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范蠡計然曰： “太歲在〔於〕水，毀；金，穰；木，饑；火，旱。” 夫如是，水旱饑穰，有歲運也。歲直其運，氣當其 世，變複之家，指而名之。
人君用其言，求過自改。暘久自雨，雨久自暘，變複之家，遂名其功；人君然之，遂信其術。試 使人君恬居安處不求己過，天猶自雨，雨猶自暘。暘濟雨濟之時，人君無事，變複之家，猶名其術。是則陰陽之 氣，以人為主，不〔統〕於天也。夫人不能以行感天，天亦不隨行而應人。
房星四表三道，日月之行，出入三道。出北則湛，出南則旱。或言出北則旱，南則湛。案月 為天下占，房為九州 候。月之南北，非獨為魯也。
孔子出，使子路齎雨具。有頃，天果大雨。子路問其故，孔子曰：“昨暮月離於畢。”後日，月 複離畢。孔子出，子路請齎雨具，孔子不聽，出果無雨。子路問其故，孔子曰：“昔日，月離其陰，故雨。 昨暮，月離其陽，故不雨。”
董仲舒求雨，申《春秋》之義，設虛立祀，父不食於枝庶，天不食於下地。諸侯雩禮所祀，未 知何神。如天神也，唯王者天乃歆，諸侯及今長吏，天不享也。神不歆享，安耐得神？如雲雨者氣也，雲雨之氣， 何用歆享？
觸石而出，膚寸而合，不崇朝而辨雨天下，泰山也。泰山雨天下，小山雨國邑。然則大雩所祭， 豈祭山乎？假令審然，而不得也。何以效之？水異川而居，相高分寸，不決不流，不鑿不合。誠令人君禱祭 水旁，能令高分寸之水流而合乎？
夫雨水在天地之間也，猶夫涕泣在人形中也。或齎酒食，請於惠人之前，〔求〕出其泣，惠人 終不為之隕涕。夫泣不可請而出，雨安可求而得？雍門子悲哭，孟嘗君為之流涕。蘇秦、張儀悲說坑中，鬼谷先 生泣下沾襟。或者儻可為雍門之聲，出蘇、張之說以感天乎！天又耳目高遠，音氣不通。
夫災變大抵有二：有政治之災，有無妄之變。政治之災，須耐求之，求之雖不耐得，而惠湣惻隱 之恩，不得已之意也。慈父之於子，孝子之於親，知病不祀神，疾痛不和藥。又知病之必不可治，治之無益，然 終不肯安坐待絕，猶蔔筮求崇、召醫和藥者，惻痛殷勤，冀有驗也。
故夫無妄之氣，厲世時至，當固自一，不宜改政。何以驗之？周公為成王陳《立政》之言曰： “時則物有間之。自一話一言，我則末，維成德之彥，以乂我受民。”周公立政，可謂得矣。知非常之物，不賑 不至，故敕成王自一話一言，政事無非，毋敢變易。然則非常之變，無妄之氣間而至也。
水氣間堯，旱氣間湯。周宣以賢，遭遇久旱。建初孟〔年〕，北州連旱，牛死民乏，放流就賤。 聖主寬明於上，百官共職於下，太平之明時也。政無細非，旱猶有，氣間之也。聖主知之，不改政行，轉穀賑贍， 損酆濟耗。斯見之審明，所以救赴之者得宜也。
魯文公間歲大旱，臧文仲曰：“修城郭，貶食省用，務嗇勸分。 ”文仲知非政，故徒修備， 不改政治。
曾晰對孔子言其志曰：“暮春者，春服既成，冠者五六人，童子六七人，浴乎沂，風乎舞雩， 詠而歸 。”孔子曰：“吾與點也！”
魯設雩祭於沂水之上。暮者，晚也；春謂四月也。春服既成，謂四月之服 成也。冠者、童子，雩祭樂人也。浴乎沂，涉沂水也，象龍之從水中出也。風乎舞雩，風，歌也。詠 而饋，詠歌饋祭也，歌詠而祭也。
《春秋》《左氏傳》曰：“啟蟄而雩。”又曰：“龍見而雩。啟蟄、龍見。” 皆二月也。 春二月雩，秋八月亦雩。春祈穀雨，秋祈穀實。當今靈星，秋之雩也。春雩廢，秋雩在。故靈星之祀， 歲雩祭也。
樊遲從遊，感雩而問，刺魯不能崇德而徒雩也。 夫雩，古而有之。故《禮》曰：“雩祭，祭水旱也。”故有雩禮，故孔子不譏，而仲舒申之。夫如是，雩祭 ，祀禮也。雩祭得禮，則大水鼓用牲於社，亦古禮也。得禮無非，當雩一也。
禮祭〔地〕社，報生萬物 之功。土地廣遠，難得辨祭，故立社為位，主心事之。為水旱者，陰陽之氣也，滿六合難得盡祀，故修壇設位，敬恭祈求， 效事社之義，複災變之道也。
禮之心悃， 樂之意歡忻。悃愊以玉帛效心，歡忻以鐘鼓驗意。雩祭請祈，人君精誠也。精誠在內，無以效外。故雩祀盡己惶懼， 關納精心於雩祀之前，玉帛鐘鼓之義，四也。
Chapter XXX. On the Rain Sacrifice (Ming-yü).
