Po Hu T'ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall Dr. Tjan Tjoe Som Charlottesville Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities 2005

copy; 2004 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia

 Digization was based on Po Hu T'ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall Po Hu T'ung The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall Dr. Tjan Tjoe Som E. J. Brill Leiden 1949 Sinica Leidensia Institutum Sinologicum Lugduno Batavum Vol. VI 白虎通 ### ### ### ### ### ### Traditional Chinese English 4/29/05 Swan Kim Graduate Assistant Finished basic markup 白虎通 PO HU T'UNG By ?¸é¦¬å®?°å?? Anne Kinney Translated by 曾珠森 Dr. Tjan Tjoe Som Edited by CHINESE_CHARACTERS_EDITOR(S) EDITOR_NAME äº????????? è¡?ç¡?ç©??? Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities ç¶???å°?äº?å¤?å­? å¤?æ´??? Charlottesville, VA PREFACE TO VOLUME I

When, several years ago, I decided on a translation of the Po hu t'ung, I did not realize what the undertaking was going to involve. At first the task seemed to be comparatively easy. The Po hu t'ung abounds with quotations from the Classics, and as these Classics are all accessible in translations, half of the work seemed already to have been done before I embarked on my actual task. However, it soon became apparent that the existing translations, by James Legge, S. Couvreur, Richard Wilhelm, Arthur Waley, Bernhard Karlgren, in numerous cases could not be used, because they did not fit into the context of the Po hu t'ung. Moreover, the body of the text itself appeared not to be merely a string connecting the Classical quotations, as one might have expected from the nature of the work, but to constitute a substantial element of the book, frequently forming independent treatises not related to the subjects treated in the Classics. Besides containing innumerable errors, it is often so strange and incoherent that it was necessary to habituate myself to a good deal of 'classificatory thinking' before its meaning could be apprehended.

Anyone who has had to translate a Chinese text is acquainted with the hardships accompanying such a task. Not only is a Chinese text always full of allusions which have to be identified, but the rendering of technical terms often confronts the translator with well-nigh insuperable difficulties. Nevertheless the task of translation is the best discipline to which a student of Chinese may submit himself; apart from the efforts he has to make in order to see through the elusive grammatical structure, the fact that so many Chinese expressions may be regarded as representing the whole ancient Chinese culture in nuce compels him to take extensive excursions into fields of a most diversified character. A profusion of notes is therefore indispensable, which, though forming an irritating feature to the general reader, is only the necessary account of the pere- grinations of one who has been attempting to unlock a treasure- room, and has been obliged to ransack the neighbourhood in order to find the suitable keys. This is my excuse for the great number of notes I had to supply in my translation of chapters I, II, XVIII, and XL of the Po hu t'ung; numerous though they are, however, I am afraid there are still many points which have been left un- explained. The rest of the translation, which I hope to publish sometime in a second volume, will only contain the most necessary explications. To pursue the abundance of notes throughout the whole work would, it seems to me, not have justified by its results the labour and expense involved.

The translation of the Po hu t'ung could not have been done without the help of commentators, especially Ch'ên Li. I feel bound to express my great indebtedness to these scholars, whose wide knowledge and learning continually fill the student with astonishment and respect. To be conducted by them through the vast maze of Chinese literature is an experience as exhilarating as it is, at times, fatiguing. Even the ten pages of Professor William Hung's Prolegomena to his Index to the Po hu t'ung acquainted me with a great number of works which I had never heard of, and of problems which I had never suspected. Though I may disagree with him on some points concerning the Po hu t'ung, I cannot but express my admiration for the way in which, in his numerous scholarly writings, Professor Hung always manages to stimulate the reader to sound reflection.

It was not my original intention to write the Introduction otherwise than an introduction should be, i.e. a preliminary presentation of the subject, in casu the translated text. Involuntarily, however, I was driven into directions which, without necessity and of my own accord, I should have hesitated to take. I feel compunction for the perfunctory way, due to my unpreparedness, in which I have now touched on so many important problems. After finishing my cursory survey of the history of Classical studies in the Han period, which has no pretention either to comprehensiveness or finality, I am left with the full consciousness of my imperfect knowledge of this most interesting but intricate subject.

I am under great obligation to the Trustees of the 'Sinological Institute' of Leyden University. Only by their liberal grants the writing and the publication of this book have been made possible, while the scholarship which they awarded to me enabled me to commence my Chinese studies at the University of Leyden and to pursue them for many happy years.

My thanks are due to Professor G. Haloun of Cambridge, who with so much kindness allowed me to copy the articles by Hung I-hsüan, Sun I-jang, and Liu Shih-p'ei, which were accessible nowhere else.

To Professor Homer H. Dubs of Oxford I am indebted for the way I was able to profit from his admirable translations of The History of the Former Han Dynasty. The many times I have quoted him in my study may prove how often I have relied on his great knowledge of the Han period.

I have to thank my friends and colleagues of the Sinological Institute A. F. P. Hulsewé and R. P. Kramers for the interest they have taken in my work, and the way they helped me in many cases.

To Miss A. G. G. Izaks and Miss A. F. van Doornum I owe my acknowledgement for their willingness to type out my manuscript for the printer.

Mr. W. A. C. H. Dobson (Christ Church, Oxford) and Mr. Peter C. Swann (St. Edmund Hall, Oxford) have put me under a great obligation by correcting the faulty English in my manuscript, the former for the four chapters and the notes, the latter for the remaining chapters.

Messrs. E. J. Brill's part in the publication of this book cannot be too highly praised. Having been a printer myself I can fully appreciate the zeal and efficiency with which they overcame the difficulties in printing this work in so short a time.

Professor J. J. L. Duyvendak read through the whole of my manuscripts and proofs. From his valuable suggestions I have greatly profited. It causes a feeling of grateful comfort to know that the beginner's work has passed the scrutiny of an experienced scholar.

Leyden, June 10th, 1949.

 INTRODUCTION I: 1-25 1. Importance of the Po hu t'ung

The Po hu t'ung pretends to be the official report of the discussions on the Classics which were held under Imperial auspices in 79 A.D., and so it is not astonishing that it has been quoted as an authority numbers of times and by all sorts of books. The Sui, T'ang and Sung Encyclopaedias, such as the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao the I wên lei chü, the Ch'u hsüeh chi, the T'ung tien, the T'ai p'ing yü lan, abound with quotations from the Po hu t'ung, the T'ang Commentaries on the Wên hsüan make a profuse use of it, but, as is to be expected, it is especially in the Commentaries on the Classics that the Po hu t'ung has been most widely invoked. The explanations by T'ang scholars, included as Sub-commentaries in the standard edition of the Thirteen Classics, quote again and again passages from the Po hu t'ung, while the Ch'ing scholars who took a new interest in the controversy between the New Text and the Old Text versions of the Classics, derive much material from it for the interpretation of many Classical passages. So e.g. Liu Pao-nan in his Lun yü chêng i, Ch'ên Huan in his Shih mao shih chuan shu, Sun Hsing-yen in his Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, Ch'ên Li in his Kung yang i shu Cf. the Bibliography at the end of this book.. Liao P'ing considered the Po hu t'ung as a compendium of the general doctrines contained in the Classics, and re-edited the work with the title of Ch'ün ching ta i by (1852-1932). It has been edited by Hung Ch'en-kuang , and is published in the Liu i kuan ts'ung shu . Liao P'ing has only made a selection of those passages which directly or indirectly concern the Classics. His work makes the impression of being incomplete.. Professor William Hung regarded it as important enough to be included in his Index SeriesNo. 2 of the Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series (1931).. Despite its strange contents the Po hu t'ung has not been shunned by Western and Japanese sinologues; it has been quoted by J. J. M. de Groot in his The Religious System of China (1892 ff.), by Edouard Chavannes in his Le dieu du sol dans la Chine antique (Le T'ai chan, 1910), by Berthold Laufer in his Jade (1912), by Bruno Schindler in his Das Priestertum im alten China (1918), by Otto Franke in his Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas und der chinesischen Staats-religion (1920), by Alfred Forke in his The World-conception of the Chinese (1925), by Erich Schmitt in his Die Grundlagen der chi- nesischen Ehe (1927), by Woo Kang in his Les trois thèories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou (1932), by Wolfram Eberhard in his Beiträge zur kosmologischen Spekulation Chinas in der Han-Zeit (1933), by Marcel Granet in his La pensée chinoise (1934), by Kitamura Sawakichi in his Grundriss der Ju-lehre (1935). The mixed nature of the Po hu t'ung has led to its being quoted for a great variety of purposes, but it is strange that it has not been used more extensively by those who concern themselves with the interpretation of the Classics. Legge and Couvreur do not mention it in their translations of the Chinese Classics, Karlgren only occasionally cites the Po hu t'ung in his Glosses on the Odes, as does also Waley in his translation of the Analects Arthur Waley, The Analects (1938), p. 254; Bernhard Karlgren's Glosses appeared in the Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Vol. 14, 16, 17, and 18.. Is it because the work is suspect by reason of its mystical and theological interpretations? Is it because it was regarded as unorthodox by the official Confucianism of the Ch'ing period, so that the Imperial Catalogue of the Ch'ing Dynasty did not enter it in the section of the Classics, but in that of the Miscellaneous PhilosophersSsŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, ch. 118, 28, 2. The Po hu t'ung was still included in the section of the Classics ching in the Bibliographical Chapters of the Sui shu, the Chiu t'ang shu, the Hsin t'ang shu, the Sung shih, and in the Ch'ung wèn tsung mu.?

 2.The scholars who made a study of the Po hu t'ung

Indeed, the question is warranted whether the Po hu t'ung on the whole is genuine and reliable. May we see it as the true report of the discussions on the Classics in 79 A.D.? How should we regard the way in which the hundreds of quotations from the Classics are interpreted? To what extent can we use the numerous statements which are not supported by Classical passages? Do they represent ideas current in the first century A.D.A. Forke seems to take the book at its face value. In his Geschichte der mittelalterlichen chinesischen Philosophie (1934) he gives an outline of the world-conception contained in the Po hu t'ung (p. 137144), a work "welches für die Entwicklung der Naturphilosophie von Wichtigkeit ist" (p. 137). He accepts the authorship of Pan Ku.? Only comparatively recently have Chinese scholars occupied themselves with the Po hu t'ung and its problems. In 1784 Lu Wên-ch'ao published an edition with notes, which had been begun by Chuang Shu-tsu before 1777 (1717-1796), (1751-1816), see A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1943), p. 549 and 207. Chuang's and Lu's joint edition, named Po hu t'ung, was published in the Pao ching t'ang ts'ung shu .. Hung I-hsüan gave corrections on Lu's notes in his Tu shu ts'ung lu, preface of 1821 (1765-1837, Hummel, o.c., p. 244), , ch. 16, fol. 14b-18a.. Ch'ên Li wrote a new edition in 1832, supplying an abundance of notes and explanations, the value of which cannot be too highly estimated, style or (1809-1869). His edition, named Po hu t'ung shu chêng , appeared in the Huang ch'ing ching chieh hsü pien, ch. 1265-1276.; he seems not to have used Hung's re- marks. In 1894 Sun I-jang published additional notes on Lu Wên- ch'ao's and Ch'ên Li's editions (1848-1908, Hummel, o.c., p. 679), in his Cha i , ch. 10, fol. 1a-6a (preface of 1895).). Liu Shih-p'ei(1844-1919, Hummel, o.c., p. 536). made a profound study of the Po hu t'ung, first publishing extensive emendations on the explanations by Lu, Hung, Ch'ên, and Sun Po hu t'ung tê lun pu shih , which first appeared in the Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao (), Vol. 72-74 (1910)., then text- critical notes on Lu's, Chuang's, and Ch'ên's editionsPo hu t'ung i chiao pu , published in his Col- lected Works, the Liu shên shu hsien shêng i shu (1942)., studies on the lacunae of the Po hu t'ung Po hu t'ung i chüeh wên pu ting , Po hu t'ung ii wên k'ao , both in his Collected Works., and lastly his own edition of the text, which has, however, never been completed Po hu t'ung i ting pên , in his Collected Works. He only edited the first five chapters.. Wang Jên- chün composed a table of the quotations appearing in the Po hu t'ung, and wrote notes on the text (1866-1913), Po hu t'ung i yin shu piao , Po hu t'ung i chi chiao . See the Ts'ung shu ta tz'ŭ tien , s.v. Wang Jên-chün. I have not been able to consult these works.. There seems, finally, to be an edition of the Po hu t'ung by a certain Sun Hsing-hua, provided with a text-critical appendix (Ch'ing Dynasty), Po hu t'ung i, with chiao k'an chi , in 4 ch. It appeared in the Kuan chung ts'ung shu , which was printed in 1935. See the Ts'ung shu tzŭ mu shu ming so yin , p. 1190. I have not been able to see the book.. All these works are text-studies; they represent the efforts of the various scholars to supply the defects of the text as they found it, and to make the current Po hu t'ung intelligible.

With respect to the evaluation of the text--the question whether it is genuine or not--we have a number of studies by Chinese scholars, each arriving at his own conclusion. There was Chou Kuang-yeh , style , appellation (1730-1798). His remarks are included in the Preface of Lu Wen-ch'ao's edition., who discussed the entries in the Bibliographies. There was Chuang Shu-tsu, the editor of the Po hu t'ung text pub- lished by Lu Wên-ch'ao, who did the same on a more extensive scale Chuang Shu-tsu's study, the Po hu t'ung i k'ao , is also included in the Preface of Lu's edition.. Sun I-jang continued and elaborated the work done by these scholarsIn his Po hu t'ung i k'ao in 2 ch. Published in the Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, , Vol. 55, fol. 1a-4a.. Liu Shih-p'ei reviewed and revised the conclusions reached by his predecessors In his Po hu t'ung i yüan liu k'ao , first published in the Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, , Vol. 74, fol. 1a-2b.. Lastly the Po hu t'ung was subjected to a new examination by William Hung, who in his study employed quite different methods from those used by previous scholars In the Prolegomena of his Index to Po hu t'ung (1931). I have not been able to procure a recent study by Chin Tê-chien , in the Ku chi ts'ung k'ao , published in 1941. It was announced in the Monumenta Serica, Vol. VIII (1943), p. 338.. I shall give summaries of all these opinions, together with an extract of the description in the Imperial Catalogue. It may not be superfluous, however, to precede them with a translation of the passages from the History of the Later Han Dynasty, which contain the state- ments on the Po hu t'ung, and of the entries in the Bibliographical Chapters of the Dynastic Histories and in the various Catalogues, to which all the scholars constantly refer.

 3.The descriptions in the Hou han shu

In the Annals of Emperor Hsiao-chang Hou han shu, 3.8b ff. of the Po-na ed.) we read: "In the fourth year of [the period chien-ch'u], the eleventh month, on [the day] jên-hsü (23 December 79 A.D.) there was an Edict, which said: "The Three Dynasties [Hsia, Yin, and Chou], for the guidance of man, took teaching and learning as the basis. The Han [Dynasty], having received [the heritage from] the barbarous Ch'in [Dynasty], promo- ted and made illustrious the Confucian doctrines, and established Erudites po-shih . for the Five Classics, as a result of which learning advanced beautifully. And although [the scholars] said that they [only] continued [their] masters, there arose various famous Schools. The August Emperor Hsiao-hsüan, being of the opinion [that the scholars of his time were] far-removed from [the time of] the Sages, and that the [Classical] studies were not sufficiently extensive, erected [official chairs for] the Book of History of the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou, and later for the Book of Change of Ching [Fang]. In [the period] chien-wu (25-56 A.D.) there were again appointed Erudites for the Spring and Autumn Annals of Yen [An-lo] and Chuang [P'êng-tsu], and for the Rites of the Elder and the Younger Tai See infra, p. 146.. All these [events] helped to advance the study of the hidden [meanings of the Classics], and honour and broaden the Way and its disciplines. In the first year of [the period] chung-yüan (56 A.D.) there was an Edict [of Emperor Hsiao-kuang-wu], stating that the [Expositions in] Chapters and Sentences of the Five Classics were too long-winded and numerous, and that deliberations should be held whether they might be reduced. In the first year of [the period] yung-p'ing (58 A.D.) the Colonel of the Ch'ang-shui [Cavalry Fan] Shu memorialized [to Emperor Hsiao-ming], saying that the great heritage of the former Emperors should be carried out according to [the exigen- cies of] the time, and suggesting the convening of Erudites to determine together the meaning of the Classics, so that students might be enabled [to know on what] to rely. Confucius said: 'Not to discuss thoroughly what is learnt is [the thing] I worry about' Lun yü, VII. 3.. Further: 'Studying extensively and with an earnest determination, inquiring earnestly and thinking for oneself, therein lies consideration for others' Ibid., XIX. 6.. Ah, how diligent [Confucius was in the matter of studies]!" Thereupon [Emperor Hsiao-chang] ordered the Grand Master of Ceremonies to convene the Great Officers, Erudites, Gentlemen- consultants, and Gentlemen, together with Masters and Confucians, in the Po-hu kuan ., and have them expound and discuss the similarities and differences of the Five Classics. He ordered Wei Ying, the General Over All the Offices of the Gentlemen-at-the- Palace, to receive the Imperial decree to ask questions, and Shun-yü Kung, the Palace Attendant, to memorialize [the replies]. The Emperor in person pronounced Imperial verdicts The expression ch'êng-chih is curious here. Acc. to the Tz'ŭ ha (s.v.) it is usually said of an Empress who as Regent issues Edicts., and attended to decide [disputed points], as in the precedent case of [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan in [the period] kan-lu (53-50 B.C.) at the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion The discussions of 51 B.C., see infra, p. 92.. There was composed the Po hu i tsou ([Commentary of Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ = Li Hsien:], the present Po hu t'ung)" (651-684) . In the main I have adopted Professor Dubs' rendering of the titles in his translation of the History of the Former Han Dynasty..

The Preface to the Ju lin chuan ; Hou han shu, 79 (69 ). 3a. contains the following statement: "In [the period] chien-ch'u (76-84 A.D.) there was a great gathering of Confucians in the Po-hu kuan, who examined minutely the sim- ilarities and differences [of the Classics. The discussions] only ended after several months. Su-tsung [Emperor Hsiao-chang] attended in person, and pronounced Imperial verdicts, as in the precedent case of the Shih-ch'ü [discussions. The Emperor] ordered the historio- graphers to write and make a t'ung-i ([Commentary:] that is now the Po hu t'ung-i)" ([:] (should be ) (should be ) )..

The Biography of Pan Ku Hou han shu, 40 (30 ). 15a. contains the passage: "The Son of Heaven convened the Confucians to deliberate on [the meaning of] the Five Classics, and to make [as the result thereof] the Po hu t'ung tê lun. He ordered [Pan] Ku to compose and gather the material" ..

 4.The descriptions in the Bibliographies

The Bibliographical Chapter in the Sui shu mentions a Po hu t'ung in six chuän, literally "scroll", see Charles S. Gardner, Chinese Traditional Histo- riography (1935), p. 41. Sui shu ching chi chih, 32 (27). 28a of the Po-na ed. The work was compiled under Imperial auspices by Chang-sun Wu-chi and others, and presented to the Emperor in 656 A.D. See Têeng Ssŭ -yü and Knight Biggerstaff, An Annotated Bibliography of Selected Chinese Reference Works (1936), p. 9..

The same Chapter in the Chiu t'ang shu gives a Po hu t'ung in six chüan, but an additional note says: composed [in the time of] Han Chang-ti (76-89 A.D.)Chiu t'ang shu ching chi chih, 26. 12a of the Po-na ed. The Chiu t'ang shu was composed by Liu Hsü (887-946) and others..

The Bibliographical Chapter in the Hsin t'ang shu gives a Po hu t'ung i by Pan Ku and others, in six chüanHsin t'ang shu i wên chih, 47.9a of the Po-na ed. The Hsin t'ang shu was composed by Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-1072) and others..

The Ch'ung wên tsung mu gives a Po hu t'ung tê lun in ten chuan; the Original Descriptive Notes add: composed by Pan Ku of the Later Han, in all fourteen p'ien, 1. 39a of the Han yün chai ts'ung shu ed. The Ch'ung wên tsung mu is a catalogue of the Imperial collection of the Sung Dynasty in the middle of the eleventh century. It was compiled under Imperial auspices by Wang Yao-ch'ên (1001-1056) and others between 1034 and 1038. See Têng Ssŭ -yü, o.c., p. 13. For p'ien "subject-section", cf. Gardner, l.c..

The Bibliographical Chapter of the T'ung chih gives a Po hu t'ung in six chüan, with an additional note: [composed by] Pan Ku and othersT'ung chih i wên lüeh, 63. 762 of the Commercial Press ed. The T'ung chih, "an encyclopaedia dealing with government", was compiled by Chêng Ch'iao (1104-1162). See Têng Ssŭ -yü, o.c., p. 130..

The Chün chai tu shu chih gives a Po hu t'ung tê lun in ten chüan, 4. 5b of Wang Hsien-ch'ien's ed. of 1884. It is a catalogue of two private Sung collections, compiled by Ch'ao Kung-wu, compiler's preface dated 1151 (Têng Ssŭ -yü, o.c., p. 15)..

The Chih chai shu lu chieh t'i mentions a Po hu t'ung in ten chüan, with an additional note: in all forty-four mên, i.e. sections. , 3. 24a of the Chiang-su shu-chü ed. of 1883. It is a catalogue of works preserved by the compiler Ch'ên Chên-sun , who was an official between 1234 and 1236 (Têng Ssŭ - yü, o.c., p. 17)..

The Bibliographical Chapter of the Sung shih gives a Po hu t'ung of Pan Ku in ten chüan.Sung shih i wên chih, 202 (155). 25b of the Po-na ed. The Sung shih was compiled by T'o-t'o and others in the Yüan Dynasty (1206-1342).

The oldest extant edition of 1305 A.D., reprinted in the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an, contains ten chüan and forty-three headings, and is called Po hu t'ung tê lunThe table of contents gives 44 headings, but the two in chüan 7, and , properly constitute only one. There is an earlier edition of the Po hu t'ung, probably of the Northern Sung (960-1126), which Lu Wên-ch'ao calls the "Old Edition with Small Characters" . Originally having ten chüan it was re-divided into two chüan. I have not been able to ascertain what was the title of this edition..

 5.Opinion of the Ssŭ -k'u editors

The Imperial Catalogue of the Ch'ing DynastySee note 5. describes a current edition of the Po hu t'ung i in four chüan, and points out the varying descriptions in the Sui shu, [Hsin] t'ang shu, Ch'ung wên tsung mu, and [Chih chai] shu lu chieh t'i. This edition goes back to an edition in forty-four p'ien, which was owned by a certain Liu Shih-ch'ang in the period ta-tê of the Yüan Dynasty (1297- 1308); it is probably the same as that mentioned in the Ch'ung wên tsung mu and the Shu lu chieh t'i, except for the number of chüan, which is ten in both these Catalogues. The fourteen p'ien in the Ch'ung wên tsung mu is clearly a mistake for forty-four. Chu I in his I chüeh liao tsa chi(1098-1167), . Chu I's statement occurs in ch. . 20b of the ed. in the Chih pu tsu chai ts'ung shu ., on account of the fact that a passage from the Po hu t'ung quoted in the Commentary on the Hsün tzŭ is not to be found in the then extant copy, concludes that the work must be a forgery; this is, the editors of the Imperial Catalogue proceed, not an argument to be taken seriously. The general name for the Memorial- ized Discussions in the Po-hu kuan was Po hu t'ung tê lun, which name occurs in the Biography of Pan Ku, and there was no mention of the name Po hu t'ung i as yet in all the statements about the discussions. It is only in the Preface to the Ju lin chuan that the name t'ung-i is given, which the Commentary of Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ identifies as 'the present Po hu t'ung i'. This clearly proves that only after Pan Ku had 'composed and gathered [the material]' [], cf. n. 35. was the book named t'ung-i. This name [Po hu t'ung i], occurring also in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Hsin t'ang shu, is the original one, and the Ch'ung wêntsung mu by naming it Po hu t'ung tê lun has missed the point. The omission of i in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu was only due to the habit of abbreviation. In the transmission the original name was forgotten. The book quotes, besides the Six Classics and the Transmitted RecordsChuan-chi , i.e., the Lün yü, Erh ya, etc., see infra, p. 84., also the wei and the ch'an, see infra, p. 100., which were in favour with the Later Han, and also the lost chapters of the Rites. There was a Po hu t'ung t'i wei by Jên Ch'i-yün by (1670-1744, Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 344)., which is not preserved.

 6.Chou Kuang-yeh's opinion

Though, says Chou Kuang-yeh, in the Biography of Pan Ku the name Po hu t'ung tê lun occurs, it is only with the Ch'ung wên tsung mu that this name began to be adopted. The Bibliographical Chapters of the Dynastic Histories from the Chin down to the T'ang, as well as the hundreds of quotations in the Commentaries on the Classics, all say: Po hu t'ung. Even the quotation by Miu Hsi, recorded in the Nan ch'i shu, is stated to be from the Po hu t'ung See infra, n. 126.. Is it probable that all these early scholars should have omitted the words tê-lun so carelessly? In fact, the Po hu t'ung tê lun referred to two works, viz. the Po hu t'ung and the Kung tê lun, of which a quotation occurs in Li Shan's Commentary on the Wên hsüan, and which is there ascribed to Pan Ku, 55. 19a of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. The quotation reads: . See n. 90.. The word kung has probably inadvertently been dropped. T'ung now was the general name for an explanation of the Classics, and so the book was rightly entered in the Sui shu as Po hu t'ung. The name t'ung-i only occurs in the Ju lin chuan of the Hou han shu. K'ung Ying-ta in his Sub-commen- tary on the Tso chuan, Yin 5th yearTso chuan chu shu, 2. 25b, the chêng-i of (574-648)., adopted it, and the Sub- commentaries on the Hsiao ching, Erh ya, etc. by Sung scholars followed suit. The name Po hu t'ung tê lun, however, adopted by Ming and Yüan editions of the work, is a mistake committed after the example of the Ch'ung wên tsung mu.

 7.Chuang Shu-tsu's opinion

Comparing the descriptions of the Po hu t'ung or Po hu t'ung i or Po hu t'ung tê lun in the Bibliographical Chapters of the Dynastic Histories and in the Catalogues, Chuang Shu-tsuSee n. 19. arrives at the conclusion that, whereas ancient books were generally handed down more and more incompletely throughout the ages, the Po hu t'ung i has increased its number of chüan and p'ien in the course of time. So in the Sui shu and the [Chiu and Hsin] t'ang shu the number of chüan is given as six, in the Ch'ung wên tsung mu, however, as ten. The Ch'ung wên tsung mu gives forty p'ienChuang's statement is a mistake. The Ch'ung wên tsung mu says: fourteen p'ien, which is merely an error for forty-four p'ien, cf. the opinion of the Imperial Catalogue on p. 9, supra., but the present edition [of the Po hu t'ung] has forty-three. Therefore all the chapters which occur in the present edition belong to the class of later forgeries.

In Ts'ai Yung's Pa chün t'ai shou hsieh piao by (133-192). It occurs in the Ch'üan shang ku san tai ch'in han san kuo liu ch'ao wên by Yen K'o-chün (1762-1843). The quotation is to be found in section Hou han wên, 71. 6a of the photographic reprint of the 1894 ed. three works are mentioned: the Li ching su tzŭ , the Shang shu chang chü, and the Po hu i tsou, together constituting 212 chüan. As the first two works together do not make one hundred chüan, the Po hu i tsou must have contained more than one hundred chüan, and cannot, there- fore, be the same as the present [Po hu] t'ung i. Chuang takes the first work to be the Li ku ching in 56 chüan (mentioned in the Han shu i wên chih, 30. 10a), the second to be one of the chang-chü of Ou-yang, of the Elder Hsia-hou, or of the Younger Hsia-hou, that of Ou-yang containing the greatest number of chüan, viz. 31 (Han shu i wên chih, 30. 6a-b)..

In his K'un hsüeh chi wên Wang Ying-lin by (1223-1296); ch. 7, fol. 5a of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. refers to a quotation from the Po hu t'ung i occurring in the Sub-commentary on the Tso chuan See n. 55., which is missing in the edition in ten chüan current in his time, and wonders if this edition might be an incomplete one. Thus not only was the number of chüan in the Sung edition different from that of the present one, but the Sung edition was already deficient.

The Annals of Emperor [Hsiao-] chang speak of the composing of the Po hu i tsou, which [Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ 's] Commentary iden- tifies as 'the present Po hu t'ung'. But the Ju lin chuan [of the Hou han shu] mentions a t'ung-i, which is identified as 'the Po hu t'ung i now'. As in the time of the Sui and the T'ang the [Po hu] i tsou was already lost, the commentator's identification [of the Po hu i tsou] with the Po hu t'ung is wrong.

Previous to Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ the error of calling the Memo- rialized Discussions of the Po-hu kuan the Po hu t'ung was already committed by Yüan Hung (328-376) in his Hou han chi , 11. 13b of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. The quotation reads: "In the autumn of the fourth year of [the period] chien-ch'u (79 A.D.) an Imperial Edict [ordered] the convening of Confucian scholars in the Po-hu kuan to discuss the similarities and differences of the Five Classics [, the report of which was] called Po hu t'ung". and Tsu T'ing (± 550 A.D.) in a letter to the Throne, quoted in the San kuo tien lüeh by Ch'iu Yüeh (± 710 A.D.), which has not been preserved (the Bibliographical Chapter of the Hsin t'ang shu mentions it as a work in 30 chüan, that of the Sung shih as a work in 20 chüan). It is profusely quoted by the T'ai p'ing yü lan. This particular passage occurs in ch. 601, fol. 4b, and reads: "Formerly, the Confucian scholars in the time of the Han gathered (, Chuang writes ) to discuss the Classics and their transmission, and to memorialize [the results] in the Po-hu ko, therefore [the report was] called Po hu t'ung"..

The [Po hu] t'ung i is really an extract of the Memorialized Dis- cussions i-tsou. These Memorialized Discussions were lost at a very early date; from the Chin Dynasty onwards (265 A.D.) few scholars have been able to speak about them.

 8.Sun I-jang's opinion

Sun I-jangSee n. 20. agrees with Chuang Shu-tsu: it is wrong to identify the Po hu t'ung (i) with the [Po hu] i tsou, as was done by Yüan Hung in his Hou han chi, Tsu T'ing in his letter to the Throne quoted in the San kuo tien lüehSee n. 63., and Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ 's Commentary on the Hou han shu. The Po hu i tsou containing far more chüan than the Po hu t'ung i, the two works are different, though both arise from [the discussions in] the Po-hu kuan. However, it is not right to say that besides the [Po hu] i tsou there was a separate [Po hu] t'ung i, for such a statement would assume a great carelessness on the part of Fan Yeh(398-445), composer of the Hou han shu., Yüan Hung, and Li Hsien (Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ ). The discussions in the Po-hu kuan were on the pattern of those in the Shih-ch'ü ko, and the Memorialized Discussions i-tsou of the former should also have followed the example of those of the latter. The Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu mentions an i-tsou of the Book of History in 42 p'ien, an i-tsou of the Rites in 38 p'ien, an i-tsou of the Spring and Autumn Annals in 39 p'ien, an i-tsou of the Analects in 18 p'ien, all stated to be the reports of the Shih-ch'ü discussionsCh'ien han shu, ch. 30, fol. 7a, 12b, 17a, 20a.; besides there is an entry of the Wu ching tsa i in 18 p'ien, which is also connected with the Shih-ch'ü discussions, ibid., 30. 21b.. Together they make 155 p'ien. Thus it appears that the results of these discussions were contained in books each dealing with one special ClassicThe Shu, the Li, the Ch'un ch'iu, and the Lun yü. According to Ch'ien Ta-chao (quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in the Ch'ien han shu pu chu, 8. 23a) there should also have been an i-tsou of the Book of Change, and an i-tsou of the Book of Poetry; Pan Ku merely failed to record them. Cf. also Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty (1944), Vol. II, p. 273., and a book dealing with all the Five Classics, all together forming one work. Of the first category the Discussions on the Rites, the Shih ch'ü li lun, still figure in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shuin 4 chüan; Sui shu, 32 (27). 17a., while some fragments have been pre- served by Tu Yu in his T'ung tien by (735-812). Ma Kuo-han (1794-1857, see Hummel, o.c., p. 557) has edited the Shih ch'ü li lun in his Yü han (shan tang chi i shu) , 28. 31a-37b, making use of the quotations in the T'ung tien and the Sub-commentaries on the Shih and the Li chi.. The style differs widely from that of the Po hu t'ung i Cf. infra, p. 128ff.. The Wu ching tsa i has not been preserved, neither has it ever been quotedThe Bibliographical Chapter of the Chiu t'ang shu, 26. 12b, mentions a Wu ching tsa i in 7 chüan by Liu Hsiang (79-8 B.C.). Sun I-jang agrees with Wang Ying-lin and Chu I-tsun (1629- 1709), who identify this work with the original Wu ching tsa i. Only the addition of the name of Liu Hsiang is a mistake., but judging from the style of the Wu ching t'ung i and the Wu ching yao i in 9 chüan; in 5 chüan, both ascribed to Liu Hsiang in the Chiu t'ang shu, l.c. The first work has been re-edited from quotations by Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, 52. 2a-13b)., of which there are many quotations, and which probably were only different editions of the Wu ching tsa i, it had the same style as the Po hu t'ung i, and differed from the catechetical form of the Shih ch'ü li lun, so that it was not called i-tsou. We must assume that, since the Po-hu discussions were on the pattern of the Shih-ch'ü discussions, there must have been an i-tsou of each of the Classics, and a 'Miscellaneous Discussions' of all the Classics together, i.e., there must have been a Po hu i tsou plus a Po hu t'ung i, forming one work. Or, in other words, the Po hu t'ung i's relation to the Po-hu discussions is the same as that of the Wu ching tsa i to the Shih-ch'ü discussions. Ts'ai Yung was still able to see the whole work, which, like the i-tsou and the Wu ching tsa i, consisted of more than one hundred chüan. After the Chin this complete work gradually got lost, while only the [Po hu] t'ung i was faithfully transmitted as a separate copy. Thus the name Po-hu, indicating its origin, was preserved, but its character of tsa-i 'Miscellaneous Discussions' was not recognized. If we remember that the [Po hu] t'ung i is only part of the [Po hu] i tsou, the confusion about the names is cleared up, and the statements in the Hou han shu no longer seem contradictory. For the [Po hu] i tsou, mentioned in the Annals, dealing with the Classics one by one, are there said to have been composed by all the Confucian scholarsSee n. 31. The Annals, however, do not explicitly say so., while the [Po hu] t'ung i is, in the Biography of Pan Ku, ascribed to Pan Ku alone, under the name of [Po hu] t'ung tê lunSee n. 35.. It is in the Preface to the Ju lin chuan that t'ung-i is used instead of i-tsouSee n. 33., but this is a mistake committed by Fan Yeh, who was probably influenced by Yüan Hung and othersSee n. 62., the complete Po hu i tsou being no longer available.

Referring to the different entries in the Bibliographies and Cat- alogues, Sun expresses as his opinion that Po hu t'ung i was the original name. He rejects Chou Kuang-yeh's suggestion that Po hu t'ung tê lun refers to two works; it is merely an error caused by first changing t'ung-i into t'ung-lun, as Shih ch'ü li i was changed into Shih ch'ü li lun; afterwards by adding the word tê. The edition seen by Fan Yeh probably had this name already (Liu Hsieh in his Wên hsin tiao lung e.g. describes the Po hu t'ung as a lun; by (± 470 A.D.), 4. 59 of the Kuo hsüeh chi pên ts'ung shu chien pien ed.), there- fore Fan Yeh in the Biography of Pan Ku used the name Po hu t'ung tê lun. It was not the Ch'ung wên tsung mu, which began with this [wrong] nameAs was affirmed by Chou Kuang-Yeh, see supra p. 11.. Po hu t'ung is only an abbreviation of Po hu t'ung i. T'ung means the same as tsa ., viz. 'not restricted to one Classic', 'stringing together all the Classics'. I and i may be used indiscriminately . As proof Sun refers to the entries of the Wu ching tsa i in the Han shu and the Chiu t'ang shu, see n. 68 and 73.. The Po hu t'ung i, in fact, is of the same character as the [Shih ch'ü] wu ching tsa i. In the T'ang and the Sung both names [Po hu] t'ung i and [Po hu] t'ung tê lun were current. There- fore the Sub-commentaries on the Tso chuan, the Erh ya, the Hsiao ching, as well as Li Hsien's Commentary on the Hou han shuand Wang Ying-lin's K'un hsüeh chi wên, all quote from the [Po hu] t'ung i. This edition, however, disappeared, and was unavailable in the Yüan and Ming Dynasties; what was known was the edition with the title [Po hu] t'ung tê lun. The name Po hu t'ung i, adopted by the Imperial Catalogue of the Ch'ing Dynasty, is correct, so is the title Po hu t'ung tê lun, which goes back to the Sung, Yüan, and Ming editions. The name Po hu t'ung, adopted by Lu Wên-ch'aoSee n. 7., however, is wrong.

 9.Liu Shih-p'ei's opinion

Liu Shih-p'eiSee n. 21. does not quite agree with either Chuang Shu-tsu or Sung I-jang. The procedure of the discussions in the Po-hu kuan is clearly described in the Annals of Emperor Hsiao-chang: Wei Ying was to ask questions, Shun-yü Kung was to memorialize the replies, the Emperor then in person attended, pronouced verdicts, and gave decisions. That was the way in which the Han Confucians deliberated on the Classics; each advocated his master's discipline, and if their opinions clashed, it was recorded in the report, together with the arguments. After the Emperor's personal decision a decree was issued, in which approved and rejected opinions were clearly distin- guished. The Shih ch'ü li lun, preserved as quotations in the T'ung tien, illustrates this procedure, therefore it contains the names of all the disputantsCf. infra, p. 128ff.. The reports on the discussions in the Shih-ch'ü ko and in the Po-hu kuan are both tsou-i or i-tsou. The t'ung-i, however, is different. Here only one opinion is recorded, for it is the final form of the results of the discussions, after the Imperial decisions had been pronounced. Tsou-i and t'ung-i continue to exist side by side; the former is the detailed report with all the deviating opinions, the latter is the summing-up of the Imperial decisions, composed by the historiographers ., as stated in the Preface to the Ju lin chuan of the Hou han shu. It is not a selection detached from the tsou-i, as the Wu ching tsa i is a selection detached from the Shih ch'ü tsou i. The wording of the Biography of Pan Ku is also clear: Pan Ku was ordered 'to compose and collect' . the material, i.e., he collected it from various sources, but composed a piece of his own with it. Both the Shih ch'ü tsou i and the Po hu tsou i had a t'ung-i, i.e., a 'Meaning of the Combined Classics', which only recorded one opinion Liu Shih-p'ei refers to the Biography of Ts'ai Yung, where it is said that "anciently, [Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan convened the Confucians at the Shih-ch'ü [ko], and Emperor [Hsiao-] chang gathered the scholars at the Po-hu [kuan], to combine the Classics and elucidate their meaning " (Hou han shu, 60 (50 ). 19a).. (The present Po hu t'ung i does record de- viating opinions, but to a negligible extent). The name Po hu t'ung is an abbreviation of Po hu t'ung i. With respect to the title of Po hu t'ung tê lun, Liu agrees with Chou Kuang-yeh, but goes a step further: the Po hu t'ung (i) was composed and collected by the historiographers, the Kung tê lun was composed by Pan Ku alone Liu is not quite clear, cf. n. 87. Probably he means to say that Pan Ku as one of the historiographers took part in the composing of the Po hu t'ung i. In fact, he thinks that the entry in the Hsin t'ang shu: "Po hu t'ung i by Pan Ku and others" (see n. 38) is correct.. The t'ung-i was a report of the discussions on the Classics, the Kung tê lun, judging from its style Liu does not use the quotation from the Commentary on the Wên hsüan (see n. 54), but that from the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao by Yü Shih-nan (558-638), ch. 40, fol. 3a of the 1888 ed. by K'ung Kuang-t'ao , which is somewhat different. The Ch'üan shang ku san tai ch'in han san kuo liu ch'ao wên (see n. 58), section Hou han wên, 25. 6b, again gives a different, and fuller, quotation, which reads: "At present the Court is illustrious, and [all] within the seas are in peace; from his rest [the Emperor] commands the Vermilion Carriage Officials, as the wind soars above the plains of the Lung-tui [desert]"., was a commemoration of the event, which testified to the Emperor's Accomplished Spiritual Power. The confusion about the names arose, when the tsou-i, which was still extant in the period between the reigns of Huan-ti (147- 167) and Ling-ti (168-184) was lost. The name Po hu t'ung tê lun first appears in the Ch'ung wên tsung mu, as a work of Pan Ku, which statement is based on the ambiguous passage in the Biography of Pan Ku. Lu Wên-ch'ao, who drops tê-lun; Sun I-jang, who recognizes [Po hu] t'ung i as the correct title, but says that [Po hu] t'ung tê lun originated from the time of the Six Dynasties; Ch'ien T'ung, who regards Po hu t'ung tê lun as the original name, which was changed into Po hu t'ung i, and later abbreviated into Po hu t'ung(1778-1815), who with his brother Ch'ien Tung-yüan (d. 1824) edited the Ch'ung wên tsung mu, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 152. The statement is to be found in the Ch'ung wên tsung mu, 1. 39a., are all more or less wrong.

 10.Appraisal of their opinions

We see that our scholars thus far limited themselves to the dis- cussion and explanation of the discrepancies in the statements about the Po hu t'ung. They did not enter into the problem of its authenticity, and all of them seemed to accept it as, in any case, having some bearing on the discussions in the Po-hu kuan. Even Chuang Shu-tsu, who began with denying the genuineness of the present text--on grounds which have already been condemned by Karlgren in his The Authenticity of Ancient Chinese TextsThe Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Bulletin No. 1 (1929), p. 165 ff. -- ended with saying that it is an extract of the, lost, Memorialized Discussions.

It is useless to try to reconcile the conflicting statements re- garding the number of chüan and p'ien in the Bibliographies and Catalogues, and, failing to do so, to pronounce a work spurious. Re-arrangements, and the cutting up of sections and books are nothing uncommon Karlgren, o.c., p. 170., and the ten chüan given here, the six chüan given there, can easily be attributed to such a re-arrangement.

As to the puzzle of the different titles in the Hou han shu, the solutions offered by the scholars are far from being in agreement. The correct name is considered to be Po hu t'ung i (Imperial Cata- logue, Sun I-jang, Liu Shih-p'ei); Po hu t'ung (Chou Kuang-yeh, Lu Wên-ch'ao); Po hu t'ung tê lun (Sun I-jang, Ch'ien T'ung). The Po hu t'ung i has nothing to do with the Po hu i tsou (Chuang Shu- tsu); it is a kind of Wu ching tsa i (Sun I-jang); it is a short summary (Liu Shih-p'ei). We have little to add to these explanations, which are chiefly based on 'external evidence'. They are ingenious and scholarly, as was to be expected, but some arbitrariness can certainly not be denied. For the attempts to explain away the discrepancies in Fan Yeh's statements require a good deal of hypothetical interpretation, which differs according to the way the scholars look at the material. But they never seem to doubt the authorship or partial authorship of Pan Ku, neither do they try to deny the relationship between the present Po hu t'ung and the discussions in the Po-hu kuan. It was left to William Hung to consider these points and therewith to tackle the problem of the Po hu t'ung from a new point of view.

 11.William Hung's opinion

After giving brief summaries of the entries in the Bibliographies and Catalogues, and of the opinions of Chou Kuang-yeh, Chuang Shu-tsu, and Sun I-jang, Professor HungSee n. 22. poses the following questions. Is the Po hu t'ung really by Pan Ku? Has it indeed some relation with the discussions in the Po-hu kuan, at which Emperor [Hsiao-] chang was present in person and gave decisions? Can it perhaps be a work of the San-kuo period (220-245 A.D)? An examination of the works written by Pan Ku reveals the fact that their style shows a great difference from that of the Po hu t'ung. As an example Hung takes the passage on the names of the music of the ancient Sover- eigns and their meaning, occurring in the chapter on Rites and Music of the Po hu t'ung, and compares it with the corresponding passage in the Li chi (from which the Po hu t'ung passage is said to be quoted), the chapter on Rites and Music of the Ch'ien han shu, and the Yüeh wei, i.e. the Apocryphal Books of Music, cf. infra, p. 103.. The complicated argumentation may be summarized as follows:

The Li chi gives no list of the ancient Sovereigns and the names of their music.

The Han shuCh. , Ch'ien han shu, ch. 22, fol. 8a-9a. says:

"Anciently, Huang-ti created the Hsien-shih [music], Chuan- hsü created the Liu-hêng, Ti-k'u created the Wu-ying, Yao created the Ta-chang, Shun created the Shao, Yü created the Hsia, T'ang created the Hu, King Wu created the Wu, the Duke of Chou created the Cho".

The Li wei From a quotation in the Ch'u hsüeh chi (by Hsü Chien (659-729) and others), 15. 2b of the Ku hsiang chai hsiu chên shih chung ed. It is also quoted, with a few differences, in K'ung Ying-ta's Sub- commentary on the Li chi (ch. , Li chi chu shu, 38. 3b). Hung thinks that by the Yüeh wei is meant the Chi yao chia; Ma Kuo-han, however, includes the passage in the Tung shêng i (Yü han, 54.46a). says:

"The music of Huang-ti was called Hsien-shih, that of Chuan- hsü was called Wu-hêng, that of Ti-k'u was called Liu-ying, that of Yao was called Ta-chang, that of Shun was called Hsiao-shao, that of Yü was called Ta-hsia, that of the Yin [Dynasty] was called Ta-hu, that of the Chou [Dynasty] was called Cho or Ta-wu.

The Po hu t'ung says In the translation par. 44 d-m.:

"The music of Huang-ti was called Hsien-shih . ., the music of Chuan-hsü was called Liu-hêng . . ., the music of Ti-k'u was called Wu-ying, . . the music of Yao was called Ta-chang . ., the music of Shun was called Hsiao-shao . . ., the music of Yü was called Ta-hsia . . ., the music of T'ang was called Ta-hu . . ., the music of the Duke of Chou was called Cho . ., the music of King Wu was called Hsiang . . ., when united together [the music of Chou was] called Ta-wu".

How are these names explained in the works quoted?

The Li chi says:

"Ta-chang expresses the brilliance [of Yao]; Hsien-shih ex- presses the completeness [of Huang-ti]; Shao means chi 'to continue'; Hsia means ta 'great"' ; ch. , Li chi chu shu, 38. 2b; Couvreur, II. 68; Legge, II. 106..

The Han shu explains:

"Cho means to be able to deliberate on the ways of the ancestors; Wu means to pacify all under Heaven by means of a [military] attack; Hu means to save the people; Hsia means greatly to re- ceive [and continue the ways of] the two Emperors [Yao and Shun]; Shao [means] to continue Yao; Ta-chang expresses the brilliance [of Yao; in] Wu-ying [the word] ying means to flower and blossom; Liu-hêng [means] to reach to the roots and stems; Hsien-shih expresses the completeness [of Huang-ti]" ; Ch'ien han shu, ch. , 22. 9a-b..

The Commentary on the Yüeh weiCh'u hsüeh chi, l.c.; Ma Kuo-han, l.c. (with some deviations). gives the following ex- planation:

"(For the music of Huang-ti:) Shih . is pronounced shih ., the Way was extended shih to the people, therefore it was called Hsien-shih. (For the music of Chuan-hsü:) The Way had its roots and stems, therefore it was called Wu-hêng. (For the music of Ti-k'u:) The Way had its flowers and blossoms, therefore it was called Liu-ying. (For the music of Yao:) In the time of Yao [the virtues of] consideration for others and [observation] of the right principles were greatly practised, while laws and measures were clear, therefore it was called Ta-chang. (For the music of Shun:) Shao means chi 'to continue'; Shun continued what was left by Yao, and followed [Yao's] practising of the Way, therefore it was called Hsiao-shao. (For the music of Yü:) Yü received [and con- tinued] the Way that was left by the two Emperors [Yao and Shun], and paid attention to [the bringing about of] general peace, therefore it was called Ta-hsia. (For the music of the Yin Dynasty:) T'ang arose by receiving the decaying [Empire], he guarded the way of the ancient Kings, therefore it was called Ta-hu. (For the music of the Chou Dynasty:) The Chou arose by receiving the decaying [Empire], they deliberated on the ways of Wên and Wu, therefore it was called Cho".

The explanation by the Po hu t'ung, l.c., reads:

"(Hsien-shih) means that [during the reign of Huang-ti] the Way was greatly extended shih to all under Heaven, and put into practise; everything hsien that was created by Heaven and was contained in Earth, was bestowed [on the people], and its spiritual power extended shih unto them. (Liu-hêng) means that in it the [Six Musical Pitch-pipes] lü were in consonant use with the [other Six Pitch-pipes] lü, [thus] harmonizing the yin and the yang; hêng 'stem' is that by which the ten thousand things are made visible. (Wu-ying) means that [Ti-k'u] was able to harmon- ize the Five Notes, in order to nourish the ten thousand things and season their blossoming. (Ta-chang) means that [Yao] had greatly made illustrious the Way of Heaven, Earth, and Man. (Hsiao-shao) means that [Shun] was able to continue the way of Yao. (Ta-hsia) means that [Yü] was able to follow and put into practise the way of the two Sages [Yao and Shun], therefore [his music was] called Ta-hsia. (Ta-hu) means that, when [T'ang] received [the continuation of] the decaying [Empire], he was able to meet hu the people's needs. (Cho) means that, when the Duke of Chou assisted King Ch'êng, he was able to deliberate chên-cho upon the ways of Wên and Wu, and bring them to completion. (Hsiang) means that it was made to represent hsiang [the achieve- ment of] general peace; it was an expression of [the fact that] general peace was already [prevailing again]. (Ta-wu) means that all under Heaven at last rejoiced, when [the House of] Chou took up arms hsing-wu for the expedition [against the House of Yin]".

From these passages Hung deduces the following conclusion: the text of the Li chi is the earliest, then follows the Yüeh wei, then the Han shu, then the Commentary on the Yüeh wei, lastly the Po hu t'ung. In fact, the passage in the Po hu t'ung is a combination of that of the Han shu, faultily copied, and that of the Commentary on the Yüeh wei. If the Po hu t'ung were from the same hand, viz. Pan Ku's, why should their statements be so different? If the Han shu were after the Po hu t'ung, why did Pan Ku neglect his own fuller explanations? If the Po hu t'ung were after the Han shu, is it not strange that Ying Shao in his Fêng su t'ung i by (end 2nd cent. A.D.). The passage on the names of the music and their meaning occurs in ch. 6, fol. 1a of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. did not copy the former's explanations on the names of the music of the ancient Kings, so much more elaborate than the Han shu's, and, besides, authorized by the Emperor himself, but followed the latter's wording? The Po hu t'ung is not only after the Han shu, but even after the Fêng su t'ung i. This is corroborated by the fact that the commentator on the Yüeh wei must have lived later than the, date of the Po-hu discussions. He was a man by the name of Sung Chün . But he cannot have been the Sung Chün who was Governor of Ho-nei, whose style was Shu-hsiang, and who died in 76 A.D. ; see his Biography in the Hou han shu, 41 (31). 19a ff., because this was a very active official, and certainly would not have had the time to write Commentaries on the Apocryphal Books This argumentation is really incredible; it is common knowledge that Chinese scholars were mostly active officials at the same time. Besides, we can read in Sung Chün's Biography l.c., that in his youth he was fond of the study of the Classics, and that every 'week-end' he received instruction from a po-shih, so that he became well-versed in the Book of Poetry, the Book of Rites, and in argumentation; when he was chief of the district of Chên-yang, he founded schools to combat the superstitious beliefs of the people. Yet Hung is undoubtedly right in denying Sung Chün the authorship of the wei Commentaries. Hui Tung (1697-1758, see Hummel, o.c., p. 357) thinks that is a mistake for Tsung Chün (Hou han shu pu chu, 10. 44a of the Kuangya ed., quoted by Hung). The Fêng su t'ung i (2. 17b) relates a story of Sung Chün driving tigers away; Lu Wên-ch'ao in his Text-critical Notes on the Fêng su t'ung (Pao ching t'ang ts'ung shu, 6a) also remarks that Sung is a mistake for Tsung. The Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu, chapter on the Apocryphal Books (32 (27). 29b), mentions a Shih wei in 18 chüan, with a Commen- tary by Sung Chün, a po-shih of the Wei [Dynasty] (220-265 A.D.). In his edition of the Apocryphal Books Ma Kuo-han also indicates the commentator as Sung Chün of the Wei, while in the Shui ching chu by Li Tao-yüan (d. 527 A.D.) the Yüeh wei is quoted, followed by the statement (34. 4a of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed.). The Classified Catalogue of Chinese Books of the Harvard Yenching Institute, Section Classics (1938), mentions as the commentator of the wei Sung Chün, but where he is rightly assigned to the Wei [Dynasty], his style is wrongly given as Shu-hsiang (see e.g. p. 102, Shih wei). On the other hand Sung Chün mentioned as his 'former Master' (cf. for the expression R. des Rotours, Le traitè des examens, 1932, p. 169, n. 4) Chêng Ssŭ -nung (T'ang hui yao, 77. 9a of the Chiang-su ed. of 1884, quoted also in the Pai ching t'ang ts'ung shu ed. of the Liu i lun , fol. 4b). Chêng Ssŭ -nung was the same as Chêng Chung , a great Classical scholar who died in 83 A.D. (cf. Woo Kang, Les trois thèories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou, p. 3, 115, 196). Thus Sung Chün, whose style was Shu-hsiang, whose surname was really Tsung, and who died in 76 A.D., may have received his tuition from Chêng Ssŭ -nung, but it is more probable that it refers to Sung Chün, who was really Sung Chung, and lived in the second century A.D., and here acknowledged his indebtedness to a Master he did not know personally.. Now the Commentary on the Wên hsüan profusely quotes the wei Commentaries, but where in some places the name of Sung Chün is mentioned, in other piaces the name of Sung Chung occurs . Checking the references in Hung's Index to the Titles Quoted in the Commentary on Wen Hsüan (Index Series, No 26, 1935), I found that there are 66 places, where the name of Sung Chün is given, 15 places with the name of Sung Chung, one with the name of Sung Yüeh , and one without name.. This Sung Chung appears to be the same man as Sung Chung-tzŭ . Chung-tzŭ was his style according to the Ching tien shih wên by Lu Tê-ming (556-627), Preface, 1. 11b of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. or Sung Chung . The San kuo chih, Su shu , Biography of Hsü Ching , mentions Sung Chung-tzŭ , whom P'ei Sung-chih (372- 451) in his Commentary identifies as Sung Chung (38 (8). 4b-5a of the Po-na ed.)., who was a well-known Classical scholar Cf. T'ang Yung-t'ung's article on Wang Pi's New Interpretation of the I ching and Lun-yü, translated by Walter Liebenthal (Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 10 (1947), p. 129-132)., and was made a po-shih under the Wei Dynasty. Chung . was the tabooed name of Em- peror Hui of the Chin Dynasty, and so it was changed into Chung or Chün, , or he was called by his style Chung-tzŭ . Since Sung Chung lived more than one hundred years after Pan Ku, how could then Pan Ku, in his Po hu t'ung, have cited so many quotations from Sung Chung's Commentary, as he did?

Hung now proceeds to demonstrate that the background of the statements in the Po hu t'ung must be the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the Wei Dynasty. The Po hu t'ung makes the statement: "[Every] three years a ti- sacrifice is offered" . This passage does not occur in the Yüan ta-tê edition, neither in Lu Wên-ch'ao's, but is added by Ch'en Li in his edition (12. 6b), from a quotation in the Chiu t'ang shu, ch. Li i chih . Liu Shih-p'ei (Po hu t'ung i chüeh wên pu ting, first published in the Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, Vol. 75, fol. 2b) thinks that the quotation is wrong and should read: "[Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice is offered, [every] five years a ti-sacrifice". Hung, however, con- firms Ch'ên Li.. Now in the time of the Later Han the custom was to offer a hsia-sacrifice . every three years, and and a ti-sacrifice every five years. We find it confirmed by statements in the chapter on Sacrifices of the Hou han shu Ch. (9. 3b)., and in the Biography of Chang Shun in the same book , 35 (25).3b.. If in the Po-hu discussions the opinion was held that every three years there should be a ti-sacrifice, why did Emperor Hsiao-chang, who gave the final decisions in those discussions, not follow it? Or, if he followed it, why did he not change the custom of his time?

Hung gives another instance. The chapter on Examinations and Degradations of the Po hu t'ung cites a quotation from the Li chi, which enumerates the Nine Distinctions, viz.: Carriage and Horses, Robes and Garments, Musical Instruments, Vermilion Doors, Inside Staircases, [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, Ceremonial- and Battle-axes, Bows and Arrows, and Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor. This quotation, however, turns out not to be from the Li chi, but from the Li wei han wên chia , an Apocryphal Book of Rites. In Lu Wên-ch'ao's ed. the words [] have been altered into []. See the translation par. 139a., and therefore it would only be natural that the Po hu t'ung should also have quoted Sung Chung's Commentary on that statement, viz.:

"Those who in their application for office and in their resignation from it observe the rules of decency, and in their deportment the rules of self-restraint, are granted Carriage and Horses to replace their going on foot. Those whose speech has attained a perfect polish, and whose conduct has become a standard, are granted Robes and Garments to make manifest their spiritual power. Those who in their bearing follow the ritual [rules], are granted Inner Staircases to ease their bodies. Those who have distinguished themselves in their teachings and exhortations, and harbour the highest [feelings of] consideration for others, are granted Musical Instruments to reform their people. Those whose abodes are well ordered, and in whose apartments there is no promiscuity, are granted the Vermilion Door to make known their [sense of] discrimination. Those who by their courage are resolute and audacious, and whose adherence to principles is strong and unyielding, are granted [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, that they may prepare themselves against extraordinary events. Those who are able to rouse themselves to martiality, and whose minds are always alert, are granted Battle-axes, and given the right to execute on their own initiative. Those who harbour [feelings of] consideration for others and [possess] spiritual power, and who impartially hold fast to principles, are granted Bows and Arrows, and given the right to start a punitive expedition on their own initiative. Those who serve their parents with love and filial piety, are granted the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor [to enable them] to sacrifice to their ancestors"Quoted, with the foregoing statement of the Han wên chia, in the Sub- commentary on the Li chi, ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 1.18a), likewise in the Sub-commentary on the Shih, Ode 239 (Mao shih chu shu, 23. 55a), and in the Sub-commentary on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 1 (Kung yang chu shu, 6. 7a), with slight differences..

But this description, Hung says, does not yet represent the historical background of the Wei Dynasty. Actually the Edict, by which in 213 A.D. the Nine Distinctions were conferred on Ts'ao Ts'ao reads as followsSan kuo chih, Wei shu , 1. 35b-36b. For Ts'ao Ts'ao see Giles' Chinese Biographical Dictionary (1898), no. 2013. See also Stefan Balàzs, Ts'ao Ts'ao, in Monumenta Serica Vol. II, p. 410 ff. and D. von den Steinen, Poems of Ts'ao Ts'ao, ibid., Vol. IV, p. 125 ff.:

"Because you have regulated the rites and standards, and set to the people an example for their duties, so that everybody performs his task peacefully, and none suffers from doubt or inconstancy, therefore you are granted the Great Carriage and the War Carriage, one of either, with two black stallions. You have diligently applied yourself to your task and made the fundamental [means of production] your concern, so that husbandmen do their work with ardour, and grain and silk accumulate, causing Our Great Heritage to flourish, therefore you are granted the Clothes and Bonnets of Honour, with Red Slippers to match. With your honesty you esteem integrity and humility, causing the people to cultivate their conduct, so that old and young observe the rites, and superior and inferior are all in harmony, therefore you are granted the Suspended Musical [Instruments] and the Six Rows of Dancers. You have assisted in the spreading of [Our] reforming influence, pushing it unto the Four Quarters, so that [even] the distant people are converted, and Our Flowery Empire reaches its fullness; therefore you are granted the Vermilion Door behind which to dwell. You have whetted your intelligence and wit, and have devoted your attention to Our cares, so that among the talented and the worthy in office the best are sure to be promoted, therefore you are granted the Inner Staircases by which to ascend. You have maintained the balance in the State, abiding by dispas- sion and equanimity, possessing only infinitesimal vice, so that none [so wicked but can] be repulsed by you, therefore you are granted the [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, three hundred men. You have respected the Penal Code [approved] by Heaven, and manifested it to the evil-doers, so that among the criminals and law-offenders none escapes his punishment, therefore you are granted the Ceremonial- and Battle-axes, of either one. Your step is like the dragon's, and your eyes like the tiger's, glaring sideways at the Eight Directions, seizing and chastising the breakers of the rules, and pushing them back to the Four Seas, therefore you are granted one Scarlet Bow with one hundred Scarlet Arrows, and ten Black Bows with one thousand Black Arrows. Because you have made generosity and reverence the basis [of your conduct], and filial piety and friendship your virtue, [because] you are enlightened and liberal, sincere and upright, responding to Our wishes, therefore you are granted one goblet of the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor, with a Jade Libation-cup to match".

Could the composer of the Po hu t'ung leave alone such a beautiful passage? No, for he says:

"Those who are able to comfort the people are granted Carriage and Horses; those who are able to enrich the people are granted Robes and Garments; those who are able to keep the people in harmony are granted Musical Instruments; those who have made their population numerous are granted Vermilion Doors; those who are able to promote the capable are granted Inside Staircases; those who are able to restrain the wicked are granted [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers; those who are able to punish the culpable are granted Ceremonial- and Battle-axes; those who are able to chastise the unprincipled are granted Bows and Arrows; and those whose filial conduct is perfect are granted the Black Millet Herb- flavoured Liquor"See par. 139b of the translation. I have followed, here as well as there, Lu Wên-ch'ao's reading, which is the same as Hung's, except that Hung follows the quotation from the Po hu t'ung in the Sub-commentary on the Ku liang chuan, Chuang 1 (Ku liang chu shu, 5. 5a) by reading "the disobedient" instead of "the unprincipled" ..

This is an abridged form of Ts'ao Ts'ao's Edict, which the Po hu t'ung has copied in order to explain the meaning of the Nine Distinctions. However, being accustomed to quote Sung Chung's Commen- tary, it cannot bring itself to abandoning that habit, and therefore we also find the following passage:

"Those who in their application for office and in their resig- nation from it observe the rules of decency, and whose spiritual power tranquillizes the people, [are granted] the State Carriage with teams of horses to comfort their bodies. Those whose speech has attained a perfect polish, and whose conduct has become a rule, [are granted] Robes with Painted Dragons to make manifest their spiritual power. Those who have distinguished themselves in their teachings and exhortations, and harbour the highest [feelings of] consideration for others, are granted [the right to use music] in time with the King's Music to reform their people. Those who honour the capable and promote [the possessors of] spiritual power, who in their bearing follow the ritual [rules], are granted Inner Staircases to ease their bodies. Those whose abodes are well cared for, in whose apartments decency is observed, men and women [only at the proper] time sit together, and superiors and inferiors are [properly] distinguished, are granted the Vermilion Door to make manifest their [observance of the] rule by their spiritual power. Those whose martiality is forbidding, and whose sternness and consideration for others are strong and unyielding, are granted [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, that they may pre- pare themselves against extraordinary events. Those who can regulate their joy and anger, who chastise [according to] the [correct] penal [rules], are granted Ceremonial- and Battle-axes, and given the right to execute on their own initiative. Those who do not allow their self-interest to be involved in their love and hatred, and who impartially hold fast to principles, are granted Bows and Arrows, and given the right to start a punitive expe- dition on their own initiative. The beauty of filial piety [should] always be the basis of [human] conduct, therefore [those who are filial] are granted the Jade Libation-cup, and given the right to make their own Herb-flavoured Liquor"This passage, occurring in the Yüan ta-tê ed., has been replaced by Lu Wên-ch'ao by the literal text of Sung Chung's Commentary as it is quoted in the Sub-commentary on the Li chi, see n. 119. Ch'ên Li has restored the original reading of the Yüan ta-tê ed..

It is clear, Hung concludes, that the Po hu t'ung has only copied, with some alterations, from Sung Chung's Commentary. Which is earlier, this Commentary or Ts'ao Ts'ao's Edict, is difficult to say, but in any case the Po hu t'ung must be later than the latter's date, viz. 213 A.D. And it being as late as that, it is not astonishing any more that neither Hsü Shên(30-124), author a.o. of the Shuo wên , and the Wu ching i i . nor Ma Jung(79-166). He wrote many Commentaries on the Classics, making use of the Old Text versions, for which see infra, p. 137ff. had access to it, and that neither Ts'ai Yung nor Chêng HsüanFor Ts'ai Yung see n. 58. Chêng Hsüan (127-200) was Ma Jung's pupil, and one of the most prolific of commentators. ever quoted from the Po hu t'ung.

However, the appearance of the Po hu t'ung must have been before 245 A.D., for the Nan ch'i shu contains a passage in which the Po hu t'ung is quoted by a certain Miu Hsi , see ch. of the , 9 (1). 5a of the Po-na ed. The quotation reads: "The Po hu t'ung says: In their sacrifice to Heaven the Three Kings all used the first month of the Hsia [calendar]; they did so because the first month of the Hsia [calendar, viz. the first month of spring] corresponds with the number of Heaven". It is missing in the Yüan ta-tê ed., but Lu Wên-ch'ao, in his "Lacunae in the Text of the Po hu t'ung", has inserted an almost similar passage in ch. , quoting from the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao., who, according to P'ei Sung-chih, died in 245 A.D., at the age of sixty See his Commentary on the San kuo chih, Wei shu, Biography of Liu Shao , 21. 21b..

In the time of Ts'ai Yung (133-192 A.D.) the Po hu i tsou, in more than one hundred chüan, was still extant. It would, afterwards, not have been difficult for those who had the inclination to do so, to concoct a Po hu t'ung i with the material [that was left of the Po hu i tsou] and Commentaries on the Apocryphal Writings. Probably the work was not at first ascribed to Pan Ku deliberately. This was done by later lovers of literature, and since the Chin and [Liu] Sung Dynasties (4th-5th cent. A.D.) it has been quoted as such. Though the Po hu t'ung does not represent the interpretations of the Classics current in the middle period of the Later Han, it furnishes important material with respect to the ideas which prevailed during the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the Wei Dynasty. The latter's ritual institutions, such as the Changing of the First Month, the Changing of the Colour [of the previous Dynasty], the Round Mound, the Sacrifice to the Suburb, etc., have been greatly influenced by it.

Hung agrees with Sun I-jang that the original title was Po hu t'ung i, but he has no objection to the use of the abridged form Po hu t'ung.

 12.Criticism of Hung's material

I have presented Professor William Hung's views in some detail, because his method is really important. He uses what we may call 'internal evidence', i.e., he starts from the contents of the text itself, and tries to evaluate it by comparison with other texts. In this he differs from his predecessors, who only discussed the external testimonies about the book, and took what it has to say more or less for granted. Hung's conclusions are bold, but however detrimental to the belief that the Po hu t'ung should be the outcome of the Imperial Council of 79 A.D., they are on the whole not un- favourable. He does not deny the possibility of some of the material of the Po hu i tsou, the 'Memorialized Discussions of the Po-hu kuan' having been used for its composition. He assigns to the Po hu t'ung as early a date as 245 A.D. He takes its contents to be a comparatively faithful description of the customs of the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the Wei. Can we accept Hung's opinions? Can we agree with the way in which he arrives at the conclusion that the Po hu t'ung cannot be of an earlier period than the Wei Dynasty? For this is the method he actually applies: the occurrence of passages in a work of the third century A.D., viz. Sung Chung's Commentary on the Apocrypha, parallel to passages in the Po hu t'ung, proves that the whole Po hu t'ung must be of that later period; the fact that a description of a ritual by the Po hu t'ung does not tally with the custom of the time in which it professes to have been composed, proves that the whole Po hu t'ung cannot be of that time. A little unexpected is, on the other hand, his conclusion that the fact of the Po hu t'ung being quoted -- in one quotation -- by a man who died in 245 A.D. proves that the whole Po hu t'ung must be at the latest earlier than that date. I shall deal with these questions further on; in the next three paragraphs I shall first try to subject to a closer examination the material Hung marshalls against the Po hu t'ung, in order to see whether it may be used as evidence in his indictment.

 13.The parallel statements on the names of the music

Hung's theory that the commentator of the Yüeh wei (and some other Apocryphal Books) was Sung Chung, who lived at the be- ginning of the Wei (third century A.D.), and not Sung Chün, whose style was Shu-hsiang, and who died in 76 A.D., is in all probability correct. So may be his statement that the Po hu t'ung contains numerous passages which run parallel to Sung Chung's CommentariesThis is my non-committal statement of the fact which Hung has pointed out and which I do not want to question: Hung himself says that the cases of the Po hu t'ung copying from Sung Chung are very numerous (p. VI of his Prolegomena to the Index). See, however, infra p. 50..

His first example, however, does not strike me as being very convincing. According to him the Po hu t'ung, with respect to the names of the music of the ancient Sovereigns and their meaning, combines the statement of the Han shu and that of Sung Chung's Commentary; therefore its description is the most complete , p. IV of his Prolegomena.. Disregarding the question of greater or lesser completeness--Sung Chung is fuller in his explanation of Yao's music Ta-chang and Shun's music Shao--, and comparing the passages in the Commen- tary on the Yüeh wei and in the Po hu t'ung Cf. supra, p. 21., I feel bound to say that they bear little resemblance to each other; the one cannot have been derived from the other. This does not mean, of course, that the statement in the Po hu t'ung completely deviates from that in the Han shu and Sung Chung's Commentary; it only means that the statement in the Po hu t'ung contains some concepts, which are not present in the other works: the comparison with the Musical Pitch-pipes in the explanation of Liu-hêng, that with the Five Notes in the explanation of Wu-ying, while in those explanations which use the same concepts as the Commentary on the Yüeh-wei the for- mulation is such that the idea of simple copying must be excluded. Would it be too fanciful to assume that certain concepts were so much common property with the Chinese scholars of a given time that everybody, even though he tried to express his opinion in his own way, more or less unconsciously took from that common stock? In his Commentary on another Aprocryphal Book of MusicThe Yüeh wei hsieh t'u chêng , in the Yü han, 54. 53a-b. Sung Chung's explanations of the names of the music are different from those which were compared by Hung with the Po hu t'ung. They read as follows:

"(The music of Huang-ti was called Hsien-shih); hsien means chieh 'all', shih takes [its meaning from the fact] that none was not pervaded by his spiritual power which fertilized the ten thousand things, therefore [the name of] Hsien-shih was devised to denom- inate his music. (The music of Emperor Chuan-hsü was called Wu-ying); [it means that] he was able on behalf of the Five Elements to establish the roots and stems. (The music of Yao was called Ta-chang); it means that his spiritual power approached [that of] the Way; ta-chang means bright. (The music of Shun was called Hsiao-shao); it means that he was able to continue the spiritual power of Yao. (The music of Yü was called Ta-hsia); [it means that] his spiritual power was able to enlarge the Chinese Territory chu-hsia"The words between round brackets form the commented text of the Yüeh wei..

Whereas the Yüeh wei (the Hsieh t'u chêng as well as the Tung shêng i, or the Chi yao chia, cf. n. 97) only gives the names of the music, and their meaning is explained by Sung Chung, an Apocryphal Work on the Spring and Autumn Annals, namely the Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao , in the Yü han, 57. 15a-b. contains the explanations in its own text.

There we read.

