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知實篇

凡論事者,違實不引效驗,則雖甘義繁說,眾不見信。論聖人不能神而先知,先知之間,不能獨見,非徒空說虛言,直以才智准況之工也,事有證驗,以效實然。何以明之?

孔子問公叔文子於公明賈曰:「信乎,夫子不言、不笑、不取?有諸?」對曰:「以 告者過也。夫子時然后言,人不厭其言;樂然后笑,人不厭其笑;義然后取,人不厭其取。」孔子曰:「豈 其然乎?豈其然乎?」

天下之人有如伯夷之廉,不取一芥於人,未有不言、不笑者也。孔子既不能如心揣度,以決然否,心怪不信,又不能達視遙見,以審其實,問公明賈乃知其情。孔子不能先知,一也。

陳子禽問子貢曰:「夫子至於是邦也,必聞其政。求之與?抑與之與?」子貢曰:「夫子溫、 良、恭、儉、讓以得之。」

溫、良、恭、儉、讓,尊行也。有尊行於人,人親附之。人親附之,則人告語之矣。然則孔 子聞政以人言,不神而自知之也。

齊景公問子貢曰:「夫子賢乎?」子貢對曰:「夫子乃聖,豈徒賢哉!」

景公不知孔子聖,子貢正其名;子禽亦不知孔子所以聞政,子貢定其實。對景公云:「夫子聖,豈徒賢哉!」則其對子禽,亦當云:「神而自知之,不聞人言。」以子貢對子禽言之,聖人不能先知,二也。

顏淵炊飯,塵落甑中,欲置之則不清,投地則棄飯,掇而食之。孔子望見,以為竊食。聖人不能先知,三也。

塗有狂夫,投刃而候;澤有猛虎,厲牙而望。知見之者,不敢前進。如不知見,則遭狂夫之刃,犯猛虎之牙矣。匡人之圍孔子,孔子如審先知,當早易道以違其害。不知而觸之,故遇其患。以孔子圍言之,聖人不能先知,四也。

子畏於匡,顏淵後。孔子曰:「吾以汝為死矣。」

如孔子先知,當知顏淵必不觸害,匡人必不加悖。見顏淵之來,乃知不死;未來之時,謂以為死。聖人不能先知,五也。

「陽貨欲見孔子,孔子不見,饋孔子豚。孔子時其亡也,而往拜之,遇諸塗。」

孔子不欲見,既往,候時其亡,是勢必不欲見也。反,遇於路。以孔子遇陽虎言之,聖人不能先知,六也。

「長沮、桀溺耦而耕。孔子過之,使子路問津焉。」如孔子知津,不當更問。論者曰:「欲 觀隱者之操。」

則孔子先知,當自知之,無為觀也。如不知而問之,是不能先知,七也。

孔子母死,「不知其父墓,殯於五甫之衢。人見之者,以為葬也。」蓋以無所合葬,殯之謹,故人以為葬也。鄰人鄒曼甫之母告之,然后得合葬於防。有塋自在防,殯於衢路,聖人不能先知,八也。

「既得合葬。」「孔子反。門人後,雨甚,至。孔子問曰:『何也?』曰:『防墓崩。』 孔子不應。三,孔子泫然流涕曰:『吾聞之,古不脩墓。』」

如孔子先知,當先知防墓崩,比門人至,宜流涕以俟之。人至乃知之,聖人不能先知,九也。

子入太廟,每事問。不知故問,為人法也。孔子未嘗入廟,廟中禮器,眾多非一,孔子雖聖 ,何能知之?〔論者曰〕:「以嘗見,實已知,而復問,為人法?」孔子曰:「疑思問。」疑乃當問邪?

實已知,當復問,為人法,孔子知五經,門人從之學,當復行問,以為人法,何故專口授弟子乎?不以已知五經復問為人法,獨以已知太廟復問為人法,聖人用心,何其不一也?以孔子入太廟言之,聖人不能先知,十也。

主人請賓飲食,若呼賓頓若舍。賓如聞其家有輕子(洎)〔泊〕孫,必教親徹饌退膳,不得飲 食;閉館關舍,不得頓。賓之執計,則必不往。何則?知請呼無喜,空行勞辱也。如往無喜,勞辱復還, 不知其家,不曉其實。人實難知,吉凶難圖。

如孔子先知,宜知諸侯惑於讒臣,必不能用,空勞辱己,聘召之到,宜寢不往。君子不為無 益之事,不履辱身之行。無為周流應聘,以取削跡之辱,空說非主,以犯絕糧之厄。由此言之,近不能知。

論者曰:「孔子自知不用,聖思閔道不行,民在塗炭之中,庶幾欲佐諸侯,行道濟民, 故應聘周流,不避患恥。為道不為己,故逢患而不惡;為民不為名,故蒙謗而不避。」曰:此非實也。孔子 曰:「吾自衛反魯,然後樂正,《雅》、《頌》各得其所。」是謂孔子自知時也。何以自知?魯、衛,天下最 賢之國也,魯、衛不能用己,則天下莫能用己也,故退作《春秋》,刪定《詩》、《書》。

以自衛反魯言之,知行應聘時,未自知也。何則?無兆象效驗,聖人無以定也。魯、衛不能用,自 知極也;魯人獲麟,自知絕也。

道極命絕,兆象著明,心懷望沮,退而幽思。

夫周流不休,猶病未死,禱卜使痊也, 死兆未見,冀得活也。然則應聘未見絕證,冀得用也。死兆見舍,卜還毉絕,攬筆定書。以應聘周流言之,聖人不能先知,十一也。

孔子曰:「游者可為綸,走者可為矰。至於龍,吾不知其乘雲風上升!今日見老子,其猶龍邪!」

聖人知物 知事。老子與龍,人、物也;所從上下,事也,何故不知?如老子神,龍亦神,聖人亦神,神者同道,精氣交連,何故不知?以孔子不知龍與老子言之,聖人不能先知,十二也。