Phenomenalists hold that long rain causes floods, and that long heat produces droughts. Droughts correspond to intense Yang, and floods to heavy downpours.
It may be argued that, in the course of a year, about every ten days it rains once, and every five days there is wind. 1 Long lasting rain forebodes a flood, and a long period of heat gradually conduces to a drought. However, during the time of a flood, the ruler of men must not, necessarily, be dripping, or during a drought, be burning hot. In his administration he remains the same before and after, and that at one time there is an inundation, at another dryness, is owing to the fluid of the season.
Fan Li2 in his work "Calculations" said, "The planet Jupiter being in the constellation tse,3 water means destruction, metal a good harvest, wood a famine, and fire a drought." Accordingly water, a drought, a famine, and a good harvest would follow the revolutions of Jupiter. Jupiter agrees with their terms, and the fluid of the season accords with their periods, yet the phenomenalists give their own explanations, and the sovereign, trusting their words, endeavours to find out his guilt and reform. 4 After a long time of heat, it rains of itself, and after much rain, sunshine reappears of itself. Then the phenomenalists point to the success achieved by the prince, who agrees with them and henceforth believes in their theories.
Had, for example, the sovereign kept quiet and not taken any trouble, nor searched for his own imaginary faults, Heaven would likewise have rained spontaneously, and rain would have been succeeded by sunshine as a matter of course. Even though, when the heat or the rain cease, the prince may have been inactive, phenomenalists still propound their devices, so that the fluids of the Yang and Yin would be regulated by man, and not depend upon Heaven. However, man cannot affect Heaven by his dealings, and Heaven does not pay heed to human actions and respond to them.
During the "Spring and Autumn" period, the great Rain Sacrifice 5 in Lu was an offering together with a prayer for rain in a time of dryness. When, after a long drought, it had not rained, they prayed and sacrificed to obtain happiness, as, in a case of serious illness, the spirits are sacrificed to, that they may dispel the calamity. All this aims at a return to the normal state.
The Shiking says that, "The moon approaches the Hyades, which will bring heavy showers of rain," and in the Shuking we find the remark that "When the moon follows the stars, there is wind and rain." 6 Accordingly, wind and rain would be dependent on this movement of the moon.
There are three ways parting from the "House" constellation in different directions. 7 The sun and the moon in their courses pass on these ways, departing northward, they cause a flood, departing southward, a drought. Yet there are some who contend that their departure northward is followed by a drought, and the departure southward, by a flood. The moon is a sign for the whole world, whereas the "House" constellation is a mark for the Nine Provinces. 8 The northerly and the southerly directions of the moon, therefore, do not concern Lu alone.
