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刺 復 第 十

大 夫 曰 為 色 矜 而 心 不 懌 ， 曰 ： 「 但 居 者 不 知 負 載 之 勞 ， 從 旁 議 者 與 當 局 者 異 憂 。 方 今 為 天 下 腹 居 郡 ， 諸 侯 並 臻 ， 中 外 未 然 ， 心 憧 憧 若 涉 大 川 ， 遭 風 而 未 薄 。 是 以 夙 夜 思 念 國 家 之 用 ， 寢 而 忘 寐 ， 饑 而 忘 食 ， 計 數 不 離 於 前 ， 萬 事 簡 閱 於 心 。 丞 史 器 小 ， 不 足 與 謀 ， 獨 鬱 大 道 ，思 睹 文 學 ， 若 俟 周 、 邵 而 望 高 子 。 御 史 案 事 郡 國 ， 察 廉 舉 賢 才 ， 歲 不 乏 也 。

今 賢 良 、 文 學 臻 者 六 十 餘 人 ， 懷 六 藝 之 術 ， 騁 意 極 論 ， 宜 若 開 光 發 蒙 ； 信 往 而 乖 於 今 ， 道 古 而 不 合 於 世 務 。 意 者 不 足 以 知 士 也 ？ 將 多 飾 文 誣 能 以 亂 實 邪 ？ 何 賢 士 之 難 睹 也 ！ 自 千 乘 倪 寬 以 治 尚 書 位 冠 九 卿 ， 及 所 聞 睹 選 舉 之 士 ， 擢 升 贊 憲 甚 顯 ， 然 未 見 絕 倫 比， 而 為 縣 官 興 滯 立 功 也 。 」

文 學 曰 ： 「 輸 子 之 制 材 木 也 ， 正 其 規 矩 而 鑿 枘 調。 師 曠 之 諧 五 音 也 ， 正 其 六 律 而 宮 商 調 。 當 世 之 工 匠 ，不 能 調 其 鑿 枘 ， 則 改 規 矩 ， 不 能 協 聲 音 ， 則 變 舊 律 。 是 以 鑿 枘 刺 戾 而 不 合 ， 聲 音 泛 越 而 不 和 。 夫 舉 規 矩 而 知 宜， 吹 律 而 知 變 ， 上 也 ； 因 循 而 不 作 ， 以 俟 其 人 ， 次 也 。是 以 曹 丞 相 日 飲 醇 酒 ， 倪 大 夫 閉 口 不 言 。

故 治 大 者 不 可以 煩 ， 煩 則 亂 ； 治 小 人 不 可 以 怠 ， 怠 則 廢 。 春 秋 曰 ： 『其 政 恢 卓 ， 恢 卓 可 以 為 卿 相 。 其 政 察 察 ， 察 察 可 以 為 匹 夫 。 』 夫 維 綱 不 張 ， 禮 義 不 行 ， 公 卿 之 憂 也 。 案 上 之 文， 期 會 之 事 ， 丞 史 之 任 也 。 尚 書 曰 ： 『 俊 乂 在 官 ， 百 僚 師 師 ， 百 工 惟 時 ， 庶 尹 允 諧 。 』 言 官 得 其 人 ， 人 任 其 事， 故 官 治 而 不 亂 ， 事 起 而 不 廢 ， 士 守 其 職 ， 大 夫 理 其 位， 公 卿 總 要 執 凡 而 已 。

故 任 能 者 責 成 而 不 勞 ， 任 己 者 事 廢 而 無 功 。 桓 公 之 於 管 仲 ， 耳 而 目 之 。 故 君 子 勞 於 求 賢， 逸 於 用 之 ， 豈 云 殆 哉 ？ 昔 周 公 之 相 也 ， 謙 卑 而 不 鄰 ，以 勞 天 下 之 士 ， 是 以 俊 乂 滿 朝 ， 賢 智 充 門 。 孔 子 無 爵 位， 以 布 衣 從 才 士 七 十 有 餘 人 ， 皆 諸 侯 卿 相 之 人 也 ， 況 處 三 公 之 尊 以 養 天 下 之 士 哉 ？ 今 以 公 卿 之 上 位 ， 爵 祿 之 美， 而 不 能 致 士 ， 則 未 有 進 賢 之 道 。