孔子曰:「孝哉閔子騫!人不間於其父母、昆弟之言。」

虞舜、大聖,隱藏骨肉之過,宜愈子騫。瞽叟與象,使舜治廩、浚井,意欲殺舜。當見殺己之情,早諫豫止;既無如何,宜避不行,若病不為。何故使父與弟得成殺己之惡,使人聞非父弟,萬世不滅?以虞舜不豫見,聖人不能先知,十三也。

武王不豫,周公請命。壇墠既設,筴祝已畢,不知天之許己與不?乃卜三龜。三龜皆吉。如聖人先知,周公當知天已許之,無為頓復卜三龜知。聖人不以獨見立法,則更請命,祕藏不見。天意難知,故卜而合兆,兆決心定,乃以從事。聖人不能先知,十四也。

晏子聘於魯,堂上不趨,晏子趨;授玉不跪,晏子跪。門人怪而問於孔子。孔子不知,問於晏子。晏子解之,孔子乃曉。聖人不能先知,十五也。

陳賈問於孟子曰:「周公何人也?」曰:「聖人。」「使管叔監殷,管叔畔也。二者有諸?」曰 :「然。」「周公知其畔而使?不知而使之與?」曰:「不知也。」「然則聖人且有過與?」曰:「周公、弟也, 管叔、兄也。周公之過也,不亦宜乎?」

孟子、實事之人也,言周公之聖,處其下,不能知管叔之畔。聖人不能先知,十六也。

孔子曰:「賜不受命,而貨殖焉,億則屢中。」罪子貢善居積,意貴賤之期,數得其時, 故貨殖多,富比陶朱。然則聖人先知也,子貢億數中之類也。聖人據象兆,原物類,意而得之;其見變名物,博學 而識之。巧商而善意,廣見而多記,由微見較,若揆之今睹千載,所謂智如淵海。

孔子見竅睹微,思慮洞達,材智兼倍,彊力不倦,超踰倫等耳!目非有達視之明,知人所不知之狀也。使聖人達視遠見,洞聽潛聞,與天地談,與鬼神言,知天上地下之事,乃可謂神而先知,與人卓異。今耳目聞見,與人無別;遭事睹物,與人無異,差賢一等爾,何以謂神而卓絕? 夫聖猶賢也,人之殊者謂之聖,則聖賢差小大之稱,非絕殊之名也。何以明之?

齊桓公與管仲謀伐莒,謀未發而聞於國。桓公怪之,問管仲曰:「與仲甫謀伐莒,未發,聞於國, 其故何也?」管仲曰:「國必有聖人也。」少頃,當東郭牙至,管仲曰:「此必是已。」乃令賓〔者〕延 而上之,分級而立。

管〔仲〕曰:「子邪言伐莒〔者〕?」對曰:「然。」管仲曰:「我不〔言〕伐莒,子何故言伐莒 ?」對曰:「臣聞君子善謀,小人善意,臣竊意之〔也〕。」管仲曰:「我不言伐莒,子何以意之?」對曰:「臣 聞君子有三色:驩然喜樂者,鍾鼓之色;愁然清淨者,衰絰之色;怫然充滿,手足〔矜〕者,兵革之色。君 口垂不噞,所言莒也;君舉臂而指,所當又莒也。臣竊虞國小諸侯不服者,其唯莒乎!臣故言之。」

夫管仲、上智之人也,其別物審事矣。云「國必有聖人」者,至誠謂國必有也。東郭牙至,云:「此必是已。」謂東郭牙聖也。如賢與聖絕輩,管仲知時無十二聖之黨,當云「國必有賢者」,無為言「聖」也。謀未發而聞於國,管仲謂「國必有聖人」,是謂聖人先知也。及見東郭牙,云「此必是已」,謂賢者聖也。東郭牙知之審,是與聖人同也。

客有見淳于髡於梁惠王者,再見之,終無言也。惠王怪之,以讓客曰:「子之稱淳于生,言管 、晏不及。及見寡人,寡人未有得也。寡人未足為言邪?」客〔以〕謂髡。〔髡〕曰:「固也! 吾前見王志在遠,後見王志在音,吾是以默然。」客具報。王大駭,曰:「嗟乎!淳于生誠聖人也 ?前淳于生之來,人有獻龍馬者,寡人未及視,會生至。後來,人有獻謳者,未及試,亦會生至。 寡人雖屏左右,私心在彼。」

夫髡之見惠王在遠與音也,雖湯、禹之察,不能過也。志在胸臆之中,藏匿不見,髡能知之。 以髡等為聖,則髡、聖人也;如以髡等非聖,則聖人之知,何以過髡之知惠王也?