Confucius, on the point of going out, bade Tse Lu prepare his rain apparel, and, after a few minutes, in fact a great shower came down. Tse Lu asked for an explanation, and Confucius replied, "Yesterday evening the moon approached the Hyades." Later on, the moon had again approached the Hyades. Confucius going out, Tse Lu wished to prepare his rain apparel, but Confucius would not have it, and really it did not rain, after he had left. Tse Lu asked the reason. "Formerly," said Confucius, "the moon drew near the northern part, hence it rained. Yesterday evening the moon came near the southern part, therefore it did not rain." 9
Consequently in Lu the rain depended on the approximation of the moon, and by no means on government. If it was really influenced by administrative measures, and if the moon approaching the Hyades was but a presage of rain, it was common to the whole world, and, when it rained in Lu, it should have done so everywhere on earth.
During the period of the Six States government was not everywhere the same, and rewards and punishments were meted out at different times by the various princes. Provided that rain is to respond to these administrative acts, then at least six or seven Hyades are necessary for the moon to approach.
Under the régime of Duke Mu of Lu10 there was a year of drought. The duke addressed Hsien Tse saying, "Heaven has sent dryness, and it does not rain. I would like to burn a sorcerer. 11 What do you think?" Hsien Tse did not approve of this measure. The duke then proposed to shift the market to some other place. "At the death of the son of Heaven," said Hsien Tse, "it is the habit to hold the market in side-alleys for seven days, and, when a ruler of a State expires, this is done for five days. Wherefore should the market not be shifted?" 12
According to these words of Hsien Tse, by shifting the marketplace rain is obtained, whereas it appears from the text of the Shiking and the Shuking that the vicinity of the moon to a constellation has this result. The courses of the sun and the moon have their regular periods, would they approach the south of the Hyades on account of a market-place having been moved? The moon and the Hyades are prognostics for the whole world, how could the shifting of a market-place in Lu cause the moon to alter its course? The moon completes one circumvolution round the sky in thirty days, and within one month's time it once passes the Hyades. When it comes near its southern part, there is heat. Provided that the shifting of the market could have such an influence on the moon, that it approached the southern part of the Hyades, would rain be obtained, if at that time the market-place were moved? The dictum of Hsien Tse cannot be accepted.
Tung Chung Shu, with a view to attracting rain, used the scheme of the Ch`un-ch`iu,13 raising a hill and setting up a sacrifice. A father does not accept oblations from collateral branches of his descendants, 14 nor Heaven on low earth. 15 As to the rites of the rain-sacrifice of the princes, we ignore to which spirit it was offered. If it was to the Spirit of Heaven, Heaven would not receive an oblation but from the emperor, and would refuse those from the feudal lords or our present high officers. But unless a spirit accepted the sacrifice, how could its succour be obtained? If the clouds and the rain were the recipients of the sacrifice, they are air. In what manner should the air of clouds and rain smell and enjoy offerings?
[It breaks through the stones one or two inches thick, and gathers. That in one day's time it spreads over the whole Empire is only the case with the T`ai-shan.] 16 From the T`ai-shan it rains over the whole Empire, from small mountains over States and cities. Such being the case, is the great Rain Sacrifice an offering to the mountains perhaps? Were it really so, it would be ineffectual for the following reason:---Water in different rivers and differing in height by some inches or lines, does not run together, unless led through artificial channels, nor mix, unless, by digging, a common water-level be produced. Suppose that a ruler of men were to pray and sacrifice on the banks of a river, would it be in his power to cause water of a higher level to mix with other water below?
Even in the case of visible water of but slightly different level the prayers of a sovereign would be of no avail at all, and how about rain, which has no apparent form, hidden as it is in the depths of high mountains? How could the rain sacrifice of a ruler elicit it?
Rainy moisture is amidst heaven and earth, as tears are in the human body. If some one were to place wine and food before a kind-hearted person imploring him to shed tears, which he had not yet done, that kind-hearted gentleman would on no account comply with this request, because tears do not issue forth on being commanded. How then could rain be procured by supplication?
The laments of Yung Mên Tse moved the prince of Mêng Ch`ang to tears, 17 and in consequence of the sorrowful speech of Su Ch`in and Chang Yi in the cavern, the tears of Kuei Ku Tse dropped down on his coat. 18 Is it possible then to affect Heaven by laments like those of Yung Mên Tse, or by words like those of Su Ch`in and Chang Yi? The ears and the eyes of Heaven are very far away, and the fluid of sound does not reach it.
