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孝武皇帝封弟為魯恭王。恭王壞孔子宅以為宮，得佚《尚書》百篇，《禮》三百，《春秋》三十篇， 《論語》二十一篇，聞弦歌之聲，俱複封塗，上言武帝。武帝遣吏發取，古經《論語》，此時皆出。經傳也而有 〔聞〕弦歌之聲，文當興於漢，喜樂得聞之祥也。當傳於漢，寢藏牆壁之中，恭王〔聞〕之，聖王感動弦歌之 象。此則古文不當掩，漢俟以為符也。
孝成皇帝讀百篇《尚書》，博士郎吏莫能曉知，征天下能為《尚書》者。東海張霸通 《左氏春秋》，案百篇序，以《左氏》訓詁造作百二篇，具成奏上。成帝出秘《尚書》以考校之，無一字 相應者，成帝下霸於吏，吏當器辜大不謹敬。成帝奇霸之才，赦其辜，亦不〔滅〕其經，故百二《尚書》傳 在民間。
楊子山為郡上計吏，見三府 為《哀牢傳》不能成，歸郡作上，孝明奇之，征在蘭台。夫以三府掾吏，叢積成才，不能成一篇。子山成之，上覽 其文。子山之傳，豈必審是？傳聞依為之有狀，會三府之士，終不能為，子山為之，斯須不難。成帝赦張霸，豈不 有以哉？
候氣變者，於天不於地，天，文明也。衣裳在身，文著於衣，不在於裳，衣法天也。察掌理者 左不觀右，左文明也。占在右，不觀左，右，文明也。《易》曰：“大人虎變其文炳，君子豹 變其文蔚。”又曰：“觀乎天文，觀乎人文。”此言天人以文為觀，大人君子以文為操也。
惡人操意，前後乖違。始皇前歎韓非之書，後惑李斯之議；燔《五經》之文，設挾書之律。五 經之儒，抱經隱匿，伏生之徒，竄藏土中。殄賢聖之文，厥辜深重，嗣之及孫。李斯創議，身伏五刑。漢興，易亡 秦之軌，削李斯之跡。高祖始令陸賈造書，未興《五經》。惠、景以至元、成，經書並修。漢朝鬱 鬱，厥語所聞，孰與亡秦？
文人宜遵五經六藝為文，諸子傳書為文，造論著說為文，上書奏記為文，文德之操為文 。立五 文在世，皆當賢也。造論著說之文，尤宜勞焉。何則？發胸中之思，論世俗之事，非徒諷古經、續故文也。論 發胸臆，文成手中，非說經藝之人所能為也。
班叔皮續《太史公書》，載鄉里人以為惡戒。邪人枉道，繩墨所彈，安得避諱？是故子雲不為財勸 ，叔皮不為恩撓。文人之筆，獨已公矣！賢聖定意於筆，筆集成文，文具情顯，後人觀之，以〔見〕正 邪，安宜妄記？足蹈於地，跡有好醜；文集於禮，志有善惡。
Chapter XXV. Lost Texts (Yi-wên).
The emperor Hsiao Wu Ti conferred upon his younger brother the title of Prince Kung of Lu. Prince Kung, while demolishing the house of Confucius, for the purpose of building a palace, discovered there a Shuking in a hundred chapters, a Li(ki) in three hundred, a Ch`un-ch`iu in thirty, 1 and a Lun-yü in twenty-one. When the wall was opened sounds of singing and guitar-playing were heard. The prince alarmed caused the hole again to be closed and plastered, and sent word to Wu Ti, who despatched an official, to fetch the old Canons and the Lun-yü. At this time they all were brought to light. 2 When the Classics were taken out from the hole, there were sounds of singing, and playing of guitars. The texts were to be recovered by the Han, and the gay music was a portent accompanying the happy event. They had to be transmitted to the Han, and therefore lay concealed in the wall. Prince Kung pierced it, and the holy emperor occasioned the magical music, for the old texts were not to remain hidden, and the Han were expecting them as felicitous signs.
