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恢國篇
顏淵喟然歎曰：“仰之彌高，鑽之彌堅。”此言顏淵學於孔子，積累歲月，見道彌深也。《宣漢》之篇，高漢於周，擬漢過周，論者未極也。恢而極之，彌見漢
奇。
夫經熟講者，要妙乃見；國極論者，恢奇彌出。恢論漢國在百代之上，審矣。何以驗之？
黃帝有涿鹿之戰；堯有丹水之師；舜時有苗不服；夏啟有扈叛逆；高宗伐鬼方三年克之。周成王管、蔡悖亂，周公東征。
前代皆然，漢不聞此。高祖之時，陳犬希反，彭越叛，治始安也。孝景之時，吳、楚興兵，怨晃錯也。匈奴時擾，正朔不及，無荒之地，王功不加兵，今皆內附，貢獻牛馬。此則漢之威盛，莫敢犯也。
紂為至惡，天下叛之。武王舉兵，皆願就戰，八百諸侯，不期俱至。
項羽惡微，號而用兵，與高祖俱起，威力輕重，未有所定，則項羽力勁。折鐵難於摧木，高祖誅項羽，折鐵；武王伐紂，摧木。然則
漢力勝周多矣。
凡克敵一則易，二則難。湯、武伐桀、紂，一敵也；高祖誅秦殺項，兼勝二家，力倍湯、武。
武王為殷西伯，臣事於紂，以臣伐〔君〕，夷、齊恥之，扣馬而諫，武王不聽，不食周粟，餓死首陽。高祖不為秦臣，光武不仕王莽，誅惡伐無道，無伯夷之譏，可謂順於周矣。
丘由易以起高，淵洿易以為深。起於微賤，無所因階者難；襲爵乘位，尊祖統業者易。
堯以唐侯入嗣帝位，舜以司徒因堯授禪，禹以司空緣功代舜，湯由七十裏，文王百里，為西伯，武王襲文王位。三郊五代之起，
皆有因緣，力易為也。
高祖從亭長提三尺劍取天下，光武由白水奮威武，〔帝〕海內，無尺土所因，一位所乘，直奉天命，推自然。此則起高於淵洿，為深於丘山也。比方五代，孰者為優？
傳書或稱武王伐紂，太公《陰謀》，食小兒以丹，令身純赤，長大，教言殷亡。殷民見兒身赤，以為天神，及言殷亡，皆謂商滅。
兵至牧野，晨舉脂燭，奸謀惑民，權掩不備，周之所諱也，世謂之虛。漢取天下，無此虛言。
《武成》之篇言，周伐紂，血流浮杵。以《武成》言之，食兒以丹，晨舉脂燭，殆且然矣。漢伐亡新，光武將五千人，王莽遣二公
將〔百〕萬人戰於昆陽，雷雨晦冥，前後不相見。
漢兵出昆陽城，擊二公軍，一而當十，二公兵散。天下以雷雨助漢威敵，孰與舉脂燭以人事譎取殷哉？
或雲：“武王伐紂，紂赴火死，武王就斬以鉞，懸其首於大白之旌。”齊宣王憐釁鍾之牛，睹其色之觳觫也。楚莊王赦鄭伯之罪，見其
肉袒而形暴也。君子惡〔惡〕，不惡其身。紂屍赴於火中，所見悽愴，非徒色之觳觫，袒之暴形也。就斬以鉞，懸乎其首，何其忍哉！
高祖入咸陽，閻樂誅二世，項羽殺子嬰，高祖雍容入秦，不戮二屍。光武入長安，劉聖公已誅王莽，乘兵即害，不刃王莽之死。
夫斬赴火之首，與貰被刃者之身，德虐孰大也？豈以羑裏之恨哉？
以人君拘人臣，其逆孰與秦奪周國，莽鴆平帝也？鄒伯奇論桀、紂之惡不若亡秦，亡秦不若王莽。然則紂惡微而周誅之痛，秦、莽罪重而漢伐之輕，寬狹誰也？
高祖母妊之時，蛟龍在上，夢與神遇；好酒〔貰〕飲，酒舍負仇，及醉留臥，其上常有神怪；夜行斬蛇，蛇嫗悲哭；與呂後俱之田廬
，時自隱匿，光氣暢見，呂後輒知；始皇望見東南有天子氣。及起，五星聚於東井。楚望漢軍，雲氣五色。
光武且生，鳳皇集於城，嘉禾滋於屋。皇妣之身，夜半無燭，空中光明。初者，蘇伯阿望舂陵氣，鬱鬱蔥蔥。光武
起過舊廬，見氣憧憧上屬於天。
五帝、三王初生始起，不聞此怪。堯母感於赤龍，及起，不聞奇佑。禹母吞薏苡，將生，得玄圭；契母咽燕子；湯起白狼銜鉤；
後稷母履大人之跡；文王起得赤雀；武王得魚、烏：皆不及漢太平之瑞。
黃帝、堯、舜鳳皇一至。凡諸眾瑞，重至者希。漢文帝黃龍、玉桮。
武帝黃龍、麒麟、連木。宣帝鳳皇五至，麒麟、神雀、甘露、醴泉、黃龍、神光。平帝白雉、黑雉。
