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以湯遭旱自責以五過也。聖人純完，行無缺失矣，何自責有五過？然如《書》曰：“湯自責，天應以雨。”湯本無過， 以五過自責，天何故雨？〔使〕以過致旱，〔不〕知自責，〔亦〕能得雨也。由此言之，旱 不為湯至，雨不應自責。然而前旱後雨者，自然之氣也。此言，《書》之語也。
由此論之，周成王之雷風發，亦此類也。《金滕》曰：“秋大熟未獲。天大雷電以風，禾盡偃，大木斯拔，邦人大恐。”當此之時 ，周公死，儒者說之，以為成王狐疑於〔葬〕周公：欲以天子禮葬公，公人臣也；欲以人臣禮葬公，公有王功。狐疑於葬周公之間，天大雷雨，動怒 示變，以彰聖功。
秦始皇帝東封岱岳，雷雨暴至。劉媼息大澤，雷雨晦冥。始皇無道，自同前聖，治亂自謂太平，天怒可也。劉媼息大澤， 夢與神遇 ，是生高祖，何怒於生聖人而為雷雨乎？
Chapter III. Sympathetic Emotions (Kan-lei).
When the Yin and the Yang are at variance, calamitous changes supervene. Either they arise from the unexpiated guilt of former generations, 1 or it is the spontaneous action of the fluids. Worthies and sages feel an emotion by sympathy, 2 and, in their agitation, think out for themselves the reason for the calamity, implying some wickedness, having happened. They incriminate themselves, and from fear that they themselves are culpable take every precaution. It does not follow that this apprehension is based on facts, 3 as the following reflection will prove:---
T`ang being visited by a drought, impeached himself of five faults. Now, a sage is perfect, and his dealings without blemish; why then must he accuse himself of five faults? But, as the Shuking has it, T`ang inculpated himself, and Heaven responded with rain. Originally T`ang was innocent, but he brought the five charges against himself. 4 Why then did Heaven send the rain? If the drought was caused by innocence, it is obvious that rain cannot be obtained by self-accusation. From this point of view, the drought did not happen for T`ang's sake, and the rain was not a response to his self-indictment, but the previous drought and the subsequent rain were the effect of the spontaneous fluid. So much about this passage of the Shuking.
But other difficulties arise:---At the great rain sacrifice of the Spring and Autumn period, Tung Chung Shu put up a clay dragon. 5 All are agreed that this refers but to a limited space of time. No rain having fallen for awhile, out of fear they made the offering, imploring the Yin and praying for happiness, full of sympathy for the distress of the people.
T`ang having met with a drought lasting seven years, accused himself of the five faults. Which time was this? Did he impeach himself at once, on falling in with the drought, or did he but do so after the drought had lasted seven years? If we say that he did so at once, and it rained but seven years later, why did Heaven responding to his sincerity, put him off so long at first? And if we hold that he impeached himself after seven years, why was his compassion with his people so much delayed? The story neither tallies with the ceremony of the rain sacrifice, nor does it show any affection for the people, therefore we cannot believe the words of the Shuking.
Thunder and rain overtaking King Ch`êng of the Chou dynasty fall under the same head. We learn from the chapter "The Metal-Bound Coffer" 6 that, [in autumn, before the big crop was harvested Heaven hurled down tremendous thunders and lightnings, and that, owing to the storm, all the grain lay down, and huge trees were up-rooted, so that all inhabitants were exceedingly frightened.] 7 At this time the duke of Chou died. 8 The Literati contend that King Ch`êng was in doubt about the duke of Chou, whether he should bury him with imperial honours, the duke being but a minister, or whether he should follow the rites prescribed for a minister, the deserts of the duke being equal to those of an emperor. While he was thus wavering with regard to the funeral of the duke, Heaven sent a big thunder-storm with rain, manifesting its anger by this phenomenon, in order to illustrate the achievements of the sage.
