he regarded (Ku) [continually the bright] requirements [of Heaven,' implying that Ku-ch'eng means, `he regards the performance of Heaven's requirements']. The temple of the Emperor Ching was called Te-yang 德陽, that of the Emperor Wu was called Lung-Yüan 龍淵, that of the Emperor Chao was called P'ai-hui 徘徊, that of the Emperor Hsüan was called Lo-yu 樂淤, that of the Emperor Yüan was called Ch'ang-shou 長壽, that of the Emperor Ch'eng was called Yang-ch'ih 陽池." After the burning of these temples in the period between the two Han dynasties, the first emperor of the Later Han Dynasty built one temple for all these emperors, with separate compartments (called "temples") for each emperor. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "The [Ku-ch'eng] Temple was south of the city of Ch'ang-an, and was built by Emperor Wen. By turning round one can see the city wall, hence it is named [ku-ch'eng, lit. `looking back on the city wall']." Yen Shih-ku replies that this interpretation is senseless and does not do justice to the words. He prefers Ying Shao's interpretation, which is that Emperor Wen, "when he made a temple for himself, made it humble and low, so it could be completed while watching it," (i.e., in a short time). Chia Yi (198-165 B.C.) said, "Through the Ku-ch'eng Temple he became the Great Exemplar of the empire, as unsurpassed as the Han [dynasty]."
108. Four shu was 1/6 of an ounce. These cash then weighed 1/3 of what the Ch'in dynasty's cash did. Chia Yi and Chia Shan both protested against this coinage; cf. ch. 24 and 51.
109. Adding the word 道, at the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832), to correspond with the wording in HS 27Bb: 13a and SC 22: 8a. Yen Shih-ku's comment implies that it was in his text. The HS in this sentence condenses a page of the SC and adds the name of the place where Liu Ch'ang died. The omitted material is put in the HS into the "Memoir of Liu Ch'ang." He starved himself to death in his sealed prisoner's cart. To clear himself of the suspicion of fratricide, the Emperor executed the chiefs of the prefectures on the road who had not attended to Liu Ch'ang and buried him with the honors of a marquis. Cf. SC ch. 18, HS ch. 44Glossary. sub voce.The SC does not record anything after the sixth year down to the thirteenth year.
110. Ju Shun says, "The eastern [palace] portal with the towers on both sides of it all burnt." Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "Only the towers of the eastern gate burnt." Yen Shih-ku says, "The screen towers are small towers connecting the portals 罘罳謂連闕曲閣也. They are used to cover places where there are double openings in the walls. [Because of] their shape, they are called fou-szu (net) like. They are also called screens 屏. [The first word of this name] is pronounced [the same as] 浮." Sung Ch'i says that the Chiang-nan ed. (before 976) writes the second word of this name as 思. Wang Nien-sun says that this edition is correct, for the Shuo-wen has not the word szu 罳. In various places the name of this screening wall is written 罘思(as in ch. 27), 浮思, 桴思 or 復思. In modern times the `net' radical has been added to the second character. Yen Shih-ku's comment gives no pronunciation for the second character, showing that in his time it was written without the `net' radical. Cheng Hsüan, in a note to Chou-li 41:34a, sub Chiang-jen, says, "The corner of a city wall is called a 角浮思." Wang Hsien-ch'ien concludes, "Then the fou-szu is a small building with an upper storey 小樓, for on the corners of city walls and above the portals there always are such [buildings]. Then above this screening wall there was also a building to cover and screen the wall."
111. These four were Liu An, made Marquis of Fou-ling, Liu P'o, Marquis of An-yang, Liu T'zu, Marquis of Yang-chou, and Liu Liang, Marquis of Tung-ch'eng. These appointments were all made on June 2. Cf. 15A:6a, b. This appointment was the cause of a fruitless admonition by Chia Yi; cf. ch. 48.
112. Wen Ying (fl. ca 196-220) says, "The three [kinds of special] stars [i.e. comets] are the bushy ones 孛 [lit. `shooting out,' like vegetation], the brooms 彗, and the long 長 ones. In their prognostications they are somewhat alike, however in their shape they are slightly different. The light rays of bushy comets are short; their light goes out in [all] four [directions], [it is] bushy and shooting out. The light rays of broom comets are long and tufted like a broom. With long comets there is one straight light ray, which points sometimes to the end of the sky, sometimes a hundred feet [long], sometimes thirty feet, sometimes twenty feet, without any regularity. [According to the] Ta-fa 大法 [seemingly the name of an unknown book], bushy and broom comets are mostly [signs of] doing away with the old and spreading the new, [or] of fire visitations; long comets are mostly [signs of] war."