The wife of Ch`i Liang also cried pitifully, but, instead of raining, the city wall crumbled down. Then how can rain be produced, and which method do those performing the rain sacrifice employ to impress Heaven?
When the moon proceeds on the northern way, and approaches the northern part of the Hyades, it nearly always rains. Accordingly, the Hyades must be situated on the northern way. But would this constellation of the northern way be willing to send down rain, in response to a rain sacrifice?
When Confucius was going out, and calling upon Tse Lu to get his rain apparel ready, there certainly was no rain sacrifice offered in Lu simultaneously, and, notwithstanding, torrents of rain came down spontaneously, and without any prayer there was bright sunshine again of itself. Thus fine weather and rain have their times. In the course of a year, sunshine and rain alternate. When there is to be rain, who must pray for it, and, when there is to be sunshine, who can stop it?
A ruler who listens to supplications and, to please his people, shows clemency, is not virtuous. Heaven possesses the highest degree of virtue. If, before the proper time for rain has come, somebody unreasonably prayed for it, and if then Heaven recklessly sent it down, it would be on a level with a prince yielding to solicitations.
Phenomenalists do not argue or investigate the question by analogies, and setting forth their preposterous theories, they deceive the sovereigns. Either the time of rain has not yet come, and a virtuous prince prays for it in vain, or it just must rain of its own accord, and a wicked prince praying for rain just hits upon the right moment. Then the virtuous ruler receives unjust reproof, and the bad one gains undeserved praise.
The world considers sages to be perfect, whereas worthies have their imperfections. The dealings of perfect men are irreproachable, and being irreproachable, their government is faultless. Among the sage rulers of all the ages none can vie with Yao and T`ang. Yet Yao was visited with the Great Flood, and T`ang with the Great Drought. If this be regarded as the outcome of their government, then Yao and T`ang must have been two iniquitous rulers, if, however, their government be not answerable, then it was mere luck. Luck has its time, and cannot be prayed for.
People reasoning on these subjects, pretend, in regard to the Flood and the Drought of Yao and T`ang, that they were the result of the season, but that small droughts and floods are due to government. Provided that this view be correct, what is to be done to procure a rainfall? If it is really caused by government, a recourse to prayer instead of mending the defects of the administration could not bring about a change. If, on the other hand, the Flood and the Drought of Yao and T`ang were the effect of the revolution of the celestial fluid, and not the upshot of government, as they say, then the time of this revolution cannot but be spontaneous, and any sacrifices or prayers would be of no advantage whatever.
There is another report that T`ang, having prayed in a mulberry grove, acknowledging five faults, forthwith obtained rain. 19 Believing in the revolution of the fluid, one cannot uphold the story of the mulberry grove, and maintaining the truth of this story, one must discard the notion of a revolution of luck. How can those holding either of these views escape from this impasse, and which means should be taken to avert water or dryness?
Of these calamitous changes there are two kinds, I should say:---calamities in consequence of bad government and disasters without any guilt. In case of calamities of the first kind, one must search for the cause and try to remove it, and though these endeavours prove ineffectual, they at least show the compassion of the sovereign, his kind solicitude for his people, and his inability to help. Such is the conduct of a loving father towards his son and of a dutiful son towards his parent. Though knowing that in case of a sickness it is useless to immolate to the spirits, and that against great pains medicines are in vain, and though aware that a disease is incurable, and all treatment of no avail, yet they do not let things go and await the end; they still consult the tortoise and milfoil, inquire after evil influences, and call persons qualified to prepare medicines. 20 Their compassionateness and affectionate devotion makes them still hope for a result.
When death has come, and life is extinguished, so that there remains nothing to be done, they climb upon the ridge of their house, and with a garment beckon to the departed to revert. 21 In their sorrow and deep love, they will not give up the hope that the dead may become aware of it. The feelings of those who make oblations for rain are like the sentiments of a loving father or a dutiful son.
Of calamities without any guilt people know nothing, and lay them to the charge of the ruler. Those governing, in order to comply with the wishes of the people, in this case offer sacrifice likewise.