"In the time of Shun the people rejoiced at his continuing the heritage of Yao; therefore [the name of Shun's music] Shao means shao 'to continue'; (Sung Chung's Commentary: Shun undertook to continue the heritage of Yao). In the time of Yü the people greatly rejoiced at his combining p'in [the ways of] the Three Sages who succeeded each other; therefore his music was called Ta-hsia; hsia means ta 'great'; (Commentary: p'in is to be read p'in, it means ping 'to combine' .). In the time of T'ang the people greatly rejoiced at their being rescued from their plight; therefore his music was called Ta-hu; hu means chiu 'to rescue'. In the time of King Wên the people rejoiced at his raising the army and attacking [the Dynasty of Yin]; therefore [his music was] called Wu; wu means fa 'to attack' ".

Why is Sung Chung so little consistent? I think because there were a great many speculative theories on the names of the music current in his time, from which he took haphazardly, adding ideas of his own, and without the intention of quoting his, perhaps unde- finable, source verbatim. It is interesting to compare what Chêng Hsüan has to say about the names of the music.

On the passage in the Li chiLi chi chu shu, 38. 2b; cf. n. 99. he comments:

"[Ta-chang was] the name of the music of Yao; it means that the spiritual power of Yao was illustrious and brilliant. . [Hsien- shih was] the name of the music created by Huang-ti; Yao used it by improving it; hsien means chieh 'all'; shih means 'to extend to'; it means that his spiritual power was extended to everyone . . . [Shao was] the name of the music of Shun; shao means shao 'to continue'; it means that Shun was able to continue chi-shao the spiritual power of Yao . . . [Hsia was] the name of the music of Yü; it means that Yü was able to enlarge ta the spiritual power of Yao and Shun . . .".

On a passage in the Chou liCh. , Chou li chu shu, 22. 3b. he comments:

"[The music of] Huang-ti was called Yün-mên ta-chüan; Huang-ti was able to give the ten thousand things their perfect names, and therewith to teach the people to provide for their necessities; it means that his spiritual power was akin to what the clouds yün produce; the people by it could gather tsu [= chüan] the species. Ta-hsien [or] Hsien-shih was [the name of] the music of Yao; Yao was able exhaustively to equalize the penal laws, and therewith to give norms to the people; it means that his spiritual power was extended to everyone. Ta-shao was [the name of] the music of Shun; it means that with his spiritual power he was able to continue the way of Yao. Ta-hsia was [the name of] the music of Yü; Yü regulated the waters and extended the soil; it means that with his spiritual power he was able to enlarge the Middle State. Ta-hu was [the name of] the music of T'ang; T'ang governed his people with magnanimity, and delivered them from evil; it means that with his spiritual power he was able to give all under Heaven their [proper] places. Ta-wu was [the name of] the music of King Wu; King Wu slew Chou and removed his wickedness; it means that his spiritual power was able to accomplish his martial prowess".

Now it appears that some of Chêng Hsüan's statements in the Chou li Commentary correspond with statements in the text of the Li chiCh. (Li chi chu shu, 46. 17a; Couvreur, II. 269), namely the explanations of the names of the music of Yao, Huang-ti, T'ang, Wu-wang., and some with Sung Chung's Commentary on the Yüeh wei hsieh t'u chêng Namely the explanations of the names of the music of Shun and Yü. See supra, n. 132., while his statements in the Li chi Commentary might as well have been written by Sung Chung himself. It would not be unreasonable to suppose that Chêng Hsüan had copied from Sung Chung. But would it be plausible? Chêng Hsüan, like Sung Chung, wrote Commentaries on the Apocryphal Books, and the two are mentioned in the same breath in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu Ch. 32 (27). 30b.. As contemporaries, both prolific writers, but both representing opposing SchoolsT'ang Yung-t'ung, o.c., p. 130., they were, however, unlikely to copy from each otherExcept perhaps for the purpose of contradicting each other. As a matter of fact, Sung Chung himself says that he has quoted Chêng Hsüan's Liu i lun (T'ang hui yao, 77. 9a, Pai ching t'ang ts'ung shu ed. of the Liu i lun, p. 4b), and several times in his Commentaries on the Apocrypha he says: "Chêng Hsüan says . . . ". (see Yü han, 54. 23a, 44a, 60a; 58. 26a, 32b).. Indeed, it seems more probable that Chêng Hsüan and Sung Chung derived their material from a source which was accessible to both of them, and the fact that their presen- tations of this material to a certain extent correspond with each other does not prove that the one has drawn upon the other. May we not, therefore, likewise conclude that the similarity between the Po hu t'ung and Sung Chung's Commentary, with respect to their explanations of the names of the several kinds of music, does not necessarily mean that the former has used the latter?

Two objections raised by Hung remain to be faced: Why does the Han shu, composed by Pan Ku, not contain the same state- ments as the Po hu t'ung, ascribed to Pan Ku? And why does the Fêng su t'ung i quote from the Han shu, if it had at its disposal the completer material of the Po hu t'ung?

As to the first objection I may add further instances of the dis- crepancies between the Han shu and the Po hu t'ung to those given by Hung.

The Po hu t'ung says:

"[The note] chüeh means Yüeh 'to leap'; the yang-fluid moves and leaps. [The note] chih means chih 'to stop'; the yang-fluid has stopped. [The note] shang means chang 'to expand'; the yin- fluid begins to expand, [while] the yang-fluid begins to contract. [The note] yü means yü 'to twist'; the yin-fluid is above, the yang-fluid is below. [The note] kung means jung 'to contain'; han 'to hold'; it contains and holds the Four Seasons"Ch. Rites and Music, see par. 51c of the translation..

The Han shu, on the other hand, explains:

"[The note] shang means chang 'to display'; when the [ten thousand] things have completed their maturation they may be displayed and estimated. chüeh means cho 'to knock against'; the [ten thousand] things knock against the earth to come out; they carry 'the horns' chüeh of the sprouts. Kung means chung 'the middle': from their position in the centre [the ten thousand things] expand towards the Four Directions; [the note kung] stimulates the beginning and dispenses life; it holds together the four [other] Notes. Chih means chih 'blessing'; the [ten thousand] things having reached their full size confer blessings in abundance. Yü means yü 'to cover'; the [ten thousand] things having been gathered and stored are covered up"Ch'ien han shu, ch. , 21 . 3b..

The inevitable conclusion is: the Han shu and the Po hu t'ung cannot be from the same hand. In this conclusion, however, some considerations must be taken into account. First, that the Han shu describes the history and the institutions of the Former Han. Second, that Pan Ku, being a historian and essayist, and not a Classical scholar himselfThis was already pointed out by Liu Shih-p'ei in his Po hu t'ung i yüan liu k'ao (Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, Vol. 74, fol. 2b)., was only ordered to compile the material of the Po-hu discussions. Thirdly, that the Po hu t'ung records the opinions of the contending scholars, and is not a handbook. In other words, we may not expect the two works to contain the same ideas, and to have the same composition; they are of a different characterOf course I do not mean to say that Pan Ku wrote the Han shu in his own, personal style, whereas he compiled the Po hu t'ung in an indifferent, objective fashion. Both works are 'compilations'..

With respect to the second objection, it is a curious thing, indeed, that the Fêng su t'ung i does not quote from the Po hu t'ung, as Hung says. However, though the passage on the names of the music and their meaning in the Fêng su t'ung i is a verbatim parallel of that in the Han shu, the source is not indicated. On reading further, however, we come across another passage in the Fêng su t'ung i, which again is a verbatim parallel of the passage in the Han shu which I have noted before, viz. the explanations of the names of the Five Notes (shang, chüeh, kung, chih, yü)Fêng su t'ung i, 6. 2b-3a.. And here the source is indicated: the Fêng su t'ung i quotes this statement from Liu Hsin's Chung lü shu . The work has since long been lost.. We cannot say that the first passage (on the names of the music) is also from the Chung lü shu In the edition of the Chung lü shu by Huang Shih (Han hsüeh t'ang ts'ung shu) the passage is not included.. But Pan Ku seems to have used this work for the chapter Lü li chih, in which the second passage (on the Five Notes) occursSee Une famille d'historiens et son oeuvre, by Mlle Lo Tchen-ying (1931), p. 78.. This means, that for this passage Pan Ku and Ying Shao made use of a source accessible to both of them. Now Ying Shao quotes the Han shu more than once, naming his sourceSee the Index du Fong sou t'ong yi, prepared by the Centre franco-chinois d'ètudes Sinologiques (1943), p. 77. Not only is the Han shu quoted by name, but in two places also by its chapters and .. Can we, then, not suppose that the passage in the Fêng su t'ung i on the names of the music of the ancient Sovereigns and their meaning, though they are parallel to the passage in the Han shu, is not necessarily a quotation from this work, but may be derived from another source, not indicated, which was accessible to both Pan Ku and Ying Shao In fact, Pan Ku, for his Essay on Rites and Music, draws chiefly on the writings of four men, among them Liu Hsiang (Gardner, Chinese Traditional Historiography, p. 36, n. 39).?

The fact remains, however, that the Fêng su t'ung i never quotes the Po hu t'ung. But the Fêng su t'ung i is not a Bibliography, and there are dozens of works, ancient and of a non-suspect nature, which are not quoted in it. It would be incorrect to say that, on these grounds alone, they must be later than Ying Shao. Another question is: Have we reasons to expect that the Fêng su t'ung i should have quoted the Po hu t'ung? The book is an exposition of ideas current in Ying Shao's time, illustrated by quotations of all sorts, among others from the Classics and some of the Apocryphal Books, to which Ying Shao adds his own opinion. It is certainly strange that he never invoked the material contained in the Po hu t'ung. We shall see later whether parallel passages can be found in the two books, which might lead us to some conclusion regarding this curious fact.

 14.The parallel statements on the Nine Distinctions

The third example which Professor Hung gives in order to prove that the Po hu t'ung must be of the end of the later Han and the beginning of the Wei, belongs to the same category as the first I have just discussed. The two passages in the Po hu t'ungSee supra, pp. 27-28. dealing with the Nine Distinctions, according to Hung were copied, one from Ts'ao Ts'ao's Edict, one from Sung Chung's Commentary. Now as far as I can judge, the first passage in the Po hu t'ung is not just a summary of the lengthy statement in the Edict: the reasons for granting the Vermilion Door are quite different in the two texts. The way we look at a text, however, depends on the suspicion we entertain about it, and once we have convinced ourselves of the spuriousness of the Po hu t'ung, it is not difficult to see this particular passage as an abridged copy of Ts'ao Ts'ao Edict, just as it is easy to see its statement on the names of the music as an elaborated copy of the Han shu and Sung Chung's Commentary on the Yüeh weiCf. p. 22 and n. 129.. Hung cautiously refrains from deciding which is earlier, Ts'ao Ts'ao's Edict or Sung Chung's Commentary on the names of the Nine Distinctions in the Li wei han wên chiaCf. p. 29.. It seems to me that the same caution should be applied with respect to the incriminated pas- sages in the Po hu t'ung. The case would be different if the institution of the Nine Distinctions had been a novelty, introduced in the time of Ts'ao Ts'ao. But they were already conferred upon Wang Mang in 5 A.D., in an Edict as exalted as Ts'ao Ts'ao'sSee the Biography of Wang Mang, in the Ch'ien han shu, 99 . 21a-22a., while their names were already mentioned in the Han shih wai chuan by Han Ying, who lived in the second century B.C, , ch. 8, fol. 6b of the Ku ching chieh hui han ed., and partially in the Shang shu ta chuan by Fu Shêng, who lived in the third century B.C., , ch. l, fol. 21a and ch. 3, fol. 10a of the Ku ching chieh hui han ed. For the work see Woo Kang, Les trois thèories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou (1932), p. 230.. It is true that neither Han Ying nor Fu Shêng supplied explanations on the conferring of the Distinctions, but we may assume that during the first and second centuries A.D. the institution of the Nine Distinc- tions was widely known, and speculated upon by several scholars in different, yet to some extent similar, waysHo Hsiu (129-182) in his Commentary on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 1, has, however, restricted himself to an enumeration of the Nine Distinctions, quoted from the Li (wei han wên chia), and to the brief remark "they are all [conferred] to stimulate the capable and to support the incapable" (Kung yang chu shu, 6. 6b).. In any case, to con- sider, on the strength of it, the Po hu t'ung passage as a summary of the Edict seems to me an assertion not wholly warranted.

The second passage in the Po hu t'ung adduced by HungSee p. 28. would seem to have more convincing force. The similarity to Sung Chung's CommentarySee p. 25. is so striking that Lu Wên-ch'ao thought it necessary to substitute the former for the latter, without, however, implying that the Po hu t'ung was derived from Sung Chung. Ch'ên Li, on the contrary, preferred the original Po hu t'ung reading Cf. n. 122.. I think it is safe to regard the one statement as a copy from the other. But which from which? I am reluctant to give a judgment on the ground of a difference of 'style', feeling myself incompetent in this matter. The most I can say is that Sung Chung's Commentary runs more smoothly and is perfectly balanced, whereas the Po hu t'ung contains several deviations from its own enumeration, e.g. it writes State Carriage with Teams of Horses instead of Carriage and Horses, the King's Music instead of Musical Instruments, Jade Libation- cup instead of Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor. But what stan- dard is here to be applied? In the same way as either elaboration or abridgment may be used against the originality of a text or in favour of it, so a polished style may be made a witness for the prosecution or a witness for the defence, while with some ingenuity we may prove either that the corruptness of a text testifies to its spuriousness, or to its genuineness. To say, on the strenght of it, that our Po hu t'ung passage must be a, rather clumsy, copy of Sung Chung's Commentary, is therefore, I think, an assertion not sufficiently substantiated.

 15.The statement on the ti-sacrifice

Hung's second example is of a different kind. According to him the statement in the Po hu t'ung that "[every] three years a ti- sacrifice is offered" is not confirmed by the statements in the Hou han shu and the custom in the Later HanSee p. 25., and therefore this discrepancy is another proof that the Po hu t'ung dates from the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the WeiHis Prolegomena to the Index, p. VI..

We have seen that the Po hu t'ung passage was supplied by Ch'ên Li from a quotation in the Chiu t'ang shu, and that Liu Shih- p'ei contests the correctness of this quotationSee n. 114.. It is interesting to follow Hung's argumentation, which has led him to disagree with Liu. Whereas Ch'ên Li gives the quotation from the Chiu t'ang shu: "[Every] three years a ti-sacrifice is offered", Liu prefers the reading of the quotation in Hui-lin's I ch'ieh ching yin i , - , in the Taishō Tripitaka, Vol. 54, p. 912. Hui-lin wrote this work towards the end of the chien-chung period (780-783), according to its Preface (o.c., p. 311)., viz.: "The Po hu t'ung says: [Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice, [every] five years a ti-sacrifice is offered". Hung bases his mistrust in Hui-lin on the following grounds: 1. Hui-lin's explanations on the word ti in the same work are self-contradictory, therefore he is unreliable; 2. the Commentary of a Buddhist priest cannot be preferred to the opinion of the Grand Master of Ceremonies (who quoted the Po hu t'ung in the Chiu t'ang shu); 3. the discussions on the rites described in the Chiu t'ang shu (during which the question of the ti- and hsia- sacri- fices was raised) took place in 739 A.D., more than forty years earlier than the date of the composition of the I ch'ieh ching yin i; 4. moreover the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao, for its section on the ti- and hsia- sacrifices Ch. 90, fol. 4a-5a., often quotes the Po hu t'ung, but it quotes the Li wei for a statement: "[Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice, [every] five years a ti-sacrifice is offered"; therefore the edition of the Po hu t'ung used by Yü Shih-nanThe compiler of the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao, see n. 90. cannot have contained the statement "[every] five years a ti-sacrifice".

Now if we read the incriminated passage in the Chiu t'ang shu in its contextCh. 26.(7). 11b., we see that the discussions in 739 A.D. were con- cerned with this point: the rites require, not that every three years one sacrifice is performed, and independent from it every five years the other, but that every five years there should be a ti- and a hsia- sacrifice. As to which should come after which, the following opinions were adduced by the Grand Master of Ceremonies during the dis- cussions: The Li wei and the Commentary on the Lu li ti hsia . I do not know what is meant by this Commentary. There is a Lu li ti hsia i by Chêng Hsüan, re-edited from fragments by several scholars. The edition by Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, ch. 28, fol. 39a-43b) is called Lu li ti hsia chih . I think that Commentary chu is simply an error for i or chih . say: [Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice, [every] five years a ti- sacrifice is offered; the Po hu t'ung, the Wu ching t'ung i, Hsü Shên's [Wu ching] ii, Ho Hsiu's Ch'un ch'iu [Commentary?], and Ho Hsün's Chi iFor the Wu ching t'ung i see n. 74, for Ho Hsiu n. 158. For the Ch i of Ho Hsün (260-319), i.e. his Expositions on the Sacrifices, see his Biography in the Chin shu, 68 (38). 11a ff. of the Po-na ed., where, however, the question of the ti- and hsia- sacrifices is not dealt with. Ho Hsün, an authority on ritual, was made Grand Master of Ceremonies t'ai-ch'ang in 317 A.D. Fragments of his works have been edited in the Yü han, ch. 23, fol. 12a-25a. say: [Every] three years a ti-sacrifice is offered.

The problem of the ti- and hsia- sacrifices is so complicated and confused that I cannot even contemplate an attempt at a survey of the conflicting opinions. In the special case of the Po hu t'ung quotation I therefore only relate Ch'ên Li's and Ch'ên Shou-ch'i's opinions on the matterCh'ên Li in his Po hu t'ung shu chêng, 12. 6b. Ch'ên Shou-ch'i (1771-1834) in his Wu ching ii shu chêng (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1248, 40a-41a)., namely that the statement "[Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice is offered" represents the view of the Tso chuan and Chou li Schools, and that the triennial ti-sacrifice perhaps belongs to the rites of the ancient KingsThis is Ch'ên Shou-ch'i's interpretation of Hsü Shên's obscure wording.. That means that according to the opinion of the Old Text scholarsThe Tso chuan and the Chou li belong to the so-called Old Texts of the Classics. the regular custom was the triennial hsia-sacrifice, and that the triennial ti-sacrifice seems to have been so unusual that it had to be assigned to early antiquity.

Further, is there nothing to be said in favour of Liu Shih-p'ei's emendation? He does not explain why he prefers Hui-lin's reading to the quotation in the Chiu t'ang shu. Now the Chiu t'ang shu, besides the Po hu t'ung, also quotes Ho Hsiu's Ch'un ch'iu. What exactly is meant by this work I do not know, but it seems probable that it refers to Ho Hsiu's Commentary on the Kung yang chuan. Now in his Commentary on Wên, 2d year, we read: "[Every] three years a hsia-sacrifice is offered, [every] five years a ti-sacrifice"Kung yang chu shu, 13, 8b.. Can it be that a mistake was committed by the Chiu t'ang shu, and that Liu Shih-p'ei, knowing that the Po hu t'ung is nearly always in conformity with Ho Hsiu's statements (representing the views of the New Text School I.e., the Kung-yang School.), suspected the Po hu t'ung quotation in the Chiu t'ang shu, and took that in the I ch'ieh ching yin i as the orig- inal one? I must leave the question as it stands, because doubt of the positive quotation in the Chiu t'ang shu cannot be further substantiated; moreover this is not necessary for the conclusion which I am venturing to draw.

It is important that both the Old Text and the New Text Schoolsare in agreement with respect to the triennial hsia-sacrifice. The Po hu t'ung, usually following the interpretations of the New Text SchoolSee infra, p. 70., here presents a view contrary to those of both Schools. But, because the statement is too brief, and detached from its original context, it is difficult to say whether it represents the Po hu t'ung's own opinion (i.e. an opinion authorized by Imperial approval), or, as it often occurs in the Po hu t'ung, only the record of 'another opinion'See infra, p. 67.. To me, the chances are in favour of the latter supposition, and in that case we need not see the statement as a discrepancy from the actual custom of the time, but only as a statement for the sake of completeness and curiosity. Besides, the way in which Hung uses the quotation against the Po hu t'ung, is not altogether correct. If the Wei Dynasty had actually adopted the use of the triennial ti-sacrifice--and I have not been able to find such a statement--, then the Po hu t'ung might be said to be in accordance with that use, and thus to date from that period. But the fact that the Po hu t'ung says: "[Every] three years a ti-sacrifice is offered"-- a description of a ritual which evidently was never practised, so that Hsü Shên, as he is corrected by Ch'ên Shou-ch'i, is obliged to explain it, hypo- thetically, as the custom of the ancient Kings--, whereas according to all historical evidence only the triennial hsia-sacrifice was actually performed, such a fact cannot be used as a proof that the Po hu t'ung must date from the Wei.

Hung's bias against the Po hu t'ung also appears in his fourth objection against Hui-linSee p. 40.. If the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao, in the matter of the succession of the ti- and hsia-sacrifices, does not quote the Po hu t'ung, as it often does in other matters, but the Li wei, then logically it can only mean, either that the Po hu t'ung edition used by Yü Shih-nan did not contain that passage -- any more than the Yüan ta-tê edition --, or that Yü failed to quote it, but not, as Hung concludes, that the Po hu t'ung cannot have contained the passage "[Every] five years a ti-sacrifice is offered", with the facile but unfounded implication that it did contain the statement "[Every] three years a ti-sacrifice is offered".

 16.Summary of objections against Hung

My criticism of Professor Hung's argumentation does not in the least diminish my appreciation of the method he has followedRightly called 'très étudiée' by Pelliot in a review of the Index (T'oung Pao, Vol. 28, 1931, p. 513)., namely to take the text itself as the starting-point of the investigation. I only disagree with the way he handles the method. Hung is full of inconsistencies. Apart from the objections I have raised against the data which he uses, I may point to a curious arbitrariness in his interpretation of the evidence. He discovers parallel passages in the Po hu t'ung and Sung Chung's Commentary, and concludes that the former must have borrowed from the latter. He discovers a complete absence of quotations from the Po hu t'ung in the Fêng su t'ung i, and concludes that the former must be later than the latter. This reasoning amounts to the following: There are parallel passages in Sung Chung's Commentary (A) and the Po hu t'ung (C); conclusion: C is later. The Fêng su t'ung i (B) does not quote C; conclusion: C is later. In an exaggerated way this means:

A = C, therefore C is later;

B = not C, therefore C is later,

which would, of course, be nonsense. Starting with two known data, viz. Sung Chung's Commentary and Ying Shao's Fêng su t'ung iBoth of the end of the Later Han, but we must not forget that we only assume that these texts provide safe data. As a matter of fact they are as problematic as the Po hu t'ung. But we could not work if everything is questioned; we must begin with some assumption, however provisionnally., and comparing them with an unknown, viz. the Po hu t'ung, we should have asked: Why is C, if it were as early as it pretends to be, not quoted by A and B? Are there passages in A and B which are parallel to C? If there are, how to explain these parallels? Only in this way sufficient justice can be done with respect to the suspect text.

My chief objection to Hung's conclusion is, however, that, on the ground of some passages which he considers as late, he regards the entire work as late, while on the ground of a single quotation by a man who died in 245 A.D. he regards the entire work as being of that date at the latestTo be strictly fair I should say: 1. that Hung has limited himself to giving two instances of parallel passages in the Po hu t'ung and in Sung Chung's Commentary, because it would not do for him to give all, nor is it necessary; 2. that he supposes the Po hu t'ung to be a concoction of material from the discussions plus Commentaries on the Classics and Aprocrypha. Nevertheless his conclusion is that the Po hu t'ung may be regarded as a faithful representation of the beliefs of a certain period, namely the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the Wei, i.e., from that time on the Po hu t'ung is homogeneous and reliable.. Thus he assumes a homogeneity of the text which should still be proved, and necessarily implies judgments working in two opposite directions: nothing in the text is of the beginning of the Later Han, while suddenly everything in it is of the end of the Later Han and the beginning of the Wei. Actually we are still in the dark about those early texts. The only real thing is the present edition. Hung's terminus ante quem non (213 A.D.) only applies to Ts'ao Ts'ao's Edict and, if we accept his opinion, to the passage in the Po hu t'ung which is a summary of it. His terminus post quem non (245 A.D.) only applies to some edition seen by Miu Hsi. The former does not necessarily mean that in the present edition there are not passages which came from a period before 213 A.D., the latter does not necessarily mean that in the present edition there are not passages which were interpolated after 245 A.D. The only positive thing we can say is that there was a Po hu t'ung in 245 A.D. at the latest. But on the basis of what is said in the Hou han shu we may as well say--as has been done by Hung's predecessors--that there was a Po hu t'ung, or whatever it was called, in 79 A.D. There is here a confusion of two questions, that of authenticity, and that of first appearance. The parallel passages prove, at the most, that the present edition is not authentic, in this sense that parts of it are later interpolations, but it does not mean that the whole of the present edition is of a later period. The quotation of 245 A.D. proves, at the most, that there was an edition of the Po hu t'ung at that time, but it does not mean that the whole of the present edition must be the same as that.

 17.The problem of parallel passages

"The question how to judge parallel passages in ancient Chinese works is very delicate", says KarlgrenThe Authenticity of Ancient Chinese Texts, p. 171., and he points out the difficulty, which in many cases is an impossibility, of proving their anteriority or posteriority. Indeed, it is always hazardous, in the case of parallel passages, immediately to think of borrowing and to try to settle the problem "who borrowed from whom", with the exclusion of the possibility that several writers may have used the same source, each quoting in his own way and for his own purpose. We must always remember that Chinese scholars had the habit of quoting, and mostly quoting by heart, from revered books, and that many quotations from the fact of their having been handed down so many times ceased being quotations and became common property. We must also remember that despite the desire to preserve the original ideas as much as possible in their original form--we are all acquainted with the scrupulous care the Chinese scholars ob- serve in this matter--it is inevitable that deviations did arise in the course of time. The form may first have undergone an alteration, and then a new idea be put into the new vessel; or unconsciously a re-interpretation was felt necessary and a new form accordingly adopted, without the intent to make a change. Parallel passages as such have not much convincing force. If they are exactly alike they may be copies from each other, but they may also have no mutual relation at all, except that they may be traced back to some ancient stock; besides, their form may be the same, but the purpose for which they are used may be quite different. If they are not exactly alike they may be clumsy borrowings, but they may also be individual expressions of the same ideas or of ideas almost similar, or they may have no mutual relation at all, except again that they may be traced back to some ancient stock. In all these things ab- solute certainty as to what is what can only be achieved in very rare cases; mostly we have to be content with more or less plausible reconstructions, which at any moment may prove wrong by the discovery of new material or by deeper insight into the problem. The idea of direct borrowing in the case of parallel passages is very tempting, but we must beware of the error of the man who was widely read in literature, and when one day presented with a Bible, with which for some reason he was unacquainted, remarked that it was just a collection of quotations.

Of course the Po hu t'ung is a different case. It is a collection of quotations. It abounds with them, with or without indication of sources. As it presumes to be the report of the discussions on the Classics, when scholars from several Schools attended and each defended his own opinion, backing it with statements of his masters, we may expect passages in it which are parallels of those in older and contemporary works. This need not raise problems, unless we distrust those older and contemporary texts. The difficulty arises, when we discover parallels in works which are of a later date than the Po hu t'ung claims to be. Then we begin to doubt and to wonder whether it is a case of borrowing by or from those later works. On the evidence of the fact alone we cannot say anything definite. It depends on the way we look at the Po hu t'ung. If we deem it suspect we shall be inclined to explain the parallels as borrowings by it from the other texts; and the fact that the Po hu t'ung has not been actually quoted until a certain, comparatively late, date will confirm our suspicion. If we deem it reliable we shall be inclined to see the parallels as borrowings from it by the other texts; and the fact that the Po hu t'ung, when it quotes, names its source, will confirm our trust. Both attitudes easily lead to interpretations which are arbitrary as well as subjective, and I think that, unless more material can support a contrary view, it is not unscientific to regard parallel passages as just 'parallel passages', i.e., to assume that they have come from a common stock.

The quotations in the Po hu t'ung from the Classics and the Apocryphical Books with indication of source I have listed in Appendix A. There are further numerous passages which are not indicated as quotations but correspond with passages in the Classics or the Apocrypha, either verbatim or paraphrased. I have not listed them, but in my notes to the translation of chapters I, II, XVIII, and XL I have indicated them as fully as possible. It is not so important for our problem, because I am not going to question the authenticity of the works quoted by the Po hu t'ung, with or without indication of source. However, there are parallels with works later than the time the Po hu t'ung is supposed to have been composed, i.e., works of the end of the second century and the beginning of the third century A.D. These are the crucial data, and we have to examine them. It is impossible to give a comprehensive list of those passages, because it would have surpassed the limits of this study. Moreover, it is not really necessary: an absolutely comprehensive list is a fiction, for the reason alone that so many works of that period are either lost or highly defective. Furthermore I have restricted myself to a few authors, again for reasons of space and for clarity's sake: for the purpose of giving an impression of the nature of those parallel passages too many examples would only cause bewilderment. The authors in whom I have looked for parallels are Ts'ai Yung, Sung Chung, Ying Shao, Chêng Hsüan, and Ho Hsiu. Ts'ai Yung, because he was the man who may still have had the opportunity to see the Po hu i tsou; Sung Chung, because according to Hung his Commen- tary has been profusely used by the Po hu t'ung; Ying Shao, because he never quotes the Po hu t'ung; Chêng Hsüan, for the same reason; Ho Hsiu, because he represented the School of Kung-yang, so often quoted by the Po hu t'ung.

 18.Parallels in Ts'ai Yung

The following parallels are from Ts'ai Yung's Tu tuan , Pao ching t'ang ts'ung shu ed., Yüeh ling chang chü, and Ming t'ang yüeh ling lun, , in the Huang shih i shu k'ao.:

Po hu t'ung Tu tuan 69: What does ching-shih 'capital' mean? It is the denomination of the city [within the King's domain] of one thousand li [square]. Ching means ta 'great'; shih means chung 'multitudinous'. [Ching-shih is the place where] the Son of Heaven has his residence. Therefore [it is indicated] by the words great and multitudinous, meaning that it is ten times [as large as the abode of] a Feudal Lord. It models itself on the sun and moon, both having a diameter of one thous- and li. 7a: The capital of the Son of Heaven is called ching-shih. Ching means shui 'water'; of the mul- titude [of things] below the earth nothing surpasses water; of the multitude [of things] upon the earth nothing surpasses man. Ching [also means] ta 'great', shih [means] chung 'multitudinous'. Therefore we speak of ching- shih. Ching-shih is [the city with- in] the Son of Heaven's domain of one thousand li [square], it resembles the sun and moon, the diameter of which is one thousand li. 33b: The Chiao t'ê shêng chi says: "The God of the Earth of a vanquished state is roofed in". It indicates that it is separated from [the influences of] Heaven and Earth. 10b: The upper part [of the Warning God of the Earth] is covered that it may not be in communication with Heaven. Round its lower part a pallissade is built that it may not be in communication with Earth. It indicates that it is separated from [the influences of] Heaven and Earth. 2b: Hou means 'to be on the alert', to be on the alert as to [whether his acts will be] against or accord- ing to [the Kings's commands]. 17b: Hou means 'to be on the alert', to be on the alert as to [whether his acts will be] against or according to [the King's commands]. Po hu t'ung Yüeh ling chang chü 79c: T'ai also means ta 'great'; ts'ou means tsou 'to collect'; [t'ai-ts'ou] means that the ten thousand things have begun greatly to col- lect [their forces against] the earth to break through. 3a: Ts'ou means tsou 'to collect'; [t'ai-ts'ou] means that the ten thousand things greatly collect [their forces against] the earth to break through. 79d: Chieh means fu-chia; [chieh- chung] means that the ten thous- and things have emerged out of their scales fu-chia, dividing themselves according to their spe- cies. 12a: Chieh means fu-chia; [chieh-chung] means that the ten thousand things have emerged out of their scales fu-chia, dividing them- selves according to their species. 79e: Ku means ku 'old'; hsi means hsien 'fresh'; [ku-hsi] means that the ten thousand things all leave their old [dwelling], and turn to their new [one], none of them failing to wear a fresh appearance. 18b: Ku means ku 'old'; hsi means hsien 'fresh'; [ku-hsi] means that the ten thousand things leave their old [dwelling], and turn to [their] new [one], none of them failing to wear a fresh appearance. 79f: [Chung-lü] means that the vang- fluid is about to reach its extrem- ity; chung means full and great; therefore, taking advantage of its middle [position], it obstructs [the rising yin]. 24b: [Chung-lü] means that the yang- fluid is about to reach its extrem- ity; it takes advantage of its middle [position] to obstruct [the rising yin]; chung 'middle' means full and great. 79g: Shêng means hsia 'inferior'; p'in means ching 'to respect'; [shêng- p'in] means that the yang-fluid is at its top and extremity, while the yin-fluid begins to rise; there- fore [the yin] pays [the yang] its respect as a guest. 28b: [Shêng-p'in] means that the yang fluid is at its top and extremity, while the yin-fluid begins to rise; therefore [the yin] pays [the yang] its respect as a guest; Shêng means hsia 'inferior'. 79h: Lin means chung 'multitude'; the ten thousand things have fully developed their maturity and their species abound in num- bers. 33b: [Lin-chung] means that the ten thousand things have fully de- veloped their maturity, and their species abound in numbers; lin means chung 'multitude'. 79i: I means shang 'to afflict'; tsê means fa 'law'; [i-tsê] means that the ten thousand things begin to be afflicted and to undergo the law of penalty. 37a: I means shang 'to afflict'; tsê means fa 'law'; [i-tsê] means that the ten thousand things begin to be afflicted and to undergo the law of penalty. 79j: Nan means jên 'to charge'; [nan- lü] means that the yang-fluid still has its charge [to fulfill], producing greens and wheat. Therefore the yin opposes it. 39b: Nan means jên 'to charge'; [nan- lü] means that the yang-fluid still has its charge [to fulfill], pro- ducing greens and wheat. 79k: I means chung 'end'; [wu-i] means that the ten thousand things, following the yang, have reached their end, and have to follow the yin in order to rise again; there is nothing which has [not] its end. 41a: I means chung 'end'; [wu-i] means that the ten thousand things have followed the yang to its end, and have to follow the yin to rise [again]; there is nothing [which has not] its end. 791: Ying means ying 'to respond'; chung means tung 'to move'; [ying-chung] means that the ten thousand things, responding to the yang, move and lie low. 44b: [Ying-chung] means that the ten thousand things, responding to the yang, move and lie low. 79a: Huang 'yellow' is the colour of equilibrium and harmony; chung means tung 'to move'; [huang- chung] means that the yang-fluid moves under the Yellow Sources, and nourishes the ten thousand things. 48a: [Huang-chung] means that the yang [-fluid] moves under the Yellow Sources; chung means tung 'to move'. 79b: Ta means ta 'great'; lü means chü 'to oppose'; [ta-lü] means that the yang-fluid wishes to break out, but is repulsed by the yin. Lü means 'to oppose', that is: the host [of yin-forces] oppose and obstruct [the yang]. 50b: Lü means chü 'to oppose'; [ta-tü] means that the yang-fluid wishes to break out, but is repulsed by the yin. 29: Millet has [absorbed] the equi- balanced and harmonious fluids of the yin and the yang, while its use is most general. There- fore it is considered as the princi- pal [of the species of grain]. 36b: Millet is sowed in autumn, it ripens in summer, it traverses the four seasons and completely [absorbs the influences of] the yin and the yang; it is the most valuable of the [species of] grain. 25: The Yüeh ling says: . . . . . [in winter] they sacrifice to the wellThe Li chi has 'lane', in st. of 'well'.. 53a: [The Yüeh ling says:] They sac- rifice to the well. Po hu t'ung Ming t'ang yüeh ling lun 120c-d: The ming-t'ang is round at the top, and square at the bottom. It has eight windows and four doors. It is the building whence the orders of the state proceed, and it is situated south of the capital. The top is round in imitation of Heaven, the bottom is square in imitation of Earth. The eight windows represent the Eight Winds, the four doors the Four Seasons, the nine compartments the Nine Provinces, the twelve seats the Twelve Months, the thirty-six single doors the Thirty- six Rains, the seventy-two win- dow-openings the Seventy-two Winds. 5b: The eight doors [of the ming- t'ang] represent the Eight Tri- grams, the nine compartments the Nine Provinces, the twelve apartments correspond with the Twelve Earthly Stems; [it has further] thirty-six single doors and seventy-two window-open- ings.

The impression created by these parallels is a little flattering. It would be easy to give a number of passages which definitely differ from those in the Po ha t'ung. From a man who had seen the Po hu i tsou we might expect that he would have made more use of it. That he did not do so may have been due to various causes. 1. Ts'ai Yung in reality had no access to the Po hu i tsou, because his mention of it does not implicitly mean his actual knowledge of its contents. 2. He made use of it, but the present edition of the Po hu t'ung is a later forgery, therefore his writings only tally with it on a few points. 3. He made use of it, but his writings, as we know them in their fragmentary form, are forgeries, so that the discrepancy may be explained in the same way. 4. He made partial use of it, but main- tained his own views on several points. I think that the fourth case is the most probable, even though it is only a supposition, as the other three are.

 19.Parallels in Sung Chung

The following passages are from Sung Chung's Commentary on the Apocryphal Books Yüan ming pao, Kan ching fu, Yüan shên ch'i, Yen k'ung t'u, and Han wên chia . I have used Ma Kuo-han's ed. in the Yü han shan jang chi i shu.. The curious thing about Sung Chung's Commentary is that, apart from the two examples given by Hung, there are no other parallels equally striking. The Po hu t'ung contains numerous quotations from the Apocryphal Texts themselves, with and without source-indication, but a perusal of Sung Chung's Commentary has, as far as I could discover, not yielded the results which might be expected from Professor Hung's statement that the Po hu t'ung in very numerous cases copied from Sung Chung Cf. n. 128.. As the editions which I have used are not com- prehensive Namely those by Ma Kuo-han and Huang shih in the Yü han shan fang chi i shu and the Huang shih i shu k'ao. I have not been able to consult the other editions of the Apocrypha, for which see infra, p. 106. I cannot contradict this statement; in fact, even if I could, it would not very much affect my reasoning, which is, that the occurrence of parallels as such does not prove a great deal. Sung Chung's passages in my list cannot strictly be regarded as parallels of the Po hu t'ung; on some points they even show con- spicuous differences.

Po hu t'ung Sung Chung's Commentary on: 78a: Ch'un 'spring' means ch'un . which means tung, to move'; its position is in the eastern quarter. Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.5b): Ch'un 'spring' means ch'un .; tung 'east' means tung 'to move'. 1a: The King has Heaven as his father, and Earth as his mother; he is the Son of Heaven. Ch'un ch'iu wei kan ching fu (54.63a): [The King] serves Hea- ven as his father in the sacrifice on the Round Mound, he serves Earth as his mother in the sacri- fice on the Square Swamp, he serves the sun as his elder brother in the eastern suburb, he serves the moon as his elder sister in the western suburb. 113d: [San-lao] means that he has grown old in the understanding of the Ways of Heaven, Earth, and Man. Wu-kêng means that he has understood the change of things by the way of the Five Elements. Hsiao ching wei yüan shên ch'i (58.19a): San-lao [means] an old man who knows the affairs of Heaven, Earth, and Man . . . Wu-kêng [means] an old [man] who knows the affairs of the alter- nation of the Five Elements. 120c-d: The ming-t'ang is round at the top, and sqare at the bottom. It has eight windows and four doors. It is the building whence the orders of the state proceed, and it is situated south of the capital. The top is round in imi- tation of Heaven, the bottom is square in imitation of Earth. The eight windows represent the Eight Winds, the four doors the Four Seasons, the nine compartments the Nine Provinces, the twelve seats the Twelve Months, the thirty-six single doors the Thirty- six Rains, the seventy-two win- dow-openings the Seventy-two Winds. Li wei han wên chia (54.14b): The ming-t'ang has eight windows and four doors, to be in commu- nication with the emanations of the Eight Trigrams. It is the building whence the orders of the state proceed, and it is situated south of the capital. [On each] side there are three compartments, on [all the] four sides twelve, in imitation of the Twelve Months. 195d: The Six Emotions are: joy, anger, grief, happiness, love, and hate. Ch'un ch'iu wei yen k'ung t'u (56.54a): The Six Emotions [re- present] the Six Songs: the first is called fêng, the second fu, the third pi, the fourth hsing, the fifth ya, the sixth sungcf. Chou li chu shu, , 23.16a, where the Six Songs liu-i are called liu-shih (Biot II, p. 50: les six sortes de chants notès)..

20.Parallels in Ying Shao

Po hu t'ung Fêng su t'ung i 29: Land is wide and extensive and cannot be worshipped every- where. The species of grain are too numerous, and cannot be sacrificed to one by one. There- fore a tumulus of earth is erected for an Altar of the God of the Earth, which denotes that there is [a god] to be worshipped [there]. Millet is the most important of the species of grain. Therefore an Altar of the God of the Millet is erected, to which sacrifices are made. 8.2a-b: The God of the Earth is the host of the land. Land is wide and extensive, and cannot be worshipped everywhere. There- fore a tumulus of earth is erected as an Altar for the God of the Earth to be worshipped; [it has the meaning of a] thanksgiving for its merit. Millet is the most important of the species of grain. The species of grain are too nu- merous, and cannot be sacrified to one by one. Therefore an Altar of the God of the Millet is erected, to which sacrifices are made. 126a: On the very day that [the King] receives the mandate [of Heaven], he changes the institutions [of the previous Dynasty, acting thereby] in response to [the will of] Heaven. In all under Heaven general peace [has been restored], and his efforts have come to a successful end: [now] he offers the fêng- and shan-sac- rifices to announce [the accom- plishment of this] general peace. 2.3a: The King upon receiving his mandate [of Heaven] changed the name [of the previous Dyn- nasty] and its institutions in response to [the will of] Heaven. In all under Heaven general peace [has been restored], and his efforts have come to a successful end: [now] he offers the fêng- and shan-sacrifices to announce [the accomplishment of this] peace. 126b: Why must [the fêng- and shan- sacrifices be offered] on Mount T'ai? It is the place where the ten thousand things originate shih, and where [the yin and the yang] interchange. 2.3a (10.1b): [The fêng- and shan- sacrifices] must be [offered] on [Mount] Tai-tsung, because [tai means] 'chief'; [it is the place] where the ten thousand things originate tsung, and where the yin and the yang interchange. 126c: Why must [the sacrifice take place] on the top [of Mount T'ai]? Taking advantage of the height [of the mountain] the announce- ment is made to the high [Heaven, thus acting] in conformity with the latter's nature. Therefore by ascending [the mountain, and erecting on its top an altar] for the fêng-sacrifice its height is increased. 2.3a-b: [The sacrifice] must [take place] on the top [of the mountain], meaning that its height is in- creased [by the erecting of the altar]. 126c: At both [fêng- and shan-] sacri- fices a stone is engraved record- ing the appellations [of the King and his predecessors], to show the results of their accomplish- ments, and to stimulate them- selves to more toil. 2.3a-b: A stone is engraved recording their appellations and showing their achievements. 126d: Some say: At the fêng-sacrifice a gold stamp [is used with] silver bindings. Others say: A stone stamp [is used with] gold bind- ings and sealed with a seal. 2.3b: Some say: A gold stamp [is used with] silver bindings, sealed with a seal.

If we can regard the above passages as parallels, then the question which Hung asks with respect to the Fêng su t'ung i loses its point: though neither Sung Chung nor Ying Shao quote the Po hu t'ung by name, both show a certain number of parallel passages, which, however, does not imply direct borrowing. There is another in- teresting fact.

The Po hu t'ung, paragraph 42d, says the following:

"There is none who, hearing the note chüeh, does not feel com- passion and act accordingly; there is none who, hearing the note chih, does not rejoice in nourishing [the needy] and does not love bestowing [goodness]; there is none who, hearing the note shang, does not become strong and decided, and embark on enterprises; there is none who, hearing the note yü, does not deeply reflect and take precautionary measures against far-off [eventualities]; there is none who, hearing the note kung, does not become mild and liberal, and act beneficently and harmoniously".

The Fêng su t'ung i Ch. 6, fol. 3a-b. has an almost identical passage, without indication of source: "Hearing the note kung causes man to be mild and liberal and expand his greatness; hearing the note shang causes man to be straight and love principles; hearing the note chüeh causes man to be serene and love ritual [behaviour]; hearing the note chih causes man to feel compassion and make his love all-embracing; hearing the note yü causes man to be proficient in nourishing [the needy] and love bestowing [goodness]".

Now this passage of the Fêng su t'ung i corresponds word for word, with but slight deviations, with what is said by Ho Hsiu in his Commentary on the Kung yang chuan Yin 5, Kung yang chu shu, 3.6a.; it does, however, not occur in the Han shu, from which, according to Hung, the Fêng su t'ung i has quoted the statement on the names of the music See supra, p. 22.. Did Ying Shao copy from the Po hu t'ung or from Ho Hsiu? Did Ho Hsiu copy from the Pu hu t'ung or from Ying Shao? Or did the Po hu t'ung copy from Ho Hsiu and Ying Shao, so that it must be later than both of them? But then we find a passage, similar to that of Ying Shao and Ho Hsiu, in the Han shih wai chuan, ascribed to Han Ying, who lived in the second century B.C. Ch. 8, fol. 13a; cf. n. 156.. Is it not more prob- able that the Po hu t'ung used the Han shih wai chuan as its source? Why it altered the latter's style, while Ying Shao and Ho Hsiu did not, is inexplicable, but this is no valid argument against its use of the Han shih wai chuan.

 21.Parallels in Chêng Hsüan

Po hu t'ung Chêng Hsüan's Commentary on: 110g-h: Why is it that the great officer and the common officer in arch- ery use [a target with the figures of] two animals? Both are the servants of man; it means that on behalf of their Lord they have to attend to their affairs and to toil and moil personally. Another opinion is: The subject represents the yin; therefore his number is even. I li chu shu, Hsiang shê li (5.61b): [On the target of] the Lord one [animal] is depicted, whereas [on that of] the subject two [animals] are depicted, because the number of the yang is odd, and the num- ber of the yin is even. 118e-g: On the outside [the pi-yung is] round, so that visitors have the same view of it [from all sides]. . There is only water on the south- ern side [of the p'an-kung], the region [towards which the sub- ject is to perform his] ritual duties. Ode 299 (Mao shih chu shu, 29.11a): For the pi-yung earth is heaped up to dam yung the water [sur- rounding it]. On the outside it is round like the pi [-jade ring], so that visitors coming from all sides have the same view of it. [The p'an-kung has] gates to the east and the west, on the south- ern [side] there is communicating water, on the northern [side] there is none. 266e: Hun means that the rites [of meeting the bride] are performed at dusk hun. . . it indicates that the yang descends to the yin. I li shih hun li yüan mu (3a): The rites for a common officer taking a bride are performed at the time of dusk. . . . it must be at dusk, because [then] the yang goes and the yin comes.

These three passages, of course, prove nothing. But we have a case which is more interesting. In the Po hu t'ung (170 f) we come across the statement: "The Ch'ü li says: 'A Minister offers a young sheep as a present, a great officer a wild goose, a common officer a pheasant; the common man offers a p'i. . .'. P'i means mu 'tame duck"'. Now this appears to be a contamination of the passage in the Ch'ü li, where indeed the present of the common man is said to be a p'i . Li chi chu shu, 5. 28b., and a corresponding passage in the Chou li, where the present of the common man is said to be a mu, i.e. a tame duck . Chou li chu shu , 18.27a.. The explicit identification of p'i with mu I think p'i should be taken in the usual sense of 'mate', 'equal', hence the Ch'ü li passage should be translated: the common man offers a present, equal to [his capacities]. seems to occur for the first time in the Po hu t'ung. Chêng Hsüan, in his Commentary on the statement of the Li chi, mentions it in the words: Some inter- preters take p'i to mean mu 'tame duck' .. Should we assume copying from Chêng Hsüan by the Po hu t'ung, or may we suppose that Chêng Hsüan refers, not necessarily to the Po hu t'ung, but to some theory known to both?

 22.Parallels in Ho Hsiu

Po hu t'ung Ho Hsiu's Commentary on: 53d: The Three Ducal Ministers, the Nine Ministers, the twenty-seven great officers, and the eighty- one common officers form to- gether one hundred and twenty officials, corresponding, below, with the Twelve Earthly Stems. Kung yang chuan, Huan 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.6a): The Son of Heaven appoints three Ducal Ministers, nine Min- isters, twenty-seven great of- ficers, and eighty-one common officers, forming together one hundred and twenty officials, which correspond, below, with the Twelve Earthly Stems. 90: Anciently, when an army set out, [the expedition did] not exceed a season, because it would [other- wise] cause resentment and solic- itude. Yin 6 (3.11a): Anciently, when an army set out, [the expedition did] not exceed a season. 46: In continuing the performance of the music of the former Kings at his sacrifices it is made clear that there is a law, and that the origins should not be forgotten. The performance of the music which [the King] has himself created is to show his own accom- plishment. Chao 25 (24.9a): [The perform- ance of] the pantomime with the music of the former Kings means that there is a law. [The performance of] the pantomime with his own music means that there is a rule. 47a: Why does [the King] perform the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes? That his spiritual power may be extended unto them. Chao 25 (24.9a): [The perform- ance of] the pantomime with the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes [means] that his great spiritual power may be extended unto them. 238a: [The present for the completion of the preliminaries consists of] black silk, three [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Heaven, red silk, two [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Earth. Yin 1 (1.18a): Black silk, three [rolls], as a symbol of Heaven, red silk, two [rolls] as a symbol of Earth. 245: After the wife has been in [her husband's home] for three months, she takes part in the sacrifices [to his ancestors]. . . Three months [constitute] a season, [in which] the things have their [seasonal] completion, and the good and bad [qualities] of man can be known. After this [period of trial] she may participate in the rites of sacrificing in the ancestral temple. Ch'êng 9 (17.23b): Anciently, the wife was presented to the an- cestral temple three months after [her marriage], and [not until then was she] called 'wife'. . . . . It was necessary [to wait] three months, because one season [was considered] sufficient to distin- guish her chastity and faithful- ness. If these were proved, the rites of becoming a wife were completed. 248b: Some say: The Son of Heaven marries twelve wives, modelling himself on Heaven with its twelve months, [during which period] the ten thousand things are bound to [complete their cycle of] life. Ch'êng 10 (17.26a): It is only the Son of Heaven who [is allowed to] take twelve wives.

Ho Hsiu represents a special case. His affinity with the Po hu t'ung through the Kung yang chuan is so close that it is difficult to say which quotes from which Cf. Woo Kang, o.c., p. 197.. The following parallels are, however, revealing:

11a: In response to the wish of his people and subjects, they should not be without a ruler [even] for one day. Chuang 32 (9.13b): In response to the wish of his people and subjects, they should not be without a ruler [even] for one day. 11b: According to the principle of suc- cession there could not be two rulers in one [and the same] year. Chuang 32 (9.14a): According to the principle of succession there [could] not be two rulers in one [and the same] year.

The wording is so identical that the thought of borrowing imme- diately arises, until we discover that the original source is probably the Kung yang chuan, Wên 9th yearKung yang chu shu, 13.22b., where the two sentences occur in exactly the same form. We may, therefore, assume that for the other parallel passages some common source may also have been used.

 23.Later interpolations in the Po hu t'ung

Hitherto I have given examples of passages which are not nec- essarily fatal to the Po hu t'ung. But there are others which, to some degree of certainty, prove that the Po hu t'ung contains state- ments of a later date than it claims.

In paragraph 172 it says:

"Therefore [even] the Queen uses for her presents dates, chest- nuts, and dried spiced meat tuan-hsiu. . . Tuan-hsiu means fu 'prepared meat'. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: It is not according to the rites that the wives of great officers offer presents of silk on their visits. But what is then to be used? Dates and chestnuts with the appropriate words, dried spiced meat tuan- hsiu with the appropriate words".

If we look up the Kung yang chuan, we find immediately after its statements: "To present silk on their visits [by the wives of great officers] is not according to the rites. But what is then to be used? Dates and chestnuts with the appropriate words, dried spiced meat tuan-hsiu with the appropriate words" Ho Hsiu's Commentary: "Tuan-hsiu means fu 'prepared meat"' Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 24, 8.13b..

We see that the Po hu t'ung's quotation from the Kung yang chuan is slightly different, and that the order of Ho Hsiu's Commen- tary, immediately following upon the expression tuan-hsiu in the Kung yang chuan, is more logical than that in the Po hu t'ung, where the sentence "tuan-hsiu means fu" more or less hangs in the air. It is not too bold to assume that Ho Hsiu's Commentary is here prior to the Po hu t'ung.

In paragraph 181a the Po hu t'ung quotes the Ch'un ch'iu chuan:

"The King preserves the descendants of the last two Dynasties; he allows them to employ their own colour, and to practise their [own] rites and music".

None of the three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals--Kung yang chuan, Ku liang chuan, Tso chuan--contains this statement, but we find it in Ho Hsiu's Commentary on the Kung yang chuan in the following form: "The King preserves the des- cendants of the last two Dynasties; he allows them to regulate their [own] correction of the first month, to use their [own] colour for their clothes, and to practise their [own] rites and music"Ibid., Yin 3, 2.8a..

It is evident that the Po hu t'ung in this case has simply quoted Ho Hsiu, mistaking it for the Ch'un ch'iu (kung yang) chuan.

In paragraph 142c the Po hu t'ung says:

"The Ch'un chiu says: 'Chi-chiang, [daughter of the Marquis] of Chi went as bride to the capital'. The relation between parents and daughter is such that, even if she becomes the Queen, her dignity does not affect [her attitude] towards her parents".

Again we look up the Kung yang chuan Ibid., Huan 9, 5.7a., and there we find that after the entry of the Ch'un ch'iu: "Chi-chiang of Chi went as bride to the capital", there first comes the Chuan of Kung-yang, reading: "The relation between parents and daughter is such that, even if she becomes the Queen by Heaven['s decree], still she is called: Our Chi-chiang", and then Ho Hsiu's Commentary "It means that the dignity of the child does not affect [its attitude] towards its parents".

We may conclude that the Po hu t'ung, in this case, combined the Kung yang chuan and Ho Hsiu's Commentary, presenting the com- bination as its own statement.

We may proceed further, and discover passages in the Po hu t'ung, which are evidently even later than Ho Hsiu's time.

In paragraphs 2b and 57a there is a statement which, as it stands, is unintelligible () ., but, as I have tried to show in my note to my translation, appears to be a contamination of two sentences, the one being the text of the Hsiao ching wei yüan shên ch'i ., the other Chia Kung-yen's Sub-commentary on the Chou li .. Chia Kung-yen lived in the seventh century A.D. The exact dates of his birth and death are unknown, but he was made a po-shih in the period yung-hui (650-656), see the Chung kuo jên ming ta tz'ŭ tien, p. 1328..

Paragraph 10e of the Po hu t'ung contains a passage which is clearly an interpolation. Not only does its 'informative' character differ from the terse, matter-of-fact style of the Po hu t'ung, but it also avoids the tabooed word shih, occurring in the name of the T'ang Emperor Li Shih-min ., using the synonym tai . instead. Lu Wên-ch'ao, probably correctly, supposes it to be from the hand of Hsü Chien (659-729), the composer of the Ch'u hsüeh chi, where the incriminated passage occurs See the note to my translation of the passage. The occurrence in a text of a word for a tabooed name does not, in itself, mean that the text dates from the period in which the taboo was observed. The rule is very loose (see Ch'ên Yüan's Shih hui chü li, , in the Yen ching hsüeh pao, 1928, p. 591). Besides the word the Po hu t'ung avoids the tabooed words , writing (par. 120a), and , writing (par. 86), the former occur- ring in the name of Sung Jên-tsung (1023-1064), acc. to Lu Wên-ch'ao, 2 11b; the later in the name of Han Ching-ti (156-141 B.C.), Lu, 2 . 21b..

In paragraph 168k it is said that "the uses of the Five Jade [tablets] are not limited to one; they cannot be described exhaust- ively; only the most important have been presented", which state- ment likewise strikes us as having an 'informative' character, so that it is probably an interpolation of some later date.

That interpolations of a rather late date occur in the Po hu t'ung is not surprising. We may safely say that all important Chinese books contain interpolations of some sortGardner, o.c., p. 25, who says that "interpolation in the transmission of Chinese texts . . . . . . . is always to be suspected" gives an enumeration of the causes which may have effected it.. The more a text has been studied the greater is the possibility that it has not retained its original form and character. We may, however, not immediately think of deliberate forgeries. For a text which deals with the norms of social and political behaviour, as so many Chinese texts do, has perforce to be 'interpreted', i.e., to be made intelligible to the time of the reader, while obsolete ideas have to be converted into new ones. So long as it is regarded as a living text, it is subject to alterations, however imperceptible, and only after it has become dead, that is, seen as an historical curiosum, can it be treated as a fossil, and can detached, impersonal methods be applied in order to assign it its historical setting. It is admirable to note how well most Chinese scholars succeed in combining, on the one hand, their personal entanglement with a text from which they expect a message, with, on the other hand, a loving and meticulous care in the preservation of the original wording. But the influence on them of the former factor should always be borne in mind and to some extent condoned, for though the modern scholar in his scientific attitude is chiefly interested in the question of objective, historical authenticity, he is never free from a personal bias, inevitable, because he, too, by the fact of his existential setting, interprets.

 24.Early fuller editions of the Po hu t'ung

Before I proceed to sum up the results reached thus far, I should mention another point. Hung says that, judging from the fact that the T'ai p'ing yü lan contains numerous quotations from the Po hu t'ung which are not found in the edition of 1305 A.D. of this work, the edition used by the T'ai p'ing yü lan must have been a completer oneProlegomena, p. x.. In a review of Hung's Index Pelliot pointed out that this statement is not correct; the T'ai p'ing yü lan, as is proved by a Tun-huang manuscript, has, for the period before the T'ang, simply and wholesalely copied from the quotations it found in the Hsiu wên tien yü lan of 572 A.D., and the quotations from the Po hu t'ung in the T'ai p'ing yü lan are probably to be ascribed to the Hsiu wên tien yü lan . T'oung Pao, Vol. XXVIII, 1931, p. 514.. Hung then subjected the entire problem to a re- examination In an article , in the Yen ching hsüeh pao, 1932, p. 2499-2558.: he proved that the Tun-huang manuscript actually is not the Hsiu wên tien yü lan, as was stated by Lo Chên-yü, and, on his authority, by Pelliot, but the Hua lin p'ien lüeh ., which was begun in 516 A.D., and completed eight years later in 700 chüan. It served as material for the Hsiu wên tien yü lan, and the I wên lei chü, which was completed in 624 A.D. The compilers of the T'ai p'ing yü lan, having no longer access to the Hua lin p'ien lüeh, could only rely on the material contained in the Hsiu wên tien yü lan, the I wên lei chü, and other extant works.

It is not clear whether the Hua lin p'ien lüeh has made use of the Po hu t'ungThe Tun-huang fragment, which is subjected to an analysis in Hung's article, does not contain any quotation from it.. If it did, we may admit the transmission through the I wên lei chü, or Hsiu wên tien yü lan, to the T'ai ping yü lan of a fuller edition than the present Po hu t'ung already before 516 A.D. Liu Shih-p'ei, on the contrary, says that the edition used by the T'ai p'ing yüi lan was unreliable (Kuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, Vol. 72.2a)..

This supposition is corroborated by other data. We have seen that Miu Hsi (died 245 A.D.) quoted from the Po hu t'ung, and though the single quotation does not suggest much as to the edition he had at his disposal, the fact that the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao, three centuries later, contains an almost identical quotation not occurring in the present edition of the Po hu t'ung Cf. n. 126., may be taken as an indication that Miu Hsi's edition was probably, like that used by the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao, fuller than our edition of 1305 A.D.

For the composing of the "Lacunae in the Text of the Po hu t'ung" Chuang Shu-tsu and Lu Wên-ch'ao have ransacked a great number of works. They took quotations from several lei-shu, such as the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao (by Yü Shih-nan 558-638), the I wên lei chü (624 A.D.), the Ch'u hsüeh chi (by Hsü Chien 659-729), the T'ung tien (by Tu yu 735-812), the T'ai p'ing yü lan (completed 983 A. D.); from several Sub-commentaries on the Classics, such as that by Huang K'an (488-545) on the Lun yüLun yü i shu.; by K'ung Ying-ta (574-648) on the Tso chuan, Li chi, Mao shih all incorporated in the Shih san ching chu shu.; by Chia Kung-yen (po-shih in the period 650-656) on the Chou li and the I liCf. n. 204. The and the are also edited in the Shih san ching chu shu.; by Yang Shih-hsün on the Ku liang chuan , in the Shih san ching chu shu. Yang Shih- hsün lived in the T'ang, his exact dates are unknown., by Hsing Ping (932-1010) on the Erh ya , in the Shih san ching chu shu.. They further used a quotation by Tsang Tao (end 4th-beginning 5th century A.D.) occurring in his Biography in the Sung shu , Sung shu, 55 (15). 4b of the Po-na ed., and quotations from the Commentary on the Hsü han chih by Liu Chao (± 510 A.D.) ., from the chapters on the Rites in the Sui shu by Wei Chêng (580-643) by ., from the Kuang yün by Liu Fa-yen (completed 601 A.D.) , by . See Têng Ssŭ -yü, o.c., p. 176., from the Commentary on the Hou han shu by Li Hsien or Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ (651-684) (), ., from the Commentary on the Wên hsüan by Li Shan (died 689 A.D.) . See Têng Ssŭ -yü, o.c., p. 250., from the Chiu t'ang shu by Liu Hsü (887-946) .. Ch'ên Li supplied new material from the Sui ching chu by Li Tao-yüan (d. 527) ., Liu Shih-p'ei from Hui Lin's I ch'ieh ching yin i (780-783) See supra, n. 165. and the Chi jui by Liu Kêng, who lived in the T'ang by ..

Thus it seems that uninterruptedly from the beginning of the third century until the beginning of the eleventh the Po hu t'ung was transmitted, probably in various editions and in a completer state than the edition of 1305 Of course it is possible that separate, fuller editions were lost after they had been used by the Hua lin p'ien lüeh, i.e. after 516 A.D., and that quotations from the Po hu t'ung by later scholars were either quotations from the lei-shu, or from editions made up of quotations from these lei-shu. This is, however, unlikely. Lu Wën-ch'ao, on whom I have relied, carefully mentions the sources from which he took the quotations to supply the lacunae; when a quotation occurs in several works, he enumerates all these works, so that the fact of his referring to one work only, e.g. Hsing Ping's Sub-commentary on the Erh ya (see Section , fol. 8a in his ed.) may be seen as a proof that the particular quotation is only to be found in that text, and that this text had a separate edition of the Po hu t'ung at its disposal..

 25.Recapitulation of the data and provisional conclusion

I now may recapitulate the data we have found. There is at one end the statement in the Hou han shu on the discussions in the Po-hu kuan in 79 A.D., as a result of which a Po hu i tsou was composed, or a t'ung-i was written, or a Po hu t'ung tê lun was made. At the other end there is the edition of 1305 A.D., called the Po hu t'ung tê lun, in ten chüan, which we possess. Between these two ends the gap has to be bridged.

We have at our disposal the following facts: Ts'ai Yung (133-192) mentioned a Po hu i tsou in more than one hundred chüan; in the writings of Ts'ai Yung, Ho Hsiu, Chêng Hsüan, Ying Shao, Sung Chung, all men living in the second century A.D., there are passages which run parallel to certain passages in the present Po hu t'ung; Miu Hsi (died 245 A.D.) quoted from the Po hu t'ung; however, his quotation is not found in the present Po hu t'ung, but it figures, in an almost identical form, in the Pei t'ang shu ch'ao by Yü Shih-nan (558-638); the Sui shu, describing the history of the Sui Dynasty (589-619) mentions in its Bibliographical Chapter a Po hu t'ung in six chüan. In a great number of works, from the beginning of the fourth century to the beginning of the eleventh century, numerous quotations from the Po hu t'ung occur, many of which are missing in the present edition. The present edition contains interpolations of the second century A.D. (Ho Hsiu), and of the T'ang.

Unless we want to doubt everything that was not actually written under our eyes, we have to accept the fact that there was a discussion on the Classics in 79 A.D., and that as a result of the discussion a report was made. Why the names given to this report differ in the statements of the Hou han shu is a puzzle. The explanations sup- plied by our scholars are ingenious but hypothetical. We may as well suggest another: Po hu i tsou probably was not the title of the report, but only a general appellation: 'the Memorialized Discussions in the Po-hu [kuan]'; Po hu t'ung tê lun and Po hu t'ung i were more specific names of the same thing, having assumed the character of a proper name. This is a hypothesis, no more. Pan Ku was charged with the compilation of the material; he probably did not take part in the discussions, not being a Classical scholar; neither did he write a Po hu t'ang (tê lun) with his own hand. The report was voluminous, consisting of more than one hundred chüan; it was extant in the second century A.D., which means that not only T'sai Yung may have had access to it, but also his contemporaries Ho Hsiu, Chêng Hsüan, Ying Shao, Sung Chung, and other scholars. The parallels in their works suggest that at least they were acquainted with the ideas contained in the Po hu t'ung. Why they did not quote the work by name remains unexplained. Such a quotation first appeared from the brush of Miu Hsi, who died in 245 A.D. From then on quotations from the Po hu t'ung abound. Hung uses this date as a terminus post quem non, i.e., according to him the Po hu t'ung in its present form dates from that time at the latest. Actually we only know that Miu Hsi's quotation does not occur in the present edition of the Po hu t'ung, and we can only say that there was some edition of this work which differs from the one we possess. Judging from the quotations in texts coming after Miu Hsi we may perhaps go a step further, and say that there were, from 245 A.D. until the beginning of the eleventh century, many editions of the Po hu t'ung, different from the present one in so far as they contain passages which are not found in the latter. We have assumed that they were fuller texts, including Miu Hsi's, but it cannot be definitely proved.

The really important question is however: what happened in the second century A.D.? Should we say, as Hung does, that the re- port on the discussions, with the existence of which Ts'ai Yung (133-192) was still acquainted--he even knew its number of chüan-- was neglected and left to perish, until between 213 and 245 A.D. somebody came to pick up the poor remnants, and with the help of Sung Chung's Commentary concocted a book which he dubbed Po hu t'ung? And should we conclude that the Po hu t'ang, as we have it, therefore represents a true picture of the text existing in the period between 213 and 245 A.D.? It all turns round the parallel passages, on which Hung bases his opinion. However, those passages may be called upon to tell a different story: they suggest a general knowledge of the contents of the Po hu t'ung among the scholars of the second century A.D.; the Po hu t'ung known to Miu Hsi may not be a concoction of the time between 213 and 245 A.D., but a genuine representation of what has been discussed in the Po-hu kuan in 79 A.D. The present edition, though containing a number of later interpolations and many omissions, may also be regarded as derived from the earliest edition, and therefore as representing, with the above reservations, the Po-hu discussions on the Classics.

Our conclusions on the ground of the available material are not satisfactory. Perhaps we have paid too much attention to the facts about the text, and too little to its contents, i.e., we may have made insufficient use of 'internal evidence', by which I mean the analysis of the text itself in order to localize its ideas and to see whether they fit in the time from which the text professes to date. Such an attempt has its dangers and its difficulties. It is dangerous, because in many instances we have to interpret, and in this interpretation a great deal depends on 'feeling'. It is difficult, because we have to reconstruct an ancient period, and this reconstruction, even with an abundance of material, can never be completely achieved. Moreover, Chinese material for early periods is mostly deficient, in the sense that numerous works have been lost and are irretrievable, while the extant ones are all more or less suspect. We have to work with so many unknown factors, that almost every conclusion is provisional and always subject to revision.

In the case of the Po hu t'ung we may try to discover whether the ideas contained in it tally with the background of the discussions in 79 A.D. Is it probable that a book like the Po hu t'ung, such as we actually know it, was the result of those discussions? To give a picture of such a background, however, involves a study of the entire Han period. The Po-hu discussions were held to determine the meaning of the Classics, they represent the opinions of the Han scholars as to what the Classics meant to them. In order to under- stand their opinions properly a study has to be made of the history of the Classics. As the Classics cover the whole of human life and provide the rules for man's behaviour and his rôle in society, such a study would involve a study of ancient Chinese culture in its entirety, i.e. a study of all ancient Chinese documents, not only the Classical writings and their innumerable Commentaries, but also all historical and philosophical texts, in order to know the social and political factors, and the interplay of the various streams of thought. Granting that the existing documents may be considered as representative, granting that we have read them correctly, we may then form a picture of that ancient period, but even so we must take into consideration that our ordering of the material will have proceeded according to a preconceived plan -- otherwise it would remain a bewildering mass of mute facts --, so that our personal vision colours the whole picture, which is thus necessarily 'subjective'.

Such an undertaking is of course out of the question; not only would it require a lifetime, and more, but my own strength would be inadequate. Moreover, within the scope of this introductory study I should avoid building a mountain which would only be delivered of a mouse, and I have perforce to restrict myself to a very brief sketch of the development of Classical studies in the Han period, just enough to make the background of the discussions a little clearer, being, nonetheless, well aware of its incompleteness.

 II: 26-40 26.Description of the present Po hu t'ung

The 1305 edition of the Po hu t'ung is very faulty. Lu Wên-ch'ao, probably in a moment of extreme bitterness exclaims: "But the Po hu t'ung never states anything clearly" In his Po hu t'ung ed., 2 . 11a., while Ch'ên Li, more patient, only sighs: "The Po hu t'ung in its quotations often differs from the text of the actual Classic, sometimes its quotations are incomplete, sometimes they are unlike the quoted book, sometimes they contain scribal errors" In his ed., 1. 4b.. Nevertheless both scholars have devoted the most painstaking attention to the corrupt text, which without their care would have remained almost iaccessible to a sinologue not bred in the tradition of Chinese scholarship. An analysis of the work thus refashioned shows many characteristic features.

The statement are generally presented in the form of a question, followed by a reply, this again accompanied by a quotation. There are, however, many exceptions. Sometimes the quotation is omitted, sometimes the question is missing and only a positive statement plus quotation is given, sometimes there is only a statement.

There are several statements which seem to represent an opinion deviating from that generally accepted. They are introduced by the words "Another opinion says".