113. HS 18: 6a says, "He was sentenced for killing a messenger [of the Han emperor] and committed suicide." Cheng Te (fl. dur. 265-317) says, "[Po] Chao killed a messenger of the Han [emperor]. The Emperor Wen could not bear to execute him. [so] sent the high ministers to drink wine with him, wishing to cause him to commit suicide. [Po] Chao was not willing [to do so. Hence the Emperor] sent officials wearing mourning garments to go and weep for him; then he committed suicide. He had committed a crime, hence it is said that he `died' 死," instead of the word ordinarily used for the death of a marquis, 薨 (cf. 2: 6a for an example of the latter). Ju Shun adds, "It is also said that when [Po] Chao lost while gaming with the Emperor Wen and had to drink wine [as a punishment for losing], a Gentleman-in-attendance poured out [too] little [wine] for [Po] Chao while another Gentleman-in-attendance reprimanded and roared at him, and that while this Gentleman was gone down to wash [his hair, Po] Chao sent a man to kill him [because of his lack of manners]. For this reason Emperor Wen caused him to commit suicide."
114. For details, cf. ch. 29. Levies from the Tung Commandery rebuilt the dykes.
115. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Passports (chuan(4) 傳) are credentials 信, like the present `passport' (ko-so 過所)." Ju Shun says, "Two columns of writing on silk are divided; by holding one of them, when you go in or out of the [customs] barrier, if it matches [with the other of the pair], then you are permitted to pass. It is called a chuan." Li Ch'i (fl. dur. 221-265) says, "A passport (chuan) is a ch'i 棨" [a wooden staff with a little flag, divided like a tally]. Yen Shih-ku adds, "Chang [Yen's] explanation is correct. Anciently some used a ch'i and some used silk. The ch'i was an engraved stick [the halves of which] matched and made a credential." She Ch'in-han says, "In the Chou-li [15:11a, sub] the Szu-kuan [cf. Biot's trans. I, p. 330], the commentator, [Cheng Hsüan, says], `A chuan is like the present ko-so documents which are transmitted.' The Shih-ming [written by Liu Hsi (Han period), 6:3a, sub] 示 [says], `To show. With a ko-so, when you come to a barrier or ford, it is used to show to them.' The saying of Ju [Shun], `Two columns of writing on silk are divided,' comes from a comment of Cheng [Hsüan on the Chou-li 3:6b, sub] the Hsiao-tsai [cf. Biot's trans. of Chou-li, I, p. 42 who also says], `Chih-chi means `two similar writings on one tablet which are separated.' [The latter] is the present contract 券書 [which is also divided]. The Shih-ming [6:2b], says, `莂 is to divide. A large writing on a tablet is broken in the middle and divided.' This [article] is also like the chuan of the Chou-li. They are divided and written on silk, hence HS 64B:7b calls them hsü 繻 [`passports']. Today they are called lu-yin 路引."
116. Yen Shih-ku says that 登 means 成.
117. The word in the text 樹 is interpreted by Yen Shih-ku as 蓺殖, `to sow and plant'.
118. "Grandees", denoting the Filially Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the Cultivators of the Fields, the San-lao and honest officials, is here merely a term of respect.
119. Yen Shih-ku says, "There were no Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, or Cultivators of the Fields who deserved to be sought out and recommended in conformity with [the Emperor's] order."
120. It looks as if Emperor Wen began these imperial ceremonies.
121. HS 25A:19a reads, "When the Emperor Wen had been on the throne to the thirteenth year, he gave an edict saying, `The Office of secret invocator is to bear away [the Emperor's] faults to someone below [the Emperor]. We very much disapprove of [this sort of thing]. Let [this office] be abolished." For this official, cf. Mh III, 448; II, 473, n. 7. Ying Shao says, "The state tabooed him, hence he was called `secret.' " Hung Liang-chi (1746-1809) says, "He is probably the Tien-shih 甸師 of the Chou-li," who takes the responsibility for faults and misfortunes upon himself instead of the Emperor. Cf. Biot's trans., I, 85; HS 25A:17a.
122. The HS has shifted the explanatory material which is in the SC at this point to ch. 23. Cf. Mh II, 474 ff.
123. Liu Pin (1022-1088) says, "I suspect that 謂 should be 為"; Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the SC writes the second character, and that anciently these two characters were interchanged.
124. Li Ch'i (fl. dur. 220-265) says, "The fundamental is agriculture. The least important is merchandizing. It says that agriculture and merchandizing both pay the land tax and are not different. Hence he did away with the land tax on the [cultivated] fields." The land tax on cultivated fields was reestablished in 156 B.C. Cf. 5: 3a.