觀色以窺心,皆有因緣以准的之。 楚靈王會諸侯。鄭子產曰:「魯、邾、宋、衛不來。」及諸侯會,四國果不至。

趙堯為符璽御史,趙人方與公謂御史大夫周昌曰:「君之史趙堯且代君位。」其後堯果為御史大 夫。

然則四國不至,子產原其理也;趙堯之為御史大夫,方與公睹其狀也。原理睹狀,處著方來,有以審之也。魯人公 孫臣,孝文皇帝時,上書言漢土德,其符黃龍當見。後黃龍見成紀。

然則公孫臣知黃龍將出,案律歷以處之也。

賢聖之知事宜驗矣。賢聖之才,皆能先知。其先知也,任術用數,或善商而巧意,非聖人空知。 神怪與聖賢,殊道異路也。聖賢知不踰,故用思相出入;遭事無神怪,故名號相貿易。故夫賢聖者,道德智能之號; 神者、眇茫恍惚無形之實。實異,質不得同;實鈞,效不得殊。聖神號不等,故謂聖者不神,神者不聖。

東郭牙善意,以知國情;子貢善意,以得貨利。聖人之先知,子貢、東郭牙之徒也。與子貢、 東郭同,則子貢、東郭之徒亦聖也。夫如是,聖賢之實同而名號殊,未必才相懸絕、智相兼倍也。 太宰問於子貢曰:「夫子聖者歟?何其多能也?」子貢曰:「故天縱之將聖,又多能也。」

將者、且也。不言已聖,言「且聖」者,以為孔子聖未就也。夫聖若為賢矣,治行厲操,操行未 立,則謂「且賢」。今言「且聖」,聖可為之故也。

孔子曰:「吾十有五而志于學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順。」

從知天命至耳順,學就知明,成聖之驗也。未五十、六十之時,未能知天命、至耳順也,則謂之「且」矣。當子貢荅太宰時,殆三十、四十之時也。

魏昭王問於田詘曰:「寡人在東宮之時,聞先生之議曰:『為聖易。』有之乎?」田詘對曰: 「臣之所學也。」昭王曰:「然則先生聖乎?」田詘曰:「未有功而知其聖者,堯之知舜也。待其有功而後知其聖者, 市人之知舜也。今詘未有功,而王問詘曰:『若聖乎?』敢問王亦其堯乎?」

夫聖可學為,故田詘謂之易。如卓與人殊,稟天性而自然,焉可學?而為之安能成?田詘 之言「為易聖」,未必能成;田詘之言為易,未必能是。言「臣之所學」,蓋其實也。賢可學,為勞佚殊,故賢 聖之號,仁智共之。

子貢問於孔子:「夫子聖矣乎?」孔子曰:「聖則吾不能,我學不饜,而教不倦。」子貢曰 :「『學不饜』者、智也,『教不倦』者、仁也。仁且智,夫子既聖矣。」

由此言之,仁智之人,可謂聖矣。 孟子曰:「子夏、子游、子張得聖人之一體,冉牛、閔子騫、顏淵具體而微。」六子在其世,皆有聖人之才, 或頗有而不具,或備有而不明,然皆稱聖人,聖人可勉成也。

孟子又曰:「非其君不事,非其民不使,治則進 ,亂則退,伯夷也。何事非君,何使非民,治亦進,亂亦進,伊尹也。可以仕則仕,可以已則已,可以久則久, 可以速則速,孔子也。皆古之聖人也。」

又曰:「聖人、百世之師也,伯夷、柳下惠是也。故聞伯夷之風者,頑 夫廉,懦夫有立志;聞柳下惠之風者,薄夫敦,鄙夫寬。奮乎百世之上,百世之下聞之者,莫不興起,非聖而若 是乎?而況親炙之乎?」

夫伊尹、伯夷、柳下惠不及孔子,而孟子皆曰「聖人」者,賢聖同類,可以共一稱也。 宰予曰:「以予觀夫子,賢於堯、舜遠矣。」孔子聖,宜言「聖於堯、舜」,而言「賢」者,聖賢相出入,故其 名稱相貿易也。

Chapter XXVI. The Knowledge of Truth (Chih-shih).

Whenever people in their discussions depart from truth and do not bear out their propositions by evidence, their arguments may be never so pleasing, and their reasons never so abundant, yet nobody believes them. If we urge that Sages are not in possession of superhuman powers or prescience, and that in this prescience they do not possess a peculiar kind of knowledge, this is not a frivolous assertion or futile talk, but the result of conclusions drawn from the human faculties, and there are proofs and testimonies to establish the truth. How shall we show it?

[Confucius asked Kung-Ming Chia about Kung-Shu Wên, saying, "Is it true that your master speaks not, laughs not, and takes not? Is this so?" 1 ---Kung-Ming Chia replied, "This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth. My master speaks when it is the time to speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He laughs when there is occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tired of his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking."--- Confucius said, "Is it so with him?" 2 Is it so with him?"] 3

There are men on earth as selfless as Po Yi who would not accept a straw from others, but none that would neither speak nor laugh. Since his own heart did not tell Confucius this, that he might have decided for one alternative, his heart wondering and not believing the reports, he cannot have had a penetrating intellect or seen things from afar, thus being able to determine the truth. He had to ask Kung-Ming Chia, to know the matter. This is the first proof that Confucius did not possess foresight.

Ch ên [Tse Ch`in asked Tse Kung saying, "When our master comes to any country, he does not fail to learn all about its government. Does he ask his information, or is it given to him?"---TseKung said, "Our master is benign, upright, courteous, temperate, and complaisant, and thus he gets his information."] 4

Benignity, uprightness, courteousness, temperance, and complaisance are tantamount to obsequiousness. Men are well disposed to him who is obsequious to them, and being well disposed, they will give him information. Thus Confucius obtained his information about government from what people told him. This was neither supernatural nor an independent knowledge.