The archæologists maintain that at the decease of Wu Wang, when the Duke of Chou had become regent, evil reports were spread about him in Kuan and Ts`ai.9 The king mistrusted him, and the duke fled to Ch`u.10 Thereupon, Heaven sent a tempest with rain to undeceive King Ch`êng. Thus, the phenomenon of thunder and rain was either due to the king's misgivings about the burial or to his belief in those slanderous reports. The two schools could not make it out.
If we accept the statement about the funeral we find that in autumn and summer the Yang fluid is at its cynosure, and there is any amount of rain and thunder-storms, and, as regards the up-rooting of trees and the lying down of the corn, they are, likewise, of frequent occurrence.
During the tempest King Ch`êng took alarm. He opened the book in the metal-bound coffer, and learned the merits of Chou Kung. Holding the book in his hands, he bewailed his error and reproached himself most severely. 11 This self-impeachment took place when, accidentally, Heaven sent a contrary wind. The scholiasts of the Shuking then fancied that Heaven was indignant on account of the Duke of Chou.
During a thousand autumns, and ten thousand summers there is never a cessation of tempests and rain. If both be regarded as manifestations of Heaven's anger, is august Heaven irate year after year? In the first month, the Yang fluid pours out, and the sound of thunder is first heard. In summer and autumn, the Yang reaches its climax, and there is crashing of thunder. Provided that the thunder of summer and autumn be deemed an expression of Heaven's great wrath, is the thunder in the first month a manifestation of its minor irritation?
Thunder being expressive of Heaven's anger, rain must be accounted a blessing. Now flying into a passion on account of the Duke of Chou, Heaven ought to have thundered, but not to have rained. Since rain fell simultaneously, was Heaven pleased and angry at the same time?
Confucius did not cry and sing on the same day, 12 and according to the Rites of the Chou13 on the tse mao days, 14 when millet and vegetable soup were eaten, sorrow and joy were not uttered simultaneously. Sorrow and joy were not uttered simultaneously, and cheerfulness and anger should be combined?
When Ch`in Shih Huang Ti sacrificed in the east on Mount T`ai, a tempest with rain broke loose, 15 and when dame Liu reposed on the banks of a big pond, a tempest and rain darkened the sky. 16Ch`in Shih Huang Ti, in spite of his villainy, would rank with the former sages, and looked upon his own outrageous reign as a time of universal peace. It may be that this roused the indignation of Heaven. When dame Liu reposed near the big pond, she dreamed that she met with a spirit. At that time she begot Kao Tsu. Why was Heaven so furious at the birth of a sage, that it sent thunder and rain?
In Yao's time a storm caused great havoc, and Yao had this big storm fettered in the wilds of Ch`ing-ch`iu.17 When Shun entered a big mountain forest, there was a fearful wind, thunder, and rain. 18Yao and Shun were the exalted rulers of their age; how have they sinned against Heaven, that it caused wind and rain?
At a time of great dryness, in the Ch`un-ch`iu epoch, the rain-sacrifice was performed. Tung Chung Shu, moreover, put up a clay-dragon to attract the fluid by sympathy. 19 If Heaven responded to the rain dragon, it must have produced a tempest with rain, because the rain of summer and autumn always comes accompained by thundrstorms. In case this method of the Ch`un-ch`iu epoch of Tung Chung Shu be followed, does the dragon at the great rain-sacrifice attract Heaven's anger?
When the music-master K`uang played the song "White Snow," a flash of lightning was seen, and when he thrummed a tune in A major, a violent storm with rain broke loose. 20 Provided that a tempest and rain be indicative of Heaven's wrath, why did it dislike "White Snow" and A major so much as to resent the music-master's playing them? This is a difficulty about thunder and rain.
Another question may be asked:---Because King Ch`êng would not grant Chou Kung imperial funeral honours, Heaven sent thunder and storm, curbed down the corn, and up-rooted trees. The king took the hint, and holding the book, deplored his fault, when Heaven sent a contrary wind, and the lying grain rose up again. Wherefore did it not stop the storm at once and thereby uplift the big trees again, and why were the inhabitants expected to raise them up and replace them? 21
Reply:---Heaven could not do it.
Question:---Then, are there things which Heaven is unable to do?