堯 之 舉 舜 也 ， 賓 而 妻 之 。 桓 公 舉 管 仲 也 ， 賓 而 師 之 。 以 天 子 而 妻 匹 夫 ， 可 謂 親 賢 矣 。 以 諸 侯 而 師 匹 夫 ， 可 謂 敬 賓 矣 。 是 以 賢 者 從 之 若 流 ， 歸 之 不 疑 。 今 當 世 在 位 者 ， 既 無 燕 昭 之 下 士 ， 鹿 鳴 之 樂 贀 ， 而 行 臧 文 、 子 椒 之 意 ， 蔽 賢 妒 能 ， 自 高 其 智， 訾 人 之 才 ， 足 己 而 不 問 ， 卑 士 而 不 友 ， 以 位 尚 賢 ， 以 祿 驕 士 ， 而 求 士 之 用 ， 亦 難 矣 ！ 」

大 夫 繆 然 不 言 ， 蓋 賢 良 長 嘆 息 焉 。 　 　 御 史 進 曰 ： 「 太 公 相 文 、 武 以 王 天 下 ， 管 仲 相 桓 公 以 霸 諸 侯 。 故 賢 者 得 位 ， 猶 龍 得 水 ， 騰 蛇 游 霧 也 。 公 孫 丞 相 以 春 秋 說 先 帝 ， 遽 即 三 公 ， 處 周 、 召 之 列 ， 據 萬 里 之 勢 ， 為 天 下 準 繩 ， 衣 不 重 彩 ， 食 不 兼 味 ， 以 先 天 下， 而 無 益 於 治 。

博 士 褚 泰 、 徐 偃 等 ， 承 明 詔 ， 建 節 馳 傳 ， 巡 省 郡 國 ， 舉 孝 、 廉 ， 勸 元 元 ， 而 流 俗 不 改 。 招 舉 賢 良 、 方 正 、 文 學 之 士 ， 超 遷 官 爵 ， 或 至 卿 大 夫 ， 非 燕 昭 之 薦 士 ， 文 王 之 廣 賢 也 ？ 然 而 未 睹 功 業 所 成 。 殆 非 龍 蛇 之 才 ， 而 鹿 鳴 之 所 樂 賢 也 。 」

文 學 曰 ： 「 冰 炭 不 同 器 ， 日 月 不 並 明 。 當 公 孫 弘 之 時 ， 人 主 方 設 謀 垂 意 於 四 夷 ， 故 權 譎 之 謀 進 ， 荊 、 楚之 士 用 ， 將 帥 或 至 封 侯 食 邑 ， 而 勀 獲 者 咸 蒙 厚 賞 ， 是 以 奮 擊 之 士 由 此 興 。 其 後 ， 干 戈 不 休 ， 軍 旅 相 望 ， 甲 士 糜 弊 ， 縣 官 用 不 足 ， 故 設 險 興 利 之 臣 起 ， 磻 溪 熊 羆 之 士 隱。 涇 、 渭 造 渠 以 通 漕 運 ， 東 郭 咸 陽 、 孔 僅 建 鹽 、 鐵 ， 策 諸 利 ， 富 者 買 爵 販 官 ， 免 刑 除 罪 ， 公 用 彌 多 而 為 者 徇 私， 上 下 兼 求 ， 百 姓 不 堪 ， 抏 弊 而 從 法 。