The quotations, listed in Appendix A, show that: there are 21 quotations fromthe present Book of Change, in- dicated by the words "The I says"; there are 75 quotations from the present Book of History, indi- cated by "The Shu says" or "The Shang shu says"; once by the chapter-heading mu-p'ien, once by the name of the chapter Yü kung; 5 of these quotations are not to be found in the present Book of History; there are 58 quotations from the present Book of Poetry, indicated by "The Shih says"Mostly Shih yün, sometimes Shih yüeh. Lu Wên-ch'ao remarks that Shih yün is the rule (3 . 5a)., once by Shih-jên ko-chih, "The Poets celebrate it in the Song", twice by "The Chou sung says"; there are 11 quotations from the present Chou li, indicated by "The Chou kuan says", once by "The Li says", once by "The Li shê chu says"; there are 202 quotations from the Books of Rites: 47 from the I li (one not to be found in the present ed.) 147 from the Li chi (15 missing in the present ed.), 8 from the present Ta tai li chi. They are mostly indicated by the names of the chapters, sometimes by "The Li says". It is to be observed that the quotations from the present I li are several times indicated as having come from the ching 'Classic', whereas the quotations from the present Li chi are mostly indicated as from the chi 'Notes'Tung Fêng-yüan (chin-shih in 1751 A.D.) in his Shih hsiao pien , p. 35 (Ts'ung shu chi ch'êng ed.) says that the I li forms the root of the Rites, while the Li chi forms their branches and leaves. He quotes Chu [Hsi], who in composing his Commentaries on the Classics regarded the I li as ching.. According to Liu Shih-p'ei the rule in the Po hu t'ung, whenever it quotes from the 'Notes' is, first to use the word Li, then the name of the chapter, then the word chiKuo ts'ui hsüeh pao, Vol. 72, fol. 4a. The Po hu t'ung, however, contains many deviations from its own rule.; there are 17 quotations from what seem to be lost chapters of the Books of Rites, indicated by their names: Wang tu chi, San chêng chi, Pieh ming chi, Shih fa chi, Wu ti chi, Ch'in shu chi;

there are 16 quotations indicated by "The Li says", once by "The Li chi says", which I have not been able to identify;

there are 38 quotations from the Spring and Autumn Annals, indicated as Ch'un ch'iu, once as Ch'un ch'iu ching, a few times mistakenly as Ch'un ch'iu chuan or Kung yang chuan;

there are 68 quotations from the Commentary of Kung-yang, indicated as Ch'un ch'iu chuan, sometimes as Chuan, sometimes as Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan; 6 of these quotations are missing in the present Kung yang chuan; one is indicated as the Ch'un ch'iu chih i, one is said to be from the Ch'un ch'iu wên i . It is not clear what is meant by this work. There is an almost identical passage in the T'ung tien, which has been quoted from the Ch'un ch'iu ta i ; Chavannes (Le T'ai chan, p. 451, n. 2) wishes to identify it as the Ch'un ch'iu li i by Ts'ui Ling-ên (beginning 6th cent. A.D.), which would imply that the quotation of the Po hu t'ung, if Ch'un ch'iu wên i is a misprint for Ch'un ch'iu li i, is a late interpolation. But the fact that in the Tu tuan by Ts'ai Yung almost the same statement occurs (pointed out by Chavannes in his note) is an indication that the Ch'un ch'iu wên i was probably the same source for both Po hu t'ung and Tu tuan.;

there are 4 quotations from the Commentary of Ku-liang, in- dicated as Ku liang chuan, and Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan, one of which is not to be found in the present Ku liang chuan;

there are 9 quotations from the present Book of Filial Piety, indicated as Hsiao ching;

there are 55 quotations from the Analects, indicated by "the Lun yü says", sometimes by "Confucius says";

there are 2 quotations from the Erh ya, indicated by "the Erh ya says" In the one case , in the other is used.;

there are 12 quotations from the Shang shu ta chuan, indicated as such, once as Shang shu chuan;

there are 4 quotations from the Han shih nei chuan, indicated as such; 2 quotations from the Shih chuan, 1 from the Shih hsün The first Shih chuan , occurring in par. 45a, is probably a Com- mentary on the Shih of the Lu School; Ho Hsiu in his Commentary on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3. 6b) gives an analogous, but fuller, quotation from the Lu shih chuan . The second Shih chuan, par. 206j, is acc. to Lu Wên-ch'ao (3 . 20b) the Han shih nei chuan. The Shih hsün is again a Commentary on the Shih of the Lu School; the quotation is entered in Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the Lu shih ku , attributed to Shên P'ei (2nd cent. B.C., see the Yü han, 12. 66a).;

there are 2 quotations from the I wei ch'ien tso tu, once indicated as Ch'ien tso tu, once as Chuan; 2 from the Shang shu chung hou, indicated as Chung hou, 2 from the Shang shu wei hsing tê fang, indicated as Hsing tê fang, 1 from the Shang shu wei hsüan chi ch'ien, indicated as Chuan; 8 from the Li wei han wên chia, indicated as Han wên chia, twice as Li shuo, 1 from the Li wei chi ming chêng, indicated as Chi ming chêng; 2 from the Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao, indicated as Yüan ming pao, 1 from the Ch'un ch'iu wei ch'ien tan pa, indicated as Ch'un ch'iu ch'ien tan pa, 1 from the Ch'un ch'iu wei kan ching fu, indicated as Kan ching fu, 1 from the Ch'un ch'iu wei jui ying chuan, indicated as Ch'un ch'iu jui ying chuan, 1 from the Ch'un ch'iu ch'an, indicated as such; 5 from the Hsiao ching wei yüan shên ch'i, indicated as Yüan shên ch'i, 4 from the Hsiao ching wei kou ming chüeh, indicated as Kou ming chüeh, once as Chuan, 1 from the Hsiao ching ch'an, indicated as such; 2 from the Lun yü ch'an, once indicated as such, once as Ch'an; 2 from the Yüeh yüan yü, indicated as such, 2 from the Yüeh wei chi yao chia, indicated as Yüeh chi yao chia, 1 from the Yüeh wei tung shêng i, indicated as Yüeh tung shêng i For all these 'Apocryphal Books' see infra, pp. 102-106.;

there are 2 quotations from the present Kuan tzŭ , indicated as Ti tzŭ chih , now ch. 59 of the Kuan tzŭ . In the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu the Ti tzŭ chih still figures as a separate work in the group Hsiao ching, after the Wu ching tsa i, so that it was considered as belonging to the General Studies on the Confucian Canon. Apart from the text there was a Commentary shuo in 3 ch. (Haloun, Frühkonfuzianische Fragmente, in Asia Major, IX, 1933, p. 467).;

there are 11 quotations indicated by "the Chuan says", and 3 by "Confucius says", which cannot be identified.

From these quotations we may conclude, first that, however numerous (650), they are far from representing the whole of the Classics; second that they are preponderantly New Text versions, as appears from the following facts: the chapters from the Book of History all belong to the 29 chapters of Fu-shêng See Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Comm. on the I wên chih (Ch'ien han shu, 30. 5b), and the Table of Contents of the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu by Sun Hsing-yen (1753-1818)., while none of the spurious chapters is quoted; there is not a single quotation from the Tso chuan, only a few from the Chou li; there are numerous quotations from the Kung yang chuan, which were so much in favour with the New Text scholars. This feature of the Po hu t'ung has already been pointed out by Ch'ên Shou-ch'i in his Tso hai ching pien in the Huang ch'ing ching chieh, ch. 1251. 27b-29a. Fêng Yu-lan, Chung kuo chê hsüeh shih, II, 1935, p. 506, also says that the Po hu t'ung represents the theories of the New Text scholars..

The contents of the Po hu t'ung are of a mixed nature. The table which I have drawn up in Appendix B gives an idea of the great variety of subjects which are discussed.

It is curious that the text, professing to give the result of the discussions on the discrepancies of the Five Classics, hardly ever contains explanations of the Classical passages as we generally understand that term, but almost exclusively expositions and speculations in which a Classical passage only serves as a starting- point, or as some sort of finale. There are, however, some statements which we may regard as more or less direct interpretations, e.g.:

131c-f: "The Wang chih says: '[When the King is about to set out on a Tour of Inspection] he offers the lei-sacrifice to the Lord on High, the i-sacrifice to the God of the Earth, and the ts'ao- sacrifice to the shrine of his father'. At the lei-sacrifice the first forefather is associated [with the Lord on High; however] the fore- father is not mentioned, because there cannot be two exalted ones who are ritually [treated according to] the principle of exalting the exalted one. The ts'ao-sacrifice is offered at the shrine of the father. Why [is it] only [said that he] visits his father's shrine? Though the taking of leave starts from the lower [-placed ancestor], he dares not neglect the command of the exalted [first ancestor; but as it has already been said that] he visits his father's shrine, there is no objection to no [mention being made of] his visit to the shrine of the first ancestor. The sacrifice and the announcement to Heaven [have the meaning of] an announcement of the undertaking, [whereas the sacrifice to] the ancestors [has the meaning of] taking leave at the departure. The [two] meanings are different. [First] the announcement is made to the exalted one, then the leave-taking follows".

140b: "The Shang shu says: 'After three years there was an examination, and minor degradations [consisting in diminishment] of land [were applied to the undeserving]'. The statement in the [Shang] shu that 'after three examinations there was [the process of] degrading and promoting', means that [the promotion and de- gradation with respect to] rank are different from [those with respect to] land".

147b: "The I says: 'He serves neither King nor Feudal Lord'. This statement refers to a retired Minister of the King. The state- ment that he does not serve the King is evident. The reference to the Feudal Lord means that if he is still young, he may enter the service of a Feudal Lord".

166c: "The travelling [trade] is called shang, the sedentary [trade] is called ku . . . . This being so, why does the Shang shu say: 'Dili- gently go with thy carts and horses to distant [regions] to barter ku'? That the going to distant [regions] is meant is evident. [But] the meaning is also that [the son], reverently thinking of his parents, would prefer to stay and take care of them".

In the text we further find many descriptions of administrative and ritual institutions, which have been taken from the works on Rites, such as the division of the country, the officials, marriage-, divorce-, and funeral-rites, the rites of succession, etc.; then legends of antiquity, apparently taken from a common stock of traditions, such as stories about the Three August Ones and the Five Emperors, the Sages, the development of cultural refinement, etc.; further historical anecdotes, mostly taken from the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Kung yang chuan: finally a host of etymologies according to sound-analogy and mystical symbolism. Apart from this the rest consists of a haphazard collection of seeming absurdities, which on closer examination, however, appears to constitute a kind of world-conception, and despite its strangeness to display a re- markable consistency. I may summarize it in the following paragraph.

 27.Contents of the present Po hu t'ung

In the very beginning there was first the t'ai-ch'u Great Origin, then came the t'ai-shih Great Beginning; when the assuming of form was completed it was called the t'ai-su Great Simplicity; it was still chaotic, undivided, invisible, inaudible; then it divided, and after the clear and the muddy were separated, the infinitesimal and sparkling elements emerged and dispersed, and the multitude of things were endowed with life (208a) The figures between round brackets refer to the paragraphs in my translation. I have followed the original wording of the Po hu t'ung as much as possible.. The infinitesimal elements became the Three Luminary Bodies and the Five Elements; the Five Elements produced the emotions and instincts; the emotions and instincts produced harmony and equilibrium; harmony and equilibrium produced intelligence and understanding; intelligence and understanding produced the spiritual power [which proceeds from the possession] of the Way; this again produced cultural refinement (208b).

This speculation on the beginning of things, however, is not further continued; it is an alien body in the system of early Confucian cosmology, which seems loath to go beyond the explanatory descrip- tion of the visible phenomena.

Such an explanation is provided by the conception of the yin and yang, the alternation of which constitutes the Way tao (190). The yin and the yang rise and decline in alternate succession throughout the twelve months of the year (78), they find their majestic repre- sentation in Heaven and Earth. Heaven as yang is round, Earth as yin is square (210). Earth is created by the primeval fluid as the ancestor of the ten thousand things; responding to Heaven, Earth spends its nourishing powers and brings about transformation (207a). Heaven is the dispenser of life (53 f). Earth is the mother of the ten thousand things (76a). Earth aids Heaven, as the wife serves her husband, and as the Minister serves his Lord (75a). Resting on High, Heaven regulates all that is below it, governing on behalf of man (207a). The yin and the yang are present everywhere. They are each other's opposites and indispensable complements (209). The sun, the day, the Lord are yang; the moon, the night, the sub- jects are yin (213a, 215a). The yang gives life, the yin kills (80i). The yang goes leisurely, the yin goes fast (206g). But if the yang moves, the yin is quiescent; forever active the yang never leaves its place (211). The yang number is odd, the yin number is even (237a). The yang receives its transformation in the seventh, its completion in the third month (101d).

Together with the opposite concepts yin and yang, an important role is played by the Five Elements: water, fire, wood, metal, earth. Their fluids are put into motion in accordance with Heaven (75a). They correspond with north, south, east, west, centre, and with the Five Tastes (77a-e); with the Five Odours (77f-j); with the Five Punishments (226c); with the Five Canons (ch. XXXIX); with the Five Notes (51t); with the Five Deities (27a); with the Five Con- stant Virtues (196d); with the Five Kinds of Admonitions (106b); with the Five Reservoirs (196); with the Five Instincts (194); with the Five Mountain-peaks (137); etc. In fact, as the Five Elements engender each other in succession (80a), and destroy each other in succession (80c), so all events in the world of man can be seen as the correlates of their workings (81).

The two concepts yin and yang, and the Five Elements are in- dications of the importance of numbers in this system of classi- fications. Heaven as yang has one as number, Earth as yin two (268f). The Way of Heaven, however, perfects itself in the number of three; so there are the Three Luminary Bodies, sun, moon and the five planets; the Three Configurations of the earth, high, low, and level; the Three Elevated Positions, Lord, father, teacher (53c). There are the Three Interior Ranks (3d); the Three Destinies (200b); the Three Hosts (82b); the Three Major Relationships (ch. XXIX); the Three Rectifications (ch. XXVII); the Three Instructions (ch. XXVIII). The King has three Ducal Ministers, 3 × 3 Ministers, 3 × 9 great officers, 3 × 27 common officers, together one hundred and twenty officials, corresponding with the Twelve Earthly Stems (53d). Rites also find their completion in three (140s), as all things reach it after three stages: beginning, middle, end (53c). Other numbers are: four: the Four Quarters; the Four Seasons (passim); the Four Streams (137); six: the Six Directions (205f); the Six Emotions (194); the Six Storehouses (196); the 2 × 6 = Twelve Musical Pitch-pipes (79); eight: the Eight Trigrams (passim); the Eight Kinds of Musical Instruments (51d); the Eight Directions (51s); the Eight Winds (51t, 165a); nine: the Nine Barbarian Tribes (47n); the Nine Distinctions (139); the Nine Classes of Kindred (202).

Yin and yang, the Five Elements, and the numbers explain everything in the life of man satisfactorily. Man is born through the reception of the yin- and yang-fluids (194). He lives by con- taining the fluids of the Six Musical Pitch-pipes and the Five Elements (196a). He is conceived by the combination of vital power, which is the elder yang, and sperm, which is the elder yin (199). He is born ten months after conception, because he passes through the numbers of Heaven and Earth, each being five (205s). The Hundred Clan-names were determined by blowing the musical pitch-pipes; the Five Notes, combining together five by five, form twenty-five tones, and further give birth to the Four Seasons; with the four different climates and the twenty-five various tones the completion is thus reached (203c). Three months after birth the child is given its personal name (205b). Yang reaches the small perfection in yin, the great perfection in yang, yin reaches the small perfection in yang, the great perfection in yin (237a); therefore the boy sheds his teeth at eight, the girl at seven (237b); he is capped at twenty, she receives a hairpin at fifteen, but he marries at thirty, she at twenty (237a). A boy enters the Grand College at fifteen; 7 + 8 = fifteen represents the completion of the inter- action of the yin and the yang (115a). Man harbours the Five In- stincts or Five Constant Virtues: consideration for others, sense of the correct principles, ceremonial behaviour, wisdom, trust- worthiness (194), which correspond with the Five Canons: Book of Music, Book of History, Book of Rites, Book of Change, Book of Poetry (232), and with the Five Reservoirs: liver, lungs, heart, kidneys, spleen (196d). He possesses the Six Emotions: joy, anger, love, hate, grief, happiness, which correspond with the Six Directions: west, east, north, south, below, above (197). Man assists Heaven and Earth in keeping the yin and the yang in motion, therefore marriage is necessary (235a). In marriage the yang descends to the yin (239), man leads, woman follows (235b). Marriage takes place in spring, when Heaven and Earth communicate, and the ten thousand things begin to live (246); at dusk, the time when the yin and the yang intermingle (266). Man has to practise divination by means of the tortoise-shell, which is yin and the number of which is even, and the milfoil-stalk, which is yang and the number of which is odd (150). He salutes twice to model himself on the yin and the yang (205w); he first salutes, and then mentions his personal name, to conform himself to the yin and the yang (205u). His knee-covers measure one foot above, because one is Heaven's number, two feet below, because two is Earth's number, they are three feet long, to symbolize the triad Heaven, Earth, Man (268f). When he dies he is buried in the earth that he may return to that which has given him life (308b). He is buried with his face to the north, the region of the yin (311b). Man has a departing spirit hun, which is yang, and a spirit decaying with the corpse p'0, which is yin (198). The full mourning-period is three years (277a), a period of three years forming a complete cycle (140a). He wears a mourning-staff of bamboo, which is yang, for his father; one of t'ung-wood, which is yin, for his mother (279d).

The events of man's life correspond with the phenomena in the world of nature. They have therefore to be ritually ordered. The purpose of these rites is to keep the yin and the yang in harmony, for if the yin and the yang are not in harmony, the Five Species of Grain will not ripen (107e). Disturbances in nature are the result of a disharmony between the yin and the yang. So at a sun-eclipse the yin is encroaching on the yang (124a), at a moon-eclipse the yin is losing its brightness (124e). When the yang-fluid is weak, on the days of the solstices, the weapons are rested, no affairs of government are discussed, the passes are shut, merchants and travellers stop their journeys (100). By means of archery the yang is aided (111c). The harmonious blending of the yin and the yang causes the blissful Eight Winds (165b).

The necessity of keeping the yin and the yang in harmony means that in social life there should always be a distinction between those who are yang and those who are yin, i.e. between high and low, old and young (112), between distant- and near-relatives (51o), between man and woman (235b), for if everybody knows his position, everything will move smoothly. The rites preserve the equilibrium (42g); therefore there are the Three Major Relationships: between Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife, and the Six Minor Relationships: towards father's brothers, elder and younger brothers, one's kinsmen, mother's brothers, teachers and elders, friends, so that the rules attached to the different states can be observed (189); therefore music, which is an image of Heaven, as rites are an image of Earth (42c), should affect man's behaviour (42d); therefore in one's apparel the distinction between superior and in- ferior should be shown, because clothes are not only worn to cover the bodily form, but also to display the spiritual power of the wearer, to encourage the capable, and to distinguish between high and low (222a). In the relation between Lord and subjects there should be rules, that the ten thousand things may not decay (51q).

The rigid social organization is probably a development of the ela- borate kinship-system, in which the ta-tsung Head of the Major Lineage wields supreme authority. In this system of five lineages, consisting of one major lineage having the same first ancestor, one minor lineage having the same great-great-grandfather, another having the same great-grandfather, another having the same grandfather, another having the same father, combined with the nine classes of kindred, four through the father: those bearing the father's surname, the father's married sisters with their children, ego's married sisters with their children, ego's married daughters; three through the mother: the mother's parents, the mother's brothers, the mother's sisters; two through the wife: the wife's father, the wife's mother, in this system all traceable relatives are included (201-202). Within it the life of man proceeds according to a well-ordered plan; every- body knows his station, his rights and duties. It is a closed unit, over against other units, but forming with them a larger unit, which comprises the whole of the people and at the head of which is the King.

The King is the link between Heaven and man, and his influence works two ways. He continues the Way of Heaven, keeping it in harmony for the benefit of mankind; he governs the people in such a way that the order of nature is secured. Therefore his position is unique. He is the One Man (13b), the Son of Heaven, who has Heaven as his father, Earth as his mother (1a), an Emperor whose spiritual power is in harmony with that of Heaven and Earth (12b), he has to assist the harmony of the yin and the yang (127a), he aids the ten thousand things in their multiplication (51e, 100), in the ming-t'ang he comes into communication with the spiritual forces, he undergoes the influences of Heaven and Earth, and keeps the Four Seasons in their right track (120b). In short, his spiritual power is in harmony with that of Heaven and Earth, his lustre is in harmony with that of the sun and the moon, his orderly procedure is in harmony with that of the Four Seasons, his relation to what is fortunate and what is calamitous is in harmony with the spirits (161b). In all under Heaven there is no spot which is not the King's, of all the guests on earth there is none who is not the King's subject (27a); all under Heaven is his home (102j). With the assistance of his officials the King teaches the Way and illumines the dark and hidden (54a); his task is to regulate the affairs of Heaven, Earth, and Man (53b); he adapts his actions to the Eight Winds (165e); he harmonizes the Four Seasons on the Tours of Inspection, which take place in the second and eighth months when day and night are equally divided, and in the fifth and eleventh months when the yin and the yang reach their apogee (128c). Lucky omens are proofs of his correct behaviour (127a), as calamities serve as warnings to him (121). Thus the King has to observe the strictest ritual rules in order that he may not do anything which is harmful to the order in nature. At the same time as the highest among men he is to be distinguished from all other people, but his prerogatives are only the outcome of his res- ponsible charge. In general the King observes the utmost passivity: he quietly sits in the centre and manages the Four Quarters (50b). He closes his eyes to the perversities of his surroundings, and does not listen to calumnies (271g). He has neither enmity nor affection for his subjects (108b). He does not enjoy food as long as his task is not accomplished (50a). As the Noble Man he is like jade, which is dry yet not light, wet yet not heavy, thin yet not brittle, sharp yet not cutting, and showing even the slightest flaw (168c). As a Sage he is the best among ten thousand times ten thousand men (161c). And therefore he alone can marry twelve wives, in conformity with the Twelve Months (248b), he alone wears fur of the white fox (223c), pendants of white jade (225b), a cap with twelve hanging beads (271g). He alone uses for his divination a tortoise-shell twelve inches long, a milfoil-stalk nine feet in length (150), he alone employs nine men for the divination (156), he alone has eight rows of dancers (45a). His death is designated by the word pêng (290a), he is en- coffined seven days (302), and buried seven months after his death (275b), his grave-mound is thirty feet high (312b). However, all these exceptional distinctions become a man who is the father and mother of his people (1b), who guards and shepherds them (128a), whose task it is to bring them back to the Way (183a), and whose participation in the life of living beings is so complete that even to the flying of the insects and the wriggling of the worms there is no sound which he does not enjoy (51e).

However, though the King is the Son of Heaven, he is also the son of man, and as such he is caught in the everlasting cycle of birth, life, and death, while the kingship which he represents is only a transitional moment in the perpetual flux of changing history. Even the King has the same duties towards the ancestors as any other mortal. Therefore he has to announce to them such important undertakings as a war-expedition (84a-b), not daring ever to act of his own accord (8b). He is to all under Heaven the exemplar of the filial son and the obedient younger brother, therefore he serves the san-lao as his father, and the wu-kêng as his elder brother (113a). As a man he has his faults and shortcomings, therefore he has four Warners to admonish him (101), who are put to death if they fail in their duty (107b). King of a Dynasty that has appeared in time, he knows that Heaven's mandate is not permanent, and that like the Dynasty which it has superseded, his own Dynasty will sooner or later be replaced by another. Such is destined by Heaven, and as such again it is not an accidental event, but part of a system which proceeds inevitably and ruthlessly. This system is built on the idea of the succession of the Principle of Substance, representing Heaven and the yang, and the Principle of Form, representing Earth and the yin. It is combined with the idea of the Three Reigns. The King of a Dynasty which adheres to the Principle of Substance has first slain the King of the former Dynasty (85, 175); he models himself on Heaven and reveres the left (248h); he has feudal ranks in three grades (2a); he has two words for a posthumous name (18b); all the younger sons are called chung (206i). The adherent of the Principle of Form has first changed the first month of the year; he models himself on Earth and reveres the right; he has feudal ranks in five grades; he has one word for a posthumous name; all the younger sons are called shu. The Principles of Substance and Form follow the succession of the yin and the yang, and continue the actions of Heaven and Earth (182a); they represent the principle of the be- ginning and the end, the succession of the before and the after (182b). The Hsia Dynasty was an adherent of the Principle of Form, the Yin Dynasty of Substance, the Chou Dynasty of Form, the following Dynasty should adhere to Substance, etc. The Three Reigns are constituted by three successive Dynasties, and actually represented by the King of the reigning Dynasty and the descendants of the two previous Dynasties (181), who are honoured as guests (141b), and not considered to be the King's subjects (142b). The Three Reigns are connected with the Three Instructions and the Three Rectifications; their succession is like the flow of an endless circle (176). They are distinguished from each other by a series of characteristic features. The Hsia instructed by loyalty (Man's Instruction), and failed by brutality (183b); it took the thirteenth month, i.e. the first month of spring, as the beginning of the year, honoured the colour black, and began the day at day-break (176); it used the caps shou and mou-chui (271b); the encoffining took place at the top of the eastern steps (303); its capital was called Hsia-i (70); it used the Spiritual Vessel in the sacrifices (188). The Yin instructed by reverence (Earth's Instruction), and failed by super- stition; it took the twelfth month, i.e. the last month of winter, as the beginning of the year, honoured the colour white, and began the day at cock's crow; it used the caps hsü and chang-fu; the encoffining took place between the pillars of the steps; its capital was called Shang-i; it used the Sacrificial Vessel. The Chou instructed by cul- ture (Heaven's Instruction), and failed by profligacy; it took the eleventh month, i.e. the middle month of winter, as the beginning of the year, honoured the colour red, and began the day at midnight; it used the caps mien and wei-mao; the encoffining took place at the western steps; its capital was called ching-shih; it used in the sacri- fices both the Spiritual and the Sacrificial Vessels. The successors of the Chou should again revert to the institutions of the Hsia. The changes in the institutions are, however, only outward changes; what is essential is left unchanged, so the rule that the Lord faces south as the subject faces north, the use of the cap of white deer- skin and of white silk nether-garments taken in at the middle, the notes and the tastes, the relations of affection between relatives (180). The inauguration of a new Dynasty was naturally a solemn affair; for it is not a succession through men, but a response to the will of Heaven (174a). Therefore, as soon as a Dynasty has established itself, it assumes a new appellation (150), it changes all the institutions according to the rules of the Three Instructions and the Three Reigns (174a), it creates new music and new rites (43a, 44c), the King gives fiefs to those who have helped him in his enterprise and to his re- latives (58a), he goes on a Tour of Inspection (128b), and performs the fêng- and shan-sacrifices to Heaven and Earth (126).

Alone the King cannot accomplish his task. He must be aided by his officials, as Heaven is aided by the sun and the moon, and Earth is aided by the erosive influences of the mountains and rivers (53a). Moreover he has to deal out fiefs, because that is the expression of his utmost regard for the people (54a, 58a), and in order that the Feudal Lords may imitate him (54). The Feudal Lord has a peculiar position. As a ruler of people he represents the yang, but compared with the King he is the yin (57a). He is as the sun, which is yang to the moon, but yin to Heaven (212). Above he pays homage to the Son of Heaven, below he nourishes the Hundred Clans as his children (54b). He is a Lord, for his position is hereditary (60a), and he rules with his face turned to the south (144). In certain cases he is not subject to degradation (141a), or deposal (141e), or punishment (93). Still, though not being an ordinary subject (144), he is a subject, and his inferiority to the King is emphasized in many ways. He is only a peer among peers, the other Feudal Lords (16); he may not move his capital without the King's consent (68b); neither start a punitive expedition (94a). He has only four rows of dancers (45a); he marries nine wives (248a); he receives his posthumous name from the King (20); his death is designated by the word hung (290); he is encoffined five days (302), and buried five months after his death (275b); his grave-mound is sixteen feet high (312b). While King is a title conferred by Heaven, the title of Feudal Lord is an affair of men (4). The Feudal Lords form an aristocracy, by birth, but also by the virtue of their spiritual power. Even a common officer, the lowest in the hierarchical system of officialdom, can be enfeoffed and made a Lord (140g). But strict is the rule that the Lord is the Lord, and the subject is the subject. The servant of man conceals his Lord's vices, but proclaims his virtues (107f). The good is ascribed to the Lord, the faults are ascribed to the subject (81o). The relation between Lord and subject is even present within the narrow circle of the family. As the subject obeys his Lord, so the son obeys his father, and the wife obeys her husband (81j). The relation Lord- subject, father-son, husband-wife form the Three Major Relationships (189a). A father may not teach his son, so as to avoid that their relationship be too intimate (116). The father withdraws from his son, but approaches his grandson (81t). He has no exclusive rights to his son (96). The ties of kinship. however, are not entirely sub- ordinated to the bonds of fealty. For father and son, husband and wife, form one body, and share each other's glory and shame (104, 108d). Though the Lord does not screen his subject (108b), the father does so with his son (108d), the husband with his wife (108h); and husband and wife are buried together (310), for she is the wife who, above, is connected with her husband's ancestors, and, below, continues, in endless succession, his line for ten thousand generations (142c). The same mitigating idea runs through the picture of this feudal, hierarchical society, breaking its inhuman sternness, softening the rigid demarcations between man and his fellow-man. For the means to keep together this imposing system of ritually regulated life is spiritual power; and it is only in a degenerate age that the Way, from which this power proceeds, is not put into practise (147b). The King's teacher teaches him the importance of the Way, and explains to him exhaustively the design of Heaven and man (143b). For he is King who combines consideration for others with a sense of correct principles (12b). His task is after all to serve, with his Ministers, all under Heaven (148b). His Feudal Lords practise right principles, and open the roads for the worthy; they observe integrity and shun self-righteousness, so that they may follow and imitate the King in paying attention to the people (54b). Noblesse oblige. The Noble Man treats others as he would have him- self treated (93), and even for the King it is not proper to slight a man on account of his lowly position and his small remuneration (148b). He who treats his Minister as a master will attain emperorship, he who treats him as a friend will attain kingship, he who treats him as a servant will attain hegemony, he who treats him as a slave will perish (148f). Spiritual power is the keystone of all good government. Punishments, though inevitable, are only to assist spiritual power; they are the counterparts of rewards, in order to make clear that there are things to be afraid of (226a); for the good are to be treated with goodness, the evil are to be treated with evil (92).

In this kind of society, feudal, aristocratic, auguristic and bureau- cratic, where life was lived according to the most detailed ritual rules, cumbrous and hard to learn, where every human act was supposed to rouse reverberations in other spheres of the universe, so that the greatest self-restraint was required, in such a society the common man was a sad anomaly. As the barbarians were not expected to be able to perform the rites (47k), and not to be susceptible to the reforming influence of ritual rules (142d), so the rites were not extended to the common man either; and even though he might have a treasure of a thousand gold pieces, he was not allowed to show it in his apparel (227a). And as the King is the most exalted, so the common man is the humblest among men. He is called p'i-fu 'mate-fellow', having only one wife as a mate (7); he need not observe the rules of taking food, but may eat to his fill (50e); if he offers a present it is a tame duck (170f), symbolizing his inability to move from his abode. To denote his death the word ssŭ is not avoided (290). Still the common man, socially and ritually a nonentity, as a man is also subject to the workings of Heaven and Earth. For all men are born of Heaven; man is only born of his parents by the delegation of Heaven's creative power to them (96). All men have received their bodies, hair, and skin from their parents, their suffering is the same (291c). Man is Heaven's cherished object (90); he contains in himself the essence of Heaven and Earth (42c); and of all creations of Heaven and Earth he is the most valuable (96). And even the common man, a negligible speck of dust on the beautiful picture of ritualized society, somehow is included in the concern for knowledge. In every hamlet the elders have to serve as teachers to the young men, who after their toil in the fields enter school in the evening; with a good government the people should not be left uninstructed (115a).

 28.Classical studies in the Former Han Dynasty

The fact that two councils for the discussion of the discrepancies in the Classics were held within comparatively so short a time, the first in the Shih-ch'ü ko in 51 B.C., the second in the Po-hu kuan in 79 A.D., points to the unsettled state of affairs in the world of Classical studies during the Former and the Later Han Dynasties. It was in this 'formative' period of Chinese civilization that the Chinese Empire reached its apogee. The Ch'in Dynasty, its predecessor, had merely paved the way to political unity See China's First Unifier by Derk Bodde (1938).; this unity had not only been effected by the sword, but it was perpetuated by force and intimidation. The philosophy of lawFor which see The Book of Lord Shang by J. J. L. Duyvendak (1928), ch. III., which, having been accepted by the Ch'in as its credo, had led to its success, denied for society the necessity of metaphysical and ethical norms, and the state of Ch'in was the embodiment of that philosophy carried to its logical conclusion. It was a secularized state, the working of which was conceived as the mechanical operation of an engine, law, which was inexorable, ineluctable, all-embracing, and devoid of sentiment like nature itself Such is my view of the character of the state of Ch'in, which I hope later to be able to substantiate in detail. The Confucian conception of the state, however ineffective it may have appeared compared with the realistic conception of the School of Law, afterwards proved its intrinsic value, not only by the confirmation of historical accident, but also, in my opinion, by its greater insight in the nature of man and society.. In sharp contrast with the Ch'in the Han Dynasty, while continuing the political heritage of the former, combined in its world-conception the idea of the absolute power of the Emperor with the recognition of the necessity of the metaphysical norms of love and duty I deliberately use this rendering of the Chinese terms jên and i , which I have usually translated as 'consideration for others' and 'sense of the correct (social) principles'. In dealing with the Confucian concepts in the Han I think the terms 'love' and 'duty', as opposed to the 'force' and 'fear' in the Ch'in, are not inappropriate. Cf. my note to par. 12b of the translation of ch. 11 of the Po hu t'ung., thus realizing, perhaps for the first time in Chinese history, Confucius' ancient ideal of the Sovereign who, mandated by Heaven, carried out its will: to govern the people by spiritual power which by its very nature is beneficent and stimulating. The 'Confucianization' of China was an event which is as arresting as it is complicated. It did in any case not come about abruptly, but took a considerable time to materialize See Homer H. Dubs, The Victory of Han Confucianism, in his The History of the Former Han Dynesty, 11, 1944, p. 341-353. Cf. also O. Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, 1, 1930, p. 268-320.. Whatever had been the motives of the first Han Emperor, himself an illiterate and boorish man, to sponsor the cause of Confucianism, which represented a sophisticated system of detailed ritesThere must have been something in the Confucian doctrine which appealed even to a man like Liu Pang, the first Emperor. He himself possessed the qual- ities of simple-heartedness, faithfulness, and magnanimity, -- even if some of his acts may shock a modern mind --, which made him worthy to be Son of Heaven, and his aversion to the Confucian pedant did not diminish his appre- ciation of his Confucian advisers who were men of courage and integrity. The word 'Confucianism', to denote the doctrine of the ju-chia , is used here with all reservations; we should avoid the association with the well-established, omnipotent, 'theocratic', state doctrine, which the word usually arouses in us. For the meaning of ju see Hu Shih's study Shuo ju , originally published in the Bulletin of the National Research Institute of History and Philology of the Academia Sinica, Vol. IV, Part 3 (1934), later included in the Hu shih lun hsüeh chin chu , Vol. 1, 1937, p. 1-81, and translated by Wolfgang Franke as Der Ursprung der Ju in Sinica Sonderausgabe, Jahrgang 1935, p. 141-171; Jahrgang 1936, p. 1-42., his successors followed his attitude of acquiescence in accepting the inevitability of the doctrine that seemed most opportune, and more and more adapted themselves to the model of the urbane Noble Man. The four hundred years during which the Han ruled the Chinese Empire, with the single interruption of the fifteen years of Wang Mang's interregnum, witnessed the ever-widening influence of Confucianism in all spheres of life, and, along with it, the ever-widening influence of learning.

When Emperor Hsiao-wu established the institution of the wu-ching po-shih . See Ch'ien han shu, 6.3b; Dubs' History of the Former Han Dynasty, II, p. 32. 'Erudites for the Five Classics' in 136 B.C., Confucianism offi- cially became the only doctrine recognized by the state. Henceforth it was, theoretically at least, the single gate which opened the way to governmental positions; Confucian learning now constituted the exclusive curriculum of the state's Grand College, which trained and prepared the future officials. But within the frame of Confucian studies it was merely the outcome of an up-and-down process of rivalry among a variety of Confucian Schools, which did not cease at that date, but was continued long afterwards. Even before 191 B.C., when Emperor Hsiao-hui abolished the law, promulgated by the Ch'in in 213 B.C., and proscribing the possession of booksCh'ien han shu, 2.5a; Dubs, o.c., I, p. 182., scholars probably had already begun to collect lost and hidden writings, and had resumed their teaching as soon as anarchy had subsided. Official Erudites were appointed already at the beginning of the Han, though the institution was merely a continuation of that of the Ch'in, which consisted of seventy scholars of various schools of thoughtWang Kuo-wei , Han wei po shih k'ao ch. 4, fol. 4a-b of his Collected Works, sect. .. Under Emperors Hsiao-wên (179-157 B.C.) and Hsiao-ching (156- 141 B.C.) Erudites were appointed each for one Classic only, viz. for the Book of History, the Book of Poetry, and the Spring and Autumn Annals; besides there were Erudites for other Confucian works like the Analects, the Book of Filial Piety, the Mêng tzŭ , the Erh ya Ibid., fol. 5a. These works were called chuan-chi .. Emperor Hsiao-wu (140-87 B.C.) added Erudites for the Book of Change and for the Book of Rites, so that there were now Erudites for five Classics, while he abolished the chairs for the other works, thus considerably diminishing the number of Erudites Ibid., fol. 5b-7a.. Under Emperor Hsiao-hsüan (73-49 B.C.) the number was again increased, now amounting to twelve, and representing twelve Schools for the Five Classics Ibid., fol. 7a-b..

All these po-shih were official teachers in the 'New Text' version of the Classics, i.e., they taught the Classical texts which had been re-written by Han scholars in the current writing of the Han. The texts which had been discovered and appeared to be in 'old script' had not yet received official recognition, though many scholars must have heard of them, and studied them; there were even Erudites for the Tso chuan and the Mao shih at the court of King Hsien of Ho- chien, who reigned from 155 to 129 B.C. Namely Kuan-kung for the Tso chuan (Ch'ien han shu, 88. 25a), and Mao-kung (= Mao Ch'ang ) for the Mao shih (ibid., 88.20b).. But within the compass of 'New Text' studies there was already strife enough, as testified by the great number of Schools which existed in the Former Han period. Chapter Ju lin chuan of the Ch'ien han shu gives us a fair impression of the situation The filiation of the masters given in this chapter (88) differs in many respects from that in chapter Ju lin chuan of the Shih chi. Ku Chieh-kang has drawn up a convenient table showing the divergencies between Shih chi, Ch'ien han shu, and Ching tien shih wên in an Appendix to the Ku shih pien, Vol. 5..

For the Book of Change T'ien Ho was the first Han master. He formed the Schools of Ching Fang, Liang-ch'iu Ho, Shih Ch'ou, and Mêng Hsi. The School of Liang-ch'iu Ho gave rise to those of Shih Sun-chang, Têng P'êng-tsu, and Hêng Hsien. That of Shih Ch'ou gave rise to the Schools of Chang yü and P'êng Hsüan. That of Mêng Hsi to those of Chai Mu and Po Kuang. The School of Ching Fang, differing from the others, seems not to have enjoyed much esteemCh'ien han shu, 88.6b-10b. The complicated filiation may be seen on table I..

For the Book of History the first Han master was Fu Shêng or Fu-shêng. He originated the Schools of Ou-yang-shêng, Hsia-hou Shêng, and Hsia-hou Chien. The School of Ou-yang divided itself into the Schools of P'ing Tang and Ch'ên Wêng-shêng. That of Hsia-hou shêng into the Schools of K'ung Kuang and Hsü Shang. That of Hsia-hou Chien into those of Li Hsün, Chêng K'uang-chung, Chang Wu-ku, Ch'in Kung, and Chia Ts'ang Ibid., 11a-14b. See table II..

For the Book of Poetry the first Han master of the Lu School was Shên-kung, for the Ch'i School Yüan Ku-shêng, for the Han School Han Ying. The Lu School divided itself into the School of Wei Hsien, and the Schools of Chang Ch'ang-an, T'ang Ch'ang-pin, and Ch'u Shao-sun; the School of Chang Ch'ang-an originated that of Hsü Yen. The Ch'i School divided itself into the Schools of I Fêng, K'uang Hêng, Shih Tan, and Fu Li. The Han School divided itself into those of Wang Chi, Shih Tzu-kung, and Chang-sun Shun Ibid., 15b-20b. See table III..

For the Rites the first Han master was Kao T'ang-shêng. He originated the School of Hsü-shêng, who, through Hsiao Fên, gave rise to the Schools of Tai Tê, Tai Shêng, and Ch'ing P'u. The School of Tai Tê (Ta Tai) originated the School of Hsü Liang, the School of Tai Shêng (Hsiao Tai) those of Ch'iao Jên and Yang Jung Ibid., 20b-21b. See table IV-VI..

For the Commentary of Kung-yang the first Han masters were Hu-wu-shêng and Tung Chung-shu. Tung Chung-shu originated, through Sui Mêng, the Schools of Chuang P'êng-tsu and Yen An-lo. Yen An-lo gave rise to the Schools of Ling Fêng and Jên-kung, and through another line those of Kuan Lu and Ming Tu Ibid., 21b-23a. See table VII..

For the Commentary of Ku-liang the first Han master was Shên- kung. He gave rise to the Schools of Yin Kêng-shih, Hu Ch'ang, and Shên-chang Ch'ang Ibid., 23a-24b. See table VIII. The Ju lin chuan also includes the name of Fang Fêng among the Ku-liang Schools, but only a few lines earlier Fang is said to have received tuition in the Tso chuan from Yin Kêng-shih, together with Yin Hsien and Chai Fang-chin. Yin Kêng-shih was a Ku liang and Tso chuan scholar..

The difference between the 'New Text' Schools seems to have been connected with the difference in the regions from which the masters came, chiefly that between Ch'i and Lu, regions where, according to the Ch'ien han shu, the scholarly tradition was never interrupted Ch. Ju lin chuan, Ch'ien han shu, 88-2b., or where, according to the Shih chi, the occupation with studies was of old a natural disposition Ch. Ju lin chuan, Shih chi, 121 (61). 2b.. Lu was the country where

INSERT TABLES I-VIII

Confucius had preached his doctrine and where his memory was lovingly preserved. The scholars of Lu were the guardians of the ritual vessels of the family of Confucius, which they presented to Ch'ên Shê when he rebelled against the Ch'in Dynasty; they im- perturbably continued their practise of rites, reciting and singing, even when they were besieged by the army of Liu Pang; their assistance was considered indispensable by Shu-sun T'ung when he was devising a court-ceremonial for the first Han EmperorCh'ien han shu, 88.3a; Shih chi, 1.c.; two of them refused, considering Shu-sun T'ung's purpose contrary to the ancient idea of proprietyCh'ien han shu, 43.15a.. The Lu School was moreover said to have preserved the best tradition of the original meaning of the Book of Poetry Ch. I wên chih, Ch'ien han shu, 30.10a.. The country of Ch'i also had some renown, for it was there that during the second half of the fourth and at the beginning of the third century B.C. the Chi-hsia Academy flourished, where "several thousands of scholars flocked together" to listen to the words of famous philosophers See Duyvendak, o.c., p. 73-74.. On the whole, however, the difference between the School of Lu and that of Ch'i was not so great; the former emphasized the observance of reverence, the latter was interested in things wonderful and miraculous. The Lu scholars meticulously tried to maintain the transmitted ritual rules, the Ch'i scholars loved to dwell on the principles of Heaven and man Ma Tsung-ho , Chung kuo ching hsüeh shih (1936), p. 46. Cf. also P'i Hsi-jui (1850-1908), Ching hsüeh li shih (1925), fol. 22a-b of the unpunctuated Commercial Press ed.. According to Chêng Hsuan the difference between the Lu and Ch'i Schools amounted originally to nothing more than just a difference in the pronunciation of the characters Quoted by Ma Tsung-ho, o.c., p. 38.. Nevertheless it ran right through all the Classics; the Ch'i School was represented for the Book of Change by T'ien Ho; for the Book of History by Fu Shêng; for the Book of Poetry by yüan Ku and K'uang Hêng; for the Spring and Autumn Annals by Kung-yang; for the Rites by Mêng Ch'ing; the Lu School was represented for the Book of Change by Mêng Hsi; for the Book of History by K'ung An-kuo (Old Text); for the Book of Poetry by Shên-kung; for the Spring and Autumn Annals by Ku-liang; for the Rites by the masters of the Old Text Rites Acc. to Liu Shih-p'ei, quoted by Ma Tsung-ho, o.c., p. 39.. Since the official recognition of a School meant Imperial favour and political influence--for not only did they serve as envoys and as counsellors in state-affairs Wang Kuo-wei, o.c., fol. 14b, 15a., but they were also the teachers of the future officials, the po-shih ti-tzŭ 'pupils of the Erudites', who were officially appointed and whose number gradually increased in the course of the years: 50 under Emperor Hsiao-wu Ch'ien han shu, 88.4b.; 100 under Hsiao-chao (86-74 B.C.), 200 under Hsiao-hsüan, 1000 under Hsiao- yüan (48-33 B.C.), 3000 under Hsiao-ch'êng (32-7 B.C.) bid., fol. 6a.; 30.000 under Hsiao-shun (126-144 A.D.) Wang Kuo-wei, o.c., fol. 12a. -- there ensued a natural scramble for chairs and mutual jealousy. Even within the same School intrigue was not lacking, as when Kung-sun Hung, a Kung-yang scholar, effected the transference, which was in reality a banishment, of Tung Chung-shu, the famous Kung-yang master See the Biography of Tung Chung-shu, translated by O. Franke in his Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas und der chinesischen Staats- religion (1920), p. 93, and by Woo Kang, Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou (1932), p. 25.. The rivalry between the Schools found its expression in the varying success with which they managed to be represented by a po-shih, until, as we shall presently see, the controversy became so sharp as to necessitate a long-drawn official discussion.

The Erudites appointed under Emperors Hsiao-wên and Hsiao- ching were for the Book of History: Chang-shêng and Ch'ao Ts'o, both pupils of Fu-shêng and representing the School of Ch'i; for the Book of Poetry: Shên-kung (Lu School), yüan Ku (Ch'i School), Han Ying (of Yen, representing the Han School); for the Spring and Autumn Annals: Hu-wu-shêng and Tung Chung-shu, both repre- senting the Kung-yang School which originated in Ch'i Wang Kuo wei, fol. 5a.. Emperor Hsiao-wu brought up the number of Erudites for the Classics to five by adding one for the Book of Change and one for the Rites. According to Pan Ku's Epilogue of the Ju lin chuan these five Erudites were represented for the Book of History: by Ou-yang-Shêng (Ch'i School), for the Rites: by Hou Ts'ang, for the Book of Change: by Yang [Ho], for the Spring and Autumn Annals: by the School of Kung-yang (Ch'i)Ch'ien han shu, 88.25b.. The omission of the Book of Poetry is probably due to an error. shên Ch'in-han (1775-1832). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 640., quoted in Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Commen- tary on Pan Ku's statements, suspected that Yang [Ho] for the Book of Change is a mistake for T'ien Ho. Wang Kuo-wei, however, thinks that the po-shih for the Book of Change under Hsiao-wu was T'ien Wang-sun, and that for the Rites the chair was either vacant or filled by a po-shih of another Classic; Hou Ts'ang was not made po-shih until the time of Hsiao-chao and Hsiao-hsüan, when he combined the chairs for the Rites and the Book of Poetry Wang Kuo-wei, fol. 5b., re- presenting the School of Ch'i. Thus it seems that until then the Lu School did not enjoy so much success, and that, for instance, the Ku-liang School had not yet succeeded in obtaining recognition. But it was not long before this School saw its chances.

 29.The Kung-yang and Ku-liang controversy

The Ju lin chuan gives the following accountCh'ien han shu, 88. 23a-24b. I have followed Dubs' rendering of the titles in his translation of The History of the Former Han Dynasty.: "Chiang-kung of Hsia-ch'iu, who had received the Ku-liang [Commentary on the] Spring and Autumn Annals and the Book of Poetry from Shên-kung of Lu, transmitted them to his sons and grandsons, who [all] became Erudites. In the time of Emperor [Hsiao-]wu, Chiang-kung and Tung Chung-shu were of equal [status, but whereas Tung] Chung-shu in interpreting the Five Classics was well-versed in argumentation and composing essays, Chiang-kung was a stammerer. When the Emperor ordered [Chiang-kung] together with [Tung] Chung-shu to give advice, [Chiang-kung's was] inferior to [Tung] Chung-shu['s], so that the Lieutenant-Chancellor Kung-sun Hung, who himself was a Kung-yang scholar, after collating their opinions, finally preferred [that of] Master Tung. Thereupon the Emperor, on account of [this], honoured the Kung-yang School; he decided that the Heir-apparent should study the Kung-yang [Commentary on the] Spring and Autumn Annals, and through these [circumstances] the Kung-yang [School] greatly flourished. When the Heir-apparent had thoroughly studied [the Kung-yang Commentary] he privately turned to [the Commentary of] Ku-liang, which he liked. [But] afterwards [the interest in it] gradually declined, and only two men, Jung Kuang of Lu [whose style was Wang-sun] and Hao-hsing-kung, continued the study. [Jung] Kuang was able completely to transmit his [,Chiang- kung's, explanations on the] Book of Poetry and [the] Spring and Autumn Annals, and being a highly talented and clever man, in his discussions with the great masters of the Kung-yang [School such as] Sui Mêng and others, he often threw them into embarrassment. Therefore among the scholars there were many who took up the study of the Ku-liang [Commentary] again. Ts'ai Ch'ien-ch'iu of P'ei [,whose style was] Shao-chün, Chou Ch'ing of Liang [,whose style was] Yu-chün, and Ting Hsing [,whose style was] tzŭ -sun all received [their tuition] from [Jung] Kuang. [Ts'ai] Ch'ien-ch'iu also studied under Hao-hsing-kung, and his learning became most profound. When Emperor [Hsiao-]hsüan ascended the throne he heard that the Heir-apparent Wei had liked the Ku-liang [Commentary on the] Spring and Autumn Annals, and he inquired about it. The Lieutenant-Chancellor Wei Hsien, the Privy Treasurer of the Ch'ang- hsin [Palace] Hsia-hou Shêng, and the Palace Attendant Shih Kao, Marquis of Lo-ling, were all men of Lu. They said that Master Ku- liang originated the Lu School, whereas Kung-yang [represented] the Ch'i School; it was [therefore] proper that the Ku-liang [Com- mentary] should be promoted. At that time [Ts'ai] Ch'ien-ch'iu was a Gentleman; he was summoned to court to dispute with the Kung-yang scholars. The Emperor approved of the expositions of the Ku-liang [School], and selected [Ts'ai] Ch'ien-ch'iu to be Grandee Remonstrant Serving within the Palace. Later, because of a fault, he was degraded to [the position of] magistrate of P'ing- ling. When [,however,] a search for another adept of the Ku-liang [Commentary] was made, there was none to equal [Ts'ai] Ch'ien- ch'iu. The Emperor, deploring that this study should be cut off, thereupon appointed [Ts'ai] Ch'ien-ch'iu as Gentleman at the Palace [with the rank of] General of the Door. He [also] selected [from among the] Gentlemen ten men to receive [tuition] from [Ts'ai Ch'ien-ch'iu]. Yin Kêng-shih of Ju-nan [,whose style was] Wêng- chün, who had already by himself studied with [Ts'ai] Ch'ien-ch'iu [now] became an able expositor. It happened that [Ts'ai] Ch'ien- ch'iu fell ill and died; a grandson of Chiang-kung was invited to be po-shih. while Liu Hsiang on account of his having the complete understanding [of the text] of the former Grandee Remonstrant [Ts'ai Ch'ien-ch'iu was made] Expectant Appointee to receive [further tuition in] the Ku-liang [Commentary]. When [Chiang] was about to order him to assist him, the Erudite Chiang in his turn died, and thereupon Chou Ch'ing and Ting Hsing were invited to become Expectant Appointees at the Detention House. They were ordered to finish the teaching of the ten men. Beginning from [the period] yüan-k'ang (65-62 B.C.) until the first year of [the period] kan-lu (53 B.C.) [these pupils] were instructed consecutively for more than ten years, [until they] all understood and were familiar with it. Then [the Emperor] summoned the Confucian scholar famous in [all] the Five Classics, the Grand Tutor to the Heir-apparent Hsiao Wang-chih, and others, [to hold] a great discussion in the [Palace] Hall, to appraise the discrepancies between the Kung-yang and the Ku-liang [Commentaries], and to adjudicate the correctness or erroneousness of each, according to the Classics. At that time the Erudite Chuang P'êng-tsu, the Gentlemen in Attendance Shên Wan, I T'ui, and Sung Hsien for the Kung-yang [Commentary], the Gentleman Consultant Yin Kêng-shih, the Expectant Appointees Liu Hsiang, Chou Ch'ing, and Ting Hsing for the Ku-liang [Commen- tary] took part in the discussions. When the Kung-yang scholars [observed that their opinions were] often not followed, they requested that the Gentleman in Attendance Hsü Kuang should be included [among the disputants]. The leader [of the discussions, Hsiao Wang- chih, allowing the request] at the same time introduced the Ku-liang scholar, the Gentleman of the Household Wang Hai, [so that] each [party was now represented by] five men. More than thirty problems were discussed; the eleven men, Hsiao Wang-chih and the others, each maintained their right with [the help of] the Classics, but in many [cases the opinion of] the Ku-liang [scholars] was followed. As a result of this the Ku-liang School greatly flourished; [Chou] Ch'ing and [Ting] Hsing were made po-shih".

 30.The Erudites after the Shih-ch'ü discussions

It is very likely that the discussions on the Kung-yang and Ku- liang Commentaries were the direct cause of the Shih-ch'ü discussions, Emperor Hsiao-hsüan considering it as the best opportunity to determine the meaning of all the Classics. A statement in the Bio- graphy of Liu Hsiang corroborates this theory.

"It happened that for the first time the Ku-liang [Commentary on the] Spring and Autumn Annals was established [as authoritative], and [Emperor Hsiao-hsüan] summoned Kêng-shêng (i.e. Liu Hsiang) to study the Ku-liang [Commentary, and to participate in] the discussions on the Five Classics in the Shih-ch'ü [Pavilion]Ch'ien han shu, 36.7a; Dubs, o.c., II, p. 272..

The debates on the Kung-yang and Ku-liang Commentaries were begun in 53 B.C. and "probably continued down to 51 B.C., during which time they were transferred (from the Palace Hall) to the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion, which was north of the Great Hall in Wei-yang Palace" Dubs, l.c..

The Annals of Hsiao-hsüan, relating the event of the discussions on the Five ClassicsThe Hou han shu, Biography of Chai P'u (48 (38). 11a), referring to the discussion, says that "[Emperor] Hsiao-hsüan had the Six Classics discussed in the Shih-ch'ü [Pavilion]", thus deviating from the statements in the Ch'ien han shu, which all speak of the Five Classics. Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ , commenting on the Hou han shu passage, suggests that, as the Ku-liang Commentary had just been officially established, this work was meant as the sixth Classic. Wang Hsien-ch'ien, quoting Chou Shou-ch'ang in his Sub-commentary on the Ch'ien han shu (8. 23a), accepts Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ 's opinion; so also Dubs (o.c., II, p. 272). As the Kung-yang and Ku-liang Commentaries are not originally to be considered as 'Classics', I think six is merely an error for five; only a few pages earlier the same Hou han shu (48 (38). 3b, Biography of Yang Chung) says that "[Emperor Hsiao-]hsüan widely summoned the Confucian scholars to discuss and determine [the meaning of] the Five Classics in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion". Probably the statement in the Epilogue to the Annals of Hsiao-wu (Ch'ien han shu, 6. 39a; Dubs, o.c., p. 119) on the Six Classics being rendered illustrious, also contains the same error; Yen Shih-ku's opinion, in his Commentary, that the Book of Music was included in this enumeration does not take into account that this book was not officially established until under P'ing-ti (see n. 297)., do not mention the name of the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion; they only tell that on April 11th, 51 B.C. "an Imperial Edict [ordered] that the Confucian scholars should discuss the discrepancies in the Five Classics; the Grand Tutor of the Heir- apparent, Hsiao Wang-chih, and others, appraised and memo- rialized the discussions; the Emperor in person pronounced Imperial verdicts, and attended to decide [disputed points]"Ch'ien han shu, 8.23a; Dubs, o.c., II, p. 260.. The Shih- ch'ü ko as the place of the discussions is, however, indicated in the other, analogous statements of the Ch'ien han shu: the Biography of Liu Hsiang See n. 284., the Biography of Hsieh Kuang-tê Ch'ien han shu, 71.8b., the Biography of Wei HsienIbid., 73.8a., and several times in the Ju lin chuan Ibid., 88. passim..

According to Ch'ien Ta-chao there were twenty-three partici- pants at the Shih-ch'ü discussions. Hsiao Wang-chih seems to have been the leader; he was an all-round scholar and had not only studied the Book of Poetry of the Ch'i School, but was also interested in the Analects and the Rites See his Biography in Chi'ien han shu, 78.1 a-b.. The other disputants were for the Book of Change: Shih Ch'ou and Liang-ch'iu Lin; for the Book of History: Ou-yang Ti-yü, Lin Tsun, Chou K'an, Chang Shan-fu, and Chia Ts'ang; for the Book of Poetry: Wei Hsüan-ch'êng, Chang Ch'ang-an, and Hsieh Kuang-tê; for the Book of Rites: Tai Shêng and Wên-jên T'ung-han; for the Kung-yang Commentary: Chuang P'êng-tsu, Shên Wan, I T'ui, Sung Hsien, and Hsü Kuang; for the Ku-liang Commentary: Yin Kêng-shih, Liu Hsiang, Chou Ch'ing, Ting Hsing, and Wang Hai Cf. Dubs, o.c., II, p. 272-273. The list, provided by Ch'ien Ta-chao, is not wholly reliable. He includes the ten persons who deliberated on the Kung-yang and Ku-liang controversy in the number of participants in the Shih-ch'ü discussions, but this is not substantiated by the statements in the Ch'ien han shu, as is the case with the other thirteen. It is possible that only a few out of the ten Kung-yang and Ku-liang scholars attended the discussions in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion, so that the total number would be less than twenty, the same as later in the Po-hu discussions (see infra, p. 163). Besides, it is curious that the three representatives of the Book of Poetry were all from the School of Lu. The other two Schools Ch'i and Han, certainly must have been represented also.. How long the discussions lasted is not stated, probably several months. But the result was a number of Memorialized Discussions, and an increase of the number of official chairs. The former point will be dealt with later.

The Annals of Hsiao-hsüan, after describing the Emperor's personal attendance at the discussions on the Five Classics, proceed: "Thereupon there were established Erudites for Liang-ch'iu [Ho's interpretation of the] Book of Change, for the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou['s interpretation of the] Book of History, and for the Ku-liang [Commentary on the] Spring and Autumn Annals" Cf. n. 287.. Concerning the question of Emperor Hsiao-hsüan's Erudites there are, besides the Annals, a number of other statements. They are, however, mutually rather conflicting. Wang Kuo-wei has tried to bring order into the contradictory data, and has arrived at the following conclusion o.c., fol. 8a.: At the end of Hsiao-hsüan's reign the officially represented Schools were for the Book of Change: the Schools of Shih-ch'ou, Mêng Hsi, and Liang-ch'iu Ho; for the Book of History: the Schools of Ou-yang-shêng, Hsia-hou Shêng, and Hsia-hou Chien; for the Book of Poetry: the Schools of Ch'i, Lu, and Han; for the Book of Rites: the School of Hou Ts'ang; for the Spring and Autumn Annals: the Schools of Kung-yang and Ku-liang. Unfortunately Wang Kuo-wei did not supply the names of the twelve Erudites of these Schools. Collating the names of the partici- pants of the Shih-ch'ü discussions with the tables which I have drawn up on the data in the Ju lin chuan I may venture the following guess: For the Book of Change there were the Erudites Shih Ch'ou, Mêng Hsi or Po Kuang or Chai Mu, Liang-ch'iu Lin; for the Book of History the Erudites Ou-yang Ti-yü, Lin Tsun, Chang Shan-fu; for the Book of Poetry: Hou Ts'ang or K'uang Hêng, Chang Ch'ang-an or Hsieh Kuang-tê, Shih tzŭ -kung or Chang-sun Shun; for the Book of Rites: Tai Shêng; for the Kung-yang Commentary: Chuang P'êng- tsu; for the Ku-liang Commentary: Chou Ch'ing or Ting Hsing. There were of course many mutations, which it would be impossible to trace; the important thing is that after the Shih-ch'ü discussions and as a result of them the number of po-shih was more than double that of Emperor Hsiao-wu's Erudites, thus meeting the demands of the ever-increasing Schools, and testifying to the consolidated position of Confucian learning. But there were still many Schools which had as yet not been so lucky as to gain the Imperial favour. Under Emperor Hsiao-yüan (48-33 A.D.) a chair was added to the twelve existing ones by the appointment of a po-shih for the School of Ching Fang of the Book of Change; it was, however, soon abolished again Wang-Kuo-wei, o.c., fol. 8a.. Then under Hsiao-p'ing (1-6 A.D.) the number of po-shih was increased to thirty, a sixth Classic was added: the Book of Music, and new chairs were established for the Old Text version of the Book of History, the Book of Poetry of Mao, the recovered texts of the Rites, and the Tso Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals Ibid.. This meant a heavy blow to the New Text Schools which they were never able to overcome.

 31.Han interpretation of the Classics

The Classics were not just ancient books containing descriptions of the past. They were ching 'canons', literally the 'warp', which provided the standards for man to arrange his life, for the ruler to govern his people. The study of these canons was not for the sake of historical knowledge alone; this knowledge should teach the student how to behave, how to order his actions so as to be in harmony with the sacred rules of antiquity. We reject the idea that Confucius deliberately adopted the works he found to make of them 'canons' ching So is e.g. P'i Hsi-jui's opinion (Ching hsüeh li shih, fol. 1a-2a)., yet the books which in the Han were assigned official teachers were no longer ordinary documents, but sacred writings containing messages from the past, to be respectfully preserved and guarded against adulteration, and to be understood in a spirit of pious reverence. The difficult and often obscure wording of the texts, however, required expert guidance in the study of them. Eager students tried to enter the service of famous masters, in order to be taught and disciplined by them, and later to be able to continue the line and transmit the doctrine to generations to come. Uninterrupted transmission was considered the indispensable asset of a scholar. Individual scholarship had no value, and he who, seeking to justify his teaching, dared to invent some non-existing connection with a master, ran the risk of being exposed and despised. So Mêng Hsi, who had claimed that to him alone had been revealed the secret message of the Book of Change by the dying T'ien Wang-sun, and who had first enjoyed respect, was cut off when his story was disproved Ch'ien han shu, 88. 8a-9a.. And Ching Fang, who had studied the Book of Change under Chiao Yen-shou, but said that Chiao represented the School of Mêng Hsi, suffered disgrace when his words were re- pudiated by the scholars Chai Mu and Po Kuang Ibid., fol. 10a..

The study of the Classics did not serve the purpose of recovering the past objectively. The Classics were interpreted, i.e., made intelligible to the living generation. Such an interpretation is deter- mined by the personal view the interpreter always carries with him, and by the concepts of the society in which he lives. The former will cause, sooner or later, deviations from other interpreters; the great number of Schools in the Former Han period may thus be explained. The latter is the bond which connects them all together, uniting them into a group which, in spite of its diversity, breathes the same air, speaks the same language, and thinks along the lines of the same scheme of thought.

The former Han witnessed the process of the development of the doctrine of an insignificant school into a powerful state-creed. Confucianism For the term cf. n. 250. was only able to do so by adapting itself to the circumstances of the time, by incorporating into its doctrine all sorts of beliefs which, though antagonistic to its own matter-of-fact nature, proved too deep-rooted to be overcome or ignored. The Con- fucianism of the Han Dynasty became "a great synthetic religion into which were fused all the elements of popular superstition and state worship, rationalized somewhat in order to eliminate a few of the most untenable elements, and thinly covered up under the disguise of Confucian and Pre-Confucian Classics in order to make them appear respectable and authoritative" Hu Shih in the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1929, p. 34-35.. This popular superstition consisted in the belief in sacred objects, genii, immor- tals, oracles, alchemists, which had commanded the worship of all the different regions now forming part of the Empire Ibid., p. 29-33.. Besides, Confucianism did not enter the Han Dynasty only to gather in the harvest ready to be reaped. Until the first decades of the Former Han other, rival, doctrines, in particular Taoism and the School of Law, had not yet lost their influence and attraction, and the Confucians had constantly to reckon with the changing whims of the Emperors Cf. Dubs' study on The Victory of Han Confucianism, in The History of the Former Han Dynasty, II, p. 341 ff.. However, the School of Law had suffered too fresh a failure by the collapse of the Ch'in Dynasty to be able to attempt a new experiment, while Taoism was too unwordly to be able to meet the administrative demands of the expanding Empire Taoism was deliberately applied to government in the beginning decades of the Han Dynasty, and even achieved some success when the circumstances required a laisser-faire policy more than planned administration. See Hu Shih, o.c., p. 21-23.. So it was Confucianism Cf. n. 250., which finally proved adequate to the task of implementing the political unity with a unity of world-conception. But it had become a creed "quite different from the agnostic humanism of Confucius, or the democratic political phil- osophy of Mencius" Hu Shih, o.c., p. 39. The term 'agnostic' is not quite correct.. Even when the crude forms of popular superstition had been gradually banished from the sphere of Con- fucian belief, the ideas underlying those superstitions remained, while many conceptions of the other Schools had crept in and had been digested. The result was a curious mixture of naturalism and ethics.

The naturalistic element revealed itself in the conception of the yin and the yang, and of the Five Elements, heritage of previous ages Especially of the Yin-yang School, for a description of which see the Shih chi, 130. 3b, 4b. It is uncertain when the yin-yang theory arose. Ku Chieh-kang thinks that, together with the theory of the Five Elements, it originated in the period of the Warring States (5th-3rd century B.C.) and reached its full development in the Han (Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 2)., which explained the multitude of phenomena in terms of simple ideas, conceiving the processes in nature and life as an endless repetition of the manifestation of those primeval energies, transposing seemingly unconnected events into the pattern of me- chanically operating forces, classifying them into categories which together form a harmonious whole. Man in his actions is subject to the same forces as nature. Man and nature act upon one another, harmony in man corresponds with harmony in nature, disorder corresponds with disorder. The correspondence between man and nature makes it possible not only to know the meaning of strange natural events, but also to foretell the future: one has only to study one set of phenomena to be able to understand the other. The correspondence also constitutes the basis of an ethical behaviour: as bad conduct has its immediate repercussion on the order in nature, so man has to observe the correct rites, and to observe the correct rites means to behave well I have to limit myself to this very brief characterization. For a fuller description see Fêng Yu-lan, Chung kuo chê hsüeh shih, II, 1935, ch. 1-3, and the delightful book by Ku Chieh-kang, Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, 1936. Cf. also W. Eberhard, Beiträge zur kosmologischen Spekulation Chinas in der Han- Zeit (Baessler-Archiv, Sonderabdruck, Band XVI, 1933)..

It is not surprising that this world-conception was introduced into the interpretation of the Classics, and that this interpretation was, by its mystical nature, esoteric. The man who brought the new Confucian system to its fullest development was the great Kung-yang scholar Tung Chung-shu, who lived from ± 175 to ± 105 B.C. Acc. to Woo Kang, o.c., p. 25, end of note 3.. He was also the first who made the speculation on the yin and the yang the principle for Confucian studies Acc. to ch. Wu hsing chih of the Ch'ien han shu, 27. 2a.. We may say that Tung Chung- shu represents the first great Chinese theologian, in so far as the study of the Classics, especially the Spring and Autumn Annals, meant to him the understanding of a sacred message which was valid for all times Fêng Yu-lan (o.c., II, 492) divides the history of Chinese thought into a Period of Philosophers, from Confucius to Huai-nan-tzŭ (died 122 B.C.), and a Period of Classical Studies, from Tung Chung-shu to K'ang Yu-wei (1858-1927). I think that in the term 'Classical Studies' the theological aspect of Confucianism is not sufficiently emphasized.. The ideas of Tung Chung-shu are contained in his chief work, the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu , for which see Franke's and Woo Kang's studies mentioned in n. 278. I do not agree with Franke's opinion (p. 169) that the work is not important enough to be translated in full., and in his replies to the Edicts of Emperor Hsiao-wu In his Biography, ch. 56 of the Ch'ien han shu. The Edicts and the replies have been translated by W. Seufert, Urkunden zur staatlichen Neuordnung unter der Han-Dynastie, in the Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen, Vol XXIII-XXV (1922), p. 1-50, the greater part also by L. Wieger, Textes historiques, Tome I (1903), p. 453-463.. It is an impressive system which he constructed, a combination of cosmology, ethics, history, and a political programme, the whole applied to the interpretation of the Classics. I may refer to the extensive studies by Franke and Woo Kang for an exposition of this system Cf. also Fêng Yu-lan, o.c., II, ch. 2.. Here again we find the 'holistic' conception, in which all phenomena are conceived as obeying the same laws, responding to the same forces, and mutually affecting each other. The link between the naturalistic view of life and ethics is again found in the correspondences between man's actions and the events in nature, while the Sovereign, Son of Heaven, is the person on whom rests the responsibility for maintaining the order and harmony in both spheres of existence. However, for our purpose it is more interesting to see how Tung Chung-shu managed to read his theories into the Spring and Autumn Annals. According to him, the Spring and Autumn Annals should be studied by applying a certain set of rules; they form a compendium for rulers and their composition follows a definite system; they reveal the order of the Five Elements, and therewith the principle of Heaven; by under- standing them the origins of the yin and the yang, and of the Four Seasons may be known Woo Kang, p. 78-81.. The Spring and Autumn Annals record the past for the enlightenment of the future; by means of analogy present events, especially calamities and strange phenomena, may be explained, if the events in the Spring and Autumn Annals are properly understood Hu Shih, o.c., p. 38.. The Spring and Autumn Annals deal with three separate periods -- that which Confucius knew himself, that of which he had knowledge from hearsay, that of which he had knowledge by tradition --, and consider the state of Lu as the centre of the country whence its influence was to extend to all other regions Woo Kang, p. 99-100.. For the three periods different terms are used for the same events, distinguishing the degree of affection Confucius bore towards the princes of Lu Plus la période est proche, plus l'affection que l'auteur doit aux princes de Lou (patrie de l'auteur) est profonde. Ceci est une allusion à la manière de gouverner que le souverain d'un empire doit observer: l'affection et les bienfaits que le souverain doit à ses sujets se développeraient par degrés (Woo Kang, p. 104).; in the Spring and Autumn Annals Confucius created a new Dynasty, that of Lu, to which his political ideas were applied; this Dynasty of Lu was destined to establish its sovereignty over the whole world and to accomplish the Great Unity ta i-t'ung ; Woo Kang, p. 104-106.. The Dynasty of Lu together with the two pre- vious Dynasties (Yin and Chou) made up the Three Kings, re- presenting the Three Reigns san-t'ung ., and preceded by the Five Emperors, representing the Five Categories wu-tuan . I have followed Woo Kang's rendering of the term (les cinq catégories; o.c., p. 118). Cf. however his note 1 on p. 119, where he gives the translation 'cinq principes ordinaires'.. Lu should revert to the institutions of the Hsia Dynasty, adopting e.g. the colour black Woo Kang, p. 112. and instructing by loyalty Ibid., p. 62., as distinct from the Chou, which honoured the colour red and instructed by culture. Lu should moreover revert to the Principle of Substance of the Yin Dynasty, in contradistinction to the Chou, which adhered to the Principle of Form Ibid., p. 80.. Confucius, in composing the Spring and Autumn Annals, assumed the prerogatives of the King by pronouncing sentences of praise and blame; he had the position of an Uncrowned King su-wang ; ibid., p. 175..

The Spring and Autumn Annals were not the only book to be interpreted in this curious way. The Book of Change The Schools of Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang had already connected the Book of Change with the yin-yang speculations and the theories on disasters and extraordinary events (Ch'ien han shu, 88. 8a, 10b)., the Book of History, the Ku-liang Commentary, and even the Book of Poetry were seen fit to be made handbooks of fortune-telling and inter- pretation of catastrophes Hu Shih, o.c., p. 39..