125. HS 94A: 13a, b says that the Shan-Yü with 140,000 horsemen entered Chao, Pa, and the Hsiao Pass as far as P'eng-yang, burnt the Hui-chung Palace, and rode to Kan-ch'üan, in sight of Ch'ang-an. This was the greatest of the Hun raids.
126. According to 94 A: 13b, the Marquis of Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing, was the general sent to the Shang Commandery; the Marquis of Ning, Wei Su, was the general sent to Pei-ti; the Marquis of Lung-lü, Chou Tsao, was the general sent to Lung-hsi.
127. According to 16: 16b, Tung Ch'ih was Marquis of Ch'eng 成; the SC in this passage also says "Marquis of Ch'eng"; HS 94: i, 13b writes the same. The text at this point however writes 建成; the first character is then an interpolation. We have omitted it.HS 16: 16b says that Tung Ch'ih 董赤 was the son of Tung Tieh and was appointed Marquis of Ch'eng. The SC at this point also writes Ch'ih; HS 19B: 8b writes that in this year the Prefect of the Capital was Tung Ch'ih. HS 94A: 13b also writes Tung Ch'ih. The text here however writes his given name as Ho 赫. In ancient times, according to Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) Ho and Ch'ih were interchanged. Since Ch'ih is written more frequently, we read it here.SC 10: 13b says that the Marquis of Ch'eng, Ch'ih, was made the Prefect of the Capital and that Luan Pu was made general. HS 19B: 8b notes that in this year the Prefect of the Capital was Tung Ch'ih. According to SC ch. 100, Luan Pu was never Prefect of the Capital, and HS ch. 19 does not record it. According to HS 94A: 13b, the Marquis of Ch'eng, Tung Ch'ih, was made General, and his being Prefect of the Capital is not mentioned. The statement that anyone was made Prefect of the Capital is quite irrelevant to the military campaign. Wang Hsien-ch'ien suspects that the mention of Tung Ch'ih being Prefect of the Capital is an interpolation in the SC. The natural translation of the HS at this point would seem to be, "The Chien-ch'eng Marquis, Tung Ho, and the Prefect of the Capital, Luan Pu, were both made generals." We have adapted our translation to the facts.
128. Yen Shih-ku says, "Heaping up earth makes a 壇; to sweep clean the ground makes a 場; 幣 is silk for worshipping the spirits." For Chavannes' interpretation of this passage, cf. Mh II, 478, n. 2.
129. This sacrifice to the illustrious mountains and the great rivers, called 望, was supposedly very ancient. Its ceremony is described in Mh I, 62, n. 3.
130. Lit. "on the right" and "on the left." The right was usually the place of honor. Cf. p. 123, n. 1.These two lines are of four characters each and rime.
131. Ju Shung says, "釐 [means] happiness 福." Yen Shih-ku says that this character's "original form is 禧; this is a borrowed use. Both are pronounced hsi(1)." Cf. Mh II, 479, n. 2.
132. Shen Ch'in-han tells that the Ts'ê-fu Yüan-kuei (completed 1013) adds that the character wang 王 appeared in the sun. The Yü-hai (compiled by Wang Ying-lin, 1223-1296), ch. 195, p. 2a quotes the Wang-Ch'i-ch'ing (existed dur. 502-556), "In the time of the Emperor Wen, in the sun there was the word wang."
133. The SC (Mh II, 481) says that these five altars were the Temples to the Five Lords [on High] north of the River Wei. Ch. 25 tells that they were northeast of Ch'ang-an, north of the road, at the Ch'ang-men T'ing. Cf. Mh III, 458. Kung-sun Ch'en had told the Emperor that northeast of Ch'ang-an (where these temples were later located) there was a supernatural emanation in five colors.
134. This event seems to have been one of the beginnings of the examination system. Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "This was the first time the Han court set literary exercises for the [prospective] officials. Before this, in the second year that he was on the throne, an imperial edict [ordered] the presentation of the capable and good persons, who were four-square and upright, able to speak frankly and admonish unflinchingly [cf. p. 9a], [but] we do not hear who was presented. At the [present] time [the authorities] for the first time [set] literary exercises for the [prospective] officials, using the three sets of virtues, [filial piety and brotherly respect, sageness and goodness, perfect virtue and uprightness], and Ch'ao Ts'o [who later became Grandee Secretary], because he had the highest grade, was promoted from [the position of] the Heir-apparent's Household Steward to Palace Grandee." HS 49: 17a ff. records Emperor Wen's questions and Ch'ao Ts'o's reply. The Emperor invited the capable and good persons to advise him about the state of the government, human relations, and to give frank admonitions.