故 憯 急 之 臣 進 ，而 見 知 、 廢 格 之 法 起 。 杜 周 、 咸 宣 之 屬 ， 以 峻 文 決 理 貴， 而 王 溫 舒 之 徒 以 鷹 隼 擊 殺 顯 。 其 欲 據 仁 義 以 道 事 君 者 寡 ， 偷 合 取 容 者 眾 。 獨 以 一 公 孫 弘 ， 如 之 何 ？ 」

Chapter X. Thrust and Parry

a. The Lord Grand Secretary, 1 though inwardly perturbed, assumed an air of arrogant importance and said: Can you, mere stay-athome's, know anything of the toil of burden-carriers, 2 of worries of incumbents in office, incommensurable with yours, critical bystanders? Here we sit now in the heart of a mighty Empire, with all the outlying states looking up to us for the solution of crucial domestic and foreign problems. 3 Our minds are in a state of watchful tension, as if we were crossing a great waterway 4 in the face of a gale, with no haven yet in sight. Thus day and night we ponder and worry over the expenditure of this great Commonwealth, forgetting sleep while in bed and oblivious of food when hungry. Statistical tables 5 never depart from our presence; we ransack our minds ever searching to solve a myriad problems. Our assistants are, of course, of mediocre ability and not fit for consultation! We struggle alone with great principles and our thoughts have turned to the Scholars with hope and expectation, as to some Duke Chou or Duke Shao, 6 and we crave their bounties as if from some Tzŭ-kao. 7 While our Secretariat manages affairs, year after year a search is made throughout the provinces and demesnes for men of high integrity, and talented and worthy scholars are recommended.

b. We have now convened with us over sixty of your class, oh Worthies and Literati. You who cherish so the practices of the Six Arts, 8 fleet in thought and exhaustive in argument, — you ought now to let out the flood of your light and dispel our ignorance. Come, show to us now how you disparage everything modern, putting all your trust in the past; how you discourse upon Antiquity, with never a reference to present conditions. Is it due to our ideosyncracies that we are unable to recognize a scholar; or is it rather your habit of falsifying truth by slandering ability in your stilted tirades? How difficult indeed it is to find a really worthy scholar! From Ni K'uan of Ch'ien-shêng, 9 upon whom was bestowed the hat of a high minister for his studies on the Book of History, down to all the recommended scholars that I have ever seen or heard or as soaring high as recipients of Imperial favor, — none has shown transcendant ability, none has helped the government in solving difficulties, none has had any merit whatever!

c. The Literati: When working as a carpenter Shu Tzŭ 10 would first adjust his square and compass, then "handle and hole" would fit each other perfectly; the music-master Kuang, 11 when harmonizing the scale, would first regulate his six sharps;12 then only he achieved the perfect blending of the sol-fa.13 Our present artificers and mechanics, when unable to fit handle and hole, find fault with the square and compass; and when unable to harmonize the simplest tune, begin to tamper with the time-honored musical scale. No wonder that their handle and hole are all askew and never fit each other, that their music is a cacophony of unsynchronized sounds. Now the real master artist is he who knows how to adjust square and compass as soon as he picks them up; he who knows the musical variations as soon as he begins to blow into the organ-pipe. Next comes he who follows in the beaten path and waits for the right man before starting an innovation. This explains why Chanceller Ts'ao held drinking parties daily, and Lord Ni kept his mouth shut, refusing to speak on anything. 14

d. Thus, it seems to us, those in charge of important affairs should not allow themselves to be vexed with trifles, for this leads to confusion; while dealing with small details, one should ever be diligent, for laxity leads to negligence. It is he who has a broadly comprehensive grasp of administrative methods that is fit to become a member of the Cabinet, says the Spring and Autumn; but he whose administrative methods are over-inquisitive is only fit to be the most common citizen.15 Now it should be a matter of the gravest concern to ministers of state when the social tenets are not disseminated and propriety and justice do not function. As to files and documents and matters of expediency, this is the business of office assistants. As the Book of History says, In office should be the eminent, the different officers go about their work, the various artisans labor according to season, all working in harmony.16 That is to say, for every office the right man was secured and every man attended to his business; thus every office was well regulated without confusion arising and every affair was attended to without being neglected. Minor officers should keep strictly to their duties, higher officials should regulate their offices, while ministers of state should only take up general and essential affairs.