Duke Ching of Ch`i inquired of Tse Kung whether his master was a Worthy. "My master," rejoined Tse Kung, "is a Sage; why should he merely be a Worthy?" 5

Duke Ching was not aware that Confucius was a Sage, and Tse Kung corrected the term. Tse Ch`in neither knew whence Confucius derived his information about government, and Tse Kung had to communicate to him the true facts. Since he answered Duke Ching, "My master is a Sage, why should he merely be a Worthy?," he also ought to have given to Tse Ch`in the reply that he was superhuman and endued with spontaneous knowledge, so that he needed not listen to what others said. The reply of Tse Kung to Tse Ch`in is the second proof that Sages have no foresight.

When Yen Yuan was cooking his food some dust fell into his pot. If he had left it there his food would have been impure, had he thrown it away he would have spilled the rice, therefore he picked it out and ate the rice. Confucius, witnessing it from a distance, was under the illusion that Yen Yuan ate stealthily. 6 This is the third evidence that Sages have no foresight.

Fierce highwaymen lie in ambush, leaning on their swords, and ferocious tigers crouch in jungles, gnashing their teeth, in wait for their prey. Those who know it do not venture to proceed, and if somebody does not know it, he runs into the swords of the fierce highway robbers, or falls into the teeth of ferocious tigers. The people of K`uang7 surrounded Confucius.8 Had he foreseen it, he ought to have taken another road in time, to avoid the danger. But he did not foresee it, encountered it, and came to grief. This surrounding of Confucius is the fourth proof that Sages have no foresight.

[The Master was put in fear in K`uang, and Yen Yuan fell behind. Confucius said, "I thought you had died."] 9

If Confucius had been foreknowing he ought to have known that Yen Yuan would certainly not have met with destruction, and that the people of K`uang would not have wreaked their animosity against him. It was not before Yen Yuan arrived that he knew that he was not dead, for before he arrived he imagined that he had died. This is the fifth proof that Sages have no foresight.

[Yang Huo10 wished to see Confucius, but Confucius did not wish to see him. On this, he sent a present 11 of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Yang Huo was not at home, went to pay his respects. He met him, however, on the way.] 12

Confucius did not wish to see him. The circumstance that, when he went to pay him a visit, he chose the time when he was not at home, shows that he did not wish to see him, but he met him on the road. The meeting of Confucius with Yang Hu is a sixth proof that Sages do not possess foresight.

[Ch`ang Chü and Chieh Ni were at work in the field together, when Confucius passed by them, and sent Tse Lu to inquire for the ford.] 13

If Confucius knew the ford he ought not to have inquired for it again. A critic might object that he merely wished to have a look at the work done by the two recluses. However, being prescient, Confucius must have known even this of himself and required no inspection. If he did not know and had to ask, this is the seventh evidence of his not possessing any foresight.

When the mother of Confucius had died, he did not know the grave of his father, and therefore provisionally buried her on the highway of Wu-fu.14 The people seeing it, thought that it was the final burial, for a joint burial being impossible, and the rites for the provisional one being performed with great care, they took it for the final one. The mother of Man Fu of Tsou,15 a neighbour, informed Confucius about the grave of his father. On this, he buried his mother together with his father in Fang.16 The burial place was in Fang. The fact that Confucius first buried her on a highway is the eighth proof that Sages have no foresight.

Having buried his mother together with his father, [Confucius returned, leaving the disciples behind. A great rain came on; and when they rejoined him, he asked them what had made them so late. "The earth slipped," they said, "from the grave at Fang." They told him this thrice, without his giving them any answer. He then wept freely, and said, "I have heard that the ancients did not need to repair their graves."] 17

Had Confucius been prescient he would have known the collapse of the tomb in Fang beforehand, and, when his pupils arrived he should have awaited them with tears, but he only learned it after their arrival. That is the ninth evidence of a Sage not possessing foresight.

[The Master, when he entered the grand temple, asked about everything.] 18 He did not know, therefore he asked, to set an example to mankind. Confucius had not yet entered the grand temple; in the temple there was a great variety of sacrificial vessels and, though a Sage, Confucius could not know them all. It has been supposed that he had already seen them, and knew all about them, and that he asked again, to set an example. Confucius says that, being in doubt, one asks. 19 Now, must he ask that is in doubt, or must he who already knows the truth, ask again, with the object of setting an example to others?

Confucius knew the Five Canons, and his disciples learned them from him. He should have asked again about them, to set an example to mankind; why did he directly impart them to his pupils by word of mouth? Regarding the Five Canons with which he was familiar, he did not ask again, but concerning the grand temple with which he was well acquainted likewise, he inquired again, to set an example to others. Wherefore did he not show the same diligence in both cases? The visit of Confucius to the grand temple affords the tenth proof that Sages have no foresight.

When a host 20 invites a guest, food and drink are at the disposal of the latter whenever he likes them, and he is lodged as if he were in his own house. If, however, the guest has heard that in the family of the host there are reprobate sons and grandsons who prompt their parent to withdraw the dainty dishes and keep back the choice food, so that there is nothing to eat or drink, and to close his halls and shut his house to visitors, the guest, if he is in his mind, on no account accepts an invitation, for he knows that he would have no pleasure from it, he would go in vain, and have nothing but annoyance, and expose himself to insult. In case he goes he has no enjoyment, and returns annoyed and insulted. He who does not know a family is not acquainted with its real character. The real nature of men is difficult to know, and it is not easy to foretell good or bad luck.

