Notes
1. She is entitled here a yi 姬. Fu Tsan
(fl. ca. 285) writes, "The Han Ch'ih-lu Ling [prob. written in Han times, now
lost] and the Mao-ling-shu [lost before 312] both
[say that the yi was] an
official in the court, ranking as equivalent to a position of two thousand
piculs, in position next below the Favorite Beauty [cf. Glossary.
sub voce] and above the Eighth [Rank] Ladies 八子 [fourth
rank concubines]." Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that yi is merely a complimentary
term for `concubine', not an official title, for HS 97A:
2a enumerates the ranks in the imperial harem, but does not mention any rank
yi. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) says, "姬 is pronounced
怡 yi(2) and is a common term
for the ordinary concubines," on which statement Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813)
remarks, "At the time of the Six Dynasties [265-618], people called their
fathers' concubines yi(2), which is this word. But they did not know that 姬 had the
pronunciation yi(2), hence they changed the writing [of the word] to 姨." Li
Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) adds, "姬 meaning concubine has one signification; [the
same word] meaning a surname is a different signification. These two
significations have the different pronunciations [yi
and chi]. [Fu] Tsan's
explanation was based upon the official documents of his [own] time; how could
he have imaginatively fabricated it?" Ch. 97 also uses yi as a title; the
mother of Emperor Ching's heir was at first styled the Yi née Wang. For names
of persons, places, and official titles, cf. the Glossary.
2. Cf. 1B: 17a. Ch'en Hsi was not killed
until the end of 196 B.C., in the twelfth year, but Liu Heng was made King of
Tai in Feb./Mar. 196 B.C., in the eleventh year.
3. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh
ed. (xi-xii cent.) contains the words 子恒, which have been translated in brackets.
Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that the Academy ed. (1124) also contains these
words, but that the Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) does not. He says that
these words are not original, because the annals of an emperor do not use his
given name, since it became taboo when he ascended the throne.
4. Chang Wu later became a general against
the Huns. Chief of the Gentlemen-atthe-Palace was the title given him after Liu
Heng had ascended the throne as Emperor (cf. 4: 4b), but the vassal courts had
functionaries with the same titles as those used in the imperial court, so that
Chang Wu might possibly have had this title in the state of Tai before he went
to the capital.
5. Those bound together by an oath sealed
the oath by annointing their lips with the blood of a victim. Cf.
Mh II, 414, n. 1; SC ch. 76. The
SC ch. 10 writes ch'ieh-hsüeh 啑血 and the HS writes tieh-hsüeh 喋血. The two phrases have the same
meaning. There are however two interpretations of this phrase. (1) Chavannes
(Mh II, 414 and n. 1), following Yen Shih-ku, translates
the phrase "march in blood." Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, " 喋 should be
pronounced tieh, the tieh meaning
`to trample on,' " and Ju Shun says, "When,
in killing people, a vast amount of blood is shed it is tieh-hsüeh," so that
Yen Shih-ku seemingly has grounds for his statement. (2) Nevertheless Chou
Shou-ch'ang (18141884) writes, "In my opinion, tieh is itself the tieh [in the
phrase] ch'ieh-tieh 唼喋. It is used in HS ch. 57 and the
commentator says, `It means the noise made by fowl when eating.' Its derived
meaning is tieh-hsüeh, and it is interpreted `to taste with the mouth.'
SC ch. 90 says tieh-hsüeh and the
Shih-chi Chi-chieh
[written by P'ei Yin, fl. 465-472] quotes Hsu Kuang (352-425) [as saying],
`Tieh is also written ch'ieh,'
which is sufficient proof that these two
characters were originally interchanged. But 蹀 [which Fu Ch'ien used to give the
pronunciation of tieh, and which Yen Shih-ku and Chavannes misunderstood to
give the meaning of tieh] has the radical 足, and Hsü Shen [fl. 100] interprets
it as `trample.' So 蹀 cannot be written as 喋." Then tieh-hsüeh does not mean "to
march in blood." Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) approves of Chou Shou-ch'ang's
interpretation.
6. I.e., irregularily interlocking. Cf.
Mh II, 445, n. 2.
7. The Chinese figure of speech is quite
parallel to the Jewish figure used in the translation. The figure implies that
the establishment of the dynasty is as secure as if it were held down by a
large mill-stone. Cf. Mh II, 445, n. 3.
8. Cf. 1A: 20a, b.
9. A quotation from 1A: 30b, which passage
explains it.
10. Cf. 3: 7a.
11. The King of Wu was Liu P'i, a first
cousin of Liu Heng; the King of Ch'u was Liu Chiao, his uncle; the King of
Huai-nan was Liu Ch`ang, his half-brother; the King of Lang-ya was Liu Tse, a
cousin; the King of Ch'i was Liu Hsiang, a nephew; Tai was his own
kingdom.
12. Ying Shao (fl. ca. 140-206) says, "When
a tortoise [is used], [divination] is called 兆; when stalks of plants [are
used], it is called 卦. In divination by the tortoise one uses a rod to make the
tortoise-[shell] glow; the lines were exactly transversal."
13. These three lines rime and are each of
four characters. They seem to be a passage quoted from an ancient and lost book
of divination in which this response is mentioned as having been given to King
Ch'i of the Hsia dynasty. That there were other books of divination using the
hexagrams besides the ones that have come down to us is shown by a tablet of
the first cent. B.C., containing an interpretation of one of the hexagrams,
which interpretation is not found in Book of Changes
(cf. Chavannes, Documents
chinois decouverts par Aurel Stein, p. 25). The last word of the first line
should be pronounced kang to complete the rime. Karlgren,
Analytic Dictionary,
316, gives the T'ang pronunciation kang. The meaning of the first line is
obscure. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says that the last two characters mean
"crosswise." Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says, "Transversal lines [mean] `there
was not a thought but did him homage' [Book of Odes III,
I, x, 6, (Legge, p. 463)]. Keng 庚 is 更 to change. It says that he should leave [the
condition of] a noble and ascend the imperial throne. Before this time, when
the Five Emperors ruled the world and [became] aged, they resigned [the throne]
to a capable [person]. In the time of [Emperor] Ch'i of the Hsia [dynasty],
[the son of the great Yü], for the first time [a father] passed on his title
[to his son, Emperor Ch'i], and was moreover able to rule gloriously over the
patrimony founded by his deceased lord. Emperor Wen also succeeded to the
heritage of his father. It says that he is one like [Emperor] Ch'i." Cf.
Mh II, 447, n. 1.Chavannes remarks that in the
Tso-chuan, the phrase "the Heavenly King 天王" always refers to the son of Heaven
of the Chou dynasty. Cf. Mh II, 447, n.
2.
14. We have emended 者 to 意 in accordance with
the suggestion of Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922), for the SC reads the latter character and Yen Shih-ku uses it in his
explanation, so that it was in his text. The reason the great ministers had for
selecting Kao-tsu's younger son rather than his eldest grandson, the King of
Ch'i, was that they feared the family of the wife of the King of Ch'i would
cause such trouble as the Lü family had caused. Cf. Mh
II, 439.
15. Cf. p. 107, n. 3.
16. The SC and the
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) at this point adds the word 符; later in this passage
(p. 4a) the HS also has it; hence it was originally in
the text here, according to Wang Hsien-ch'ien.
17. Yen Shih-ku says, "The sojourning
quarters at the capital
for those at court from commanderies or kingdoms are usually
named 邸 [the princes' lodges]. This word [means] to arrive, meaning the place to
which one comes." Cf. Mh II, 412, n. 1.
18. This was 48 days after the Lü family
had been exterminated.
19. The text writes at this point Wu. The
SC 10: 3b writes Ch'en Wu 陳武. Fu Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says
this is Ch'ai Wu , for on p. 12a, Ch'ai Wu 柴武 is said to have been made
Commander-in-chief in 177 B.C. In the passage corresponding to p. 12a, the
SC and the Han-ti Nien-chi (before 275) both write Ch'en
Wu; Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says that he had two surnames.But Ch'en (or Ch'ai) Wu did not become
General-in-chief until three years after this time. Lü Ch'an had made Kuan Ying
General-in-chief and sent him to attack the army of Ch'i; he however revolted
against the Lü family and joined the Liu cabal; cf. 3: 5b. Hence he is the
person who had this title at this time and should be mentioned here. Because he
was appointed by the Lü family, who were usurpers, he is not mentioned in the
table of officials in 19B: 6b. In the distribution of rewards (cf. 4: 5a, b)
"General Kuan Ying" was awarded a territory of 3000 families and the equivalent
of 2000 catties of gold. Hence we are fairly safe in following Ch'ien Ta-chao
in saying that the HS has made a slip
here.
20. The SC So-yin
(by Szu-ma Cheng, fl. 713-742) says that Su Ling (fl. 196-227), Hsü Kuang
(352-425) and Wei Chao (197-273/4) think that the Marquise of Yin-an and the
Queen of King Ch'ing were different persons; Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) and Wang
Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) agree, because the SC, by
adding the words "the Marquis" before the name of King Ch'ing makes it plain
that they were two persons. Szu-ma Cheng explains that King Ch'ing, Liu Chung,
was, at his death, merely a marquis, since he had resigned his kingdom. (Cf.