135. The state of Ch'i was divided into six parts for these six kingdoms. Cf. 14: 7-9. It became the imperial policy to enfeeble its nobles by dividing their fiefs among their children.
136. Hsin-Yüan P'ing feigned it was found and ordered it presented to the Emperor, according to Ying Shao. Hsin-Yüen P'ing also said that the tripods of the Chou dynasty, which had been lost in the Szu River, were in the Yellow River at Fen-yin, because he had seen the emanation of precious metals there. Search was made, but nothing was found. So the Emperor built a temple on the southern bank of the River there with the intent of praying them out. Cf. Mh II, 481, n. 3; III, 460.
137. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Hsin-Yüan P'ing observed the sun twice at its meridian [on the same day] and considered it a good omen, hence [the Emperor] changed the beginning [of the count of the] years [of the imperial rule] in order to obtain the blessing of lengthened years." Cf. Mh III, 459. The SC (Mh II, 481) records a "seventeenth" year, and says that the Son of Heaven changed this year to be the first year of his reign. It says nothing about a "Ch'ien" or "Hou" year-period in his reign, merely mentioning "the second year in the latter [part of the reign] 後二年," etc. Then Emperor Wen merely had two "first" years; the historians were the first to speak of the "Hou" years in his reign. This was not the first time, according to the histories, that the numbering of years in a ruler's reign was changed: in 334 B.C., according to the Bamboo Books (composed about the end of iv cent. B.C., buried until found in 281 A.D., but altered later; cf. Legge, Shoo-king, I, p. 174) King Hui-ch'eng of Wei(h) changed the beginning [of his reign] and called his thirty-sixth year his first year; in 324 B.C. King Hui-wen of Ch'in changed his fourteenth year to the first year. The SC (Mh II, 70) also records the latter change. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) thinks that these changes were modelled by the historians after the one made by Emperor Wen, although they may have been made when these rulers adopted the title of "king" in those years. The reason for this change seems to have been that the number of years being thus decreased, the ruler would live longer---King Hui-ch'eng is recorded as having ruled sixteen years after he changed the numbering of his years!
138. Information concerning his deceits was given the emperor. Yen Shih-ku says, "Because his false acts were discovered, he was afraid he would be executed; hence he plotted a rebellion."
139. The word used for her death here is hung 薨, not the word appropriate for an Empress's death, which is peng 崩. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) said, "The Empress leagued with the Lü clan, was dismissed, and lived in the Northern Palace [outside the Wei-yang Palace, a mark of disgrace; the Empress Dowager usually lived in the Wei-yang Palace], hence it is not said that she peng." Cf. 97 A: 5b. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) replies, "She was not mourned and buried in accordance with the rites for an Empress, hence it is not said that she peng. She is recorded as `Empress,' hence although she had nevertheless retired and lived alone, she had not been dismissed. Chang [Yen] is following ch. 97." Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) says, "A dismissed Empress's death is not recorded. Of the Empress [née] Po of the Emperor Ching [but cf. 5: n. 6.6] and of the Empress [née] Hsü of the Emperor Ch'eng it is recorded that they were dismissed, but not recorded that they died. This was the [set] practise of the historians. Although the Empress of Hsiao-hui was dismissed and established in a separate palace, as a matter of fact there was no known imperial edict ordering her dismissal, hence it was nevertheless recorded that she hung."Cowell and Crommelin calculate that Halley's comet passed perihelion in May of this year; it is interesting that it was not recorded. Cf. Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, 68: 670. Since eclipses are also not mentioned during this decade, it looks as though the recorders of phenomena deliberately refused to record eclipses or comets, for the good reign of Emperor Wen made them think that Heaven was sending no admonitions, hence they concluded that there were no "visitations."
140. Perhaps the Emperor had Mencius II, II, i, 1 in mind. Cf. Legge, p. 208.
141. I.e., merchandizing.
142. Interpreting shuai 率 by hsi 悉, in accordance with the suggestion of Wang Hsien-ch'ien, who says that these two words are alliterative, hence the second was changed to the first. [In Hunan both words are pronounced with an initial s; Karlgren gives the T'ang pronunciations siĕt and shiuĕt.] The phrase shuai-yi 率意 was previously used in 4: 14b; ch. 9 and 10 frequently use hsi-yi. Shuai has the meaning of hsi.
143. Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that the word 也 follows the last word of this clause in one ed.; Ch'ien Ta-chao reports that this word is in the Fukien ed. (1594).