If Confucius had been prescient he would have been aware that the feudatory lords were humbugged by malicious ministers, and would never have employed him, and that all his efforts would have been in vain, and only have brought disgrace upon him. When the invitations and summonses arrived, he should have stayed at home, and not have gone. A superior man does not do useless things, nor venture upon undertakings calculated to bring him dishonour. He would not travel about in response to invitations, only to suffer the ignominy of having his foot-prints wiped out, nor have wasted his admonitions on unworthy rulers, only to come into danger of being cut off from his supplies. 21 Accordingly Confucius did not even know things quite near him.

It will perhaps be objected that Confucius himself knew quite well that he would not find employment, but his holy heart could not bear the idea that his doctrine should not be carried out, and that the people would continue living in a state of abject misery. Probably he wished to assist the princes, in order to carry out his principles and save the people, wherefore he accepted the invitations and travelled about, undaunted by shame and disgrace. He thought of his doctrine and not of himself, therefore he did not hesitate to brave all dangers; solicitous for the people and not for his name, he did not care about the aspersions cast upon his character.

I say this is not true. [Confucius said, "I returned from Wei to Lu, and then the Music was reformed, and the Songs and Dithyrambs all found their proper places."] 22 That means to say that Confucius himself knew the proper time. How did he know it? Lu and Wei were the most virtuous states on earth. Since Lu and Wei could not employ him, nobody in the world could employ him, wherefore he retired and produced the Ch`un-ch`iu, and revised the Shiking and the Shuking. From this return from Wei to Lu we infer that Confucius himself was in the dark as to the proper time for going and accepting an invitation.

As long as there were no signs or indications, the Sage did not find out the truth, but when Wei and Lu declined his services, he knew that the end had come, and when the people of Lu caught a unicorn, 23 he was convinced that all was over. His doctrine had come to an end, and his career was stopped. These signs being manifest, all the hopes cherished by his heart were frustrated, and he retired to quiet meditation.

Restlessly wandering about, he was like a sick man who, before he dies, prays and divines, with a view to curing his disease. Before the signs of death appear, he still hopes to retain his life. Thus Confucius, before seeing indications that all was over, obeyed the calls, expecting to find employment. When the marks of death appear, the diviners are dismissed, and the physicians 24 sent home. Confucius, then, resolutely grasped the pencil and revised the books. His acceptance of the invitations and his wanderings are the eleventh proof that Sages have no foresight.

Confucius said, ["The swimming animals can be caught with a line and those running, 25 be shot with an arrow. As regards the dragon, I do not know, whether it can ride on the wind and the clouds, and thus rise on high. To-day I saw Lao Tse. Should he perhaps be like a dragon?"]

A Sage knows all creatures and their actions. Lao Tse and the dragon are a human and another creature, and their doings in the sky and on the earth are actions. Why did he not know them? If Lao Tse was a spirit, a dragon is also a spirit, and a sage likewise. All spirits obey the same law, and their spiritual fluids are entwined. Why did he not know them? Confucius ignorance about the dragon and Lao Tse is the twelfth proof that Sages' have no foresight.

[Confucius said, "Filial indeed is Min Tse Ch`ien. Men have no words of disparagement 26 for his conduct in reference to his parents and brothers."] 27

Shun of was a great sage, who hushed up the crimes of his own flesh and blood, and so far still surpassed Min Tse Ch`ien. Ku Sou and Hsiang28 bade Shun build a granary and excavate a well, with the intention to bring about his death. 29Shun should have seen the attempt made upon his life and, in time, have remonstrated and averted it, or if he had no means to do so, he should have made his escape, and not have carried out the orders. If he disliked such a course, then why did he allow his father and brother to become guilty of murder, so that still after thousands of generations people hearing of such a father and brother detested them? That Shun did not foreknow this is the thirteenth proof that Sages have no foresight.

When Wu Wang was ill Chou Kung asked for Heaven's decree. When the altars had been erected, the straws where consulted, and the prayer was spoken, he was still in doubt whether Heaven had granted his request or not, therefore he divined from three tortoises, and all three gave a favourable reply. 30 If Sages were prescient, then Chou Kung ought to have known whether Heaven granted his prayer, and it was not necessary still to divine by means of three tortoises. But the Sage would not make a law of his own view, wherefore he still prayed for a decree, which being hidden cannot be seen, for the will of Heaven is hard to be known. Consequently, he divined and compared the various omens. The omens having brought a decision, his mind was settled, and he acted accordingly. This is the fourteenth proof that Sages do not possess foresight.

Yen Tse31 had arrived in Lu with a message of friendly inquiries. One does not hurriedly walk up the hall, but Yen Tse did it, and presenting a jewel, one does not kneel, but Yen Tse knelt. The disciples wondering, asked Confucius about it, but Confucius did not know it either and inquired of Yen Tse. When the latter had explained the reason he understood it. 32 This is the fifteenth proof that Sages have no foresight.

[Ch`ên Chia asked Mencius saying, "What kind of man was the duke of Chou?"---"A sage," was the reply.---"Is it the fact that he appointed Kuan Shu to oversee Yin, and that Kuan Shu rebelled?" ---"It is."---"Did the duke of Chou know that he would rebel, and purposely appoint him to that office, or did he not know?" Mencius said, "He did not know."---"Then, though a sage, he still fell into error?"---"The duke of Chou," answered Mencius, "was the younger brother, Kuan Shu was his elder brother. Was not the error of Chou Kung in accordance with what is right?"] 33

Mencius is a man qualified to examine into a thing to the very bottom. He says that the Duke of Chou administering the affairs under his sway, according to his sagehood, did not know that Kuan Shu was going to rebel. That is the sixteenth proof that Sages have no foresight.