The emperor Hsiao Ch`êng Ti wishing to read the hundred chapters of the Shuking, and none of the professors and secretaries 3 understanding it, an invitation was issued to every one in the empire who could adjust the Shuking. Chang Pa of Tung-hai was well versed in the Ch`un-ch`iu of Tso Ch`iu Ming. Following the order of the hundred chapters, he elucidated them with the help of the Tso-chuan, and thus produced one hundred and two chapters, which he presented to the emperor, when they were completed. Ch`êng Ti took the Shuking that had been stored away, to compare and examine the new book, but not one character was the same. Then he handed Chang Pa over to the judges, who investigated his offence and pronounced it to be a case of great disrespect and irreverence. But Ch`êng Ti being a great admirer of Chang Pa's talents, pardoned him, nor did he distroy his work. Consequently the one hundred and two chapters became current among the people. 4
Confucius said that [talents are difficult to find.] 5 He whom his genius and his imagination enabled to write a Classic in one hundred chapters, must have been endowed with quite remarkable gifts, and been an exceptional man, such as is seldom met with. Ch`êng Ti forgave him in appreciation of his writings, for although they were spurious and not true, yet, by following the order of the chapters and sections and adhering to the subjects, they made the impression of being genuine, and therefore were not burned.
In a box of memorials a book is often circulated consisting of ten and more documents, memorials and reports to the throne, the productions of high officials and well worth reading. Their reading gives great pleasure, and not one out of a hundred officials is able to write such documents. 6Chang Pa was so ingenious, that he composed a hundred chapters. The Han era is in fact so like antiquity, that Ch`êng Ti did well to forgive Chang Pa.
When Yang Tse Shan7 was chi-li8 in a circuit, he saw that the san-fu were unable to write a record on the Ai-lao.9 He transmitted a report to his chief, who sent it up to the emperor. Hsiao Ming Ti10 was struck with it and summoned him to the imperial library. 11 The officers of the san-fu, in spite of the great amount of their united talents, could not complete a single chapter, so that Yang Tse Shan wrote it, of which the emperor took cognisance. But was this record quite correct? Yang Tse Shan wrote it, according to his informations, which the officers of the san-fu were incapable of, with all the documents at their disposal. Since Yang Tse Shan could do it, the thing must not have been very difficult for him. Was, therefore, Ch`êng Ti not justified in pardoning Chang Pa?
Under the reign of Hsiao Wu Ti,12 all the officials were convoked to a literary competition, when the essay of Tung Chung Shu won the prize. In the time of Wang Mang the secretaries of the various boards were called upon to send in reports, and the memorial of Liu Tse Chün13 was the best. An elegant form, provided it be not a cover for emptiness, reveals great talent and profound knowledge. The Yiking says that the feelings of a sage appear from his expressions. 14 From his good or bad style we may make an inference on a man's talent.
In the Yung-p`ing period, 15 flocks of spiritual birds alighted. Hsiao Ming Ti issued instructions that panegyrics on these birds be presented to him. All the officials sent in their productions, but they were no better than stones and tiles, only the five eulogies of Pan Ku, Chia K`uei,16Fu Yi,17Yang Chung,18 and Hou Fêng19 were gold and gems. Hsiao Ming Ti read them. Must it not have been a matter of surprise for him that among the great host of officials, the numerous secretaries included, five men only produced good compositions?
Hsiao Wu Ti20 was partial to works of fiction and poetry and therefore invited Sse-Ma Hsiang-Ju,21Hsiao Ch`êng Ti22 delighted in voluminous writings and favoured Yang Tse Yün. Even at his hunting parties Yang Tse Yün followed in a carriage. Had Sse-Ma Hsiang-Ju, Huan Chün Shan, and Yang Tse Yün23 been officers unable to fill up their documents or to connect their words to phrases, how would Wu Ti have liked, or Ch`êng Ti have appreciated them? Therefore I say that to read Yang Tse Yün's chapters affords a greater pleasure than to be an official with a thousand piculs a year, and holding the book of Huan Chün Shan in one's hands, one is richer than having heaped up treasures.
The work of Han Fei Tse was current in the court of Ch`in, and Ch`in Shih Huang Ti said with a sigh:---"Alas! that I cannot live together with this man!" 24 Each time that Lu Chia25 presented a new chapter of his "New Words," the attendants of Kao Tsu exclaimed "Ten thousand years!" 26 Can this passionate remembrance of a man and the enthusiastic exclamation "Ten thousand years" have been for nothing? They were outbursts of joy from the innermost heart, upon clearly seeing the excellence of these persons.