Objection:---When Mêng Pên22 pushed a man he fell down, and when he took hold of him, he rose again. He took a man, and made him stand upright. If Heaven could merely pull out trees, but not uplift them again, its strength would be inferior to that of Mêng Pên.
During the Ch`in time three mountains disappeared. 23 They, also, say that they were transferred by Heaven. Now, how can the weight of trees be compared with that of three mountains? That Heaven could transfer the three mountains, and was incapable of raising big trees, is not what we should expect from its strength. If the three mountains are believed not to have vanished by Heaven's instrumentality, does it produce but thunder and rain?
Reply:---Heaven wished to induce King Ch`êng to bury the Duke of Chou in accordance with imperial rites, for the duke was possessed of the virtue of a sage, and he had the deserts of an emperor. The Classic says, [Then the king found the words spoken by Chou Kung, at his death, about his meritorious deed of taking the place of King Wu . . . and that now Heaven had moved its terrors to display the virtue of the Duke of Chou]. 24
Objection:---Yi Yin as prime minister to T`ang defeated the Hsia dynasty. He promoted the welfare of the people and kept off distress, so that universal peacc reigned all over the world. After T`ang's death, he again became minister to T`ai Chia. Because the latter was lazy and dissolute, he banished him into the T`ung25 palace, and conducted the government for three years. 26 Then he retired, after having restored the king to his dignity. Chou Kung said, "Yi Yin followed the example of august Heaven." 27 Heaven should have made it public. Why did Heaven not cause thunder and rain at Yi Yin's death?
Reply:---According to the "Hundred Chapters on Rain," 28 when Yi Yin died there was a great mist for three days.
(Objection):---A great mist for three days is an abnormal fluid and not a phenomenon expressive of Heaven's anger. Chang Pa of Tung-hai29 is the author of this "Rain Book." Although his statement be not trustworthy, yet we shall use it as the basis of our inquiry:
Heaven produced thunder and rain for the purpose of rousing King Ch`êng. Did the thunder cease before the king had opened the metal-bound trunk, or after he had opened it?
Reply:---Thunder ceased before he had opened the trunk. It was in the trunk that he found the book wherefrom he learned the merits of the duke. Having become aware of his mistake, he deplored it and resolved to bury the duke with imperial honours. When he went out into the suburbs and saw the phenomenal changes, Heaven had already stopped the rain and blown a contrary wind, and all the grain had risen up again. 30 Consequently, thunder and rain had already stopped before King Ch`êng was sensible of his fault.
Objection:---If for Yi Yin's sake there were three foggy days, why did not Heaven send thunder and rain for three days, and had not the king to become enlightened first before they ceased?
Under the régime of T`ai Mou a mulberry and a paper-mulberry grew together in the court, which after seven days showed a circumference of a span. T`ai Mou meditated on government, when the two trees faded away. 31 In the time of Duke Ching of Sung, Mars occupied the place of the "Heart" constellation. The duke uttered three excellent maxims, whereupon Mars passed through several mansions. 32 Had T`ai Mou not reflected on government, and Duke Ching not made the three utterances, the mulberry and the paper-mulberry would not have vanished, nor would Mars have shifted its place, for it was by means of these calamitous changes that Heaven made its admonitions. That these calamities should not he removed before its admonitions had been taken notice of, was wisely ordained by Heaven. 33 Now Heaven in its anger caused thunder and rain to reprove King Ch`êng, but thunder and rain stopped before the king had caught the intimation. What is the reason of this haste?
Another objection:---It is customary to style the sons of princes:---"Son of a Lord" and their grandsons:---"Grandson of a Lord." All of them live on fiefs, and distinguish themselves from common folk. The sons as well as the grandsons of lords are nearly related to the chief of the house and noble. They are called lords with full right, and live on their domains. Their title agrees with the real state of affairs, and there is conformity of essence and outward appearance. Heaven exhibited the virtue of Chou Kung, and ordered King Ch`êng to bury him in imperial style. Why then did it not command the king to call Chou Kung King Chou, to be in accordance with imperial honours?
Reply:---King is the title of the highest nobility to which a minister has no right.