Mh II, 449, n. 2.) Su Ling says that the Marquise of
Yin-an was "the wife of Kao-tsu's eldest brother, Liu Po, and the mother of
[Liu Hsin, who was] the Marquis of Keng-chieh," and that the Queen of King
Ch'ing was "the wife of Kao-tsu's elder brother, Liu Chung." HS 36: 2a also tells that the mother of Liu Hsin, the
Marquis of Keng-chieh, was the wife of Liu Po. Ju Shun however identifies this
Marquise and the Queen as the same person. He says, "When the Queen of King
Ch'ing was appointed as the Marquise of Yin-an, Lü Hsü was the Marquise of
Lin-kuang and the wife of Hsiao Ho was also the Marquise of Tso. Moreover the
Table of marquises of the imperial family [ch. 15] has no Marquis [or Marquise]
of Yin-an for this period, so that we can thereby know that she was the Queen
of King Ch'ing. In my opinion the chief priestess [in the ancestral sacrifices]
at the Han [temple] was the Marquise of Yin-an, the wife of Emperor Kao-[tsu's]
older brother." It is however possible that the absence of this marquise's name
from the table of marquises is because of her sex; we have followed the
majority of the commentators in considering them as two persons. Chavannes
disagrees.
21. Liu Chiao, a younger brother of
Kao-tsu, was the then oldest male member of the imperial family. Cf.
Mh II, 450, n. 1. He was not mentioned in the memorial
asking Liu Heng to take the throne, probably because he was ill and not in the
capital. Ho Ch'uo says that this request to consult Liu Chiao is according to
the proprieties, for "the Marquise of Yin-an [the wife of Kao-tsu's oldest
brother] and the Queen of King Ch'ing [the wife of Kao-tsu's second older
brother] were both women and the King of Lang-ya, [Lin Tse], was a distant
relative."
22. Ju Shun says, "Someone says that the
seats of guest and host face east and west; the seats of prince and minister
face south and north." Hu San-hsing (1230-1287) contradicts the opinion of Ju
Shun (which Chavannes adopted, cf. Mh II, 450, n. 2) to
the effect that Liu Heng, by turning towards the south, was showing himself
more complaisant to his subject's wishes. He says, "Probably when the King
entered the prince's lodge of Tai, the courtiers of the Han court followed and
came to the King, and he treated them in accordance with the proprieties of
guest and host, hence he faced west, and when the courtiers urged him to take a
higher position, he refused thrice. The courtiers thereupon supported the King
to a seat facing due south, [south is the direction the emperor's throne always
faces], and the King again refused twice. Therefore the turning to the south
was not what the King could help, but the courtiers, supporting him, made him
face south. If we assume that he eagerly seated himself facing the south, would
that have been possible?"
23. Reading 莫 for 其 in accordance with the
SC and the suggestion of Wang Nien-sun
(1744-1832).
24. According to 38:7a, Liu Hsing-chü
especially asked to go with Hsia-hou Ying and clear the palace. Ying Shao says,
"According to the old code, to whatever place the Son of Heaven is to go and
favor by visiting it, there must first be sent the Chief Forerunner 靜室令 [cf.
Han-kuan Ta-wen, 3: 11b] to go and investigate, to clear and pacify the
[Palace] Hall in order to take precautions against untoward events." According
to the SC (cf. Mh II, 440 f), the
Young Emperor was still living in the forbidden apartments of the palace, and
had to be ejected. He was moved to the apartments of the Privy Treasurer and
killed later in the night after Emperor Wen had taken the
throne.
25. Ju Shun says, "The prescribed equipage
is with the Palace Attendants, the [imperial] Chariot Companion, and the [Chief
Commandant] Custodian of the [Imperial] Equipages and the Gentlemen driving 36
auxiliary carriages."
26. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the
Ching-te ed. (1004-1005) does not have the words 制詔. The SC also does not have them nor the three titles following
them. These titles have probably the same significance as the titles in the
edict on 1B: 17b, 18a.
27. Cf. Mh II, 124,
n. 1.
28. It has been debated just who these
women were. Yao Ts'a (533-606) thinks that they were the wives of those who
were granted ranks. Li Hsien (651-684) thinks they were families of women which
had no male members: in those families which had males, the head of the family
was given a rank; to those families which had no males, meat and wine were
given. But Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) replies that there would be few families
without male members, so that it would be difficult to divide an ox among them.
No amount of meat and wine is specified; in SC 28:32b it
is said, "To a hundred families, one ox and 10 piculs of wine." Cf.
Mh II, 503. Possibly the emperor wanted everyone to
enjoy himself, so, as Su Lin (fl. 196-227) said, "To the men were granted noble
ranks [Yen Shih-ku explains that the head of the household received the step;
2: 4a says that one step in rank was given to a family] and to the women were
granted an ox and wine [for the families to enjoy]." This practise was later
common, cf. 6: 27a, 32a, 36a, etc. Cf. Mh II, 452, n.
1.Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says,
"[According to] the Han Code, when three or more people gather to drink wine
without [adequate] motive, they shall be fined [the equivalent of] four taels
of gold." The Emperor's edict permitting drinking was then an extraordinary
privilege. Cf. Mh II, 452, n. 2. The Sung Ch'i ed.
reports that the Nan ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.)
read 餔 instead of 酺.
29. This was the second day after the
emperor had entered the capital and taken the throne. The presentation in the
imperial ancestral temple was an important feature of the
coronation.
30. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan
ed. (x-xii cent.) and the Chekiang ed. (xi-xii cent.) omit the surname
here.
31. For these events, cf. 3: 5b
ff.
32. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan
ed. and the Chekiang ed. omit the surname here.
33. The SC at this
point adds "of the Marquis of Tung-mou, Liu Hsing-chü." HS 38: 6b also states that Liu Hsing-chü was made the same
grant as Liu Chang; those six words seem to have dropped out of the
HS text.
34. The SC dates
this appointment on Nov. 15, two months previously. Possibly the
HS mentions it now because of its importance in
connection with the enlarging of Ch'i and Ch'u. Cf. n. 2.
35. Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) says, "Liu
Tse's kingdom, Lang-ya, was a commandery taken from Ch'i; when Lü T'ai was made
King of Lü with P'eng-ch'eng as his kingdom, [his territory] was taken from
Ch'u. Now the Lü family had been executed, the kingdom of Lü ended, and the
appointment of [Liu] Tse shifted too, hence this territory was returned to Ch'i
and Ch'u, to which it had previously [belonged]." Cf. 38: 6b.
36. Cf. Mh II,
454-455. The long edict in the SC accompanying this
abrogation has been transferred in the HS to ch. 23.
Ying Shao says, "帑 [means] children 子. According to the Ch'in [dynasty] laws,
when a person committed a crime they joined with him [in punishment] his house
and family. Now [the Emperor] abrogated this law." Cf. 5: n. 2.1. The practise
nevertheless continued; cf. 5: 4a.
37. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Nan
ed. and the Chekiang ed. do not have the character 也 at this point; Wang
Hsien-ch'ien adds that these editions are correct, for the SC is also without this character.
38. The Emperor was thinking of the example
given by Yao and Shun, who each passed over their children and appointed an
able person from outside their family as their successor. But cf.
Mh II, 455, n. 1. The SC does not
have the word 詔, so that this passage appears there as a speech of the Emperor.
Probably this passage is taken from an exchange of edicts and memorials. It is
then illuminating in that it shows the manner of intercourse between the
officials and the emperor.
39. Liu P'i was actually a cousin of the
Emperor. He was the son of Liu Chung, an older brother of Kao-tsu.
40. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh
ed. reads 傳 for 專; Wang Hsien-ch'ien adds that that edition is wrong, for the
SC reads as the text does here.
41. Cf. Mh II, 456,
n. 2.
42. Liu Ch'i was not the eldest son of the
Emperor, for his first wife had had three sons, but she and her sons had all
died before this time. Cf. Mh II, 496. Liu Ch'i later
became the Emperor Ching. SC 10: 7a uses 某 for his given
name, because of the taboo on it; the HS mentions the
name here and uses the same word again on p. 9a. Yet in the chapter on the
Emperor Ching and in its later annals the HS rarely uses
this word. Cf. 6: 24a, 8: 13a. Su Yü (fl. 1913) remarks that in Pan Ku's time
the emperor was only distantly related to the emperors of the Former Han
period, hence taboos were no longer stressed. The foregoing is typical of the
way Szu-ma Ch'ien and Pan Ku regarded the taboo on the personal names of
emperors.
43. The SC and the
Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) write 純厚; the HS and the
Han-chi (ii cent.) write the first character of this phrase
敦.
44. In Chou times the Empress was chosen
for different reasons; cf. Mh II, 458 and n.
1.