Meteorologists 27 look up to the sky, but not on the earth, for they derive their information from the heavenly signs. Upper and lower garments cover the body, but the embroidery is on the upper, not on the lower ones. So far dresses resemble heaven. Palmisters examine the left 28 palm, and do not look at the right one, because the lines on the left are decisive. Contrariwise, diviners turn to the right side, and neglect the left, for the signs at the right are conclusive. The Yiking says:---["The great man changes as the tiger (changing its stripes), his signs are brilliant, the superior man changes as the panther (changing its spots), his signs are elegant."] 29 And further:---["We look at the signs of Heaven, and look at the signs of man."] 30 That means:---Heaven and man are to be judged by their signs, and the actions of the great man and the superior man depend on their signs.
When Kao Tsu was still in his mother's womb, she reposed on the banks of a lake. Then a scaly dragon appeared on high, emitting a glare of brilliant light. When Kao Tsu started from Ch`u, to meet the army of Han, a fluid formed five colours, and when he was about to enter Hsien-yang, five stars united near the "Eastern Well," 31 and these stars had five different colours. 32 Perhaps Heaven was indignant at the destruction of literature by Ch`in and wished the Han to renew it, and therefore first invested Kao Tsu and used those signs as omens. 33
The designs of wicked people, at different periods, are inconsistent. Ch`in Shih Huang Ti first sighed over the work of Han Fei Tse and afterwards, at the instigation of Li Sse, caused the text of the Five Classics to be burned, and enacted a law restricting the use of books. The scholars of the Five Canons took the Classics and concealed them; men like Fu Shêng stealthily buried them in the earth. 34 Wiping out the texts of sages and worthies is a most heinous crime, and the descendancy of the culprit was already cut off with his grandsons. 35Li Sse who deviced this plan, had to suffer one of the Five Punishments. 36 The Han dynasty, after its accession, changed the rules of doomed Ch`in and obliterated the traces of Li Sse. Kao Tsu first ordered Lu Chia to write books, but the Five Canons did not yet come to light at that time. From Hui Ti and Ching Ti37 downward to Yuan Ti and Ch`êng Ti38 the Canons and the books were simultaneously revised. The glory of the Han dynasty and what we hear of its declarations are quite something else than those of doomed Ch`in.
Owing to the perversity of Wang Mang,39 the armies of the Han began swarming about. Halls and palaces fell into ruin, and books and manuscripts were scattered about. After Kuang Wu Ti arose, 40 the preservation of old books was not yet very careful. The era of Hsiao Ming Ti41 was very favourable for men of letters, officers were appointed to the imperial library, and the heroes of literature assembled. When our present sovereign had taken the reins of government, 42 the search for lost antiquities was authorised by edict, and they were bought with gold. Can this age not lay a claim to the fame of being a literary one?
The period of Yao and Shun being so remote, 43 the books of that time which existed are lost. 44 The Yin and the Chou dynasties, 45 however, are so near, that their writers have been preserved. 46 The works handed down since the commencement of the Han47 do not reach very far, but the experiences made are five times as many as those of Yao and Shun, and ten times those of the Yin and Chou dynasties. There has never been a more delightful and a more glorious time than the present. The sky is bright and clear, the stars glow with brilliant light, 48 the characters of the people are excellent, and they handle literature with a sublime elegance. The Han are now at their acme, whence the profuseness of literary productions.
Confucius said, ["Wên Wang is no more, but have we not here his writings?"] 49 The writings of Wên Wang were transmitted to Confucius. He composed his works for the Han, to whom they came down.
Literary men receive their writings from Heaven and should, therefore, be held in respect. The Five Canons and the Six Arts form one class of literature, the records of the various writers are another, essays and treatises are one class, memorials and reports are one, and so are the descriptions of generous and virtuous actions. The representatives of these five classes of literature are all worthies. The composition of essays and the writing of discourses requires the greatest efforts, for to give expression to the thoughts of one's heart and to discuss the events of life, is a more arduous task then to comment upon old Classics, or to supplement old texts. Arguments are one's own ideas, for which the signs are formulated by the hand. That exceeds the faculties of the expositors of the Classics and arts.