 32.The Apocryphal Books

The text of the Classics, being sacred, was always carefully guarded against alterations. But alongside of these there grew up a strange literature, which professed to be their counterpart, and came to be known as the ch'an-wei .. Originally the ch'an were different from the wei; the ch'an, couched in an enigmatical language, predicted luck and disaster, they constituted real oracle-books; the wei re- presented a branch of the Classics, providing additional meanings; later the two were combined and lost their distinction Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, 6. 14a-b.. We may call the ch'an-wei Apocrypha, in contrast to the ching, Classics or Canons. As ching literally means the 'warp', so wei literally means the 'woof'. The ching constitute the outer or exoteric, the wei the inner or esoteric study P'i Hsi-jui, Ching hsüeh li shih, fol. 22b.. When this literature began to arise is uncertain. The Sui shu records the general opinion which attributes the ch'an-wei to Confucius, who, fearing that his teaching would not be understood by later generations, supplied these supplements; its own opinion, however, is that the ch'an-wei originated in the Former Han Bibliographical Chapter, 32 (27). 30b.. This opinion is shared by many modern scholars, e.g. by Sung P'ei-wei, who ascribes the origin of the ch'an-wei to the period between the Ch'in and the Han , in his Tung han tsung chiao shih (1935), p. 12. Sung probably follows the Imperial Catalogue, where, however, it is only stated that "since the Ch'in and the Han the distance from the Sage daily became greater, so that the scholars in their explanations and discussions each composed books, which originally were not appended to the Classics" (ch. 6. fol. 14b)., and Fêng Yu-lan, who ascribes it to the middle of the Former Han period o.c., p. 546.. Ku Chieh-kang, however, thinks that the Apocrypha cannot be earlier than the time of Wang Mang (round about the beginning of the Christian era), as they do not appear in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 188. Cf. n. 549.. Chu I-tsun also holds that there were no Apocrypha in the Former Han period Quoted by Ma Kuo-han, Yü han, 52.1a. Chu I-tsun (cf. n. 73) was the author of the Ching i k'ao , a descriptive catalogue of lost and extant works on the Classics., while Hsü Yang-yüan (1758-1825). is of the opinion that, though the ch'an had come from antiquity, the wei originated in the beginning of the Later Han period Quoted by Yen Chieh (1763-1843) in his Ching i ts'ung ch'ao (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1390. 26a).. But though the wei, as special documents, probably did not yet form a literature apart in the period of the Former Han, and though some of their contents suggest an origin in the beginning of the third century A.D. Cf. infra, p. 117., the main ideas may already have been current during the Former Han. Fêng Yu-lan says that all the Classical scholars of the Former Han made use of the yin-yang theories to interpret the Classics o.c., p. 498.; we have seen to what extent this was indeed done by Tung Chung-shu. Judged by its contents, Tung Chung-shu's work may be called a wei, as also the Shang shu ta chuan, which is ascribed to Fu-shêng Acc. to the Imperial Catalogue, l.c. Tung Chung-shu's work is here indicated Ch'un ch'iu yin yang , by which I think the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu is meant. For the Shang shu ta chuan see n. 157., though neither of these books was presented as such. The Imperial Catalogue l.c. gives two instances of quotations from the Book of Change, which apparently are quotations from Apocrypha belonging to the Book of Change; one occurs in the Shih chi, and reads: "To miss it by a hair's breadth makes a difference of one thousand li" , Shih chi, 130. 10b. P'ei Yin (5th cent. A.D.) already says in his Commentary that the quotation given as from the I, is in reality from the I wei.; the other one is a quotation by Ko K'uan- jao, occurring in his Biography in the Ch'ien han shu, and reads: "The Five Emperors considered all under Heaven as their office, the Three Kings considered all under Heaven as their home" , Ch'ien han shu, 77. 3b, Biography of . The quotation is there said to be, not from the I but from the Han shih i chuan . This was a work by Han Ying, who, besides being the originator of the Han School of the Book of Poetry (see supra, p. 86), also taught the Book of Change and wrote a chuan 'Commen- tary' on it; but as the people of Yen, the country where Han Ying came from, and Chao liked his teaching of the Book of Poetry better, his School of the Book of Change declined; Ko K'uan-jao, who had first studied the Book of Change under Mêng Hsi, later turned to that of Han Ying (Ch'ien han shu, 88. 20a). The I wên chih (Ch'ien han shu, 30. 3a) mentions under the section on the I a Han shih in 2 p'ien..

However this may have been, I think it is safe to assume that towards the end of the Former Han the Apocryphal literature had already attained a wide circulation Cf. Fêng Yu-lan, o.c., p. 572. The Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu, 32(27) 30b, relates that at the end of the (Former) Han a certain Ch'ih , who was a Gentleman at the Palace, began to collect the t'u , the wei, the ch'an, and the 'miscellaneous divination books' tsa-chan , making of them 50 p'ien and calling them the Ch'un ch'iu tsai i ..

The names of the books are very peculiar and hardly intelligible Cf. Ku Chieh-k'ang's remark on p. 187 of his Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh.. Chuang-huai T'ai-tzŭ gives in his Commentary on the Hou han shu an enumeration of the books which together constituted the Seven wei in all 35 works; Hou han shu, , 82 (72 ). 19b.. For the Book of Change there were: the Chi lan t'u, the Ch'ien tso tu, the K'un ling t'u, the T'ung kua yen, the Shih lei mou, the Pien chung pei .; for the Book of History there were: the Hsüan chi ch'ien, the K'ao ling yao, the Hsing tê fang, the Ti ming yen, the Yün ch'i shou (= ) .; for the Book of Poetry there were: the T'ui tu tsai, the Fan li shu, the Han shên wu (the Hou han shu erroneously writes ) Hou shan hu: ).; for the Book of Rites there were: the Han wên chia, the Chi ming chêng, the Tou wei i .; for the Book of Music there were: the Tung shêng i, the Chi yao chia, the Hsieh t'u chêng (inst. of ) .; for the Book of Filial Piety there were: the Yüan shên ch'i, the Kou ming chüeh ; for the Spring and Autumn Annals there were: the Yen k'ung t'u, the Yüan ming pao, the Wên yao kou, the Yün tou shu, the Kan ching fu, the Ho ch'êng t'u, the K'ao i yu, the Pao ch'ien t'u, the Han han tzŭ , the Tso chu ch'i, the Wu ch'êng t'u, the Ch'ien t'an pa, the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (or ), , (the Hou han shu has ) ..

The Bibliographical Chapter in the Sui shu is not very clear. First it lists the following works: Ho t'u in 20 chüan, Ho t'u lung wên in 1 chüan, I wei in 8 chüan, Shang shu wei in 3 chüan, Shang shu chung hou in 5 chüan, Shih wei in 18 chüan, Li wei in 3 chüan, Li chi mo fang in 2 chüan, Yüeh wei in 3 chüan, Ch'un ch'iu tsai i in 15 chüan, Hsiao ching kou ming chüeh in 6 chüan, Hsiao ching yüan shên ch'i in 7 chüan, Hsiao ching nei shih in 1 chüan : Sui shu, ch. 32(27), fol. 29b-30a.. But in its discussion it says that there were the Ho t'u in 9 p'ien, the Lo shu . in 6 p'ien, other works [of this kind] in 30 p'ien, the Seven wei of the Classics . in 36 p'ien, all together forming 81 p'ien; besides there were the Shang shu chung hou, the Lo tsui chi ., the Wu hsing chuan ., the Shih t'ui tu tsai, the Fan li shu, the Han shên wu, the Hsiao ching kou ming chüeh, the Yüan shên ch'i, the Tsa ch'an ., and other worksSui shu, ch. 32(27), fol. 30b..

Hsü Yang-yüan further mentions the K'ung lao ch'an in 12 chüan, the Lao tzŭ ho lo ch'an in 1 chüan, the, Yin kung ch'an in 4 chüan, the Liu hsiang ch'an in 1 chüan, the Tsa ch'an shu in 29 chüan, the Yao chieh shun yü in 1 chüan, the K'ung tzŭ wang ming ching in 1 chüan, the Kuo wên chin chi in 1 chüan, the Wang tzŭ nien ko in 1 chüan, and the Sung shan tao shih ko in 1 chüan, all occurring in the Sui shu, and all belonging to the class of ch'an ; Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1390. 25b..

This extensive list is not yet complete. There are Apocrypha of the Analects: the Lun yü pi k'ao ch'an, Chuan k'ao ch'an, Chê fu hsiang, Chê shuai (or ch'ien or hsiang) shêng ch'êng chin ch'an, Yin hsi ch'an, Su wang shou ming ch'an, Chiu hua ch'an, Ch'ung chüeh ch'an (or or ., edited by Ma Kuo-han from quotations, and all accom- panied by a Commentary by Sung Chung Yü han, 58.67a ff. For Sung Chung, cf. supra, n. 107.. Besides the works mentioned above there are further for the Book of Change: the Ch'ien k'un tso tu, and the Ch'ien yüan hsü chih chi . With the six others (see n. 348) they form the 'Eight Classes of Apocryphal Books of Change' I wei pa chung . They are the only wei which have been transmitted as books, though they are from different periods. See Percy Bruce, The I wei, in the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. LXI, 1930, p. 105. There is a good edition in the Ku ching chieh hui han, with a Commentary by Chêng Hsüan.; for the Book of Music: the Yüeh yüan yü . We have seen that this work was twice quoted in the Po hu t'ung, see supra, p. 69.; for the Spring and Autumn Annals: the Ming li hsü and the Nei shih ; ed. by Ma Kuo-han, Yü han, 57.65a-72b, with a Commentary by Sung Chung.; for the Book of Filial Piety: the Chung ch'i, the Tso ch'i, the Yu ch'i, the Nei shih, the Tz'ŭ hsiung t'u, the Ku pi ; Yü han, 58.40a ff. The first four have a Commentary by Sung Chung..

With the exception of the eight wei of the Book of Change, all these works have only been preserved in quotations. This sad fate of such a voluminous literature was due to the proscriptions to which it had been subjected. "Coming to [the period] ta-ming of the Sung (457-465)", so the Sui shu relates, "the t'v and ch'an began to be forbidden; in [the period] t'ien-chien of the Liang (502-520) and after, the [prohibition-]measures were augmented; when Kao-tsu [,Emperor Wên of the Sui Dynasty (590-604),] received the mandate, the prohibition was [again] made more severe, and when Emperor Yang (605-617) ascended the Throne he sent out officials to the four [quarters] to make a search of the books and documents in all under Heaven. Those which bore some relation with the ch'an and the wei were burned; those people who were impeached by the officials were executed. From this [time on] the study [of the ch'an-wei] never recovered, while in the archives there were no more than remnants" Ch. 32 (27), fol. 31a-b.. The T'ang scholars still quoted the wei in their Sub- commentaries on the Classics, but the study of this curious literature had already stopped Acc. to Wang Wei , Ch'ing yen ts'ung lu , quoted by Ch'ên Têng-Yüan in his Sui chih chin wei (ch. 3, p. 50 of his Ku chin tien chi chü san k'ao (1936)).. In the Sung period (960-1276) the wei were almost extinct Sung P'ei-wei, o.c., p. 15., while what was known of them was considered so absurd that Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-1072) , style Yung-shu . advised to strike off the wei quotations from the Commentaries on the Classics, which advice was not followed Hsü Yang-Yüan, o.c. (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1390.27a).. In the Ming period (1368-1644) Sun Chio collected the existing fragments and published them in a work of 36 chüan with the title of Ku wei shu . See the Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, 33.12b.. In the Ch'ing (1644-1911) the interest in the wei returned, and there ensued a rage for collecting fragments; Huang Shih edited 55 works in his Han hsüeh t'ang ts'ung shu , also called Huang shih i shu k'ao . The huai-ch'üan-shih ed. contains a preface by Wang Chien of the year i-ch'ou (1865?).; Ma Kuo-han 40 in his Yü han shan fang chi i shu (1794-1857), . The work was printed and published after his death, see Hummel, o.c., p. 557.; Chao Tsai-han published the Seven wei in 38 chüan , acc. to Sung P'ei-wei completer than the other collections.; Ch'ên Ch'iao-ts'ung the Shih wei chi chêng in 4 chüan (1809-1869, see Hummel, o.c., p. 98), . For these data I have followed Sung P'ei-wei, o.c., p. 15-16. Pelliot, T'oung Pao, Vol. XIX, 1920, p. 356, mentions a recent work by Chiang Ch'ing-i , the Wei hsüeh yüan liu fei hsing k'ao in 3 ch.. The Chinese love of learning had overcome the aversion to unortho- doxy, for, as Hsü Yang-yüan said, "it would not do to reject [books, only] because they are not Classics" o.c., 1390.27b..

 33.Contents of the Apocryphal Books

Equally quixotic as their titles are the contents of the wei. Their singularity, their extremely obscure phraseology, and the defective condition of the texts are probably the reasons why the Apocrypha have received so little attention from the sinological world. As early as 1920 Pelliot pointed out the importance of this literature, which no sinologue had as yet undertaken to examine "Il y a là une littérature importante pour la connaissance des traditions courantes sous les Han, mais nul sinologue n'en a encore abordé l'étude", T'oung Pao, Vol. XIX, p. 356. Cf. however Karlgren's opinion on the wei in the Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Vol. 18, p. 232, n. 1.. Since then, as far as I know, it was only Professor Percy Bruce who, in 1930, attempted an investigation of the Apocryphal Books of ChangeThe I wei, A Problem in Criticism, in the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. LXI, p. 100-107. Cf. n. 365. Bruce's study is unfortunately very short, and not altogether satisfactory.. I therefore regret not to be able to make a comprehensive study of the highly interesting contents of the wei, partly for lack of comparative material, and partly because the limits of this Introduction would not allow such an extensive undertaking. I shall have to content myself with a brief and provisional summary, not even attempting a translation of the summarized passages, and only drawing attention to those features which most concern our study. For this summary I have used Ma Kuo-han's editions of the wei in his Yü han shan fang chi i shu, to which the references are made. I shall not indicate the names of the Apocryphal Books in order not to make those references too confusing. Furthermore I shall leave aside the Apocryphal Books of Change, for which Bruce's study may be consulted.

Though the wei profess to be the complements of the various ching, their present contents do not give us any lead as to what their relation is with a particular Classic. That is, none of them contains statements which could be considered as peculiar for a special Classic: an Apocryphal Book on the Spring and Autumn Annals e.g. relates almost the same kind of things as an Apocryphal Book of Filial Piety. The aphoristic form of the sayings in the present wei and their incoherence may be due to the fact that they have been culled from all sorts of quotations, and disconnected from their context; we do not know what the original form was, neither to what extent they constituted an organic whole.

Characteristic again of the Chinese mind is that even in the wei little is said of the beginning of things. We only learn that creation began 2,276,000 years before the capture of the unicorn, which took place in 481 B.C. and announced Confucius' impending death; the period was divided into ten eras (57.65a). We are told that the period of the Great Simplicity t'ai-su returns every 291,840 years (54.31a), that there are the Five Origins wu-yüan, viz. Heaven's, Earth's, Man's Fluids, the Fluid of the Four Seasons, that of the Winds (54.44a-45a).

Amply represented, on the other hand, are the speculations on the yin and yang and the Five Elements Ku Chieh-kang is probably right in stating that the kaleidoscopic contents of the wei in reality are only elaborations of the yin-yang and Five Elements theories (Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 190).: we have passages on the succession of the yin and the yang (54.3a), on the effects of the harmony and disharmony of the yin and the yang (55.53b- 54a); on the natural phenomena, such as rain, clouds, lightning, fog, rainbow, snow, frost, hail, being the results of the interactions of the yin and the yang (57.26a-27a); on the relation between music and the yin and yang (54.56a); on the human face corres- ponding with the yin and yang (57.19b-21b) I.e. the art of physiognomy hsiang , against which the philoopher Hsün-tzŭ (first half 3rd Century B.C.) already wrote a refutation (see Dubs, The Works of Hsün-tze, 1928, p. 67).; etc. We have further expositions on the Five Elements and their succession (57.27b); on the correspondence between the Five Elements and the Five Reservoirs (54.42b), and the Five Human Relationships (54.49b); on the influence of bad government on the disharmony of the Five Elements (56.25b); etc.

Cosmographical contemplation seems to have been in vogue among the composers of the wei, for we encounter statements on the distance between heaven and earth, being 178,500 li (53.50b) or 150,000 li (54.7a); on heaven and earth measuring 333,000 li from east to west, and 231,500 li from south to north (54.7a); on the circumference of heaven being 1,071,000 li (55.50a); on the division of the globe-like heaven into 3651/4 degrees (50.50b); one degree measuring 2,932 348/1461 li (50.51a), or, more exactly, 2,932 li, 71 paces and 2 364/487 feet (55.50a); on the space beyond the 28 zodia- cal mansions extending 15,000 li to the four directions -- called the Extremities of the Four Wanderings ssü-yu chih-chi . -- (53.51a); on the diameter of the sun being 1000 li (57.25a); on the sun re- volving to the left and the moon to the right (57.25b); on the position of the sun during the seasons (53.54b-56a); on the sun passing through the zodiacal mansions (53.52b, 54a-b); on the stars and the constellations (passim); on the earth moving constantly, and com- parable to a moving boat, in which a sitting man does not feel the movement (53.51b).

The interest in the geographical division of the earth and in its fauna is shown in the passages on the nine provinces, which corres- pond with certain constellations (55.3a-b); on the Five Mountain- peaks (58.31b); on the states of Ch'i, Ch'ên, Ch'in, etc. (54.6a-b): on a region in the north-east where people nine inches tall live (54.7b); on the various kinds of minerals (58.26a-b); on the tiger, which is born after seven months, is therefore seven feet long, and the stripes of which represent the mixing of the yin and yang (55.63a); on the dog, which is born after three months, and is therefore three feet high (55.63b); on the horse, which is born after twelve months (ib.); on the cock, the duck, the crane (56.42-43a): on fishes and birds, why they are born out of eggs (55.62a); on silkworms (55.62b); on insects and molluscs (58.27a-28a); on portentous beasts: dragon, phoenix, tortoise, unicorn (54.49b, 57a; 56.23a, 55a-b; 58.80a).

Man is born after ten months, his head is twelve inches long in imitation of the twelve months, his face, neck, eyebrows, and tongue correspond with the constellations (57.19a-b). His palm is round in imitation of Heaven, he has five fingers in imitation of the Five Elements (57.21a). He has two thighs, because the yin number is two, from his waist upwards he is yang, from his waist downwards he is yin, the numbers of the yin and yang combine into four(?), there- fore the circumference of his waist is four feet (57.21b). His head is round resembling Heaven, his feet are square resembling Earth, his Five Storehouses (= intestines) resemble the Five Elements, his four limbs the Four Seasons; etc. (58.12b). His emotions are born from the yin, his instincts from the yang (58.13a, 33b). The instincts are: consideration for others, sense of the right principles, ceremonial behaviour, wisdom, and trustworthiness; they corres- pond with wood, metal, fire, water, and earth; the emotions arise after the acquirement of knowledge, they are: joy, anger, grief, happiness, love, and hate (58.33a). He is subject to the three kinds of destinies (57.8a-b; 58.12b). His relation with others is deter- mined by the Three Major and the Six Minor Relationships (54.18b).

The wei abound with passages on ritual subjects. There are pas- sages on the sacrifice in the suburb (58.16b); on the fêng- and shan- sacrifices (53.43a; 56.2b; 58.31b); on the hsia- and ti-sacrifices (54.16a, 25a); on the sacrifices in the ancestral temple (54.24b, 25b; 58.6b, 31a); on the rain-sacrifice (55.58a-b; 56.5b); on the ming- t'ang (53.66a; 54.14b; 55.47a; 58.17a, 17b-18a); on the ling-t'ai (54.12b); on the pi-yung (54.15a; 58.18b, 34b); on flags and stan- dards (54.20b-21a, 27a); on boats, screens, palaces (54.21b); on the jade emblems (54.27b): on funeral rites (54.22a-b; 56.45b-46a; 58.19b); on the Nine Distinctions (54.17a); on the different names of the targets (54.18a); on the different terms for filial piety (58. 12b-13a); on the five different names of Heaven (53.54b-56a); on the procedure of warning the Lord (58.20a); on those who are not to be treated as subjects (58.34b); on punishments (53.64a-b; 57.18b, 30b).

Forming the counterpart of rites, music receives due attention in the wei. We have passages on what music means (54.47a; 57.14b); on the Five Notes (54.41a-42a); on the Seven Notes (54.32b); on the origin of singing (54.45b); on the meaning of the 'Songs of Praise' sung (54.7a); on musical instruments (54.56b-57a); on the Six Pitch-pipes (54.54a); on the influence of music and pitch-pipes (54.54a-56a); on the music of the ancient Sovereigns (54.42a, 46a-47a, 53a-b; 57.15a-b; 58.15b); on that of the barbarians (54.51b; 58.34a).

In the wei history and myth are blended together. The succession of Sovereigns in the ancient past is seen as a process of deterioration; so we encounter descriptions of the differences between the August Ones, the Emperors, the Kings, and the Hegemons (53.29a; 54.31a; 58.20a-b, 29a-30b, 80a), with enumerations of the Three August Ones (54.12a; 55.22a). But all inaugurators of Dynasties are con- sidered to have possessed supernatural powers, which enabled them to accomplish this feat; they were born in a miraculous way, and had their prowess manifested in their extraordinary appearance. Almost every page contains stories of these demi-gods and their faithful servants: Fu-hsi (53.22a; 54.8a-12b; 55.39a; 57.8b, 68a; 58.32a); Nü-kua (54.8b); Shên-nung (54.13a; 57.9a, 11a; 58.32a); Yen-ti (57.68b); Ti-k'u (53.47b; 57.9b); Huang-ti (53.23a, 45b; 54.8b, 40a; 55.22b, 39b-40a, 62b; 56.48a; 57.9a, 11a, 69a; 58.72a); Chuan-hsü (54.8b, 39b; 57.9a); Yao (53.22a-b, 24a-b, 28a, 45b, 46a, 47b, 63a-b, 66b; 55.23b, 40b, 42b; 57.9b, 11b, 13a; 58.33a, 68a-b); Shun (53.27a-b, 67a; 54.9a; 55.22b; 56.48a; 58.33a); Yü (53.26a, 67b; 54.9a, 13a; 58.33a); Kao-yao (53.30b; 54.13a; 57.11b); Hsieh (53.74b; 54.9a); T'ang (53.31a-b, 32b, 48b; 54.9a; 56.48b- 49a; 57.10a); Hou-chi (53.30a, 40a; 57.10a, 12a; 58.31a); T'ai-kung (53.46a); King Wên (53.34a-35b, 36a; 57.10a, 13b); King Wu (53.38a, 40b, 48b, 69a; 54.50b; 57.10b); the Duke of Chou (53.40b; 58.2a); the Duke of Shao (54.46a); King ch'êng (53.42a; 57.7b). Their appearance is described in a way that defies any human anatomy (56.48a; 57.8b-11a; 58.14a-15a). There are further passages on the Teachers of the Sovereigns (58.70b), and on Hsi-wang- mu (53.72a).

The picture of the ancient Sovereigns is not complete without the counterpart of the bad Kings, so we have stories about Chieh, the wicked last ruler of the Hsia (53.48a), and Chou, the last King of the Yin Dynasty (53.46a; 57.13a). In passing, the barbarous states of Ch'in (53.61a, 70a) and Ch'u (55.30a) are also referred to.

"The same Dynasty cannot hold the mandate twice" (53.66b), thus the succession of Dynasties is explained. A succeeding Dynasty should be distinguished from the preceding one by the adoption of a particular colour (54.26a), by the application of the Principle of Substance or that of Form (54.18b, 50b; 57.6a), by a re-arrange- ment in the system of the Three Reigns (54.26b, 62a), by the ap- plication of one of the Three Corrections (54.26a, 49a; 57.6b), and of the Three Instructions (57.6a). Whereas the Yin had a division of ranks in three grades, the Chou had one in five grades (54.16b; 57.15b-16a).

The explanation of words according to sound-analogy may be expected from men accustomed to classificatory thinking, and for whom everything could mean almost anything. In this way the following words are explained: ch'ên 'Minister' (58.10b), chêng 'to govern' (58.11a), chiu 'wine' (56.42a), ch'iu 'hill' (56.38b), chou 'province' (56.39a), ch'un 'Spring' (56.38a; 57.5a), ho 'river' (56.39b), ho 'grain' (56.40a), hou 'Marquis' (58.10b), hsing 'planet' (56.36b), hsing 'punishment' (57.17b; 58.2b, 30b), hun 'departing spirit' (58.11b), huo 'fire' (57.27b), jên 'consideration for others' (57.19a), jih 'sun' (57.24a), kung 'Duke' (57.16a), kung 'palace' (57.53a), li 'rites' (54.19b), ling 'mound' (56.38b), lu 'emolument' (58.11a), lü 'pitch-pipe' (57.4a), ma 'hemp' (56.42a), mai 'wheat' (56.40b), min 'the people' (58.10b), nan 'Baron' (57.16a), po 'Earl' (58.10b), p'o 'spirit decaying with the body' (58.11b), shan 'mountain' (56.38a), shih 'common officer' (57.16b), shu 'leguminous plants' (56.40b), shui 'water' (57.27b), sui 'year' (57.4a), ta-fu 'great officer (57.16b), tao 'paddy' (56.40a), ti 'Earth' (56.36a; 57.23b), ti 'Emperor' (57.7a), t'ien 'Heaven' (56.36a), t'u 'earth' (57.27a), tzŭ 'Viscount' (57.16a), wang 'King' (55.6b; 57.7b), wei 'the river Wei' (56.39b), yün 'cloud' (56.37b).

Classificatory thinking is also the background of the belief in correspondences between the world of nature and the world of man, especially with regard to political events and the King's behaviour. So there is correspondence between rites and seasons (54.24a), between music and certain stars (54.47a-48a), and so there is corres- pondence between human actions and the coming of rain (54.25b), the phenomena in the sun and the moon (54.63b-69a; 55.7a; 56.5b- 6a, 18b; 57.29b-30b; 58.45a-50b, 58a-62a), sun-eclipses (53.76b; 56.18b-22a, 29a-b), the stars and constellations (54.10a-b, 15a, 18b-20b, 30b, 69b-72b; 55.7b-21b, 24a-26b, 32b-36a; 56.6b-7a, 13b-17b; 57.31a-49a; 58.7b-10a, 35b-36a, 44a-b, 50b-51b, 62a-63b, 65a-b).

From the belief in correspondences to that in omens is a short step. Good or bad behaviour provokes nature in a particular way. There are omens which appear when government is as it should be (54.33a-39b; 58.21b-25a). On the other hand strange happenings are indications of bad government, or forewarnings of some disaster. So we are taught the meaning of the appearance of two suns (56.29a), of sun and moon together (55.55a), of water flowing upwards (56. 24a-b), of tiles falling down from roofs (56.24b), of bees and ants forming swarms (56.25a), of women changing into men and vice versa (56.25b), of earth-quakes (ib.), of bells sounding by themselves (56.31a), of tigers having two mouths (56.31b), of horses entering palaces (ib.), of dragons emerging from wells (56.32a), of snakes found in the yard (56.32b), etc.

Interesting for the purpose of our study is what the wei have to say about Confucius, the Classics, and the House of Han The less relevant passages may be briefly indicated in this note: Confucius' conversations (54.7b, 30a, 42a; 57.12a; 58.81a); his disciples (58.70a-b, 73b, 77a-b, 79a); Mencius (56.54b); Confucius' love of the Book of Change (58.70b)..

In a dream Confucius' mother had intercourse with the Black Emperor, and gave birth to Confucius in a hollow mulberry-tree The connection of the tree with persons of supernatural qualities is a common feature in myths. I cannot enter into this particular case of Confucius without adducing comparative material from other cultures, which would go far beyond the scope of this study. Acc. to W. Eberhard, the birth in a hollow mulberry-tree also occurs as an extension of a deluge fairy-tale in Shan-tung (which was the native country of Confucius), see his Typen chinesischer Volks- märchen, 1937, p. 84. Karlgren mentions the story of I-yin who was also born in a hollow mulberry-tree (Legends and Cults in Ancient China, B.M.F.E.A., 18, p. 329; esp. his note). It is tempting to associate the word k'ung-shang 'hollow mulberry-tree' with the word k'ung of Confucius, which also means 'hole', 'hollow', but we must beware of the danger of making new stories of the wei type.; he was therefore called the Black Sage (56.50a). Confucius' head was like a muddy (ni) indented top of a hill (ch'iu), therefore his personal name was Ni-ch'iu (56.50b) . This corresponds with the statement in the Po hu t'ung (par. 164c): "[The head of] Confucius was like a vault upside down, therefore he was called Ni-ch'iu Muddy Hill". The Shih chi says that Confucius' personal name was Ch'iu, and his appellation Chung-ni , because his mother had prayed (for a son) at (Mount) Ni- ch'iu , and because the child had a head like the indented top of a hill (See E. Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, V, p. 290, n.l.).. On his chest, which con- formed to a carpenter's square, meaning that he modelled himself on antiquity (58.77b), was inscribed: "Thy doctrine shall regulate the ages in conformity with destiny" (56.50b). He was ten feet high, nine wei (45 inches) in girth; sitting down he resembled a crouching dragon, standing up he resembled a tethered bull; from close by he looked like the Pleiades, from afar he looked like the Pole-star; he was a bell with a wooden tongue proclaiming the rules for all under Heaven (56.50b) . Cf. Lun yü, III. 24 (Legge's translation, p. 164).. His mouth was like the ocean, containing all the bounties of it (58.15a).

Though 'born to be King', Confucius did not actually wield earthly authority. He only prepared the mandate to be held by the House of Liu (= Han; 56.50b). Having the essence of the Black Dragon he could not succeed the Chou, whose spiritual power was that of wood, i.e. green (58.15b). Confucius was an Uncrowned King su-wang, neither endowed with rank nor emoluments, nor possessing the right to punish and to start expeditions (58.38a); he was only served by his sixty-four disciples who wrote down his cryptic words (58.86a), and of whom Yen yüan functioned as ssŭ -t'u, tzŭ - lu as ssŭ -k'ung, Tso Ch'iu-ming as su-ch'êni.e. 'Titular Minister'. To Tso Ch'iu-ming or Tso-ch'iu Ming is ascribed the authorship of the Kuo yü and the Tso chuan. (58.76b-77a).

The message Confucius had to convey to the world was revealed to him by Heaven, which dropped a 'blood-letter' within the gates of Lu, predicting his death, the fall of Chou, the rise of Ch'in, the ensuing disorder, and the continuation of Confucius' doctrine; the 'blood-letter' changed into a red bird, and again into a white letter, on which was written 'Plan for the practise of Confucius' doctrine'; in it was contained the form of the plans to be made and the rules to be established (56.50b-51a). And so Confucius created and mo- delled the Five Classics, which taught the destinies of Heaven and Earth, which were to be examined as plans and pictures ., which served as material for the Three Kings, and should be extended to the four seas (56.54a). The Six Classics (the Book of Filial Piety included), in making clear the superiority of the Lord and father, and the beginning of Heaven and Earth, each had their own message (56.33a).

The Book of Change describes the rhythm of the fluids, it contains the Five Essences, and reveals the divisions of time (56.33b). The Book of History describes the influences of the two Emperors and the works of the three Kings, so as to make clear the cycle of periods and the rotation of changing mandates (ib.). Shang in Shang shu (= the Book of History) means shang 'high', shu means ju 'to imitate'; high Heaven suspends its ornamental figures to announce therewith its measures; the Book of History imitates the course of Heaven (53.47a). The Book of Poetry depicts the heart of Heaven and Earth, the spiritual power of the ancestors of the Lords, the origin of the one hundred forms of happiness, the threshold of the ten thousand things (54.5a). It contains the essence of Heaven's ornaments, the laws governing the stars and constellations, the principles for the human heart; applied to affairs it is poetry, even before it is emitted it forms a counsel, for the light-hearted to have joy, for the scheming to have will (56.34a). It contains the Five Junctions (of the yin and yang) and the Six Emotional (Songs: 56.54a). The Book of Rites describes the rites in cases of joy and sorrow, which belong to man as rise and decline belong to the Five Elements (56.34b). The Book of Filial Piety shows that the superiority of the Lord and father, the simplicity of the way of man, the beginning of Heaven and Earth, are all comprised in filial piety (56.35b). In it can be seen Confucius' reverence for the observance of the rules of the human relationships (58.37a). In the Spring and Autumn Annals Confucius' intentions may be known, and his praise and blame of the aims of the Feudal Lords may be found (ib.). In them he restored the old chronology of the Yin Dynasty, so that its numbers could be transmitted to posterity (57.70b); in them he displayed the destinies of Heaven and man, recorded the strange events, and examined the omens (56.13a). The Spring and Autumn Annals complete the regulations of the Three Sage (Kings), and correct disorderly institutions (56.35a). Confucius wrote them with 18,000 characters, and completed them in nine months; when he showed them to Tzŭ -yu and Tzŭ - hsia, their pupils were not able to correct one character (ib.). Confucius began the work in spring and finished it in autumn, therefore it was called Spring and Autumn Annals (56.52a). The Spring and Autumn Annals apply the method of the Three Discriminationssan-k'o , ace. to Sung Chung's Commentary: the division into the Three Periods, the preservation of the Three Reigns, the distinction between inside (Lu) and outside., and that of the Nine Indications chiu-chih , ace. to Sung Chung: the entries of the season, the month, the day, the word wang 'King', the term t'ien-wang 'King [by the mandate] of Heaven', the term t'en-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven', reproof, blame, omission. (56.52b); they record the Seven Defectsch'i-ch'üeh , i.e., ace. to Sung Chung, the defect in the way of the husband, of the wife, of the Lord, of the Minister, of the father, of the son, in the rites of the Duke of Chou.(56.53a). "He who shall transmit my writings shall be Kung-yang Kao" (56.35b); Kung-yang preserved in its entirety the Classic of Confucius (56.54b).

The link which was established in the wei between Heaven, the Classics, and the House of Han, appears most clearly in the following story: "Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals and fashioned the Book of Filial Piety; when he had finished them he bade his seventy-two disciples stand with their faces turned to the north-star and [their bodies] bent like a chiming-stone; he bade Tsêng-tzŭ hold the Dragon Chart and the Turtle Book and face north. [Then] Confucius, having fasted and fastened his hair with a pin [after his washing], put on a scarlet single gown, faced the north-star, bowed, and announced the accomplishment [of his work] to Heaven, saying: 'I have respectfully completed the Book of Filial Piety in four chüan, the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Dragon Chart, and the Turtle Book, in all eighty-one chüan'. Then Heaven caused a dense fog to reach down to the earth, a red-col- oured rainbow stretched out from [Heaven] above to [the earth] below, and changed into a yellow [stone of] jade, three feet long, on which characters were engraved. Kneeling down Confucius took [the stone] and read its [message]. It said: 'The precious documents have appeared, Liu Chi shall seize [the power], a double door with a metal knife [shall arise] north of [the constellation] chên, [con- taining] the characters [for] grain and child, all under Heaven shall submit'" I.e., the characters mao, chin, and tao constitute the three elements in the character liu (cf. however Karlgren's Analytical Dictionary of Chinese and Sino- Japanese, 1923, nos. 254 and' 602: the element in liu is not mao, but yu (?); mao is said to mean 'open double-door', yu 'a double door closed by a bar at the top'), the characters ho 'grain' and tzŭ 'child' are the two elements in the character chi; 'character' also means 'style'. The first Han Emperor bore the surname of Liu, his style was Chi, while his personal name was Pang. Probably, however, as a man of the people, he originally had no given name, chi merely meaning 'the fourth [son]'. Cf. Homer H. Dubs, The Name and Ancestry of Han Kao-tsu, in T'oung Pao, Vol. XXXII, 1936, p. 59-64. Though I cannot furnish any evidence I think that the surname Liu is also an invention, the common people in ancient China not being included in the 'Hundred Clans' po-hsing , which bore clan- names or surnames shih. The passage quoted occurs in the Hsiao ching yu ch'i (Yü han, 58.42b-43a); Sung P'ei-wei, o.c., p. 16, ascribes it to the Hsiao ching wei yüan shên ch'i. In the Ch'un ch'iu wei han han tzŭ (Yü han, 56. 3a) a further explanation is given for the name Liu: mao is in the eastern quarter, [the region where] the yang arises and where 'consideration for others' is manifested; chin 'metal' is in the western quarter, [the region where] the yin arises and where 'sense of the right principles' is accomplished; [the character] tao 'knife' is put to the right of them to complete the manifestation; with his 'knives' he beats the cruel arrows of Ch'in . . . . . . ..

We saw that Confucius could not succeed the Chou, whose spir- itual power was that of the green wood, because he had the essence of the Black Dragon See supra, p. 113.. We further learn that Confucius' essence was water, and that he established rules for the Red Institution (i.e. the Han) to be used as patterns . (56.3a). We are told that Confucius knew by anticipation that the Red Emperor was to replace the Chou, when he encountered a young grass-cutter goading a unicorn, which was wounded in its left front leg, and was loaded with a pile of fire-wood, the unicorn containing the essence of wood (the Chou Dynasty), and the boy gathering fire-wood meaning that a common man was to kindle the fire (58.42a-b; 53.29b). This common man, who was destined to be the first Emperor of the Han Dynasty was, of course, no ordinary being. He was the offspring of the Red Dragon, born of a mother who had swallowed a red jade ball bearing an inscription, and who in her dream had intercourse with a red bird, resembling a dragon The statements in the wei are ambiguous (cf. 54.9b; 56.13a). In one place Liu Chi himself was born after the dragon had sported with a dame Liu, in another it was his father Chih-chia , who was the product of the inter- course.. The Han Dynasty was to have a term of four hundred years (56.49b); it was to lose all under Heaven with Hsü-ch'ang . I.e., when Ts'ao P'ei usurped the throne in 220 A.D. and changed the name of the district Hsü into Hsü-ch'ang. See P'ei Sung-chih's Commentary on the San kuo chih, Wei shu, 2.6a; cf. also the Shui ching chu, 22.17b, Po-na ed. (56.11b).

How should we regard this strange literature? It is clear that it was not the product of one hand and of one time, for the same stories are often repeated in different versions, while at least the references to the term of the Han Dynasty and its end indicate an origin in the San-kuo period (220-265 A.D.) and later. The under- lying ideas of the entire genre are, however, the same as those which we found, for example, in Tung Chung-shu, representing the world-conception of the Former HanBut is is curious to note that Tung's idea of the state of Lu, the Black Reign, runs counter to the ideas in the wei.. It would therefore, it seems to me, not be too far wrong to assume that the contents of the wei on the whole were already current during the second century B.C., but that they did not take the shape of the written documents with their bizarre titles until later, while at the same time new elements, especially historical allusions, were introduced.

In the process of amalgamation of the diverse beliefs into one universal system during the Former Han, the wei with their cos- mological speculations and their classifications provided the back- ground against which the scholars tried to understand and explain the Classics. On the whole the Classics did not provide a systematic and organic world-conception. As far as we can judge Confucius himself was chiefly concerned with ritual and ethics, applied to politics, and his lack of interest in cosmological speculations was continued by his disciples and later adherents. In fact, the polit- ical situation of the country during the period of the Warring States (5th-3rd cent. B.C.) also distracted the attention of the other philosophical Schools from the contemplation of the nature of things for its own sake, while those who occupied themselves with what we would call 'scientific observations' were few and for the most part enmeshed in casuistry and sophistry. All the same we must assume that in general the Schools, including the Confucians, were arguing and disputing with each other against the background of the same world-conception, though we do not exactly know what it was. When in the Han Confucianism was made the official creed the situation changed. Political unity having been established, a new world-conception had to be found, corresponding with that unity, and not or not sufficiently furnished by the Classics. The wei united the beliefs current in the Han, many elements of which had been handed down from non-Confucian Schools of pre-Han times. They became complements to the Classics indeed, and not only interpretations of the Classical texts, which, somehow, despite their ambiguous wording, did not bear stretching beyond a certain degree of elasticity. Thus on the one hand the wei 'popularized' the Classics by proving that they did not conflict with the pre- vailing beliefs, on the other hand these beliefs were 'authorized' by enlisting the support of the Classics. Ultimately the 'Confu- cianization' of the wei served a political purpose: for one thing the prestige of the ruling House was enhanced, and its appearance in history accounted for; for another the system of correspondences and the art of fortune-telling received an ethical sanction, becoming a system which warned the ruler against misbehaviour and checked the Emperor's absolute power by placing Heaven above him. I hardly think that this result had been deliberately intended from the beginning of the Han; it was a gradual process which reached its full development towards the end of the first century B.C.

In this process Confucius changed from a teacher and a subject into a King. He could not be less, because only Kings possessed the supernatural power which entitled them to wield unquestioned authority. Hence Confucius' miraculous birth and portentous appearance, which showed that he was the peer of the ancient Sovereigns. Not having been a ruler in reality, however, a new idea was invented: he was the Uncrowned King, who only prepared the way for the real King to come. In this fashion the possession of all under Heaven by the House of Liu, which was of lowly origin, was justified, and at the same time Confucius was exalted to the position of a prophet, destined by Heaven to forsake the honours of an earthly King for the higher ones of King for all ages. And it happened that this conception fitted beautifully into the system of the succession of the Sovereigns according to the alternation of the Five Elements and their spiritual power.

The fact that the Apocrypha arose alongside of the Classics further raises an interesting problem. Why were they not incor- porated into the Classics? In an article on Forgeries during the Warring States, the Ch'in, and the Han, Ku Chieh-kang expounds the theory that the Classics were to a great extent only devices for the scholars of those times to clothe their own political and religious ideas, and that they do not represent the actual history of ancient China; but whereas the period of the Warring States was one of fresh creativeness, in the Han the necessity of 'forging the past' was not so urgent, so that there were fewer new creations , in the Shih hsüeh nien piao, Vol. 2, no. 2, 1935, p. 208-248).. Ku Chieh-kang, without doubt, is right, though I venture to express the idea in a different way: Whatever may have been the material on which the Classics were based, in pre-Han times it was used for other purposes than that of describing the past objectively, while in the Han the Classics acquired the character of traditional and devotional books, the sacred text of which was revered and never to be altered. The establishment of chairs and Schools contributed to the preservation of the texts, and provided a kind of safeguard against the tampering with inviolable passages. Society withal continued its inevitable course of change, and new conceptions of life and the world followed in its wake. The ancient speculations had to be elaborated and adapted to the new situation, and where the Classics could not keep pace the wei stepped in and took over the task. I do not mean, of course, that, beginning with the Han, the Classical texts have never been altered, for that would be too simple a solution for such a complicated problem. The exis- tence of the wei In the postface of his article Ku Chieh-kang emphasizes the importance of this literature, which he had no opportunity to discuss in his study (o.c., p. 247)., independent from the Classics and yet consid- ered as belonging to them, suggests, however, that somehow, as I have already said above, the Classics had reached a point of congelation where it was difficult to introduce new elements. We shall see that even this cautious way of using the Classics could lead to practises which were considered sacrilegious by some scholars.

However, Han society at large seems to have accepted the queer contents of the wei as gospel truth. For truth, after all, has no need to be confirmed by facts. The facts of the ancient Chinese past could not be summoned to give evidence, the unknown facts of the future could not be marshalled against the visions of the prophesier, while the facts of the present merely spoke a language which the people were able and willing to understand. Whatever may be our appreciation of the wei, the men living in the Han period put their trust in them, had their actions motivated by them, and under their spell shaped their history and that of the House of Han.

 34.The influence of portents in the Han

When, under the reign of Emperor Hsiao-wu (140-87 B.C.), a fire broke out in the ancestral temple of the first Emperor, followed by a fire in the halls of the funerary parks of the same Sovereign, the famous Kung-yang scholar Tung Chung-shu explained it as a portent which indicated that something was wrong with Emperor Hsiao- wu's government. The Emperor had the fortune-teller thrown into prison, and condemned to death; but shortly afterwards he was pardoned. "From now on Tung Chung-shu dared not speak again of distasters and portents" See the Biography of Tung Chung-shu, Ch'ien han shu, 56.20a, Woo Kang, o.c., p. 23-24. The fires occurred on March 9, and May 25, 131 B.C. (Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty, II, p. 33)..

Thus the efficacy of portents depended on whether the person for whom they were intended was willing to acknowledge them as such. In our case the character of Emperor Hsiao-wu forbade him to accept criticism from a Confucian practising fortune-telling by means of paltry portents, favourable though the circumstances were for these to appear. For the Emperor was a superstitious man who was an easy victim of deception Cf. Dubs, o.c., II, p. 19-20., while his reign, despite its brilliance, was a period of great misery and suffering. "Although Emperor Wu had repulsed the barbarians and had extended the borders of the empire, he had nevertheless killed many soldiers, had exhausted the wealth and strength of the people, and had been boundlessly extravagant. The empire was bankrupt, the people had become destitute vagabonds, and more than half of them had died. Locusts had risen in great swarms and had bared the earth for several thousand li, so that the people had taken to cannibalism and the granaries had not been refilled to this day . . . .". Such was the judgment of the Confucian scholar Hsia-hou Shêng fifteen years after the Emperor's death Ibid., p. 17.. Probably Emperor Hsiao-wu was not yet Confucian enough to understand the correct meaning of disaster and misery, to connect them with a lack of spiritual power (tê), and to change his behaviour in accordance with the warnings of Heaven.

When we come to the reign of Emperor Hsiao-ch'êng (32-7 B.C.)The thirteen years' reign of Emperor Hsiao-chao (86-74 B.C.) was prim- arily a time of recuperation; under Emperor Hsiao-hsüan (73-49 B.C.) the country had recovered; under Emperor Hsiao-yüan (48-33 B.C.) deterioration began (see Dubs, o.c., II, pp. 143, 180, 279). the atmosphere has become different. Confucianism now "reigned supreme as the official philosophy and religion" Dubs, o.c., II, p. 365.. The Emperor had a dignified, kindly, affectionate, gentle, and docile character; in his early years he was inclined to the study of the Classics, later he became addicted to wine and women Ibid., and p. 418.. Such a man could be expected to react to a concatenation of disasters in a manner which behoved a Confucianized Son of Heaven. Disasters followed indeed one upon another during his reign. On reading the Annals which describe the events under Emperor Hsiao-ch'êngCh'ien han shu, ch. 10. The references in my extract are to the pages of Dubs' translation. we cannot but be impressed by the monotonous enumeration of catastrophes recurring nearly every year. In the spring of 32 B.C. the temple of the Emperor's great-grandfather was visited by fire, and a comet appeared in the east (375-376); in the summer a yellow fog completely filled the four quarters, in July untold myriads of blue flies collected in the Hall of the Palace (377); in September there were two moons, one above the other, appearing at dawn in the eastern quarter, in October there was a shooting star, in December a great wind uprooted large trees that were more than ten span in circumference (378). In the third month of 31 B.C. the water of a well in the Northern Palace overflowed and ran out, in the summer there was a great drought (380). In the autumn of 30 B.C. there was a flood within the Han-ku Pass region (380), preceded by a prolonged rain for more than thirty days, killing more than four thousand persons (ib., note). On January 5, 29 B.C. there was an eclipse of the sun, and in the night there was an earthquake (382); in Yüeh-sui Commandery a mountain collapsed, in May there was a fall of snow, killing many persons, in the autumn the Yellow River broke through its dikes (385). On June 19, 28 B.C. there was a total eclipse of the sun (384). In the spring of 27 B.C. iron in process of being cast blew up (385). In the spring of 26 B.C. there was an earthquake, and a mountain avalanche blocked the water of the Min River, so that the water flowed backwards, on October 23 there was a sun-eclipse (386). On April 18, 25 B.C. there was another sun-eclipse (387); in May the high bank on the border of the Ching River collapsed, and blocked the river, in Shan-yang Commandery a fire started among the rocks (388). On April 7, 24 B.C. there was again a sun-eclipse (ib.). In the autumn of 23 B.C. there was a flood east of the Han-ku Pass (389). On April 12, 22 B.c. eight meteorites fell in Tung Commandery, in the summer there was a rebellion which was only put down in a month (391). In the summer of 18 B.C. there was a great drought (398), in T'ien-shui Commandery a great stone cried out (ib., note); in the autumn there was a fire in the Northern Portal of the temple of Emperor Hsiao-ching (398). In 17 B.C. there was a rebellion led by a certain Chêng Kung, who called himself Lord of the Mountains; the rebels numbered almost ten thousand persons; they were defeated towards the end of the same year (399-400); in the autumn the Yellow River overflowed in P'o-hai and Ch'ing-ho Commanderies, it rained fish (400, and ib., note). In the spring of 16 B.C. there was a fire in the Ice Chamber of the Grand Provisioner, a few days later a fire in the Southern Portal of the Funerary Park of Queen Li (401). On March 27, 15 B.C. stars fell like rain, two days later there was a sun-eclipse (403). On March 18, 14 B.C. there was a sun-eclipse (405). In January 13 B.C. there was a rebellion in Ch'ên-liu Commandery (406); the next month a re- bellion in Shan-yang Commandery, the rebels passed through nineteen commanderies and kingdoms (407); in May there was a fire in the Ch'ang-lo Palace and the Wei-yang Palace, in July there was a fire in the Eastern Portal of the Funerary Park at the Pa Tomb (408); on August 31 there was a sun-eclipse (409). On January 26, 12 B.C. there was a sun-eclipse (ib.); in summer when there were no clouds, there was a sound of thunder and light shone out on all sides, descending to the earth, it stopped at dusk (410). In February 10 B.C. Mount Min in Shu Commandery collapsed, blocking the Min River to the third day, so that the water was exhausted (413). On April 17, 7 B.C. the Emperor died (417).

How should we regard these strange events and catastrophes? They cannot all have been invented. Probably the bad condition of the country and the prevailing misery induced the discontented to pay more attention than usual to extraordinary happenings, and to connect them with the inefficiency of the court. There is a great deal of truth in Professor Dubs' remark that the people by reporting 'portents' to the high officials, and these officials by memorializing them, exercised a kind of criticism of the government Dubs, o.c., p. 364.. That the court was susceptible to this kind of criticism appears from the numerous Edicts issued by Emperor Hsiao-ch'êng, in which he pathetically accused himself of his incorrect acts (382), and of his lack of spiritual power, so that the yin and yang wandered from their path and were in disorder (393); in which he expressed his dismay at the manifestation of his faults (403, 405, 408, 411), at the fact that his spiritual power had not been able to give tran- quillity, that he had not received the blessing of Heaven (413); etc. etc. He changed the names of his year-periods six times, con- tinuing the custom introduced by Emperor Hsiao-wu; in two cases the change was done to relieve an immediate need, viz. in 28 B.C. after the Yellow River broke through its dikes, when a new period ho-p'ing . '[Yellow] River-Peace' was adopted, and in 24 B.C. after a fire had started among the rocks, when the period yang-shuo .'Yang-beginning' was introduced.

But it seems that Heaven was withdrawing its favours from the House of Han. In this period a man from Ch'i, named Kan Chung- k'o, wrote an astrological book in 12 chüan, the Pao yüan t'ai p'ing ching ., in which he said that the Han House had run its course, but that Heaven was willing to grant it a second mandate, and therefore had sent the 'True Man' Ch'ih-ching-tzŭ ., who had instructed him, Kan Chung-k'o, in the way to carry it out. Kan was thrown into prison, and died. Later, under Emperor Hsiao-ai (6-1 B.C.), Kan's pupil Hsia Ho-liang succeeded in gaining the Em- peror's confidence. In 5 B.C. accordingly a general amnesty for all under Heaven was announced, a new year-period was inaugurated: t'ai-ch'u Yüan-chiang ., a new appellation adopted: Ch'ên Shêng- liu t'ai-p'ing huang-ti ., the day and night were divided into 120 'quarters' instead of 100. But after his success Hsia Ho-liang became overambitious, and the end of the attempt at 'restoration' was that Hsia was executed, and the old institutions were re-establishedCh'ien han shu, 11.5a-6a; 75.31b-32a. See also Ku Chieh-kang, Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 45..

However, the throne of Han was tottering; Wang Mang, a son of the younger brother of Emperor Hsiao-ch'êng's mother, was waiting for his opportunity. In February of 6 A.D., when a well was dug, a white stone was found, round at the top, square below, with red writing on it, announcing that the Duke of An-han, Wang Mang, should become EmperorCh'ien han shu, 99 .25a; Hans O. H. Stange, Die Monographie über Wang Mang, 1939, p. 80. The following references in the text are to these two works, the division in three parts of ch. 99 of the Ch'ien han shu being indicated by A, B, and C.. More portents to the same effect followed (A 34a-b; 109). Wang Mang referred to Emperor Ai's year-period t'ai-ch'u Yüan-chiang, and explained yüan-chiang as meaning that the General in Chief (ta-chiang) Wang Mang was to occupy the post of Regent, and was to change the year-period, i.e. to become Emperor (A 34b, 110). On January 10, 9 A.D. he took the throne, declaring that Heaven had by abundant signs entrusted him, the descendant of the Yellow Emperor and the offspring of Emperor Shun, with the care of the myriad people of all under Heaven (A 35b; 113-114). The change of the Dynasty was effected by the adoption of a new appellation, Hsin, by the change of the first day of the year, viz. the twelfth month, the day kuei-yu (January 15), beginning at cock's crow, by the change of colour for garments (yellow), by the change in victims, in the flags and standards, in the fashion of the vessels (A 36a-b; 114). So as to blot out the memory of the Han he abolished, in 9 A.D., the metal-knife money, which, he declared, had been introduced in 7 A.D. in order to lengthen the period of the House of Liu Ch'ien han shu, 99 .7a; Stange 133-134. The words for metal knife [] are part of the character liu , cf. supra n. 394.. Still Wang seems not to have felt quite safe. More and more favourable portents had to be reported, though the embarrassing ones were suppressed (B 15a, 15b; 161, 163). He ordered the erasure of the inscriptions on the bronze statues in the Ch'ang-lo Palace, which had visited him in his dream (C. 13b; 248); he had the spirits in the temple of the first Han Emperor attacked with swords and axes, and the walls whipped with red whips and sprinkled with a decoction from peaches (ib.). But Heaven withheld its favour from Wang Mang. There were floods, droughts, plagues of locusts, fires, earthquakes, avalanches, rain for sixty days, famines leading to cannibalism, rebellions (passim). His economic reforms all failed See Dubs, Wang Mang and his Economic Reforms, T'oung Pao, Vol. XXXV, 1940, p. 219-265.. Ominous portents appeared: appari- tions of dwarfs (B 18a; 170), the death of a yellow dragon (B 26b; 195), the curious behaviour of the tiger-striped clothes of the body- guard (C 8b; 233), the loss of the yellow axe of Wang Mang's Minister (C 19a; 264). Rumours circulated that the House of Liu had not yet completely forfeited its mandate. As early as 10 A.D. there was a pretender who called himself Liu tzŭ -yü, but whose real name proved to be Wu Chung (B 13a; 155). In 18 A.D. the rebellion of the Red Eyebrows began to stir in Lang-ya Commandery in present Shan-tung (C 4a; 219); they had neither emblems nor appellations, flags nor signs; the people on account of this considered them to be like the Three August Ones, who neither had writings, documents, appellations, nor posthumous names (C 19b; 266-267). In 21 A.D. Li Yen, governor of Wei-ch'êng Commandery, on the advice of a soothsayer who explained that his surname Li meant (the note) chih ., which corresponds with the element fire, started to plot for the restoration of the Han Dynasty, but he was betrayed and executed (C 12a-b; 243-245). Portents in favour of the House of Liu continued to appear, even the name of the new Emperor was announced, viz. Liu Hsiu , see n. 428.. In 23 A.D. the State Master Liu Hsin, who on account of this prophecy had changed his personal name to Hsiu Ch'ien han shu, 36.35b, Commentary of Ying Shao., attempted a conspiracy, but it leaked out and he com- mitted suicide (C 22b-23b; 276-280). In the beginning of 22 A.D. three brothers of the Liu clan had taken up arms for a rebellion O. Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, I, p. 384.. Wang Mang, in his anxiety, derived solace from a passage in the Book of Change which prophesied that the rebellion was not to be successful (C 22b; 275). He, moreover, applied magical defenses: he had the 'screen-walls' fu-ssŭ of the parks of the Wei and the Yen tombs pulled down, so that the people should not 'think again' fu-ssŭ . (of the Han Dynasty); he had the surrounding walls painted over (to remove the colour which was reminiscent of the Han); he gave his generals new titles which contained allusions to the conquering influences of the Five Elements (C 24a-b; 282). The rebellion, however, spread. Wang Mang's army suffered a crushing defeat at Nan-yang in present Ho-nan Franke, l.c.. The rebels entered the capital on October 4, 23 A.D. (C 26b; 288), a fire arose in the palace; Wang Mang, to the very last faithful to his belief, took his seat on a mat, warding off the approaching enemy by the mani- pulation of a divining-board and changing his position according to the position of the constellation tou-ping (C 27a; 290). On October 6, enfeebled and exhausted, and supported by his High Dignitaries, he fled to the Terrace-Surrounded-By-Water of the Wei-yang Palace, hoping that the water would check the advance of the fire of the Han, and still holding in his hands the 'mandates' which had induced him to become Emperor (C 27b; 290). In the afternoon the soldiers of the Han scaled the terrace, a hand-to-hand fight ensued, Wang Mang's retainers died fighting, and he himself was killed, while still holding the Imperial seal and cords in his hands (C 27b; 291).

Peace did not, however, come immediately. Many obstacles had to be overcome See Franke, o.c., p. 385-386., before on August 5, 25 A.D. the first Emperor of the Later Han Dynasty could be installed. The prophecy had been fulfilled, for the name of this Emperor was Liu Hsiu. Wang Mang had risen by portents, and perished by portents. Liu Hsiu, Emperor Hsiao-kuang-wu, had, to the same extent as Wang Mang, relied on portents and continued relying on them. He had probably changed his personal name to Hsiu in order to meet the prophecySung P'ei-wei, Tung han tsung chiao shih, p. 13.; he ascended the throne only after a certain Ch'iang Hua brought from Kuan-chung a red oracle which said: "Liu Hsiu shall send out armies and apprehend the unprincipled; the Four Barbarian Tribes shall gather like clouds; the dragons shall fight in the plains; fire shall rule at the junction of four and seven" , Hou han shu, 1 .20a; i.e., acc. to the Commentary, from Kao-tsu until the ascension of Kuang-wu there will be 228 years.; later, in his contest with Kung-sun Shu he set portent against portent See the Biography of in the Hou han shu, 13(3). 23b ff. For other instances of Emperor Kuang-wu's belief in portents see Ku Chieh-kang, Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 206-208.. With Emperor Hsiao-kuang-wu the belief in portents became general and authorized, and with him the wei, next to the Classics, became the main source for the interpretation of life.

Before proceeding to discuss Classical studies in the Later Han period, however, let us first return to the Shih-ch'ü discussions of 51 B.C.

 35.The Shih-ch'ü discussions

We saw that as a result of the discussions in the Shih-ch'ü Pa- vilion a number of 'Memorialized Discussions' i-tsou were written, which are described in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu Supra, p. 13. See also notes 69-71.. All these works are lost. In the T'ang the i-tsou of the Rites were still extant, and were quoted in the Sub-commentaries of the Book of Poetry and the Book of Rites, and by Tu Yu in his T'ung tien. What we have at our disposal at present are only poor remnants of an undoubtedly impressive account of the opinions on the Classics in the Former Han period. For this reason we do not know the precise character of those discussions, neither what sub- jects were discussed Sun I-jang, observing that the Wu ching tsa i (which was also connected with the Shih-ch'ü discussions) has not been preserved nor ever quoted, said that the Wu ching t'ung i and the Wu ching yao i (both ascribed to Liu Hsiang) probably were only different editions of the Wu ching tsa i (see supra, p. 14). Considering the uncertainty of the value of the Wu ching t'ung i, which has been re-edited by Ma Kuo-han from quotations (Yü han, 52.2a-13b) I refrain from using it in this connection.. Still the existing fragments can give us an impression of the procedure which was followed, and they are there- fore, for the purpose of our study, worth translating. In the following translation I have used Ma Kuo-han's edition in the Yü han shan fang chi i shu, Vol. 28, fol. 31a-36b, which he calls the Shih ch'ü li lun . Ma Kuo-han chiefly collected the quotations in the T'ung tien. In this work the source is indicated as Shih ch'ü i , or Shih ch'ü li , or Shih ch'ü li i. I have not translated the stray statements which Ma Kuo-han took from the Sub-commentaries on the Shih and the Li chi.; following the Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu See n. 70., he ascribes its compilation to Tai Shêng, who participated in the Shih-ch'ü discussions.

1. Why is it that at a District [Archery Meeting] the invitation to the shooting is announced to the host, but not [the commence- ment of] the music?

Tai shêng said: "The invitation to the shooting is announced to the host, because guest and host participate in the shooting. Now music is that wherewith the host amuses his guest, therefore [its commencement is] not announced to the host".

2. In the third month of the third year of [the period] kan-lu of Emperor [Hsiao-]hsüan (April-May 51 B.C.) the Gentleman-at-the Yellow Gate [Liang-ch'iu] Lin memorialized: "The ClassicI li, ch. Hsiang shê li; Couvreur's transl. p. 116. says: 'At the District Archery Meeting the combined music is performed'. Why [does this] not [happen] at the Great Archery Meeting?"

Wên-jên T'ung-han said: "At the District Archery Meeting the combined music is performed, because [this meeting belongs to] the ritual of the people, and because therewith the Hundred Clans may be harmonized. At the Great Archery Meeting the combined music is not performed, because [this meeting belongs to] the ritual of the Feudal Lords".

Wei Hsüan-ch'êng said: "The rites for the District Archery Meeting [require] the combined music, because the people of the district have no music of their own; therefore the combined music is performed in the [appointed] season of the year, so that the Hundred Clans may be harmonized and have the same purpose. With respect to the Feudal Lords, they should [also] have music. The Chuan . I do not know what is meant by this Chuan. says: 'The Feudal Lords do not put away their suspended [music]'; which means that the use [of their music is] not [restricted to any definite] time, [so for instance] at an audience [when] Lord and subject [sit together] there should naturally be [music]. The combined music must be [performed at the District Archery], so that afterwards there be harmony. Therefore [with re- spect to the Great Archery] it is not stated that the combined music [is performed]".

At the time [of the discussions] the Ducal Ministers and the Min- isters considered [Wei] Hsüan-ch'êng's exposition the correct one.

3. The three years' deep mourning is worn by the father for his eldest sonI li, ch. Sang fu; Couvreur, p. 388..

It is because he is the son of the principal wife who continues [the line] for five generations.

4. If the major lineage has no descendant, and a minor lineage has no son of a secondary wife but has a son of the principal wife, ought the sacrifice to the father [by this son] to be cut off, so that he may be made the [adopted] descendant of the major lineage?

Tai shêng said: "The major lineage may not be discontinued. The statement that the son of the principal wife [of a minor lineage] cannot be made the continuer [of the major lineage] only [means that] he may not precede the son of a secondary wife. If the minor lineage has no son of a secondary wife, then [the sacrifices to] the father should be cut off, so that [the son of the principal wife] may be made the [adopted] descendant of the major lineage".

Wên-jên T'ung-han said: "[Even if] the major lineage [should run the risk of being] discontinued, a son [of the principal wife of a minor lineage may] not cut off [the sacrifices to] his father".

Emperor Hsüan's verdict . Cf. n. 29. said: "[Tai] Shêng's exposition is correct".

5. The question was asked: "If the father has died, and the mother [re-]marries, what mourning [should the son wear] for her?"

The Grand Tutor Hsiao [Wang-chih] said: "The one year-mourning should be worn, but if he is the continuer of his father ['s line], he does not wear mourning".

Wei Hsüan-ch'êng opined that at the death of the father the mother has no right to leave. The King does not establish rites for [a contingency] which is against the principles. If [the son] wears the one year-mourning, it is a [kind of] criticism of the mother by the son I.e., the son ignores her having remarried by wearing the mourning as if his father were still 'alive, instead of the three years' mourning which he should have worn for her, because his father is already dead.. Therefore there are no [special] rules of mourning [for such a case].

Emperor Hsüan's Edict said: "If a woman does not nourish her parents-in-law, and does not attend to the sacrifices [to her hus- band's ancestors], while she does not care for her child, it is an act of separation of her own [will]. Therefore the Sages did not establish mourning[-rules for such a case], which means that the son is not in duty bound to a mother who has left. [Wei] Hsüan-ch'êng's exposition is correct".

6. The question was asked: "If the husband has died, while the wife is young and the son is a child, and she marries another man taking the child with her, what mourning should the child later wear for her?"

Wei Hsüan-ch'êng replied: "The same one year-mourning as in the case of the child of a divorced wife".

Some disputants opined that the child cannot be cut off from his mother and should wear the three years' mourning.

7. Why does the ClassicI li, ch. Sang fu; Couvreur, p. 404-405. say: "The son of a great officer [wears the one year-mourning] for the elder and younger sisters of his father and his married daughters, if they have no one to perform the sacrifices to their spirits, and for the great officer's titled wife; only [in the case of] the children [is the mourning] not an act of grace"?

Tai Shêng said: "[The statement that] 'only [in the case of] the children [is the mourning] not an act of grace' means that the mourning for the titled wife of the great officer may not be dimin- ished. Therefore 'son of a great officer' is used in the text. [The statement that] 'only [in the case of] the children [is the mourning] not an act of grace' further means that [the mourning is] ended after the period of one year is over, and that it is not allowed to extend the mourning".

Emperor Hsüan's verdict said: "[For the married daughters] to wear the one year-mourning for the parents is right".

8. A great officer who resides abroad because he resigned after his three warnings had not been listened to, is not cut off from his emoluments and his position, in order to enable the son of his prin- cipal wife to continue [the sacrifices in] the ancestral temple. The term 'eldest son' chang-tzŭ emphasizes [the position of] the eldest son. In the sacrifices in the ancestral temple the expression 'eldest son' should be used.

The Grand Tutor Hsiao [Wang-chih] said: "The eldest son is the direct descendant of the ancestors. A great officer who resides abroad is not able to sacrifice in person. Therefore the expression should contain what is emphasized".

Emperor Hsüan's verdict said: "It is due to [the fact that the great officer still is] alive that the expression 'eldest son' is used".

9. The son of a Noble Man [wears mourning] for the secondary wife of his father who nourished him. 'Son of a Noble Man' means the son of a man in a high position. He wears the five months' mourning for the secondary wife of his father [as a sign of gratitude] for the nourishment he received from her Ibid., p. 426..

Tai Shêng replied: "The son of a Noble Man [wearing mourning] for the secondary wife of his father who nourished him [refers to] the son of the principal wife of a great officer who was nourished by the [latter's] cherished concubine. A great officer does not wear mourning for a concubine of lowly position. If his son was nourished by her he wears the three months' mourning. That he is not called 'son of a great officer' but 'son of a Noble Man' is because Noble Man [here] means the same as 'great officer'".

10. A great officer of a Feudal Lord [wears mourning] for the Son of Heaven Ibid., p. 421.. Does the servant of a great officer wear mourning for the Lord of the State?

Tai Shêng replied: "A great officer of a Feudal Lord should wear the nine months' mourning for the Son of Heaven, removing it after the burial. He has [only the right] to be received [in audience] by the Son of Heaven at [set] times, therefore he removes the mourning after the burial. A servant of a great officer has no right to be re- ceived [in audience by the Lord of his state], and should not [wear mourning] for the Lord of his state".

Wên-jên T'ung-han replied: "A servant of a great officer is a second-hand servant; I have never heard [that he wears mourning] for the Lord of the State".

10a. The question was further asked: "If even the common man wears mourning [for the Lord of the state], why should on the contrary the servant of a great officer, who enjoys emoluments, not wear mourning?"

[Wên-jên] T'ung-han replied: "The Chi Li chi, ch. Wang chih, Couvreur, I, p. 304. says: 'He who does service in families, when he leaves his district, does not take rank with common officers'. This [refers to] a common man who is em- ployed in an office. Like a common man he should wear the three months' mourning for the Lord of the state".

The [Emperor's] verdict said: "To wear mourning like the common man is right".

10b. Again the question was asked: "A great officer of a Feudal Lord has [the right] to be received [in audience] by the Son of Heaven at [set] times, therefore he wears mourning [for him]. Does not now the servant of a great officer of a Feudal Lord also have [the right] to be received [in audience] by the Lord at [set] times?"

[Tai] shêng replied: "The servant of a great officer of a Feudal Lord has no right to be received [in audience] by the Feudal Lord. If sometimes the Feudal Lord employs a servant to offer congra- tulations, it is [an] extraordinary [case], and not considered as an audience. With respect to a great officer, he has [the duty of offering his] annual tribute to his Lord, when the Lord does not receive him [personally, so that in this case] also [we cannot speak of] an au- dience".

The Gentleman in Attendance [Liang-ch'iu] Lin, the Expectant Appointee Wên-jên T'ung-han These titles do not correspond with those given in the Ch'ien han shu, cf. Dubs, quoted in n. 293., and others, all opined that [the great officer has the right] to be received [in audience].

11. The three months' mourning worn for a foster-mother is a mourning [for the mother] in name I li, ch. Sang fu, Couvreur, p. 429.. If the son of a great officer has a wet nurse, the question was asked: Does the great officer dim- inish his mourning for his foster-mother?

Wên-jên T'ung-han replied: "The reason for not diminishing the mourning for a foster-mother is that the mourning is worn to express gratitude; therefore it is not diminished. [In the case of] a Lord who has been enfeoffed as the first [of his line] and of a great officer [the mourning for] a foster-mother is diminished".

12. [The Classic says , omitted by Ma Kuo-han, occurs in the T'ung tien, p. 399.:] "If the head of a major lineage, who is an orphaned child ku, dies before his twentieth year shang. . . . ." Why is the term ku used?

Wên-jên T'ung-han said: "With respect to [the term] ku, the Shih fu . Hung, who writes Shih chuan, thinks that it refers to Hou Ts'ang, the teacher of Wên-jên T'ung-han, Tai Shêng and other scholars (Prolegomena to his Index to Li chi, 1937, p. XXXVII). said: 'Because of his death before his twentieth year shang he appeared as ku'. To a youth who has been capped in his twentieth year [the term] shang is not applied, neither ku. There- fore [only] at a death before his twentieth year [ku is] used".

Tai Shêng said: "In general he who is the head of the major lineage can be so because he has no father. But [in the case of] one who is to be the [adopted] descendant of a lineage, even if his father is alive, he may become the head of the major lineage, and therefore be called a ku".

[Tai] Shêng also asked [Wên-jên] T'ung-han: "[You said:] 'Because of his death before his twentieth year he appeared as ku; after he is capped he is no longer [called] a ku'. [But] the Ch'ü liLi chi, Couvreur, I, p. 14. says: 'An orphaned child ku, taking his father's place, should not wear his cap or dress with a variegated border'. Here is a ku, why is his cap referred to?"

[Wên-jên T'ung-han] replied: "The filial son never forgets his parent. His apparel is different according to whether his parents are alive or dead. The Chi bid. says: 'While his parents are alive, [the son] should not wear his cap or dress with a white border'. If his parents are dead, he should not wear his cap or dress with a variegated border. Therefore [in this case] he is spoken of as ku. [The use of the term] ku refers to the distinction in the clothes [he wears]".

[Tai] Shêng again said: "So even if a son having lost his parents grows to be one hundred years old, he is for ever called an orphaned child ku?"

[Wên-jên] T'ung-han replied: "[A youth is] capped at twenty and is no longer [called] a ku. But [in the case of] the loss of his parents, though he is advanced in years, he is still called an orphaned child ku".

13. At twenty, one is called weak jo; one is cappedIbid., p. 8..

Tai Shêng said: "A man is yang. The yang completes itself by the yin. The even numbers [which are yin] begin with two, and end with twenty, [which is yang and is] the mate of the yin-numbers. Therefore [a youth is] capped at twenty, which is said to be the Small Completion".

14. The Sang fu hsiao chi Li chi, Couvreur, I, p. 763. I have followed Legge's translation (II, p. 53), only changing the past tense into the present. says: "If an interment were delayed [by circumstances] for a long time, he who is presiding over the mourning rites is the only one who does not put off his mourning. The others having worn the hempen [band] for the number of months [proper in their relation to the deceased], put off their mourning, and make an end of it".

The Grand Tutor Hsiao [Wang-chih] said: "In the matter of wearing the hempen [band] for the [proper] number of months, there is no paragraph [in the text which speaks] of putting off [mourning altogether] before the burial. Therefore the [rule for wearing mourning-]garments is not changed, it is [only a case of] alleviation. Those who put off their mourning before the burial, take it on again when [the day of] interment arrives. The common people do the same in their mourning for the Lord of the state".