孝明麒麟、神雀、甘露、醴泉、白雉、黑雉、芝草、連木、嘉禾，與宣帝同，奇有神鼎黃金之怪。一代之瑞，累仍不絕。此則漢德豐茂，故瑞佑多也。孝明天崩，今上嗣位，元二之間，嘉德布流。三年，零陵生芝草五本。四年，甘露降五縣。五年，芝複生六〔本〕，黃龍見，大小凡八。前世龍見不雙，芝生無二，甘露一降。而今八龍並出，十一芝累生，甘露流五縣。德惠盛熾，故瑞繁夥也。自古帝王，孰能致斯？
儒者論曰“王者推行道德，受命於天。”《論衡》《初〔稟〕》以為王者生稟天命，性命難審，且兩論之。
酒食之賜，一則為薄，
再則為厚。如儒者之言，五代皆一受命，唯漢獨再，此則天命於漢厚也。如審《論衡》之言，生稟自然，此亦漢家所稟厚也。絕而複屬，
死而復生。世有死而復生之人，人必謂之神。漢統絕而複屬，江武存亡，可謂優矣。
武王伐紂，庸、蜀之夷佐戰牧野。成王之時，越常獻雉，倭人貢暢。幽、曆衰微，戎狄攻周，平王東走，以避其難。至漢，四夷朝
貢。孝平元始元年，越常重譯，獻白雉一、黑雉二。夫以成王之賢，輔以周公，越常獻一，平帝得三。
後至四年，金城塞外羌〔豪〕良願等〔種〕獻其魚鹽之地，願內屬漢，遂得西王母石室，因為西海郡。周時戎狄攻王，至漢內屬，
獻其寶地。西王母國在絕極之外，而漢屬之。德孰大？壤孰廣？
方今哀牢、鄯善、諾降附歸德，匈奴時擾，遣將攘討，獲虜生口千萬數。
夏禹倮入吳國，太伯采藥，斷發文身。唐、虞國界，
吳為荒服，越在九夷，罽衣關頭，今皆夏服、褒衣、履舄。巴、蜀、越■、郁林、日南、遼東、樂浪，周時被發椎髻，
今戴皮弁；周時重譯，今吟《詩》、《書》。
《春秋》之義，君親無將，將而必誅。廣陵王荊迷於{薜女}巫，楚王英惑於〔俠〕客，事情列見。孝明三宥，二王吞藥，
周誅管、蔡，違斯遠矣！
楚外家許氏與楚王謀議，孝明曰：“許〔氏〕有屬於王，欲王尊貴，人情也。”聖心原之，不繩於法。
隱強侯傳懸書市裏，誹謗聖政；今上海〔恩〕，犯奪爵土。惡其人者，憎其胥餘。立二王之子，安楚、
廣陵，〔隱〕強弟員嗣祀陰氏。二王，帝族也，位為王侯，與管、蔡同。管、蔡滅嗣，二王立後，恩已褒矣。隱強，異姓也，尊重父祖，複存其祀。
立武庚之義，繼祿父之恩，方斯羸矣。何則？並為帝王，舉兵相征，貪天下之大，絕成湯之統，非聖君之義，失承天之意也。隱強，臣子也。漢統自在，絕滅陰氏，無損於義，而猶存之，惠滂沛也。故夫雨露之施，內則注於骨肉，外則布於他施。唐之晏晏，舜之烝烝，豈能逾此！
歡兜之行，靖言庸回，共工私之，稱薦於堯。三苗巧佞之人，或言有罪之國。鯀不能治水，知力極盡。罪皆在身，不加於上，
唐、虞放流，死於不毛。怨惡謀上，懷挾叛逆。考事失實，誤國殺將，罪惡重於四子。孝明加恩，則論徙邊，今上寬惠，還歸州裏
。開闢以來，因莫斯大。
晏子曰：“鉤星在房、心之間，地其動乎！”夫地動天時，非政所致。皇帝振畏，猶歸於治，廣征賢良，訪求過闕。
高宗之側身，周成之開匱，
[廑力]能逮此。
谷登歲平，庸主因緣以建德政，顛沛危殆，聖哲優者，乃立功化。是故微病恆醫皆巧，篤劇扁鵲乃良。建初孟年，無
妄氣至，歲之疾疫也，比旱不雨，牛死民流，可謂劇矣。皇帝敦德，俊乂在官，第五司空，股肱國維，轉穀振贍，民不乏
餓，天下慕德，雖危不亂。民饑於穀，飽於道德，身流在道，心回鄉內。以故道路無盜賊之跡，深幽迥絕無劫奪之奸，以危
為寧，以困為通，五帝、三王，孰能堪斯哉？
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Chapter XIX. Further Remarks on the State (Hui-kuo).
[Yen Yuan, in admiration of
the Master's doctrine, sighed and said, "The more I looked up to it, the higher
it appeared to me, and the deeper I penetrated into it, the harder it became."]