144. HS 94A: 13b, 14a says, "Yearly they entered the border, killed and captured very many people, most of all in the Yün-chung and Liao-tung [Commanderies], more than 10,000 people in a commandery. The Chinese [Emperor] was much worried about them, so he sent an envoy to bear and transmit a letter to the Huns. The Shan-yu also . . . replied saying [that he wanted] peace and friendship." Ch. 94 thereupon cites the Emperor Wen's edict, but not the portion in this chapter. The agreement was that the Great Wall should separate the two countries; neither should overpass it.
145. According to the Book of History, Yu divided the world into five concentric domains, the outermost of which was the wilderness domain 荒服. Yen Shih-ku says, "The Jung and Ti [occupied] the wilderness domain, hence it is said, `The four wildernesses.' It says that it is a wilderness, [where] they suddenly go and come without any regularity. The Erh-ya says that Ku-chu [in the north], Pei-hu [in the south], Hsi-wang-mu [a place in the west], and Jih-hsia [in the east] are called the four wildernesses."
146. Yen Shih-ku says, "The region which the emperor governs by himself [extends] for a thousand li [from the capital]; `not being in repose' [means] not to secure a peaceful dwelling-place."
147. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the Official ed. writes yu 又 for 人, which is the correct emendation. The SC also reads yu.
148. The SC has 吾 instead of the HS's 其. Cf. Mh II, 482, n. 2.
149. The Han empire and the Hun and other nations. The Han dynasty did not consider itself as a kingdom, but as the empire which included all the kingdoms.
150. A commonly used quotation from the Book of Odes, Pt. I, Bk. V, iv, 5 (Legge, I, p. 100).
151. Ch'ien Ta-chao says that 徹 is the ancient 轍, and that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549) write the second character. The Official ed. also writes the second character; the SC has 軼.
152. Cf. Mh II, 483, n. 2. Yen Shih-ku's note seems to indicate that his text had 返 instead of the present 反.
153. Cf. Mh II, 483, n. 4. Yao Ch'a lived 533-606.
154. In the correspondence between Emperor Wen and the Shan-Yü (translated in de Groot, Die Hunnen, pp. 86 ff.) there is no evidence of any marriage to cement this peace; a girl of the imperial house had previously been sent to be married to the Shan-Yü when Shan-Yü Lao-chang came to the throne.
155. The SC records nothing from this year to the sixth year. HS 27A: 21b adds, "In the autumn there was a great rain day and night, which did not end until the thirty-fifth day. In the Lan-t'ien [prefecture] the rivers from the mountains carried away more than nine hundred families and the Han [River] destroyed the houses of more than eight thousand common people. More than three hundred people were killed."
156. Cf. App. III, v.
157. Yen Shih-ku says that this man's title is Palace Grandee, and his surname is Ling. Hsü Kuang (352-425) had however said that the title was Chief of the Palace Grandees; Yen Shih-ku replies that the surnames of all the officials are given in this passage and that there was not at this time any Chief of the Palace Grandees, for the title was not instituted until 156 B.C. Chavannes follows Yen Shih-ku; cf. Mh II, 484, n. 2. But Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) replies that 19B: 4b says that in 188 B.C. a Mien was appointed as Master of Ceremonies, and, in his comment on that passage, Yen Shih-ku says that Mien was his given name. Then he is probably the person referred to here, and the historian has merely lost his surname. With regard to Yen Shih-ku's statement about surnames being given, Chou Shou-ch'ang replies that there was no fixed principle about citing surnames, and gives examples to prove his point. With regard to the title of Chief of the Palace Grandees not being in use at this time, he replies that there are many such anachronisms. When Ying Pu was still King of Chiu-chiang, he was called King of Huai-nan. The title of Grand Chief of Agriculture was changed in 104 B.C. to Grand Minister of Agriculture, but in ch. 24 the latter title is sometimes used in dealing of events before 104 B.C. and the former title is used after 104 B.C. Hence Hsü Kuang is right in saying that his title was Chief of the Palace Grandees.
158. HS 94A: 15b says that the kingdom of Tai garrisoned Chü-chu and the kingdom of Chao garrisoned the Fei-hu defile.
159. The present text reads 太守; but commandery administrators were not called by this title until 148 B.C. Ch'ien Ta-hsin (1728-1804) thinks that the first word is an interpolation and should be omitted. The SC at this point does not have the first character. We have omitted it in the translation.
160. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says, "To stay one night [at a place] is called 宿; to stay a second night is called hsin 信; more than hsin is tz'u 次." Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says, "T'un 屯 [to be stationed] is different from tz'u. For a t'un there is an apportioned region; [an army] that tz'u is ready to be transferred."