Objection:---But do not ministers, also, obtain the title of king? When King Wu had defeated Chou, and returned from his expedition he carried back the title of king 34 to T`ai Wang, Wang Chi, and Wên Wang, all three of them feudal lords and ministers to boot, but the title of king was conferred upon them. Why could this only be done in the case of these three personages, but not for the Duke of Chou? If Heaven intended to make the Duke illustrious, how could it manifest it? Did these three men bear the marks of royalty? However, royal merits were also achieved by Chou Kung.
The Yangtse rises from the Min35 mountains, and in its course forms currents and rapids. But can these currents and rapids be placed on a par with the source from which it flows? For whom did the aromatic liquor arrive, and who was presented with the white pheasants, the three kings 36 or the Duke of Chou?37
The merits and the virtue of the duke of Chou eclipsed those of the three kings, yet the title of king was not bestowed upon him. Was Heaven displeased with the inconsiderate use men made of this title? At the decline of the Chou dynasty, the rulers of six States styled themselves kings, those of Ch`i and Ch`in became even emperors. At that time Heaven did not prevent it nor cause any change displaying its anger, however, when Chou Kung was not interred with imperial rites, it sent thunder and rain to reprimand King Ch`êng. Why was there such a lack of uniformity concerning the pleasure and displeasure of Heaven?
Another objection:---Chi Sun of Lu had presented Tsêng Tse with a fine mat. When Tsêng Tse fell sick he slept upon it. His attendant observed, "How beautifully figured and lustrous is this mat! It is the mat of a great officer." Tsêng Tse felt ashamed and bade Yuan change the mat, for, according to custom, a scholar should not sleep on a mat of a great officer. 38 Now, Chou Kung, a minister, being buried like an emperor, would his soul, provided it still possessed consciousness, feel at ease?
Reply:---Why should it not acquiesce in what King Ch`êng did, and Heaven admitted?
Objection:---Was the mat of a great officer presented by Chi Sun woven by Tsêng Tse himself? 39 Why did he alone not feel at ease?
[The Master being very ill, Tse Lu sent the disciples to act as officers to him. During a remission of his illness, he said, "Long has the conduct of Yu been deceitful! By pretending to have officers when I have them not, whom should I impose upon? Should I impose upon Heaven?"] 40
Confucius blamed Tse Lu for calling upon the disciples to act as officers to him, although he was not a sovereign. To do something recklessly and contrary to the wish of Heaven is imposing upon Heaven. Chou Kung was not a son of Heaven either. If we credit him with the same feelings as Confucius, he certainly cannot have felt at ease.
[The chief of the Chi family was about to sacrifice to the T`ai mountain . . . . . 41Confucius said, "Does Tsêng say that the T`ai mountain is not so discerning as Lin Fang?42 ] 43
He was of opinion that even Tsêng Tse with his small abilities would repudiate such an idea as improper. Chou Kung was a sage of first order, how could he have acquiesced in an imperial burial? Should the Duke of Chou be held to be less critical than Tsêng Tse? From this point of view, Chou Kung could not feel at ease. A great man equals Heaven and Earth in virtue, 44 If Chou Kung was dissatisfied, Heaven would have been dissatisfied too, why then should it have caused thunder and rain to reprove King Ch`êng?
Another question may be asked:---`Life and death depend on destiny; wealth and honour proceed from Heaven.' 45 How could there be a substitution for Wu Wang's life?
Reply:---When Wu Wang dreamed of the nine twelve-months, Heaven took several years from Wên Wang which it added to WuWang's span. 46 In the second year after the destruction of the Yin dynasty, the term of these nine twelve-months was not yet up. Wu Wang was suffering, therefore Chou Kung prayed for him. As a rule, man's life cannot be prayed for, only in the case of Wu Wang it was possible. But it was an unusual device, and, for that reason, preserved in the metal-bound trunk. It could not be repeated, and therefore was concealed and stored away.
Objection:---Did Wu Wang obtain the years of Wên Wang already during the dream on the nine twelve-months, or not yet?
Reply:---He did obtain them.
