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治期篇

　世謂古人君賢，則道德施行，施行則功成治安；人君不肖，則道德頓廢，頓廢則功敗治亂。古今論者，莫謂不然。何則？見堯、舜賢聖致太平，桀、紂無道致亂得誅。如實論之，命期自然，非德化也。

吏百石以〔下〕，若〔鬥〕食以〔上〕，居位治民，為政布教，教行與止，民治與亂，皆有命焉。

或才高行潔，居位職廢；或智淺操洿，治民而立。上古之黜陟幽明，考功，據有功而加賞，案無功而施罰。是考命而長祿，非實才而厚能也。

論者因考功之法，據效而定賢，則謂民治國安者，賢君之所致；民亂國危者，無道之所為也。故危亂之變至，論者以責人君，歸罪於為政不得其道。人君受以自責，愁神苦思，撼動形體，而危亂之變，終不減除。空憤人君人心，使明知之主，虛受之責，世論傳稱，使之然也。

夫賢君能治當安之民，不能化當亂之世。良醫能行其針藥，使方術驗者，遇未死之人，得未死之病也。如命窮病困，則雖扁鵲末如之何。夫命窮病困之不可治，猶夫亂民之不可安也；藥氣之愈病，猶教導之安民也，皆有命時，不可令勉力也。

公伯寮訴子路於季孫，子服景伯以告孔子。孔子曰：“道之將行也與，命也！道之將廢也與，命也！”由此言之，教之行廢，國之安危，皆在命時，非人力也。夫世亂民逆，國之危殆，災害系於上天，賢君之德，不能消卻。《詩》道周宣王遭大旱矣。

《詩》曰：“周余黎民，靡有孑遺。”言無有可遺一人不被害者。宣王賢者，嫌於德微。

仁惠盛者，莫過堯、湯，堯遭洪水，湯遭大旱。水旱，災害之甚者也，而二聖逢之，豈二聖政之所致哉？天地歷數當然也。

以堯、湯之水旱，准百王之災害，非德所致，非德所致，則其福佑非德所為也。

賢君之治國也，猶慈父之治家。慈父耐平教明令，耐使子孫皆為孝善。子孫孝善，是家興也；百姓平安，是國昌也。昌必有衰，興必有廢。興昌非德所能成，然則衰廢非德所能敗也。昌衰興廢，皆天時也。

此善惡之實，未言苦樂之效也。家安人樂，富饒財用足也。案富饒者命厚所致，非賢慧所獲也。人皆知富饒居安樂者命祿厚，而不知國安治化行者歷數吉也。

故世治非賢聖之功，衰亂非無道之致。國當衰亂，賢聖不能盛；時當治，惡人不能亂。世之治亂，在時不在政；國之安危，在數不在教。賢不賢之君，明不明之政，無能損益。

世稱五帝之時，天下太平，家有十年之蓄，人有君子之行。或時不然，世增其美，亦或時政致。

何以審之？夫世之所以為亂者，不以賊盜眾多，兵革並起，民棄禮義，負畔其上乎？若此者，由穀食乏絕，不能忍饑寒。夫饑寒並至而能無為非者寡，然則溫飽並至而能不為善者希。傳曰：“倉稟實，民知禮節；衣食足，民知榮辱。”讓生於有餘，爭起於不足。

穀足食多，禮義之心生；禮豐義重，平安之基立矣。故饑歲之春，不食親戚，穰歲之秋，召及四鄰。不食親戚，惡行也；召及四鄰，善義也。

為善惡之行，不在人質性，在於歲之饑穰。由此言之，禮義之行，在穀足也。案穀成敗，自有年歲。年歲水旱，五穀不成，非政所致，時數然也。必謂水旱政治所致，不能為政者莫過桀、紂，桀、紂之時，宜常水旱。案桀、紂之時，無饑耗之災。災至自有數，或時返在聖君之世。