161. HS 27Ba: 24a says, "In the spring there was a great drouth [all over] the world."Yen Shih-ku says, "Locusts are 螽; they eat the sprouts, and cause a visitation 災. Today they are popularly called po-chung(1) 簸蝩."
162. For hunting and fishing. Cf. Mh II, 485, n. 3.
163. Ying Shao says, "Granaries [to which grain is] transported by water are called 庾." Cf. also Mh II, 485, n. 4.
164. Ts'ui Hao (381-450) comments, "Rich people wanted [aristocratic] ranks; poor people wanted money, hence [the Emperor] permitted buying and selling [ranks]."
165. SC 10:17a has 幼 for the HS 老 and Chavannes (Mh II, 488) translates, "que les esprits des vieux comme des jeunes soient aigris."
166. Wang Hsien-shen says that the word 地 should be inserted in the text after 天; the parallelism requires it and the SC has it.
167. Cf. Mh II, 488, n. 1.
168. Wang Nien-sun says that after the word 年 there has dropped out the word 終; the comments of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) and Yen Shih-ku show that it should be added here and in the corresponding passage of the SC. Chavannes has supplied this word in his translation; cf. Mh II, 489. This word is of course implied; but adding it is unnecessary and it spoils the rhythm. The notion behind this saying is that he has died a natural death, for something must be wrong with anyone who comes to a violent end.
169. The descendant comes from the ancestral temple and after death returns there.
170. Yen Shih-ku says that Yü 與 should here be read as 歟, which marks a question. Liu Pin (1022-1088) and Liu Chang (1017-1068) agree. But Wang Nien-sun points out that Yen Shih-ku, in editing the comments on this passage, has excised four words of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265), which are preserved in the Shih-chi Chi-chieh (written by P'ei Yin, fl. 465-472), "Yü is an expletive 與發聲也." Wang Nien-sun says that Yü in this passage is not to be interpreted as 歟, but as an auxiliary word, without meaning. As examples of this use of Yü he quotes sentences from HS 1B: 2b; from the Tso-chuan (prob. iv cent. B.C.), Duke Hsi, 23rd year ibid., Dk. Hsiang, 29th yr. ibid., Dk. Chao, 17th yr.; from the Kuo-Yü (prob. iii cent. B.C.), ch. I, p. 6b ibid. on Chin (twice) ibid. on Chou; an ibid. on Yüeh; in all of which Yü is merely an auxiliary meaningless word. It is a conjunctive conveying emphasis. HS 6: 8b has the phrase 嘉與, but that has a different meaning, "am happy to be with; here Yü is equivalent to 而.
171. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) and Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) explain 踐 as 跣 "to walk barefoot"; Yen Shih-ku approves; Chavannes and Wieger, Textes Historiques, follow. The Han-chi and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien write the second character directly. But Fu Yen (prob. ii cent.) says that the first character above means "to cut off. [The sentence means not to use unhemmed mourning garments 翦也謂無斬衰也." Shen Ch'in-han points out, "In the Book of History, [where,] in the Introduction, [it says that] King Ch'eng 踐奄, Cheng [Hsüan, 127-200] reads [the first word] as 翦. The Shih-ming [Han period] says, `The mourning garments for the three years [of mourning] are called "cut off"; do not hem it, merely cut it off 翦斬.' This was the ancient meaning of people in Han times. Fu [Yen's] interpretation is right." Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) adds that this interpretation corresponds with the sense of the next sentence. The HHS, Treatise 26: 3b, says "The Accessory Officials [and officers] below [that grade], with linen clothes, with cap and mourning hat and mourning cloth girdle not wider than three inches, shall lament in the hall; military officials, with a linen mourning hat and great [ceremonial] cap." Wang Hsien-shen says that with these ceremonial garments, it goes without saying that they would not be barefoot. Hence Fu Yen's interpretation is the correct one.
172. Ch'ien Ta-chao says that 姪 should be 絰; the Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed., the SC, and the Han-chi all write the second character.
173. Ying Shao says, "Do not use linen cloth to cover the chariots together with the soldier's weapons." But Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "Do not send out light chariots, [used on formal occasions; they had no cloth canopies], and armed soldiers." Yen Shih-ku approves Ying Shao's interpretation, but Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) agrees with Fu Ch'ien, "The ancient chariots with canopies all used linen. For the mourning ceremonies, plain chariots with white linen cloth would not have been prohibited. This [passage] of course speaks of displaying chariots and arms. If we take Ying [Shao's] explanation, then it is difficult to explain `soldiers' weapons'; how could the soldiers' weapons be covered with linen?"