Confucius said, ["T`se did not receive Heaven's decree, but his goods are increased by him, and his calculations are generally correct."] 34Confucius finds fault with Tse Kung for being too much given to opulence. Observing the rising and falling of prices, he succeeded, by his calculations, in hitting upon the right moment for his speculations, and his wealth increased to such a degree, that he was as rich as T`ao Chu.35 The prescience of a Sage bears some resemblance to the computations and correct calculations of Tse Kung. A Sage takes signs and omens to investigate the nature of things, which he thus comprehends. Upon seeing extraordinary phenomena, he gives them their proper names, and, by his extensive learning, he knows them. He is an able thinker, never short of ideas, with vast views and an excellent memory. From small indications he draws his inferences, and considering the present, he foresees, in his mind, a thousand years still to come. His knowledge is like a vast ocean, so to say.

The glance of Confucius fell into every corner, noticing the smallest minutiæ, his mind was penetrating, his talents and intellect both most remarkable, his energy never flagging, and his eyes and ears outvying those of other people in keenness. But he could not look through obstacles, or know things unknowable to mankind. If the Sage had been able to look through things, or perceive them from the greatest distance, to hear through solid bodies, or catch imperceptible sounds, or if he could talk to Heaven and Earth and converse with ghosts and spirits, then he would know everything in the heavens and on earth, and might well be regarded as a spirit, endowed with foresight, and far superior to man. But now his eyes and ears see and hear like those of other people, and coming across something, or perceiving some object, he does not behave himself otherwise. He barely surpasses worthies by one degree; why then should he be held to be a spirit and totally different? Sages are like Worthies, and the most excellent among men are called Sages; consequently Sages and Worthies are merely designations for a higher and a lower degree, but not names indicating a total difference, as may be gathered from the following story:---

Duke Huan of Ch`i,36 together with Kuan Chung, planned an attack upon Chü.37 Before this plan was carried out, it was already rumoured in that State. Duke Huan amazed, asked Kuan Chung saying, "What is the reason that the scheme I just laid with you of attacking Chü has already transpired in that State, before it is carried out?"---"There must be a Sage in that State," said Kuan Chung. After a short while, Tung-Kuo Ya arrived, and Kuan Chung said, "This, no doubt, is he," and he caused him to be treated as a guest and to be given the place of honour, all the others taking their places according to their rank.

Kuan Chung said, "Is it you that spoke of an invasion of Chü?"---"Yes," was the reply.---"I do not invade Chü," said Kuan Chung, "wherefore do you speak of an invasion of Chü?"---"Your servant," replied Tung-Kuo Ya, "has heard that a superior man is great in forming plans, whereas small people are skilful in finding them out. I have ventured to do so."---"I did not say," rejoined Kuan Chung, "that I was going to attack Chü; why do you suppose it?"---"I have heard," answered the other, "that a superior man has three different airs:---buoyant joy and merriment, the air of bells and drums, sorrow and stillness, the air of mourning, and anger running through arms and legs, the warlike air. When you make a wry face and do not open your mouth, you think of Chü, and when you lift your arm and point with your finger, you have Chü in view. Your servant begs leave to contend that the small State disliked by all the princes can only be Chü, therefore I said so."

Kuan Chung was a man with a splendid intellect, well fit for nice distinctions and investigations. His statement that there must be a Sage in the State, was perfectly correct, for there was one. When Tung-Kuo Ya arrived he said that this, no doubt, was he i. e., that Tung-Kuo Ya was a Sage. If Sages and Worthies were two totally different classes, Kuan Chung knew that at that period there were no men like the Twelve Sages, and he should have said that there must be a Worthy in the State, instead of saying a Sage. The plan being spoken about in the State before it was made public, Kuan Chung supposed that there must be a Sage, that means to say that a Sage is prescient. Upon seeing Tung-Kuo Ya, he declared that this man must be he i. e., that a Worthy was a Sage. Tung-Kuo Ya knew the plan, and in no wise differed from a Sage.

A gentleman introduced Ch`un-Yü K`un38 to King Hui of Liang.39 He saw him twice, but never uttered a syllable. The king was surprised at it, and, by way of reproach, said to the gentleman, "In praising Ch`un-Yü K`un,40 you said that he outstripped Kuan Chung and Yen Ying, but when he saw me, I had nothing of him. Am I not worthy to be spoken to?"---The gentleman informed Ch`un-Yü K`un who replied, "It is true. When I first saw the king, his mind was far away, and when I saw him a second time, it was engrossed with sounds, wherefore I remained silent."---The gentleman having apprized the king, the latter greatly astonished, exclaimed, "Dear me! Ch`un-Yü K`un is a Sage indeed. When he came the first time somebody had presented me with a dragon horse, 41 and I had not yet had time to look at it; at that moment Ch`un-Yü K`un arrived. Afterwards, somebody had offered me a song which I had not yet tried, when Ch`un-Yü K`un arrived. Although I had dismissed my attendants, my heart was still occupied with those things."

Thus Ch`un-Yü K`un saw that King Hui's mind was absent or intent on sounds. Even the sagacity of T`ang and could not have gone farther. The mind is in the bosom, but hidden and invisible, still Ch`un-Yü K`un did know it. If men like Ch`un-Yü K`un be deemed Sages, then he must have been one; if his equals be not regarded as Sages, then how does the knowledge of Sages exceed that of Ch`un-Yü K`un respecting King Hui?

Those who from a person's looks draw inferences as to his character, want some data on which to base their reasoning:---When King Ling of Ch`u had a meeting with the other feudal lords, 42Tse Ch`an of Chêng declared that Lu, Chu, Sung, and Wei43 would not come. When the meeting took place the four States really did not attend.