A question as to the difference of a calamity caused by government and a disaster without anybody's guilt I should answer thus:---When virtue is flourishing, 22 and the government well ordered, and a disaster happens all the same, no one is responsible for it. When virtue is declining, and government disorganised, and some catastrophe takes place, the government is responsible. In the last instance, there is a sacrifice without and reforms within, to make good the damage. In the former instance, the old style of government is continued within, and the sacrificial rites are discharged without, to comfort the people.
Undeserved ill-luck has happened in all ages. When it comes one must remain faithful to one's principles, and not change the government. How do we know? We learn it from the words, addressed by the Duke of Chou to King Ch`êng, concerning the establishment of government. ["Sometimes things 23 will interfere. Then stick to your words and your speech, and let us be thinking of officers of complete virtue, to regulate the people whom we have received."] 24 The establishment of the government by the Duke of Chou must be admitted to be most considerate. He was aware that extraordinary accidents are not to be avoided by liberality. Therefore he admonished the king to stick to his word and, since the administration was unimpeachable, not to introduce any changes. Extraordinary events might interfere, but they were not caused by any recklessness.
The wet fluid interfered with Yao, and the dry one, with T`ang. King Hsüan of Chou,25 generous as he was, met with a long drought, and at the commencement and the end of the Chien-ch`u period, 26 all the northern provinces had to suffer from a continued drought. The cattle died, the people were famished and driven from their homes, reduced to poverty. The views of our sage Lord occupying the Imperial Throne, were most liberal and enlightened, and under him the officials all discharged their duties. It was obviously a time of universal peace, and not the slightest deficiency was to be discovered in the government. And yet the dry fluid rushed in. The wise ruler understood the state of affairs, and did not change the mode of government, but he sent about grain, to be distributed among the poor, and he used his affluence, to help the indigent. This displayed his clear insight, and thus those charged with the relief work did all they could.
Duke Wên of Lu was visited with a great drought one year. 27Tsang Wên Chung28 suggested that he should repair the inner and outer walls, making economies by reducing his expenses, practising frugality, and calling upon the people to contribute. Tsang Wên Chung was alive to the fact that government was not responsible for the drought, hence he confined himself to building the walls, without altering the administration.
The phenomenalists witnessing a sudden change, do not hesitate to ascribe it to government, paying no regard to its innocence, and viewing an extraordinary event, in their alarm and confusion, they change their proceedings, and, by changing what should not be altered, they merely bring down misfortune upon themselves.
On what do they base their affirmation that the rain sacrifice is necessary? They contend that respecting the great rain sacrifice of the Ch`un-ch`iu the commentators Kung Yang as well as Ku Liang, in their comments, have no word of criticism, whence it is obvious that the rain sacrifice must be performed.
Tsêng Hsi in reply to a question of Confucius as to his wishes said, ["At the eve of spring, when the spring dress is ready, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would dash through the Yi, carol among the dancing performers of the rain sacrifice, 29 and with songs make my offering." 30 ---Confucius replied, "I agree with Tien."] 31
In Lu they used to hold the rain sacrifice on the banks of the Yi. The "eve" is synonymous with late. Spring denotes the fourth moon; that the spring dress is ready means to say that the dress for the fourth moon is ready. Young men with caps and boys are those gamboling at the rain sacrifice. 32 To dash through the Yi signifies to wade through its water in imitation of dragons rising from the water. 33 To carol among the dancing performers of the rain sacrifice is the same as to sing. With songs to make offerings 34 means to sing hymns, and make some oblation for the sacrifice i. e., to sing and sacrifice.
Some critics are of opinion that yü35 (to dash) means to bathe in the Yi river, and fêng36 (to carol) to dry the body. The fourth month of the Chou dynasty corresponds to the second month of the corrected year. 37 Then it is still cold, and no proper time for bathing or drying the body in the wind. Consequently wading through water, but evidently not bathing was a part of the rain sacrifice.