e. Therefore, for those who know how to employ able men, responsibility is shouldered without laborious effort, but with those who know only how to use their own resources, business is neglected and everything left uncompleted. Duke Huan let Kuan Chung 17 be his eyes and ears. Thus the superior man exerts himself in his search for worthy men and takes his rest in employing them—do you see any danger in that? In former days when Chou Kung 18 was Chanceller, he was meek and humble, never stingy 19 when patronizing the scholars of the Empire. Therefore, able and distinguished men filled his court, the worthy and wise thronged at his gate. Confucius, a simple commoner without rank or privilege, commanded the following of over seventy talented scholars who were all fit to become high ministers of state to any feudal prince. What could he have done in supporting all the Empire's scholars had he possessed dignity comparable to that of the Three Highest Ministers! 20 But you with your superior ministerial rank and handsome salary, you are unable to attract scholars, as you never possessed the secret of promoting the worthy.

f. When Yao promoted Shun, 21 he treated him as his guest and gave him his daughters in marriage; when Duke Huan promoted Kuan Chung, he likewise treated him as his guest and made him his mentor. For a Son of Heaven to become related by marriage to a commoner—Yao could surely be termed to be on intimate relations with the worthy; for a great prince to appoint as his mentor a commoner—Duke Huan could surely be said to show respect to his guest. This is why worthies flocked to them like a rushing stream and attached themselves to them without hesitation. But in our modern times we look in vain among those in high places for men who would show as much regard for scholars as was exhibited by King Chao of Yen, 22 or as much delight in associating with worthies as is depicted in the poem, "With pleased sounds the deer call." 23 We see you, on the other hand, adopting the ideas of Ts'ang Wên 24 and Tzŭ-shu 25 in ignoring the worthy and envying the able, exalting your own wisdom and belittling the ability of others. Too conceited to ask for advice, too snobbish to befriend the scholars, trying to impress worthy men by your high rank and to intimidate men of scholarly attainment by your high salaries, it is indeed not surprising that you find it so difficult to secure the service of scholars!

g. The Lord Grand Secretary, confounded, said nothing while the Worthies drew prolonged sighs. Then advanced one of the Secretaries and addressed them: T'ai Kung, 26 as Chancellor to kings Wên and Wu, made them Emperors of the world; Kuan Chung, as Prime Minister to Duke Huan, made his master Lord Protector of the feudal princes. Thus when real worthies obtain high positions they are like dragons plunging into water, or soaring serpents disporting on the clouds. But Master Kung-sun Hung, when acting as Chancellor, lectured his late Majesty upon the Spring and Autumn, and while secure in the position of one of the Three Highest Ministers, and with all the advantages of Dukes Chou and Shao, 27 with powers extending over ten thousand li, and with the possibility to set a standard for the whole world, proceeded to establish examples for the Empire to follow by never dressing in two colors and never dining on more than one dish, 28 all with no noticeable benefit to the administration. 29

h. Learned doctors such as Chu T'ai and Hsü Yen 30 in accordance with an Imperial rescript, and endowed with special powers, rode through all the length and breadth of the Empire, through every province and demesne, making selection among the filial and incorrupt, 31 and urging the people of the realm to reform—yet folkways and morality showed no great change for the better. We have seen also recommended scholars of the classes of Worthies, Probi and Literati suddenly raised to high rank and honor, some of them even holding ministerial posts. This is certainly doing more in promoting scholars than king Chao of Yen ever did, and wider employment of the worthies than Wên Wang ever attempted. Yet in spite of all this we never saw anything accomplished by these men. We should say that these worthies could not be exactly described as possessing talents that would lead us to compare them with dragons and soaring serpents; nor were they as commendable as those in whom the poem "With pleased sounds the deer call" took pleasure.