Objection:---If he had already received the years of Wên Wang, his life ought to have been prolonged of itself, and, in the second year after the overthrow of the Yin, he was not going to die, in spite of his sickness. Why, then, did the Duke of Chou still need pray, and take his place?
Reply:---When a sovereign raises somebody to a high post, he does not forthwith give it him though it be already resolved upon, for the clerks must first have made the necessary entries into the archives, before the monarch can give his formal sanction. Although Heaven had taken away the years from Wên Wang to add them to those of Wu Wang, the Duke of Chou had to pray for him before he definitely obtained them.
(Objection):---Fate regulating the length of life is a very subtle essence, and not to be obtained in a dream.
Reply:---By the dream of the nine twelve-months it could be obtained.
Objection:---As regards this dream of the nine twelve-months, Wên Wang dreamed that he gave nine twelve-months to Wu Wang,47 and Wu Wang, that God granted him nine twelve-months. Consequently, Heaven had already granted, and Wu Wang obtained them; what need was there for a further prayer?
A person going to be called to office receives his new dignity in a dream, beforehand, and afterwards is appointed without further recommendation, for a presage is seen in advance and necessarily followed by its realisation.
The ancients called a year a twelve-month. 48 The acquisition of nine twelve-months is like a man's dream of promotion. If the Duke of Chou relying on the dream that was bound to be realised, invoked Heaven, how could his merit be reputed very great?
Another question:---People admire him to whom they must look up to and in whom they trust, irrespective of the greatness of his achievements or the number of his perfections. Had Chou Kung not become the substitute of King Wu, and King Wu died of his illness, would Chou Kung, conjointly with King Ch`êng, have been qualified to bring about universal peace all over the empire?
Reply:---Indeed, Chou Kung supporting King Ch`êng, there would have been no troubles in the empire. If Wu Wang had not found a substitute, and subsequently had died of his disease, Chou Kung, no doubt, would have been able to secure a general peace.
Objection:---Under these circumstances, the life of King Wu was of no advantage, and his death, no great loss, since to achieve success the Duke of Chou was required.
When the Chou dynasty was on the decline, and the princes in open revolt, Kuan Chung49 united them, and rectified the empire. Confucius said, ["But for Kuan Chung, we should now be wearing our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoned on the left side 50 ]. 51 If it had not been for Kuan Chung who united the princes, the I and the Ti would have continued their incursions into China until they had extinguished it. This disgrace threatened, if it had not been for Kuan Chung.
Ch`êng Liang magnifying the accomplishments of Kuan Chung, placed him on a level with the Duke of Chou. When Kuan Chung expired, Duke Huan did not bury him with the ceremonies customary for a prince. Heaven ought to have been angry as in the case of the Duke of Chou; why did it not produce a faint sound of thunder, and send down a little rain at least? Did it regard Chou Kung as a sage, and Kuan Chung not as a wise man?
Kuan Chung possessed a stand for inverted cups, and the San-kuei tower. 52Confucius censured him, and did not take him for a wise man. 53 Such stands, and the San-kuei tower were privileges of princes as a burial, according to the ritual of the son of Heaven, is a royal prerogative. Both were ministers, and in this capacity not entitled to such honours.
A great man agrees with Heaven and Earth in virtue. 54Confucius is such a great man. He criticized Kuan Chung for claiming rites not belonging to him. If Heaven desired Chou Kung to encroach upon the royal institutions, this would not prove the conformity of its virtue with that of Confucius. The statement of the commentators of the Shuking, therefore, cannot be correct.
The observation of the foot-prints of birds gave rise to the invention of writing, and the aspect of creeping plants flying about led to the construction of carts. Heaven did not convey its commands to Ts`ang Hsieh55 by the foot-prints of birds nor impress Hsi Chung56 with the flying creepers, but these creepers deeply affected Hsi Chung, and Ts`ang Hsieh was struck at the foot-prints.
When Duke Wên of Chin returned to his country 57 he gave orders for the removal of Mi Mê (?) 58 This made such an impression upon his uncle Fan, that he quitted his post and returned home. Duke Wên, having Mi Mê dismissed, did not intend to expel his uncle Fan, but Fan felt abashed, likening himself to Mi Mê.