In Tso Ch`iu Ming's commentary to the Ch`un-ch`iu it is said that, when the torpid insects begin to stir, it is time for the rain sacrifice, and also that, when the Dragon appears, the rain sacrifice is offered. 38 The insects begin to move, and the Dragon becomes visible in the second month. The second month of spring is the time for the rain sacrifice, and the eighth month of autumn likewise. In spring they sue for grain rain, and in autumn, that the grain may bear fruit. Our present worship of the Ling constellation is the autumnal rain sacrifice. The vernal sacrifice has fallen into desuetude, and only the autumnal one remains. Thus the invocation of the Ling constellation is the yearly rain sacrifice. 39
Confucius said "I agree with Tien." He approves of his wish to offer the rain sacrifice and harmonize the Yin and Yang. In this he concurs with him. If the rain sacrifice had not been proper, and Tien wished to have it performed, Confucius would have been obliged to reprove him instead of giving his assent.
Fan Ch`ih rambling with the master, was impressed by the rain sacrifice and asked the pertinent question why in Lu they did not exalt virtue, and merely cared for the rain sacrifice. 40 This sacrifice is of very old origin, for the Liki says that the rain sacrifice is an offering made in times of inundation and drought. Consequently it is based on custom. Confucius did not criticize it, and it was set forth by Tung Chung Shu. The rain sacrifice is an established rite. In the same manner as the rain sacrifice is based on custom, in case of high water drums are beaten, and animals immolated at the altars of the land, also an old custom. There being such a ceremony, it cannot be wrong. 41 This is the first justification of the rain sacrifice.
It is customary to sacrifice. We acknowledge the merits of the spirits of the land which produce all things. But the earth is of great extent, and it becomes difficult to sacrifice everywhere. Therefore the altars of the land have been erected as centres of devout worship. Floods and droughts are the fluids of the Yin and Yang. Since they spread everywhere, it is difficult to sacrifice to all. Whence altars have been built to represent them, where they are implored with the greatest reverence. The worship is analogous to that of the spirits of the land, and with a view to removing calamitous events.
The dead are worshipped like the living, and ghosts, as though they were men. If the original fluid of the Yin and the Yang be like living man, can it eat and drink? Under this supposition they are presented with perfumes, and offered the choicest dishes, all with the greatest care, with the hope that these offerings will be requited. 42 This analogy with the sacrifices to the spirits of the land is the second justification for the rain sacrifice.
While the fluids of the year are in harmony, no calamities ensue; still they prepare the rain sacrifice. The worship of the "Ling" constellation is a very ancient custom, moreover the fluid of the year may suddenly change, and freshets and droughts are not subject to time, which accounts for the extreme fear of the ruler of men. Therefore, in addition to the oblations made to the "Ling" constellation, they still offer the rain sacrifice with the idea that, should the former rites have been unsufficient, the deficiency may be supplemented by repeating the sacrifice on a second day, and with a view to making good again the disaster caused by the calamity, and being rewarded with an abundant harvest. This is the third reason.
At a religious ceremony the heart feels distressed, and, when music is made, it is cheerful. The distressed disclose their sentiments by offering jewels and brocade, and the cheerful give expression to their feelings with bells and drums. The prayers at the rain sacrifice testify to the sincerity of the sovereign, but this sincerity resides in the heart, and does not become manifest without. Therefore all the alarm and anxiety is manifested by the rain sacrifice, and the previous sincerity of the heart thus revealed, which is the meaning of jewels and brocade, bells and drums. 43 This is the fourth argument.
A subject having offended against his sovereign, and a son having failed against his father, reform, when they are punished, and, moreover, acknowledge their guilt. Provided that droughts, which cause such an alarm, be brought about by government, then it would be like the offence of a subject, or the guilt of a son. If then the administration were quietly changed, and the proceedings stealthily altered, it would not appear without, and Heaven's anger could not be appeased. Therefore the rain sacrifice is necessary to show the anxiety. That is the fifth argument.
The Han established the office of scholars of great learning 44 who were to teach the youth the art of disputation with the object of probing every question to the bottom, and exposing the right and wrong principles. They were not to raise unnecessary difficulties, nor always to acquiesce, neither were they to be lavish of bitter criticisms, nor to give a sweet reply, whatever they heard. They guide the talents of their disciples, now bending them down, now raising them up, but for their benefit. Grinding a sword, we do not cut the whetstone, our only wish being to make it pointed. 45 By expounding the meaning of the Ch`un-ch`iu, we endeavour to elucidate the rain sacrifice, examining the view of Confucius, and scrutinising the ideas of Tung Chung Shu. Since Confucius is no more, and Tung Chung Shu is also dead, to whom in the world can we apply for instruction? None but disciples of Confucius and followers of Tung Chung Shu46 are qualified to give a satisfactory answer.