Emperor Hsüan's verdict said: "It is right that at the gathering for the burial the mourning garments be put on [again]".

14a. Someone asked the Grand Tutor Hsiao [Wang-chih]: "If an interment were delayed for a long time, he who is presiding over the mourning rites is the only one who does not put off his mourning. Now suppose the interment could not take place in ten years; is he who is presiding over the mourning to take off his mourning or not?"

[Hsiao Wang-chih] replied: "By him who is presiding over the mourning is only meant the son. Even if the [mourning-]period has elapsed before the interment can take place, the son has no right to put off his mourning".

15. Wên-jên T'ung-han asked: "The ChiLi chi, ch. Tsa chi, Couvreur, II, p. 118. says: "The death of a Lord is announced to the Lord of another state as pu-lu , i.e. 'has ceased to receive his emoluments', cf. Legge's translation of the Li chi, II, p. 133., [that of his spouse] as kua hsiao-chün pu-lu , i.e. 'my [spouse, the] Little Lord has ceased to receive her emoluments'.. [But] the death of a great officer or a common officer is sometimes referred to as tsu 'departed' or [announced as] ssŭ 'death', which I fail to understand".

Tai Shêng replied: "Of a Lord who has died and is not yet buried it is said that he is pu-lu. After the burial [his death] is referred to as hung ..

15a. Again the question was asked: "The personator [of the dead] puts on the upper-garments of the departed tsu. If [the death of] a common officer is referred to as pu-lu, why is the word tsu used here?"

[Tai] shêng again said: "The personator represents the spirit [of the departed]. The reason for using the term tsu and not the term pu-lu is to level out the difference in the [social] status of high and low".

[Wên-jên] T'ung-han replied: "The personator represents the spirit [of the departed], therefore he put on the garments [of the deceased. The death of] a common officer is referred to as pu-lu, to avoid the expression [for death ssŭ ]. The filial son, avoiding [the expression] ssŭ uses tsu [to denote the death of his father]".

It is difficult to say to what extent we may regard the present Shih ch'ü li lun as reliable. Before the T'ang the work has never been quoted Ma Kuo-han, in the Preface of his edition.. Whereas the 'Memorialized Discussions' on the Rites, in the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu, are said to have consisted of 38 p'ien, the same chapter of the Sui shu mentions a Shih ch'ü li lun in 4 chüan See notes 67 and 70. The difference in the number of p'ien and chüan may, however, simply be due to re-arrangement, cf. n. 93.. The use of the posthumous name of the Emperor (Hsiao-hsüan) indicates that the work was edited after his death, or that Tu Yu quoted from an edition compiled after Emperor Hsüan's death. These are facts which are not in favour of the genuineness of the present text. On the other hand the almost stenographic report does not create the impression of being a fake; a faker would, moreover, not have been content with a few fragmentary statements.

Judging from these fragments the discussions in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion were indeed concerned with the explanations of Classical passages, as is indicated by the fact that there were 'Memorialized Discussions' i-tsou of each of the Classics. The bulkiness of the reports, constituting in all 155 p'ien See supra, p. 13., may have been the reason why they were not published. We may, however, assume that their contents were generally known among the scholars, and their ex- plications made use of, without being indicated as quotations from them.

 36.The New Text and Old Text controversy

After the Shih-ch'ü discussions of 51 B.C. the number of Erudites was brought up to twelve; the situation remained practically the same until the beginning of the Christian era, when, under Emperor Hsiao-p'ing, new chairs were established for the Old Texts of the Classics and for the Book of Music, and the total number of po-shih was increased to thirty See supra, p. 94..

This was the turning-point in the history of Chinese Classical studies. The controversy between the New Text and the Old Text Schools divided the world of learning of the Later Han period into two embittered camps, the former trying to retain its position of unassailable authority, the latter trying at least to be recognized. New Text 'orthodoxy', representing the holistic and auguristic conception of life, gradually had to make way for Old Text 'mod- ernism', introducing some kind of 'rationalism'. When the Old Text School had gained the victory, in its turn it became authori- tative and orthodox, and for long centuries succeeded in maintaining supremacy. Then, in the 18th century, the almost forgotten question of the New Texts was picked up again By the scholar Liu Fêng-lu (1776-1829), for whom see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, p. 518-520.; in the 19th century the problem had achieved enough importance to be fought over in an open battle By K'ang Yu-wei (1858-1927), for whom see Hummel, o.c., p. 702, and Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas.; society, however, had changed, and theological disputes were unpopular. The battle had to be moved to a different field; under the influence of the time it was no longer a battle which involved the fate of the state and the welfare of man; it was no longer limited to the problem of the greater or lesser reliability of Old Texts or New Texts, but it embraced a radical denial of the infallibility of all the sacred texts Cf. A. W. Hummel, Autobiography of a Chinese Historian (1931).. Up to the present day this battle has not yet subsided.

No one would expect a full treatment of the New Text and Old Text controversy in a short paragraph. I may therefore refer to the important studies made by such famous scholars as Edouard Cha- vannes, Paul Pelliot, Henri Maspero, and Bernhard Karlgren All mentioned in Gardner, Chinese Traditional Historiography., and to the studies of Chinese scholars contained in the Ku shih pien, Volumes 2 and 5. The most salient features of the problem, relevant to our subject, may be shortly presented as follows.

a. The New Text and Old Text controversy did not arise until the end of the Former Han period. The official chairs had until then all been occupied by 'New Text' scholars, though the term 'New Text', in opposition to 'Old Text', was of course not yet under- stood in its later special sense. However, other texts than those officially acknowledged had been circulating since the beginning of the Han. So according to chapter Ju lin chuan of the Ch'ien han shu the Old Text of the Book of History was studied by K'ung An-kuo Ch'ien han shu, 88.14b., who lived round about 100 B.C.Chavannes, Les mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, Vol. I, p. CXVIII; Pelliot, Le Chou king en caractères anciens et le Chang chou che wen, p. 135., that of the Book of Poetry by Mao-kungCh'ien han shu, 88.20b., or Mao Hêng, a pupil of a pupil of the philosopher Hsün-tzŭ , who lived in the first half of the third century B.C. . Cf. Karlgren, The Early History of the Chou li and Tso chuan Texts, B.M.F.E.A., Vol. 3, pp. 14 and 18. For the dates of Hsün-tzŭ , cf. Duyvendak, The Chronology of Hsün-tzŭ , T'oung Pao, Vol. XXVI, p. 73-95. Duyvendak ascribes to Hsün-tzŭ the dates ± 300 to ± 230 B.C., that of the Tso chuan (Tso Commentary of the Spring and Autumn Annals) by Chang Ts'ang, Chia I, Chang Ch'ang, and Liu Kung-tzŭ Ch'ien han shu, p. 88.25a.; Chang Ts'ang was made Marquis of Pei-p'ing in 201 B.C. ; ibid., 16.31b., Chia I (199-168 B.C. Acc. to Maspero, La composition et la date du Tso tschouan, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, Vol. I, p. 198.) was made po-shih under Emperor Hsiao-wên (179-157 B.C.), when he was a little over twenty ; Ch'ien han shu, 48.1a., Chang Ch'ang lived in the reigns of Emperor Hsiao-hsüan (73-49) and Hsiao-yüan (48-33 B.C.) ; ibid., 76.12b ff.. King Hsien of Ho-chien, who reigned from 155 to 129 B.C., even had a po-shih for the Tso chuan and one for the Mao Commentary on the Book of Poetry See n. 257., while he was also in possession of the Chou kuan (or Chou li) and the Old Texts of the Rites Acc. to his Biography, see Karlgren, o.c., p. 3..

b. The Old Texts were not merely fabrications of unscrupulous people The present Book of History, however, contains chapters (the 'Old Text' parts) which are falsifications of the 4th century A.D. (See Pelliot's study).. It was K'ang Yu-wei's contention that Liu Hsin, who had an important position under Wang Mang, faked these Old Texts, especially the Chou li and the Tso chuan, in order to justify his master's usurpation of the Imperial throne Cf. Franke, o.c., p. 62 ff.. Karlgren and Maspero have effectively refuted this contention Fêng Yu-lan (Chung kuo Chê hsüeh shih, II, p. 575) denies the possibility of Liu Hsin having forged all the Old Texts single-handed, because he would have had to be a superman. Ku Chieh-kang (Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 209) still believes that 10 or 20% of the Tso chuan was a fake of Liu Hsin's. William Hung thinks that the Tso chuan might have been written in the reign of Em- peror Hui, i.e. between the years 194 and 188 B.C., probably by Chang Ts'ang, Marquis of Pei-p'ing (cf. n. 468); see Chi ssŭ -ho's synopsis of Hung's study on the Tso chuan (which appeared in the Prolegomena of his Combined Con- cordances to Ch'un-ch'iu, Kung-yang, Ku-liang and Tso chuan, and in the Shih hsüeh nien pao, Vol. 2, No. 4, 1937) in the Yenching Journal of Social Studies, Vol. 1, 1938, pp. 70-71., the former by proving on linguistical grounds that the texts must all be earlier than the Han period In his On the Authenticity and Nature of the Tso chuan, Göteborg's Högs-kolas Arsskrift, XXXII, 1926., the latter by proving that Liu Hsin's edition of the Tso chuan was ready more than ten years before Wang Mang, after his loss of influence and subsequent retirement, came back to the capital and assumed his powerful position, so that there could be no relation between Liu Hsin's activity on the text and Wang Mang's later schemes Maspero, o.c., p. 154.. We should also bear in mind that there was no question of substituting the Old Texts for the New Texts; the existing New Text chairs were continued, and to them were added new chairs for the Old Texts, so that there were now in all thirty Erudites for the Six Classics, the Book of Music included, five Erudites for each Wang Kuo-wei, Han wei po shih k'ao, ch. 4, fol. 8a-b.. It is not clear when exactly the new chairs were established. According to Maspero the Tso chuan was officially acknowledged in 1 A.D. o.c. pp. 144 and 151.. The Biography of Wang Mang states that in the fourth year of the year-period yüan-shih of Emperor Hsiao- p'ing (4 A.D.) Wang Mang "established [a chair for] the Book of Music, and increased [the number of] the Erudites, [now amounting to] five for each Classic" ; Ch'ien han shu, 99 . 19a. Stange's translation (p. 60): "Ferner erhöhte er die Zahl der mit der Fest- setzung der Musik und der kanonischen Bücher betrauten Akademie-mitglieder auf fünf für jedes kanonische Buch" is not quite correct.; he further summoned the scholars in all under Heaven and those who possessed Old Texts, Apocrypha, and other texts Ch'ien han shu, l.c.. This statement is not confirmed by the Annals of Hsiao-p'ing, where, under yüan-shih 5th year (5 A.D.) only the summoning is mentioned in a different wording and with different names of the texts Ibid., 12.9b..

c. Some of the official Erudites, while teaching the New Text Classics, were at the same time students of the Old Texts. So K'ung An-kuo, who was a po-shih for the New Text Book of History (cf. Table II to par. 28, supra), also occupied himself with the study of the Old Text Book of HistoryCh'ien han shu, 88.14b.. Hsiao Wang-chih, who had studied the Book of Poetry of the Ch'i School (Table IV), showed a great predilection for the Tso chuan Ibid., 25b.. Yin Kêng-shih, a Ku-liang scholar (Table VIII), also studied the Tso chuan Ibid.. Hu Ch'ang, likewise a Ku-liang scholar (Table VIII), was a student of the Old Text Book of History, and the Tso chuan Ibid., 14b, 25b..

d. The difference between Old Texts and New Texts was not only a difference of script, but, especially in the Later Han, a difference of interpretation of the ritual and administrative rules. This is a feature which is not sufficiently emphasized by Western sinologues. Thus according to Chou Yü-t'ung the New Text School held that the size of the ancient Chinese Empire was 5,000 li square, that there were no hereditary Ministers, that the Tours of Inspection were held every five years, that irrespective of the distance of the fields a land-tax of one tenth of the produce had to be paid, that the Son of Heaven should personally meet his bride, etc.; the Old Text School believed that the size of the ancient Chinese Empire was 10,000 li square, that there were hereditary Ministers, that the Tours of Inspection were held every twelve years, that the land- tax took the various distances of the fields into account, that the Son of Heaven did not meet his bride in person, etc. , in the Ku shih pien, Vol. 2, p. 311.. Further instances of these differences are given by Ku Chieh-kang In his Preface to the Ku shih pien, Vol. 5, p. 18-20., while in the Wu ching i i by Hsü Shên, which is a treatise on the diver- gencies between the interpretations of the Old Text and the New Text Schools, about one hundred of these subjects of contention are discussed See the Wu ching i i shu chêng, in the Huang ch'ing ching chieh, ch. 1248- 1250, and cf. n. 123 and 171..

e. The Old Text scholars seem to have revolted against the mys- tical theories of the official Schools leading to belief in portents and fortune-telling. Many of them originated from Lu, as K'ung An-kuo, who was a descendant of Confucius, and Mao Hêng The tradition about Mao Hêng's native-country is, however, not uniform. Ch. Ju lin chuan of the Ch'ien han shu (88.25a) says that he originated in Chao. Cf. further Karlgen's Early History, pp. 12 and 16., while the Tso chuan was also connected with that region See Karlgen's Authenticity, p. 4.. The School of Lu was, as we have seen, characterized by its observance of reverence and its maintaining of the transmitted rules, in contra- distinction to the School of Ch'i, which was interested in things wonder- ful and miraculous Supra, p. 87.. Ma Tsung-ho says that the Old Texts found their students among the Lu scholars, who refrained from using the Apocryphal Books wei, as the New Text School did with so much enthusiasmChung kuo ching hsüeh shih, p. 48. Ma probably only repeats the statement of the Sui shu, 32.(27).31a: "[The official New Text scholars] in their explanation of the Five Classics all relied on the oracle-books ch'an; it was only K'ung An- kuo, Mao-kung, Wang Huang (see n. 537), Chia K'uei, and their disciples, who condemned them".. Fêng Yu-lan also says that the Old Text School in its interpretation of the Classics did neither resort to the wei, nor to the theories of the Yin-yang School o.c., p. 574..

This view, however, raises a difficult question. If indeed the scholars of the Old Texts were opposed to the wei, why did Wang Mang, who himself was a staunch believer in the wei and their ramifications, portents and fortune-telling, favour and promote those texts? And why was Liu Hsin, who also indulged in specu- lations on the Five Elements and catastrophes Fêng Yu-lan, o.c., p. 576., the chief advocate for the official recognition of the Old Texts?

Ku Chieh-kang's contrary opinion is that the introduction of the Old Texts found its cause in the fact that especially the Chou li with its numerical categories and the Tso chuan with its system of cycles, otherwise only occurring in the wei, provided material for Wang Mang (aided and abetted by Liu Hsin) to pursue his care- fully prepared policy of usurpation, thus basing himself on 'histor- ical' precedents and on Classical predictions Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 158-161, 209.. But here again a difficulty arises. For if the Old Texts had supplied the link with the wei why were some of the Old Text Scholars of the Later Han, as we shall see presently, so strongly opposed to these wei?

I think the problem should be regarded in a different way. The use of the Apocrypha for the interpretation of the Classics was common among the scholars, whether they were official Erudites, teaching the New Texts, or private students of the Old Texts. When Confucianism towards the reign of Emperor Hsiao-ch'êng (32-7 B.C.) had secured its position of ascendancy See supra, n. 406., Confucian 'theology' along with it also became the unquestioned authority which determined the official, orthodox, belief. Now this 'theology' was based on the Classics ching, and on the Apocrypha wei at the same time. The mystical contents of the latter were innocuous and polit- ically harmless, as long as society was stable. They gave rise to prophecies and disturbances, when a weak government could no longer cope with social misery and unrest. The official teachers naturally were inclined to connive at the faults committed by those in power, and even to excuse them. Independent thinkers were the persons from whom protest and condemnation could be ex- pected. The Old Text scholars happened to be people independent of governmental favour and support; they could afford the liberty of opposing, not the mystical exposition in which they believed themselves, but the excesses to which this was prone to lead. Whether these scholars took to the Old Texts because they had independent minds, or whether the study of the unrecognized Old Texts made independent thinkers of them, we cannot say. Against the in- creasing orthodoxy of the official teachers they probably were lonely creatures, and in their loneliness they developed an attitude of courageous criticism. The po-shih and their pupils, chiefly concerned about the maintenance and improvement of their positions, had long abandoned individual thought and had gladly submitted to the discipline required of them, which consisted in respecting the opinions of the former masters and expatiating on them. Lack of originality was concealed behind a profusion of words. See here some judgments of a later and a contemporary scholar.

"From [the time when] Emperor [Hsiao-]wu established Erudites for the Five Classics", says Pan Ku In his Epilogue to the Ju lin chuan, Ch'ien han shu, 88.25b. p. 3621, "and appointed disciples [for them, when] he instituted comparative examinations and stimulated taking service as officials, until [the period] yüan-shih (1-5 A.D.), more than one hundred years had elapsed. [In this period] the transmitters of the [Classical] heritage had increased and multiplied, [like a tree] producing branches and leaves in profusion. On the explanation of one Classic more than a million words [had been written], and the host of great masters had increased to more than one thousand men, for this, indeed, was the way which led to appointments and profit". Further Pan Ku saysCh. I wên chih, Ch'ien han shu, 30.27a. Cf. L. C. Porter; Aids to the Study of Chinese Philosophy, 1934, p. 60.: "Scholars of antiquity, while tilling and maintaining [their family, were able to] understand the discipline [of one Classic] in three years. [This was because] they only [tried to] remember the general meaning, while pondering over the Classical text. Therefore, though they had little time to devote [to study], still they developed much spiritual power, and could, at thirty, master the Five Classics. When in later generations the Classics and their Commentaries had begun to show deteriorations and deviations, the scholars of wide [learning] no longer bore in mind the meaning [of the saying] 'Hear much and put aside the points of which you stand in doubt' Lun yü, II. 18; Legge's translation p. 151.; they busied themselves with subtle analysis, trying to eschew [real] difficulties, and with facile phrases and cunning expressions broke up the body [of the text]. Explanations of a line of five characters ran to twenty or thirthy thousand words. Later [this method was] more and more pursued, so that a youth, wishing to master one discipline [of the Classics], would not be able to speak on it until his hair had grown white. [These scholars] felt safe in [the situation to] which they were accustomed and denounced [everything] that they had not seen. In the end they [only] deceived themselves. That is the great disaster of scholarship".

When Liu Hsin, enjoying the favour of Emperor Hsiao-ai (6-1 B.C.), proposed to establish chairs for the Old Texts, the Emperor told him to discuss the matter with the official Erudites. None of them, however, responded to Liu Hsin's invitation So it is stated in Liu Hsin's Biography, confirmed by Yen Shih-ku's Commentary. According to Maspero, however, there was one po-shih who had the courage to express his positive opposition against Liu Hsin's idea (La composition et la date du Tso tchouan, p. 145, n. 5).. Liu Hsin thereupon wrote an embittered letter, from which I take the following passages.

"Formerly [under Emperor Hsiao-ch'êng (32-7 B.C.)] the dog- matic scholars did not worry about the lacunae [in their texts caused] by omissions and breaks [in traditions]; in an irresponsible way they followed the vulgar and clung to the deficient .; they broke up passages and analysed characters; [they employed] profuse sayings and detailed expressions; scholars grew old before they were able to study profoundly one discipline [of the Classics]. They put their trust in oral transmission and rejected written records; they confirmed later masters and denounced [those of] antiquity Biography of Liu Hsin, Ch'ien han shu, 36.33b-34a. Cf. also E. J. Eitel's translation in The China Review, Vol. XV (1886), p. 90-95.. . . . They wished to preserve the shallow [texts] and guard the defective [ones], obsessed by the fear of the exposure and destruction of their private aims, and lacking that public spirit which follows the good and submits to principles. Perhaps they harboured [feelings of] jealousy [and therefore] did not [care to] examine the sincerity of intentions. Their cliques followed each other, and confirmed each other's yes or no Ibid., fol. 34a. . . . . . [The present scholars] carefully shut [their doors], and firmly oppose [discussion], not [even] willing to give [the Old Texts] a trial. In an irresponsible way they refuse to look into them, and [simply] reject them. They wish to block the remaining way [of learning] and extinguish the knowledge of the subtle; with such people one may rejoice in some accomplishment, but it is impossible with them to contemplate anything new. This is only what the vulgar would do, not what could be hoped of scholarly Noble Men . . . ." Ibid., fol. 34b..

Allowing some exaggerations caused by the bitter mood in which Liu Hsin's letter was written, I think his description of the orthodox attitude of the po-shih is to the point. We shall perhaps never know the real motives which induced Liu Hsin to promote the Old Texts so ardently. He was an excellent scholar and philologist Pan Ku says that "both [Liu Hsiang and Liu Hsin,] father and son loved [the study of] antiquity, were [men] of wide experience, and possessed a strong memory far surpassing [that of] others" (Ch'ien han shu, 36.31b). Cf. also Karl- gren's appreciative opinion of Liu Hsin as a scholar in his Early History, p. 44., who soon recognized the value of the Old Texts when he was given the opportunity to examine them in the Imperial library. He had courage, for young as he was, and without a protector Maspero, o.c., p. 161., he ven- tured to go against the current of official scholarship. Probably he only acted as the mouthpiece for those who were discontented with the sterility of the prevailing methods of study, and not inappro- priately the opposition of the Old Texts scholars against the New Text Erudites is called revolutionary By Fêng Yu-lan, o.c., p. 574..

Liu Hsin, however, himself no more free from the beliefs in mys- tical correspondences than any of his contemporaries was, later had to reckon with his ambitious master Wang Mang, who wanted omens and portents. He appeared then to be unable to resist temp- tation, and betrayed his scholarship, as he was afterwards to betray Wang Mang Cf. supra, p. 126..

Thus we may see the cause of the rise of the Old Texts in the revolt against New Text orthodoxy and its excessive use of the wei. At the same time these Old Texts provided new material for specu- lations and fortune-telling to those who had a bent for them, and Wang Mang was one of them. Thus the Old Texts may be regarded as having given a new and refreshing stimulus to Classical studies, which had become enmeshed in sterile speculations, while at the same time they bear the stigma of having been faked in order to support the ambitions of a scheming mystic.

 37.Classical studies in the Later Han Dynasty

Emperor Hsiao-kuang-wu's enthronement not only professed to be a political, but also a cultural restoration of the Han. Scarcely had he descended from his war-chariot, says Fan Yeh, when he summoned all the scholars of the country to gather the remains of the books which had been scattered and destroyed in the war against Wang Mang, and to redress the deficienciesCh. Ju lin chuan of the Hou han shu, 79 (69 ). 1b.. He abolished the chairs for the Old Texts, reminiscent of Wang Mang's usur- pation, and re-instated the New Text Schools in their former glory. Fourteen po-shih were appointed. The Book of Change was represented by the Schools of Shih Ch'ou, Mêng Hsi, Liang-ch'iu Ho, and Ching Fang; the Book of History by those of Ou-yang-Shêng, Hsia-hou Shêng, and Hsia-hou Chien; the Book of Poetry by those of Lu, Ch'i and Han; the Book of Rites by those of the Elder Tai and the Younger Tai; the Spring and Autumn Annals by those of Chuang P'êng-tsu and Yen An-lo Ibid., 1b-2a. According to Wang Kuo-wei, Han wei po shih k'ao, fol. 8b-9a, the Book of Rites was first represented by the School of Ch'ing P'u, and only later replaced by the Schools of the Elder and Younger Tai.. Thus not only were the Old Text chairs abolished, but the po-shih for the Ku-liang Commen- tary, appointed by Emperor Hsiao-hsüanSee supra, p. 91., was dismissed, while the chair for the Book of Change of Ching Fang, which had been founded under Emperor Hsiao-yüan but soon had been discon- tinued See supra, p. 94., was reinstituted. In other words, the situation of the time before the Shih-ch'ü discussions was more or less restored hough the Erudites, appointed by Emperor Hsiao-hsüan, were more numerous than those under Emperor Hsiao-wu, they all represented Schools which originated from the recognized Schools under Hsiao-wu (cf. supra pp. 88 and 93), with the exception of Ku-liang..

Orthodoxy was now more rigid than ever. The existence of the Old Texts The principal ones were the Old Text of the Book of History, the Book of Poetry with the Commentary of Mao, the Chou kuan or Chou li, and the Spring and Autumn Annals with the Commentary of Tso. was officially ignored. Whereas in the Former Han these texts, before Wang Mang came into power, had never been rivals of the official ones, and consequently had been privately studied by several of the po-shih who taught the New Texts, in the Later Han none of the po-shih deemed it worth his while to occupy himself with texts, the study of which was not approved and did not lead to official careers Ch. Ju lin chuan of the Hou han shu mentions two po-shih who had studied the Old Text of the Book of History, viz. Chou Fang and Yang Lun (79(69 ).16b, 21b). Wang Kuo-wei considers both statements to be a mistake for the Book of History of Ou-yang-Shêng (Han wei po shih t'i ming k'ao . fol. 22a and 6b)..

Orthodoxy also continued the practise, prevailing in the Former Han, of using the Apocryphal Books wei for the interpretation of the Classics. This practise was even made obligatory. Liu Hsiu, Emperor Kuang-wu, had gained ascendency by means of oraclesSui shu, 32 (27).31a., and his love of the wei was manifested in several ways. Not only did he consult the oracles whenever an important decision had to be made For examples, see Ku Chieh-kang, o.c., pp. 103, 106-107., but he had the wei edited anew and expurgated, that is, all the passages which had been introduced in the time of Wang Mang were removedHou han shu, 79 (69 ). 15a-b; 69 .5b-6a.. In 56 A.D. he had them promulgated in all under HeavenIbid., 1 .30a-b.. It seemed as if from now on the New Texts and the wei, welded together into one Canon of absolute authority, were to dominate the world of Confucian scholarship for ever.

But it was not to be. Official scholarship, refusing new stimulants and content with traditional ways, tended to become sterile and addicted to endless and senseless expatiations. A contemporary, Wang Ch'ung . He died about 97 A.D. according to A. Forke, Lun hêng, I (1907), p. 8., thus described the scholars of his days: "The Confucians in theorizing on the Five Classics often miss the truth. Former Confucians knew neither beginning nor end, and invented theories in the void. Later Confucians rely on the words of these former masters; they follow antiquated disciplines and go on in old ruts; they respect the words and sayings [of their masters], and in an irresponsible way, by [using] the name of the School of one master, hasten to become masters [themselves]. In the briefest time they are employed in service, and easily attain promotion. They have no time to apply their wits, no diligence to examine and verify the roots [of scholarship]. And so meaningless theories are transmitted without interruptions, while truth remains suppressed and in- visible" Lun hêng, 28.1a of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. (cf. Forke, o.c., p. 447)..

Endless treatises indeed were the writings of the scholars of the Later Han period, products of men who seem to have had the comfort, the leisure, and the mind to create them. We hear of a certain yüan Ching, who was a student of the Book of Change of Mêng Hsi, and wrote a Nan chi in 300,000 words ; Hou han shu, 45(35).7b. Ma Tsung-ho, Chung kuo ching hsüeh shih, p. 59, wrongly says that yüan Ching studied the Book of Change of Ching Fang. The expression yen is curious; it either means tzŭ 'character', or 'word-unit' consisting of a combination of two characters. Counting 300 characters for one page, 300,000 'words' would amount to a book of at least 1,000 pages.. There was Chou Fang, who had studied the Book of History of Ou-yang-Shêng, and composed a Tsa chi in 400,000 words ; Hou han shu, 79 (69 ).16b. Cf. also n. 517.. There was Chang Huan, who, having studied the same Book of History, considered the Mou shih chang chü , i.e. the Shang shu chang chü 'Expositions in Chapters and Sentences on the Book of History' by Mou Ch'ang , cf. Wang Kuo-wei, Han wei po shih t'i ming k'ao. .6a., which contained more than 450,000 words, too long-winded, reduced it to 90,000 words Biography of ; Hou han shu, 65(55).11b., but himself wrote a Shang shu chi nan in more than 300,000 words ; ibid., 17b.. There was Huan Jung, who had been taught the Expositions in Chapters and Sentences on the Book of History by Chu P'u in 400,000 words, thought the length far in excess of their worth, and abridged them to 230,000 words; his son Huan Yü again shortened them to 120,000 words ; Hou han shu, 37(27).9a.. There was Fu Kung, who had studied the Book of Poetry of the School of Ch'i, his father Fu An having written an Expo- sition in Chapters and Sentences (we do not know in how many words); Fu Kung considered it too long, and reduced it to 200,000 words ; ibid., 79(69 ).4b.. And there was Chang Pa, who had received tuition from Fan Shu in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Yen An-lo; he consid- ered the work too extensive, and shortened it to 200,000 words ; ibid., 36(26).26a..

Emperor Kuang-wu already complained of this long-windedness, which was only a continuation of the habit of the Former Han Cf. supra, p. 143-144.. When he commanded Chung Hsing to edit the Expositions in Chapters and Sentences on the Spring and Autumn Annals of Yen An-lo, in order to have them taught to the Heir, he told him to remove the unnecessary repetitions ; ibid., 79(69 ). 13a-b.. In 56 A.D. he issued an Edict which said that the Expositions in Chapters and Sentences on the Five Classics were too long-winded and numerous, and that deliberations should be held whether they might be reduced See supra, p. 6.. It seems to have been of no avail; Fan Yeh says that the condition in the world of scholarship after 146 A.D. was such that "while the number of travelling students now amounted to more than thirty thousand, the Expositions in Chapters and Sentences became more and more trifling, and were mostly [only attempts at] outdoing each other in inaneness; the [old] tradition of the Confucians had fallen on evil days indeed"Hou han shu, 79(69 ).4a..

In this state of affairs it was natural that reaction should set in. Even the short period during which the Old Texts had enjoyed official recognition had been sufficient to secure them a popularity which could not be obliterated by one decree. Outside the domain of the po-shih the Old Texts found ardent students, men who either devoted their energy to them exclusively, or combined the study of the New Texts with that of the Old ones.

The Ju lin chuan of the Hou han shu acquaints us with a number of their names: Sun Ch'i, who was a student of the Old Text of the Book of History and of the New Text of the Book of Change of Ching Fang; Chang Hsün, who studied the Old Text Commentary of Tso on the Spring and Autumn Annals and the New Text Book of History of the Elder Hsia-hou; Yin Min, who studied the New Text Book of History of Ou-yang, the New Text Commentary of Ku-liang, the Old Text Book of Poetry of Mao, and the Commentary of Tso; K'ung Hsi, who studied the Old Text Book of History and the Old Text Book of Poetry of Mao; Wei Hung, who did the same; Chêng Chung, who studied the Old Text Chou kuan; Fu Ch'ien and Ying K'o, who studied the Commentary of Tso; Hsieh Kai, who did the same; Tu Lin, Chia K'uei, Ma Jung, Chêng Hsüan, who were chiefly responsible for the later ascendency of the Old Texts Ibid., 79(69 and ). .

Neither were the Old Text scholars negligent in their efforts to have the texts recognized. As early as the time of Emperor Kuang- wu there was a serious debate on the recognition of the Tso chuan and the Book of Change of Fei Chih , which seems to have belonged to the Old Texts. Wang Huang, who had also studied the Old Text of the Book of History, was one of its transmitters (Ch'ien han shu, 88.10b).. In 28 A.D. Ministers, great officers, and Erudites were invited to discuss the matter in the Cloud-Terrace in the Palace. The po-shih Fan Shêng, who had studied the Analects, the Book of Filial Piety, and the Book of Change of Liang-ch'iu Ho, brought forward his objections against the Tso chuan; the debate seems to have been heated but incon- clusive, and it was adjourned in the middle of the day. Immediately hereafter Fan Shêng sent in a memorial to state his opinions more clearly, a priceless document, in which he proved, by means of sayings of Confucius and on the ground of the danger of creating precedents, that it would be most unwise to appoint Erudites for the Book of Change of Fei Chih and the Tso chuan See the Biography of , in the Hou han shu, 36.(26). 10b ff.. An Old Text scholar Ch'ên Yüan was informed of Fan Shêng's memorial; he instantly presented to the Emperor a memorial of his own, not less interesting than Fan Shêng's, in which, by means of sayings of Confucius and on the ground of historical necessity, he refuted all the objections of Fan Shêng Biography of , Hou han shu, 36(26).14b ff.. Emperor Kuang-wu decided to establish a chair for the Tso chuan; the Grand Master of Ceremonies submitted to him a list of four candidates, among whom Ch'ên Yüan figured as number one, but the Emperor, who harboured a recent grudge against Ch'ên Yüan, did not appoint him but the second man on the list, Li Fêng ., who accordingly became po- shih for the Tso chuan. Great excitement ensued among the scholars about the new chair, and from the Ducal Ministers downwards they all continued to question its necessity. The Emperor seems to have taken their opposition into account, for, when Li Fêng died-- of illness--, the Tso chuan chair was abolishedHou han shu, 36(26).17b.. Thus official New Text scholarship proved to possess an authority which even the Emperor could not break, and in fact, though subsequently more attacks were launched against the stronghold of orthodoxy, though Old Texts more and more gained Imperial favour, never during the Later Han period did they succeed in obtaining official recognition.

Reaction also came against the excessive use of the ch'an-wei. The Apocryphal Books had been accepted by all scholars as the necessary complements of the Classics, and only their abuse was condemned. Since Emperor Kuang-wu, himself addicted to the consultation of oracles, had proclaimed the Apocrypha 'canonic', excesses were condoned, while offical scholarship only tried to comply with the Emperor's wishes. So the po-shih Hsieh Han ac- cepted the task of editing anew the ch'an-wei, which had been refused by the scholar Yin MinSee the Ju lin chuan, Biography of and Yin Min, Hou han shu, 79(69 ). 5b-6a, and ibid., 69 . 15a-b.. The opposition against the ch'an-wei came from both Old Text and New Text scholars alike, even from those who were adepts in the interpretation of omens. I have just mentioned Yin Min, who, as we saw, was a student of Old and New Texts, and who once frankly told Emperor Kuang-wu, that the oracle-books could not be creations of the Sages, because they contained so many vulgar expressions, that they should not be accepted by the EmperorHou han shu, 79(69 ).15b.. Further we have Huan T'an, who had been a pupil of Liu Hsin and Yang Hsiung, had studied music, and was well-versed in the Classics; when he saw Kuang-wu's love of the ch'an and his use of them every time he had to make a decision, he presented a memorial in which he said that former Kings only relied on consideration for others and sense of the right principles, and never occupied themselves with miracles and senseless sayings; that the oracles had grown so numerous only for the purpose of deceiving the Lord of men; that since the Emperor had seen through the arts of alchemists and magicians he now ought not to let himself be deceived by oracles; that he should radiate his majestic spiritual power and manifest his sage will and hold fast to the Five Classics only. The Emperor, however, did not heed his words, and once asked Huan T'an what he would think of his, Kuang-wu's, con- sulting the oracle-books ch'an for determining the place of the ling-t'ai; Huan T'an's short reply that he never bothered about the ch'an very nearly cost him his life See the Biography of , Hou han shu, 28(18 ).1a-7b.. There was Chêng Hsing, who had also studied under Liu Hsin, and was a student of both the Commentaries of Kung-yang and Tso; he believed in portents, but when Emperor Kuang-wu asked his opinion on the consultation of the oracle-books to decide in the matter of the suburb-sacrifice, Chêng Hsing answered that he knew nothing of oracles, and, though he was able to discourse on government affairs, because he based himself too exclusively on the Classics, he was not employed in serviceBiography of , ibid., 36(26).1a-6b.. A little later we hear of a certain Chang Hêng, who lived from 78 to 139 A.D. , acc. to Giles' Chinese Biographical Dictionary, no. 55.. He was well-versed in the Five Classics, but had also studied mechanics, astronomy, the yin-yang theory, the Hsüan ching by Yang Hsiung (53 B.C.-18 A.D., acc. to Giles, o.c., no. 2379). The Hsüan ching or T'ai hsüan ching is 'ein Wahrsagebuch' according to Forke, who gives a short summary of the work in his Geschichte der mittelalterlichen chinesischen Philosophie, p. 84 ff.; he believed in divination by the milfoil and the tortoise-shell, by the calculation of the course of the stars; nevertheless he was opposed to the oracle-books. In a memorial presented to Emperor Hsiao-shun (126-144 A.D.) he explained that the time of origin of the ch'an was little known; the victory of the Han over the Ch'in Dynasty was a great feat, but no one ever quoted the ch'an at that time. Hsia-hou shêng and Sui MêngHsia-hou Shêng was a master of the Book of History, Sui Mêng of the Kung-yang Commentary, see Tables II and VII., who were scholars famous for their numerical theories, never spoke of the ch'an either; Liu Hsiang and Liu Hsin did not mention the ch'an in their catalogue I.e. the catalogue which served as the basis for the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu, cf. Woo Kang, Histoire de la bibliographie chinoise, 1938, p. 2-3. I think that Ku Chieh-kang, in denying the Apocrypha an earlier origin than the time of Wang Mang, bases himself on this statement (cf. n. 335).; they had only been heard of since the time of Emperors Hsiao-ch'êng and Hsiao-ai; pre- sumably they were written in the period between Hsiao-ai and Hsiao-p'ing. When the ch'an were compared with the Classics they showed many contradictory statements, while they contained in themselves mutually conflicting passages as had previously been shown by Chia K'ueiChang Hêng said: "Formerly the Palace Attendant Chia K'uei had picked out more than thirty mutually conflicting statements of the ch'an, and those who were adepts in the ch'an were, none of them, able to explain them" (Hou han shu, 59(49). 16a-b). This statement of Chang Hêng's runs counter to what is told in the Biography of Chia K'uei, where Chia K'uei brought forward thirty instances from the Tso chuan to prove its superiority to the Kung yang chuan and the Ku liang chuan, and where he said that only the Tso chuan was in confirmity with the t'u-ch'an (Hou han shu, 36(26).20b, 21b; cf. infra, n. 563). Ku Chieh-kang uses Chia K'uei's Biography to prove that the wei were especially connected with the Old Text School, and that Kuang-wu's motive for wanting to establish a chair for the Tso chuan was this very fact (Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 161). The statements in Chia K'uei's Biography are undeniable and clear, though, following upon Chang Hêng, the Sui shu says that Chia K'uei belonged to those Old Text scholars who opposed the ch'an (Sui shu, 32(27). 31a). I therefore think that it is not correct to connect the ch'an (i.e. the abuse of the Apocrypha) with either the Old Texts or the New Texts exclusively; both Schools believed in the Apocryphal Books and used them for the interpretation of the Classics, both Schools condemned and opposed their being manipulated for divination and fortune-telling. Chia K'uei was taught the Tso chuan by his father Chia Hui , who in his turn had studied it under Liu Hsin; the connection with the latter thus could be taken as an ex- planation for Chia K'uei's love of the Old Texts and the oracle-books. But Huan T'an and Chêng Hsing had also been pupils of Liu Hsin, and both were opposed to the oracle books.; they doubtless were fabrications of people who were after promotion and profit. The ch'an-wei together with the Classics had been collated and made canonic, yet people still spoke of disasters, quitted their houses to dwell in mountains, without, however, obtaining any profit. "A painter has difficulty in painting a real dog or a real horse, but he can easily make pic- tures of spirits and sprites; real things are difficult to describe, but phantasies follow one's pleasure; therefore let the divination- charts and oracle-books be prohibited"Biography of Chang Hêng, Hou han shu, 59(49).15a-17a; cf. Ku Chieh- kang, Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, p. 211-212..

Chang Hêng's advice was not followed, and the proscription of the ch'an-wei did not take effect until the beginning of the seventh centuryCf. supra, p. 105..

Such was the situation in the world of Classical studies in the Later Han period. Underneath the surface of rigid orthodoxy, represented by po-shih who followed the current, superstitious belief in the oracle-books, strong drifts could be discerned. There was opposition against the narrow-minded obstinacy which refused to acknowledge the existence of new material, against the senseless expositions of official scholars, and against the excessive use of oracles. While to all appearances New Text orthodoxy enjoyed unassailable supremacy, in reality its down-fall was imminent. Against this background the discussions in the Po-hu kuan have to be seen.

 38.The Po-hu discussions

The Annals of Emperor Hsiao-chang Supra, p. 5-6. are rather vague in explaining the reasons for the convening of the scholars in the Po-hu kuan in 79 A.D. for the purpose of discussing the meaning of the Classics. They only refer to the care which the Emperors always devoted to the matter of study and to the establishment of chairs I may here draw attention to an error committed in these Annals. They say that Emperor Hsiao-hsüan erected chairs for the Book of History of the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou, and later for the Book of Change of Ching Fang. In fact, the latter chair was not established until the time of Hsiao-yüan (see supra, p. 94).; they allude to the danger of long-winded expositions, and the meeting of scholars for the determination of the meaning of the Five Classics suggested by Fan Shu to Emperor Hsiao-ming in 58 A.D.The Annals of Emperor Hsiao-ming are silent on this event, but the Biography of Fan Shu in the Hou han shu, 32(22).5a, says that Fan Shu, who had studied the Spring and Autumn Annals of the School of Chuang P'êng-tsu, in 58 A.D. together with the Ducal Ministers and Ministers edited the works on sacrificial rites, making them conform to the ch'an-chi ('records of oracles'), and corrected the different meanings of the Five Classics. Probably the meeting of scholars referred to was not an official council, see infra.; they further state that the proceedings were the same as those of the Shih-ch'ü discussions, that is, there was one scholar whose task it was to put questions in order to start the discussions, and another to take down the words spoken at the debate, while the Emperor in person attended the meeting and pronounced the final verdictsIt is curious that the account of the Shih-ch'ü discussions, occurring in the Annals of Hsiao-hsuan (cf. p. 92), which were taken as the example for the Po-hu discussions, does not say anything of a scholar appointed to put questions. The process of the Po-hu discussions, described in the Annals of Hsiao-chang is confirmed in Hou han shu, 37(27).16b..

We saw that the immediate cause for holding the Shih-ch'ü discussions probably was the controversy between the Schools of Kung-yang and Ku-liang Supra, p. 91.. It would seem that the direct motive of the discussions in the Po-hu kuan may also be found in some analogous controversy between the Schools.

Emperor Hsiao-chang, who reigned from 76 to 88 A.D., had from his youth up been of a tolerant character, and a lover of the Confucian disciplinesHou han shu, 3.1a.. After he ascended the throne he continued to manifest his liking for these disciplines, showing, however, a special predilection for the Old Text of the Book of History and the Commentary of TsoBiography of Chia K'uei, Hou han shu, 36(26).20b.. The scholar Chia K'uei, whose father Chia Hui had studied the Tso chuan under Liu Hsin and had also made a study of the Kuo yü, the Chou kuan, the Old Text of the Book of History, and the Book of Poetry of MaoCf. n. 550., soon succeeded in gaining the Emperor's confidence and favour. Chia K'uei was not only pro- ficient in the Tso chuan, but also in the interpretation of the different Schools of Ku-liangHou han shu, ibid., 19b.. In the first year of the period chien-ch'u (76 A.D.) Chia K'uei was summoned to expound his theories in the Po-hu kuan, which was in the North Palace, and in the Cloud- Terrace, which was in the South-Palace. The Emperor was delighted with Chia K'uei's expositions, and ordered him to explain in detail the principles of the Tso chuan and its superiority to the other two Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals Ibid., 20b.. Chia K'uei did so in a long memorial In which he proved that only the Tso chuan was in conformity with the oracle-books ; ibid., 21b; cf. n. 550., which was greatly appreciated by the Emperor. He was showered with presents, and commanded to select himself twenty men of high talent from among those who were studying the Kung-yang Commentary of the Schools of Chuang P'êng-tsu and Yen An-lo in order to be instructed in the Tso chuanHou han shu, ibid., 23b.. Repeatedly Chia K'uei was summoned to the Emperor's presence to talk with him on the Old Text of the Book of History, and its conformity with the other Classics and Commentaries and the Erh ya explanations. He was ordered to compose several books on the differences between the Old and the New Texts of the Book of History, and on those between the Schools of Ch'i, Lu, Han, and Mao of the Book of Poetry Ibid., 24a..

The New Text po-shih felt alarmed. Emperor Hsiao-chang's leanings towards the Old Texts were even more serious than had been Emperor Kuang-wu's interest in the Tso chuan, in the time when Ch'ên Yüan was trying to secure a chair for this textSee supra, p. 150.. In the same way as Ch'ên Yüan then met with opposition from the official scholars, headed by Fan Shêng, so Chia K'uei soon found himself at daggers drawn with Li Yü, spokesman of the Erudites. Li Yü was a Kung-yang scholar and a po-shih. He had once studied the Tso chuan, but though he liked its style he considered it inadequate as an exposition of the deepest intentions of the Sage (Confucius), and condemned its allusions to the oracle-books. He wrote a book exposing the errors in the Tso chuan on forty-one points Biography of , Hou han shu, 79(69 ). 15b-16a..

The world of scholarship at this juncture seems to have seethed with agitation. The po-shih felt threatened in their impregnable fortress by the unaccountable attitude of the Emperor. The time had come to put an end to the unbearable situation. The suggestion to hold a council which would solve the difficulties came from the scholar Yang Chung, who was a student of the Spring and Autumn Annals. In a letter to the Emperor he said: "Emperor [Hsiao-]hsüan widely summoned the Confucians to discuss and determine [the meaning of] the Five Classics in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion. In all under Heaven at present there happen to be few problems. Scholars have succeeded in completing the heritage [of former masters], but those disciples [who indulge in the writing of Expositions] in Chapters and Sentences are destroying and spoiling the great system [of the doctrine]. It seems that [a council on] the precedent of the Shih-ch'ü [discussions is necessary in order to] provide perpetual standards for later generations"Biography of , ibid., 48(38). 1a, 3b.. The Emperor approved of the suggestion, and on December 23, 79 A.D. convened the scholars in the Po-hu kuan.

The reference to the discussions in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion is interesting. Under Emperor Hsiao-hsüan the Empire was enjoying tranquillity and orderCf. Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty, II, p. 180.. Time could be spent on scholarly and religious problems. The circumstances in the two periods were to a certain extent analogous. In the Former Han the Lu School of Ku-liang was trying to be officially recognized, in the Later Han the Old Texts were jeopardizing the monopoly of the New Texts. In both cases the Emperor's dangerous deviation from the paths of orthodoxy seems to have caused such a confusion that it was deemed necessary to bring the whole question of the authority of the Classics into discussion.

The Imperial council was a solemn affair. It was not just a meeting of scholars, with or without the Emperor's attendance, such as had often taken place in the course of years. We are already acquainted with the discussion on the Kung-yang and Ku-liang Commentaries in 53 B.C., which resulted in the Shih-ch'ü discussionsSee supra, p. 91.. In the reign of Hsiao-yüan (48-33 B.C.) Wu-lu Ch'ung-tsung, who was an adept of the Book of Change of Liang-ch'iu HoCf. Table I, supra., was invited by the Emperor to a debate with scholars of other Schools of the Book of Change, in which Wu-lu proved to be so superior that the others were obliged to absent themselves under the pretext of illnessCh'ien han shu, 67.5a.. I refer to the debate on the Tso chuan in 28 A.D. Supra, p. 150., and to the meeting in 58 A.D. alluded to in the Annals of Hsiao-changSee p. 6.. The Tung kuan han chi further relates that on one occasion Emperor Hsiao-ming (58-75 A.D.) summoned Huan Jung, a New Text scholar for the Book of HistoryCf. supra, n. 529., to his presence, providing him with a stool and a stick, and bidding him sit with his face turned to the east; he confronted him with other scholars who were to ask him questions, and Huan Jung's replies always pleased the EmperorTung kuan han chi by Liu Chên (died ±126 A.D.), edited in the Hou han shu pu i by Yao Chih-yin in 1713 A.D., ch. 5, fol. 17a. The Biography of Huan Jung says that those present were, besides the Emperor, the King of Tung-p'ing, Ts'ang , and other dignitaries, and several hundreds of Huan Jung's disciples (Hou han shu, 37(27).5a). The respect paid to Huan Jung was due to his being a wu-kêng (for which see supra, p. 51), whom the Emperor should treat as his elder brother (Hou han shu, 2.9a).. The Imperial Council was also different from such a discussion as took place in 81 B.C., when scholars and economists gathered to- gether to debate on the question of salt- and iron-monopoly, the report of which was later published as the Yen t'ieh lun . See Esson M. Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron, 1931.. Neither can the Imperial Council be likened to the solemn audience in the ming-t'ang, when the Son of Heaven, after having performed the rites of receiving the Feudal Lords, feasting the san-lao and wu- kêng, and practising archery, in person expounded the meaning of the Classics, such as was done by Emperor Hsiao-ming in 59 A.D.Acc. to the Annals of Hsiao-ming, Hou han shu, 2.6a. The description occurs in the Ju lin chuan, ibid., 79(69 ).2a-b..

In all these cases the purpose was different from that of an Imperial Council, when the revision of the Canon was at stake, and when, consciously or unconsciously, the interpretation of the Classics was adapted to the needs of the changing time. It was a process which resembled the change of institutions by a new Dynasty. As this could only be done by the Son of Heaven, so none other than the Son of Heaven could change the CanonCf. P'i Hsi-jui, Ching hsüeh li shih, fol. 24a.. He was Heaven's Vicegerent, expected to know the will of Heaven and to interpret it correctly. Among the scholars, who possessed the real knowledge of the Classics, he was the Super-scholar, who by the virtue of his sacred position had the wisdom superseding the wisdom of the entire assembly. His decision was final, infallible, and irrefutable. We unfortunately lack a detailed description of the outward proceedings of such a Council, but we can well imagine their solemnity and sacred character, which probably were emphasized by a plenitude of ritual observances.

The scholars were convened in the Po-hu kuan. The name of this place needs some comment. It was part of the Imperial palace in Lo-yang, the capital in the Later Han . Emperor Kuang-wu made it his capital on November 27, 25 A.D. (Hou han shu, 1 .23a), probably motivated by his superstitious belief in oracles. Wang Mang had already contemplated the removal of the capital from Ch'ang-an to Lo-yang, as a result of an oracle announcing the establishment of Lo-yang (Ch'ien han shu, 99 .21b).. Chang-huai T'ai-tzŭ 's Commentary on the Hou han shu explains Po-hu 'White Tiger' as the name of a gate, on which a kuan 'look-out tower' was built; hence its name ; Hou han shu, 37(27).16b. 'White Tiger' at first indicated the western hemisphere, later the Seven Mansions of the western quarter (G. Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, 1875, p. 65-68, 316 ff.).. The Shui ching chu, describing Lo-yang, men- tions the Po-hu ch'üeh, and identifies ch'üeh with kuan, meaning, 'look-out tower', ; Shui ching chu, 16.17a-b.. It is, however, unlikely, that the Council should have taken place in a look-out tower. Now the San fu huang t'u, in its description of Ch'ang-an, the capital of the Former Han, quoting the Miao chi mentions the Po-hu ko, which was part of the Wei-yang Palace and belonged to the complex of the eastern ko ; San fu huang t'u , 6.1b of the Ssŭ pu ts'ung k'an ed. It is strange that Po-hu 'White Tiger' is here situated in the east.. The word ko also occurs in Shih-ch'ü ko, which, following Professor Dubs, I have translated as Shih-ch'ü Pavilion. In the Biography of King Hsien of Kuang-p'ing, instead of Po-hu kuan, the name Po-hu tien is used ; Hou han shu, 50(40).1b.; tien meaning 'hall; palace; tem- ple' ; Karlgren, Analytic Dictionary, no. 474.; a large, high hall Tz'ŭ hai, s.v. tien.. We saw that Chia K'uei was sum- moned to expound his theories in the Po-hu kuan and the Cloud- Terrace yün-t'ai, which were situated in the North Palace and the South Palace respectively ; see supra, n. 562. The description pei-kung po-hu kuan also occurs in the Biography of Ting Hung, Hou han shu, 37(27).16b, and is the passage commented upon by Chang- huai T'ai-tzŭ , supra.. All these different descriptions make it probable, that kuan is not to be understood as meaning 'look- cut tower', but as indicating some apartment in the western part of the Imperial Palace, which was or had been used as a kind of observatory. In order to avoid the technical word 'observatory' we may translate Po-hu kuan by 'White Tiger Hall' Besides its sonority the word Hall also bears some connotation of solemnity. The Oxford English Dictionary gives the following meanings: a large place covered by a roof; a temple, palace, court, royal residence; the large public room in a mansion, palace, etc., used for receptions, banquets, etc.; a large room or building for the transaction of public business, the holding of public meetings, or the like; a formal assembly held by the sovereign, or by the mayer, etc. of a town..

Who were the participants of the discussions in the White Tiger Hall? The Imperial Catalogue says that there were more than ten disputants, and mentions, besides the scholars positively related with the discussions, also the names of Chang P'u and Shao Hsün, ; Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, 118.1a.. Ch'ien Ta-chao lists ten names, viz. King Hsien of Kuang-P'ing, Ting Hung, Lou Wang, Ch'êng Fêng, Huan Yü, Chia K'uei, Pan Ku, Yang Chung, Lu Kung, and Chao Po In his Pu Hsü han shu i wên chih , edited in the Erh shih wu shih pu pien , Vol. II, p. 2098 of the K'ai-ming shu-tien ed.. He probably arrived at this list by gathering all references to the Po-hu discussions in the Hou han shu together. Checking these references, however, I have booked a somewhat different result.

The Annals of Hsiao-chang mention Wei Ying and Shun-yü Kung, the former to ask questions, the latter to memorialize the repliesSee supra, p. 6.. Wei Ying's attendance is confirmed by his Biography, from which we also learn that he was a po-shih for the Lu School of the Book of PoetryHou han shu, 79(69 ).3b-4a.. Shun-yü Kung's Biography relates that he was pro- ficient in the doctrine of Lao-tzû's quietism, but nothing is said of his participation in the Po-hu discussions ; ibid., 39(29).9a..

The Biography of King Hsien of Kuang-p'ing says that he was widely versed in the Classics, had a dignified and stern character, and that he took part in the Po-hu discussions Ibid., 50(40).1b. Cf. n. 584..

The Biography of Ting Hung tells us that he had studied the Book of History of Ou-yang-shêng under Huan Jung for thirteen years, that he was made Palace Attendant, and that he was sum- moned to attend the Po-hu discussions, together with King Hsien, Lou Wang, Ch'êng Fêng, Huan Yü, Chia K'uei, and others. Ting Hung was most conspicuous in the debates ; ibid., 37(27).15a-16b..

The mention of Lou Wang in Ting Hung's Biography is not confirmed by Lou Wang's own Biography, where it is only stated that he had studied the Spring and Autumn Annals of Chuang P'êng-tsu ; ibid., 79(69 ).14a..

Neither is this the case with Huan Yü, son of Huan Jung, in whose Biography it is only said that he had studied the Book of History of Ou-yang-shêng Ibid., 37(27).6b. On Huan Yü, see also supra, n. 529..

Ch'êng Fêng . appears to figure in the Biography of Ting Hung only.

The Biography of Chia K'uei contains no reference to the Po-hu discussions of 79 A.D.Hou han shu, 79(69 ).16a. But Chia K'uei was summoned to the White Tiger Hall in 76 A.D. to expound the Old Texts, see supra, p. 156., but his participation in this Council is confirmed by the Biography of Li Yü Cf. infra, n. 604..

We have seen that the discussions in the Po-hu kuan were held upon the suggestion of Yang ChungSee supra, n. 568.. In his Biography we read the continuation of Yang Chung's story. He had been thrown into prison for some crime; Chao Po, Pan Ku, Chia K'uei, and others, realizing Yang Chung's deep knowledge of the Spring and Autumn Annals, requested and obtained his pardon. Yang Chung was then allowed to attend the CouncilHou han shu, 48(38).4a..

The Biography of Lu Kung, who had studied the Book of Poetry of the Lu School, confirms his taking part in the Po-hu discussions; ibid., 25(15).5b..

The Biography of Li Yü, who was a po-shih for the Kung-yang Commentary, mentions his participation in the Po-hu discussions, where he was the chief opponent of Chia K'uei Ibid., 79(69 ).16a. Cf. n. 567..

I have not been able to find any confirmation of Pan Ku, Chao Po, Chang P'u, and Shao Hsün having taken part in the Council of 79 A.D., as is asserted by Ch'ien Ta-chao and the Imperial Catal- ogue.

Pan Ku is only said to have compiled the material after the discussions had taken place, and no word is said of his participation in them See his Biography, of which the incriminated passage has been translated on p. 7, supra..

Chao Po's figuring in Ch'ien Ta-chao's list is evidently a mistake, probably caused by the fact that he was one of the scholars who requested the pardoning of Yang Chung, who did take part in the Po-hu discussions , cf. n. 602..

Chang P'u was a scholar of the Book of History, but his Biography says nothing about his connection with the Po-hu discussionsHou han shu, 45(35).14a.. The same applies to Shao Hsün, who was a scholar of the Book of Poetry of the Han School Ibid., 79(69 ).6b.. The error, committed by the Imperial Catalogue, of connecting them with the Council, is probably due to the fact that in the Biography of Huan Yü there occurs the statement that "in 76 A.D. Chang P'u, Wei Ying, and Shao Hsün . . . . discussed [the Classics] in the Palace" (mistake for ) . . . . . ; Hou han shu, 37(27).8a.. As we know, Chia K'uei was summoned in 76 A.D. to expound the Old Texts Cf. n. 587., and it is probable that the discussion at which Chang P'u, Wei Ying, and Shao Hsün were present, refers to this exposition by Chia K'uei.

Thus the scholars of whom we positively know that they took part in the discussions in the White Tiger Hall were Wei Ying, Shun-yü Kung, King Hsien of Kuang-p'ing, Ting Hung, Lou Wang, Ch'êng Fêng, Huan Yü, Chia K'uei, Yang Chung, Lu Kung, and Li Yü, eleven persons in all.

As a result of the Council there were composed the Po hu i tsou, the 'Memorialized Discussions [on the Classics] in the White Tiger [Hall]'.

We might have expected that the Imperial Council would have solved all the problems of the scholarly world, and that a new Canon, officially determined under the auspices of the Pontifex Maximus, the Son of Heaven, would have put an end to the wranglings between New Text and Old Text adherents. Nothing of the kind happened. On the contrary.

In 83 A.D., only four years after the date of the Council, the Emperor issued an Edict, in which he expressed his solicitude at the sad condition of the Classics, the multiplication of the Ex- positions in Chapters and Sentences, the deterioration of the subtle doctrines of the former masters, and in which "he summoned the scholars each to select highly-talented disciples in order to be instructed in [the Commentaries on] the Spring and Autumn Annals of Tso and Ku-liang, the Old Text of the Book of History, and the Book of Poetry of Mao, so that the subtle study might be supported and different [methods of] explanations be spread"; Hou han shu, 3.15b.. "On account of this", the Biography of Chia K'uei, which contains the same passage with slight differences, proceeds, "the four Classics [in Old Text] became popular in the world" Ibid., 36(26).24a.. Chia K'uei's pupils all attained important positions Ibid..

Are we to assume that the Imperial Council of 79 A.D. was a farce? That it was just a thing to be done and forgotten? It is a strange story, but we are obliged to accept the fact that to all appearances the Po-hu discussions had achieved nothing, and that the battle waged between New Text po-shih and Old Text scholars had ended in a draw. Official orthodoxy seems to have carried the day, and to have remained entrenched behind its impregnable walls of assur- ance. Old Text scholars seem to have been defeated, but nonetheless to have continued their attacks on the stronghold of orthodoxy. The Emperor seems to have been powerless against the band of Erudites, but nevertheless to have continued his sympathy for the Old Texts. We may pursue the history of Classical studies after the Po-hu discussions, and on our way again and again find indi- cations that the old situation had practically remained unaltered, i.e., that official scholarship was supreme but desiccating, and Old Text scholarship full of energy but failing to achieve recognition in the state's curriculum. Fan Yeh describes how since the reign of Emperor Hsiao-an (107-125 A.D.) the studies had been neglected, how the po-shih had clung to their positions but forgotten to teach, how the disciples, following each other's example, had abandoned themselves to profligacy, how the schools had fallen into decay and become grounds for cow-boys to tend their cattle and for grass- cutters to gather their fodder Ibid., 79(69 ).3b.. Emperor Hsiao-shun (126-144 A.D.) tried to remedy the sad condition, and erected a complex of 240 school-buildings with 1,850 apartments Ibid.. Yet at the end of his reign the same situation had returned See n. 535.. In 175 A.D. Emperor Hsiao-ling (168-188 A.D.) ordered the Classics to be engraved on stone; they were still exclusively the canonic New TextsHou han shu, 79(69 ).4a. The task was entrusted to Ts'ai Yung (133- 192), see his Biography in the Hou han shu, 60(50 ).11b. Cf. also Pelliot, Les classiques gravés sur pierre sous les Wei en 240-248, T'oung Pao, Vol. XXIII, p. 1-4.. Being a po-shih was no longer regarded as an honour. The scholars Hsün Shuang, Chêng Hsüan, and Ch'ên Chi declined an appointmentWang Kuo-wei, Han wei po shih k'ao, ch. 4, fol. 9b.. Towards the end of the second century the roar of political events drowned the quarrelling voices in the world of scholarship I am referring to the bloody clashes between eunuchs and scholars, for which see Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, I, p. 416.. In 220 A.D. the Han Dynasty came to a termination with the New Texts officially still in the ascendency.

By then, however, the Old Texts had already gone a long way towards their irresistible victory. In the period between 220 and 227 A.D. they were represented by official po-shih; the chairs for the Book of Change of the Schools of Shih Ch'ou, Mêng Hsi, Liang- ch'iu Ho, and Ching Fang, for the Book of History of the Schools of Ou-yang-Shêng, the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou, for the Book of Poetry of the Schools of Ch'i, Lu, and Han, for the Book of Rites of the Schools of Ch'ing P'u and the Elder Tai, for the Spring and Autumn Annals of the School of Chuang P'êng-tsu, all of them New Texts, were abolishedWang Kuo-wei, o.c., fol. 9a-10b.. In the period between 240 and 248 the Classics were anew engraved in stone, this time along with the long despised Tso chuan and the Old Text of the Book of HistoryAcc. to Pelliot, o.c., this Old Text of the Book of History seems practically to have been the same as the New Text, except perhaps for some variants and glosses. The so-called Old Text chapters, which are comprised in the present edition of the Book of History, are fakes of the 4th century A.D.. The rapid and almost total oblivion into which the New Texts then sank was the tragic fate of a School which during its heyday had known no other attitude than that of implacability.

The discussions in the White Tiger Hall cannot be seen as an occasion on which New and Old Texts were welded into a new Canon, as the reason which had led to them would suggest. They do not mark the beginning of a new era of Classical studies, in which new material received its due attention, and new methods were applied other than those exclusively based on a system of correspondences. They are an impressive representation of the world-conception of a holistic society, which believed in portents and fortune-telling, and had its actions governed by them. But the impact of the outer world had already begun to bring in new ideas which marred the structure of an evanescent community. The Council of 79 A.D. is a monument, superannuated almost immediately after its building, beautiful for later generations to behold, but unacceptable to those contemporaries who, as revolutionaries, did not prize beauty so much as truth.

 39.Conclusion

After the long excursion which we have undertaken in the field of Classical studies in the Han period, let us return to our actual problem: the present edition of the Po hu t'ung. Does this edition have any relation to the discussions in the Po-hu kuan of 79 A.D.? May we even see it as identical with either the Po hu i tsou, or the Po hu t'ung i, or the Po hu t'ung tê lun, mentioned in the Hou han shu?

Once more I may recapitulate the characteristic features of the edition of 1305 A.D., the defective condition of which I have already pointed outSee supra, p. 66.. The text teems with errors, and it is incomplete, as the supplementary passages provided by Chuang Shu-tsu, Lu Wên-ch'ao, Ch'ên Li, and Liu Shih-p'ei may prove, and a glance at the list of quotations in Appendix A may show. These quotations are representative of the New Text School, as appears from the almost exclusive use of the New Text chapters of the Book of History I.e. the chapters in the New Text version. The spurious chapters of the Book of History, presented as 'Old Texts' in the 4th century, were, however, unknown to New Text as well as Old Text scholars in the Han period., the abundance with which the Kung yang chuan is cited, and the way in which the Classical passages are interpreted This feature of the Po hu t'ung cannot be adequately shown without a detailed comparison with the interpretations of later, orthodox, Confucianism, as adopted e.g. by the editors of the 'Thirteen Classics', and followed in the translations of Legge and Couvreur. I think it would be worth while to under- take such a comparative study, which does not aim at a reconstruction of the original meaning of the Classics by philological means alone--such as was done by Karlgren with respect to the Book of Poetry, and is being done by him with respect to the Book of History in the Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities--, but merely attempts to give a representation of the ideas of a certain School of theologians, as a contribution to the history of Chinese thought. See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 456 ff.. However, there are a few quotations from an Old Text, namely the Chou kuan. There are further numerous quotations from the Apocrypha. The style of the present Po hu t'ung is 'catechetical', i.e., in most cases a question is put first, after which follows the replySun I-jang says (see supra, p. 14) that the style of the Wu ching t'ung i, as well as that of the Po hu t'ung i, differs from the catechetical form of the Shih ch'ü li lun . This statement is not quite correct; the difference in form between Po hu t'ung and Shih ch'ü li lun (cf. par. 35) is that the latter is a more literal report.. Other deviating opinions are recorded. The contents of the present Po hu t'ung reveal a system of correspondences pervaded by the theories about the Yin-yang, the Five Elements, and numerical categories. The Son of Heaven figures as King in the most sacred sense of the word.

Equipped with what we know of the state of affairs of Classical Studies in the first decades of the Later Han, which led to the Council in the Po-hu kuan, we may now venture the question: may the Po hu t'ung which we actually possess be seen as the genuine report of those discussions?

There are several points in favour of this supposition.

The contents of the present text tally perfectly with the world- conception of the Later Han, which officially pretended to be a copy of the Former Han In the Former Han Tung Chung-shu figured as one of the greatest theologians. The similarity of his ideas with those contained in the Po hu t'ung is striking; this was already pointed out by Granet in his La pensêe chinoise, p. 580, n. 1, and Fêng Yu-lan, o.c., p. 506..

The profuse use of the Apocrypha in the Po hu t'ung--not only apparent from actual quotations, but also from the passages not presented as quotations, such as cosmographical calculations, the etymology of words according to sound-analogy, the theories on the historical succession of the Dynasties, the descriptions of the ancient Emperors, the explanations of the different kinds of music, etc.--tallies with the fact that especially in the Later Han the Apocrypha were the officially prescribed counterpart of the Classics, adopted by New Text as well as Old Text Schools.

The predominance in the Po hu t'ung of New Text interpretations tallies with the fact that official scholarship in the Later Han was New Text scholarship, and that at the Po-hu discussions the New Text scholars were amply represented.

The occurrence of Old Text interpretations--apparent from the few quotations from the Chou kuan and from some of the statements introduced by 'Another opinion says'--tallies with the fact that Old Text scholars participated in the Po-hu discussions To my regret I cannot investigate for the moment the sources of all these 'other opinions'. The quotations from the Shu i p'ien probably also indicate the use of 'Old Texts'..

The scarcity of direct interpretations of Classical passages tallies with the fact that in the Later Han, as well as in the Former Han, the official po-shih were not 'philologists', but applied 'exegesis', while the Old Text scholars were only beginning to adopt a more 'philological' method of explaining the ClassicsPerhaps it would be better to say 're-beginning'. The Old Text scholars seem to have had a greater interest in philological glosses on the Classics than the New Text po-shih. Karlgren (Early History, p. 47) points out the difference between the Shang shu ta chuan of Fu-shêng (New Text scholar), which is not a verbatim Commentary, and the, now lost, Commentary of K'ung An-kuo (New Text po-shih, but also Old Text scholar), which was a philological work..

Points militating against the supposition of the Po hu t'ung being the genuine report of the Po-hu discussions, however, are not lacking.

The first is its incompleteness, apparent from the facts mentioned above. The discussions, which lasted several months, would cer- tainly have been fairly comprehensive in their dealing with the Classical works. Liao P'ing, who regards the Po hu t'ung as a com- pendium of the general doctrines contained in the Classics, realizing this incompleteness, has drawn up an extensive list of subjects which are not treated At the end of his Ch'ün ching ta i, see n. 2.. The incompleteness of a text, however, is not an adequate proof against its genuineness, and we may assume that the Po hu t'ung during its transmission has suffered much from omissions. On the other hand, a systematic omission of passages which we would expect to occur in a given text, may appear serious. Now knowing the strong belief which the po-shih in the Later Han, representing official orthodoxy, put in the matter of oracles, the absence of any allusion to these ch'an in the Po hu t'ung is astonishing. It is true that the Ch'an are quoted in four instances by the Po hu t'ung, but the contents of these quotations are not what we under- stand by oraclesThese are the quotations. Par. 99e: "The Ch'un ch'iu ch'an says: Chan means tan-kung 'to attack on a grand scale"'; par. 100: "The Hsiao ching ch'an says: On the day of the summer-solstice the yin-fluid begins to move, on the day of the winter-solstice the yang-fluid begins to sprout out"; par. 115c: "The Lun yü ch'an says: The Five Emperors [each] appointed a teacher [for them- selves], the Three Kings made [of learning] an institution"; par. 217: "The Ch'an says: An intercalary month is the redundance of yang".. And though the Po hu t'ung deals with lucky omens (ch. XVIII) and strange events as fore-warnings (ch. XVI), it does not say anything about fortune-telling, and ignores portents which predict political happenings. Another striking omission is that nowhere in the text Confucius is referred to as su-wang 'Uncrowned King', and neither is the kingdom of Lu alluded to. We have to suppose a deliberate 'expurgation' in all these cases, and an expurgation of a rather late date, because the theory of the 'Un- crowned King' was still adhered to by Chêng HsüanSee Woo Kang, Les trois thêories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou, p. 175, n. 7., and that of the kingdom of Lu by Ho Hsiu See his Commentary on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 1st year (Kung yang chu shu, 1.12b).. We may further speculate on the reasons why these passages were omitted. The explanation which I venture to give is connected with the fact that they were the very passages objected to by all scholars who wanted to revert to the Classical texts pure and simple. This aspiration, however necessary in itself, because it was a reaction against the easy syncretic attitude of official scholarship and 'theology', was in reality illusory, because the Classical texts in themselves were unintelligible without inter- pretation by means of other texts. The elevation of Confucius' position to that of 'Uncrowned King' seems to have been regarded as a kind of sacrilege, for the reason that the Classics did not substantiate such an idea, and because it was connected with the theory of the succession of Dynasties, which Confucius, as a prophet and a visionary in the ordinary sense, was supposed to have predicted, and which had given and was giving rise to all sorts of social and political disturbances. An attempt at bringing Confucius 'down to earth' may be seen in the Chia yü, ascribed to the scholar Wang Su of the third century A.D., . A study of this remarkable and much-questioned work by Mr. R. P. Kramers is shortly forthcoming.. The wei with their oracles were repeat- edly prohibited, and finally proscribed in the beginning of the seventh century See supra, p. 105.. Bearing in mind this opposition against the excesses of the wei, and their persecution, is it possible that the Po hu t'ung was involved in this process? It may be objected that the wei, such as we know them, have preserved the passages on oracles and the description of Confucius as su-wang. To this objection I may reply that the wei had been nearly exterminated, and what we have at our disposal at present is merely the result of the ran- sacking of all sorts of works, because the proscription had not been absolutely effective. Further, that the Po hu t'ung itself was not a wei, though it had a definite wei-character. Devoid of the objectionable passages, the oracles, it was quite an innocent book, curious, and antiquated in the days when the Old Text school was dominant, but on the whole not uninteresting. It was not considered 'canonical', but it was still invoked by the Commentators on the Classics in the T'ang periodSee supra, p. 105.. Thus not only may the incompleteness of the present text be accounted for, but the deliberate omission of passages which probably occurred in the original text may also be explained.