45. The emperor and officials were supposed
to be the fathers and mothers of the people. This phrase is used as early as
the Book of History, V, iv, 16 (Legge, p. 333). This
edict is merely summarized in the SC. Cf.
Mh II, 458.This edict of an emperor the Chinese
have considered "truly virtuous" deserves to be contrasted with the legendary
reaction of Gautama the Buddha to his "four encounters" (sickness, age, death,
and the hermit). Hsiao-wen tried to relieve suffering; Gautama concluded it was
inevitable. This edict probably initiated the practise of government loans to
poor people.
46. Cotton was not brought to China until
later. Silk and linen (including hemp) were used for clothing.
47. This sentence might seem to contradict
the conclusion arrived at in 1: App. II. But the emperor is not here thinking
of the calendar year, since the edict was issued in the "third month." He is
thinking of the seasons, which were thought to begin with the
spring.
48. Yen Shih-ku says that 鬻 is thin congee 淖糜.
49. Cf. Glossary, sub
Ch'iang-tao.
50. Cf. App. I.
51. Cf. p. 88, n. 1.
52. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes
that 督 has two meanings: in addition to its usual meaning "to examine" it is also
used to mean "beat" and is interchanged with 厾. This beating was performed
without baring the body.
HS 76: 7b, col. 8 definitely establishes
this meaning.
53. Cf. p. 118, n. 1. Those aged who had
committed more serious crimes than this were not to receive any pension. The
SC (Mh II, 458) states that
orphans under their ninth year were also to receive grants.
54. HS 27Ca: 10a
says, "In Ch'i and Ch'u there was an earthquake and mountains fell in 29 places
on the same day. All [of them] sent out high water which broke through the
sides up or welled up."
55. Yen Shih-ku remarks, "To break through
the side is 潰; to well up is 出."
56. Yen Shih-ku says, "The fox in his
character as an animal is by nature very suspicious. Every time he crosses a
river on ice he listens as he crosses. Hence we talk of a suspicious person and
call him `as suspicious as a fox.' " Cf. Mh II, 458, n.
2.
57. Reading 以 for 已 with the SC, at the suggestion of Su Yü (xx cent.). He says that
these two characters were interchanged.
58. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that, because of
the phrasing, the last clause of this sentence is not given in the original
wording of the edict, but is a summary made by the historian. The
SC has the same wording. For a list of the "nine great
ministers" under the Han dynasty, cf. Mh II, 459, n.
2.
59. Cf. 1A: 28a.
60. Chavannes explains that because Emperor
Wen had given his own maternal uncle, Po Chao, an appointment, he also
appointed these other maternal uncles to avoid jealousy. Cf. Mh II, 460, n. 1. In spite of all his care, Liu Hsing-chü
finally revolted.
61. Ch'ien Ta-chao writes, "In [recording]
the death of a Lieutenant Chancellor, the general rule is to record the day but
not write his surname. Only for Ch'en P'ing and Kuan Ying the surname is
written but the day is not written. For Shen-t'u Chia the day is not recorded.
For Ti Fang-chin, both surname and day are written." SC
10: 8a adds that the Marquis of Chiang, Chou P'o, was made Lieutenant
Chancellor.
62. SC 10: 8a says
instead that they "established their states for more than a thousand years."
Cf. Mh II, 460.
63. Cf. Mh II, 460,
n. 3.
64. Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) says, "The
three imperial commanderies [the capital commandery, Tso-p'ing-yi, Yu-fu-feng]
were not used for enfeoffing marquises. The nearest estates of the marquises
were several hundred li from Ch'ang-an; the distant ones were then a thousand
li or several thousand li [away].
Only the Kuan-nei Marquises had the income of towns in Kuan-chung."
65. Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "[According to]
the Han [dynastic] Code, the oldest sons of kings and marquises were all called
`Heirs-apparent' 太子; the mothers of the kings were called `Dowager Queens' 太后;
[these titles were] not necessarily [held only by the oldest son and mother] of
the Son of Heaven."
66. Cf. App. III.
67. Yen Shih-ku says, "適 should be read as 謫,
i.e., `a reproach.' " Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) remarks, "Ever since the Ch'in
dynasty no awe had been felt at [events in] the sky; at the time of the Emperor
Wen we first hear of this sort of speech." However the Empress née Lü was very
much worried by a total eclipse; cf. 3: App., ii; Mh II,
423.
68. Instead of 士 `educated people,' the
SC has 兆 `million [people]'; 士民 may however be a compound
noun, meaning merely `people.'
69. The phrase 予一人was used by the Emperor of
himself; its connotation was not that of praising the Emperor, as in the
translation "I, the Unique Man," but "humble. He wants to say that the
[Emperor's] own ability is equivalent to that of one person." Po-hu-t'ung (i or
iii cent.), A:7b.
70. Yen Shih-ku says, "The three luminaries
are the sun, the moon, and the stars."
71. Yen Shih-ku says that 繇 should be read as 徭.
72. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) says that
`foreigners' here refers to the Hu and Yüeh peoples, to the northwest and
southeast of Central China respectively.
73. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the last
clause in this sentence refers to the troops and guard at the
capital.
74. The army at the capital, over which
Sung Ch'ang had been appointed. But that army was not altogether disbanded; it
is mentioned again on p. 11b.
75. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says that 遺 means 留,
and that 財 is the same as 纔, which means 少`a little.'
76. The Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233)
says that 置 is 驛. Cf. Mh II, 462, n. 4.
77. Shen Ch'in-han notes that the History
of the Southern Ch'i Dynasty, ch. 9, p. 27b says that the Emperor Wu of that
dynasty (483-494) was advised to and did plow the sacred field on the day
ting-hai Feb. 14, 485. Wang Chien (452-489) says that in the classics there is
no mention of a hai day. Ho T'ung-chih (449-503) replies, "[Emperor] Wen of the
Han [dynasty] used this day to till the sacred [field] and worship the God of
Agriculture. Later kings, following his example, used it. There is no further
meaning [to the day ting-hai]." For a discussion of the Sacred Field, cf. App.
II.
78. They were not to be punished for the
crime committed when they failed to repay and were forgiven the
repayment.
79. The text writes "third month," but
HS 14: 6b, 7b, 10b, 13a lists all these appointments in
the second month on the day yi-mao, Mar. 15. We have accordingly emended to .
Cf. Mh II, 464, n. 2.
80. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that 遂 (which we
have translated "thereupon") is an interpolation from the preceding sentence.
The SC does not have it.
81. This banner was supposed to have hung
where five roads met at the court of Yao; anyone who had an improvement to
propose stood under it. Cf. Mh II, 465, n. 1. In the
Wen-Yüan Ying-hua (written ca. 978, by Li Fang) ch. 362, p. 6b, Lu Shih (fl.
dur. 48-33 B.C.) in his own comment on his Hua-chien [Painted Admonishments],
is quoted as saying, "[According to] the stories of the two Han dynasties, in
the third year of the Emperor Wen [177 B.C.] there were painted at the
Yung-ming Hall [his text says it was inside the Wei-yang Palace, but, according
to the San-fu Huang-t'u, (iii to vi cent.) in the Wei-yang Palace there was a
Hsien-ming Hall, but no Yung-ming Hall] the five colored objects: the plant
that curbs negligence [which grew in the court of Yao and bent its head each
time a slanderous flatterer entered the palace], the banner for initiating
improvement, the post for speaking ill and criticizing [cf. below], the drum
for daring to admonish [the prince], and the single horned monster [which gores
wicked people when it sees them]."
82. This legend seems to have originated in
the Shih-tzu. Szu-ma Cheng quotes the Shih-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) as saying "Yao
established the post for speaking ill and criticizing." The Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu
(possibly forged by Kao Yu, fl. 205-212, according to Maspero, TP 20: 231) 24:
31 (Wilhelm's trans. p. 422) however says that this post belonged to Shun. Fu
Ch'ien (ca. 125-195) says, "Yao made them. [They were] posts with a cross-piece
[on the] bridges." Ying Shao says, "They were boards at the side of the bridges
on which to write the errors and faults of the government. At [the time of] the
Ch'in [dynasty], they were done away with; now they were reestablished." Yen
Shih-ku approves of the latter explanation. Shen Ch'in-han says, "Ts'ui Pao
(fl. dur. 265-420) in his Ku-chin-chu [C: 7a, b, makes] Ch'en Ya ask, `What
[likeness] had the posts for speaking ill and criticizing that Yao erected?' He
answered, `[Like] the present ornamental pillars, with a cross-piece on the
post like a flower and shaped like a well-sweep. On the large roads where
thoroughfares meet they were everywhere placed. Some people call them
"sign-posts 表木." They are a sign that the kings receive admonition and also to
point out the roads. The Ch'in [dynasty] however abolished them and the Han
[dynasty] first reestablished them. Now in the Western Capital [Ch'ang-an] they
are called "posts with cross-pieces 交午" '柱."
83. The Empress née Lü had abolished this
latter crime; evidently it had been revived. Cf. 3: 2a and p. 193, n. 2, also
11: 3a. Yen Shih-ku says that 訞 and 妖 are synonymous.