實事者說堯之洪水，湯之大旱，皆有遭遇，非政惡之所致。說百王之害，獨謂為惡之應，此見堯、湯德優，百王劣也。審一足以見百，明惡足以照善。堯、湯證百王，至百王遭變，非政所致，以變見而明禍福。五帝致太平，非德所就，明矣。

人之溫病而死也，先有凶色見於面部。其病，遇邪氣也，其病不愈。至於身死，命壽訖也。國之亂亡，與此同驗。有變見於天地，猶人溫病而死，色見於面部也。有水旱之災，猶人遇氣而病也。災禍不除，至於國亡，猶病不愈，至於身死也。

論者謂變征政治，賢人溫病色凶，可謂操行所生乎？謂水旱者無道所致，賢者遭病，可謂無狀所得乎？謂亡者為惡極，賢者身死，可謂罪重乎？

夫賢人有被病而早死，惡人有完強而老壽，人之病死，不在操行為惡也。然則國之亂亡，不在政之是非。惡人完強而老壽，非政平安而常存。由此言之，禍變不足以明惡，福瑞不足以表善，明矣。

在天之變，日月薄蝕，四十二月日一食，五六月月亦一食食有常數，不在政治，百變千災，皆同一狀，未必人君政教所致。

歲害鳥帑，周、楚有禍；綝然之氣見，宋、衛、陳、鄭皆災。當此之時，六國政教未必失誤也。曆陽之都，一夕沈而為湖，當時曆陽長吏未必誑妄也。

成敗系於天，吉凶制於時。人事未為，天氣已見，非時而何？

五穀生地，一豐一耗；穀糶在市，一貴一賤。豐者未必賤，耗者未必貴。豐耗有歲，貴賤有時。時當貴，豐穀價增；時當賤，耗穀直減。夫谷之貴賤不在豐耗，猶國之治亂不在善惡。

賢君之立，偶在當治之世，德自明於上，民自善於下，世平民安，瑞佑並至，世則謂之賢君所致。無道之君，偶生於當亂之時，世擾俗亂，災害不絕，遂以破國亡身滅嗣，世皆謂之為惡所致。若此，明於善惡之外形，不見禍福之內實也。

禍福不在善惡，善惡之證不在禍福。長吏到官，未有所行，政教因前，無所改更。然而盜賊或多或寡，災害或無或有，夫何故哉？

長吏秩貴，當階平安以升遷，或命賤不任，當由危亂以貶詘也。以今之長吏，況古之國君，安危存亡，可得論也。

Chapter II. Periods of Government (Chih-ch`i).

The world is convinced that, when in ancient times the monarch was wise, truth and virtue were practised, and that when they were practised success was achieved and the government well ordered. When the ruler of men was degenerate, truth and virtue declined, and, in consequence of this decline, all success was lost and government thrown into confusion. All thinkers of ancient and modern times hold this view, for they notice that the wisdom of Yao and Shun brought about universal peace, whereas the lawlessness of Chieh and Chou resulted in rebellion and in their destruction. But if we thoroughly go into the question we find that fate has its proper time, which comes spontaneously, and that virtue has no influence upon it. ¹

All officials, those with an income of more than a hundred piculs as well as those living on less than a pint, ² while in office, govern the people. They exercise their authority, instruct, and admonish, but whether these instructions have any effect, and whether the people are well governed or in revolution, depends on fate.

Some persons may have great talents and lead a pure life, but when called to office, they soon are cashiered, whereas others with very little knowledge and a scandalous conduct govern the people and remain in office. In remote antiquity promotion and degradation of able and incompetent men was merely based on success. Rewards were bestowed on the successful, and penalties inflicted on the unsuccessful. Much consideration was shown for fate, and a great partiality to fortune, but neither were talents investigated nor capacities much appreciated.