i. The Literati: Ice and coals are not kept in the same receptacle, nor can the sun and moon shine side by side. In Kung-sun Hung's time the Ruler of Men was turning his thoughts, and inclining his mind, to deal with the Barbarians on the four borders. Therefore, this was the time when cunning strategic plans were submitted and the knights of Ching and Ch'u 32 were paramount in employment; generals and commanders often were raised to feudal rank and given fiefs; the rapacious 33 received handsome rewards. It was the period of the ascendancy of swashbuckling officers, and for a long time afterwards wars continued unceasing, expedition following expedition at short intervals until men-at-arms were completely exhausted and the Government found itself short of funds.

j. Now came to the fore ministers specializing in levying taxes and promoting profits, while "angling scholars" 34 and "bearskin knights" 35 sank into obscurity. On the Ching, on the Huai, 36 sluices were now built to facilitate transportation. Tung-kuo Yen 37 and K'ung Chin proposed their plan for the salt and iron monopoly and other sources of profit. The rich were allowed to purchase rank and office, and to escape punishment through the payment of fines. Public expenses continued to grow, while the administrators chased after their own private profit, the people being forced to satisfy both. 38 The masses being hardly able to bear this, they opposed malpractices and observed the law. Thus ruthless officials were given promotion; there appeared the novel laws of "implicating witnesses" and "lèse majesté". 39 Men like Tu Chou and Chien Hsüan 40 won renown by their harsh interpretations of the law, and others of the type of Wang Wên-shu became prominent through their pitiless, vulture-like, judicial murders. Few were those who, holding fast to the principles of benevolence and justice, wanted to serve their prince; while a multitude conformed themselves, to secure toleration 41 from above. What could Kung-sun Hung do alone under such conditions?

Notes

1. The text has 大 夫 曰, a mistake. Chang reads 乃 for 曰.

2. 負 載. Chang reads 戴, a more orthodox reading: "those who carry burdens on their backs and heads". Cf. Mencius I, i, iii, 4, 頒 白 者 不 負 戴 於 道 路 矣.

3. 中 外 未 然.

4. 涉 大 川, a common figure in the I-ching, (cf., e.g. hexagrams, 5, 6, 26, 27 et al.). "Watchful tension", 憧 憧, cf. I-ching, 31.

5. 計 數.

6. 周 [ 公 ]、 召 [ 公 ].

7. Chang, quoting the Kao-shih Chuan 高 士 傳, attempts to identify Tzŭ-kao with 伯 成 子 高, a worthy of high antiquity. Lu's note points out that the eference is to 沈 諸 梁 Shên Chu-liang.

8. Cf. supra, p. 37, note 3.

9. 千 乘 兒 寬.

10. 輸 子.

11. 師 曠.

12. 六 律.

13. Literally, the kung 宮 and shang 商, the 1st and 2nd notes of the 5-note musical scale.

14. 曹 丞 相,兒 大 夫. "Ts'ao Ts'an . . . . consciously practiced the political philosophy of laissez-faire. During his 3 years of Premiership, he was drunk every day, and when his subordinates came to him to make new proposals, he made them drink to intoxication, to prevent them from talking about their new schemes." Cf. Hu Shih, The Establishment of Confucianism as a State Religion, 21.

15. Not found in the Ch'un-ch'iu or its commentaries. Cf. Tao-tê-ching, ch. 58: 其 政 察 察, "whose administrative methods are over-inquisitive."