The second point against the Po hu t'ung is its difference of style as compared with the Shih ch'ü li lunSee the translation in par. 35, supra.; this point has already been considered by Sun I-jang and Liu Shih-p'eiCf. supra, p. 14, 16-17.. Sun I-jang explains it by assuming that the Po hu t'ung is a kind of Wu ching tsa i, which was the report of the discussion on all the Classics together in the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion, distinct from the reports of the discussion on the Classics one by one, which had also been composed. Liu Shih-p'ei thinks that the Po hu t'ung (i) is the summing up of the fuller report, Po hu i tsou, and assumes that the Shih ch'ü i tsou likewise had a (Shih ch'ü) t'ung i. Against Sun I-jang's theory it may be brought up that, if we omit in the Shih ch'ü li lun the names of the disputants and the Imperial verdicts, we should have almost the same text as the Po hu t'ung, while it is not clear why it should have been necessary to discuss the Classics together after they had been dealt with one by one. Against Liu Shih-p'ei's opinion we may also say that the Po hu t'ung does not strike us as just being a 'sum- ming-up', which would have assumed the character of a handbook; it contains questions and replies, and it records deviating opinions. Besides, there has never been such a work as the Shih ch'ü t'ung i. The fact of the Shih-ch'ü discussions being the precedent of the Po-hu discussions has been repeatedly emphasized: the occasion for which the two Councils were convened, the personal attendance of the Emperor, his verdicts, the procedure of the meeting We saw that with respect to the Shih-ch'ü there is in fact no statement on the putting of questions by one of the scholars, see supra, n. 556., the report made after the discussion The Annals of Hsiao-hsüan do not speak of the composing of 'Memorialized Discussions' i-tsou, but the i-tsou are described in the Han shu i wên chih, where their number of p'ien are given, cf. n. 67. The Annals of Hsiao-chang mention the composing of the Po hu i tsou, but the number of chüan we only learn from a statement by Ts'ai Yung, cf. n. 58-59., were for both cases the same. However, the subjects of discussion were not identical. The first Council was held to discuss the establishment of new chairs for New Text Schools, the second Council was held to discuss that of new chairs for Old Text Schools. In 51 B.C., the date of the Shih-ch'ü discussions, the wei with their oracles had probably not yet become so important as in 79 A.D., the date of the Po-hu discussions. Even though official scholarship of the Later Han tried to be a slavish continuation of that of the Former Han, a great change had in reality taken place. A period of 128 years, though comparatively short within the long stretch of Chinese history, is after all a lapse of one and a quarter of a century. In this period, moreover, there occurred the interregnum of Wang Mang, which dealt a decisive blow to the monopoly of New Text studies. It is therefore not correct when Professor Dubs says that "it is highly probable that the per- manently important material in the Memorialized Discussions arising out of the decisions made at the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion was taken up into the Po-hu T'ung, and that the reason these Memo- rialized Discussions were allowed to perish is merely that they had been superseded. We must thus look to the Po-hu T'ung for the results of the Shih-ch'ü discussions"The History of the Former Han Dynasty, II, p. 274. It is unlikely that the report of the Shih-ch'ü discussions would have disappeared so very soon. The Sui shu still mentions the Shih ch'ü li lun in 4 chüan (see n. 70), and though these remains are poor compared with the 155 p'ien of the whole work, the fact that at such a late date as 656 A.D. (the compilation of the Bibliographical Chapter of the Sui shu, cf. n. 36) there was still something left, is an indication that the disappearance of the Memorialized Discussions of the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion did not take place very early.. However, though the subjects discussed in 51 B.C. were not the same as in 79 A.D., we unfortunately do not know what they precisely were. The fragments of the Shih ch'ü li lun, translated above, give no clear indication in this matterHung uses the Shih ch'ü li lun for proving that at that time there were current 'Notes' on the Rites, belonging to the New Texts, which were denoted as Chi (Prolegomena to Index to Li chi, p. XXXVIII).. The total absence of quotations from the Memorialized Discussions of the Shih-ch'ü Pavilion, including the Wu ching tsa i, leaves us completely in the dark. This remarkable silence also surrounds the Memorialized Discussions of the Po-hu kuan. But here, suddenly, we encounter a quotation from the Po hu t'ung i round about 245 A.D. Let us state the two facts more sharply for comparison. There are the Shih ch'ü i tsou, in all 155 p'ien, which have never been quoted; a fragment of the Shih ch'ü li lun, as a more or less stenographic report, is extant, and we may assume that it has been extant from 656 A.D. at the latest. There are the Po hu i tsou, in all more than 100 chüan, which have never been quoted; a Po hu t'ung i, not in the form of a stenographic report, is extant, and we may assume that it has been extant from 245 A.D. at the latest. The question now is: why were both the i-tsou neglected, and why does the Po hu t'ung differ in style from the Shih ch'ü li lun In offering the following attempt at an explanation I wish to emphasize its entirely hypothetical character; the utter scarcity of real data leaves us no other choice.?

The two reports must have been important, for they represented the ideas on the meaning of the Classics of the most outstanding scholars of the time, with the solemn touch of the Imperial verdict added to them. Both of them, however, were voluminous; it would have cost a great deal of time and work to produce them in more than one copy. The scholars, participating in the discussions, of course each knew exactly what was contained in the reports; they were sure to employ the material in their teaching, though it would not be necessary to refer to them, especially as the word i-tsou cannot strictly be regarded as the title of a work In the Bibliographical Chapter of the Ch'ien han shu we do not encounter such titles as Shu i tsou, Li i tsou, etc.; in the sections of the Shu, Li, etc. we only meet with the entries i-tsou in so many p'ien. Only the Wu ching tsa i, which is a title, is entered in full, with the note 'Shih ch'ü lun'. The later entry in the Sui shu, 'Shih ch'ü li lun', may also be considered as a title. The name Po hu i tsou is not mentioned in the Bibliographies.. The need of a written document, however, may soon have been felt. Accordingly a shorter edition of the report was composed, an edition without the names of the disputants and without the indication of the Imperial verdicts. For the i-tsou of the Shih-ch'ü ko the Wu ching tsa i probably was this shorter edition; thus it is not a separate treatise on the Five Classics together, as Sun I-jang supposes. For the i-tsou of the Po-hu kuan the Po hu t'ung i was this shorter edition; it is not a summing-up, as Liu Shih-p'ei thinks. Whether Pan Ku compiled the Po hu i tsou, i.e. the original full report, or the Po hu t'ung tê lun, which I assume is the same as the Po hu t'ung i, i.e. the shorter edition, cannot be decided. In either case he was only the compilator, and not the author. Of the report of the Shih-ch'ü discussions both the i-tsou and the shorter edition (Wu ching tsa i) are lost, and only a few fragments of the former, in the form of the Shih ch'ü li lun, are extant. Of the report of the Po-hu discussions the i-tsou are completely lost, and only the shorter edition remains, as Po hu t'ung, or Po hu t'ung i, or Po hu t'ung tê lun. Both the Shih ch'ü li lun in its fragmentary form, and the Po hu t'ung go back to the Councils of 51 B.C. and 79 A.D. respectively. The style of the two differs, but if we omit the names of the disputing scholars and the references to the Emperor from the text of the Shih ch'ü li lun we shall have almost the same style as the Po hu t'ung. Professor Hung seems to accept the fragmentary Shih ch'ü li lun as genuine, but he rejects the Po hu t'ung. In my opinion both are of the same value, i.e. more or less reliable. As the Po hu i tsou may be translated by 'Memorialized Discussions of the White Tiger [Hall]', so Po hu t'ung i, abbreviated Po hu t'ung, may be rendered as 'Compre- hensive [Account of the Discussions on the] Meaning [of the Five Classics] in the White Tiger [Hall]', or, shorter, 'Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger [Hall]'The i in i-tsou 'discussion' and the i in t'ung-i 'meaning', though written differently, were and are pronounced alike (Grammata Serica, nos. 2r and 2v). They may be used indiscriminately (cf. n. 82). That t'ung is to be taken in the meaning of 'comprehensive' may be confirmed by the pun made by K'ung Ying-ta in his Sub-comm. on the Tso chuan, Yin 5th year (Tso chuan chu shu, 2.25b), where he says with respect to the Po hu t'ung, that 'though its name is Comprehensive Discussion, its meaning is not comprehensible' ..

The third point against the Po hu t'ung has been referred to on page 64, namely the fact that the work was never quoted before about 245 A.D. We have seen that the case of the Shih ch'ü i tsou is even worse, for they have never been heard of, except that a small fragment has been saved. I have assumed that the reason for the silence about both i-tsou may have lain in their being so well-known that it was not thought necessary to name the source when a ref- erence was made. With respect to the Po-hu discussions an addi- tional factor may be pointed out. From what we know of the condition of Classical studies in the first decades of the Later Han we may infer that the Council of 79 A.D., securing the victory of official orthodoxy, was an anachronism. New Text scholarship, as it was understood by the po-shih, was confirmed in its unassailable position of dominance, but Old Text scholarship continued to advance undaunted. If four years after the event of the Council the Emperor himself acted as if there had been no Council at all which acknow- ledged the sole authority of official New Text studies, may we then not suppose that the real scholars did not hesitate to ignore it? That we are still able to find a number of statements, parallel with the Po hu t'ung, in works of scholars of the second century A.D. is an indication that the report of the Po-hu discussions was not alto- gether devoid of any value.

Thus to all appearances the present Po hu t'ung, even if we take into account the interpolations of later dates, omissions deliberate and non-deliberate, and the possibility of re-arrangement of chapters and subjects, may be regarded as connected with the Po hu i tsou. With the knowledge we have gained of the state of affairs in the world of Classical studies of the Later Han, Professor Hung's con- tention that the Po hu t'ung is a concoction of the end of the Later Han or the beginning of the Wei seems rather improbable. Who could have wanted to produce such a work? It could only have been some New Text scholar who wished to defend a case which his School was rapidly losing against the ascending Old Text School. But then he would have left out all references to this School, and made a more systematic treatise. The Po hu t'ung now does not strike us as being a polemic book, neither a formal catechism ready- made; it is a report of a discussion, with all its cumbrousness and incoherence.

At the end of my discussion of Professor Hung's criticism of the Po hu t'ung I questioned the conclusive force which parallel passages may have as evidence. In the same way and with the same right by which parallel passages may be used against a text, in casu the Po hu t'ung, they may be employed to support a contrary opinion, viz. that they suggest a general knowledge of the contents of the text among the scholars of a certain period who for some reason did not deem it necessary to name the source of their quotation. I then tried to apply the test of 'internal evidence', which amounted to an analysis of the contents of the text I have not attempted a 'grammatical' analysis of the text, because the Po hu t'ung, by its very nature, is not a homogeneous work. Not only are there all sorts of quotations, many of which are integrated in the text, but the opinions of various Schools with all their peculiarities are included. and to a sketch of the background of the Po-hu discussions of which the text professes to be the report, in order to determine whether the two could be integrated. I think that the result is not unfavourable.

Let us put some concrete questions and try to answer them.

Is the present Po hu t'ung the actual i-tsou 'Memorialized Dis- cussions' of the Po-hu kuan? No; the style is not that of the i-tsou, as we know them from the Shih ch'ü li lun.

Is the present Po hu t'ung a reliable representation of the Po-hu discussions? Yes; very probably the Po hu t'ung, or Po hu t'ung i, or Po hu Tê lun, is a shorter edition of the i-tsou, which, as we have formerly surmised,--and this surmise now seems to be warranted--, is only a general appellation, while Po hu t'ung is a more specific name.

Is the present Po hu t'ung entirely genuine? No, for there are evident interpolations and omissions. This, however, applies to almost any Chinese text, and is, as such, not a definite proof against the genuineness of a text as a whole.

In my analysis of the Po hu t'ung I have tried to listen to the story the text had to tell, without letting myself be too much diverted by questions of dubiousness. Behind the incoherent flood of state- ments a consistent system could then be discerned, representing a cosmology of a really impressive character. I have attempted to sketch the history of Classical scholarship in the Former and Later Han, and this history appears not to be a dull account of learned masters training disciples in an unbroken traditional way and in secluded closets, but a history closely related to the course of political events, which profoundly influenced it and was pro- foundly influenced by it. Against the background of this history, in my sketch culminating in the Council of 79 A.D., the Po hu t'ung fits in wonderfully. In this setting it is no longer a quixotic text, interesting on some points but hopelessly dead; it turns out to be a living document which supplies important material for the under- standing of a most dramatic time. As such it is valuable in more than one respect.

It gives us an idea of the way in which the Classics were inter- preted in the Han period. We have often heard of the combination of Classical and Apocryphal Books, of the ching being the warp and the wei being the woof, the former constituting the outer, the latter the inner study; nowhere else can we find such a clear and comprehensive illustration of this curious method of interpretation as in the Po hu t'ungThe Shang shu ta chuan may be considered as an interpretation of the same kind, but it is restricted to the Book of History alone. The Ch'un ch'iu fan lu may also be regarded as such an interpretation, but again of the Spring and Autumn Annals only..

It gives us an idea of the cosmology of the Han, that curious blending of naturalism and ethics, in which such great emphasis was laid on correct ritual behaviour, and in which the King figured as the living link and mediator between the world in Heaven and everything under Heaven. Even if the Po hu t'ung is unsatisfactory in its descriptions of details, probably no other text presents so complete a picture of this cosmology as a systemFêng Yu-lan remarks that the treatise on the Five Elements in the Po hu t'ung is fuller than that by Tung Chung-shu (Chung kuo chê hsüeh shih, II, p. 506)..

It gives us an idea of that mighty battle waged between New Text orthodoxy and Old Text modernism, terminating in the former's victory, which, however, from the onset harboured the signs of its ultimate defeat. The Po hu t'ung, representing the Council in the White Tiger Hall, illustrates the extent to which an orthodox class by its imperturbable obstinacy is able to close its eyes to the needs of a changing society. The original report was a monument, already antiquated in the view of contemporaries; the Po hu t'ung is a relic which, deprived of the features most offensive to a later orthodoxy, has become curious and not entirely objectionable, though on closer examination it still shows the scars where the hands of iconoclasts have been at work.

 40.Editions of the Po hu t'ung

A few words should be said about the editions of the Po hu t'ung.

Since Lu Wên-ch'ao has given a list of the various editions in his Po hu t'ung text (in the Pao ching t'ang ts'ung shu), and Professor William Hung has done the same in the Prolegomena of his Index, in order to avoid needless repetition it may be sufficient here to refer to themMany of these editions are inaccessible to me..

Lu Wên-ch'ao began to edit the text in 1777, continuing the work that had been done by Chuang Shu-tsu, and comparing and collating several Ming and Ch'ing editions. When the preparation for the printing was nearly finished, Lu happened to come across a text in small characters that belonged to a certain Wu Ch'a-k'o of Hai- ning ., and seemed to have originated from a period before the Southern Sung (1127-1278) See the Preface in Lu's ed. (dated 1784), fol. 1a-b. In the Preface to his Chiao k'an pu i Lu ascribes it to the Northern Sung period (960-1126), as does also Hung in his Prolegomena, p. X.. This edition in two chüan Lu calls the 'Old Edition with Small Characters' Cf. n. 44.. He was able to use this text for the notes in his edition, where he often refers to it with the indication 'Old [Edition]'. Later he procured another edition with small characters, belonging to a certain Chu Wên-yu ., and proving to give better readings than the 'Old Edition with Small Characters'. Finally Lu laid his hands on an edition printed in the ninth year of the period ta-tê of the Yüan Dynasty (1305 A.D.) See his Preface to the Chiao k'an pu i.. These two editions Lu used for his Chiao k'an pu i 'Text-critical Appendix'Hung's statement that Lu did not see the Yüan ta-tê ed. (Prolegomena, l.c.) must be based on a misapprehension. Probably Hung only read Lu's note in his list of editions, saying, with respect to the text of Fu Yo , that the latter claimed to be derived from the edition of 1305, but that he, Lu, had not been able to see the original text of this edition. The statement in Lu's Preface to the Chiao k'an pu i seems to have escaped Professor Hung..

The 1305 edition of the Po hu t'ung seems to have served as the basis for most of the later editionsHung, l.c., likewise for the punctuated (kaeriten) edition of 1662 by the Japanese scholar Ugai Sekisai (Nobuyuki), who lived from 1616-1664 Acc. to the Dainihon jimmei jisho, s.v. Ugai. Professor W. Simon of the London School of Oriental Studies was so kind as to acquaint me with this Japanese edition, which, however, only proves to be a literal copy of the 1305 ed. Professor J. Rahder and Mr. F. Vos of Leyden University kindly helped me to trace the dates of the editor..

The Yüan ta-tê edition contains two prefaces, one by Yen Tu of Tung-p'ing (in present Shan-tung) dated May 9, 1305, the other by Chang K'ai, also from Tung-p'ing, and dated April 24, 1305, .. They do not furnish any particulars about the text, except the statement that it had at that time already become very rare, that a certain Liu Shih-ch'ang, whose 'style' was P'ing-fu . See also n. 46., happened to possess it, and that he had decided to publish it in order to have it circulated among the scholars.

For my translation of the Po hu t'ung I have used the Yüan ta-tê (1305) edition, published in the Ssü pu ts'ung k'an, that of Lu Wên- ch'ao in the Pao ching t'ang ts'ung shu, and that of Ch'ên Li in the Huang ch'ing ching chieh Hsü pienCf. supra, n. 7 and 9.. These three editions really belong together and are indispensable. The first because, in spite of its innumerable errors, it is the basic text, being, according to Hung l.c., a re-edition of an official edition of the Sung; the second because of the care Lu devoted to its editing; the third because of Ch'ên's abundant, sometimes over-abundant, notes. In the translation of chapters I, II, XVIII, and XL of the Po hu t'ung I have given page-references to all these three editions. For the other chapters, which I have only supplied with the most necessary notes, I have limited myself to a reference to Lu Wên-ch'ao, except, of course, when another reading appears to be preferable. On the whole Lu's edition is remarkably good, and superior to Ch'ên's, which is careless on many points.

 APPENDIX A: LIST OF QUOTATIONS IN THE PO HU T'UNG

The first column indicates the names of the chapters of the Classics according to the division in the Shih san ching chu shu 'Thirteen Classics', and of the other quoted works according to their present names. The second column indicates the way in which the passages are quoted in the Po hu t'ung, the figures between brackets referring to the paragraphs in the translation. Only the most necessary Chinese characters are given. The exact references are given in full in the translation.

BOOK OF CHANGE 1. Ch'ien kua, Hsiang I yüeh (21!) 2. K'un kua, Wên yen id. (99f) 3. Chun kua id. (58a) 4. Mêng kua id. (115e) 5. Yü kua, Hsiang id. (47a) 6. Yü kua id. (102g) 7. Ku kua id. (147b) 8. Fu kua, Hsiang id. (100) 9. id. id. (166c) 10. Kê kua, T'uan id. (163c) 11. id. id. (174b) 12. Hsi tz'ŭ id. (213b) 13. id. id. (1d) 14. id. id. (163a) 15. id. [I] yu yüeh (163a) 16. id. I yüeh (15f) 17. id. id. (222b) 18. id. id. (291b) 19. id. id. (234b) 20. id. id. (235a) 21. Shuo kua [I] yu yüeh (163a)
BOOK OF HISTORY 22. (1) Yao tien Shu yüeh (15f) 23. (2) id. Shang shu yüeh (202b) 24. (3) id. id. (203c) 25. (4) id. id. (218) 26. (5) id. id. (13a) 27. (6) Shun tien Shu yüeh (15f) 28. (7) id. Shang shu (167) 29. (8) id. Shang shu yüeh (131a) 30. (9) id. id. (128c) 31. (10) id. id. (129b) 32. (11) id. Shang shu ho yen (169d) 33. (12) id. Shang shu yüeh (84a) 34. (13) id. id. (84b) 35. (14) id. id. (131b) 36. (15) id. id. (128d) 37. (16) id. Shu yüeh (139s) 38. (17) id. Shang shu yüeh (220b) 39. (18) id. id. (55b) 40. (19) id. id. (148b) 41. (20) id. id. (138) 42. (21) id. id. (140a) 43. (22) id. id. (140s) 44. (23) Kao yao mo Mu p'ien yüeh (163d) 45. (24) id. Shang shu yüeh (61c) 46. (25) I chi id. (51a) 47. (26) id. id. (205t) 48. (27) id. Shu yüeh (49a) 49. (28) id. Shang shu yüeh (142b) 50. (29) id. Shu yüeh (48) 51. (30) Yü kung Yü kung yen (55c) 52. (31) Kan shih Shang shu yüeh (86) 53. (32) T'ang shih id. (70) 54. (33) P'an kêng [Yu yüeh] (13a) 55. (34) id. Shang shu yüeh (13b) 56. (35) T'ai shih, Hsü Shang shu hsü yüeh (99c) 57. (36) T'ai shih Shang shu yüeh (108b) 58. (37) Hung fan Shang shu (75a) 59. (38) id. Shang shu yüeh (76a) 60. (39) id. id. (77e) 61. (40) id. id. (1b) 62. (41) id. id. (156) 63. (42) id. id. (149) 64. (43) id. id. (151c) 65. (44) Chin t'êng id. (152c) 66. (45) id. id. (291a) 67. (46) id. id. (289) 68. (47) Ta kao id. (92) 69. (48) Ta kao Shang shu yüeh (99d) 70. (49) K'ang kao Shang shu (58b) 71. (50) Chiu kao Shang shu yüeh (166c) 72. (51) id. id. (2e) 73. (52) id. [Shang shu yüeh] (70) 74. (53) Shao kao Shang shu yüeh (31a) 75. (54) id. id. (67) 76. (55) Lo kao id. (205x) 77. (56) id. id. (67) 78. (57) id. Shu yüeh (44a) 79. (58) Wu i Shang shu yüeh (11e) 80. (59) id. [Shang shu] yu yüeh (220b) 81. (60) Ku ming Shu yüeh (290a) 82. (61) id. Shang shu yen (11a) 83. (62) id. Shang shu yüeh (11a) 84. (63) id. id. (27if) 85. (64) id. id. (11a) 86. (65) K'ang wang chih kao id. (205w) 87. (66) id. id. (11b) 88. (67) Lu hsing id. (186) 89. (68) Pi shih [Shang shu] yu yüeh (99d) 90. (69) Ch'in shih Shang shu yüeh (16) 91. (70) id. id. (15s) 92. (71) ? Shu i p'ien yüeh (1c) 93. (72) ? Shang shu i p'ien (37c) 94. (73) ? Shang shu yüeh (42f) 95. (74) ? id. (140b) 96. (75) ? Shu yüeh (268b)
BOOK OF POETRY 97. (1) Ode 2 Shih yün (260a) 98. (2) " 16 id. (55d) 99. (3) id. [Shih] yu yüeh (130c) 100. (4) Ode 34 Shih yün (246) 101. (5) " 35 id. (263) 102. (6) id. [Shih] yu yüeh (266e) 103. (7) Ode 39 Shih yün (193i) 104. (8) " 52 id. (104) 105. (9) " 57 id. (16) 106. (10) " 73 Shih yüeh (310) 107. (11) " 83 Shih yün (225c) 108. (12) " 87 Shih yüeh (222c) 109. (13) " 101 Shih yün (236) 110. (14) " 106 id. (111d) 111. (15) " 113 Shih yüeh (102i) 112. (16) " 157 id. (130c) 113. (17) " 167 Shih yün (90) 114. (18) " 179 [Shih] yu yün (268b) 115. (19) " 188 Shih yün (266e) 116. (20) Ode 189 Shih yün (268b) 117. (21) " 213 Shih yüeh (10f) 118. (22) " 222 id. (139s) 119. (23) id. [Shih] yu yün (268b) 120. (24) Ode 223 Shih yün (186) 121. (25) " 235 Shih yüeh (181) 122. (26) " 236 Shih yün (239) 123. (27) id. id. (250) 124. (28) id. id. (253a) 125. (29) id. id. (85) 126. (30) id. id. (150) 127. (31) id. Shih yüeh (175) 128. (32) Ode 238 Shih yün (82a) 129. (33) id. id. (189c) 130. (34) Ode 239 [Shih] yu yüeh (175) 131. (35) " 241 Shih jên ko chih (44m) 132. (36) " 242 Shih yün (120a) 133. (37) " 244 Shih yüeh (163c) 134. (38) " 245 Shih yün (68a) 135. (39) " 250 [Shih] yu yüeh (68a) 136. (40) " 251 Shih yün (14) 137. (41) " 255 id. (17b) 138. (42) " 260 id. (203b) 139. (43) " 261 id. (248f) 140. (44) " 262 id. (146a) 141. (45) " 263 id. (8) 142. (46) " 269 Chou sung yüeh (167) 143. (47) id. Shih yün (95) 144. (48) Ode 284 id. (142b) 145. (49) id. Chou sung yüeh (181) 146. (50) Ode 296 Shih yün (126h) 147. (51) id. [Shih] yu yüeh (126h) 148. (52) Ode 299 Shih yün (118f) 149. (53) id. id. (118h) 150. (54) Ode 300 id. (66) 151. (55) id. id. (140v) 152. (56) id. id. (148e) 153. (57) Ode 301 id. (47a) 154. (58) " 304 id. (167)
CHOU LI 155. (1) T'ien kuan chung tsai Chou kuan so yün (11g) 156. (2) Nei tsai Chou kuan yüeh (125g) 157. (3) Hun jên id. (286d) 158. (4) Ta ssŭ t'u id. (37b) 159. (5) Mei Shih id. (246) 160. (6) Chung jên Li yüeh (309) 161. (7) Pu Shih Chou kuan yüeh (160c) 162. (8) Kuei jên id. (160d) 163. (9) Chan jên id. (160b) 164. (10) Shih jên id. (160a) 165. (11) Tzŭ jen Li shê chu yüeh (110j)
I LI 166. (1) Shih kuan li Li Shih kuan ching yüeh (152c) 167. (2) id. id. (206a) 168. (3) id. id. (269e) 169. (4) id., Chi [Li Shih kuan ching] yu yüeh (206a) 170. (5) id. id. Shih kuan ching yüeh (269b) 171. (6) id. id. id. (272a) 172. (7) id. id. id. (273a) 173. (8) id. id. Li Shih kuan ching yüeh (15l) 174. (9) id. id. Li yüeh (83) 175. (10) id. id. id. (270b) 176. (11) id. id. Li Shih kuan ching yüeh (5) 177. (12) id. id. Shih kuan ching yüeh (22d) 178. (13) id. id. id. (17b) 179. (14) id. id. Li yüeh (6b) 180. (15) Shih hun li Li hun ching yüeh (238c) 181. (16) id. id. (239) 182. (17) id. Hun li yüeh (193c) 183. (18) id., Chi Li ching yüeh (206g) 184. (19) id. id. Li hun ching yüeh (260b) 185. (20) id. id. id. (249) 186. (21) id. id. Li yüeh (202g) 187. (22) id. id. Hun li ching yüeh (250) 188. (23) Shih hsiang chien li Li ching yüeh (3h) 189. (24) id. Li Shih hsiang chien ching yüeh (171) 190. (25) id. Li hsiang chien ching yüeh (170h) 191. (26) Hsiang shê li Li yüeh (111f) 192. (27) Ta shê i Li ta shê ching yüeh (16) 193. (28) P'ing li Li yüeh (99i) 194. (29) id., Chi id. (168b) 195. (30) Chin li Chin li yüeh (169a) 196. (31) id. Li (139r) 197. (32) id. [Li] yu yüeh (139r) 198. (33) Sang fu Li yüeh (291b) 199. (34) id. id. (279d) 200. (35) id. Sang fu ching yüeh (274a) 201. (36) id. Li fu chuan yüeh (63a) 202. (37) Sang fu Chuan yüeh (193c) 203. (38) id. id. (266b) 204. (39) id. Li fu chuan yüeh (261a) 205. (40) id. Sang fu ching yüeh (201g) 206. (41) id. Li fu chuan yüeh (205b) 207. (42) id. id. (145) 208. (43) id. Li fu ching yüeh (257a) 209. (44) ? Li fu chuan yüeh (146a) 210. (45) Shih sang li Sang li ching yüeh (291a) 211. (46) Chi hsi li, Chi Li Shih sang ching yüeh (300a) 212. (47) Shih yü li, Chi Li Shih yü ching yüeh (277c)
LI CHI 213. (1) Ch'ü li Ch'ü li yüeh (115e) 214. (2) id. id. (115b) 215. (3) id. id. (269d) 216. (4) id. Li yüeh (3b) 217. (5) id. Li (141a) 218. (6) id. Ch'u li yüeh (114b) 219. (7) id. id. (114c) 220. (8) id. id. (255) 221. (9) id. Li chi yüeh (237a) 222. (10) id. [Ch'u li] yu yüeh (282b) 223. (11) id. Li yüeh (205w) 224. (12) id. Ch'ü li yüeh (282a) 225. (13) id. id. (205q) 226. (14) id. id. (286d) 227. (15) id. id. (106e) 228. (16) id. id. (26) 229. (17) id. id. (307) 230. (18) id. id. (170f) 231. (19) id. Li yüeh (251) 232. (20) T'an kung Li t'an kung yüeh (310) 233. (21) id. T'an kung yüeh (312a) 234. (22) id. T'an kung chi yüeh (288b) 235. (23) id. id. (303) 236. (24) id. T'an kung yüeh (285b) 237. (25) id. T'an kung chi (98a) 238. (26) id. Li t'an kung yüeh (300b) 239. (27) id. Li yüeh (305) 240. (28) id. T'an kung yüeh (206b) 241. (29) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (188b) 242. (30) id. Li t'an kung yüeh (306d) 243. (31) id. id. (298) 244. (32) id. id. (282d) 245. (33) id. T'an kung yüeh (311b) 246. (34) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (188d) 247. (35) id. T'an kung chi yüeh (276) 248. (36) Wang chih Wang chih yüeh (22e) 249. (37) id. id. (2a) 250. (38) id. id. (3e) 251. (39) Wang chih Wang chih yüeh (69) 252. (40) id. id. (2a) 253. (41) id. id. (71) 254. (42) id. id. (57b) 255. (43) id. id. (55a) 256. (44) id. id. (55d) 257. (45) id. id. (3h) 258. (46) id. id. (56) 259. (47) id. id. (72) 260. (48) id. id. (8) 261. (49) id. id. (140s) 262. (50) id. id. (84a) 263. (51) id. id. (131c) 264. (52) id. id. (139s) 265. (53) id. id. (86) 266. (54) id. id. (139o) 267. (55) id [Wang chih] yu yüeh (139o) 268. (56) id. Wang chih yüeh (115e) 269. (57) id. id. (118d) 270. (58) id. id. (88) 271. (59) id. id. (11f) 272. (60) id. id. (11d) 273. (61) id. id. (302) 274. (62) id. id. (9) 275. (63) id. Li yüeh (26) 276. (64) id. Wang chih yüeh (31a) 277. (65) id. id. (47m) 278. (66) id. [Wang chih] yu yüeh (115e) 279. (67) id. Wang chih yüeh (114f) 280. (68) id. id. (89b) 281. (69) id. id. (114b) 282. (70) id. Li yüeh (271a) 283. (71) id. [Wang chih] yu yüeh (89b) 284. (72) ? Li wang chih yüeh (306d) 285. (73) yüeh ling yüeh ling yüeh (25) 286. (74) id. yüeh ling (27b) 287. (75) id. yüeh ling yüeh (51b) 288. (76) id. id. (77j) 289. (77) id. yüeh ling (30) 290. (78) id. yüeh ling yüeh (59) 291. (79) Tsêng tzŭ wên Tsêng tzŭ wên yüeh (205e) 292. (80) id. id. (131b) 293. (81) id. id. (282e) 294. (82) id. id. (259) 295. (83) id. Tsêng-tzŭ yüeh (245) 296. (84) id. Tsêng tzŭ wên yüeh (131g) 297. (85) id. id. (41) 298. (86) id. id. (282c) 299. (87) id. id. (286a) 300. (88) id. Li tsêng tzŭ wên yüeh (23) 301. (89) id. Tsŭ-hsia wên (282f) 302. (90) ? Tsêng-tzŭ yüeh (287a) 303. (91) ? Li tsêng tzŭ chi yüeh (284c) 304. (92) ? Tsêng tzŭ wên yüeh (125f) 305. (93) ? id. (61c) 306. (94) ? id. (47l) 307. (95) ? Tsêng tzŭ wên (19) 308. (96) Li yün Li yün yüeh (133) 309. (97) ? Li yün chi yüeh (196l) 310. (98) Li ch'i Li yüeh (85) 311. (99) id. Li ch'i yüeh (271g) 312. (100) Chiao t'ê shêng Chiao t'ê shêng yüeh (48) 313. (101) id. id. (37a) 314. (102) id. Chiao t'ê shêng chi yüeh (33b) 315. (103) id. Li chiao t'e shêng yüeh (273a) 316. (104) id. id. (17a) 317. (105) id. id. (247) 318. (106) id. id. (6a) 319. (107) id. Li yüeh (241) 320. (108) Nei tsê Li nei tsê yüeh (267a) 321. (109) id. id. (205d) 322. (110) id. id. (237a) 323. (111) ? Nei tsê chi yüeh (205e) 324. (112) ? Li nei tsê yüeh (261a) 325. (113) Yü tsao Li yüeh (271g) 326. (114) id. Li yü tsao yüeh (107b) 327. (115) Ming t'ang wei Ming t'ang chi yüeh (47k) 328. (116) id. id. (47k) 329. (117) Sang fu hsiao chi Li sang fu hsiao chi yüeh (257b) 330. (118) Ta chuan Ta chuan yüeh (174a) 331. (119) Hsüeh chi Li hsüeh chi yüeh (143b) 332. (120) yüeh chi yüeh chi yüeh (51t) 333. (121) id. id. (40) 334. (122) id. id. (75g) 335. (123) id. id. (58a) 336. (124) id. Tzŭ yüeh (42c) 337. (125) ? yüeh chi yüeh (51d) 338. (126) ? id. (51f) 339. (127) Tsa chi Li tsa chi yüeh (283) 340. (128) ? id. (158a) 341. (129) ? id. (299a) 342. (130) Sang ta chi [Li chien chuan] yu yüeh (280b) 343. (131) Chi fa Li chi fa yüeh (35) 344. (132) Chi i Li chi i yüeh (125h) 345. (133) id. id. (114g) 346. (134) id. Li chi chi i yüeh (113b) 347. (135) id. Li chi i yüeh (132) 348. (136) id. Chi i yüeh (34) 349. (137) id. id. (125d) 350. (138) Chi t'ung Li chi t'ung yüeh (8) 351. (139) Ching chieh Li ching chieh yüeh (223) 352. (140) Fang chi Li fang chi yüeh (133) 353. (141) Chung yung Li chung yung chi yüeh (9) 354. (142) id. Li chung yung yüeh (274c) 355. (143) Pêng sang Li pên sang chi yüeh (287a) 356. (144) id. id. (287b) 357. (145) Chien chuan Li yüeh (279b) 358. (146) id. Li chien chuan yüeh (280a) 359. (147) ? [Li chien chuan] yu yüeh (280c)
TA TAI LI CHI 360. (1) Hsia hsiao chêng Hsia hsiao chêng yüeh (246) 361. (2) Pao fu Pao fu yüeh (205f) 362. (3) id. Li pao fu yüeh (107a) 363. (4) id. id. (103) 364. (5) id. id. (107b) 365. (6) id. Li pao fu chi yüeh (235a) 366. (7) Wu ti tê Li yüeh (15f) 367. (8) Yü tai tê Li chi yüeh (205r)
LOST CHAPTERS OF THE LI 368. (1) Wang tu chi Wang tu chi yüeh (11g) 369. (2) id. Li wang tu chi yüeh (56) 370. (3) id. Wang tu chi yüeh (102i) 371. (4) id. id. (114d) 372. (5) id. id. (139p) 373. (6) id. Li wang tu chi yüeh (168c) 374. (7) id. Wang tu chi yüeh (248a) 375. (8) San chêng chi Li san chêng chi yüeh (32) 376. (9) id. id. (158a) 377. (10) id. id. (176c) 378. (11) id. id. (182a) 379. (12) Pieh ming chi is probably an error for pien (Lu Wên-ch'ao, 3 .18a; Ch'ên Li, 7.22a).) Pieh ming chi yüeh (53e) 380. (13) id. Li pieh ming chi yüeh (161c) 381. (14) Shih fa chi Li chi Shih fa yüeh (12b) 382. (15) id. id. (18d) 383. (16) Wu ti chi Li wu ti chi yüeh (119a) 384. (17) Ch'in shu chi Li ch'in shu chi yüeh (193g)
UNIDENTIFIED QUOTATIONS FROM THE LI 385. (1) Li yüeh (15a) 386. (2) id. (33d) 387. (3) id. (73) 388. (4) id. (107e) 389. (5) Li yüeh (139f) 390. (6) id. (143d) 391. (7) id. (155) 392. (8) id.(169c) 393. (9) id.(201a) 394. (10) id.(292) 395. (11) id.(297) 396. (12) id.(300a) 397. (13) id.(304) 398. (14) [Li] yu yüeh (305) 399. (15) Li chi yüeh (44c) 400. (16) id.(193d)
SPRING AND AUTUMN ANNALS 401. (1) Yin 1 ch'iu yüeh (296) 402. (2) " 4 id. (99b) 403. (3) " 6 id. (90) 404. (4) " 7 Kung yang chuan yüeh (248f) 405. (5) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (258a) 406. (6) Yin 8 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (294) 407. (7) Huan 1 (Wên, Hsüan, Ch'êng, Hsiang, Chao, Ai 1) id. (11c) 408. (8) Huan 2 (6) id. (253b) 409. (9) id. id. (253c) 410. (10) Huan 5 id. (141e) 411. (11) " 8 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (264) 412. (12) " 9 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (142c) 413. (13) Chuang 1 Ch'un ch'iu (148c) 414. (14) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (256b) 415. (15) Chuang 8 Ch'un ch'iu ching yüeh (64c) 416. (16) " 25 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (124b) 417. (17) Hsi 4 id. (16) 418. (18) " 5 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (96) 419. (19) id. id. (10d) 420. (20) Hsi 9 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (61a) 421. (21) " 18 id. (16) 422. (22) " 28 id. (15s) 423. (23) " 33 Ch'un ch'iu (10b) 424. (24) Wên 1 [Ch'un ch'iu] (10b) 425. (25) Hsüan 17 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (148d) 426. (26) Ch'êng 4 id. (122b) 427. (27) " 9 id. (206h) 428. (28) " 16 Ch'un ch'iu (10f) 429. (29) Hsiang 19 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (93) 430. (30) " 21 id. (216) 431. (31) " 24 [Ch'un ch'iu] yu yüeh (216) 432. (32) " 30 [Ch'un ch'iu chuan] yu yüeh (94c) 433. (33) id. Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (22a) 434. (34) Chao 11 [Ch'un ch'iu chuan yu yüeh] (94c) 435. (35) id. Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (99a) 436. (36) Chao 23 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (91) 437. (37) Ting 1 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (17c) 438. (38) " 15 id. (17d)
KUNG YANG CHUAN 439. (1) Yin 1 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (61c) 440. (2) id. id. (295) 441. (3) Yin 2 id. (206f) 442. (4) " 3 id. (286b) 443. (5) id. Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan yüeh (60c) 444. (6) Yin 4 Chuan yüeh (99b) 445. (7) " 5 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (3c) 446. (8) id. Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan yüeh (45a) 447. (9) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (2a) 448. (10) id. Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan yüeh (55d) 449. (11) Yin 6 Chuan yüeh (90) 450. (12) " 8 id. (294) 451. (13) " 11 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (94c) 452. (14) id. id. (98a) 453. (15) Huan 5 Chuan yüeh (141e) 454. (16) " 7 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (147a) 455. (17) " 9 Ch'un ch'iu yüeh (142c) 456. (18) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (69) 457. (19) Huan 11 id. (2e) 458. (20) Chuang 1 Chuan yüeh (148c) 459. (21) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (256a) 460. (22) id. Chuan yüeh (256c) 461. (23) Chuang 6 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (99g) 462. (24) " 19 Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan yüeh (248a) 463. (25) " 24 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (172) 464. (26) " 32 id. (92) 465. (27) Min 2 id, (220b) 466. (28) id. id. (277a) 467. (29) Hsi 2 Chuan yüeh (22a) 468. (30) " 4 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (99h) 469. (31) " 5 id. (96) 470. (32) " 22 id. (15t) 471. (33) " 25 [Ch'un ch'iu] yu chi (142c) 472. (34) id. Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (254) 473. (35) Hsi 30 id. (3g) 474. (36) " 33 id. (99h) 475. (37) Wên 9 id. (11c) 476. (38) id. id. (11e) 477. (39) Wên 13 id. (66) 478. (40) Hsüan 1 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (286e) 479. (41) " 8 id. (286c) 480. (42) " 15 id. (102k) 481. (43) id. id. (193a) 482. (44) id. id. (148e) 483. (45) Ch'êng 3 Chuan yüeh (122b) 484. (46) " 10 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (248i) 485. (47) Ch'êng 15 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (63b) 486. (48) Hsiang 19 id. (87) 487. (49) id. Chuan yüeh (93) 488. (50) Hsiang 30 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (260d) 489. (51) id. Chuan yüeh (22a) 490. (52) Chao 11 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (64b) 491. (53) id. Chuan yüeh (99a) 492. (54) Chao 16 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (142d) 493. (55) " 20 id. (62a) 494. (56) id. id. (141f) 495. (57) Chao 23 Chuan yüeh (91) 496. (58) " 31 Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (65) 497. (59) Ting 4 id. (98b) 498. (60) Ai 4 Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan yüeh (33b) 499. (61) ? Ch'un ch'iu chuan yüeh (39b) 500. (62) ? id. (44b) 501. (63) ? id. (15o) 502. (64) ? id. (163b) 503. (65) ? id. (181) 504. (66) ? id. (255) 505. (67) ? Ch'un ch'iu chih i (143c) 506. (68) ? Ch'un ch'iu wên i (39a)
KU LIANG CHUAN 507. (1) Chuang 1 Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan yüeh (9) 508. (2) " 29 id. (130c) 509. (3) Hsiang 11 Ku liang chuan yüeh (82e) 510. (4) ? Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan yüeh (237b)
BOOK OF FILIAL PIETY 511. (1) Chu hou Hsiao ching yüeh (31b) 512. (2) San ts'ai id. (186) 513. (3) Shêng chih id. (163c) 514. (4) Kuang yao tao id. (42c) 515. (5) Kuang chih tê id. (14) 516. (6) Chien chêng id. (101a) 517. (7) id. id. (193b) 518. (8) Shih chün id. (108c) 519. (9) Sang ch'in id. (291b)
ANALECTS 520. (1) Hsüeh êrh Lun yü yüeh (117) 521. (2) Wei chêng id. (115b) 522. (3) id. id. (206b) 523. (4) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (228a) 524. (5) Pa i Lun yü yüeh (48) 525. (6) id. id. (42e) 526. (7) id. id. (181) 527. (8) Li jên Lun yü (105a) 528. (9) Kung yeh chang Lun yü yüeh (14) 529. (10) id. id. (193d) 530. (11) Yung yeh id. (163a) 531. (12) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (200e) 532. (13) Shu êrh Lun yü yüeh (286d) 533. (14) id. id. (82a) 534. (15) id. id. (108a) 535. (16) id. id. (255) 536. (17) T'ai po id. (163b) 537. (18) id. id. (15q) 538. (19) Tzŭ han id. (271f) 539. (20) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (162) 540. (21) id. Lun yü yüeh (162) 541. (22) id. id. (166c) 542. (23) Hsiang tang id. (225a) 543. (24) id. id. (299d) 544. (25) id. [Lun yü] yu yüeh (193d) 545. (26) Hsien chin id. (117) 546. (27) id. Lun yü yüeh (193f) 547. (28) id. id. (35) 548. (29) id. id. (269b) 549. (30) Tzŭ lu id. (205a) 550. (31) id. id. (108d) 551. (32) id. K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (119d) 552. (33) id. Lun yü yüeh (186) 553. (34) Hsien wên id. (101a) 554. (35) id. id. (15s) 555. (36) id. id. (7) 556. (37) id. id. (94b) 557. (38) id. id. (11e) 558. (39) id. id. (11e) 559. (40) Wei ling kung Lun yü yüeh (97) 560. (41) Chi Shih id. (53f) 561. (42) id. id. (94a) 562. (43) id. [Lun yü] yu [yüeh] (115b) 563. (44) id. Lun yü yüeh (6b) 564. (45) id. id. (264) 565. (46) Wei tzŭ id. (102g) 566. (47) id. id. (50c) 567. (48) id. id. (206i) 568. (49) Tzŭ chang [Tzŭ-hsia yüeh] (115b) 569. (50) id. Lun yü yüeh (34) 570. (51) Yao yüeh id. (85) 571. (52) id. id. (175) 572. (53) id. id. (205j) 573. (54) id. id. (13b) 574. (55) id. id. (64a)
ERH YA 575. (1) Shih t'ien Erh ya yüeh (219b) 576. (2) Shih shui Erh ya yün (137c)
SHU CHUAN 577. (1) Shang shu ta chuan Shang shu chuan yüeh (10e) 578. (2) id. Shang shu ta chuan yüeh (49b) 579. (3) id. id. (99e) 580. (4) id. id. (122d) 581. (5) id. id. (122e) 582. (6) id. id. (128d) 583. (7) id. id. (137b) 584. (8) id. id. (142d) 585. (9) id. id. (169a) 586. (10) id. [Shang shu ta chuan] yu yüeh (169b) 587. (11) id. Shang shu ta chuan yüeh (176e) 588. (12) id. id. (182a)
SHIH CHUAN 589. (1) Han Shih nei chuan Han Shih nei chuan yüeh (10b) 590. (2) id. id. (97) 591. (3) id. id. (148f) 592. (4) id. id. (205f) 593. (5) ? Shih chuan yüeh (45a) 594. (6) ? Shih hsün yüeh (118f) 595. (7) ? Shih chuan yüeh (206j)
I WEI 596. (1) Ch'ien tso to Ch'ien tso tu yüeh (208b) 597. (2) id. Chuan yüeh (235b)
SHU WEI 598. (1) Chung hou Chung hou yüeh (1c) 599. (2) id. id. (10f) 600. (3) Hsing tê fang Hsing tê fang yüeh (204e) 601. (4) id. id. (212) 602. (5) Hsüan chi ch'ien Chuan yüeh (234b)
LI WEI 603. (1) Han wên chia Han wên chia yüeh (2a) 604. (2) id. id. (110a) 605. (3) id. Li shuo (139a) 606. (4) id. Li shuo yüeh (164c) 607. (5) id. Han wên chia yüeh (189a) 608. (6) id. [Han wên chia] yu yüeh (189a) 609. (7) id. Han wên chia yüeh (212) 610. (8) id. id. (312b) 611. (9) Chi ming chêng Chi ming chêng yüeh (304)
CH'UN CH'IU WEI 612. (1) Yüan ming pao Yüan ming pao yüeh (75h) 613. (2) id. id. (196i) 614. (3) Ch'ien t'an pa Ch'un ch'iu ch'ien t'an pa yüeh (122a) 615. (4) Kan ching fu Kan ching fu yüeh (213a) 616. (5) Jui ying chuan This work is not included in Ma Kuo-han's and Huang Shih's collections.) Ch'un ch'iu jui ying chuan yüeh (174b) 617. (6) ? Ch'un ch'iu ch'an (99e)
HSIAO CHING WEI 618. (1) Yüan shên ch'i Yüan shên ch'i yüeh (1a) 619. (2) id. id. (30) 620. (3) id. id. (102e) 621. (4) id. id. (121) 622. (5) id. id. (214b) 623. (6) Kou ming chüeh Kou ming chüeh yüeh (1a) 624. (7) id. id. (12e) 625. (8) id. id. (194) 626. (9) id. Chuan yüeh (226b) 627. (10) ? Hsiao ching ch'an yüeh (100)
LUN Yü WEI 628. (1) Lun yü ch'an Lun yü ch'an yüeh (115c) 629. (2) id. Ch'an yüeh (217)
YüEH WEI 630. (1) yüeh yüan yü yüeh yüan yü yüeh (47a) 631. (2) id. id. (47e) 632. (3) Chi yao chia yüeh chi yao chia yüeh (122c) 633. (4) id. id. (184a) 634. (5) Tung shêng i yüeh tung shêng i yüeh (196a)
KUAN TZû 635. (1) Ti tzŭ chih Ti tzŭ chih yen (222c) 636. (2) id. Ti tzŭ chih yüeh (50d)
UNIDENTIFIED QUOTATIONS 637. (1) Chuan yüeh (3a) 638. (2) Chuan yüeh (3b) 639. (3) id. (50a) 640. (4) id. (80h) 641. (5) id. (82d) 642. (6) id. (108h) 643. (7) id. (115d) 644. (8) id. (130c) 645. (9) id. (146b) 646. (10) id. (164b) 647. (11) id. (311a) 648. (12) K'ung-tzŭ yüeh (42h) 649. (13) id. (106d) 650. (14) id. (126e)

APPENDIX B: TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE PO HU T'UNG I. RANKS 1.

a. Son of Heaven t'ien-tzŭ is a rank.

b. Why the Kings were all called Son of Heaven,.

c. And the Emperors,

d. And the August Ones.

 2.

2. a. The ranks are in five or in three grades.

b. The meaning of kung, hou, po, tzŭ, nan.

c. Sub-fiefs.

d. Why the kung and the hou have fiefs of 100 li, the po of 70 li, the tzŭ and the nan of 50 li.

e. The Yin united tzŭ and nan into po.

f. Why the 'gradations' of land are not changed.

g. Why under the Yin the kung had a fief of 100 li, the hou of 70 li.

h. The reason for a hou not having more than 70 li.

 3.

a. The meaning of kung, ch'ing, ta-ju.

b. The common officer shih.

c. Ch'ing and kung are ranks.

d. Why the interior ranks are in three grades.

e. The Feudal Lords have no kung.

f. Why the ta-fu are distinguished by higher and lower, the shih by first, second, third.

g. Why only ta-fu consists of two words.

h. Why the common officers of the Son of Heaven are called yüan-shih.

 4.

Why the Feudal Lords are not designated by the term wang- hou.

 5.

Why the King's Heir is a com- mon officer.

 6.

a. Why the wife has no rank.

b. Fu-jên is not a rank.

 7.

The common man is called p'i-fu.

 8.

a. Administrative ranks are con- ferred at court.

b. Feudal Lords are enfeoffed in the ancestral temple.

 9.

A great officer is not to receive a rank posthumously.

 10.

a. Why the Heir of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord is called Generation-son shih-tzŭ, when his father is alive.

b. When his father has died, he is called Child So-and-so; when his father has been buried, he is called Child; one year after his father's death he is called kung.

c. The meaning of shih-tzŭ.

d. The son of the Son of Heaven is called shih-tzŭ.

e. Another opinion: he is called Eldest Son t'ai-tzŭ.

f. Why the Heir of a Feudal Lord must go to court to receive his rank from the Son of Heaven after his three years' mourning.

 11.

a. After the Greater Dressing the Heir of the Son of Heaven is called King.

b. There should be no two rulers in one and the same year.

c. It is not proper that there should be no ruler for one whole year.

d. The beginning of a new chrono- logy.

e. After three years the King assumes full kingship.

f. Why during his mourning the orders proceed from the Grand Administrator chung-tsai.

g. About the chung-tsai.

 II. APPELLATIONS 12.

a. Ti and wang are appellations.

b. When a man is called Emperor ti or King wang.

c. About the August Ones huang.

d. The meaning of ti.

e. The meaning of wang.

 13.

a. Why the sovereign is sometimes called Son of Heaven, sometimes Emperor or King.

b. Sometimes he calls himself The One Man.

c. Why he calls himself chên 'We'.

 14.

Why he is called chün-tzŭ 'the Noble Man'.

 15.

a. The Three August Ones:

b. Fu-hsi;

c. Shên-nung;

d. Sui-jên;

e. Chu-jung.

f. The Five Emperors:

g. Huang-ti;

h. Chuan-hsü;

i. Ti-k'u;

j. Yao;

k. Shun.

l. The Three Kings.

m. Why the clan-name is not taken as an appellation.

n. The meaning of Hsia, Yin, and Chou.

o. After having assumed his reign the King establishes a new appellation.

p. Why the Five Emperors had no appellations.

q. Another opinion: the Five Em- perors had appellations.

r. The Five Hegemons: K'un-wu, Ta-p'êng, Shih-wei, Huan, Wên;

s. Or: Huan, Wên, Mu, Chuang, Ho-lü;

t. Or: Huan, Wên, Mu, Hsiang, Chuang.

 16.

Earls, Viscounts, and Barons are called Dukes kung in their own states.

 III. POSTHUMOUS NAMES 17.

a. The meaning of 'posthumous name' shih.

b. Why the shih is given after death,

c. Just before the funeral,

d. When the coffin has been placed on the hearse.

 18.

a. Huang-ti.

b. Why a posthumous name con- sists of one or two words.

c. Why the posthumous names are distinguished with respect to Substance and Form, but the appellations are not.

d. Ti is an appellation; Yao is a posthumous name, as are also Shun, Wên, Wu.

 19.

Why the Son of Heaven receives his posthumous name in the southern suburb.

 20.

Why the Feudal Lords receive their posthumous names from the Son of Heaven.

 21.

Why a Minister and a great officer receive posthumous na- mes.

 22.

a. Does the wife receive a post- humous name?

b. Why the principal wife of a great officer ming-fu does not receive a posthumous name,

c. Neither the Eight Concubines of the Feudal Lord,

d. Nor the wife of the Heir of the Son of Heaven,

e. Nor the holders of a sub-fief.

 23.

The principal wife of the Son of Heaven receives her post- humous name in the Hall of Audience.

 24.

The appellation models itself on Heaven and the sun; the post- humous name models itself on Earth and the moon.

 IV. THE FIVE DEITIES 25.

They are: the outer door, the inner door, the well, the hearth, the impluvium.

 26.

Why only those with the rank of great officer and higher have the right to sacrifice to the Five Deities.

 27.

a. The sacrifices to the Five Deities follow the succession of the Five Elements.

b. From the Yüeh ling.

c. Why in spring the spleen is sac- rificed to the inner door.

d. Why in winter the kidneys are offered, in the sixth month the heart.

 28.

a. The Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords use an ox, the Ministers and great officers a sheep.

b. Another opinion on the use of victims.

c. Yet another opinion.

 V. THE GODS OF THE EARTH AND OF THE MILLET 29.

The meaning of their worship.

 30.

Why there are two sacrifices in a year.

 31.

a. Why three victims are used by the Son of Heaven.

b. Why the Feudal Lords offer only the smaller sacrifice.

 32.

Why the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords have two Altars of the God of the Earth.

 33.

a. Why they must also have a Warning God of the Earth,

b. The upper part of which is covered.

c. It stands east of the second outer gate of the palace.

d. Another opinion: it should be in the vicinity of the sovereign.

 34.

Explanation of its situation.

 35.

Great officers have an Altar.

 36.

a. Why the Altar of the God of the Earth is not called t'u, but shê.

b. The God of the Millet is called chi.

c. Shê-chi may not be changed into chi-shê.

d. Why a sacrifice is not offered to the God of the Millet in the first month of the year.

 37.

a. Why the Altar of the God of the Earth has no roof.

b. Why there is a tree planted on it.

c. Different trees on different Al- tars.

 38.

Why the King sacrifices in person.

 39.

a. The size of the Altar.

b. Its colour.

c. The procedure of investment.

 40.

Music is used at the sacrifice.

 41.

The sacrifice by a Feudal Lord is discontinued at the news of the death of the Son of Heaven.

 VI. RITES AND MUSIC 42.

a. The meaning of the words li 'rites', and yüeh 'music'.

b. Rites and Music are for the manifestation of joy and anger.

c. What rites and music can bring about.

d. The relation of the notes and human feelings.

e. Why humbling oneself and yield- ing precedence to others belong to the rites.

f. Why music is always accom- panied by singing.

g. Why in rites emphasis is laid upon equilibrium.

h. The ya- and the chêng-melodies.

 43.

a. Why rites and music are newly fashioned and created by a new Dynasty.

b. Why music is created tso, and rites are fashioned chih.

 44.

a. The King of a new Dynasty at first employs the rites and music of the previous Dynasty.

b. Sometimes he employs those of the next-previous Dynasty.

c. But it is necessary to fashion and create new rites and music, after general peace has been restored.

d. The meaning of the music of Huang-ti: Hsien-shih;

e. That of Chuan-hsü: Liu-hêng;

f. That of Ti-k'u: Wu-ying;

g. That of Yao: Ta-chang;

h. That of Shun: Hsiao-shao;

i. That of Yü: Ta-hsia;

j. That of T'ang: Ta-hu;

k. That of Chou-kung: Cho;

l. That of Wu-wang: Hsiang;

m. That of Chou: Ta-wu.

 45.

a. The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers pa-i, the Feudal Lords have four.

b. The meaning of pa-i.

c. Great officers and common of- ficers have only the right to use the ch'in- and sê-lutes.

 46.

The King performs the Six Musics of the previous Dynasties.

 47.

a. Why he also performs the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes.

b. The names of this music are: chao-li, nan, wei, chin.

c. Their musicians are seated at the right outside the gate.

d. The peaceful and the military part in the performance of the King's music.

e. Description of the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes.

f. Their music was instituted by the ancient Sage-kings.

g. The meaning of the names chao- li, nan, wei, chin.

h. A different description of the music of the Barbarians.

i. Why the King fashions their music, but not their rites.

j. The dances are performed by men of the Middle State.

k. Why the music of the barbarians is performed outside.

l. The meaning of the expression 'music of the Four Barbarian Tribes'.

m. The names of the barbarian tribes.

n. The east has nine barbarian tribes.

o. The King does not devise names for the barbarians.

p. Another opinion: He does de- vise names for them; the mea- ning of the names i, man, jung, ti.

 48.

Why the singers are on the platform, the dancers below it.

 49.

a. Why the music for 'inviting down' the spirits is placed upon the platform.

b. Chiming-stone and pu-fu.

 50.

a. Why music is played at the meals of the Son of Heaven.

b. Why he takes four complete meals:

c. At dawn, at noon, in the after- noon, in the evening.

d. The Feudal Lords take three complete meals, the Ministers and great officers two.

e. The common man is not limited in the number of his meals.

 51.

a. The meaning of shêng and yin.

b. The Five Notes wu-shêng.

c. The meaning of chüeh, chih, shang, yü, kung.

d. The Eight Kinds of Instrumen- tal Music pa-yin.

e. Why they are used by the Son of Heaven.

f. Description of the pa-yin.

g. The meaning of hsün 'occarina'.

h. The meaning of p'ao 'gourd'.

i. The meaning of shêng 'pan- pipes'.

j. The meaning of ka 'drum'.

k. The meaning of t'ao 'handdrum'.

l. The meaning of hsiao 'bamboo- flute".

m. The meaning of sê 'lute'.

n. The meaning of ch'in 'lute'.

o. The meaning of ch'ing 'chiming- stone'.

p. The meaning of chung 'bell'.

q. The meaning of po 'large bell'.

r. The meaning of chu and yü.

s. Another opinion: Regional cor- respondences of the musical in- struments.

t. The Five Notes originate from the Five Elements, the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music represent the Eight Winds.

 52.

(Contains irrelevant miscellanea).

 VII. THE ENFEOFFING OF A FEUDAL LORD 53.

a. Why the King has three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, twen- ty-seven great officers, eighty- one common officers.

b. The functions of the ssŭ-ma, ssŭ-t'u, ssŭ-k'ung.

c. The importance of the number three.

d. The King's one hundred and twenty officials correspond with the Twelve Earthly Stems.

e. The functions of the ssŭ-ma, ssŭ-t'u, ssŭ-k'ung.

f. Why the ssŭ-ma supervises the army.

g. The word ma is used instead of ping.

h. The word t'u is used instead of jên.

i. The word k'ung is used instead of t'u.

 54.

a. The necessity of enfeoffing Lords:

b. That they may imitate the King.

 55.

a. The chou-po.

b. He was also called Shepherd mu.

c. In the time of Yao there were twelve provinces.

d. The two Regional Chiefs.

e. Why there was no division into north and south.

 56.

The number of Ministers of the Feudal Lords.

 57.

a. A fief does not exceed 100 li.

b. The division of the country.

c. Why the land is parcelled out in three grades.

 58.

a. The meaning of enfeoffment.

b. Why the King does not give a fief to himself.

c. The paternal uncles and brothers are enfeoffed.

d. Another opinion: the paternal uncles are not enfeoffed.

e. The King does not enfeoff his son.

 59.

Why the enfeoffment takes place in summer.

 60.

a. Why the Feudal Lords have a hereditary position.

b. Why the great officers have no hereditary position.

c. Another explanation.

d. The Feudal Lord represents the unbroken yang, the great of- ficer the broken yin.

 61.

a. The Heir is appointed during the life of the ruler.

b. The appointment of the Heir, when the ruler dies, and his principal wife has no sons, but is pregnant.

c. Priority of age or of rank.

 62.

a. Why a brother may not succeed,

b. Except in the case of a Feudal Lord who has succeeded to his fief.

 63.

a. The Major Lineage must be con- tinued.

b. The adopted one is made son.

 64.

a. The restoration of extinct fa- milies.

b. The son of an executed Lord is not installed again.

c. Why the son of a murdered Lord may succeed him.

 65.

The enfeoffment of the son of a great officer.

 66.

Chou-kung.

 VIII. THE CAPITAL 67.

The selection of the capital.

 68.

a. The capitals of Chou.

b. A Feudal Lord is not allowed to move his capital.

 69.

The meaning of ching-shih.

 70.

Another opinion on the names for capital under the Three Dynasties.

 71.

The meaning of revenues lu.

 72.

The apanages of Feudal Lords serving in the King's domain.

 73.

The apanage of the King's Heir.

 74.

The apanage of the Ministers.

 IX. THE FIVE ELEMENTS 75.

a. The meaning of wu-hsing.

b. The meaning of water shui.

c. The meaning of wood mu.

d. The meaning of fire huo.

e. The meaning of metal chin.

f. The meaning of earth t'u.

g. The east represents growth.

h. Earth is not attached to the name of a season.

 76.

a. Difference of status of the Ele- ments.

b. Two yang- and three yin-ele- ments.

 77.

a. Why water is salty.

b. Why wood is sour.

c. Why fire is bitter.

d. Why metal is acrid.

e. Why earth is sweet.

f. The north (water) has the smell of decay.

g. The east (wood) smells rank.

h. The south (fire) has the smell of burning.

i. The west (metal) smells frowsy.

j. The centre (earth) has a fragrant smell.

k. The meaning of the names of the Four Quarters.

 78.

a. Ascendency and decline of the younger yang;

b. Of the elder yang;

c. Of the younger yin;

d. Of the elder yin.

e. The element earth.

 79.

a. Why the musical pitch-pipe for the 11th month is called huang- chung;

b. That for the 12th month: ta-lü;

c. That for the 1st month: t'ai- ts'ou;

d. That for the 2nd month: chieh- chung;

e. That for the 3rd month: ku-hsi;

f. That for the 4th month: chung- lü;

g. That for the 5th month: shêng- p'in;

h. That for the 6th month: lin- chung;

i. That for the 7th month: i-tsê;

j. That for the 8th month: nan-lu;

k. That for the 9th month: wu-i;

l. That for the 10th month: ying chung.

 80.

a. The Five Elements engender each other.

b. The principle of the succession of the Elements.

c. The Five Elements destroy each other.

d. Why fire is destroyed by water.

e. Why fire destroys wood.

f. Each of the four Elements is king for 72 days.

g. Earth is king during the four last months of the seasons.

h. The Elements engender each other according to their posi- tions.

i. There can be no life in fire.

j. Water and fire represent one species, metal and wood re- present many species.

k. Why water and wood can be consumed, but metal, fire, and earth cannot.

l. Why fire and water kill.

m. Why they cannot be of use by the application of man's skill.

n. Why there is hot water, but not cold fire.

o. Why fire can suddenly disappear.

p. Why wood floats, but metal sinks.

 81.

a. Why Heaven is light within, dark without, and man is light without, dark within.

b. Why there are five elements, but four seasons.

c. The child does not yield.

d. The son succeeds his father.

e. The younger brother continues his elder brother.

f. The treating of the capable with goodness is extended to the sons and grandsons.

g. The treating of the bad with badness is limited to the person himself.

h. The Minister assists the young ruler.

i. The son revenges his father.

j. The son obeys his father.

k. The son does not leave his par- ents.

l. The daughter leaves her parents.

m. The man meets his bride in person.

n. The Lord yields to his Minister.

o. The good is ascribed to the Lord, the faults are to oneself.

p. The Minister ascribes his merits to his Lord.

q. The Minister admonishes his Lord.

r. The son admonishes his father.

s. The Minister leaves, when he is not listened to.

t. The Noble Man withdraws from his son, but approaches his grandson.

u. Relatives do not leave each other.

v. The father screens his son.

w. The son screens his father.

x. The Lord has multitudes of people.

y. The King bestows his favours first on his relatives.

z. There is discrimination between old and young.

aa. The relation between friends.

bb. The parents give life to their child.

cc. The son nourishes his parents.

dd. The son does not neglect his grandfather's command on be- half of his father.

ee. The yang goes leisurely, the yin goes hurriedly.

ff. There is division of land, but not of people.

gg. The Lord takes nine wives.

hh. A man does not marry a woman of the same clan-name.

ii. The son wears mourning for his parents.

jj. The mourning lasts three years.

kk. The father wears mourning for his son, the husband for his wife.

ll. At sixty a man closes his door to his wife.

mm. The Five Storehouses and the Six Mansions.

nn. The eye of man.

oo. The sun shines at day, the moon at night.

pp. The King oversees the descend- ants of the two previous Dyn- asties.

qq. The King first gives rewards, then punishments.

 X. THE THREE HOSTS 82.

a. The task of the Three Hosts.

b. They model themselves on Hea- ven, Earth, and Man.

c. The army-units: wu, liang, tsu, lü, shih, chün.

d. 12.000 men are necessary to keep order in the state.

e. The Son of Heaven has an army of six hosts, a Feudal Lord an army of one host.

 83.

The dress on a war-expedition.

 84.

a. Before starting out the King takes leave of his ancestors.

b. Why he must also announce his departure to Heaven.

 85.

Must the founder of a new Dyn- asty first begin his own chro- nology, or must he first slay the King of the Dynasty which is to be overthrown?

 86.

The King goes in person on a punitive expedition; in less im- portant cases he sends one of the Regional Chiefs.

 87.

The army is not directed by the court.

 88.

The charge of an expedition is received in the ancestral temple.

 89.

a. Why a man takes up arms at thirty.

b. Why he leaves the army at sixty.

 90.

An expedition is not permitted to exceed one season.

 91.

Even during his period of mourning the King must go on a punitive expedition.

 XI. PUNISHMENTS 92.

Why relatives are not exempt from punishments.

 93.

Why a feudal Lord who is wear- ing mourning is not subject to punishment.

 94.

a. Only with the permission of the Son of Heaven may a Feudal Lord start a punitive expedi- tion.

b. Cases where this rule need not be observed.

c. Parricide is to be punished.

 95.

A Lord who has attained his position by regicide is to be punished, and his son is not to become his successor.

 96.

Infanticide is to be punished.

 97.

Why sycophants are to be executed.

 98.

a. A son has the right to avenge his father,

b. But not, if the father has been righteously executed.

 99.

a. The meaning of chu 'to execute'.

b. The meaning of t'ao 'to punish'.

c. The meaning of fa 'to attack'.

d. The meaning of chêng 'to chas- tise'.

e. The meaning of chan.

f. The meaning of shih 'to murder a superior'.

g. The meaning of ch'uan 'to usurp'.

h. The meaning of hsi 'to surprise'.

i. To lend a road does not mean to sell it.

j. The rule of borrowing a road avoids encroachments.

 100.

Why on the days of the sol- stices the weapons are rested.

 XII. ADMONITIONS 101.

a. The duty for a Minister to ad- monish.

b. The tso-fu, the yu-pi, the ch'ien-i, the hou-ch'êng.

c. Their different tasks.

d. Why the Son of Heaven has seven Counsellors.

 102.

a. Why the Minister, if not listened to, has the right to leave.

b. How he should resign.

c. How his ruler should reply.

d. Why the Minister must have warned thrice.

e. If not called back he must wait three years before entering an- other service.

f. He is said to be dismissed.

g. In what case the Minister should not wait to be stopped from leaving.

h. During the time of waiting the Minister's allowance is not cut off.

i. The meaning of being given a huan-ring or a chüeh-ring.

j. Another opinion: the Minister may not be said to be dismissed.

k. A relative may not leave after a fruitless admonition.

 103.

A common officer has no right to admonish.

 104.

A wife has the right to admonish her husband, but not the right to leave.

 105.

a. A son may not leave his father after a fruitless admonition.

b. The admonishing son is like fire making wood pliable, the admon- ishing Minister is like metal straightening wood.

 106.

a. The meaning of chien 'to ad- monish'.

b. The Five Kinds of Admonitions.

c. Their description.

d. Confucius followed the Allusive Admonition.

e. Its qualities.

f. Songs to censure a bad ruler.

 107.

a. The task of the Warners is to correct the King.

b. He has a Recorder to register his faults, and a Steward to diminish his dishes.

c. Why the Recorder is called shih.

d. Why the Steward is called tsai.

e. The meaning of the diminish- ment of the King's dishes.

f. The meaning of recording the King's faults.

 108.

a. Why the Minister screens his Lord.

b. Why the Lord does not screen the Minister.

c. The Minister of a Feudal Lord screens him before the Son of Heaven.

d. Why the father screens his son.

e. Brothers screen each other.

f. So do friends.

g. The four expressions of friend- ship.

h. Husband and wife screen each other.

 XIII. DISTRICT ARCHERY 109.

Why the Son of Heaven prac- tises archery in person.

 110.

a. The different targets.

b. Why the target of the Son of Heaven has the picture of a bear;

c. That of a Feudal Lord the picture of a stag;

d. That of a great officer the pic- ture of a tiger and a leopard;

e. That of a common officer the picture of a deer and a boar.

f. Each takes from his target the spiritual power to subdue evil.

g. Why the great officer and the common officer use a target with the picture of two animals.

h. Another explanation.

i. Why the target is of cloth.

j. Why it is called hou.

k. Why the real body is not shot at.

 111.

a. The rules to be observed in order to hit the mark.

b. The value of contest.

c. Choice of the worthy through ar- chery.

d. Danger can be averted by means of archery.

e. The correct use of rites and music can be practised by means of archery.

f. Why archery takes place on a platform.

g. The difference of the distances at which to shoot.

 112.

Why the district feasting takes place in the tenth month.

 113.

a. The san-lao and the wu-kêng.

b. Their treatment by the Son of Heaven.

c. Why they are not simply called 'father' and 'elder brother'.

d. The meaning of the use of san in san-lao, and of wu in wu-kêng.

e. They each represent one man.

 XIV. RETIRING FROM OFFICE 114.

a. Seventy is the time for a Min- ister to retire.

b. What retiring means.

c. When he remains in office, he is granted a stool and a stick.

d. When he retires, he is given one third of his revenue.

e. He calls himself lao-fu.

f. The stool and the stick serve to support the weak.

g. When a ruler has some question to ask of a Minister who has retired and is ninety years of age, he goes to his home.

h. A retired great officer is buried with the rites pertaining to his former position.

 XV. PI-YUNG 115.

a. Why a youth enters the Grand College at fifteen.

b. The meaning of hsüeh 'to study'.

c. Every man must have a teacher.

d. The teachers of the ancient Emperors and Kings.

e. The Heir goes out to his teacher.

f. What the Junior School and the Grand College are.