Dialecticians use this method of inquiring into the achievements, and determine people's virtue by their success. Thus they hold that the tranquillity of the people, and the peace of the State are due to a wise ruler, and that rebellions and other dangers of a country are the upshot of his depravity. Therefore, when revolutions and other calamities unexpectedly break out, these critics bring them home to the sovereign, charging him with misrule. The prince acquiesces and takes the guilt upon himself. Sorrow and pain shake his body, but the difficulties are not removed thereby. Without reason they harass the mind of the ruler, and overwhelm an enlightened monarch with undeserved reproaches. These ideas are being transmitted and universally accepted. ³

A wise ruler may govern a people who are to live in peace, but he cannot reform an age destined to revolt. A physician clever in using his needles ⁴ and medicines, is successful with his methods, if he happens to find a patient whose end has not yet arrived, and comes across a disease which is not mortal. If the man's life is ended and his sickness fatal, he can do nothing even though he be a second Pien Ch`io.⁵ A worn-out life and a fatal disease are incurable as a people in rebellion cannot be pacified. The action of the drugs cures a disease as admonitions serve to pacify the people. Both cases are subject to destiny and time, and cannot be forced at all cost.

[The Kung-po Liao, having slandered Tse Lu to Chi Sun, Tse Fu Ching Po informed Confucius of it..... Confucius said, "If my principles are to advance, it is so ordered. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered."] ⁶ Consequently, the advance of the doctrine no less than the peace of the people depend on fate and time, and not on human force. Revolutions, the opposition of the citizens, and the danger of the State are commonly caused by calamities which come down from Heaven above. The virtue of a wise ruler is unfit to cope with, and disperse them.

It is mentioned in the Shiking⁷ that King Hsüan met with a great drought. The words are, `[Of the remnant of Chou, among the black-haired people, there will not be half a man left.]' That means that not a single person was left, but was affected by this disaster. King Hsüan⁸ was a wise man who regretted the insufficiency of his virtue.

There has never been anybody more benevolent and kindhearted than Yao and T`ang. But Yao met with the Great Flood, and T`ang fell in with a great drought. ⁹ Inundations and droughts are the worst calamities. Since the two Sages were visited with them, were they brought about by their administration? No, the fixed periods of Heaven and Earth made it so.

From the inundation and the drought of Yao und T`ang we draw the conclusion that the calamities of other kings are not caused by their virtue. That being the case, their happiness and felicity cannot be the result of their virtue either.

A wise ruler's government of his State is like a kind father's administration of his family. The latter gives his instructions to all equally and issues his commands, thus making his sons and grandsons dutiful and virtuous. His descendants being dutiful and virtuous, the family flourishes. When all the citizens live in peace, the State prospers. But prosperity is always succeeded by a decay, and progress, attended by a decline. As prosperity and progress are not brought about by virtue, decline and decay cannot be due to virtue either. Prosperity and progress, decay and decline are all dependent on Heaven and time.

This is the real nature of goodness and badness, but we have not yet spoken of the manifestations of joy and sorrow. A family is not at peace, nor are its members cheerful unless there be sufficient wealth, and ample means to supply its wants. Affluence is the outcome of a generous fate and not to be obtained through wisdom and benevolence. Everybody knows that affluence, peace, and contentment are consequences of a happy destiny, but ignores that the tranquillity of a State, and the success of its institutions are but lucky circumstances.

Consequently good government is not the work of worthies and sages; and decay and disorder, not the result of viciousness. When a State is doomed to fall to pieces, worthies and sages cannot make it thrive, and when an age is to be well governed, no wicked people can throw it into disorder. Order and disorder depend on time, and not on government; the tranquillity and the troubles of a State are determined by its destiny, and not by its culture. Neither a wise nor an unwise ruler, neither an enlightened nor an unenlightened government can be beneficial or deleterious.

The world praises the era of the Five Rulers, when the whole empire was enjoying peace, people had provisions for ten years, and every one behaved like a man of honour. It may be that this was not the case and merely an exaggeration of the time, or it was really the effect of the then government, but how can we know?