Hua Ch`ên59 of Sung, despising the weakness of his clan, employed six ruffians, attached to his family, to murder Hua Wu60 in Sung with a long spear. They had been ordered to do the deed behind the house of Ho, Master of the Left. The Master of the Left was afraid, and said to them, "The old man has committed no crime." Subsequently, the Master of the Left bore a grudge to Hua Ch`ên, who took his precautions. The people pursued a mad dog, which entered the premises of Hua Ch`ên. The latter, under the delusion that the Master of the Left was coming to attack him, climbed over the wall and made his escape. 61
Hua Ch`ên, of himself, killed Hua Wu, and the Master of the Left became afraid; the people, of themselves, pursued the mad dog, and Hua Ch`ên, of himself, ran away. The fright of King Ch`êng was of this kind. He had misgivings about his not burying the duke with imperial honours, and when he met with thunder and rain his fears knew no bounds. It is by no means evident that by way of thunder and rain, Heaven intimated its disapproval to the king, but when they came King Ch`êng took alarm and impeached himself. His emotion is like the feeling of Ts`ang Hsieh and Hsi Chung; and his alarm, like the agitation of the Master of the Left and of Hua Ch`ên.
Harbouring thoughts of distrust and discomfort, and falling in with a vehement outburst of the elements, one sees in it the proof of some affinity, and Heaven's wrath becomes a well established fact. Noticing such an affinity of events, one is affected even in silence and solitude, and how could King Ch`êng be expected to have remained free of terror, being already afraid and, in addition, hearing the noise of thunder and rain shaking the roof of his carriage?
When there were incessant thunderclaps and the storm was raging, Confucius would change countenance. According to the Rites a superior man, hearing thunder, must sit up in full dress and with his hat on, though it be night 62 , out of respect for the thunder and in awe of the elements.
A sage is a superior man with untarnished virtue, and yet, conforming to Heaven, he is agitated. How, then, should King Ch`êng already troubled with doubts about Chou Kung, not tremble with fear, upon hearing the sudden outburst of thunder and rain?
Thunder and rain would seem to be produced by the heavenly fluid, and the fright of King Ch`êng, to result from the influence of similar objects upon his mind. The principle of Heaven is inaction. If Heaven by thunder and rain did scold at, and vent its anger against mankind, then it might, as well, kill the vicious by thunder and rain. In ancient times, there were a great many wicked people, why were they not exterminated with thunder and rain? Why had sages to be called upon to raise troops and move armies 63 , and to take the trouble of blunting their swords in killing their adversaries, whereas it would have been so easy to destroy them with one flash of lightning? Would Heaven not have shunned the difficulty of crushing the enemies by force of arms?
Some narrate of the emperor Ti Yi,64 the father of Chou, that he was in the habit of shooting at Heaven, 65 and flogging the Earth. On an excursion between the Ching and the Wei,66 he was struck by lightning and killed 67 . Thus Heaven destroys depraved characters by a thunderbolt.
However, how could the wickedness of Ti Yi be compared with that of Chieh and Chou? Tsou Po Ch`i68 discoursing on the depravity of Chieh and Chou, says that it fell short of doomed Ch`in, and doomed Ch`in's fell short of Wang Mang's. Nevertheless, the territories of Chieh and Chou, of Ch`in and Wang Mang were spared by thunder and lightning.
Confucius wrote the Ch`un-ch`iu in such a way, that he recommended the slightest good thing, and blamed the smallest evil, but in recommending goodness, he did not exaggerate its excellence, and in blaming evil, he did not magnify its wickedness. A man like him would never have made great reproaches for a small offence. In view of the slight doubts of King Ch`êng, Heaven caused a big tempest. If he had made up his mind to bury the duke like an official, why should the phenomenal change be so excessive? According to the "Examination of Doubts" in the "Great Plan" 69 it is owing to the weakness of their intellect that people often do not understand the meaning of calamities, yet Heaven does not reprove them for their doubts. The doubts of King Ch`êng were not yet settled, when Heaven reprimanded him by the big tempest. This cannot have been the intention of august Heaven, I should say, and I am afraid that the writers on the Shuking have missed the truth.