84. Cf. Mh II, 465,
n. 2.
85. Ying Shao says, "Bronze [or copper]
tiger credentials were of the first to the fifth [in number]. When the state
must mobilize its troops, [the Emperor] sent a messenger to the commanderies
who matched his [half of] the credential [with the other half held by the
commandery official]. If the credential matched, then [the official in charge]
listened to and accepted [the envoy]. The bamboo envoy's credentials all use
five stalks of arrow-bamboo [a small species of bamboo]. They are five inches
long and are engraved in seal characters number one to number five." The
Han-chiu-yi (i cent.) says, "A commandery or a state was given three bronze
tiger credentials and five bamboo envoy credentials." Chang Yen (prob. iii
cent.) says, "The credentials were substituted for the ancient kuei 圭 [a long
narrow jade used as insignia] and chang 璋 [the lengthwise half of a kuei],
because they were simpler and easier." Yen Shih-ku says, " `To make credentials
for the commandery administrators' means: each one was divided into two halves
[lengthwise]. The right [half] was left in the capital; the left [half] was
used to give to him [the commandery administrator]." Ch'ien Ta-chao says, "The
Shuo-wen [ca. 100, says] 琥 is an auspicious jade [tablet used for] mobilizing
forth troops. [On it] is the carving of a tiger. He who employs troops uses his
majesty and bravery, hence [he uses] jade. Bronze [ones] always use [the
character] 虎." Cf. 3: 7a. In Mh II, 466, n. 1, there is a
picture of one with Chavannes' account of them. He must be wrong when he says
that "la partie gauche était remise à celui qu'on voulait charger d'une
mission;" the inscription he prints says that it was given to the commandery
Administrator. The SC (Mh II,
465) writes that these credentials were made for "the Administrators or
Chancellors of commanderies or kingdoms."
86. Yen Shih-ku says, "They were excused
from it and it should not be collected."
87. Cf. App. III.
88. The Southern Academy ed. (1528-30), the
Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739) and the SC
all write 朕 instead of 遂. We have adopted this reading.
89. Usually appointments and dismissals of
even the highest officials were not recorded in the Annals; in this case,
because the Grand Commandant's office was abolished in consequence, an
appointment was recorded.
90. He murdered him in his house. For
details, cf. ch. 44 and Glossary sub Liu Ch'ang.
91. This was the Ordos region in the north
of the present Shensi, south of the great northern bend of the Yellow River. It
had been conquered by Meng T'ien, a general of the First Emperor (cf.
Mh II, 167) and was taken away from the Huns again by
Wei Ch'ing in 127 B.C.; cf. 6: 10b.
92. Ju Shun quotes Ts'ai Yung (133-192) as
saying, "Where the chariots and equipage of the Son of Heaven go, the people
and the officials consider it an unhoped for piece of good fortune, hence it is
called `the favor of a visit 幸見.' The chief magistrate [of the prefecture], the
San-lao, and their official subordinates themselves visit [the emperor's]
coach. Music is played and they are granted wine, food, silk, bonnets of linen
or of linen woven with white nettle [the Sung Ch'i ed. says that the words for
`wine' and `linen' were not in the Yüeh ed (xi-xii cent.)], ornaments worn at
the girdle, girdles, and the like. The common people [are granted by the
emperor] steps in noble rank by number or the half of the land tax on the
fields. Hence they therefore call it `a favor 幸.' "
93. HS 94A: 10a says
that he ordered out border officers, chariots, and cavalry, [altogether] 80,000
[in number] to go to Kao-nu. HS 27Ba: 23b says there
were ordered out chariots, cavalry, and soldiers, [altogether] 85,000 [in
number]. Cf. de Groot, Die Hunnen, pp. 74-76.
94. Chavannes (Mh
II, 469, n. 3) suggests emending 發 to 廢. The word for "abolish" in this sense (cf.
above) is however 罷. In the "Treatise on Offices" (ch. 19) there is no record of
this office having been abolished at this time; the text's reading is
preferable.
95. For "skilled soldiers", who were
cavalry and cross-bowmen handling the heaviest cross-bows, cf. p. 80, n. 2;
SC 57: 1b; HS 42: 6a; 49: 11a;
Mh II, 469, n. 4.
96. T'ai-Yüen had been part of Emperor
Wen's former Kingdom of Tai. At this time the Emperor's son Liu Ts'an had been
made its King.
97. Chin-yang and Chung-tu had been the
capitals of the kingdom of Tai when Emperor Wen had been its King.
98. He felt that he had not been adequately
rewarded by the Emperor Wen, for, although he had done more than anyone else in
overthrowing the Lü faction, he had been given only a small territory. He
belonged to the party that wished to enthrone the King of Ch'i, Liu Hsiang, and
took the opportunity given by the Emperor's absence from the capital to start a
rebellion.
99. He had been commanding the troops
formerly under the control of the Grand Commandant. Cf. 4: 11b.
100. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that
these four generals were (1) the Marquis of Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing (cf.
Mh III, 141, no. 107), (2) the Marquis of Kung, Lu
Pa-shih (cf. Mh III, 133, no. 52), (3) the Marquis of
Ning, Wei Su (cf. Mh III, 137, no. 75), and (4) the
Marquis of Shen-tse, Chao Chiang-yeh (Mh III, 127, no.
4). Cf. SC 22: 7b.
101. HS 27Ba: 23b
says that this autumn there was a drought all over the empire.
102. The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (prob. vi cent.)
says, "When [Liu] Hsing-chü first raised his troops, a great wind came blowing
straight from the east. It blew straight his banners and flags right up in the
sky into a cloud and [a flag] dropped into a well in the western part of his
[capital] city. His horses all neighed sorrowfully and would not advance. [His
followers] on the left and right, [including] Li K'uo and others, admonished
him, but he would not listen. Therefore he later committed suicide."
103. The SC mentions
no events in the fourth or fifth years.
104. HS 27Bb: 13a
says, "In the sixth month (July) there was a great fall of snow."
105. The text reads, "seven sons," but
HS 15 A: 3b-5b enumerates ten sons of King Tao-hui as
all appointed in the fifth month on the day chia-yin (July 1, 176 B.C.). Sun
Yüeh's Han-chi follows ch. 15. HS 38:7b also says "seven
sons." In their ancient form, "seven" and "ten" are easily
confused.
106. Chou P'o was arrested on the report
that he planned to rebel. At the intercession of the Empress Dowager née Po,
the Emperor Wen finally freed Chou P'o. He returned to his state and died in
169 B.C.
107. The Ku-ch'eng Temple was the temple for
Emperor Wen's posthumous worship. Ju Shun says, "He made his temple while he
was alive. [The meaning of its name] is like [the phrase] in the
Book of History [IV, V, i, 2; Legge, p. 199] `he
regarded (Ku) [continually the bright] requirements [of Heaven,' implying that
Ku-ch'eng means, `he regards the performance of Heaven's requirements']. The
temple of the Emperor Ching was called Te-yang 德陽, that of the Emperor Wu was
called Lung-Yüan 龍淵, that of the Emperor Chao was called P'ai-hui 徘徊, that of the
Emperor Hsüan was called Lo-yu 樂淤, that of the Emperor Yüan was called
Ch'ang-shou 長壽, that of the Emperor Ch'eng was called Yang-ch'ih 陽池." After the
burning of these temples in the period between the two Han dynasties, the first
emperor of the Later Han Dynasty built one temple for all these emperors, with
separate compartments (called "temples") for each emperor. Fu Ch'ien (ca.
125-195) says, "The [Ku-ch'eng] Temple was south of the city of Ch'ang-an, and
was built by Emperor Wen. By turning round one can see the city wall, hence it
is named [ku-ch'eng, lit. `looking back on the city wall']." Yen Shih-ku
replies that this interpretation is senseless and does not do justice to the
words. He prefers Ying Shao's interpretation, which is that Emperor Wen, "when
he made a temple for himself, made it humble and low, so it could be completed
while watching it," (i.e., in a short time). Chia Yi (198-165 B.C.) said,
"Through the Ku-ch'eng Temple he became the Great Exemplar of the empire, as
unsurpassed as the Han [dynasty]."
108. Four shu was 1/6 of an ounce. These
cash then weighed 1/3 of what the Ch'in dynasty's cash did. Chia Yi and Chia
Shan both protested against this coinage; cf. ch. 24 and 51.
109. Adding the word 道, at the suggestion of
Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832), to correspond with the wording in HS 27Bb: 13a and SC 22: 8a. Yen
Shih-ku's comment implies that it was in his text. The HS in this sentence condenses a page of the
SC and adds the name of the place where Liu Ch'ang died.
The omitted material is put in the HS into the "Memoir
of Liu Ch'ang." He starved himself to death in his sealed prisoner's cart. To
clear himself of the suspicion of fratricide, the Emperor executed the chiefs
of the prefectures on the road who had not attended to Liu Ch'ang and buried
him with the honors of a marquis. Cf. SC ch. 18,
HS ch. 44Glossary. sub
voce.The SC does not
record anything after the sixth year down to the thirteenth year.