What are the causes of disorder? Are they not the predominance of robbery, fighting, and bloodshed, the disregard of the moral obligations by the people, and their rebellion against their ruler? All these difficulties arise from a want of grain and food, in so far as people are unable to bear hunger and cold. When hunger and cold combine, there are few but violate the laws, and when they enjoy both warmth and food, there are few but behave properly. ¹⁰

It has been said that, when the granaries and store-houses are full, people know the rules of propriety, and when clothes and food suffice, people are sensible of honour and disgrace. Altruism grows from opulence, and strife springs from indigence. There being abundance of grain and plenty of food, moral feelings emanate, and by paying due consideration to propriety and justice, the foundations of peace and happiness are laid. Thus, in the spring of a year of dearth, not even relatives are fed, whereas in the autumn of a year of plenty, even neighbours are invited to take their share. Not to feed one's own relations is wicked, and to invite even one's neighbours, a great kindness. Good and bad actions are not the upshot of human character, but of the state of the year, its dearth and affluence.

From this point of view, moral conduct is conditioned by the grain supply, and the grain produce depends on the year. When a year is conspicuous by floods or droughts, the Five Grains do not grow. Not the government is responsible for this, but time and circumstances. If inundations and dryness be held to be the result of government, there were never worse rulers than Chieh and Chou. In their time there ought to have been constant floods and droughts, but their reigns were not visited with famines or dearth. Calamities such as these have their periods which sometimes, contrariwise, just fall in the reigns of wise sovereigns.

On mature consideration it will be admitted that the Great Flood of Yao and the Great Drought of T`ang were both accidents and not occasioned by bad government. If, however, the disasters of all the other kings be taken for echoes of their wickedness, it would be an exaltation of the excellence of Yao and T`ang and a depreciation of the other princes. One case gives us a key to a hundred, and the knowledge of wickedness enlightens us upon virtue. Yao and T`ang may serve us as guides vis-à-vis of other rulers. The extraordinary calamities of the latter cannot be caused by their administration. Looking upon them as natural calamities, we get a clearer conception of happiness and misfortune, and it becomes evident that, if the Five Rulers bring about universal peace, they do not do it through their administration.

People about to die from plague ¹¹ show a lugubrious expression, boding ill, in their features beforehand. Their disease arises from contagion by miasms, and unless it be cured they die, their span thus coming to an end. The convulsions, and the final catastrophe of a State show similar symptoms. Extraordinary changes appear in Heaven and on Earth just as in the case of persons dying from plague the mark of death is visible on their faces. Floods, droughts, and other disasters are like the miasms engendering sickness, and unless these calamities be removed, they conduce to the ruin of the State as the disease not cured leads to the death of the individual.

Would those who maintain that phenomenal changes are a test of government, admit that, if worthies catch the plague and have that lugubrious look, it is all caused by their dealings? If floods and droughts be looked upon as sequences of lawlessness, can worthies, attacked by a disease, be said to have contracted it through their disorderly conduct? Death is regarded as the greatest evil, but when worthies die of sickness, must this be considered the heaviest possible punishment inflicted upon them?

Worthies are taken ill and die early, and wicked people may be strong and robust and become very old. Human diseases and death are not a retribution for evil doing, and so the disorder and the ruin of a State have nothing to do with the goodness or the badness of its government. Bad characters are strong and become old, and iniquitous governments enjoy peace and remain unharmed. Consequently, it is plain that misfortunes and disasters are not sufficient indications of depravity, and happiness and lucky auguries are inadequate proofs of virtue.

Amongst the celestial phenomena there are partial eclipses of the sun and the moon. Every forty-two months there is an eclipse of the sun, and every fifty-six months, one of the moon. ¹² These eclipses occur at fixed intervals and have no connexion with the government. The hundred phenomena and the thousand disasters manifest themselves in a similar way, and are not brought about by the ruler of men or any administrative measures.