1. This is not in accordance with Wang Ch`ung's system advocating spontaneity and must be taken merely hypothetically as one of two possibilities, either .... or.
2. Sages have many affinities with Heaven whieh manifests itself by them. Therefore Heaven being agitated, they are agitated too.
3. Wang Ch`ung goes on to prove that all these apprehensions and self-reproaches are baseless.
4. No such passage is to be found in our text of the Shuking, but in the Ti-wang-shi-chi of the 3d cent. a.d. quoted in the T`ai-p`ing-yü-lan chap. 83, p. 2r. we read, "After T`ang had destroyed Chieh there was a great drought for seven years, so that the Lo dried up. He ordered tripods to be brought and thus prayed to the Mountains and Rivers:---`Have my desires been dissolute? Have I caused pain to the people? Has there been bribery? Have calumniators been predominant? Has there been too much building of palaces? Has the society of women been sought too much? What is the cause of this absolute want of rain?' The historiographer of Yin divined and said that a man ought to be sacrificed. `It is for the people that I pray for rain,' replied T`ang. `If a man is to be immolated I wish to be the one.' Then he fasted, cut his hair, and pared his nails to take the place of the victim. At an altar in a mulberry grove he prayed, `I, the young man, have come and dare to offer myself as a black victim. I here declare before august Heaven and Earth, if the ten thousand regions have any sins, may they fall upon my person, and if I have any guilt, may it not involve the ten thousand regions. May not the imprudence of one single man induce God and the Spirits to injure the life of the people.' He had not yet finished these words, when a mighty rain poured down over several thousand miles."Here T`ang impeaches himself with six, not with five faults. Only the words in Italics occur in the Shuking, T`ang-kao, with some variations. The gist of the above quotation is also given by Legge, Chinese Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 190, Concluding Note.
5. With the object of attracting rain. Cf. chap. XXXII.
6. Part V, Book VI of the Shuking.
7. Quotation from Shuking Part V, Book VI, 16 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 359).
8. This is in accordance with the Shi-chi chap. 33, p. 6r. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 100, Note 1), but not with the Shuking, where the Duke of Chou is supposed to be banished, but still alive.
9. Territories in modern Honan which were given as fiefs to the two younger brothers of Wu Wang, who spread the reports about the Duke of Chou. Cf. Shi-chi chap. 4, p. 15v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 245, Note 2).
10. The Shuking only says that for two years Chou Kung resided in the East. According to the Shi-chi loc. cit. the calumnies had no effect.
11. See Shuking loc. cit. Book VI, 18.
12. Analects VII, 9.
13. The Liki.
14. Days designated by these cyclical signs in the calendar.
15. Cf. Shi-chi chap. 28, p. 11v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. III, p. 439) and Vol. I, p. 334, Note 4.
16. See Vol. I, p. 177.
17. Quoted from Huai Nan Tse VIII, 6v. Yao's assistant Yi bound the storm, which must be conceived as the storm-god, Fêng-po.
18. Quoted from Shuking Part II, Book I, chap. 3 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 32).
19. See above p. 17.
20. For this story see Vol. I, p. 222 where all the details are given.
21. As is related in the Shuking loc. cit.
22. A man celebrated for his strength. Cf. Vol. I, p. 380, Note 4.
23. See Vol. I, p. 276.
24. Shuking Part V, Book VI, 16 and 18. (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 359.) All the three editions write, . In the Shuking is replaced by .
25. A place said to have been situated in P`u-chou-fu (Shansi).
26. Cf. Shuking Part IV, Book V, 9 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 203) and Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 6r. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 189).
27. Shuking Part V, Book XVI, 7 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 477).
29. A scholar of the 1st cent. b.c.Vid. Vol. I, p. 448.
30. See Shuking loc. cit. Book VI, 19, where we have a different reading:--- "Heaven sent down rain" instead of "Heaven stopped the rain," of our text, which latter is preferable.