1 This means that Yen Yuan having studied
with Confucius month after month and year after year,
found the doctrine becoming deeper and deeper. In the chapter entitled "Praise
of the Han Dynasty"
2 we have given
the Han precedence over the Chou
and endeavoured to show that the Han outrivalled the
Chou, but our investigations were not yet exhaustive. If
we expand them to the utmost limit, we shall acquire a still clearer conception
of the greatness of the Han dynasty.
When a Classic is most thoroughly explained, all
its remarkable beauties become visible. So an exhaustive treatise on a State
brings out all its admirable features. From these additional remarks on the
Han era it will become plain that it ranks above all
other ages. My reasons are the following:
Huang Ti had to fight at
Cho-lu,3 and Yao led his troops to Tan-shui. In
Shun's time the Yu Miao4 did not submit; at the commencement of the Hsia dynasty the Hu rebelled.
Kao Tsung invested the "Devil country"
5 and destroyed its people
after three years. Under the regime of King Ch`êng of
Chou there was an insurrection in Kuan and T`sai,6 and
Chou Kung had to undertake an expedition to the east.
All this happened under the former dynasties.
We do not hear of similar occurences during the
Han time. During the reign of Kao Tsu,
Ch`ên Hsi7 revolted and P`êng
Yüeh8 rebelled, but then peace was secured. When in the time of
Hsiao Ching Ti, Wu and Ch`u
levied troops against him, the emperor vented his resentment against
Ch`ao T`so.9 The Hsiung-nu were constantly making trouble and the calendar
did not reach them,
10 but the emperor
did not infest their naturally barren country with his soldiers. At present
they all tender their allegiance and offer oxen and horses as tribute, because
the power of the Han is so imposing, that they do not
venture any opposition.
When Chou committed the
greatest atrocities, the whole empire took up arms against him. King
Wu enlisted troops all anxious to fight forthwith, and
eight hundred feudatory princes appeared uninvited.
11
Hsiang Yü displeased with
the inferiority of his title, collected troops and rose simultaneously with
Kao Tsu. Their power had not yet been balanced. As to
the strength of Hsiang Yü, the breaking iron is much
more difficult than breaking wood. Kao Tsu destroyed
Hsiang Yü and broke his iron. Wu
Wang in defeating Chou merely broke wood.
Consequently, the strength of the Han surpassed that of
the Chou by far.
The annihilation of one foe is comparatively easy,
that of two, an arduous task, however. T`ang and
Wu defeated Chieh and
Chou, one enemy each. Kao Tsu, on
the other hand, destroyed Ch`in and killed
Hsiang Yü, vanquishing the two houses at the same time.
His strength therefore must have been double that of T`ang and Wu.12
Wu Wang was chief of the
west to Yin. He served Chou13 as a subject, and as a
subject attacked his sovereign. Such was the disgust of Po
Yi and Shu Ch`i at this conduct, that, leading
their horses behind them, they made remonstrances. But Wu
Wang declined to hear them. Lest they should eat the millet of
Chou, they died of starvation at Shou-yang.14Kao Tsu was not a minister
of Ch`in, nor was Kuang Wu Ti an
officer of Wang Mang. The punishment of a depraved
sovereign and the annihilation of a vicious ruler do not call for the
criticisms of Po Yi, and, in this respect, the moral
standard of the two emperors may be declared higher than that of their
Chou predecessors.
15
It is easy to rise high from hills and mountains
and easy to dive deep in abysses and gullies, but it is an arduous task to rise
from low and humble spheres without any stepping-stone. Contrariwise, it is
very convenient to inherit a title and succeed to an estate, noble ancestors
having laid the foundation of one's fortune.
Yao came to the throne as a
marquis of T`ang, and Shun
succeeded to Yao as minister of finance when the latter
abdicated. Yü followed Shun, on
account of his merits, as minister of works. T`ang was
in possession of an estate of seventy Li, Wên Wang had a
hundred Li, and Wu Wang was margrave of the west and
heir to Wên Wang's dignity in the metropolitan district.
16 The rise of
these Five Monarchs and territorial lords had its good reasons and was easy
because they had the necessary power.
Kao Tsu began his career as
a headborough. Brandishing his sword three feet long, he conquered the empire.
Kuang Wu Ti started from Po-shui17 and exerted his prowess within the four
seas. He did not call one foot of land his own, or hold any position, but
immediatly received Heaven's decree and merely followed the trend of events.
This was like rising from an abyss or a gully, or like diving from a hill or a
mountain. Whose reigns were more remarkable, those of the Five Monarchs or
those of these two sovereigns?
We learn from several historical works that when
Wu Wang was going to supersede Chou,
T`ai Kung had devised a secret plan. He gave a small boy cinnabar to eat,
so that his body turned red, and when he had grown up he taught him to
say:---"The Yin are ruined." The people of
Yin beholding the red body of the small boy, took him
for a heavenly spirit,
18 and, when he said that
the Yin were ruined, they all believed that the
Shang would perish.
When the soldiers arrived at the plain of
Mu, at dawn they carried tallow-candles.
19 These artful devices deceived
the people, and Wu Wang availed himself of
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