When Jupiter injured the tail of the "Bird," Chou and Ch`u suffered misfortune, and a disaster was sent down on Sung, Wei, Ch`ên and Chêng, when a featherlike air put in an appearance. ¹³ It does not follow that, at this juncture, the policy of these six States was mistaken. The city of Li-yang sank during one night, and was turned into a lake. ¹⁴ At that time, the high officers of Li-yang must not have been deceitful and perverse.

Success and discomfiture emanate from Heaven, and good and bad luck are governed by time. Ere man sets to work the heavenly fluid is already apparent; if this is not time, what else is it?

The Five Grains grow on earth, sometimes in abundance, and sometimes in insufficient quantities. The grain is sold in the market, sometimes dear and sometimes cheap. Rich harvests are not of necessity attended by low prices, nor does a scarcity of production lead to a rising of the prices. Abundance and scarcity have their years, dearness and cheapness, their time. When there is to be dearness and abundance simultaneously, the grain price rises, and when there is to be cheapness and scarcity, it falls. The price of grain does not depend on the state of the harvest, no more than the conditions of a State turn on moral qualities. ¹⁵

If a wise ruler happens to rise in an era pre-ordained for order, virtue of itself shines above, and the people behave well below. The age is tranquil, the people at ease, and bliss and felicity never cease. The world then imagines all this to be the work of the wise ruler. If an unprincipled sovereign happens to be born during a period fraught with disturbances, the age is stirred up, the citizens revolt, and there is no end of calamities. In consequence whereof the State is ruined, the sovereign destroyed, and his descendants extinguished. The world invariably sees in this the effect of wickedness. They understand the outward appearances of goodness and badness, but are ignorant of the intrinsic nature of happiness and misfortune.

Happiness and misfortune do not hinge on goodness or badness, and goodness or badness cannot be called to witness in case of happiness and misfortune. Sometimes high functionaries, having taken over a new office, have not yet been active, or the administration, following old precedents, has not been changed. Yet robbery is either rampant or not, and calamities may happen, or may not happen. What is the reason of this?

Great officers, destined to high honours, use a time of general peace as a stepping stone for their advancement, whereas those doomed to baseness and loss of office, begin their career in times of troubles, and thus are degraded and cashiered. From our actual high officers we may draw an inference on the ancient monarchs, and thus discourse on safety and danger, prosperity and decay.

Notes

1. Wang Ch`ung's view that fate is not affected by human activity is as one-sided as that which he impugns viz. that virtue can do everything. Human energy is but one of the many circumstances co-operating in what we call fate, but a very important one which cannot be neglected.

2. In former times Chinese officials were paid in grain instead of money, a system not quite abolished even at present.

3. Up to the present day, the Emperor feels himself responsible for the happiness of his State and looks upon an unlucky war or other misfortunes as punishments inflicted upon him by Heaven for his sins. On the other side, he and the manes of his ancestors get the credit for all success.

4. Needles for acupuncture, not for sewing, for there is no cutting in Chinese medicine.

5. A celebrated physician of the 5th cent. b.c. Cf. Vol. I, p. 223, Note 2 and Giles, Biogr. Dict. No. 396.

6. Analects XIV, 38.

7. Shiking III, Bk. III, Ode IV, 3 (Legge, Classics Vol. IV, Part II, p. 530).

8. King Hsüan of the Chou dynasty, 827-781 b.c.

9. Cf. p. 16.

10. Wang Ch`ung here anticipates the theory of many modern historians who ascribe great political changes not to the preponderating influence of some individuals, the great men of history, but to the economical conditions of the people.

11. Edition B erroneously writes which must be as Ed. A and C have it.

12. In Vol. I, p. 270 Wang Ch`ung says that, on an average, an eclipse of the sun occurs every 41 or 42 months and of the moon every 180 days.

13. See Vol. I, p. 118.

14. Cf. Vol. I, p. 136.

15. Neither of these two statements will be unreservedly admitted:---The prices, to a great extent, depend on the harvest, and the welfare of a State, on the moral qualities of its citizens, although there may be still other causes at work.


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Published by The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, © Copyright 2003 by Anne Kinney and the University of Virginia