174. Chavannes, (Mh II, 489) translates this sentence to mean that fifteen persons shall wail morning and night, but HHS, Tr. 6: 5b, in describing the mourning for an emperor, says that after the presentation of his posthumous name, "the Grand Master of Ceremonies kneels and says, `Wail.' The Grand Herald transmits [the order], `Wail.' Fifteen [times he says], `Raise your voices,' [then], `Stop wailing.' "
175. Li Tz'u-ming says that the SC has no second 臨 after 哭, and since this word should not be repeated, the second one in the HS is an interpolation. Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi likewise has not this word. Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) notes that the Later Han dynasty followed the practises here specified.
176. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that 以 was interchanged with 已.
177. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The HS regularily uses 紅 for 功." Yen Shih-ku says these two words are interchanged. "These mourning practises were made up by the Emperor Wen following his own ideas, and were not taken from the Chou-li." Sometimes more than a hundred days elapsed between the death and burial of the Han emperors, so that mourning was worn considerably more than the thirty-six days herein ordered. Ti Fang-chin followed this practise; cf. 84: 4b. The Confucian theory had been to mourn to the third year, which period was ended at the beginning of the third year (27 months in all). Yen Jo-ch'ü (1636-1704) says, "This rule of the [Emperor] Wen of the Han [dynasty] was followed for three hundred and seventy years. Emperor Wu [died 220] of the Wei [dynasty] first ordered that with the burial [the ceremonies] had been completed, and abolished [the Han rule, ordering that] there should be no thirty-six days of [wearing] mourning. We do not know later what period used thirty-six days as the date for taking off mourning without considering [whether the deceased had been] buried or not. In the mourning for Yüan-[tsung, 713-755] and Su-tsung [756-762] of the T'ang [dynasty], [the period for mourning] was again reduced [from] thirty-six days to twenty-seven days. Then the saying [that Emperor Wen, in determining the length of mourning] changed the days for the months [of the Chou period of mourning, which had been twenty-seven months] arose first from this [event]."
178. The Pa Tomb was the sepulcher of the Emperor Wen, which he had, following custom, prepared for himself. The point of this order was that there should be no mound raised or any interference with the stream.
179. Ying Shao says, "Below the Ladies 夫人 [who were outranked only by the Empress] there were the Beauties 美人, the Sweet Ladies 良人, the Eighth [Rank] Ladies 八子, the Seventh [Rank] Ladies 七子, the Senior Maids 長使, and the Junior Maids 少使. All were sent back to their homes. He considered important the cutting short of their family lines," i.e. he did not wish them to remain without children. Cf. 97A:2a. The Han-chi says, "His favorite, the Lady [née] Shen, and those below, down to the Junior Maids, received an order to be married." Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the Emperor was probably thinking about political matters---the way that the Empress Dowager did away with her husband's concubines and that supposed children of the Emperor Hui were brought forward after his death. For an account of the Emperor's harem, cf. Han-kuan Ta-wen, ch. 4, p. 5 ff; Mh II, 533; 490, n. 2.
180. According to the SC 22:11a, the Supervisor of the Household of the Empress and Heir-apparent, Jung Nu, was also made General of Chariots and Cavalry to attend upon the Empress Dowager.
181. Yen Shih-ku says that the General In Charge of Encampments was to be "in charge of the encamped armies, in order to be prepared for any unexpected [rebellion or danger]."
182. Ju Shun says, "He was in charge of opening the grave and filling up and burying." Cf. Mh II, 203, n. 1.
183. Emperor Wen wished to disturb the military dispositions of the empire as little as possible.
184. This eulogy (except for the last two sentences) is found in SC 10:16a-17a verbatim (except for a few verbal differences) and translated in Mh II, 485-487. Its presence there, interrupting the account, seems to show that it was interpolated into the SC from the HS, but the differences between the two versions seem to indicate that the SC version is the earlier and the HS version the more polished one. Perhaps someone interpolated into the SC an earlier version of Pan Ku's eulogy.
185. Szu-ma Cheng (fl. 713-742) quotes Ku Yeh-wang (519-581) as saying, "On top of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng there are still the ancient foundations of a terrace." Yen Shih-ku says, "Today on the top of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng Hsien there is a Lu-t'ai Village [Roofless Terrace Village], which is very high and conspicuous. There is still the place where the Emperor Wen wished to build a terrace." The Li Mountain 驪山 is located, according to the Shina Redikai Chimei Yoran, 2 li southeast of the present Lin-t'ung 臨潼, in the Ch'ing dynasty's Hsi-an Fu, Shensi.