 116.

Why a father does not teach his son.

 117.

Three kinds of relationship between teacher and pupil.

 118.

a. What is the pi-yung?

b. The meaning of the name.

c. Another explanation.

d. Pi-yung and p'an-kung.

e. Why the pi-yung is round out- side, and square inside.

f. Why it is not called yüan-yung.

g. The meaning of p'an-kung.

h. Why it is not called p'an-yung.

 119.

a. The meaning of hsiang and hsü as names for schools.

b. The teachers in a hamlet are called yu-shih and tso-shih.

c. The elders in a hamlet see to it that the men do their work reg- ularly.

d. When the crop has been reaped, all the younger men enter school.

 120.

a. The ling-t'ai.

b. The ming-t'ang.

c. Description of the ming-t'ang.

d. The meaning of its construction.

 XVI. CALAMITIES AND EXTRAORDINARY EVENTS 121.

Why Heaven sends down ca- lamities.

 122.

a. The meaning of tsai-i 'calami- ties and miracles'.

b. Why a calamity is a case for wailing.

c. The meaning of pien 'extra- ordinary event'.

d. The meaning of yao 'magic'.

e. The meaning of yeh 'freak'.

f. The flood under Yao and the drought under T'ang were caused by destiny.

g. Each strange phenomenon has its particular meaning.

 123.

a. The meaning of shuang 'frost',

b. The meaning of pao 'hail'.

 124.

a. Why the sun must be rescued, when it is eclipsed.

b. A drum is then beaten and victims sacrificed to the God of the Earth.

c. Why victims must be used.

d. The rain-sacrifice.

e. How the moon is rescued, when it is eclipsed.

 XVII. PLOUGHING AND GATHERING MULBERRY-LEAVES 125.

a. The King in person inaugurates the ploughing, and the Queen in person inaugurates the picking of mulberry-leaves.

b. Why the King does so.

c. Why the Queen does so.

d. The number of furrows to be drawn by the King and his officials.

e. Why the ploughing takes place in the eastern suburb.

f. The picking of mulberry-leaves takes place in the western suburb.

g. It takes place in the southern suburb.

h. The ruler must have his own mulberry-trees and silk-worms' houses.

 XVIII. THE FÊNG AND SHAN- SACRIFICE 126.

a. Why the King of a new Dynasty must perform the fêng- and shan- sacrifice.

b. Why the sacrifice is performed on Mount T'ai.

c. Why the fêng-sacrifice takes place on the top of the moun- tain; the shan-sacrifice at the base of it.

d. At the fêng-sacrifice a gold stamp is used with silver bind- ings. Or: a stone stamp with gold bindings, sealed with a seal.

e. Those who climbed Mount T'ai for the sacrifice numbered more than seventy.

f. The meaning of the words fêng and shan. The peaks of Liang-fu, I-i, T'ing-t'ing.

g. The meaning of Mount Tai- tsung.

h. The burnt offering, and the wang-sacrifice.

 127.

a. Why lucky omens appear.

b. The Sweet Dew.

c. The Auspicious, Grain, the ming- chieh, the chü-ch'ang, the hua- p'ing.

d. The Luminous Star, the Five Planets.

e. The Vermilion Grass.

f. The fêng-huang, the tüan-bird, the ch'i-lin, the White Tiger, the Nine-tailed Fox, the White Pheasant, the White Deer, the White Crow.

g. The Luminous Cloud, the chih- plant, the sha-fu, the Natural Carriage, the Spiritual Vase.

h. The Yellow Dragon, the Source of Fragrant Wine, the Dragon Chart, the Turtle Book, the Great Shell, the Brilliant Pearl

i. The Auspicious Wind, the Yüeh- shang.

j. Description of the sha-fu.

k. Description of the pin-lien.

l. Description of the ming-chieh.

m. Description of the p'ing-lu.

n. Description of the Nine-tailed Fox.

o. Description of the Luminous Star.

p. Description of the Sweet Dew.

q. Description of the Vermilion Grass.

r. Description of the Fragrant Wine.

s. Description of the Auspicious Grain.

t. Description of the fêng-huang.

 XIX. TOURS OF INSPECTION 128.

a. The meaning of hsün and shou.

b. The King must go in person on the Tour of Inspection.

c. What he does on this Tour.

d. The examination of the obser- vance of rites.

 129.

a. Why the Tours are held in each of the four seasons:

b. In the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh months.

 130.

a. Why they are not held yearly,

b. But every five years.

c. Every three years the Regional Chiefs go out on their inspection.

 131.

a. Why a sacrifice to Heaven is performed before a Tour of Inspection.

b. Why the Tour is also announced to the ancestors.

c. The meaning of the announce- ment to Heaven.

d. The lei-sacrifice.

e. The ts'ao-sacrifice.

f. The announcement to the an- cestors has the meaning of a leave-taking.

g. Why the ancestral tablet which has been latest removed from its shrine accompanies a Tour.

h. What to do if there is no such tablet.

i. Why it must be that tablet.

 132.

Why the Feudal Lords wait at the boundaries of their states for the King on his Tour.

 133.

Why on his Tour the King is lodged in the ancestral temple of the Feudal Lord whom he visits.

 134.

One of the Ducal Ministers remains in the capital, two ac- company the King on his Tour.

 135.

a. Why his corpse is returned to the capital, when the King dies on his way.

b. Why Shun was buried at Ts'ang- wu, and Yü at Kuei-chi.

 136.

Why it is only after general peace has been restored that the King makes a Tour.

 137.

a. The meaning of yo 'peak'.

b. The meaning of the names Tai- tsung, Ho-shan, Hua-shan, Hêng- shan, Sung-kao.

c. The meaning of tu 'stream'.

 XX. EXAMINATIONS AND DEGRADATIONS 138.

Why the Feudal Lords are reg- ularly examined.

 139.

a. The names of the Nine Distinc- tions.

b. Who are to be granted the Distinctions.

c. There is no overlapping in the order of the Distinctions.

d. Who are to be granted Carriage and Horses;

e. Robes and Garments;

f. Musical Instruments;

g. The Vermilion Door;

h. Inside Staircases;

i. Gentlemen as Rapid as Tigers;

j. Ceremonial- and Battle-axes;

k. Bows and Arrows;

l. The Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor.

m. The meaning of the Jade Li- bation-cup.

n. Description of the Carriage.

o. Another opinion on who are to be granted the Nine Distinctions.

p. The ch'ang, the hsün, the lan- chih, the hsiao, the ai.

q. Which Distinctions are con- ferred with the objects.

r. The bestowal of Carriage and Garments.

s. The bestowal of Musical In- struments.

t. Which Distinctions are con- ferred without the objects.

u. Description of the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor.

v. Description of the Jade Libation- cup.

 140.

a. Why there is an examination every three years.

b. At the first examination minor degradations are dealt out.

c. Promotion and degradation of small states.

d. Distinction in the promotion of holders of small and large fiefs.

e. Another opinion.

f. The enfeoffment of those who have helped the King to estab- lish his Dynasty.

g. A common officer may be en- feoffed.

h. A yüan-shih, when enfeoffed, has his position made hereditary.

i. The fiefs of great officers, Min- isters, and Ducal Ministers.

j. The promotion of the several officials.

k. Ranks are given for spiritual power displayed, fiefs are given for merits achieved.

l. Why the Nine Distinctions are not hereditary.

m. Another opinion: they are here- ditary, but with certain con- ditions.

n. The son of the Ducal Minister may receive a subfief.

o. The degradation of a Marquis;

p. That of an Earl;

q. That of a Viscount;

r. That of a Baron.

s. Why with the third degradation the extreme measure is taken.

t. Why first the land is reduced, then the rank.

u. Another explanation.

v. Rank and fief are connected with each other in the case of one who is enfeoffed as the first of his line.

 141.

a. Why a young and weak ruler is not subject to degradation.

b. Why the descendants of the Kings of the two previous Dyn- asties are not deprived of their ranks.

c. Cases when they should be cut off.

d. What happens to the parents and the brothers of a Lord who has been punished.

e. Why a Feudal Lord is not de- posed, even if he is an invalid.

f. Why the Heir is excluded from succession in the case of a loath- some disease.

 XXI. WHOM THE KING DOES NOT CONSIDER HIS SUBJECTS 142.

a. The three classes of persons not considered subjects by the King.

b. Why the descendants of the Kings of the two previous Dyn- asties are not considered his subjects;

c. Neither the parents of his wife;

d. Nor the barbarian tribes.

 143.

a. The five classes of persons not considered subjects by the King temporarily, viz.:

b. The impersonator of his dead father, and his teacher,

c. The general in the field,

d. The san-lao and the wu-kêng.

 144.

Why the Feudal Lords are not ordinary subjects of the King.

 145.

Why one who has been en- feoffed as the first of his line does not treat his paternal uncles and his brothers as his subjects.

 146.

a. A son may act as a Minister to his father.

b. Another opinion: he may not.

 147.

a. A Minister of the King may not be employed as a Minister by a Feudal Lord.

b. Another opinion: He may in certain cases.

 148.

a. The five classes of persons not to be addressed by their personal name by the King, viz.:

b. The old Ministers of the pre- vious Kings,

c. Great officers of the first rank,

d. Common officers possessing a- bundant spiritual power,

e. Paternal uncles, and elder broth- ers.

f. The effects of the different ways of treating a Minister.

 XXII. MILFOIL AND TORTOISE- SHELL 149.

Divination is prescribed in all important matters.

 150.

The size of the milfoil-stalk and the tortoise-shell.

 151.

a. Why before resorting to divi- nation the Ministers must first be consulted.

b. Why even a Sage must resort to divination.

c. Another explanation.

 152.

a. Why only the milfoil and the tortoise-shell are used.

b. The meaning of kuei 'tortoise- shell', and shih 'milfoil'.

c. Why the divination by the tortoise-shell is called pu, that by the milfoil is called shih.

 153.

Why the divination takes place in the ancestral temple.

 154.

The direction at the divination.

 155.

The clothes worn.

 156.

The number of the divining officers.

 157.

Why divination by the tor- toise-shell comes after that by the milfoil.

 158.

a. Why the shell is scorched with a heated rod.

b. Why the milfoil is not moved into action by means of water.

 159.

Why the shell and the stalks are buried after they have been used up.

 160.

a. First the milfoil, then the tor- toise-shell is consulted.

b. The different ways of judging the results of the divination with the shell.

c. The height of the shell is exam- ined.

d. When the tortoise-shells are prepared.

 XXIII. SAGES 161.

a. The meaning of shêng 'Sage'.

b. Description of a Sage.

c. The mao, the hsüan, the tsun, the ying, the hsien, the chieh, the shêng.

 162.

A Sage can be recognized during his life.

 163.

a. The ancient Emperors and Kings were Sages.

b. Yü and T'ang were Sages.

c. So were King Wên, Wu, the Duke of Chou,

d. And Kao-yao.

 164.

a. Different expressions of sage- ness.

b. The marks of sageness of Fu- hsi, Huang-ti, Chuan-hsü, Ti- k'u, Yao, Shun;

c. Of Yü, Kao-yao, T'ang, King Wên, King Wu, the Duke of Chou, Confucius.

d. Why Sages alone can look into the future.

 XXIV. THE EIGHT WINDS 165.

a. The meaning of fêng 'wind'.

b. The wind changes every forty- five days.

c. The names of the Eight Winds, and their meaning.

d. The effects of the Eight Winds.

e. How the King conforms his actions to them.

 XXV. TRADE 166.

a. The meaning of shang.

b. The meaning of ku.

c. Interpretation of a passage from the Book of History.

 XXVI. RITUAL PRESENTS 167.

Why the Feudal Lords present themselves to the new King.

 168.

a. The Five Auspicious Jade Tablets.

b. The kuei, the chang, the pi, the huang, the tsung.

c. The qualities of jade.

d. The tablets of the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords.

e. The use of the Five Jade Tablets.

f. The use of the kuei; description of it.

g. The use of the pi; description of it.

h. The use of the huang; description of it.

i. The use of the chang; description of it.

j. The use of the tsung; description of it.

k. The uses of the Jade Tablets are very numerous.

 169.

a. The testing of the credentials of the Feudal Lords.

b. When the Tablets are returned to the Feudal Lords, or detained by the King.

c. Why the kuei is returned.

d. The material of the kuei.

 170.

a. The meaning of chih 'offering of presents'.

b. The presents of the Dukes and Marquises;

c. Those of the Ministers;

d. Those of the great officers;

e. Those of the common officers.

f. Everybody has the duty to give presents.

g. The meaning of p'i.

h. The presents of the Ministers and the great officer at present are different from those in antiquity.

i. Why there is no such difference in the presents of the Feudal Lords and the common officers.

 171.

Why at private visits presents are given.

 172.

The presents of women.

 173.

Why a son, visiting his father, does not give presents.

 XXVII. THE THREE RECTIFICATIONS 174.

a. Why the King of a new Dynasty must rectify the first month of the year.

b. The King changes the insti- tutions of the previous Dynasty only after he has obtained Heaven's response.

 175.

Why the adherents of the Prin- ciple of Form begin with the rectification of the first month, and those of the Principle of Substance begin with the attack on the reigning Dynasty.

 176.

a. The Three Reigns and the Three Diminutive Months.

b. The meaning of shuo 'first month'.

c. The three alternating first months.

d. The meaning of san-wei 'the Three Diminutive Months'.

e. The first months of the Hsia, the Yin, and the Chou.

f. Confucius followed the first month of the Hsia.

 177.

Why the change of the first month proceeds backwards.

 178.

The correction is called 'to cor- rect the moon-month', and not 'to correct the sun-day'.

 179.

The rectification does not follow the Principles of Substance and Form.

 180.

What is not changed by the new King.

 181.

a. Why the descendants of the two previous Dynasties are preserved.

b. Should they follow their an- cestor's institutions?

 182.

a. Why the succession of the Prin- ciples of Substance and Form must be observed.

b. Substance is put before Form.

 XXVIII. THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS 183.

a. Why the King institutes the Three Instructions.

b. The Hsia instructed by loyalty, the Yin by reverence, the Chou by culture.

 184.

a. Did Shun and Yü change the succession of the Three In- structions?

b. Another opinion: The Three Instructions began with the Hsia.

c. Why Kao-tsung did not change the Instruction of the Yin.

d. The Three Instructions are not applied separately.

 185.

a. They model themselves on Hea- ven, Earth, and Man.

b. Loyalty is Man's Instruction.

c. Reverence is Earth's Instruction.

 186.

The meaning of chiao 'instruc- tion'.

 187.

How the Three Instructions could fail.

 188.

a. The Spiritual Vessel, and the Sacrificial Vessel.

b. How to approach the dead.

c. The vessels at the sacrifice are complete, but not for ordinary use.

d. Confucius condemned the in- vention of human figures to accompany the dead.

 XXIX. THE THREE MAJOR AND THE SIX MINOR RELATIONSHIPS 189.

a. What the Three Major Relation- ships san-kang, and the Six Minor Relationships liu-chi are.

b. The meaning of kang 'Major Relationship', and chi 'Minor Relationship'.

c. The Five Constant Virtues are developed by the rules for the Major and the Minor Rela- tionships.

 190.

Why there are three Major Relationships.

 191.

a. They model themselves on Hea- ven, Earth, and Man.

b. The relation between Lord and subject models itself on Heaven;

c. That between father and son on Earth;

d. That between husband and wife on Man.

 192.

a. The liu-chi form the counter- part of the san-kang.

b. The counterpart of the relation between Lord and subject;

c. That of the relation between father and son;

d. That of the relation between husband and wife.

 193.

a. The meaning of chün 'Lord', and ch'ên 'subject'.

b. The meaning of fu 'father', and tzŭ 'son'.

c. The meaning of fu 'husband', and fu 'wife'.

d. The meaning of p'êng-yu 'friends'.

e. The way of friendship.

f. What to do with a friend in distress.

g. Why there is distinction between 'brothers' and 'sisters'.

h. Why there is no generic name for father's brothers.

i. Why sisters are distinguished by the words tzŭ and mei.

j. Why parents-in-law are called chiu-ku.

k. Why sisters are called tzŭ-mei.

l. Why brothers are called hsiung-ti.

m. Why the husband's parents are called chiu-ku.

 XXX. INSTINCT AND EMOTION 194.

The meaning of hsing 'instinct', and ch'ing 'emotion'.

 195.

a. The Five Instincts: jên, i, li, chih, hsin.

b. Their meaning.

c. How they are formed.

d. The Six Emotions: joy, anger, grief, happiness, love, hate.

 196.

a. The Instincts and Emotions are directed by the Five Reservoirs wu-tsang and the Six Store- houses liu-fu.

b. The Five Reservoirs: liver, heart, lungs, kidneys, spleen.

c. The meaning of their names.

d. What they represent.

e. Liver - jên- wood - east - eyes.

f. Lungs- i - metal - west - nose.

g. Heart - li- fire - south - ears.

h. Kidneys - chih - water - north - secret orifices.

i. Spleen - hsin - earth - centre- mouth.

j. Another opinion: heart-mouth; kidneys-ears.

k. Another opinion: liver-eyes; lungs-nose; heart-mouth; spleen- tongue; kidneys-ears.

l. The Six Storehouses: large in- testines, small intestines, stom- ach, bladder, gullet, gall.

m. Stomach-spleen; bladder-kid- neys; gall-liver; large and small intestines-heart and lungs.

 197.

The correspondences between the Storehouses and the Points of the Compass.

 198.

a. The meaning of hun.

b. The meaning of p'o.

c. Another explanation.

 199.

Sperm ching and Vital Force shên.

 XXXI. DESTINIES 200.

a. The meaning of ming 'destiny'.

b. Three kinds of destiny.

c. The Old-age Destiny.

d. The Merit Destiny.

e. The Accident Destiny.

f. Story about Confucius.

 XXXII. CLANS AND KINDRED 201.

a. The meaning of tsung 'head of a lineage'.

b. Why there must be a tsung.

c. The Major lineage ta-tsung.

d. The Great-great-grandfather lineage.

e. The Great-grandfather lineage; the Grandfather lineage; the Father lineage.

f. These lineages form together the hsiao-tsung.

g. One who is instituted as a Feu- dal Lord disconnects himself from the authority of the head of his Major Lineage.

 202.

a. The meaning of tsu 'kindred',

b. Why there are Nine Classes of Kindred.

c. What they constitute, viz.:

d. The four classes through the father;

e. The three classes through the mother;

f. The two classes through the wife.

g. Explanation of a passage from the Rites and the Book of His- tory.

h. Another opinion: In the time of Yao there were three classes of each group.

i. Difference between the classes and the groups.

 XXXIII. CLAN-NAMES AND PERSONAL NAMES 203.

a. Why there are clan-names hsing.

b. The meaning of hsing.

c. Why there are one hundred clan-names.

 204.

a. What the surnames shih are for.

b. Why the 'style' tzŭ is sometimes used as a surname.

c. The descendants of the two previous Dynasties are called King's Sons wang-tzŭ.

d. Another opinion: They are cal- led King's Grandsons wang-sun.

e. Kao-yao had no clan-name.

f. The clan-names of Yü, T'ang, and King Wên.

 205.

a. Why man must have a personal name ming.

b. Why a child is given its name three months after its birth, in the ancestral temple.

c. Another opinion: It is given in the Small Apartment.

d. The name is announced to the Four Frontiers.

e. Explanation of it.

f. Why, at the birth of a son, six arrows of the wood of the wild rubus are shot from a bow of the wood of the mulberry-tree.

g. Why the Yin Sovereigns used the day of birth to name the child.

h. Their subjects were allowed to do the same.

i. But some Feudal Lords avoided it.

j. What was the name of T'ang?

k. Why the cyclical signs tzŭ-ch'ou etc. were not used for personal names.

l. Why the personal names are sometimes double, sometimes single.

m. The name is given according to the circumstances of birth, or according to the appearance of the child.

n. Sometimes there is a relation between personal name and 'style'.

o. Why the Ch'un ch'iu condemns the use of a double personal name.

p. The personal name is not formed according to the names of things of general use.

q. When the personal name need not be tabooed.

r. Why in the earliest antiquity there was no rule of tabooing names.

s. Why man is born ten months after conception.

t. Why a child cries when it is born.

u. Why one in saluting mentions one's personal name.

v. Why people salute each other.

w. Why salute twice.

x. Why first salute with the hands, then incline the head.

 206.

a. Why a man must have a 'style'.

b. At fifty a man is called po or chung.

c. Why there are the four discri- minating appellations po, chung, shu, and chi.

d. Their meaning.

e. The appellations po and mêng for eldest sons.

f. Sons and daughters have the distinguishing names of po, chung, etc.

g. Why a woman is already called po or chung at fifteen.

h. Why the clan-name of a woman is a correlate of her 'style'.

i. Why with the adherents of the Principle of Substance the youn- ger sons are all gathered to- gether in the appellation chung, with the adherents of the Prin- ciple of Form in the appellation shu.

j. About the names of the sons of King Wên.

 XXXIV. HEAVEN AND EARTH 207.

a. The meaning of t'ien 'Heaven',

b. The meaning of ti 'Earth'.

 208.

a. The Great Origin t'ai-ch'u, the Great Beginning t'ai-shih, the Great Simplicity t'ai-su.

b. They are the beginnings of the primeval fluid, of form, and matter.

 209.

Why Heaven revolves to the left, and Earth to the right.

 210.

Why Heaven and Earth have no generic names.

 211.

Why Heaven, being the superior, constantly works.

 XXXV. SUN AND MOON 212.

Why Heaven revolves to the left, and sun, moon, and the five planets revolve to the right.

 213.

a. Why the sun goes slowly, and the moon quickly.

b. Why sun and moon are suspend- ed in the sky day and night.

 214.

a. The meaning of jih 'sun'.

b. The meaning of yüeh 'moon'.

c. The meaning of hsing 'planet'.

d. The revolving Heaven covers 3651/4 degrees.

 215.

a. Why there are day and night.

b. Why days are long and short.

 216.

Why the moon-month is now short, now long.

 217.

The intercalary months.

 XXXVI. THE FOUR SEASONS 218.

The meaning of sui 'seasonal year'.

 219.

a. The Four Seasons; the meaning of shih 'season'.

b. Why Heaven is named differ- ently in each of the Four Seasons.

c. Why the Four Seasons do not follow the change of the first month of the year.

 220.

a. Sui 'seasonal year'; nien 'calen- drical year'; tsai 'full year'.

b. The Five Emperors spoke of tsai, the Three Kings of nien.

 221.

Yeh 'night'; chao 'morning'; hui 'last day of the moon'; shuo 'first day of the moon'.

 XXXVII. ROBES 222.

a. Why the Sages instituted the wearing of clothes.

b. The meaning of i-shang 'robes'.

c. I 'upper garments'; shang 'lower garments'.

 223.

a. What ch'iu 'fur' is.

b. What kind of fur was worn an- ciently.

c. Why only the fur of fox and lamb was used.

 224.

a. Why a sash shên-tai must be worn.

b. The leather girdle p'an-tai.

 225.

a. The pendants p'ei.

b. The several kinds of pendants.

c. Women also wear pendants.

 XXXVIII. THE FIVE PUNISHMENTS 226.

a. Why there must be a system of punishments.

b. The punishments at the time of the ancient Sovereigns.

c. Why there are Five Punish- ments.

d. The punishments by effigy of the Five Emperors.

e. The number of articles of the Criminal Code.

f. Cutting off the nose and brand- ing are applied as minor punish- ments.

g. Description of the Five Punish- ments.

 227.

a. The punishments are not ap- plied to the great officers.

b. Another opinion: Only flogging is not applied to the great of- ficers.

 XXXIX. THE FIVE CANONS 228.

a. Why Confucius fixed the Five Canons wu-ching.

b. What the condition was before.

 229.

Why the Hsiao ching and the Lun yü came to be written.

 230.

Why King Wên extended the meaning of the I.

 231.

Why Fu-hsi made the Eight Trigrams.

 232.

Correspondence between the Five Canons and the Five Con- stant Virtues.

 233.

What the Canons teach.

 234.

a. The Ch'un ch'iu gives rules.

b. What this means.

 XL. MARRIAGE 235.

a. Why marriage belongs to the ways of man.

b. Why the man takes his wife, and the woman leaves her house.

 236.

Why neither man nor woman marry on their own initiative.

 237.

a. Why a man marries at thirty, and a woman at twenty.

b. Another opinion: At twenty- five the man is bound with his heart to a woman.

 238.

a. At fifteen a girl is promised in marriage.

b. The meaning of the goose- present.

c. The present for the completion of the preliminaries.

d. The words spoken when offering this present.

e. The words spoken when offering the first present.

 239.

Why, from the Son of Heaven to the common officer, the bride- groom must meet his bride in person.

 240.

a. The place where the girl is given away in marriage.

b. Why the parents in person exhort their daughter.

c. The girl does not bid farewell, neither does she reply.

 241.

The wedding is not a case for congratulation.

 242.

a. The words spoken at the handing of the mounting-cord.

b. The words spoken at the meeting of the bride.

 243.

What the father says when he pledges his son.

 244.

The wife is not immediately presented to the ancestral temple.

 245.

This takes place three months after the wedding.

 246.

Why the wedding takes place in spring.

 247.

Only in very special cases may the wife leave her husband.

 248.

a. Why the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords marry nine wives at a time.

b. Another opinion: the Son of Heaven marries twelve wives.

c. Why he must only marry once.

d. The principal wife is followed by her father's elder brother's daughter and her younger sister.

e. Why he does not take two younger sisters.

f. The father's elder brother's daughter and the younger sister, even though still young, follow the principal wife, but are re- turned to await the coming of their years.

g. The sending of concubines by two states.

h. The difference between right and left.

i. Why a woman may not be asked to be a concubine.

 249.

Why in taking a wife the tor- toise-shell is consulted.

 250.

When one arranges one's marri- age oneself.

 251.

A great officer who is enfeoffed has the right to have eight con- cubines.

 252.

The Heir observes the same rites as the Feudal Lord.

 253.

a. The King takes his wife from a large state.

b. If he takes the daughter of a small Lord as his wife, this Lord must be raised in rank.

c. Why the King extends his choice of marriage-alliances even to small states.

d. What to be done with the state of the Son of Heaven's wife, when she is removed.

 254.

Why a Feudal Lord may not marry within his state.

 255.

a. One does not marry a woman of the same surname,

b. Neither certain women of one's mother's clan.

 256.

a. Why for the wedding of the King's daughter a Feudal Lord of the same surname must con- duct the nuptials.

b. Why he does not employ a Feu- dal Lord of the same surname to conduct the nuptials in the capital.

c. Why a special reception-house is built for the King's daughter.

 257.

a. Why a Minister and a great officer are entitled to take one wife and two concubines.

b. Why a common officer can only take one wife and one concubine.

 258.

a. Why one of the accompanying concubines must take the place of the woman destined to be the principal wife, when the latter dies.

b. Another opinion: no other prin- cipal wife is installed.

 259.

The marriage-rites in the case of the death of the parents.

 260.

a. Why a woman to be married has a teacher.

b. She is instructed for three months.

c. Where she receives instruction.

d. Why she must have a teacher and a duenna.

 261.

a. The wife learns to serve her parents-in-law, not her husband.

b. She serves her husband ac- cording to four principles.

 262.

Five cases of not marrying a girl.

 263.

The rites for a divorced wife.

 264.

Why the Queen is called hou, and the wife of a Feudal Lord fu-jên.

 265.

a. The meaning of ch'i 'principal wife'.

b. The meaning of ch'ieh 'concu- bine'.

 266.

a. The meaning of chia-ch'ü 'mar- riage'.

b. The meaning of nan 'man', and nü 'woman'.

c. The meaning of fu 'husband', and fu 'wife'.

d. The meaning of fei-p'i 'mates'.

e. The meaning of hun-yin 'wed- ding'.

 267.

a. Why a man closes the door of his bed-chamber at sixty.

b. Why he opens it again at seventy.

 XLI. KNEE-COVERS AND CAPS 268.

a. The meaning of fu'knee-cover',

b. The knee-covers of the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords;

c. Those of the great officer,

d. Vermilion and red must be the colour of the knee-covers.

e. They are of hide,

f. Their size.

 269.

a. The meaning of kuan 'cap',

b. The cap as an adornment and distinction,

c. Why a youth may be capped at nineteen.

d. He is usually capped at twenty,

e. The capping need not take place in the first month of the year.

 270.

a. The meaning of p'i-pien 'cap of deerskin',

b. The meaning of p'i 'skin'.

 271.

a. The ma-mien 'hempen cap',

b. Its meaning,

c. The hsü-cap.

d. The shou-cap.

e. The difference between the three caps.

f. Why the cap is made of hemp.

g. Why pendants are suspended from the cap.

 272.

a. The wei-mao.

b. Why it is so called.

c. The chang-fu.

d. The mou-chui.

 273.

a. The chüeh-pien.

b. Chüeh denotes the colour.

c. Why before the Hsia and the Yin the white cotton caps of the common officer were indiffer- ently used for all occasions.

 XLII. MOURNING GARMENTS 274.

a. Why the Feudal Lords wear the Three Years' Deep Mourning for the Son of Heaven.

b. (unintelligble).

c. The married daughters are con- sidered as removed from their kindred.

 275.

a. Why the common people only mourn for three months at the death of the King.

b. They begin to wear sackcloth three months before the funeral.

c. Why mourning-clothes are de- vised for the common people.

 276.

The order of putting on mourn- ing- garments.

 277.

a. Why the Three Years' Mourning lasts twenty-five months.

b. Why the intercalary month is not counted.

c. It is counted in the mourning- period of nine months.

 278.

a. Why sackcloth is prescribed.

b. The articles of mourning-apparel are all indications of the return to the origin.

c. Why the waist-fillet is tied in a knot.

 279.

a. Why the chief-mourner carries a staff.

b. It is not necessary for a young mourner.

c. Why the staff is made of bam- boo.

d. Why bamboo is used for the father, t'ung-wood for the mo- ther.

 280.

a. Why the mourner lives in the mourning-shed.

b. The wife does not live in the mourning-shed.

c. When the mourning-garments are assumed.

d. The mourning-shed is inside the outer gate, below the eastern wall.

 281.

a. Why the mourner does not speak during his mourning.

b. What it actually means.

 282.

a. Why the mourner is allowed to take meat and wine, when he is ill.

b. What to avoid when one's parents are ill.

c. The avoidance of company du- ring the mourning-period.

d. A mourner may pay a visit of condolence.

e. One wearing the Five Months' Mourning is allowed to partici- pate in sacrifices to the deceased.

f. Military service after the period of mourning.

 283.

A woman does not cross the boundaries of her state for a visit of condolence.

 284.

a. When condolence is not re- quired.

b. The meaning of wei 'death through a riot'.

c. When a man is excluded from service, company, sacrifices to the ancestors, etc.

 285.

a. A disciple wears mourning for his teacher.

b. Confucius' mourning for Yen Hui.

 286.

a. What to do if the ruler has died, and one is informed of the death of one's parents.

b. Why a Feudal Lord, being in mourning, attends the funeral rites of the Son of Heaven.

c. A great officer on a mission, being informed of the death of his parents, only returns at the order of his Lord.

d. Why a Feudal Lord, paying a court-visit, is allowed to return, when he is informed of the death of his own parent.

e. When a subject is wearing deep mourning, his Lord should not summon him.

 287.

a. Why one wails before beginning the journey home, when one is informed of the death of one's parents.

b. Why one weeps at the grave, when the dead has already been buried.

 288.

a. The wailing should not be in the lane.

b. Different places for the wailing.

 289.

The Duke of Chou was buried with the royal rites.

 XLIII. THE PASSING OF THE SON OF HEAVEN AND OF A FEUDAL LORD. 290.

a. The meaning of pêng 'death of the King'.

b. The meaning of hung 'death of a Feudal Lord'.

c. The meaning of tsu 'death of a great officer'.

d. The meaning of pu-lu 'death of a common officer'.

e. The meaning of ssŭ 'death of a common man'.

f. Why the death of the King and of a Feudal Lord is recorded in the Annals.

 291.

a. The meaning of sang 'to pass away'.

b. Sang also means 'grief,

c. Why sang is used for everybody.

 292.

Why the death of the Son of Heaven is announced to the Feudal Lords.

 293.

a. Why at the news of the death of the King the Feudal Lords hasten to the place of mourning.

b. They divide themselves into three groups.

c. All subjects are in duty bound to mourn for the Son of Heaven.

d. At the funeral there is a gather- ing of Feudal Lords.

e. Why a Feudal Lord who is still a youth, has only the duty to attend the funeral.

 294.

Why the death of a subject is announced to his Lord.

 295.

Why the death of a Feudal Lord is announced to the neighbour states.

 296.

The death of the spouse of a Feudal Lord is announced to the Son of Heaven.

 297.

Why, at the death of a Feudal Lord, his Minister is sent to re- turn the Auspicious Jade Tablet to the Son of Heaven.

 298.

Why the Son of Heaven mourns for a Feudal Lord.

 299.

a. Why the Lord pays a visit of condolence at the death of his Minister.

b. Another opinion.

c. The Lord abstains from meat and music on the day of burial.

d. On a visit of condolence a black cap should not be worn.

 300.

a. Why the Smaller Dressing takes place three days after the death.

b. Why the corpse is washed under the impluvium.

c. Why the mouth is filled.

d. Why pearls and precious things are used to fill the mouth.

 301.

a. The meaning of tsêng-sui 'pres- ents of clothes'.

b. The meaning of fu-fêng 'pre- sents of carriage and horses'.

 302.

The Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days after his death, a Feudal Lord five days.

 303.

Why there is a difference in the rites of encoffining of the Three Dynasties.

 304.

The boat-carriage catafalque of the Son of Heaven.

 305.

Why the sacrifice of departure takes place in the courtyard.

 306.

a. Why an inner and an outer coffin are used.

b. The meaning of kuan 'inner coffin'.

c. The meaning of kuo 'outer coffin'.

d. The coffin of the Son of Heaven.

e. Why for the coffin anciently earthenware was used, and now wood.

f. The dead is served according to his status when alive.

g. The evolution in the ways of burial.

h. The meaning of the words for corpse: shih and chiu.

 308.

a. Why the word for burial tsang is applied to all.

b. Why one is buried in the earth.

 309.

The Son of Heaven is buried seven months after his death, a Feudal Lord five months.

 310.

Why husband and wife are buried together.

 311.

a. Why one is buried outside the city-walls,

b. North of the city, the head turned to the north.

 312.

a. The tumulus, and the trees on the grave.

b. The different sizes of the graves.

 TRANSLATION OF CHAPTERS I, II, XVIII, XL

The page-references are to the Yüan ta-tê, Lu Wên-ch'ao's, and Ch'ên Li's editions respectively. I have followed Lu's division in paragraphs and the titles he gives to them. The numbering and sub-division with a, b, etc. are mine.

I. RANKS. 1. 'SON OF HEAVEN' IS THE DESIGNATION OF A RANK. (1.1a-b; 1 .1a-b; 1.1a-3b)

a.Tien-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven' is the designation of a rank. Why is this rank called Son of Heaven? The King has Heaven as his father, and Earth as his mother; he is the Son of Heaven Cf. the following parallels: Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b): "Son of Heaven is the designation of a rank. All the Sages who received the mandate [of Heaven] were born of Heaven, therefore they are spoken of as the Son of Heaven"; the Kan ching fu, an Apocryphal Book on the Ch'un ch'iu (Yü han, 54.63a): "The Lord of men has Heaven as his father, Earth as his mother, the sun as his elder brother, and the moon as his younger sister"; the Tu tuan ( .7a): "The Son of Heaven serves Heaven as his father and Earth as his mother; he serves the sun as his elder brother, and the moon as his younger sister".. There- fore the Yüan shên ch'i An Apocryphal Book on the Hsiao ching. says: "Heaven covers [him], and Earth carries [him] The Shuo yüan, ch. (19.2b), quoting the , says: "He whom Heaven covers and Earth carries is called the Son of Heaven".. He is called Son of Heaven, modelling himself above on the pole-star" . In another place the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.6a) says: "When the King's spiritual power reaches Heaven the Pole-star is brilliant", which passage also occurs in ch. of .the Po hu t'ung (XVIII. 127). The Ch'un ch'iu tso chu ch'i , quoted in the T'ai p'ing yü lan, 76.3b, says: "The Son of Heaven models himself on the Pole-star, the Feudal Lords conform to the Constellations".. The Kou ming chiieh Another Apocryphal Book on the Hsiao ching. says: "Son of Heaven is the designation of a rank".

b.The spiritual power of the Emperors and of the Kings was [with the one] abundant and [with the other] deficient See the chapter on Appellations (II. 1) for the difference in spiritual power between the Emperors and the Kings., why are they all called Son of Heaven? Because they are all Kings by the command of Heaven, to rule within [a territory of] five thousand li [square] The question as to whether ancient China covered a territory of 5,000 or 10,000 li square, is one of those academic problems which have stirred Chinese scholars to never-ending discussions. Cf. the Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1250.3b), and the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 2.83; 3.52.. The Shang shu says: "The Son of Heaven acts as father and mother of the people, and in [that capacity] rules as King over all under Heaven" Ch. of the Book of History (Shang shu chu shu, 11.16b; L. 333)..

c.How do we know that the Emperors were also called Son of Heaven? Because they were the model for all under Heaven . Probably is an error for . Thus the translation would be: Because they ruled all under Heaven.. The Chung hou says: "[I,] the Son of Heaven, thy servant Fanghs- ün" . The Chung hou or Shang shu chung hou is an Apocryphal Book of History. The full passage as it is quoted by Ma Kuo-han reads as follows (Yü han, 53.28a, where the quotation is said to be taken from section [of the Chung hou]; the T'ai p'ing yü lan, which appears to have been the source for this quotation in the Yü han, writes (80.4b), which is evidently an error, for in the Sub-comm. of the Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 1.13b) another quotation is given as originating from the ): "Emperor Yao cut a pi [tablet], (and leading his Ministers) eastwards, sank it in the Lo [-river]; the words written on the tablet (said): [I,] the Son of Heaven, thy servant Fang-hsün, am thinly [endowed with] spiritual power in the practising of which [,moreover, I] fall short" (the words between round brackets occur additionally in the T'ai p'ing yü lan). Fang-hsün (the Shu ching writes ) was the personal name of Yao, one of the Emperors. The Shu i p'ien says: "He inaugurated the rank of Son of Heaven" . Both Lu and Ch'ên write , which would make us think that it refers to ch. of the Shu ching ( is sometimes written or ; instead of some- times or is used, see the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.99). It is not to be found there (Lu and Ch'ên say that the statement has wrongly been introduced into Tung Fêng-yuan's ed. of the Shang shu ta chuan, ch. ; it is also entered in the Huang shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu ta chuan chu, 101b). The Y. ed. thus seems to give the correct reading: the quotation is from an untransmitted chapter of the Shu ching (, acc. to Ch'ên, is the term used to denote the additional chapters in old script of the Shu ching, supposed to have been found in the walls of Confucius' house, of which there was no transmitted interpretation). The translation of the quotation, not showing the context, is given tentatively. Chao is evidently used for chao 'to begin', 'to inaugurate', 'to initiate'. In ch. of the Li chi there is a quotation from the Shih: 'Hou-chi initiated the sacrifice' (Li chi chu shu, 54.31a; C. 11. 512). It is from Ode 245: (Mao shih chu shu, 24.23a; L. 472; K. 17.72), where, however, (explained by Mao's as meaning 'to begin': Mao shih chu shu, 24.17a) is written instead of . Only, Chêng Hsüan gives the word quite a different interpretation (cf. the discussion by Karlgren in K. 18.65), which in the case of this particular passage, however, is unnecessary..

d.Why is it said that the August Ones huang. See ch. II, referred to in note 6. were also called Son of Heaven? Because it is said of them that Heaven covered [them], and Earth carried [them], and that they all ruled as Kings over all under Heaven. Therefore the I says: "When Fu-hsi ruled as King over all under Heaven . . . ." Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a; L. 382). Fu-hsi was one of the August Ones..

 2. THE MEANING OF THE INSTITUTION OF RANKS IN THREE OR IN FIVE GRADES. (1.1b-3a; 1 .1b-3a; 1.4a-10b)

a.The ranks are in five grades, taking the Five Elements as their model; sometimes they are in three grades, taking the Three Luminary Bodies , i.e. sun, moon, and the stars. See ch. (VII. 53). as their model. Why do they take as their model now the Three Luminary Bodies, and now the Five Elements? The adherents of [the Principle of] Substance base them- selves on Heaven, and therefore model themselves on the Three Luminary Bodies; the adherents of [the Principle of] Form base themselves on Earth, and therefore model themselves on the Five Elements This statement corresponds with Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.14a): "The adherents of [the Principle of] Substance have ranks in three grades, because they take as their model Heaven with its Three Luminary Bodies; the adherents of [the Principle of] Form have ranks in five grades, because they take as their model Earth with its Five Elements". The theory of the Principle of Substance chih-chia and that of Form wên-chia was popular during the Han period, especially in the so-called Apocryphal Books. Chavannes (M.H. V. 395, note) translates chih and wên by 'fond' and 'forme', which translation has been adopted by Woo Kang in his Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou (1932). According to this theory the Yin Dynasty had adhered to the first Principle, the Chou to the second, and the following Dynasty should then again revert to the first. The Principle of Substance stands for simplicity, the Principle of Form for cultural refinement. The former basing itself upon Heaven, which is simple, with regard to ranks, takes as its model the Three Luminary Bodies, whereas the latter basing itself upon Earth, which is 'adorned' with all sorts of things, takes as its model the Five Elements, which produce these things (Woo Kang, 160, n. 8; 141, n. 3; 142, n. 1). Cf. also ch. (X), ch. (XXVII), and ch. (XL) of the Po hu t'ung.. The Han Wên chia An Apocryphal Book on the Li chi. Ma Kuo-han gives in his reconstructed edition of the Han wên chia (Yü han, 54.16b) the following quotation from the Sub-comm. of the Li chi, ch. : "The Yin had ranks in three grades; the Yin was upright and honoured [the colour] white; white [symbolizes] the combination of uprightness and steadfastness , there- fore [the Yin ranks were in] three grades. The Hsia honoured [the colour] black, and also followed the gradation in three. (The Chou had ranks in five grades. Each [of the three systems] was appropriate)". The words in round brackets do not occur in the Li chi Sub-comm. (see Li chi chu shu, 11.6a), from which Ma says he has taken his quotation! says: "The Yin [Dynasty] had ranks in three grades, the Chou [Dynasty] had ranks in five . The Y. ed. has wrongly . grades. Either [system] was appropriate". The Wang chih says: "The ranks [, connected with] emoluments [accruing from hold- ings, which were] instituted by the King, were in five grades, namely kung 'Duke', hou 'Marquis', po 'Earl', tzŭ 'Viscount', and nan 'Baron'" Li chi chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263. The text of the Li chi reads: "The ranks [,connected with] emoluments [accruing from holdings, which were] instituted by the King were kung, hou, po, tzŭ, and nan: in all five grades".. This [saying] is based on , missing in the Y. ed., and supplemented by Lu following the T'ai p'ing yü lan. the institutions of the Chou [Dynasty]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says Kung yang chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3.4b).: "The Three Ducal Ministers of the Son of Heaven are called 'Duke' , missing in the Y. ed., the descendants of the Kings [of the two previous Dynasties] are [also] called 'Duke'; for the rest Hereafter follows in the Y. ed.: , which passage is, following Lu, transferred to infra, paragraph b. [holders of] large state [-fiefs] are called 'Marquis', [those of] small state [-fiefs] are called 'Earl', 'Viscount', and 'Baron' ". The Wang chih says: "The 'Duke' and the 'Marquis' hold territories of one hundred li, the 'Earl' of seventy li, the 'Viscount' and the 'Baron' of fifty li square" Li chi chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264. In the Y. ed. the whole paragraph has been misplaced. Restored by Lu..

b.Why are they called kung . 'Duke' and hou . 'Marquis'? Kung means expansive t'ung ., public-spirited and upright, without selfish intentions The Yüan ming pao, quoted in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2a) says: "Kung means impartial; [a kung is] impartial and upright" .. Hou The Y. ed. wrongly writes in stead of . means to be on the alert hou, on the alert as to [whether his acts will be] against or according to [the King's commands] The Tu tuan (. 17b) has the same. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says: .. A Duke and a Marquis both [hold territories which can supply] one thousand war-chariots See n. 22. Acc. to Lu, who is followed, should be read instead of .; [the size of these territories] symbolizes the one hundred li within which the sound of thunder [can be heard] The text has: . In ch. (VII. 57a), however, we read: , whereas the Sub-comm. of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.4a) gives the following quotation from the Yüan shên ch'i: . It is clear that the sentence consists of two parts. The first goes back to the I ching, hexagram, where it is stated: "The crash [of thunder] terrifies [all within] a hundred li" (Chou i chu shu, 9.1a; L. 173). The Sub-comm. explains: "The sound emanating from thunder is heard within a hundred li , therefore, when anciently the Emperors and Kings instituted [the division of] the country [in fiefs], the territories of the Dukes and Marquises were one hundred li square". The second part of the sentence contains the word t'ung, which occurs in the meaning of 'a territory of 100 li square' in the Tso chuan, Chao 23 (Tso chuan chu shu, 50.31b), and in ch. of the Chou li (chu shu, 11.8a). Chia Kung-yen's Sub-comm. on the latter says: "It is called t'ung, because it symbolizes [the sound] t'ung of the crash of thunder which can be heard within a hundred li" . The last eight words are identical with the Po hu t'ung passage, except that is written in stead of , which is apparently a mistake. And once jun 'to moisten', 'to fertilize', had been written, the need was felt to explain it further by "the rains from the clouds [which moisten the earth within a 100 li]". (Cf. further the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 31, Kung yang chu shu, 12.28a: "Mountains and rivers have [the capacity] to moisten [a territory of] 100 li" ; and the Shuo yüan, 18.6a: "Why are mountains and rivers likened to the Viscounts and Barons? They can produce things, they can moisten and fertilize things, they can produce clouds and rains, their boons are many" ). It is significant that the T'ai p'ing yü lan gives the quotation from the Yüan shên ch'i as: (198.5a); it differs from the quotation given in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi, which is definitely better. The passage in the Po hu t'ung seems to be, in the present chapter, a contamination of the I ching text (as it is paraphrased in the Yüan shên ch'i) on the one hand, and Chia Kungyen's explanation of t'ung on the other; in ch. the same is the case, with an additional explanation of the wrong word , as it also happens in the T'ai p'ing yü lan. In the translation , or , which is grammatically incomprehensible, has been dropped, so that it conforms to the reading of the Yüan shên ch'i (as it is quoted in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi).. Po 'Earl' means clear po . The Y. ed. wrongly has in stead of . The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says: Po means clear; it means clear with respect to his spiritual power . The same in the Tu tuan, l.c. Sun I-jang in his Cha i (10.la) suggests the reading 'chief' instead of in the Y. ed. or in Lu's, but Liu (72.1a) agrees with Lu.. tzŭ 'Viscount' means diligent tzŭ; [a tzŭ] is extremely diligent without end . The Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 13 . 3b) contain the passage . . . . , in Legge's translation (L. 464): "he who addresses himself earnestly to the practice of virtue . . . . he who addresses himself earnesty to the pursuit of gain". In the Shih chi (4.8b) we find the expression , which Chavannes (M.H. I. 227) translates as: "Courage! courage! N'ayons aucune mollesse!" (cf. also his note on the same page). I think that the trans- lation of in this context by 'diligent' is warranted. But tzŭ 'child' has an etymological connection with tzŭ 'to overflow', 'to increase', and tzŭ 'to copulate', 'to breed' (cf. Duyvendak in T'oung Pao, XXXVIII, 337). Therefore the definition in ch. XXIX, 193b (), of = child, though exactly the same as the definition of = Viscount, is to be translated as: "Tzŭ 'child' means tzŭ 'to engender'; to engender without end". So also in ch. IX, 78d (): "Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to engender"; although the context does not give any indication here as to what is really meant. The Tu tuan (l.c.) says: . "Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to overflow', [a tzŭ] has received his spiritual power by the favour of the King [by the grace] of Heaven". This meaning of 'overflow' should probably also be taken in the definition of the Yüan ming pao (l.c.), which seems to be a corrupt repetition of the passage in the Tu tuan: "A tzŭ [is one who] having received the favour [of the King can] display (i.e., make overflow) his spiritual power". The Ta tai li chi, ch. (13.5a, 5b), without further explanation, says: , but is here the second part of the compounds and .. Nan 'Baron' means to be equal to a task jên The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) reads: "A nan is one who is equal to the task of establishing an enterprise" . The Tu tuan (l.c.): "Nan means to be equal to a task; [a nan] establishes a meritorious enterprise by which to reform the people" .. A Viscount and a Baron The Y. text has . Lu suggests the reading instead. both [have territories of] fifty li [square]. There is [thus] variation and gradation [according to] merit and capacity.

c.Small [states] which are not fully [fifty li] are made sub-fiefs fu-yung. Sub-fiefs are added fu to a large state and presented [to the Son of Heaven] in its name . See ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264), where the text reads: "[Those states which] cannot [reach] fifty li, do not join in the audiences to the Son Heaven (in Mencius is written instead of , Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 10 .5b; L. 374), they are attached to the other Feudal Lords, and called fu-yung". Chêng Hsüan says in his Comm. on this passage (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a): "The fu-yung are, with respect to the affairs of their states, attached to larger states, and cannot be presented to the Son of Heaven in their [own] names" . K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. (o.c. 4a) elucidates: "they cannot present themselves [to the Son of Heaven]" . Finally Chao Ch'i in his Comm. on the passage in the Books of Mencius explains: "A small state cannot independently have an audience with the Son of Heaven, it follows the larger states in order to be presented in their names" ..

d.Why is it that for [a territory of] one hundred li there are the two ranks of Duke and Marquis, for [a territory of] seventy li there is [only] one rank, and for [a territory of] fifty li there are again two ranks? [The rank of] Duke is given as a token of respect to the descendants of the Kings of the two [previous Dynasties; the rank of] Marquis is a real rank [connected with a fief] of one hundred li The Y. ed. has after ; superfluous and dropped in the translation. Ho Hsiu says that, although kung 'Duke' is the highest of the five ranks, Dukes and Marquises are actually of the same standing; but the 'empty' title of kung is given to the descendants of the two previous Dynasties as a sign of honour (Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1, 1.13a).. It is proper that for the higher [ranks] there should be gradation; it is the same for the lower, so that for the middle [there need] not [be] two [ranks]. The reason for there being two ranks for [a territory of] fifty li, is to stimulate efforts and to pro- mote men; it is the same in the smaller states where the lesser dignities still have a distinction between high and low, [there,] likewise, [the reason is] to encourage men.

e.The Yin [Dynasty] had ranks in three grades, namely kung, hou, and po This is also Chêng Hsüan's opinion in his Comm. on the Li chi (chu shu, 11.3a).. Why were [the ranks of] tzŭ and nan united, and brought together under po? When the King, having received the mandate [of Heaven], abolished [the Principle of] Form and followed [the Principle of] Substance, he had no right to degrade the men without reason, and therefore [the ranks of tzŭ and nan] were moved upwards, and amalgamated into po It would seem that the Hsia, adherents of the Principle of Form, had a gradation of ranks in five. Such is K'ung Ying-ta's opinion (Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi chu shu, 11.6a), and that of Ch'ên, who takes the statement of the Wang chih concerning the five grades to refer to the institutions of the Hsia. Chêng Hsüan, however, says that the Yin followed the Hsia in having three ranks (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a). The same is said by the Han wên chia (see n. 16).. The Shang shu says: "[The Lords of] the hou, tien, jên, and wei [territories] were made po of [their] states" . The text of the present Shu ching, ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 13.22b) reads: . and are phonetically related (cf. Grammata Serica, nos. 667f and 649a), is synonymous with . The word has, acc. to Lu, deliberately been introduced to make the quotation a proof that the titles po, tzŭ, and nan were combined in po. Legge (L. 407) translates: "the princes of the States of the How, Teen, Nan and Wei, with their chiefs" apparently identifying as , which, acc. to Sun Hsing-yen, is inadmissible (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 16.59). The Po hu t'ang quotation is held to be from the New Text version of the Chiu kao. Of this chapter it is said that "when Liu Hsiang compared the Palace Old Text [of the Book of History] with the Classics of the three schools of Ou-yang, the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou, he found that that of the Chiu kao had one slip missing" (Ch'ien han shu, 30.8a). Ch'ên now, referring to a quotation from the Chiu kao in the Shang shu ta chuan: (2.28a; also entered in the Han shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu ta chuan chu, 87b), which does not occur in the present Book of History, and which presumably is from the missing slip (this suggestion was already made by Wang Ying-lin in his K'un hsüeh chi wên, 2.19a), suggests that the quotation in the Po hu t'ung might be an analogous case . However, his argumentation would only hold if the missing slip was from the Old Text version of the Chiu kao, not from the New Text version, and although the statement of the Han shu is not explicit on this point, it is not to be doubted that the slip was missing from the New Text version of Ou-yang, the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou. Wu Pi (Sung Dynasty) says in his Comm. on Yang Hsiung's Fa yen, where it is said that the Chiu kao was defective , that it was only the Old Text version which was complete (Yang tzŭ fa yen, 4.4a of the ed.). Both Chavannes (Journal Asiatique, Jan. Feb. 1905, p. 36) and Pelliot (Le Chou king en caractères anciens, p. 133) have made this c ear in their translations of the Han shu text; likewise Shên Ch'in-han, quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in his Sub-comm. on the incriminated passage of the Han shu, says that the statement of the missing slip refers to the New Text version. And on this very ground he criticizes Wang Ying-lin's explanation for the quotation occurring in the Shang shu ta chuan, which criticism thus applies to Ch'ên also. (If the latter had said that the missing slip of the New Text version could incidentally have contained the quotation in question with its different reading, then its improbability might not have been so great.) Liu (72.1a) takes a bold step. He suggests leaving out the words (which he thinks superfluous) and (which he thinks was interpolated) altogether; unfortunately his argumentation is too brief and unclear. Ch'ên now proceeds to another point. The passage in the Chiu kao, from which the quotation has been taken, contains a description of the Yin by King Ch'êng of Chou. But the names hou, tien, jên (nan), wei are names of the institutions of the Chou; they are part of those mentioned in the Chou li, ch. and (Chou li chl1 shu, 29.6a; 33.17b; B. II. 167; 276), where the ten domains are described (the King's + the nine domains of the Feudal Lords), into which the country is supposed to have been divided in Chou times (the Chou li, besides, belongs to the Old Text books which the adherents of the New Text School did not like to acknowledge as reliable). How is this curious co-incidence to be explained? Wang Ming-sheng in his Shang shu hou an offers two solutions: either Chou designations were used to denote the Yin institutions, or the Chou names had been derived from the Yin (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 419.9b). Ch'ên seems to favour the first explanation, taking over Wang's sound statement that the territory of the Yin was too small to have been divided into ten domains. Legge apparently inclines to the second, saying cautiously: "It would appear that an arrangement of the 'domains', akin to that which obtained under the Chow dynasty, had come, during the dynasty of Yin to supersede the older one introduced by Yu" (note on p. 407 of his Shu ching translation). We are left to mere speculation here, unless the oracle-bones can provide us with the names of the 'domains'. But what seems not to have occurred to Ch'ên and the other commentators is, that, putting aside the question of the origin of the names, the enumeration of hou, tien, jên,, wei would constitute, with the King's domain, the five domains into which the Chinese country was divided according to the views of the New Text School, and against the Chou li, a book of the Old Text, which gives an enumeration of nine domains, the King's excepted. As the names of the are generally given as , excluding the King's domain (see the iz'ŭ hai, .142), I am well aware of my divergence from current Chinese tradition. Read, however, the conflicting speculative theories on the subject in the Shang shu chin ku wên, chu shu 2.83-85. The enumeration of hou, tien, nan, wei is, besides, repeated in the same ch. Chiu kao a few pages later (Shang shu chu shu, 13.25b; L. 410); it again deals with the Yin. In the beginning of ch. , however, which describes the interest shown by the people in the building of the new Chou capital, the enumeration is hou, tien, nan, ts'ai , wei (Shang shu chu shu, 13.2a; L. 381), which, in an abbreviated form, is exactly the enumeration in the Chou li. To sum up: the quotation from the Chiu kao, as it is written in the Po hu t'ung, does not fit in the context of the Shu ching. Though the Classics are mostly so equivocal as to permit their passages being quoted to all sorts of ends, this particular quotation forms an integral part of a lengthy paragraph, and altered and interpreted as it is in the Po hu t'ung would disturb the context seriously. is thus decidedly an interpolation. However, Liu's suggesting the omission of and , so that the quotation would read: "The hou, tien, jên and wei states', would make the Po hu t'ung context unintelligible, while the omission of is unnecessary in order to make the Shu ching text comprehensible. Considering the fragmentary character of the Po hu t'ung, as we know it, and the defective form of the Y. ed., we may now draw the following inference: in all probability the quotation, in the reading of the present Shu ching, was originally meant as a proof for a passage which is now missing, something like: Under the Yin Dynasty the country was divided into five domains, comprising five thousand li square (cf. n. 7). When this passage was dropped, another had to be found to which the quotation could be made to refer, and the statement that under the Yin the ranks of po, tzŭ, and nan were combined in po proved to be most suitable. To render the proof more conclusive the word was then inserted into the quotation.; this was said of the Yin [Dynasty]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[The titles of] po, tzŭ, and nan were combined into one" . Kung yang chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.13b), where the text reads . The quotation in the Po hu t'ung corresponds with Ho Hsiu's Comm. except for the words and which are missing in the latter.. Some say: "They were combined and brought under tzŭ to honour the middle" . This opinion is held by Ho Hsiu. In his Comm. on the Kung-yang passage he says: "The uniting of the three [ranks] into tzŭ was instituted [proceeding] from the middle" . , [and prove it] from the Ch'un ch'iu, which mentions Hu of Chêng by his personal name. Hu was po of Chêng. Here was [a case of a Prince who became] ruler when the year [of the mourning-term for his father] had not yet expired, and who should have been called tzŭ 'Child', [but] not wishing to change [the title of] po into tzŭ, was mentioned by his personal name Cf. the Kung yang chuan, l.c. The rule was that when a Feudal Lord had died, his successor during the first year of mourning should call himself 'Child' followed by his personal name when the deceased had not yet been buried, and 'Child' without his personal name when the burial had taken place (see trsl., par. 10). Now Hu should have been called without a personal name, as his father had already been buried. This would, however, have caused some misunderstanding. According to Ho Hsiu, the Ch'un ch'iu, which followed the Principle of Substance as had done the Yin, had the three titles of po, tzŭ, and nan united into one, tzŭ , so that Hu, though originally a po, was also called tzŭ without any depreciatory meaning. But to call him tzŭ 'Child' would be insufficient for the purpose of humbling himself by omitting his title, which was also tzŭ, during the first year of mourning. To avoid the difficulty his personal name was used (cf. also the Kung yang i shu, 15.12a-13a). The Y. ed. has . Lu has changed into , which is followed in the translation. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) thinks the correction unnecessary, and interprets: the announcement of his father's death had been made by Hu in his capacity as po of Chêng; if he should be called tzŭ, it would be a change of the text of this announcement of death..

f.Why is it that the three gradations [in the size] of the states have not been changed, and only [the gradation of] ranks has been changed? Land compared with ranks is substantial, and therefore [its gradation] has not undergone a change . The Y. ed. has before this the superfluous words . The Yin had a gradation of domains in three, and also a gradation of ranks in three. The Chou had a gradation of domains in three, but a gradation of ranks in five. Under the Yin a kung had a territory of 100 li square, a hou of 70 li, and a po of 50 li (see the Comm. and Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi chu shu, 11.3b-5b). It need not be said that these statements lack historical evidence. Creel doubts the very existence of a feudal system with the Yin (The Birth of China, p. 135; Studies in Early Chinese Culture, pp. 54, 103); Franke, more cautious, does not altogether deny the possibility that the Shang (or Yin) Dynasty had some kind of feudalism (Zur Beurteilung des chinesischen Lehenswesens, p. 361). Chinese scholars, on the whole, though emphasizing the fundamental differences between the social organizations of the Yin and the Chou, seem tacitly to accept the existence of a feudal system under the Yin (e.g. Wang Kuo-wei in , ch. 10 of sect. of his Collected Writings).. The King changes the form of an institution, [but] not its substance Cf. what is said by Tung Chung-shu: "Anciently, the Kings changed the name of an institution, but they did not alter the substance of its nature" (in his Biography, Ch'ien han shu, 56.16a). See also ch. (XXVII, 180), and the Yen t'ieh lun, ch. (5.45)..

g.Why is it that with the House of Yin The Y. ed. omits the word . the kung were made to occupy [a territory of] one hundred li, and the hou [a territory of] seventy li [square]? The enfeoffing of the worthy was limited to [territories of] one hundred li. When [the institution was] changed . The Y. ed. has instead of , corrected by Lu., it would not be proper to set back the men in name [only, but it must be accompanied by a decrease in territory]. It [thus] expressed the idea of recompensing the worthy: there was the wish to reward and honour [the kung] by placing him above [the hou] The wording of the passage is strange. I have followed the interpretation of Ch'ên, who, however, declares himself puzzled (he assumes that the statement deals with the change from the institutions of the Hsia, which had ranks in five grades, into that of the Yin, which had ranks in three grades). Liu (72. 1b) offers the following solution, which sounds more probable: the passage refers to the institutions of the Chou, and is an explanation analogous to what has been said about the titles of po, tzŭ, and nan being amalgamated into po (see trsl., par. 2e). A passage to this effect was probably dropped and should be re-inserted, so that the whole would read: "Why is it that with the House of Yin the kung were made to occupy [a territory of] one hundred li, and the hoa [a territory of] seventy li [square, whereas with the Chou the kung and the hou had each a territory of one hundred li]? The enfeoffing of the worthy was limited to [territories of] one hundred li. When [the institution] was changed, it would not be proper to set back the men without reason. [That the hou now were enfeoffed with territories of one hundred li] expressed the idea of recompensing the worthy, and of the wish to reward and honour them by moving them upwards"..

h.How do we know that with the House of Yin [the territory of] a hou The Y. ed. has after hou the word , now dropped by Lu. did not exceed seventy li In the Y. ed. the sentence ends with . dropped in Lu's and Ch'ên's ed.? The answer is: the states . The Y. ed. wrongly has . were in three grades, [namely] one hundred, seventy, and fifty li. The territories which were half [the size of the larger estates] were twice [as many] in number . Lu suggests the reading , but the emendation seems unnecessary. Ch. Wang chih (Li chi chu shu, 11.9b; C. I. 268) tells us that (under the Yin) the country was divided into nine provinces chou , while each province contained 30 states of 100 li sq. (i.e. 10,000 sq. li), 60 states of 70 li sq. (i.e. 4,900 sq. li), and 120 states of 50 li sq. (i.e. 2,500 sq. li). Thus the last territories were, approximately, half the size of the second, but double the number, and the second were half the size of the first, but again double the number. The total size of the country would then be 8,046,000 sq. li which were divided into fiefs. The rest, containing mountains and marshes, was not given in fief.. [Therefore,] the institution of land [-tenure], in its organization, still retained a proportional relation between the size and number [of its territories] The text of the Y. ed. reads . Lu suggests the reading instead of , which reading is followed in the translation. The 'proof' does not strike us as very convincing..

 3. INTERIOR RANKS. (1.3a-4a; 1 .3b-4b; 1.10b-13a)

a.What is meant by kung, ch'ing, and ta-fu? They are designations of the interior ranks I.e. the ranks of the administrative officers within the King's domain and the domains of the Feudal Lords.. Why are they called kung Kung 'Ducal Minister' is here to be distinguished from kung 'Duke', the feudal rank., ch'ing, and ta-fu . Lu and Ch'ên write: . . . . "Why are the interior ranks called kung, ch'ing, and ta-fu"?? Chüeh 'rank' means chin 'to exhaust' . Chüeh originally means 'a cup for libations or feasts, sacrificial cup, the dignity (which entitles one to use such a cup)'. The same word with the radical for wine means 'to drain a goblet, to empty a cup' chiao (Analytic Dictionary, 1126; Gr. Ser., 1121h); it occurs in ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (chu shu, 2.27a: C. 1. 38) "When the elder has lifted but not yet emptied his cup, the younger dares not drink his". The idea of emptying, exhausting then seems to have been extended to chüeh 'cup, dignity', which thus is understood as meaning chin 'to exhaust'. Ch'ên suggests that the identification may have been prompted by the fact that chüeh and chin are alliterative . The ancient pronunciations, however, were respectively *tsiok and *dz'ĕin(Gr.Ser., 1121a and 381 a).. Each [of the three] exhausts his capacities [in a way] commensurate with his task. Kung 'Ducal Minister' means public-spirited, upright, without selfishness. Ch'ing 'Minister' means chang 'illustrious' . The last two words are missing in the Y. ed.; [a Minister] makes his abilities illustrious and his principles bril- liant . The Sub-comm. to ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2a) quotes the Po hu t'ung differently: "Ch'ing means hsiang 'towards', he is the one towards whom the people turn".. Ta-fu 'great officer' means ta-fu 'great aid': [a great officer] aids in the advancing of [capable] men (the last word is missing in the Y. ed.) . The Sub-comm. on the Wang chih (l.c.) has: "a great officer gives men a start, it means that he aids in giving men a start".. Therefore the Chuan says: "Those who advance the worthy and bring forward the able, are called ta-fu" (Lu and Ch'ên have erroneously before ). The Chuan is, acc. to Ch'ên, some Commentary on the Shu ching. The Shang shu ta chuan does not contain the quotation, but it occurs in ch. of the Shuo yüan (19.2b), where it is also introduced with the words . After this Lu and Ch'ên have , which, being irrelevant, is left out in the translation..

b.Shih 'common officer' means shih 'to serve' . The same is said by the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (10.2a).; it is the desig- nation of one who is in a position of service Acc. to Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.1a-b) the passage is a quotation from the Pien ming chi , a not preserved chapter of the collections of ritesbooks.. Therefore the Chuan says: "He who combines [the knowledge of] antiquity and the present time, who distinguishes between right and wrong, is called a shih" (left out in the Y. ed.) . The Shuo yüan (l.c.) gives the same quotation, with the omission of and a reversal of the order of words.. How do we know that shih 'common officer' is not a rank . In the Y. ed. this sentence has been displaced. Restored by Lu.? The Li says: "At forty [a man is] in his vigour, and he becomes a shih" . Ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 9) says: "At forty a man is said to be in his vigour, and he is employed as a common officer".. It does not speak of obtaining the rank of shih. When [a man] has reached [the age of] fifty, he receives the rank of great officer . In the Y. ed. the sentence wrongly ends with . Cf. ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604), where we read: 'Anciently [a man did] not obtain his rank [as great officer] before his fiftieth year'. As the Li chi text then proceeds with a sentence beginning with , probably the Y. ed. of the Po hu t'ung in its meaningless insertion of this word has been misled by it. After this comes, in the Y. ed., the sentence which has been transferred to supra (see n. 65)..

c.How do we know that ch'ing 'Minister' is a rank? From [the fact that] ta-fu [is a rank], we know that ch'ing is a rank likewise. How do we know that kung 'Ducal Minister' is a rank? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The Feudal Lords have four rows of dancers, the Ducal Ministers have six" Kung yang chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3.4b), where the text reads: "The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers, the Ducal Ministers have six, the Feudal Lords four".. [Feudal Lord and Ducal Minister are] mentioned together, from which we know that kung 'Ducal Minister' is a rank The Y. ed. has , so have Lu and Ch'ên. is better dropped..

d.Why are the interior ranks in three grades? They, also, are modelled on the Three Luminary Bodies. Why are they not changed [according to the Principles of] Substance and Form? The internal [administration] constitutes the basis [of the state's organization], therefore the interior [ranks] are not changed.

e.The Feudal Lords have no [dignitaries with the] rank of Ducal Minister, because their position is beneath that of the Son of Heaven. Therefore, when the Wang chih says: "Great officers of the higher rank, great officers of the lower rank; common officers of the first rank, common officers of the second rank, common officers of the third rank; in all five grades" . The text of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263) has: etc. Acc. to Chêng Hsüan's Comm. the 'great officer of the higher rank' is the same as (what is called) , which statement leads Ch'ên to suppose that the Li chi text, as it was known in the time of Chêng Hsüan (127-200), did not contain the word . Chiang Jung (1681- 1762) says in his (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 270.3b) that the and the were together called in the Ch'un ch'iu; when a distinction had to be made the was called 'great officer of the higher rank', and the was called 'great officer of the lower rank'. It is to be observed that in this passage the is listed as one of the five ranks, contrary to what has been said above under b. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta it was under the Chou that the began to be considered as a rank (Li chi chu shu, 11.2b)., it refers to the officers of the Feudal Lord The Son of Heaven had for his administration the 'Ducal Ministers', the 'Ministers', the 'great officers', and the 'common officers' (Li chi chu shu, 11.2b-3a). See also n. 78..

f.Why is it that only with the great officers [is a distinction made between] higher and lower, whereas with the common officers [a distinction is made between] first, second, and third ranks The second part of the question , omitted in the Y. ed., is supplied by Lu.? It indicates that the lower [officers] are more numerous.

g.All the ranks [are indicated by] one word; why does ta-fu alone consist of two words? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "A great officer has no business to act of his own accord" . Kung yang chuan, Hsi 30 (Kung yang chu shu, 12. 24b). In the Sub-comm. the statement is explained as "he has no right to act of his own accord". In Kung yang chuan, Hsiang 12, the same expression occurs (Kung yang chu shu, 20.2b), and is explained in the Sub-comm. as "sui is the expression for an act of one's own volition". In the Tso chuan seems to denote 'the going on from the accomplishment of one thing to another not originally contemplated' (Legge's transl. of the Tso chuan, 455, note to par. 1 and 2).; it considers the ta-fu's task to consist in going to the four quarters and in trans- mitting to the people the rules he has received from his Lord. Therefore he is the only [officer whose rank is] indicated by two words . The Y. ed. has in stead of .. Another opinion says: Ta-fu is the lowest rank. [The great officer is] called ta-fu, because he receives [his orders] from those above him to transmit them to those below. In both [explanations the word] ta 'great' is naturally attached [to the title] (the Y. ed. writes ). or is to be taken in the meaning of 'to put on, to attach, to assume' (cf. infra, n. 85)..

h.Why is it that only the common officers of the Son of Heaven are called Yüan-shih .? The shih 'common officer' has a lowly [position], and he cannot have the dignity of being a representative of his Lord. Therefore [with the common officers of the Son of Heaven the word] Yüan is added to distinguish them from the common officers of the Feudal Lords. When the Li ching says: "When a common officer pays a visit to a great officer. . ." Ch. of the I li (chu shu, 3.6 a; C. 61), where the text has ., the common officer of the Feudal Lord [is meant]. The Wang chih says: "The King has eighty-one Yüan-shih 'common officers' " Li chi chu shu, 11.20a; C. I. 271. The Li chi text reads: "The Son of Heaven has three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, twenty-seven great officers, and eighty-one yüan-shih". Acc. to Chêng Hsüan it represents an institution of the Hsia Dynasty. At another place is explained by Chêng Hsüan as 'excellent' (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a; in this sense cf. the expression = the people, see Tz'ŭ hai, .284); he says that yüan-shih means ming-shih 'an officer who has received a certificate'. The word means 'a document issued by the King to mark the ranks of his officers' (Chou li chu shu, 17.5b). Under the Chou the common officers of the Son of Heaven were of three ranks (the same as with the Feudal Lords, see supra under e): the common officer of the first rank had three certificates, that of the second rank two, that of the third rank one; the 'Minister' had six certificates, the 'great officer' four (Chou li chu shu, 1.5b: B. I. 3). Biot translates ming by 'brevet' (l.c. and B. II. 1). It seems, however, more likely, that should be taken in the meaning of 'chief', cf. 'first son', infra n. 87. Duyvendak takes to be a ritual word for , occurring as a formative element e.g. in the character (T'oung Pao, XXXV, 1939,374)..