110. Ju Shun says, "The eastern [palace]
portal with the towers on both sides of it all burnt." Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275)
says, "Only the towers of the eastern gate burnt." Yen Shih-ku says, "The
screen towers are small towers connecting the portals 罘罳謂連闕曲閣也. They are used to cover
places where there are double openings in the walls. [Because of] their shape,
they are called fou-szu (net) like. They are also called screens 屏. [The first
word of this name] is pronounced [the same as] 浮." Sung Ch'i says that the
Chiang-nan ed. (before 976) writes the second word of this name as 思. Wang
Nien-sun says that this edition is correct, for the Shuo-wen has not the word
szu 罳. In various places the name of this screening wall is written 罘思(as in ch.
27), 浮思, 桴思 or 復思. In modern times the `net' radical has been added to the second
character. Yen Shih-ku's comment gives no pronunciation for the second
character, showing that in his time it was written without the `net' radical.
Cheng Hsüan, in a note to Chou-li 41:34a, sub Chiang-jen, says, "The corner of
a city wall is called a 角浮思." Wang Hsien-ch'ien concludes, "Then the fou-szu is a
small building with an upper storey 小樓, for on the corners of city walls and
above the portals there always are such [buildings]. Then above this screening
wall there was also a building to cover and screen the wall."
111. These four were Liu An, made Marquis of
Fou-ling, Liu P'o, Marquis of An-yang, Liu T'zu, Marquis of Yang-chou, and Liu
Liang, Marquis of Tung-ch'eng. These appointments were all made on June 2. Cf.
15A:6a, b. This appointment was the cause of a fruitless admonition by Chia Yi;
cf. ch. 48.
112. Wen Ying (fl. ca 196-220) says, "The
three [kinds of special] stars [i.e. comets] are the bushy ones 孛 [lit. `shooting
out,' like vegetation], the brooms 彗, and the long 長 ones. In their
prognostications they are somewhat alike, however in their shape they are
slightly different. The light rays of bushy comets are short; their light goes
out in [all] four [directions], [it is] bushy and shooting out. The light rays
of broom comets are long and tufted like a broom. With long comets there is one
straight light ray, which points sometimes to the end of the sky, sometimes a
hundred feet [long], sometimes thirty feet, sometimes twenty feet, without any
regularity. [According to the] Ta-fa 大法 [seemingly the name of an unknown book],
bushy and broom comets are mostly [signs of] doing away with the old and
spreading the new, [or] of fire visitations; long comets are mostly [signs of]
war."
113. HS 18: 6a says,
"He was sentenced for killing a messenger [of the Han emperor] and committed
suicide." Cheng Te (fl. dur. 265-317) says, "[Po] Chao killed a messenger of
the Han [emperor]. The Emperor Wen could not bear to execute him. [so] sent the
high ministers to drink wine with him, wishing to cause him to commit suicide.
[Po] Chao was not willing [to do so. Hence the Emperor] sent officials wearing
mourning garments to go and weep for him; then he committed suicide. He had
committed a crime, hence it is said that he `died' 死," instead of the word
ordinarily used for the death of a marquis, 薨 (cf. 2: 6a for an example of the
latter). Ju Shun adds, "It is also said that when [Po] Chao lost while gaming
with the Emperor Wen and had to drink wine [as a punishment for losing], a
Gentleman-in-attendance poured out [too] little [wine] for [Po] Chao while
another Gentleman-in-attendance reprimanded and roared at him, and that while
this Gentleman was gone down to wash [his hair, Po] Chao sent a man to kill him
[because of his lack of manners]. For this reason Emperor Wen caused him to
commit suicide."
114. For details, cf. ch. 29. Levies from
the Tung Commandery rebuilt the dykes.
115. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says,
"Passports (chuan(4) 傳) are credentials 信, like the
present `passport' (ko-so 過所)."
Ju Shun says, "Two columns of writing on silk are divided; by holding one of
them, when you go in or out of the [customs] barrier, if it matches [with the
other of the pair], then you are permitted to pass. It is called a chuan." Li
Ch'i (fl. dur. 221-265) says, "A passport (chuan) is a
ch'i 棨" [a wooden staff
with a little flag, divided like a tally]. Yen Shih-ku adds, "Chang [Yen's]
explanation is correct. Anciently some used a ch'i and
some used silk. The ch'i
was an engraved stick [the halves of which] matched and made a credential." She
Ch'in-han says, "In the Chou-li [15:11a,
sub] the Szu-kuan [cf. Biot's trans.
I, p. 330], the commentator, [Cheng Hsüan, says], `A chuan is like the present
ko-so documents which are transmitted.' The
Shih-ming [written by Liu Hsi (Han
period), 6:3a, sub] 示 [says], `To show. With a
ko-so, when you come to a barrier
or ford, it is used to show to them.' The saying of Ju [Shun], `Two columns of
writing on silk are divided,' comes from a comment of Cheng [Hsüan on the
Chou-li 3:6b, sub] the
Hsiao-tsai [cf. Biot's trans. of Chou-li, I, p. 42 who
also says], `Chih-chi means `two similar writings on one tablet which are
separated.' [The latter] is the present contract 券書 [which is also divided]. The
Shih-ming [6:2b], says, `莂 is to divide. A large writing on a tablet is broken
in the middle and divided.' This [article] is also like the chuan of the
Chou-li. They are divided and written on silk, hence HS
64B:7b calls them hsü 繻 [`passports']. Today they are called lu-yin
路引."
116. Yen Shih-ku says that 登 means 成.
117. The word in the text 樹 is interpreted by
Yen Shih-ku as 蓺殖, `to sow and plant'.
118. "Grandees", denoting the Filially
Pious, the Fraternally Respectful, the Cultivators of the Fields, the San-lao
and honest officials, is here merely a term of respect.
119. Yen Shih-ku says, "There were no
Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, or Cultivators of the Fields who
deserved to be sought out and recommended in conformity with [the Emperor's]
order."
120. It looks as if Emperor Wen began these
imperial ceremonies.
121. HS 25A:19a
reads, "When the Emperor Wen had been on the throne to the thirteenth year, he
gave an edict saying, `The Office of secret invocator is to bear away [the
Emperor's] faults to someone below [the Emperor]. We very much disapprove of
[this sort of thing]. Let [this office] be abolished." For this official, cf.
Mh III, 448; II, 473, n. 7. Ying Shao says, "The state
tabooed him, hence he was called `secret.' " Hung Liang-chi (1746-1809) says,
"He is probably the Tien-shih 甸師 of the
Chou-li," who takes the responsibility for
faults and misfortunes upon himself instead of the Emperor. Cf. Biot's trans.,
I, 85; HS 25A:17a.
122. The HS has
shifted the explanatory material which is in the SC at
this point to ch. 23. Cf. Mh II, 474 ff.
123. Liu Pin (1022-1088) says, "I suspect
that 謂 should be 為"; Wang Hsien-ch'ien remarks that the SC
writes the second character, and that anciently these two characters were
interchanged.
124. Li Ch'i (fl. dur. 220-265) says, "The
fundamental is agriculture. The least important is merchandizing. It says that
agriculture and merchandizing both pay the land tax and are not different.
Hence he did away with the land tax on the [cultivated] fields." The land tax
on cultivated fields was reestablished in 156 B.C. Cf. 5: 3a.
125. HS 94A: 13a, b
says that the Shan-Yü with 140,000 horsemen entered Chao, Pa, and the Hsiao
Pass as far as P'eng-yang, burnt the Hui-chung Palace, and rode to Kan-ch'üan,
in sight of Ch'ang-an. This was the greatest of the Hun raids.
126. According to 94 A: 13b, the Marquis of
Ch'ang, Lu Ch'ing, was the general sent to the Shang Commandery; the Marquis of
Ning, Wei Su, was the general sent to Pei-ti; the Marquis of Lung-lü, Chou
Tsao, was the general sent to Lung-hsi.
127. According to 16: 16b, Tung Ch'ih was
Marquis of Ch'eng 成; the SC in this passage also says
"Marquis of Ch'eng"; HS 94: i, 13b writes the same. The
text at this point however writes 建成; the first character is then an
interpolation. We have omitted it.HS 16: 16b says
that Tung Ch'ih 董赤 was the son of Tung Tieh and was appointed Marquis of Ch'eng.
The SC at this point also writes Ch'ih;
HS 19B: 8b writes that in this year the Prefect of the
Capital was Tung Ch'ih. HS 94A: 13b also writes Tung
Ch'ih. The text here however writes his given name as Ho 赫. In ancient times,
according to Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) Ho and Ch'ih were interchanged. Since
Ch'ih is written more frequently, we read it here.SC 10: 13b says
that the Marquis of Ch'eng, Ch'ih, was made the Prefect of the Capital and that
Luan Pu was made general. HS 19B: 8b notes that in this
year the Prefect of the Capital was Tung Ch'ih. According to SC ch. 100, Luan Pu was never Prefect of the Capital, and
HS ch. 19 does not record it. According to
HS 94A: 13b, the Marquis of Ch'eng, Tung Ch'ih, was made
General, and his being Prefect of the Capital is not mentioned. The statement
that anyone was made Prefect of the Capital is quite irrelevant to the military
campaign. Wang Hsien-ch'ien suspects that the mention of Tung Ch'ih being
Prefect of the Capital is an interpolation in the SC.