In the periods of the Chou and Ch`in, a great many philosophical writers were busy, but they all took up other subjects, neither praising the sovereign nor profiting the State nor promoting civilisation. The essayists eulogise the emperor and exalt the State, so that its dignity is upheld for a thousand years, and the sovereign's virtue equals sun and moon. That is what the writings of the philosophers cannot accomplish. 50
Memorials 51 suggest practical measures, and reports 52 recommend officers, the first are in one's own interest, the second in that of others. 53 The style may be rich and refined, but the memorials do not mention meritorious deeds. He who cultivates his moral self has his own interests in view and not those of the ruler. Consequently, among the five classes of literature, essays have the highest value and should be estimated accordingly. 54
Confucius remarked respecting the Chou, ["The time of the dynasties of T`ang and Yü is outshone now; the virtue of the house of Chou may be said to have reached the highest point indeed"]. 55
Confucius was a literary man of the Chou epoch. Had he lived in the Han time, he would also have pronounced the virtue of the Han to have reached the highest point.
Chao T`o as king of the southern Yüeh revolted from his lord, disregarded his commands, and did not observe the institutions of the Han. He would squat down, his hair bound into a tuft, and completely abandon himself to the customs of the savages. Lu Chia spoke to him of the virtue of the Han and so overawed him with the emperor's majesty, that his conscience awoke, he felt remorse, and suddenly rose up from his seat. 56
The narrow-minded scholars of our age live under the same delusion as Chao T`o, and the remonstrances of great writers are like the reproofs of Lu Chia, which rouse those who hear them from their lethargy.
Chao T`o's conversion was not owing to extraordinary reports about the glory of the house of Han, but the placid serenity of a man of letters 57 were signs of the prosperity of the State. From their magnificent buildings we recognise noble families, and high trees indicate an old capital. The fact that eminent literary men live in a State 58 proves that it is the age of a sage.
Mencius would judge people from the pupils of their eyes: 59 ---the heart being pure, the pupils are bright, viz. the colour of the eyes is bright. The prognostics for a State and the divination for an individual give the same result:---when the ruler of a State is a sage, men of letters assemble, and when the heart is kind, the eyes are brilliant.
An exquisite silk embroidery being dragged through the mire, every spectator feels shocked. To be able to pity a piece of embroidery, and to have no idea of the worth of a man of letters, discloses a great ignorance of analogies.
As regards the signs of Heaven and the signs of man, does their writing merely consist in mixing the ink and plying the pen, with the object of producing beautiful and elegant pictures? No, these signs record men's actions and give publicity to their names. Honest men desire to be taken notice of and strive for virtue; wicked ones, on the other side, dislike publicity and do all they can to frustrate it. Thus the pencil of men of letters encourages the good and censures the depraved. This is the manner in which posthumous titles illustrate virtue and stigmatise crime.
Even by the addition of a posthumous name in one character, people may be praised or censured, and knowing this, 60 every one is on his guard. Much greater still is the power of pen and ink, which determines goodness and badness. All the sayings and doings are put on record, perhaps in thousands of words, handed down from generation to generation, and giving a picture of the deceased, therefore not to be despised.
When Yang Tse Yün was writing his Fa-yen,61 a rich man of Shu sent him an enormous sum of money, to the end that he might be mentioned in the book, but Yang Tse Yün refused, for a rich man neither benevolent nor righteous, is but like a stag in a fence, or an ox in a hurdle; why should he be mentioned without reason?
Pan Shu P`i,62 in continuing the work of the Grand Annalist, also mentioned his fellow-citizens as a warning for wicked people, for the iniquitous and unprincipled thus clearly marked out and signalised, could not eschew the shame. As Yang Tse Yün did not belaud for wealth, so Pan Shu P`i was not disturbed by sympathies, for the pen of a writer cares for nothing but justice. Worthies and sages having confided their thoughts to the pen, many strokes of the pen form a word, and a number of words bring out a sentiment, the reading of which enables later ages to distinguish between right and wrong, for why should a false statement be made?
Feet walking on the ground leave prints that may be nice or ugly, and the words formed of strokes 63 may indicate a good or a bad character. Therefore, by explaining the foot-prints, one gets an idea of the feet, and from reading the words, one learns to know the character of the person described. [Should one sentence express the purport of all the 300 Odes of the Shiking it would be:---"Do not harbour wicked thoughts,"] 64 and for ten and more chapters of the Lun-hêng one device might be chosen, viz. "Hate fictions and falsehoods."