31. Cf. Vol. I, p. 328, where the same story is told of the Shang emperor Kao Tsung = Wu Ting, 1324-1266 b.c. and p. 161 Note 4 where it is likewise ascribed to Kao-Tsung. T`ai Mou reigned from 1637-1563 b.c. According to the Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 7r. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. 1, p. 190) this prodigy happened under T`ai Mou, not Kao Tsung.
32. See Vol. I, p. 328, Note 5 and p. 153.
33. An argument merely used rhetorically to combat the view that thunder and rain stopped before King Ch`êng had repented, for Wang Ch`ung holds that Heaven never acts on purpose.
34. , expression quoted from the Chung-yung XVIII, 3 (Legge, Classics Vol. I, p. 401). The three persons raised to royal dignity after their death are the father and the ancestors of the founder of the Chou dynasty. A similar practice has been followed by later dynasties, the reigning Manchu dynasty included.
35. A range of mountains in the north of Ssechuan.
36. The Ancestral King, King Chi, and King Wên, mentioned above.
37. White pheasants and aromatic plants were presented as tribute to the Duke of Chou by the Yüeh-shang and the Japanese. Cf. Vol. I, p. 505.
38. This episode is found in the Liki Book II, Sect. I, Part I, 18 (Legge, Liki Vol. I, p. 128).
39. Tsêng Tse was not directly responsible for the mat, the soi-disant too great honour was conferred upon him by the chief of the Chi family, just as the excessive funeral rites were performed by King Ch`êng for Chou Kung.
40. Quoted from Analects IX, 11.
41. It was improper for a nobleman to offer a sacrifice reserved for the king.
42. A man of Lu who once asked Confucius about ceremonies.
43. Quotation from Analects III, 6. There is a great discrepancy in Legge's translation, who takes for a particle, whereas Wang Ch`ung explains it as a name viz. that of Confucius' disciple Tsêng Tse.
44. Cf. Vol. I, p. 128.
45. See Vol. I, p. 136.
46. See Vol. I, p. 316, Note 3.
47. Only the dream of Wu Wang is mentioned in the Liki, not that of Wên Wang.
48. ling. This explanation is also taken from the Liki loc. cit.
49. Famous minister of Duke Huan of Ch`i, 7th cent. b.c.
50. i. e., we would be savages, following their customs.
51. Quotation from Analects XIV, 18.
52. The name of an extravagant tower built by Kuan Chung.
53. Cf. Analects III, 22.
54. See above p. 24, Note 6.
55. The inventor of writing, cf. Vol. I, p. 87, Note 4.
56. The inventor of carriages, cf. Vol. I, p. 87, Note 5.
57. In b.c. 636 after nineteen years of exile.
58. . I could not find any reference to this in the Tso-chuan or the Shi-chi, nor do the encyclopedias know a man of the name of Mi Mê. Both words are family names, and Mi is also an old State in Hupei and Hunan. If we take Mê to be the surname of the person, Mi might be his country. The two historical works only inform us that Fan proposed leaving his nephew, but was reconciled. Tso-chuan, Duke Hsi 21th year.
59. A minister in Sung.
60. The steward of Hua Ch`ên's nephew.
61. The gist of this account is contained in the Tso-chuan, Duke Hsiang 17th year (Legge, Classics Vol. V, Part II, p. 473), but the two versions differ in some details. In the Classic the Master of the Left does not menace Hua Ch`ên and even intercedes for him with the duke. Nothing is said about his climbing over a wall.
62. Vid. Vol. I, p. 295 seq.
63. Like T`ang who overthrew the Hsia and Wên Wang who destroyed the Shang dynasty, both reputed great sages.
64. 1191-1155 b.c.
65. Yi hung up a sack filled with blood and shooting at it, declared that he was shooting at Heaven.
66. Two rivers in Shensi.
67. The passage seems to be culled from the Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 10r. (Chavannes, Mêm. Hist. Vol. I, p. 198) where, however, the flogging of the Earth is not mentioned.
68. An author of the Han time, cf. Vol. I, p. 87.
69. a chapter of the Shuking Part V, Book IV, 20 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 334) where different methods of solving doubts are given.
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