When Chao Yao was registrar in the seal department, Fang Yü Kung, a native of Chao spoke to the registrar-general Chou Ch`ang saying, "Your registrar, Chao Yao, will by and by succeed to your office." In course of time Chao Yao really became registrar-general.

Tse Ch`an discovered the reason why the four States would not attend the meeting, and Fang Yü Kung saw from outward appearances that Chao Yao would be made registrar-general. By searching the reason and observing appearances one may make manifest the future, and thus comprehend it.

Kung-Sun Ch`ên44 of Lu, under the régime of Hsiao Wên Ti, sent in a memorial to the effect that, the ruling element of the Han being earth, its correlate, a yellow dragon, ought to become visible. Subsequently a yellow dragon put in an appearance and became the style of a reign. 45 Consequently, Kung-Sun Ch`ên had foreseen the appearance of the yellow dragon, and ascertained it by his calculations.

The knowledge of Worthies and Sages requires research. Both are possessed of the faculty of foresight, but to practice this foresight, they have recourse to their devices, and use their computations, or they are excellent thinkers and shrewd wits. Sages are not endowed with spontaneous knowledge, and miracles and prodigies belong to quite another sphere than that of Sages and Worthies. Their knowledge does not exceed all bounds, and they use their mental faculties in a similar manner; nor does any miracle take place when they are in a perplexity. Wherefore their names may be interchanged, for Worthies and Sages are designations implying excellency, virtue, wisdom, and genius. Spirits are obscure, diffuse, and formless entities. The substances being different, the natures cannot accord, and the substances being equal, their manifestations cannot be inconsistent. The names of Sages and spirits are not the same, therefore Sages are not looked upon as spirits, nor are spirits held to be sage.

Tung-Kuo Ya, by his acuteness, knew the affairs of the State, and Tse Kung, by his shrewdness, acquired a fortune and made great profits. The foresight of a Sage is that of Tung-Kuo Ya and Tse Kung. It being equal to that of these two men, Tung-Kuo Ya, Tse Kung, and the like must be Sages as well. Accordingly, the nature of Worthies and Sages is the same, only their designations differ, but that does not disclose any divergence between their talents or any discrepance between their knowledge. [A high officer asked Tse Kung, saying, "May we not say that your Master is a Sage? How various is his ability!"---Tse Kung said, "Of course 46 Heaven has endowed him unlimitedly. He is about a Sage. And, moreover, his ability is various."] 47

"About" is as much as "will be," 48 and signifies that he was not yet a Sage, but would be one, i. e., that sagehood was not yet reached by Confucius. A Sage is like a Worthy:---they regulate their lives and polish their conduct. Before his conduct is well ordered, it is said of a person that he will be a Worthy. In this case it is stated that Confucius is going to become a Sage, sagehood being in his reach.

[Confucius said, "At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning. At thirty, I stood firm, at forty, I was not tempted astray, at fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven, and at sixty, my ear was an obedient organ.] 49

In the interval between the time when he knew the decrees of Heaven and the time when his ear was an obedient organ, his learning was completed, and his wisdom expanded, certain signs of complete sagehood. To the period before the age of fifty and sixty was reached, when he was still ignorant of the decrees of Heaven, until the ear became an obedient organ, the term "will be" is applicable. The time when Tse Kung replied to the high officer, was most likely the period of thirty and forty years.

King Chao of Wei50 questioned T`ien Ch`ü saying, "When I was in the eastern palace, I heard you express the opinion that to be a Sage is easy. Is that so?"---"It is," rejoined T`ien Ch`ü, "what I have learned."---"Then," quoth the king, "are you a Sage?"--- T`ien Ch`ü replied, "To know a Sage, before his having won distinction, is like Yao's knowing Shun; to know him only after he has made his mark, is like the market people knowing Shun. Now, I have not yet won laurels, and Your Majesty asks me whether I am a Sage. May I venture the counter-question whether Your Majesty perhaps is a Yao?"

Sagehood may be learned, therefore T`ien Ch`ü declared it to be easy. If it were entirely beyond human power, and a spontaneous faculty, received with the original nature, how could it be learned then or acquired? T`ien Ch`ü averred that it was easy; if sagehood could not be acquired, then T`ien Ch`ü could not have made the statement that is was easy. His reply to the king that it was what he had learned, would seem to be consistent with truth. 51 Worthies can learn sagehood, and only their efforts made to that end may differ. Consequently the benevolent as well as the wise are entitled to the name of Worthy or Sage.

[Tse Kung asked Confucius saying, "Master, are you a Sage?"--- Confucius answered him, "A Sage is what I cannot rise to. I learn without satiety, and teach without being tired." Tse Kung said, "You learn without satiety:---that shows your wisdom. You teach without being tried:---that shows your benevolence. Benevolent and wise:---Master, you are a Sage."] 52

It may be seen from this that the benevolent and the wise may be called Sages. [Mencius said, "Tse Hsia, Tse Yu, and Tse Chang had each one member of the Sage. Jan Niu, Min Tse Ch`ien,53 and Yen Yuan had all the members, but in small proportions.] 54 All these six disciples, at their time, possessed the talents of the Sage, but either these talents were very refined, but not complete, or they were complete, but not very brilliant. Nevertheless, they were all called Sages, sagehood, therefore, is attainable by exertion.