1. Ed. A and C write 300 books (pien).
2. Cf. Vol. I, p. 448, Note 6 and p. 462, Note 1.
4. See Vol. I, p. 448.
5. Analects VIII, 20.
6. This passage is very doubtful, and my translation not much more than a guess.
7. Alias Yang Chung , a native of Ch`êng-tu-fu in Ssechuan, possessing great literary talents.
8. Cf. p. 228, Note 1.
9. A tribe in Yünnan, see p. 199, Note 4.
10. 58-75 a.d.
11. Yang Tse Shan was attached to the library.
12. 140-87 b.c.
13. Liu Hsin , 1st cent. b.c. and a.d., son of the famous Liu Hsiang, an author like his father and protégé of Wang Mang.
14. Chou Yi Ch`êng-chuan 1883, chap. 7, p. 12r.
15. 58-75 a.d.
16. An eminent scholar, 30-101 a.d., who together with the historian Pan Ku was appointed historiographer.
17. A savant who by Hsiao Ming Ti was given a post at the Imperial Library, where, conjointly with Pan Ku and Chia K`uei, he supervised the edition of books. He wrote himself 28 chapters of various poetry and died young.
18. See above p. 273, Note 4.
19. Hou Fêng seems to be unknown to other writers. The Pei-wên-yün-fu merely quotes this passage.
20. 140-87 b.c.
21. The well known scholar and poet. Cf. Vol. I, p. 123, Note 5.
22. 32-7 b.c.
23. On the last two named scholars see Vol. I, p. 361, Notes 1 and 2.
24. Vid. Vol. I, p. 72, Note 1.
25. Vol. I, p. 388, Note 3.
26. That is, "may he live ten thousand years."
28. Ed. A:---.
29. Diagram Ko, No. 49. Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XVI, p. 168, Nos. 5 and 6.
30. Diagram Pi, No. 22. Legge, loc. cit. p. 231, No. 4.
31. The 22nd of the Twenty-eight Solar Mansions, consisting of eight stars in Gemini.
32. Cf. Vol. I, p. 177 and 178.
33. This supposition is incompatible with Wang Ch`ung's principle of spontaneity which he proclaims for Heaven. He sometimes falls back into the inveterate ideas of his countrymen which he combats elsewhere.
34. Vol. I, p. 447.
35. The son of Ch`in Shih Huang Ti lost the throne, and his family was destroyed.
36. On the Five ancient Punishments in use under the Chou and Han dynasties see p. 81. Li Sse was torn to pieces by carts. See Vol. I, p. 171.
37. 194-188, and 156-141 b.c.
38. 48-33, and 32-7 b.c.
39. 9-22 a.d.
40. In 25 a.d.
41. 58-75 a.d.
42. In 76 a.d.
43. According to tradition which has not yet been historically tested, this period would last from 2357 to 2205 b.c.
44. It is more than doubtful whether there have been books at all at that time.
45. 1766-1123, and 1122-255 b.c.
46. Whether the Han had any books dating as far back as the Yin dynasty is open to doubt.
47. 206 b.c.
48. This brightness of the sky and the stars is regarded as a lucky augury.
49. Cf. p. 302, Note 6.
50. And we are glad of it.
53. At present these terms are not restricted in this way, and I doubt whether they really were so in the Han time.
54. The reasoning of this paragraph is not very convincing.
55. Analects VIII, 20.
56. Cf. Vol. I, p. 124 and 382.
57. Lu Chia.
58. Ed. A alone has the spurious reading:--- for .
59. Cf. Vol. I, p. 385, Note 4.
60. . Ed. A and C read:---, which is less good.
61. This work embodies the philosophical views of Yang Tse Yün = Yang Hsiung, emphasising the value of the Analects, whereas his T`ai-hsüan-ching is especially devoted to the elucidation of the Yiking.
62. Pan Piao, the teacher of Wang Ch`ung and father to Pan Ku.
63. The text reads:---, which gives no sense. In accordance with the foregoing:--- I would suggest to write:---.
64. Analects II, 2.
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