The natural translation of the HS at this point would
seem to be, "The Chien-ch'eng Marquis, Tung Ho, and the Prefect of the Capital,
Luan Pu, were both made generals." We have adapted our translation to the
facts.
128. Yen Shih-ku says, "Heaping up earth
makes a 壇; to sweep clean the ground makes a 場; 幣 is silk for worshipping the
spirits." For Chavannes' interpretation of this passage, cf. Mh II, 478, n. 2.
129. This sacrifice to the illustrious
mountains and the great rivers, called 望, was supposedly very ancient. Its
ceremony is described in Mh I, 62, n. 3.
130. Lit. "on the right" and "on the left."
The right was usually the place of honor. Cf. p. 123, n. 1.These two lines are of four characters
each and rime.
131. Ju Shung says, "釐 [means] happiness 福."
Yen Shih-ku says that this character's "original form is 禧; this is a borrowed
use. Both are pronounced hsi(1)." Cf.
Mh II, 479, n. 2.
132. Shen Ch'in-han tells that the Ts'ê-fu
Yüan-kuei (completed 1013) adds that the character wang 王 appeared in the sun.
The Yü-hai (compiled by Wang Ying-lin, 1223-1296), ch. 195, p. 2a quotes the
Wang-Ch'i-ch'ing (existed dur. 502-556), "In the time of the Emperor Wen, in
the sun there was the word wang."
133. The SC (Mh II, 481) says that these five
altars were the Temples to the Five Lords [on High] north of the River Wei. Ch.
25 tells that they were northeast of Ch'ang-an, north of the road, at the
Ch'ang-men T'ing. Cf. Mh III, 458. Kung-sun Ch'en had
told the Emperor that northeast of Ch'ang-an (where these temples were later
located) there was a supernatural emanation in five colors.
134. This event seems to have been one of
the beginnings of the examination system. Chou Shou-ch'ang says, "This was the
first time the Han court set literary exercises for the [prospective]
officials. Before this, in the second year that he was on the throne, an
imperial edict [ordered] the presentation of the capable and good persons, who
were four-square and upright, able to speak frankly and admonish unflinchingly
[cf. p. 9a], [but] we do not hear who was presented. At the [present] time [the
authorities] for the first time [set] literary exercises for the [prospective]
officials, using the three sets of virtues, [filial piety and brotherly
respect, sageness and goodness, perfect virtue and uprightness], and Ch'ao Ts'o
[who later became Grandee Secretary], because he had the highest grade, was
promoted from [the position of] the Heir-apparent's Household Steward to Palace
Grandee." HS 49: 17a ff. records Emperor Wen's questions
and Ch'ao Ts'o's reply. The Emperor invited the capable and good persons to
advise him about the state of the government, human relations, and to give
frank admonitions.
135. The state of Ch'i was divided into six
parts for these six kingdoms. Cf. 14: 7-9. It became the imperial policy to
enfeeble its nobles by dividing their fiefs among their children.
136. Hsin-Yüan P'ing feigned it was found
and ordered it presented to the Emperor, according to Ying Shao. Hsin-Yüen
P'ing also said that the tripods of the Chou dynasty, which had been lost in
the Szu River, were in the Yellow River at Fen-yin, because he had seen the
emanation of precious metals there. Search was made, but nothing was found. So
the Emperor built a temple on the southern bank of the River there with the
intent of praying them out. Cf. Mh II, 481, n. 3; III,
460.
137. Chang Yen (prob. iii cent.) says,
"Hsin-Yüan P'ing observed the sun twice at its meridian [on the same day] and
considered it a good omen, hence [the Emperor] changed the beginning [of the
count of the] years [of the imperial rule] in order to obtain the blessing of
lengthened years." Cf. Mh III, 459. The
SC (Mh II, 481) records a
"seventeenth" year, and says that the Son of Heaven changed this year to be the
first year of his reign. It says nothing about a "Ch'ien" or "Hou" year-period
in his reign, merely mentioning "the second year in the latter [part of the
reign] 後二年," etc. Then Emperor Wen merely had two "first" years; the historians
were the first to speak of the "Hou" years in his reign. This was not the first
time, according to the histories, that the numbering of years in a ruler's
reign was changed: in 334 B.C., according to the Bamboo Books (composed about
the end of iv cent. B.C., buried until found in 281 A.D., but altered later;
cf. Legge, Shoo-king, I, p. 174) King Hui-ch'eng of Wei(h) changed the
beginning [of his reign] and called his thirty-sixth year his first year; in
324 B.C. King Hui-wen of Ch'in changed his fourteenth year to the first year.
The SC (Mh II, 70) also records
the latter change. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) thinks that these changes were
modelled by the historians after the one made by Emperor Wen, although they may
have been made when these rulers adopted the title of "king" in those years.
The reason for this change seems to have been that the number of years being
thus decreased, the ruler would live longer---King Hui-ch'eng is recorded as
having ruled sixteen years after he changed the numbering of his
years!
138. Information concerning his deceits was
given the emperor. Yen Shih-ku says, "Because his false acts were discovered,
he was afraid he would be executed; hence he plotted a
rebellion."
139. The word used for her death here is
hung 薨, not the word appropriate for an Empress's
death, which is peng 崩. Chang
Yen (prob. iii cent.) said, "The Empress leagued with the Lü clan, was
dismissed, and lived in the Northern Palace [outside the Wei-yang Palace, a
mark of disgrace; the Empress Dowager usually lived in the Wei-yang Palace],
hence it is not said that she peng." Cf. 97 A: 5b. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722)
replies, "She was not mourned and buried in accordance with the rites for an
Empress, hence it is not said that she peng. She is recorded as `Empress,'
hence although she had nevertheless retired and lived alone, she had not been
dismissed. Chang [Yen] is following ch. 97." Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) says,
"A dismissed Empress's death is not recorded. Of the Empress [née] Po of the
Emperor Ching [but cf. 5: n. 6.6] and of the Empress [née] Hsü of the Emperor
Ch'eng it is recorded that they were dismissed, but not recorded that they
died. This was the [set] practise of the historians. Although the Empress of
Hsiao-hui was dismissed and established in a separate palace, as a matter of
fact there was no known imperial edict ordering her dismissal, hence it was
nevertheless recorded that she hung."Cowell and Crommelin calculate that
Halley's comet passed perihelion in May of this year; it is interesting that it
was not recorded. Cf. Monthly Notices of the
Royal Astronomical Society, 68:
670. Since eclipses are also not mentioned during this decade, it looks as
though the recorders of phenomena deliberately refused to record eclipses or
comets, for the good reign of Emperor Wen made them think that Heaven was
sending no admonitions, hence they concluded that there were no
"visitations."
140. Perhaps the Emperor had Mencius II, II,
i, 1 in mind. Cf. Legge, p. 208.
141. I.e., merchandizing.
142. Interpreting shuai 率 by hsi 悉, in
accordance with the suggestion of Wang Hsien-ch'ien, who says that these two
words are alliterative, hence the second was changed to the first. [In Hunan
both words are pronounced with an initial s; Karlgren gives the T'ang
pronunciations siĕt and shiuĕt.] The phrase shuai-yi 率意 was previously used in
4: 14b; ch. 9 and 10 frequently use hsi-yi. Shuai has the meaning of
hsi.
143. Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that the word 也
follows the last word of this clause in one ed.; Ch'ien Ta-chao reports that
this word is in the Fukien ed. (1594).
144. HS 94A: 13b, 14a
says, "Yearly they entered the border, killed and captured very many people,
most of all in the Yün-chung and Liao-tung [Commanderies], more than 10,000
people in a commandery. The Chinese [Emperor] was much worried about them, so
he sent an envoy to bear and transmit a letter to the Huns. The Shan-yu also .
. . replied saying [that he wanted] peace and friendship." Ch. 94 thereupon
cites the Emperor Wen's edict, but not the portion in this chapter. The
agreement was that the Great Wall should separate the two countries; neither
should overpass it.
145. According to the Book
of History, Yu divided the world into five concentric domains, the
outermost of which was the wilderness domain 荒服. Yen Shih-ku says, "The Jung and
Ti [occupied] the wilderness domain, hence it is said, `The four wildernesses.'
It says that it is a wilderness, [where] they suddenly go and come without any
regularity. The Erh-ya says that Ku-chu [in the north], Pei-hu [in the south],
Hsi-wang-mu [a place in the west], and Jih-hsia [in the east] are called the
four wildernesses."