1. The T`ai-p'ing-yü-lan chap 11, p. 2v. quotes this passage but in a different form. The rule, here expressed, refers only to the time of general peace:--- .
2. A minister of Yüeh, cf. Vol. I, p. 310.
3. = Aries, right north. Cf. the passage Shi-chi chap. 129, p. 3v.
4. According to Fan Li, floods and droughts depend on the position of the planet Jupiter, whereas the phenomenalists believe these phenomena to be caused by the conduct of the sovereign. The passage of the Shi-chi seems defective.
6. Cf. Vol. I, p. 277, Notes 3 and 4.
7. Three ways for the sun and the moon passing this constellation. They either continue their course, without deviating from the original direction, or they turn to the left or the right. Revert they cannot, else there might be four ways.
8. Certain regions of the sky are supposed to correspond to certain countries on the earth. The moon, wandering through the sky, is not connected with any places of our planet, and a sign for the whole world.
9. The Pei-wên-yü-fu quotes this passage, chap. 66 a, under .
10. 407-377 b.c.
11. Sorcerers are believed to be filled with the Yang fluid. Cf. Vol. I, p. 247, Note 2.
12. Culled from the Liki (T`an-kung p. 80), Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 201, where three days instead of five is written.
13. In the Ch`un-ch`iu the great rain sacrifice is frequently mentioned.
14. Only a son or a grandson may sacrifice to his ancestors.
15. Therefore Tung Chung Shu raised a hill for his sacrifice. A sacrifice from the low earth would be as unacceptable to Heaven as an offering from collateral descendants to a deceased.
16. Cf. Vol. I, p. 277.
17. Cf. p. 178, Note 2.
18. Cf. p. 52.
19. See p. 16, Note 4.
20. Ed. B:---, ed. A and C:---.
21. A garment of the deceased is used, that the soul may slip into it and return. This custom is very old. The three Rituals:---Liki, I-li, and Chou-li give minute prescriptions about it. They are found in De Groot, Religious System Vol. I, p. 243 seq. in a special chapter "Calling back the soul of the dead."
22. cf. p. 222, Note 5.
23. . Our text of the Shuking has .
24. Quoted from the Shuking Part V, Book XIX, 16-17 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 518). To the first part of this clause Legge gives quite a different interpretation:---"And let us never allow others to come between us and them. Yea, in our every word and speech let us be thinking . . . ."
25. 827-782 b.c.
26. 76-83 a.d.
27. According to the Ch`un-ch`iu Lu had to suffer great dryness in the second and in the tenth year of Duke Wên i. e., in 625 and 617 b.c.
28. A scholar and officer of Lu.
29. Legge translates:---"enjoy the breeze among the rain altars." See Note 9.
30. Legge:---"and return home singing."
31. Analects XI, 25, VII. Cf. Vol. I, p. 520. I had to remodel my translation of the first volume, borrowed from Legge, in order to agree with Wang Ch`ung's comments.
33. Legge has "to wash," adding in his notes that this word is used with reference to a custom of washing the hands and clothes at some stream, to drive away evil influences.
34. Wang Ch`ung here writes , apparently indentifying and .
37. Cf. Vol. I, p. 114, Note 8.
38. Tso-chuan to Duke Huan 5th year. See also Vol. I, p. 520.
39. Legge puts quite a different construction upon the words of Tso Ch`iu Ming loc. cit. See Classics Vol. V, Part I, p. 46, Note 7.
40. Cf. Analects XII, 21.
41. A strange argument.
42. Ed. A for .
43. Jewels and brocade are offered in sacrifice, and bells and drums sounded. The Liki, Yüeh-ling, p. 50v. (Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 274) states that the instruments of music are employed at the great summer sacrifice for rain.
45. Wang Ch`ung seems to imply that he acts like the scholars of great learning, that his criticisms do not exceed the right measure, but are necessary to bring out the truth.
46. Our author, obviously, claims to be such a disciple.
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