16. Shu-ching II, iii, ii, 4. Legge translates: "Then men of a thousand (俊) and men of a hundred (乂) will fill the offices of the State; the various ministers will emulate one another; all the officers will accomplish their duties at the proper time" . . . . The end of the sentence is missing in the Yen T'ieh Lun whose 庶 尹 允 諧 is apparently equivalent to the Shu-ching's concluding 庶 績 其 ? (“水”字 旁加 “疑”), "and thus their various duties will be fully accomplished". The former phrase occurs later on in the Shu-ching II, iv, iii, 10, "and all the chiefs of the officers become truly harmonious".

17. 桓 公; 管 仲.

18. 周 公.

19. 鄰, which here is 吝, according to Lu.

20. 三 公: under the Chou dynasty, the Grand Tutor 太 師, Assistant 太 傳, and Guardian 太 保.

21. 堯, 舜.

22. 燕 昭.

23. 鹿鳴. Cf. Shih-ching, Hsiao Ya, 1st ode, a festal ode, sung at entertainments to the King's ministers and guests from the feudal States. See Legge's translation, Chinese Classics, Vol. IV, Pt. ii, 245.

24. 臧 文. Cf. Lun-yü, XV, xiii: "Was not Ts'ang Wên Chung like one who had stolen his office?" remarked the Master. "He knew the superiority of Hui of Liu-hsia yet did not appoint him as a colleague".

25. 子 叔. Cf. Mencius, II, ii, x, 6: "A strange man was Tsze-shu I. He pushed himself into the service of government . . . ."

26. 太 公.

27. 周 公, 召 公.

28. 食 不 兼 味. Wang's text has 位 for the last, "never held more than one office". But the same attribute is assigned to Kung-sun Hung in the Shih-chi (cf. Chavannes, Mém. hist., III, 559). The Li-chi, 哀 公 問, para. 4, has a similar expression: 食 不 貳 味.

29. Kung-sun Hung 公 孫 弘 was one of Han Wu Ti's chief ministers. His biography appears in ch. CXII of the Shih-chi. He was noted for his personal frugality and public generosity. The account in this paragraph follows generally the Shih-chi, ch. XXX (cf. Chavannes, Mém. hist., III, 558 seq.).

30. 褚 泰 、 徐 偃.

31. 孝 廉.

32. 荆 楚 之 士. Wang quotes from the biography (Han-shu, LIV) of the famous Li Ling 李 陵, where this general describes his soldiers as coming mostly from Ching and Ch'u.

33. :勉 獲 者 vul. "go-getters".

34. Literally, `scholars of the P'an Brook' 磻 溪. According to tradition T'ai Kung (Lü Shang), future mentor and generalissimo of Wu Wang, was living in retirement in Shen-hsi and fishing in this brook, "waiting for his opportunity"; it was there that Wên Wang, while hunting, met him and brought him to the Chou court.

35. 熊 羆, commonly translated "bears and grizzly bears", who fought on Huang-ti's side against Ch'i-yu. Thus they are a synonym for brave warriors of antiquity. For the use of the words, also cf. Legge, "The Annals of the Bamboo Books", 143, and Shu-ching, II, i, v, 22, footnote. "Angling scholar" and "bearskin knight", the exemplary scholar and warrior.

36. 涇 、淮, the rivers of these names.

37. 東 郭 偃, 孔 僅: Yen 偃 is here used for 咸 陽, the name as given in the Shih-chi, Han-shu and in chs. IX and XIV of the Yen T'ieh Lun. Cf. p. 2, note 1; p. 35, note 2, supra.

38. 上 下 [無] 求: undoubtedly a mistake for 兼, 上 and 下 referring to 公 and 私 respectively.

39. 見 知 廢 格 之 法. Cf. Chavannes, Mém. hist., III, 558.

40. 杜 周, 減 宣, 王 溫 舒, persons mentioned in this connection in the Shih-chi (Mém. hist., III, 582).

41. The acrimony of this discussion developes from the Lord Grand Secretary's charge that the Scholars are incompetent. The Scholars vigorously refute the charge, contending that the officials do not attract Scholars, upon whose services they could safely rely.
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