146. Yen Shih-ku says, "The region which the
emperor governs by himself [extends] for a thousand li [from the capital]; `not
being in repose' [means] not to secure a peaceful dwelling-place."
147. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that the
Official ed. writes yu 又 for 人, which is the correct emendation. The
SC also reads yu.
148. The SC has 吾
instead of the HS's 其. Cf. Mh II,
482, n. 2.
149. The Han empire and the Hun and other
nations. The Han dynasty did not consider itself as a kingdom, but as the
empire which included all the kingdoms.
150. A commonly used quotation from the
Book of Odes, Pt. I, Bk. V, iv, 5 (Legge, I, p.
100).
151. Ch'ien Ta-chao says that 徹 is the ancient
轍, and that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549) write the
second character. The Official ed. also writes the second character; the
SC has 軼.
152. Cf. Mh II, 483,
n. 2. Yen Shih-ku's note seems to indicate that his text had 返 instead of the
present 反.
153. Cf. Mh II, 483,
n. 4. Yao Ch'a lived 533-606.
154. In the correspondence between Emperor
Wen and the Shan-Yü (translated in de Groot, Die Hunnen, pp. 86 ff.) there is
no evidence of any marriage to cement this peace; a girl of the imperial house
had previously been sent to be married to the Shan-Yü
when Shan-Yü Lao-chang came to the throne.
155. The SC records
nothing from this year to the sixth year. HS 27A: 21b
adds, "In the autumn there was a great rain day and night, which did not end
until the thirty-fifth day. In the Lan-t'ien [prefecture] the rivers from the
mountains carried away more than nine hundred families and the Han [River]
destroyed the houses of more than eight thousand common people. More than three
hundred people were killed."
156. Cf. App. III, v.
157. Yen Shih-ku says that this man's title
is Palace Grandee, and his surname is Ling. Hsü Kuang (352-425) had however
said that the title was Chief of the Palace Grandees; Yen Shih-ku replies that
the surnames of all the officials are given in this passage and that there was
not at this time any Chief of the Palace Grandees, for the title was not
instituted until 156 B.C. Chavannes follows Yen Shih-ku; cf. Mh II, 484, n. 2. But Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) replies
that 19B: 4b says that in 188 B.C. a Mien was appointed as Master of
Ceremonies, and, in his comment on that passage, Yen Shih-ku says that Mien was
his given name. Then he is probably the person referred to here, and the
historian has merely lost his surname. With regard to Yen Shih-ku's statement
about surnames being given, Chou Shou-ch'ang replies that there was no fixed
principle about citing surnames, and gives examples to prove his point. With
regard to the title of Chief of the Palace Grandees not being in use at this
time, he replies that there are many such anachronisms. When Ying Pu was still
King of Chiu-chiang, he was called King of Huai-nan. The title of Grand Chief
of Agriculture was changed in 104 B.C. to Grand Minister of Agriculture, but in
ch. 24 the latter title is sometimes used in dealing of events before 104 B.C.
and the former title is used after 104 B.C. Hence Hsü Kuang is right in saying
that his title was Chief of the Palace Grandees.
158. HS 94A: 15b says
that the kingdom of Tai garrisoned Chü-chu and the kingdom of Chao garrisoned
the Fei-hu defile.
159. The present text reads 太守; but commandery
administrators were not called by this title until 148 B.C. Ch'ien Ta-hsin
(1728-1804) thinks that the first word is an interpolation and should be
omitted. The SC at this point does not have the first
character. We have omitted it in the translation.
160. Fu Tsan (fl. ca. 285) says, "To stay
one night [at a place] is called 宿; to stay a second night is called hsin 信; more
than hsin is tz'u 次."
Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says, "T'un 屯 [to be stationed] is
different from tz'u. For a t'un
there is an apportioned region; [an army] that
tz'u is ready to be transferred."
161. HS 27Ba: 24a
says, "In the spring there was a great drouth [all over] the world."Yen Shih-ku says, "Locusts are 螽; they eat the sprouts,
and cause a visitation 災.
Today they are popularly called po-chung(1) 簸蝩."
162. For hunting and fishing. Cf.
Mh II, 485, n. 3.
163. Ying Shao says, "Granaries [to which
grain is] transported by water are called 庾." Cf. also Mh
II, 485, n. 4.
164. Ts'ui Hao (381-450) comments, "Rich
people wanted [aristocratic] ranks; poor people wanted money, hence [the
Emperor] permitted buying and selling [ranks]."
165. SC 10:17a has 幼
for the HS 老 and Chavannes (Mh II,
488) translates, "que les esprits des vieux comme des jeunes soient
aigris."
166. Wang Hsien-shen says that the word 地
should be inserted in the text after 天; the parallelism requires it and the
SC has it.
167. Cf. Mh II, 488,
n. 1.
168. Wang Nien-sun says that after the word 年
there has dropped out the word 終; the comments of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) and
Yen Shih-ku show that it should be added here and in the corresponding passage
of the SC. Chavannes has supplied this word in his
translation; cf. Mh II, 489. This word is of course
implied; but adding it is unnecessary and it spoils the rhythm. The notion
behind this saying is that he has died a natural death, for something must be
wrong with anyone who comes to a violent end.
169. The descendant comes from the ancestral
temple and after death returns there.
170. Yen Shih-ku says that Yü 與 should here be
read as 歟, which marks a question. Liu Pin (1022-1088) and Liu Chang (1017-1068)
agree. But Wang Nien-sun points out that Yen Shih-ku, in editing the comments
on this passage, has excised four words of Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265), which
are preserved in the Shih-chi Chi-chieh (written by P'ei
Yin, fl. 465-472), "Yü
is an expletive 與發聲也." Wang Nien-sun says that Yü in this passage is not to be
interpreted as 歟, but as an auxiliary word, without meaning. As examples of this
use of Yü he quotes sentences from HS 1B: 2b; from the
Tso-chuan (prob. iv cent. B.C.), Duke Hsi, 23rd year ibid., Dk. Hsiang, 29th yr. ibid.,
Dk. Chao, 17th yr.; from the Kuo-Yü (prob. iii cent. B.C.), ch. I, p. 6b
ibid. on Chin (twice) ibid. on
Chou; an ibid. on Yüeh; in all of which Yü is merely an
auxiliary meaningless word. It is a conjunctive conveying emphasis.
HS 6: 8b has the phrase 嘉與, but that has a different
meaning, "am happy to be with; here Yü is equivalent to
而.
171. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) and Chin Shao
(fl. ca. 275) explain 踐 as 跣 "to walk barefoot"; Yen Shih-ku approves; Chavannes
and Wieger, Textes Historiques, follow. The
Han-chi and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien write the
second character directly. But Fu Yen (prob. ii cent.)
says that the first character above means "to cut off. [The sentence means not
to use unhemmed mourning garments 翦也謂無斬衰也." Shen Ch'in-han points out, "In the
Book of History, [where,] in the Introduction, [it says
that] King Ch'eng 踐奄, Cheng [Hsüan, 127-200] reads [the first word] as 翦. The
Shih-ming [Han period] says, `The mourning garments for the three years [of
mourning] are called "cut off"; do not hem it, merely cut it off 翦斬.' This was
the ancient meaning of people in Han times. Fu [Yen's] interpretation is
right." Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) adds that this interpretation corresponds
with the sense of the next sentence. The HHS, Treatise
26: 3b, says "The Accessory Officials [and officers] below [that grade], with
linen clothes, with cap and mourning hat and mourning cloth girdle not wider
than three inches, shall lament in the hall; military officials, with a linen
mourning hat and great [ceremonial] cap." Wang Hsien-shen says that with these
ceremonial garments, it goes without saying that they would not be barefoot.
Hence Fu Yen's interpretation is the correct one.
172. Ch'ien Ta-chao says that 姪 should be 絰;
the Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed., the
SC, and the Han-chi all write the second
character.
173. Ying Shao says, "Do not use linen cloth
to cover the chariots together with the soldier's weapons." But Fu Ch'ien (ca.
125-195) says, "Do not send out light chariots, [used on formal occasions; they
had no cloth canopies], and armed soldiers." Yen Shih-ku approves Ying Shao's
interpretation, but Li Tz'u-ming (1829-1894) agrees with Fu Ch'ien, "The
ancient chariots with canopies all used linen. For the mourning ceremonies,
plain chariots with white linen cloth would not have been prohibited. This
[passage] of course speaks of displaying chariots and arms. If we take Ying
[Shao's] explanation, then it is difficult to explain `soldiers' weapons'; how
could the soldiers' weapons be covered with linen?"
174. Chavannes, (Mh
II, 489) translates this sentence to mean that fifteen persons shall wail
morning and night, but HHS, Tr. 6: 5b, in describing the
mourning for an emperor, says that after the presentation of his posthumous
name, "the Grand Master of Ceremonies kneels and says, `Wail.' The Grand Herald
transmits [the order], `Wail.' Fifteen [times he says], `Raise your voices,'
[then], `Stop wailing.' "
175. Li Tz'u-ming says that the
SC has no second 臨 after 哭, and since this word should not
be repeated, the second one in the HS is an
interpolation. Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi likewise has not this word. Wang
Hsien-shen (1859-1922) notes that the Later Han dynasty followed the practises
here specified.
176. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that 以 was
interchanged with 已.
177. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The
HS regularily uses 紅 for 功." Yen Shih-ku says these two words
are interchanged. "These mourning practises were made up by the Emperor Wen
following his own ideas, and were not taken from the Chou-li." Sometimes more
than a hundred days elapsed between the death and burial of the Han emperors,
so that mourning was worn considerably more than the thirty-six days herein
ordered. Ti Fang-chin followed this practise; cf. 84: 4b. The Confucian theory
had been to mourn to the third year, which period was ended at the beginning of
the third year (27 months in all). Yen Jo-ch'ü (1636-1704) says, "This rule of
the [Emperor] Wen of the Han [dynasty] was followed for three hundred and
seventy years. Emperor Wu [died 220] of the Wei [dynasty] first ordered that
with the burial [the ceremonies] had been completed, and abolished [the Han
rule, ordering that] there should be no thirty-six days of [wearing] mourning.
We do not know later what period used thirty-six days as the date for taking
off mourning without considering [whether the deceased had been] buried or not.
In the mourning for Yüan-[tsung, 713-755] and Su-tsung [756-762] of the T'ang
[dynasty], [the period for mourning] was again reduced [from] thirty-six days
to twenty-seven days. Then the saying [that Emperor Wen, in determining the
length of mourning] changed the days for the months [of the Chou period of
mourning, which had been twenty-seven months] arose first from this
[event]."
178. The Pa Tomb was the sepulcher of the
Emperor Wen, which he had, following custom, prepared for himself. The point of
this order was that there should be no mound raised or any interference with
the stream.
179. Ying Shao says, "Below the Ladies 夫人 [who
were outranked only by the Empress] there were the Beauties 美人, the Sweet Ladies
良人, the Eighth [Rank] Ladies 八子, the Seventh [Rank] Ladies 七子, the Senior Maids 長使, and
the Junior Maids 少使. All were sent back to their homes. He considered important
the cutting short of their family lines," i.e. he did not wish them to remain
without children. Cf. 97A:2a. The Han-chi says, "His
favorite, the Lady [née]
Shen, and those below, down to the Junior Maids, received an order to be
married." Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggests that the Emperor was probably thinking
about political matters---the way that the Empress Dowager did away with her
husband's concubines and that supposed children of the Emperor Hui were brought
forward after his death. For an account of the Emperor's harem, cf. Han-kuan
Ta-wen, ch. 4, p. 5 ff; Mh II, 533; 490, n.
2.
180. According to the SC 22:11a, the Supervisor of the Household of the Empress
and Heir-apparent, Jung Nu, was also made General of Chariots and Cavalry to
attend upon the Empress Dowager.
181. Yen Shih-ku says that the General In
Charge of Encampments was to be "in charge of the encamped armies, in order to
be prepared for any unexpected [rebellion or danger]."
182. Ju Shun says, "He was in charge of
opening the grave and filling up and burying." Cf. Mh
II, 203, n. 1.
183. Emperor Wen wished to disturb the
military dispositions of the empire as little as possible.
184. This eulogy (except for the last two
sentences) is found in SC 10:16a-17a verbatim (except
for a few verbal differences) and translated in Mh II,
485-487. Its presence there, interrupting the account, seems to show that it
was interpolated into the SC from the HS, but the differences between the two versions seem to
indicate that the SC version is the earlier and the
HS version the more polished one. Perhaps someone
interpolated into the SC an earlier version of Pan Ku's
eulogy.
185. Szu-ma Cheng (fl. 713-742) quotes Ku
Yeh-wang (519-581) as saying, "On top of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng
there are still the ancient foundations of a terrace." Yen Shih-ku says, "Today
on the top of the Li Mountain south of Hsin-feng Hsien there is a Lu-t'ai
Village [Roofless Terrace Village], which is very high and conspicuous. There
is still the place where the Emperor Wen wished to build a terrace." The Li
Mountain 驪山 is located, according to the Shina Redikai
Chimei Yoran, 2 li
southeast of the present Lin-t'ung 臨潼, in the Ch'ing dynasty's Hsi-an Fu,
Shensi.
186. Chia Yi (200-168 B.C.) in his memorial
to Emperor Wen, entitled Lun-shih-chen-su, in
Han, Wei, Liu-ch'ao Pei San-min
Chia-chi writes 身衣皁綈. Shen Ch'in-han suspects that instead of 皁 we should read 帛,
making the sentence read, "He personally wore thick silk," and adds, "Why
should he have fixed upon black for his clothes? The Ku-chin-chu [prob. written
dur. 265-420] writes, `Emperor Wen attended court wearing straw sandals.'
"
187. Such pottery mortuary objects are found
in museums today. Shen Ch'in-han writes, "The Chin Dynastic History [written by
Fang Hsüan-ling, 578-648], in the Memoir of So Ch'en, says, `The people of the
three [parts of the territory of ancient] Ch'in robbed and opened the two Han
tombs of Pa and Tu [those of Emperors Wen Hsüan; the latter was 50 li south of
Ch'ang-an] and got many jewels and precious things. Emperor Min [313-317] asked
[So] Ch'en, "How is it then that there are so many things in the Han tombs?"
[So] Ch'en replied, "When the Han [dynasty] Sons of Heaven had been on the
throne for one year, they made their tombs. The tribute and taxes of the empire
were divided into three parts: one provided for the ancestral temple; one
provided for [the entertainment of] guests; one provided for the tomb. The
years that the Emperor Wu of the Han [dynasty] enjoyed were many and long; when
he died, the Mou Tomb could not contain any more articles and its trees were
already two spans [in circumference]. The `Red Eyebrows' [a group of bandits,
ca. 23 A.D.] took the articles from the tomb, but could not diminish them by
half. Today the decayed silk is still left there, and the pearls and jade have
not yet been exhausted. These two tombs were parsimonious ones." ' According to
what the present Annal says, then, after this Emperor died, his subjects and
sons disregarded his acknowledged will."
188. The Emperor Wen's letter to Chao T'o is
considered one of the great pieces of Chinese literature. It is in 95:
9a-10a.
189. Chavannes translates this phrase, "aux
commandants préposés à la garde des frontières," but I do not find any
officials by this title. Cf. Mh II, 486.
190. Presents made to an honored official
over the age of sixty-six. Cf. Li-chi, ch. L, pt. i, art. i, sect. 29;
Mh II, 487, n. 1. Liu P'i rebelled after the Emperor's
death. Cf. 5: 4a.
191. Shen Ch'in-han points out that the
Feng-su T'ung-yi (written by Ying Shao,
ca. 140-206), ch. Cheng-shih, says,
"The Emperor Hsiao-ch'eng [32-6 B.C.] asked Liu Hsiang [76-8 B.C.], saying,
`Later generations all say that Emperor Wen ruled the world until it almost
attained perfect peace, and that his virtue equalled that of King Wen of the
Chou [dynasty]. From what did this saying arise?' [Liu Hsiang] replied, `It
arose from his practise regarding advice. Emperor Wen respected those who
offered advice, in order not to hurt their feelings. When the officials,
whether great or small, came [to him], then they could speak to him with ease,
and the Emperor would stop his carriage and listen to them. If their advice
could be [followed], he called it "Good"; if it could not be [followed], he
merely smiled pleasantly. Most of these advisors praised him. Later people saw
their transmitted writings, and so considered him to have been as [the writings
said].' "
192. Down to this point, this eulogy is
found, practically verbatim, in the SC. Cf. p. 272, n.
1.
193. HS 72: 14a says,
"[Kung] Yü [a high official, lived 124-43 B.C.] also said, `In the time of
Emperor Hsiao-wen, he honored probity and purity and despized avariciousness
and impurity. The adopted sons-in-law of merchants and officials who were
sentenced for bribery were always imprisoned and could not become officials. He
rewarded goodness and punished wickedness, and did not make his relatives and
kin his chief officials. When [anyone's] crime was plain, [the Emperor ordered
that person] to suffer his punishment; when it was doubtful, he gave [the
criminal] to the people [for public opinion upon his crime; cf. Chou-Li, 35:
26, Biot p. 322 f]. He had no law for commuting crimes [by the payment of a
fine], hence his orders were carried out and his prohibitions were effective,
and the [land] within the [four] seas was greatly influenced [by his example].
In the empire there were pronounced verdicts upon [only] four hundred [cases],
which was no different from setting aside punishments [without using them].'
"
194. This concluding sentence is the
positive form of the last sentence in the SC's chapter.
Cf. Mh II, 495. This eulogy of Emperor Wen is largely a
criticism of Emperor Wu, who did very much the opposite of what Emperor Wen is
here represented as having done. Cf. 6: 39b, the last
sentence.
Published
by The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, © Copyright 2003
by Anne Kinney and the University of Virginia