186. Chia Yi (200-168 B.C.) in his memorial to Emperor Wen, entitled Lun-shih-chen-su, in Han, Wei, Liu-ch'ao Pei San-min Chia-chi writes 身衣皁綈. Shen Ch'in-han suspects that instead of 皁 we should read 帛, making the sentence read, "He personally wore thick silk," and adds, "Why should he have fixed upon black for his clothes? The Ku-chin-chu [prob. written dur. 265-420] writes, `Emperor Wen attended court wearing straw sandals.' "
187. Such pottery mortuary objects are found in museums today. Shen Ch'in-han writes, "The Chin Dynastic History [written by Fang Hsüan-ling, 578-648], in the Memoir of So Ch'en, says, `The people of the three [parts of the territory of ancient] Ch'in robbed and opened the two Han tombs of Pa and Tu [those of Emperors Wen Hsüan; the latter was 50 li south of Ch'ang-an] and got many jewels and precious things. Emperor Min [313-317] asked [So] Ch'en, "How is it then that there are so many things in the Han tombs?" [So] Ch'en replied, "When the Han [dynasty] Sons of Heaven had been on the throne for one year, they made their tombs. The tribute and taxes of the empire were divided into three parts: one provided for the ancestral temple; one provided for [the entertainment of] guests; one provided for the tomb. The years that the Emperor Wu of the Han [dynasty] enjoyed were many and long; when he died, the Mou Tomb could not contain any more articles and its trees were already two spans [in circumference]. The `Red Eyebrows' [a group of bandits, ca. 23 A.D.] took the articles from the tomb, but could not diminish them by half. Today the decayed silk is still left there, and the pearls and jade have not yet been exhausted. These two tombs were parsimonious ones." ' According to what the present Annal says, then, after this Emperor died, his subjects and sons disregarded his acknowledged will."
188. The Emperor Wen's letter to Chao T'o is considered one of the great pieces of Chinese literature. It is in 95: 9a-10a.
189. Chavannes translates this phrase, "aux commandants préposés à la garde des frontières," but I do not find any officials by this title. Cf. Mh II, 486.
190. Presents made to an honored official over the age of sixty-six. Cf. Li-chi, ch. L, pt. i, art. i, sect. 29; Mh II, 487, n. 1. Liu P'i rebelled after the Emperor's death. Cf. 5: 4a.
191. Shen Ch'in-han points out that the Feng-su T'ung-yi (written by Ying Shao, ca. 140-206), ch. Cheng-shih, says, "The Emperor Hsiao-ch'eng [32-6 B.C.] asked Liu Hsiang [76-8 B.C.], saying, `Later generations all say that Emperor Wen ruled the world until it almost attained perfect peace, and that his virtue equalled that of King Wen of the Chou [dynasty]. From what did this saying arise?' [Liu Hsiang] replied, `It arose from his practise regarding advice. Emperor Wen respected those who offered advice, in order not to hurt their feelings. When the officials, whether great or small, came [to him], then they could speak to him with ease, and the Emperor would stop his carriage and listen to them. If their advice could be [followed], he called it "Good"; if it could not be [followed], he merely smiled pleasantly. Most of these advisors praised him. Later people saw their transmitted writings, and so considered him to have been as [the writings said].' "
192. Down to this point, this eulogy is found, practically verbatim, in the SC. Cf. p. 272, n. 1.
193. HS 72: 14a says, "[Kung] Yü [a high official, lived 124-43 B.C.] also said, `In the time of Emperor Hsiao-wen, he honored probity and purity and despized avariciousness and impurity. The adopted sons-in-law of merchants and officials who were sentenced for bribery were always imprisoned and could not become officials. He rewarded goodness and punished wickedness, and did not make his relatives and kin his chief officials. When [anyone's] crime was plain, [the Emperor ordered that person] to suffer his punishment; when it was doubtful, he gave [the criminal] to the people [for public opinion upon his crime; cf. Chou-Li, 35: 26, Biot p. 322 f]. He had no law for commuting crimes [by the payment of a fine], hence his orders were carried out and his prohibitions were effective, and the [land] within the [four] seas was greatly influenced [by his example]. In the empire there were pronounced verdicts upon [only] four hundred [cases], which was no different from setting aside punishments [without using them].' "
194. This concluding sentence is the positive form of the last sentence in the SC's chapter. Cf. Mh II, 495. This eulogy of Emperor Wen is largely a criticism of Emperor Wu, who did very much the opposite of what Emperor Wen is here represented as having done. Cf. 6: 39b, the last sentence.
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