Mencius also said, ["Not to serve a prince whom he did not esteem, nor command a people whom he did not approve; in a time of good government to take office, and on the occurrence of confusion to retire:---this was the way of Po Yi. To say:---"Is he whom I serve not my master, and are those whom I command not my people?," in a time of good government to take office, and when disorder prevailed, also to take office:---that was the way of Yi Yin. When it was proper to go into office, to go into it; when it was proper to keep retired from office, 55 then to keep retired from it; when it was proper to continue in it long, then to continue in it long; when it was proper to withdraw from it quickly, then to withdraw quickly:---that was the way of Confucius. These were all Sages of antiquity."] 56

And again he said, ["A Sage is the teacher of a hundred generations:---this is true of Po Yi and Hui of Liu-hsia. Therefore when men now hear the character of Po Yi, the corrupt become pure, and the weak acquire determination. When they hear the character of Hui of Liu-hsia, the mean become generous, and the niggardly become liberal. Those two made themselves distinguished a hundred generations ago, and after a hundred generations, those who hear of them, are all aroused in this manner. Could such efforts be produced by them, if they had not been Sages? And how much more did they affect those who were in contiguity with them, and felt their inspiring influence!"] 57

Yi Yin, Po Yi, and Hui of Liu-hsia did not equal Confucius, yet Mencius called them all Sages. Worthies and Sages fall under the same category, and for that reason may be denoted by the same name. Tsai Yü58 said, "In my opinion the Master is a greater Worthy then Yao and Shun by far." Confucius being a Sage, he ought to have said "a greater Sage than Yao and Shun" in lieu of saying a greater Worthy. Worthies and Sages are about the same, wherefore their names are promiscuously used.

Notes

1. . These words are wanting in the Analects.

2. The Analects have . Our text repeats .

3. Analects XIV, 14.

4. Analects I, 10.

5. The Yuan-chien lei-han chap. 268, 8v. quotes this passage from the Hui-yuan.

6. This incident is told, though somewhat differently, in the "Family Sayings" quoted by the Pei-wên-yün-fu. There Yen Yuan simply eats the rice. Confucius desires to have some for an oblation, when Yen Yuan explains why he ate it, and that, owing to the impurity, it was unfit for an offering.

7. A State in the modern K`ai-fêng-fu in Honan.

8. Confucius was mistaken for Yang Hu, an enemy of the people of K`uang, and therefore kept prisoner five days. See Legge, Classics Vol. I, p. 217, Note 5.

9. Analects XI, 22.

10. Cf. Vol. I, p. 107, Note 2. Yang Huo is also called Yang Hu.

11. Wang Ch`ung:---, Analects:---.

12. Analects XVII, 1.

13. Analects XVIII, 6.

14. . The Liki writes .

15. . The Liki:---.

16. This episode is found in the Liki, T`an-kung, II, 5r. (Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 124), but the text differs. Chinese critics take it for apocryphal.

17. Quoted from the Liki eod. 4r. (Legge p. 123). See also Vol. I, p. 197, Note 2.

18. Analects III, 15.

19. Allusion to Analects XVI, 10.

20. Ed. A and C write in lieu of .

21. Cf. Vol. I, p. 499.

22. Analects IX, 14.

23. Cf. Vol. I, p. 359, Note 1.

24. Note the interesting character for , which shows that in ancient times physicians were taken for a kind of sorcerers. .

25. The parallel passage I, p. 358 says "those flying" , which is better. The prototype in the Shi-chi reads as follow, "I know that birds can fly, that fish can swim, and that beasts can run. Those running may be ensnared, those swimming may be caught with a line, and those flying be shot with an arrow."

26. I.e. they did not disparage.

27. Analects XI, 4.

28. The father and the brother of Shun.

29. Cf. Vol. I, p. 173.

30. See Vol. I, p. 187, Note 1.

31. An official from Ch`i.

32. The Pei-wên-yün-fu chap. 91, p. 5v. under quotes this story.

33. Mencius II, Part II, 9. Our text seems somewhat shortened.

34. Cf. Vol. I, p. 376, Note 2 and 408.

35. See Vol. I, p. 146, Note 1.

36. 685-643 b.c.

37. A State in the present Yi-chou-fu, Shantung.

38. A famous controversialist and ready wit of the Ch`i State of the 4th cent. b.c. He was the son-in-law of the king of Ch`i. A sketch of his life is contained in the Shi-chi chap. 126.

39. 370-334 b.c.

40. Ed. B and C have , ed. A:---.

41. Dragon was the name for a horse eight feet high (Erh-ya).

42. 538 b.c. in the principality of Shên . This meeting is referred to in the Tso-chuan, Duke Chao, 4th year and in the Shi-chi chap. 40, p. 10v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 358).

43. The Tso-chuan writes Tsao instead of Sung, the Shi-chi replaces Chu by Chin .

44. Cf p. 217, Note 8.

45. The style Huang-lung "Yellow Dragon" under the emperor Hsüan Ti, 49-48 b.c.

46. , the Analects have .

47. Analects IX, 6.

48. .

49. Analects II, 4.

50. 295-277 b.c.

51. This is not true:---Sagehood, the highest degree of wisdom and virtue, is inborn and cannot be learned. An intelligent man may increase his knowledge by study and do good work, but he will never become a genius.

52. Mencius II, Part I, 2 (19).

53. Mencius writes Min Tse.

54. Mencius II, Part I, 2 (20).

55. Our text has , Mencius:--- .

56. Mencius II, Part I, 2 (22).

57. Mencius VII, Part II, 15.

58. Disciple of Confucius. Vol. I, p. 312, Note 3.

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