 4. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE DESIGNATIONS OF THE RANKS OF THE SON OF HEAVEN AND OF THE FEUDAL LORDS. (1.4b; 1 .4b; 1.13a)

The title of Son of Heaven is designated by a combination of [the two] words t'ien and tzŭ .; why is not the title of Feudal Lord [likewise] designated by a combination of [the two] words wang and hou .? If , supposed by Ch'ên to be an error, is taken by Liu (72.2a) in the meaning of 'if' (cf. also the Tz'ŭ hai, .493, which gives a quotation from the Tso chuan in this meaning). seems likewise to be used in the same sense, see n. 94.wang-hou were used [the Feudal Lord would have] the same designation as the King . Lu suggests reading as . By the same designation is meant that the Feudal Lord would then have the word wang 'King' in their title.. And with a weak and feeble [King] he would [thus be tempted to] commit a crime and cherish [thoughts of] usurpation and regicide Then follows in the text: , which, acc. to Lu and Ch'ên, is faulty and incomprehensible, and is here left untranslated. Liu (l.c.) does not agree. He thinks that there are some missing words in the beginning, and interprets the whole passage as follows: "If the title t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou were used, the names [t'ien and hou] would be sufficiently separated from each other, which would not be the case with the title wang-hou. Therefore one may speak of t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou, but not of wang-hou". Even then, however, the untranslated sentence, declared by Liu to be correct, remains unintelligible.. Another opinion says: wang 'King' is a title [conferred] by Heaven, and the King cannot [give the title of] wang . The Y. ed. has . to the Feudal Lords. Therefore wang-hou is not used. [The title of] Feudal Lord is an affair of men, and is given by [the King] himself. Therefore [the word wang is] not attached [to the word hou] (in the Y. ed. written ) (ibid.) . Lu suggests adding after the last . The meaning is not very clear. For cf. supra, n. 75..

 5. THE KING'S HEIR IS CALLED SHIH. (1.4b; 1 .5a; 1.13b)

Why is the King's Heir also called shih 'common officer'? It expresses [the idea] that [everyone] rises from below, considering that no man is born noble, and everybody begins with being a common officer. Thus [though] Shun came in [the course of] time to be called Son of Heaven, he had first to be tried as a common officer For the account of Shun's trials see the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.24a-b; L. 26) and the Shih chi (1.14a-b; M.H. I. 52 ff).. The Li shih kuan ching says: "The first son of the Son of Heaven is a common officer" Ch. of the I li (chu shu, 1.48a; C. 24). The quotation is from the 'Notes' , and it reads in full: "The son of the Son of Heaven is like any common officer; in all under Heaven there is none who is born noble". Ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605) contains the same passage, but without ..

 6.THE WIFE HAS NO RANK. (1.4b-5a; 1 .5a; 1.13b-14a)

a.Why has the wife no rank? The yin is lowly, and [the woman being yin] has no business outside [her home]. For this reason it is her duty to follow, in three cases, [namely:] when she is not yet married she follows her father, when she is married she follows her husband, and when her husband has died she follows her son Cf. ch. of the I li (chu shu, 11.36b; C. 400), and ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.22a; C. I. 608).. So if the husband attains honour at court, the wife attains glory at home: she follows in the wake of her husband The T'ung tien (104.549), quoting the Wu ching t'ung i (Ch'ên writes Wu ching i i), says: "The wife's duty is to follow and to conform; the husband attains honour at court, the wife attains honour at home, therefore she is fav oured by receiving her husband's posthumous title".. Therefore the Li chiao t'ê shêng says: "The wife has no rank, she takes her seat according to the position that belongs to her hus- band" Li chi chu shu, 26.22a; C. I. 610..

b.The Li says: "When one has no rank during one's life, one does not receive a title after one's death" Ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605), and ch. , 'Notes' of the I li (chu shu, 1.48b; C. 24).. [But] the Ch'un ch'iu mentions the spouses fu-jên as all having posthumous titles; how do we know that fu-jên is not a rank? . In the Y. ed. the sentence begins with . Corrected by Lu. The Lun yü says: "The wife of the Lord of a state is called 'fu-jên' by the Lord; the people of the state call her 'the Lord's fu-jên' " Quoted in an abbreviated form from ch. (Lun yû chu shu, 16.12a; L. 316).. If . Cf. n. 81. [fu-jên] were a rank, there would be no difference between her designation by the Lord and that by the people of the state.

 7. THE COMMON MAN IS CALLED P'I-FU. (1.5a; 1 .5b; 1.14a-b)

The common man is called p'i-fu; p'i means ou 'mate' .; he is a mate to his wife. [Thus is expressed] the idea of the mu- tual completion of the yin and the yang. One [common] man and one [common] woman [should together] form one household. It means that the Lord of men ought not to allow a man and a woman to delay [getting married, and to remain] without a mate. There- fore the Lun yü speaks of "[the fidelity between] a common man and a common woman" ]. Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Hsing Ping's Comm. explains that the common man has no concubines, but only knows the mutual fidelity between himself and his wife..

 8. RANKS ARE CONFERRED AT COURT, FEUDAL LORDS ARE ENFEOFFED IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE. (1.5a-b; 1 .5b; 1.14b-15a)

a.Men have conferred upon them their [administrative] ranks at court, to express the idea that they are not employed by one man privately [,but that they are given their charges] with the parti- cipation of the multitude.

b.The Feudal Lords are enfeoffed in the ancestral temple, to show that [the King] does not act of his own accord. It means that the laws and ordinances are all institutions of the ancestors, and that for every act performed announcement must be made to them. The Wang chih says: "Ranks are conferred at court, with the participation of the multitude" Li chi chu shu, 11.29b; C. I. 274, where the text has 'the common officers', instead of 'the multitude'. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. says that it refers to the custom of the Yin. Under the Chou the Son of Heaven conferred the ranks by himself in the ancestral temple, cf. the quotations from the Shih and the Chi t'ung infra. This quotation from the Wang chih should be placed under a, supra.. The Shih says: "The King appointed the minister Nan-chung [to be general] before the first ancestor [in the ancestral temple]" Ode 263: (Mao shih chu shu, 25.91b; L. 555; K. 17.85; 18.135). See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 459-460.. The Li chi t'ung says: "Anciently, when the enlightened ruler conferred ranks upon the virtuous, it always took place before the first ancestor. The ruler descended, and stood south of the eastern steps, with his face to the south The Y. ed. wrongly has in stead of ., while those who were to receive their appointments faced north. The recorder . The Y. ed. has . was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets [on which the appointments were written], from which he read" Li chi chu shu, 19.14b; C. II. 337; L. II. 247. The Li chi text reads in full: "Anciently, when the enlightened ruler conferred ranks upon the virtuous or emoluments upon the meritorious, the conferring had always to take place in the ancestral temple, to show that he dared not act of his own accord. Therefore on the day of the sacrifice, after the first presenting [of the cup to the representative of the ancestor], the ruler descended and stood south of the eastern steps, with his face to the south, while those who were to receive their appointments faced north. The recorder was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets [on which the appointments were written], from which he read. [The appointed] prostrated himself twice, knocking his head against the ground. He received the writing, and returned [to his home], where he presented it in his ancestral temple. Such was the bestowing of ranks and rewards"..

 9. THE POSTHUMOUS CONFERRING OF RANKS. (1.5b-6a; 1 .6a; 1.15a-16a)

A great officer, who has accomplished meritorious deeds, but dies without having been enfeoffed, does not posthumously re- ceive a rank, because he is not yet considered to have sworn alle- giance to his ruler , literally "he is not yet considered to have been the thighs and arms of his ruler". The opposite of kukung = 'subject' is yüan-shou = 'ruler'. Lu suggests the reading "because in his life he has never received distinctions, so after his death he cannot claim them either". For the meaning of as 'distinctions, symbols or emblems on the clothes', see Kung yang chu shu, 6.6b.. The Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan says: "To bestow posthumous [distinctions] is not according to the rites" . The quotation, in this form, does not occur in the Ku liang chuan. There is, however, an entry in the Ch'un ch'iu, Chuang 1, which reads: "The King sent Shu of Jung [to Lu] to confer on Duke Huan [certain] symbols of his favour" (Legge's transl. L. 72). The Ku liang chuan, (Ku liang chu shu, 5.5a-b) observes, with respect to this passage, that not only the conferring of distinctions should take place in the King's court, but that the posthumous bestowing of them is against all rites. "If one had distinctions during one's life, it is according to the rites that at one's death [appropriate honours] are given to one; if one had no distinctions during one's life, it is extremely improper to bestow them posthumously" (cf. aslo the Ku liang pu chu, 5.7b-8a). The Kung yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 6.7a-b) says: "Why is Duke Huan mentioned [by his posthumous name]? Because he had been posthumously granted distinctions". Ho Hsiu's Comm. then explains: "the use of the posthumous name indicates that distinctions have been given to the deceased. According to the rites, when one had good conduct in life, one receives a beautiful cognomen after one's death. [But] it is not proper to add more distinctions [to that]".. The Wang chih says: "The funeral [rites] accord with the [rank of the] dead, the sacrifices accord with the [rank of the] living" Li chi chu shu, 12.12a; C. I. 287, where 'mourning [-rites]' is written in stead of 'funeral [rites]'.. Thus the son practises his filial duty even after the death [of his parent], continuing his care for him. Why is it that the funeral [rites] accord with [the rank of] the dead? The son has no right to give a rank to his father. The Li chung yung chi says: "If the father is a great officer and the son a common officer, the funeral [rites] are those due to a great officer, while the sacrifices are those due to a common officer. If the son is a great officer and the father a common officer, the sacrifices are those due to a great officer, while the funeral [rites] are those due to a common officer" Ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 52.16b; C. II. 445). The second part of the quotation differs from the Li chi text, where the order of words is reversed..

 10. THE INHERITANCE OF THE FEUDAL RANK. (1.6a-7a; 1 .6a-7b; 1.16b-21a)

a.Why is it that, when the father is still alive, [the Heir of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord] is called shih-tzŭ 'Generation- [continuing] son'? The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 10.22a) explains as 'a son who continues the generation'. Cf. infra, n. 117. Ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 32.13b; C. I. 749) contains the expression , which is said by Chêng Hsüan to apply to the son of the principal wife of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord. Legge (p. 144, note, of his Ch'un ch'iu translation) wishes to distinguish between and in the translation, and offers the term 'heir-son' for the first. It is to attach him to [his father,] the ruler.

b.When the father has died, [the son] calls himself 'the Child So-and-so', because [he is still] in the presence of the corpse in the coffin, [before which] he humbles himself I.e. he calls himself 'Chiid' plus his personal name, as if he, as a subject, were still in the presence of the ruler. Cf. Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13b).. When [the father has been] buried, [the son] calls himself 'Child' The Y. ed. wrongly has 'Little Child', which is reserved for the Son of Heaven in similar circumstances. See ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 4.24a; C. I. 86).; he then grad- ually assumes [his position of] honour. When the year [in which his father has died] is past, he is called kung 'Duke' [by his sub- jects] But he keeps calling himself 'Child' during the three years of mourning (Kung yang i shu, 26.17b)., because in response to the wish of his people there should not be a single day without a ruler . The statement occurs also in Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22b), where is written instead of .. According to the principle of succession there could not be two rulers in one [and the same]year . Ibid. The Kung yang text omits . For in the meaning of 'succession' see M.H. II. 128, n. 5.. Therefore [only] after the year [of his father's death] has expired should he ascend the throne, that he may bind the hearts of his people and subjects. And only after three years The Y. ed. omits . Supplied by Lu. does he receive [his official] dignity, because his feelings, as a filial son, would not [till then] have been able to bear [the thought of] rest and happiness . The Kung yang chuan (l.c.) has "Giving way to his feelings as a filial son for three years he cannot bear [the thought of] occupying [his father's seat]". The rules described in this paragraph are those expounded by the Kung yang chuan (see Chuang 32, Kung yang chu shu, 9. 13b-14a). The Tso chuan seems to give a different rule: before the burial the son calls himself 'Child', after the burial he calls himself by his rank without waiting for the termination of the year of death (Kung yang i shu, 26.17a).. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu [records]: "Duke Hsi of Lu, in the thirty-third year [of his reign], on [the day] i-ssŭ of the twelfth month, died in the small chamber" . The Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13a) says that the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords all have three chambers in their palaces: 1. the kao-ch'in , in which the Lord dwells; 2. the lu-ch'in , the dwelling for the son; 3. the hsiao-ch'in , where the wife and her daughters live. For an architectural description of the ch'in see a study by Wang Kuo-wei, translated by Jonny Hefter in Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, 1931, 79 ff.; [further:] "in the first year of Duke Wên, in spring, the King's first month, the Duke ascended the [ducal] throne"; [finally:] "in the fourth month, on [the day] ting-ssŭ, we buried our Lord, Duke Hs!" Duke Wên's accession to the throne took place before the burial of his predecessor. Nevertheless, after the year of death had expired, he was allowed to inaugurate his own reign with the necessary rites. The Ch'un ch'iu enters the event with the words 'he ascended the throne', because the suc- cession was normal, Duke Hsi, Wên's predecessor, having died a natural death (see Kung yang i shu, 38.1a ff; Ku Hang chu shu, l0.la). The quotation seems to have no clear bearing upon the preceding paragraph.. The Han shih nei chuan says: "The Generation-son of a Feudal Lord, after the end of his three years' mourning, goes [to the King's court] to receive his rank [the emblems of which have been returned at his father's death] and be invested by the Son of Heaven" , a work long lost. With the Han shih wai chuan, which still exists, it formed an 'inner' and an 'outer' Commentary on the Book of Poetry. Both are attributed to Han Ying (2d cent. B.C.)..

c.Why is he called Generation-son? It expresses the wish that [his line] may not be severed for generations . The Comm. on the Wên hsüan (21.3b), quoting the Han shih nei chuan, says: "Why is he [called] shih- tzŭ? It means that [his line] will not be severed for generations". This sentence had better follow that under a, supra..

d.How do we know that the son of the Son of Heaven is also called Generation-son? The Ch'un chiu chuan says: "The Duke [of Lu and some other Feudal Lords] had a meeting with the [King's] Generation-son at Shou-chih" An entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Hsi 5, not of any of the three Commentaries. Instead of Shou-chih , which is the reading in the Tso chuan, the Kung yang chuan and the Ku Hang chuan have Shou-tai ..

e.Another opinion is: the son of the Son of Heaven is called t'ai- tzŭ 'Eldest Son'. The Shang shu says: "The 'Eldest Son' Fa as- cended into the boat" . It does not occur in the Present Shu ching, as it is edited in the Shih san ching chu shu, but it appears in the New Text version of ch. , edited by Sun Hsing-yen (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 10.100; Cf. the Appendix to the Great Declaration, p. 238 of Legge's Shu ching translation). The Shih chi (4.8a; M.H. I. 226) also contains the passage, and it is quoted by the I wên lei chü (16.la) as originating from the Shang shu. The Tai p'ing yü lan (146.1b) gives it as a quotation from the Shang shu ta chuan, but in quoting the Po hu t'ung (147.4a) it gives the same passage as coming from the Shang shu. Lu and Ch'ên have . The text reads in full: (Shih chi: ) (Shih chi: ) (Shih chi: ; I.w.l.ch. and T.p.y.l. without ) (Shih chi: ) (not in Shih chi; I.w.l. ch. and T.p.y.l.: (Shih chi: ) (not in Shih chi) "The Eldest son Fa ascended into the boat; in the middle of the stream a white fish leapt into the boat. The King knelt and took it; [then] he went on the bank [of the river] to burn it [as a sacrifice]. All the Dukes said: It is auspicious". Fa was the personal name of King Wu. The Shih chi (4.7b) says that "King Wu called himself the 'Eldest Son' Fa, which means that he had received the order of King Wên to attack fa , but that he did not dare to act on his own authority" (cf. Chavannes' translation in M.H. I. 224).. The Chung hou says: "[King Wên] put aside [his eldest son Po-i] K'ao, and set up Fa as t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son"'. This shows that in the time of King Wên [the Heir] was called tai-tzŭ . The whole sentence is missing in the Y. ed. Supplied by Lu, from the T'ai p'ing yü lan (147.4a). Po-i K'ao is mentioned in ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 6.1b; C. I. 108): "Anciently, King Wên put aside Po-i K'ao, and set up King Wu". After the quotation from the Shang shu, discussed in the previous note, the Y. ed. contains the following passage: "Some say: [The son of] a Feudal Lord is called 'Generation-son' , but the Commentary [on the Ch'un ch'iu] speaks of the t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son' Shên-shêng of Chin, the t'ai-tzŭ Hua of Chêng, and the t'ai-tzŭ Kuang of Ch'i. Considering these [cases it would appear that] under the Chou there were not yet fixed rules [with respect to the use] of t'aitzŭ 'Eldest Son' or 'Generation-son'. According to the rules [current] under the Han the Son of Heaven was called huang-ti 'August Emperor', the Heir by his principal wife was called huang fai-tzŭ 'August Eldest Son', [the Heir by] the principal wife of a Feudal King was called 'Generationson'. The subsequent Dynasties all followed this [use]". The occurrence at three places of instead of has given occasion to Lu to doubt the genuineness of the passage. is the character used in the T'ang for the tabooed word , which appears in the personal name of T'ai-tsung: Li Shih-min (cf. Ch'ên Yüan in Yen ching hsüeh pao, 1928, 635). The Ch'u hsüeh chi by Hsü Chien (659-729) contains, with slight differences in the wording, the whole statement which in the translation is brought under d and e (without the quotation from the Chung hou, which is also missing in the Y. ed.). Lu now thinks that the passage with is from the hand of Hsü Chien (in the present ed. of 1746 of the Ch'u hsüeh chi (10.13a-b), as well as in the ed. of 1807 of the T'ai p'ing yü lan (147.4a) which also includes the quotation, has already been corrected into ). It is curious that the T'ung tien by Tu Yu (735-812; the microfilmed ed. as well as the movable type ed. of the Commercial Press, 93.503), which contains, with many errors, the whole of paragraph 10, while consistently writing instead of , omits our crucial passage. We may safely say that by its 'informative' character it must indeed be a later interpolation..

f.Why is it that the Generation-son [of a Feudal Lord], after the end of his three years' mourning, must . Lu, following the T'ung tien, suggests dropping it. go [to court] to receive [again] his rank and be invested by the Son of Heaven? It means that [the bestowal of] rank and land . Lu suggests dropping . belongs to [the prerogatives of] the Son of Heaven . The Y. ed. has . Lu's emendation., and that a subject has no right to take a rank upon himself. When a youth [who is not yet capped] is to receive his father's . Lu suggests dropping it. rank and be invested, [the Son of Heaven] sends a great officer to his state to invest him [therewith]. It means that the King need not observe the rites towards a youth. The Ch'un ch'iu relates that Duke Ch'êng of Lu in his youth had a meeting with the Feudal Lords, [but the Marquis of Chin] did not see him The Y. ed. has instead of . Lu, correcting the error, writes ! Probably the confusion is caused by the explanation in the Kung yang chuan (see next note): "Why did he not see the Duke? The Duke was not asked for an audience". Cf. the congestion of in the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch. (16.12b): "By a sacrifice one will see the unseen; he who sees by seeing the unseen will understand Heaven's destiny and the spirits".. The Classic [,however,] does not re- gard it as [bringing] shame on Lu. It indicates that towards a youth the rites need not be observed See the Ch'un ch'iu, Ch'êng 16. The argumentation is from the Kung yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 18.12b). In the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 4 (chu shu, 26.8a; L. 354) it is related that the Duke of Lu went to Chin , and was disrespectfully treated, whereupon he contemplated an alliance with Ch'u , and was only stopped in his intentions by the remonstrations of his Minister. Lu, referring to this story, thinks that Duke Ch'êng in his sixteenth regnal year could no longer be young, so that Kung-yang's opinion is not to be trusted. (Legge, p. 337 of his Ch'un ch'iu translation says that Ch'êng was about seventeen years old when he came to the throne). Ch'ên, on the other hand, sides with the Kung yang chuan, saying that according to the Tso chuan, Hsiang 9 (Tso chuan chu shu, 30.37b; L. 441) the ruler of a state may have a child in his fifteenth year, and should be capped before the child is born, so that he may marry in his four- teenth or fifteenth year; Duke Ch'êng was only betrothed in his fourteenth regnal year, so he must have been one or two years old at his accession, and sixteen or seventeen when the incriminated meeting took place in his sixteenth regnal year, so that he may be said to be in his youth. Ch'ên reproaches Lu for bringing forward the unreliable Tso chuan for disputing the Kung yang chuan, while he uses the same source for his own purpose!. When the Generation-son of a Feudal Lord goes . Liu (72.2a) wants to change into ; the sentence would then read: When the Generation-son has not yet received his rank and [has not yet been] invested. . . . [to court] to receive his rank and be invested, why does he wear the dress of a common officer? [He does so] out of modesty, not daring [in anticipation] to assume [his rank] by himself. Thus the Shih says: "Red are his dyed leather kneecovers" . Ode 213: (Mao shih chu shu, 21.22a). Legge and Waley translate mei-chia by 'madder-dyed knee covers' and 'madder kneecaps' respectively (L. 382; Wa. 195), following Mao's and Chêng Hsüan's interpretation of meaning 'madder-dye' . Chêng Hsüan even regards mao-sou 'madder' and mei-chia as homophonous, hence his identification. Ch'ên Huan, however, thinks that Mao's original Commentary has been tampered with, and contaminated with Chêng Hsüan's later explanations. He believes simply to mean 'dyed leather' (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.37). Karlgren (K. 16.249) translates: "the knee-covers of dyed leather are red". In stead of Shih ching writes . Chêng Hsüan, as well as the Po hu t'ung, takes these knee-covers to form part of the common officer's apparel which is worn by the Heir of a Feudal Lord, when he goes to court to receive his dignity after his three years of mourning. Ch'èn Huan (I.c.) points to the same statement by the Han shih net chuan (see supra, under b), and supposes that the interpretation of the Shih ching quotation is that of the School of Han .; this was said of the Generation-son [of a Feudal Lord] setting out on his way [to the King's court].

 11. THE SON OF HEAVEN BEGINS HIS OWN CHRONOLOGY AT HIS ACCESSION. (1.7a-8b; 1 .7b-9b; 1.21b-26a)

a.That, after the Greater Dressing ta-lien. The corpse was first subjected to the Smaller Dressing hsiao-lien; after a few days, varying according to the rank of the deceased, it received the Greater Dressing, and was then placed in the coffin. Cf. Couvreur's note in his translation of the Li chi (C.I. 151). of the [deceased] Son of Heaven, [his Heir] is called King, indicates that his people and subjects . The Y. ed. has instead. Lu's emendation. cannot be without a ruler [even] for one day. Therefore the Shang shu says: "The King was dressed in a hempen cap and a variously adorned skirt" Ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 17.29b; L. 557).; this was after [the event of] the Greater The Y. ed. omits the word . Dressing Namely on the day kuei-yu. The death occurred on the day i-ch'ou. The rites required the encoffining (and therewith the Greater Dressing) to take place seven days after the death, the day of death not included (with those below the rank of great officer the day of death was included in the reckoning), in this case on the day jên-shên. The day kuei-yu was the day after the Greater Dressing; the Heir, as new King, in his 'auspicious clothes' (, see K'ung Ying-ta's in Shang shu chu shu, 17.24b), then assumed the succession, and for the first time received the obeisance of his subjects (cf. the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 23.23).. How do we know that it is not [imme- diately] after the death that [the title of] King is given [to the Heir]? . The Y. ed. has for the word . Lu's emendation, which is also adopted by Ch'ên. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) wishes to retain the original reading ( instead of ), and sees the passage as two sentences: "How do we know that he is King? Because after the death [of the former King the title of] King is added [to the name of the Heir]". He apparently takes it to refer to the preceding statement, though according to him there should be a distinction between 'after death' and 'after the Greater Dressing'. The connection with the following statement would then not be clear, however. Lu's emendation seems to be warranted, even if he himself declares his dissatisfaction with it. Because [the Shang shu] previously speaks of "meeting the Child Ch'ao", and not of "meeting the [new] King" . Ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 17.20b; L. 549). Legge translates by 'prince', which does not adequately express its meaning. Immediately after the death of the King the Heir was brought to take his position as chief mourner. He was then called, according to the rule, 'Child' with his personal name. The Y. ed. writes in stead of .. Why is it that as soon as the [deceased] King has been encoffined, [his Heir] assumes the position of continuing the body [politic] . The Kung yang chuan, Chuang 4, contains the statement: . . . . "The ruler of a state regards the state as his body . . . . so state and ruler are one body" (Kung yang chu shu, 6.14b). Cf. Milton's: The king is a body politick, for that a body politique never dieth (quoted by the Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. Body).? Because, in response to the wish of his people and subjects, they should not be without a ruler [even] for one day. Therefore, no sooner is the former ruler invisible than the succeeding ruler con- tinues the body [politic]. The Shang shu says: "The [new] King twice bowed low, and then arose and replied . . .; he thereupon received the [royal] seal" . . . . Ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 17.32a; L. 559). The Shu ching text has in stead of , and instead of . Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu Is'ung lu, 16.15a) and Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.15) both say that and are used indiscriminately. Lu, first having followed the Shu ching reading of in his text, appears to prefer the Y. ed. reading of without in his . Ch'ên, wishing to retain , adds and takes the expression to refer to two separate things. Liu (72.2a) is of the opinion that should be dropped. is used by the New Text School, in the sense of 'double seal' (for mi 'seal', which was first the general name for all sorts of seals, but was used to denote the Imperial Seal exclusively after Ch'in Shih huang-ti, cf. the interesting remarks in M.H. II. 108. n. 5). The Old Text School uses , and either takes it to mean 'wine-cup' (Chêng Hsüan), or interprets as referring to one object, namely the King's tally which covers mao the tokens of investiture of the Feudal Lords, the King's spiritual power thus covering all under Heaven, making of it one great whole ta-t'ung (Ma Jung). See the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 25.31-32. The event recorded in the quotation took place after the Greater Dressing, when the deceased had been encoffined. The new King replied to the announcement of his predecessor's testamentary charge in self-depreciatory terms, and accepted the responsibility for government. He thus assumed the task of continuing the rule over the body politic as soon as the former ruler, alive or dead, was no longer to be seen.; this signifies that he had become the ruler who continued the body [politic].

b.According to the principle of succession . The Y. ed. wrongly has . See supra n. 111. there could not be two rulers in one [and the same] year. Therefore the Shang shu says: "The King put off his cap, and resumed his mourning-dress" (Shang shu chu shu, 18.6a; L. 568). The Y. ed., following the New Text reading, omits . The new King assumed his mourning-dress again, as soon as the ceremony of his acceptance of continuing the rule of the body politic had ended with his address to the Nobles and Ministers. Chêng Hsüan adds that the latter also put on again their mourning-garments, according to the rule that Ministers should wear mourning for their ruler, and Feudal Lords for the Son of Heaven (quoted in K'ung Ying- ta's Sub-comm. on the passage).. He had donned his auspicious cap and garments . The Y ed. omits . Supplied by Lu, foll, the T'ung tien., he had re- ceived the seal, and he had been called King so that [in that capac- ity] he could receive the Feudal Lords [in audience]. It means that he had become ruler by [having accepted] the continuance of the body [politic. Then] he put off his [auspicious] cap [and gar- ments], he had the seal stored away, and resumed the mourning [-dress]. This means that he had not yet been called King to govern [state-] affairs.

c.It is not proper that there should be no ruler for one whole year . The Y. ed. omits . The statement also occurs in Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22b).. And so, when the year [of the ruler's death] has expired, [his successor] ascends the throne, and begins his own chrono- logy kai-Yüan literally 'to change the beginning [year]', i.e. he does not con- tinue the counting of the years of the former ruler, but starts with the first year yüan-nien of his own rule.. Yüan is used to name the year [of accession . The Y. ed. has , corrected by Lu.; the use of] nien 'year' [implies,that the] affairs [that have taken place] have been chronicled . The Kung yang chuan, Yin 1, explains yüan-nien by 'the first year of the Lord ['s reign]' (Kung yang chu shu, 1.1b). Ho Hsiu gives a mystical explanation of the word , identifying it with 'the first essence' ch'i , which, starting from the shapeless, divided itself after assuming shape, and is the beginning of Heaven and Earth. Cf. also Legge's note on page 4 of his translation of the Tso chuan.. The ruler has by now taken the government of affairs into his hands The Y. ed. has . Lu corrects: . Liu (72.2a) reads: , followed in the translation., though he does not yet promulgate orders [himself]. How do we know that after the elapse of the year [in which the King died, his Heir] ascends the throne and begins his own chronology , according to Lu's reading. The Y. ed. has instead of , and instead of .? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[From the fact that] the Feudal Lords ascend the throne after the year [of death] is past, we know that it is also the case with the Son of Heaven"147 Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22a).. And the Ch'un ch'iu [repeatedly] speaks of "in the beginning of the year, spring, the King's first month, [our] Duke ascends the throne" . This entry occurs in the first years of the Dukes Huan, Wên, Hsüan, Ch'êng, Hsiang, Ch'ao, and Ai., [which means that the Duke has] attained to the position of beginning his own chronology.

d.When the King begins his own chronology The Y. ed. has the superfluous word after ., he sacrifices to Heaven and Earth; when a Feudal Lord begins his own chronology, he sacrifices to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet According to the Tso chuan the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords equally had the right to change their chronologies at the beginning of their reigns, and to employ the expression yüan-nien. The Kung yang chuan, however, is of the opinion that only the King possessed this right. The Ch'un ch'iu, chron- icling the vicissitudes of the feudal state of Lu, nevertheless uses the term yüan-nien throughout. This is, says Kung-yang, because the Ch'un ch'iu considers the kingship of the Chou Dynasty to have been delegated to Lu (Kung yang chu shu, 1.1b; cf. for the 'kingdom' of Lu, Woo Kang, 107 ff). The statement in the Po hu t'ung thus runs counter to the doctrine expounded by Kung-yang. Ch'ên now thinks that, since Kung-yang sees the Ch'un ch'iu as a canon of rules (cf. Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, 36-56), this canon need not correspond with the facts. According to him the Feudal Lords had no right to change the chronology; indeed, they had not done so before 841 B.C., when King Li of the Chou Dynasty moved to the east. Only after that date did the usurpation of the royal right by the Feudal Lords com- mence, the authority of the Chou then beginning to decline. But though it seems to be a fact that 841 B.C. is the first date given by the Shih chi, with which also the chronologies of thirteen feudal states appear (Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, I. 101; M.H, III. 29-46), it is not impossible that before 841 B.C. there were already independent chronologies of the Feudal Lords.. The Wang chih says: "During the three years of mourn- ing the sacrifices are stopped, except those offered to Heaven and Earth, and to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. For the execution [of these sacrifices the mourner even] steps over the cords of the funeral car" Li chi chu shu, 12.9b; C. I. 284. The were the cords which connected the coffin to the funeral-car ch'un to guard it against the danger of fire. As the importance of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet (which had to be performed outside) exceeded that of the King's loss, so he even quitted his position of mourner, stepped over the cords of the funeral-car, and went out to fulfill his duty (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub- comm., o.c. 12.11a)..

e.When the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The Son of Heaven calls himself King after three years [of mourning] Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22a).", it means that he is called King [in so far as] the government of the affairs [of state] and the issuing of orders [are concerned]. And when the Shang shu says: "Kao-tsung remained in the mourning-shed for three years" . Ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 15.12a), where however, the text reads: ; in Legge's translation (L. 466): "If we come to the time of Kao Tsung, he toiled at first away from the court, and was among the inferior people. When he came to the throne, it may be said that, while he was in the mourning shed, for three years he did not speak. Afterwards he was still inclined not to speak; but when he did speak, his words were full of harmonious wisdom". This story of the filial Kao-tsung (i.e. King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty) has been repeatedly and variously quoted: Lun yü, ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 14.20a; L. 291): "The Shu says: Kao-tsung remained in the mourning-shed for three years and did not speak"; Shang shu ta chuan (2.36b); ; ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 51.18b; C. II . 410): "Of Kao-tsung it is told that he did not speak for three years. When he spoke his subjects rejoiced"; ch. (Li chi chu shu, 63.16a; C. II. 706): Shih chi, 3.8b: , in Chavannes' translation (M.H. I. 195): "Quand l'empereur Ou-ting eut revêtu cette dignité, il pensa à faire de nouveau prospérer les Yn; mais il n'avait pas encore trouvé celui qui était capable de l'aider. Pendant trois années il ne parla pas; toutes les affaires du gouvernement étaient décidées par le premier ministre; il en profita pour observer les moeurs du royaume"; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch. (2.11b): Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (20.1b): ; Chia yü, ch. (9.26b): "The Shu says: Kao-tsung did not speak for three years; when he spoke [his words] were full [of wisdom]". is also written or ; it is explained by Chêng Hsüan as meaning or 'mourning- shed' (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.102; Lun yü chêng i, 17.139-140). The meaning of the quotation is that Kao-tsung, who was subsequently praised for his filial piety, did not want to discuss the affairs of state during the three years of mourning, and only after that assumed his kingship in its fullest sense., [it also means] this. The Lun yü says: is omitted in the Y. ed. "When the Lord dies, all the officials, for the attendance of their several duties, take their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years" . Ch. l.c., where the text has before . The statement is paraphrased in the Comm. on the Hou han shu (4.2b) as follows: "Anciently, when the Lord was in his mourning-shed, all the officials, for the attendance of their several duties, took their orders from the Grand Administrater". The use of is strange. The word is used to denote the death of a Feudal Lord. For the Son of Heaven is employed. Acc. to Liu Pao-nan (Lun yü chêng i, 17.141) "for the higher it is allowed at the same time to use [the denotation of] the lower" .. Giving way to his feelings of a filial son [the new King] for three years cannot bear to assume [his position of actual ruler] . The Y. ed. omits . Therefore only after three years does he take off his mourning[-dress], and does he ascend the throne to ad- minister the affairs [of state] The Y. ed. has hereafter the superfluous words . Dropped by Lu.; he [then] mounts the eastern steps chien-tsu. The Y. ed. writes . Tsu denotes the steps to the east of the hall in the palace by which the Son of Heaven ascends (see note in Couvreur's translation of the Li chi, C. I. 20), in general the steps for the master of the house (Sub-comm. on ch. Ch'ü li , Li chi chu shu, 4.22a). The expression chien-tsu 'to mount the eastern steps' has then come to be used for a Lord who succeeds to the throne (C. I. 467, note). in the capacity of Master [of the house], and facing south he gives audience to his Ministers and subjects, calling himself King [, being now in the position] to issue orders[ himself]. Thus, only when the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord after three years ascends the throne, [may it be said that] the principle of succession has been completely carried out. To spend three years in the mourning-shed means to continue in the way of a filial son to the very end. Therefore the Lun yü says: "All the men of old behaved likewise I.e., they remained in the mourning-shed for three years. Kao-tsung's was not the only case.: when the Lord died, all the officials, for the atten- dence of their several duties, took their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years" For the source of the quotation see n. 155..

f.Why do they take their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years? It is [one of] the tasks of the Grand Administrator to determine the expenditure of the state, so that it is through him [that the officials receive their orders]. Therefore the Wang chih says: "The Grand Administrator determines the expenditure of the state" . Li chi chu shu, 12.9a; C. 1.284. The Y. ed. wrongly has the word before ..

g.Why is the Grand Administrator called chung-tsai? Chung means ta 'great'; tsai means chih 'to regulate' .. He is the great regulator of the affairs [of state]. So the Wang tu chi , one of the lost chapters of the collection of rites-books. says: "The Son of Heaven has one Grand Administrator, whose rank and emoluments are like those of his great officer". Another opinion says: the Grand Administrator ranks as a ch'ing 'Minister'. This is what the Chou kuan says The Chou li or Chou kuan places chung-tsai at the head of the first department t'ien-kuan . His task was a double one. 'He was the chief of his subordinates for the administration of the country, and he supported the King in the regulation of the principalities' . His subordinates comprised all the officials of the six departments (t'ien-kuan, ti-kuan, ch'un-kuan, hsia-kuan, ch'iu-kuan, and tung-kuan). In the function of head of all the departments he was called chung-tsai. As actual head of the t'ien-kuan, having his special task, he was called ta-tsai. He was then ranked as any of the other five heads of departments, namely as 'Minister' ch'ing (Chou li chu shu, 1.5a-b). This description given by the Chou li applies to the, supposed, institutions of the Chou Dynasty; it also occurs in ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 17.4b-5a; L. 528-530), where the six Ministers are called chung-tsai (for the t'ien-kuan), ssŭ-t'u (for the ti-kuan), tsung-po (for the ch'un- kuan), ssŭ-ma (for the hsia-kuan), ssŭ-k'ou (for the ch'iu-kuan), and ssŭ-k'ung (for the tung-kuan). The statement of the Wang tu chi seems to refer to the institutions of the Yin. Acc. to ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 4.26b-27a; C. I. 87-88), which describes the Yin institutions (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. l.c.), there were the 'Six Grandees' liu-ta or liu-t'ai belonging to the t'ien-kuan, namely the ta-tsai , the ta-tsung , the ta-shih , the ta-chu , the ta-shih , and the ta-pu . Besides there were the 'Five Administrative Officers' wu-kuan , namely the ssŭ-t'u , the ssŭ-ma , the ssŭ-k'ung , the ssŭ-shih , and the ssŭ-k'ou . The Yin institutions were, under the Chou, more or less continued by the feudal state of Sung . In the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 15 (Tso chuan chu shu, 27.26a-b; L. 388), where the officers of Sung are described, the following names are enumerated: yu-shih , tso-shih , ssŭ-ma , ssŭ-t'u , ssŭ-ch'êng , ta- ssŭ-k'ou , hsiao-ssŭ-k'ou , ta-tsai , and hsiao-tsai . Ch'ên now supposes that the fact of the ta-tsai being here mentioned after so many other ranks indicates that his position was not so high with the state of Sung, and therefore with the Yin neither. He may thus have been ranked as great officer ta-fu simply. The Chou li is one of the Old Text books, while chapter Chou kuan belongs to the Old Text of the Shu ching. Its quotation by the Po hu t'ung is remarkable..

 II. APPELLATIONS. 12. THE APPELLATIONS OF HUANG, TI, AND WANG. (1.9a-b; 1 .9b-10a; 2.1a-3a)

a.What do [the words] ti and wang signify? They are appellations hao , as distinct from t'ien-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven', which is a rank . See Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b).. An appellation is the outward sign of an [achieved] merit . The same is said in ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.22b), and in the Shuo t'i tzŭ, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu (I wên lei chü, 40.9a; Yü han, 56.44b).. Therewith the [achievement of the] merit is expressed and the [possession of] spiritual power is manifested, in order to command the [multitude of] subjects . The Wu ching t'ung i (T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12a) says: "An appellation now is to express the achievement of merit and [the possession of] spiritual power [wherewith] to command all under Heaven" . .

b.When his spiritual power [harmoniously] combines [that of] Heaven and Earth [the Sovereign] is called ti 'Emperor' This is in conformity with what is said in the Ti wang shih chi by Huang-fu Mi (215-282; quoted in the Tpyl, 76.4b; I wên lei chü, 11.2b). The Tpyl, 76.4a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, drops , so that the passage would read: "When his spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven, he is called ti". This omission of also occurs in other texts, as in Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan (l.c.), and in the Ch'i ching i kang by Fan Shên (10th cent. A.D.; Yü han, 53.18b). Hsü Yen in his Sub-comm. on the Kung yang chuan comments on Ho Hsiu as follows: "Heaven is the designation after the division and dispersion of the two first modes (); therefore he whose spiritual power is in har- mony with [that of] Heaven is called ti". Thus the reading without in the Tpyl, which usually quotes inexactly, is in this case not necessarily an error. Cf. also ch. , III. 18a. of the Po hu t'ung: "In later ages those whose spiritual power is like to [that of] Heaven are also called ti". On the other hand we must suppose a mistake when we read in the Pao p'u tzŭ (, 48.9b) "A Sage is [a being] whose spiritual power [harmoniously] combines [that of] Heaven and Earth", but at another place (ibid., 37.1a) . "A Sage [pos- sesses] spiritual power which is in harmony with [that of] Heaven". For the rendering of ti by 'Emperor' see n. 188.. When [his spiritual power is the harmonious] combination of consideration for others and sense of the right principles he is called wang 'King' The same is said by the I chou shu (l.c.), by Ho Hsiu's Comm. (Kung yang chu shu, l.c.), by Huang-fu Mi (o.c.), and by Fan Shên (o.c.). The words jên and i are not easy to translate adequately. According to Waley jén originally means freemen, men of the tribe; jên means 'good' in the most general sense of the word, that is to say 'possessing the qualities of one's tribe'. Confucius' use of the term (in the Lun yü) stands in close relation to the primitive meaning; with him it means 'good' in an extremely wide and gen- eral sense (The Analects, 27-28). I denotes the correct relation between persons of different status, as is most evident in the expression (e.g. in ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 18.68); L. 336); in this sense cf. also in. par. 112 of the Po hu t'ung. In Han time the terms jén and i have, however, decidedly obtained an ethical value, more or less independent from the naturalistic view of life. In the Ch'ien tso tu (. 8b) we still have a kind of naturalism where we read: "When Heaven in its activity exercises [its influence] we speak of jên; when Earth in its passivity regulates [the 10,000 things] we speak of i; jên maturing goes upward, i maturing goes downward" . In ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 54.5a-b; C. II. 486) the ethical colour is sometimes more visible; e.g. when we read: "Jên [represents] the right, Tao [represents] the left; jên means jên 'man', Tao means i; abundance of jên with a scarcity of i [causes one to be] loved but not revered; abundance of i with a scarcity of 'jên [causes one to be] revered but not loved". Tung Chung-shu seems, however, to take jên and i as purely ethical conceptions. In ch. of his Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (8.11b) he defines jên as the feeling towards others, while i applies to oneself ; "the method of jên lies in loving others. . . the method of i lies in correcting oneself" . . . . (in ch. , 13.8b, however, he says: "Jên means to love others, i means to revere the old" ). It is curious that even in the Huai nan tzŭ, in which we should expect a naturalistic and mystical exposition, we find this ethical explanation, so in ch. (20.26b): "What is called jên is the love of others" ; in ch. (10.1b): "Jên is the visible proof of accumulated benevolence' , "i [is an attitude which] observes consideration towards the feelings of others, adapting it to all [things one's mind] is set on" . Cf. Lun yü, IV. 10 (L. 168). In this respect jên and i in the passage of the Po hu t'ung had perhaps better be rendered by 'love and duty' than by 'consideration for others and sense of the right principles'.. [Thus] a distinction is made between abundance and scarcity [in the possession of spiritual power]. The Li chi shih fa , one of the untransmitted books of the treatises on rites. says: "When his spiritual power resembles [that of] Heaven and Earth [the Sovereign] is called ti; he from whom consideration for others and sense of the right principles proceed is called wang" . Ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.22b-23a) contains the same statement, but writes in- stead of ; thus "he in whom jên and i are located is called wong". In the Comm. on the Wên hsüan (1.1b) the Chi yao chia, an Apocryphal Book of Music, is quoted, in which the passage occurs in the reading of the Po hu t'ung, i.e. with (see also Yü han, 54.50a). Liu (72.2b) takes as the correct reading. The Han kuan i (.1a) also contains the statement "A ti is he whose spiritual power resembles [that of] Heaven and Earth". The qualities of the ti are thus conceived as either a combination of those of Heaven and Earth, or a harmony with those of Heaven, or a resemblance with those of Heaven and Earth. This resemblance is, however, not to be taken as a similarity between two unconnected entities, but more as a kind of mystical identity.. Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven; wang is a designation [which is connected with the succession of the spiritual power] of the Five Elements . In ch. , III. 18d we also read: . The Hsing tê fang, an Apocryphal Book of History, says: "Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven, wang is a designation [applying] to man" (I wên lei chü, 11.1a; Yü han, 53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a quotes it as from the Shang shu wei). The Tpyl, 76.1a, further quotes the I wei, which says: "Ti is an ap- pellation [connected with] Heaven; he whose spiritual power is equal to [that of] Heaven and Earth, he who does not turn his public position to his personal profit, is called ti" . But, though the difference between ti and wang is formally maintained, their qualities often overlap. So the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu says: "Wang is [an appellation] conferred by Heaven" (7.21b), and "[The appellation of] wang is bestowed by Heaven only" (11.8a). Further we have the well-known, but unwarranted, definition of the character for wang : three horizontal strokes connected by one vertical line, i.e. the King connects the 'ways' of Heaven, Earth, and Man (ibid., 11.7b; cf. Shuo wên, 1 .35). In Tung Chung-shu's system the distinction between wang and ti (and huang) is only a matter of shifting up in time: wang applies to the Sovereign of the reigning Dynasty, and to those of the two previous ones; ti applies to the Sovereigns of the five Dynasties preceding the wang; huang applies to the Sovereigns of the nine Dynasties preceding the ti; the Sovereigns preceding the huang are called min ; after a new Dynasty has been established the first of the three wang becomes ti, the first of the five ti becomes huang, the first of the nine huang becomes min (cf. Woo Kang, 114 ff.; acc. to the San huang k'ao, ch. 7, the nine huang refers to one person). Instead of Ch'ên suggests reading "wang is the designation for a beautiful conduct", which statement occurs in the Ch'ien tso tu (.9b). K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Li chi also quotes the Expositions on the I by Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang , which says: "Ti is a designation [connected with] Heaven . . . wang is a beautiful desig- nation" . . . (Li chi chu shu, 4.21b). The Five Ele- ments, however, together with the Three Reigns san-t'ung , have been connected with the succession of Sovereigns (for which see Ku Chieh-kang's study in the Ku shih pien, V. 404 ff., popularly told in his Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, ch. 1; cf. further Woo Kang, 142 ff.; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 7.5b ff.; Shang shu ta chuan, 3.8a ff.; Fêng su t'ung i, 1.6a; Chia yü, 6.1a; Tu tuan, .la ff.). Ch'ên now rightly remarks that the relation between the Five Elements and the succession of Sovereigns not only applies to the wang, but also to the ti and the huang, but he does not take into account that there is no rigid demarcation between the spheres of the huang, the ti, and the wang, and what is said of the one also applies mutatis mutandis to the others. Interesting is the expression (), which in apposition to what is said of the wang can only be understood as I have translated. Ti, however, did mean Heaven originally (cf. Hu Shih, in Ku shih pien, I. 199), and even as late as the 8th century A.D. Ssŭ-ma Chêng comments on the word ti in the Shih chi (3.5a; M.H. I. 187) as: . Thus we could, with even more right, translate as "Ti is an appellation of Heaven". The ambiguity of expressions like this often compels us to leap both ways, even after very hard looking. And when, as needs must be, we take the more obvious leap, it is with a feeling of regret at having to forego the more beautiful one..

c.What is the meaning of huang? It is also an appellation This is probably based on what is implied by Ho Hsiu's statement in his Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (l.c.), where, though only wang is said to be an appellation, the qualities of the huang, the ti, and the wang are explained in the same breath. The Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1250.12b) re- cords the opinion of Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang, corroborating with that ex- pressed in the Ch'ien tso tu, .9b, according to which the Lord of men had five appellations, namely ti, wang, t'ien-tzŭ (which is a !), ta-chün , and ta-jên ; huang is not among them. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 4.21a), however, contains the statement: "The appellation of huang [indicates what] is honourable and great".. Huang means chün 'lord' . The same is said by Mao's Chuan on Ode 192: ( Mao shih chu shu, 19.15a). Mao, acc. to Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 4.82) goes back to ch. of the Erh ya, where , together with , and , is ex plained as meaning chün 'Lord' (Erh ya chu shu, 1.2b). Likewise the Tu tuan ( .1a) explains: "Huang-ti, huang, wang, hou, ti, all mean chün 'Lord'. There is, however, no reason for explaining in this Ode as Lord. Legge (L. 316) and Karlgren (K. 16.235) translate it adjectivally as 'great' and 'august'. In the Shu ching, huang is used as an adjective throughout; it is only in ch. (which is a rather late product, see Liu Chieh in Ku shih pien, V. 402-403) that huang is used sub- stantivally in the sense of Lord (Shang shu chu shu, 11.12a-b. 13b. 16a; L. 328-9.330.332; cf. Shih chi, 38.4b. 5a. 5b; M.H. IV. 221.222.223). It is inter- esting to see that the expression of the Hung fan (o.c. 16a) is written in the Shih chi (o.c. 5b; Chavannes, o.c. 223, translates: 'Que le roi réalise la perfection et qu'on en répande l'enseigne- ment'; cf. also his criticism on the same page of Legge's translation which takes huang as an adjective). The Ch'ien han shu, ch. (27 . 10b) first quotes the [Shang shu ta] chuan as ; the text of the Shang shu ta chuan, however, reads etc.(2.10a.). It further (11a) explains huang as 'Lord' . In ch. of the Shu ching the expression occurs twice (Shang shu chu shu, 18.21b. 24a; see for the meaning of this expression Ku shih pien, VII. .195, 198- 199; 215, 242-243, 314, 396). K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as . But it is especially Chêng Hsüan who seems to have a predilection for the explanation of huang as chün; even in the expressions , where huang can only be taken adjectivally, it is identified with chün (Mao shih chu shu, 20.47a. 54a; 28.2a. 4a; 29. 26a)., mei 'beautiful' . Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 269: (Mao shih chu shu, 26.12a) and to Ode 274: (ibid., 26.27b). K'ung Ying-ta (in his Sub- comm., o.c., 13b) and Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 7.8) both say that Mao goes back to the ; here, however, huang is explained as meaning in the expression (Erh ya chu shu, 1.17b)., ta 'great' . Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 209: (Mao shih chu shu, 20.39b. 47a), on Ode 241: (ibid., 23.65b), on Ode 244: (ibid., 23.98a). We have the same explanation in the Han kuan i ( .1a; Tpyl, 76.4b), and by K'ung An-kuo quoted in Ho Yen's Comm. on the expression in ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350).. It was the designation for the combination of what was beautiful and august in Heaven . The Tpyl, 76.4a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes . Lu and Ch'ên adopt this reading with , which seems to be the general one (we find it e.g. in the Ch'u hsüeh chi, 9.1a; in Ch'ên Shou-ch'i's Comm. on the Wu ching i i, 250.13a; in Juan Yüan's Ching chi chuan ku, 305), only in Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on the Erh ya (chu shu, 1.2b) the same reading as in the Y. ed. is given. Huang was originally only used adjectivally to denote the 'augustness' of Heaven, of human beings already dead (forefathers), and human beings possessing superhuman qualities (as Kings; see San huang k'ao, ch. 2); it was not employed with respect to man in general. Probably the editors of the Y. ed. corrected an error, by mistake.. Owing to the primitivity of the time [Heaven's beauty and augustness] were generally designated [by this term]. He was called huang who shed forth a resplendence huang-huang which none could escape . The explanation of huang by huang-huang also occurs in the Hsing tê fang (I wên lei chü, 11.1a; Yü han, 53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a, where the source is indicated as Shang shu wei), in the Yüan ming pao (Tpyl, 76.3a; Ma Kuo-han, Yü han, 57.7a, writes ), in Mao's Chuan on Ode 163: , on Ode 178: , on Ode 189: (Mao shih chu shu, 16.10a; 17.31b; 18.30a). The Tu tuan ( .1b) says: "Huang means huang 'respondent', the accomplished spiritual power has a resplendence which shines on everyone and everything" ; the Han kuan i (. 1a; Tpyl, 76.4b): "Huang means ta 'great', it indicates his resplendence and consummate beauty" . In the Fêng su t'ung i 1.1b) the Yün tou shu, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu, is quoted, which says: "Huang means Heaven (this is also said by Mao's Chuan on Ode 235: , Mao shih chu shu, 23.10b; cf. also n. 172: Ti means Heaven); Heaven does not speak, but the four seasons go [their courses], while the hundred things grow; the Three August Ones with robes hanging down and folded hands did not act but established words, but [none of] the people escaped [their influence]; the spiritual power [proceeding from their possession] of the [right] Way was profound and quiet, resembling August Heaven, and therefore they were called huang; huang means chung 'harmonious', kuang 'radiant', hung 'vast'; they contained in themselves the vast and trod [the path of] harmony, they opened the soft and unrolled the hard; above they were in harmony with the August Pole, shedding their radiant light; pointing to Heaven they drew patterns on the Earth; their spiritual reforming [influence] secretly penetrated [every- thing], resplendent and of consummate beauty they were immeasurable" (Yü han, 55.22a has ) (Yü han omits , which is justified by the rhythm, but writes , which is hardly an improvement) (Yü han , which is better) . For the expression cf. Shu ching, ch. and , L. 316, 573; and Kuan tzŭ, ch. 45.89. Between and I think should be inserted, thus meaning "they neither acted nor established words", though the sentence in the Kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58.30a) would induce us to take the former sense, as also does Sung Chung in his Commentary on the passage, viz. that "the Three August Ones established words which the people did not transgress". This would, however, run counter to the general 'Taoistic' idea of the Yün tou shu text. Cf. what is said in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (1.13b): "In this period [the Five Emperors] did not produce words by their mouths, neither did their hands make sign or gesture", and in the Huang shih kung san lüeh, quoted in Tpyl, 77.6b; (not in the text but must necessarily be inserted) "The Three August Ones without the use of words reformed and affected the four seas, so that there was none in all under Heaven whose achievement was not due to them; the Emperors identified themselves with Heaven and modelled themselves on Earth, they made use of words and commands, so that all under Heaven enjoyed general peace, the multitude of subjects yielded to one another [the merit of] their achievements, and in the four seas [the process of] reform went its [unimpeded] way". The Huang shih kung san lüeh is mentioned in the Sui shu ching chi chih (3.12a), in three chüan; it has been preserved and is described in the Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, 99.2b. The work is ascribed to Huang-shih-kung 'the Old Gen- tleman of the Yellow Stone', who figures in the Biography of Chang Liang (Shih chi, 55.2a ff.; Ch'ien han shu, 40.2b ff.).. If in his labours for all under Heaven one great officer were troubled or one common officer were distressed [a Sovereign] would not be [called] huang. He did not distress the common man nor the common woman, and thus it was that he was [called] huang 'the August One'. Therefore [the August Ones] disregarded the gold that lay hid in the mountains and suffered the pearls and jade to be lost in the deep . Cf. ch. of the Chuang tzŭ (12.65; L. 309), where we read: (Chuang tzŭ gives the 'Taoist' view of the golden age of innocence), and the Pao p'u tzŭ (, 36.3b): "Yao and Shun disdained gold and rejected jade".; they dwelt on mountain-peaks or housed in caves . Cf. the Hsi tz'ŭ (Chou i chu shu, 12.9a), in Legge's translation (L. 385): "In the highest antiquity they made their homes in caves and dwelt in the open country", and ch. of the Huai nan tzŭ (1.20a): "Of the men of antiquity there were those who dwelt on moun- tain-peaks and in caves, and never did they lose their [human] spirit".; they were clad in hide and fur . Cf. ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I.504; L. I. 369), where we read (in Legge's translation): "Formerly the ancient kings had no houses. In winter they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in sum- mer in nests which they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and breasts, drinking their blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins" .; they drank the fresh- ness of the well and supped of the radiance of the dew . Cf. the Ku shih k'ao by Ch'iao Chou (201-270), where we read (1.11b): "The men of early antiquity drank the essence of dew and ate the fruits of plants, they lived in caves or dwelt upon the plains; those who lived in the mountains ate the flesh of birds and quadrupeds, clothing themselves in their fur and hide, drinking their blood and swallowing the feathers; those who lived by the water ate fish and molluscs; they did not know the use of fire. . . . thereupon there appeared a Sage who became King by [his knowledge of] the power of fire".; empty and absent, vast and void [was their mind] . The expression occurs in the Shih chi (63.8a), Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's Eulogy on Lao-tzŭ: "What Lao-tzŭ esteemed in Tao was its emp- tiness, its [property of spontaneous] change from non-activity". In the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (7.1b) we read: "The empty is the abode of Tao"; and in ch. (1.17b): "The empty, the easy-goingness, therein lies the utility of the ten thousand things".; they were in communication with the spirituality of Heaven and Earth The whole passage seems to be a mixture of 'Taoist' and 'Confucian' ideas. The idea of a perfect society in the past was undoubtedly common to both (indeed to all Chinese thinkers in the turbulent years of war during the Chan- kuo period, not excepting the philosophers of the School of Law), the projection of wishful thinking as an escape from the present. But, whereas the 'Taoists', having the conceptions they had of the blissful past, were consistent in con- demning everything which tended to an artificial regulation of life, the 'Con- fucians' seemed to vacillate between a hankering after a simple life and an acknowledgement of the importance of social achievements. In the I thing (Hsi tz'ŭ ) Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun are represented as culture-heroes giving civilization in successive stages to an uncivilized world. In the Li yün (see n. 181) the age of savagery is ended by the introduction of fire, but the 'savages' are here indicated by the term 'Ancient Kings'. Hence the earliest Sages, the Three August Ones, are on the one hand regarded as the representatives of an unsophisticated and innocent society, on the other hand as the inaugurators of a new era which reaches sudden perfection. A kind of compromise may be seen in the statement of the Ku shih k'ao, even though it lacks clarity. The age of bliss is here accompanied (or followed) by a period of savagery, after which gradually the culture-heroes make their appearance. Their civilizing effect, of course, never attained the perfection of the primeval state: the Garden of Eden had been lost for ever!.

d.Why is the [Sovereign's] appellation sometimes ti Emperor? Ti means ti 'to examine' . The same is said by the Yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.7a; Typyl, 76.3a), by the Tu tuan ( .1b), by the Yün tou shu (Yü han, 55.22b). The Fêngsu t'ung i (1.3a), quoting the Shang shu ta chuan, says: "Heaven has set up the Five Emperors to act as its aids; as the four seasons dispose of life [and death], so [according to] laws and measures they clearly examine [the cases of men], bestowing rewards in spring and summer, and meting out punishments in autumn and winter . . . . that they were able to put into practise the way of Heaven, was because they raised and discharged, having made a careful examination". . . He symbolizes what may be trans- mitted [to later generations] ..

e.Wang 'King' means wang 'to go to'. [A King is he] whom all under Heaven turn to . This common explanation of wang is found in various other texts, e.g. in ch. of the Hsün tzŭ (18.63): "He whom all under Heaven turn to is called wang"; in the Ku liang chuan, Chuang 3: "He is called wang, because it is he to whom the people turn" (Ku liang chu shu, 5.9b); in the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. (15.9b; Wi. 214): 'A ti is he whom all under Heaven regard as master (ti; Kao Yu's Comm. explains as , but perhaps it is better to understand it in the meaning of 'to go to' shih), a wang is he to whom all under Heaven go'; in the Han shih wai chuan (5.12a): "He to whom all under Heaven go is called wang; in the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (5.1a): "A wang is he to whom the people go"; in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.4b-5a): , "Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he to whom all under Heaven turn"; in the Wên yao kou, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu (Yü han, 55.6b): "Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he towards whom the spirits go, to whom man joyously turns"; in the Ch'ien tso tu ( .9b): ; in the Yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.7a): "It is only an enlightened King whom all under Heaven turn to"; in the Ch'ien han shu, ch. (23.1b): "Whom the people turn and go to, he is wang indeed".. The Kou ming chüeh says: "The Three August Ones walked leisurely, the Five Emperors walked hurriedly, the Three Kings ran, the Five Hegemons galloped" (the last word is an error for ; Yü han, 58.29a; Tpyl, 76.3b). The Pao p'u tzŭ (; 14.5b) says: "The Three August Ones walked leisurely, while the Five Emperors ran; since the Hegemons [the pace grew] quicker and quicker". The meaning of the Po hu t'ung passage is explained by Sung Chung (in his Comm. on the Kou ming chüeh, Yü han l.c.) as follows: "When the [Sovereign's] spiritual power was abundant and his way perfect the sun and moon [seemed to] go slowly; the more auxious [he became to attend] to the daily affairs the more sun and moon [seemed to] hurry, and when in his diligence he could not stop his thoughts [of his duties] the sun and moon [seemed to] gallop". In the Lun yü, chuan k'ao ch'an (ed. Han shih i shu k'ao, 1b; Tpyl, 76.3b) it is Yao, Shun, Yü, and T'ang instead of the three huang, the five ti, the three wang, and the five pa, who differed from each other in this respect. The difference between huang, ti, wang and pa is expressed in other ways, all indicating the decline in spiritual power. The Kuan tzŭ, ch. (17.79) says: "He who understands the one [undivided life- essence] is [called] huang, he who has examined the Way is [called] ti, he who has penetrated into its spiritual power is [called] wang"; the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (18.25b): "Anciently the Five Emperors esteemed 'virtue', the Three Kings used 'righteousness', the Five Hegemons employed force"; ibid., ch. (13.6b): . "Anciently, Shên-nung made no use of ordinances and commandments, but the people obeyed; Yao and Shun had ordinances and commandments, but no penal laws; the Hsia Dynasty did not go back on their word; the Yin exhorted; the Chou made covenants"; ibid., ch. (20.12a): "He who identified himself with the primeval essence is [called] ti, he who identifies himself with 'righteousness' is [called] wang, he who identifies himself with force is [called] pa", which is more or less in conformity with the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. (13.6b; Wi. 162): ; the Fêng su t'ung i (2.4b): "The Five Emperors [practised] sageness, after their death the Three Kings [practised] consideration for others, after their death the Five Hegemons [practised] knowledge"; the Lun yü chê ch'ien shêng (Tpyl, 76.3b): "The Emperors did not put first 'righteousness', but employed the spiritual power [which proceeds from their possession] of the Way, the Kings did not put first force, but esteemed consideration for others and 'righteousness', the Hegemons did not put first justice, but esteemed military force"; the Tou wei i (Tpyl, 76.2a): "The Emperors have obtained the blossoms and flowers, the Kings have obtained the root and stem, the Hegemons have obtained the appended branches" (Ma Kuo-han's ed., Yü han, 54.31a, says that the Emperors have obtained the root and stem, whereas the Kings have obtained the blossoms and flowers); the T'ung k'ao lun by Juan Chi (210-263), quoted in Tpyl, 77.7b: "The Three August Ones based themselves on the Way, the Five Emperors took their support from their spiritual power, the Three Kings practised consideration for others, the Five Hegemons exercised 'righteousness' ".--In translating by Emperor I disagree with Professor Dubs, who condemns the use of this term (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 65.26-27), considering it an anachronism because it is only after 211 B.C. that we can really speak of an 'empire' and an 'emperor'. But Dubs does not take into account, 1. that ac- cording to the hierarchy of Sovereigns (san-huang, wu-ti, san-wang, wu-pa the wang ranks as inferior to the ti, requiring a term which should distinctly mark the difference; 2. that the superiority of the one to the other is a matter of , not of the size of the territory over which they rule; 3. that the etymology of the word 'Emperor' (from imperator) very happily gives to it just this sense of sacredness..

 13. THE DIFFERENT DESIGNATIONS FOR THE KING. (1.9b-10a; 1 . 10a-b; 2.3a-4a)

a.Why is [the Sovereign] sometimes called Son of Heaven, some- times Emperor or King? When, connecting him above [with Heaven], he is called Son of Heaven, it means that he serves Heaven by [the virtue of] his rank; when, connecting him below [with Earth], he is called Emperor or King, it means that his position and appellation, being the most exalted in all under Heaven, [entitle him] to command [all his] subjects The Y. ed. has instead of . Lu's correction foll. the I wên lei chü (11.2a). The Tpyl, 76.3b, quoting the Kou ming chüeh, gives about the same statement.. There- fore the Shang shu says: "The Emperor [Yao] said, Oh! Chiefs of the Four Mountains" . Ch. of the Sim ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.19a; L. 24). The text of the Shu ching has instead of . The Shih chi (1.13b) has: . For or see M. H. 1.50, n. 1, and Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 1.19. The Y. ed. omits .. [Again it says]: "The King said, Come, all of you" . Probably from ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 8.5b; L. 225), where, however, the text reads: . By the King generally is meant P'an-kêng of the Shang Dynasty (14th cent. B.C.), who moved his capital to Yin, hence the change of the Dynasty's name from this time onward (cf. M.H. I. 193, n. 4). Chêng Hsüan, however, says that it was Yang-chia, P'an-kêng's predecessor, who is indicated (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.66; cf. also n. 197). The Y. ed. omits ..

b.Sometimes he calls himself The One Man -- . The Y. ed. has instead of .. The King calls himself The One Man out of modesty, wishing to express [there- by] that his ability only stands for that of one man Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on ch. of the Hsiao ching (chu shu, 1.8a) says: "The Son of Heaven in designating himself says yü i-jên -- , yü means wo 'We'; he means [to say thereby]: although We actually assume the highest position, still We are only one among men, and not different from men. This is [a sign of] modesty".. There- fore the Lun yü says: "If the people have sinned let [the blame] be laid upon me, The One Man -- . Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 20.1b: L. 351). In this context the sentence represents a 'scape-goat formula' (Waley, Analects, 231, n. 5), which is not brought out in Legge's translation ("The people are throwing blame upon me, the One man"). The statement occurs also in ch. of the Shu ching (Old Text version, Shang shu chu shu, 10.11b; L. 292); in the Han shih wai chuan (3.6a); in the Shuo yüan, ch. (5.4b). It refers to the words spoken by King Wu at his attack on the Yin Dynasty. Approximately the same statement was made by T'ang, the founder of the Shang Dynasty, who is also called King Wu ! (See Shih chi, 3.4b; M.H. 1.184. n. 1). It is found in ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 7.14a-b): , in Legge's translation (L. 189): "When guilt is found anywhere in you who occupy the myriad regions, it must rest on me. When guilt is found in me, the one man, it will not attach to you who occupy the myriad regions"; in ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1b): in Legge's translation (L. 350): "If, in my person, I commit offences, they are not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest on my person"; in ch. of the Mo tzŭ (4.8): in Mei's translation (94): "If there is sin anywhere hold me responsible for it; if I myself am guilty may the rest be spared"; in the Lu shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. (9.4b): , in Wilhelm's translation (Wi. 107): "Wenn ich, der Herrscher, gesündigt habe, so moge die Strafe nicht über das Volk kommen; wenn aber das Volk gesündigt hat, so möge die Strafe allein auf mir ruhen". In his translations Legge wishes to distinguish the first series (with ) from the second (with ), see his note on p. 292 of his Shu ching translation. But the sentence in the Lun yü (l.c.) is written in the Mo tzŭ, ch. (4.73; Mei, 86), so that the purport of both statements is the same. , for the rest, is the term which is also used by the Son of Heaven in speaking of himself in ordinary statements, see the Shu ching, passim, esp. ch. and .. Why do the subjects The Y. ed. omits Supplied by Lu. speak of him as The One Man? To honour the King therewith. Within the wideness of all under Heaven and within the confines of the Four Seas there is only one man whom they honour in unison Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on the Hsiao ching (l.c.) reads: "When the sub- jects speak [of the Son of Heaven] they only say 'the One Man', meaning that within the four seas there is only one man whom they speak of reverently".. Therefore the Shang shu says: "You do not extend [your good- will] to Our One Man [,The Son of Heaven]" . This is very probably a quotation from ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 8.6a; L. 226) where, however, we find: in Legge's translation: "you conceal the goodness of my intentions, not standing in awe of me, the one man". There are two questions to consider: 1. the meaning of ; 2. the value of the quo- tation in the Po hu t'ung context. 1. Almost everyone agrees that and have the same meaning. Lu supposes that may have been changed into by the way its pronunciation has been indicated, viz. by Ch'ên thinks the change of t'i into shih to be possible through sound- analogy, and further says the quotation may be from the Shang shu ta chuan (the ancient pronunciations of and are *t'iek/t'iek and *dia/ie resp., Gr.Ser. nos. 850i and 4l1). Huang I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.15a) says that should be read , in the meaning of 'to bestow'. Liu (72.2b) proves with many quotations that and are often interchangeable, but makes a distinction between and . Yü Yüeh (Ch'ün ching p'ing i , 4.10a) says that is the correct writing, whereas is a loan-word; it is in opposition to and supplements the word 'to contain, to hide', which occurs in the preceding sentence. Finally Ku Chieh-kang (Ku shih pien, II. 59.62), following Yü Yüeh's explanation, paraphrases: [ "It is only because you have concealed your good intentions which you do not want to extend to me, that I have become what I am". This rendering differs considerably from Legge's, as well as from that suggested by Sun Hsing-yen, who takes in the meaning of 'to rejoice', thus "You do not rejoice [to follow me], the One Man [in removing the capital]". 2. The quotation is used by the Po hu t'ung to prove that is the expression employed by the subjects in speaking of the King. Now, if the quotation represents the words spoken by P'an-kêng, it would be meaningless in the context, because is then his self-designation. But are they P'an-kêng's own words? I may refer to Ku Chieh-kang's study in the Ku shih pien, II. 51-57 for a discussion of the problem whether the exhortations occurring in the first section of the P'an kêng were delivered by P'an-kêng himself or by one of his Ministers (on page 52 Ku says that the posing of this problem only dates from the Ch'ing scholars onward, before them P'an-kêng was generally held to be the speaker; he ought, however, to have mentioned Chêng Hsüan, who already distinguished between P'an-kêng the subject (when his father was alive) and P'an-kêng the King, and according to whom the first section of the chapter represents his words when a subject, see the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.64.66; cf. also n. 191). The question is too complicated to be dealt with here. But in order not to disturb the context of the Po hu t'ung I have followed Ch'ên, who, on the authority of Chêng Hsüan's previously mentioned opinion, interprets in the quotation as 'Our Son of Heaven'. On the other hand I have accepted Yü Yüeh's (and Ku Chieh-kang's) interpretation of ..

c.Why does [the King] call [himself] chên? It also [indicates] the King's modesty. Chên means wo 'We' . Chên was formerly used irrespective of one's position in the meaning of 'I' (Tu tuan, .2a), and it was only with Ch'in Shih huang-ti that the term was reserved for the Son of Heaven (Bodde, China's First Unifier, 44. n. 2; 93-94; M.H. II. 127. n. 1).. Sometimes he calls [himself] yü. Yü also means wo 'We' . The use of was not, however, the sole prerogative of the Son of Heaven, which only seems to have been the case with the expression yü hsiao-tzŭ (Shu ching, passim).. That he does not call himself with honourable [words], but only [calls] himself [with words meaning] 'We' [testifies to] his modesty in every case.

 14. CHÜ N-TZÜ IS A GENERAL DESIGNATION. (1.10a-b; 1 .10b; 2.4a-b)

Why is [the King] sometimes called chün-tzŭ 'Noble Man'? It is the designation of [one who has obtained] the spiritual power [which proceeds from the possession] of the Way. Chün means ch'ün 'to flock' The Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (10.3b-4a) says the same: ; in another place (5.1a) we read: "A chün does not forsake those who have flocked [to him]". Ch. of the Hsün tzŭ (12.5) says: "What does chün mean? He who can [make people] flock [to him] . What is meant by: who can [make people] flock [to him]? He who knows how to give living and nourishment to men, who knows how to treat and govern men, who knows how to distinguish and use men, who knows how to protect and enrich men"; ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.23a): "he whom the people, forming flocks, follow, is called chün", a statement which also occurs in ch. of the Ch'ien han shu (23.1a; only is written here instead of . In the Han shih wai chuan (5.12a) we read: "What is the meaning of chün? It means to flock; he who for the benefit of the ten thousand things in all under Heaven removes the harmful is called chün" (the Tpyl, 76.1b, quoting the Han shih wai chuan, writes "Chün means to flock; he who makes the myriad people in all under Heaven flock [around him] and removes [for their benefit] the harmful is called chün").. Tzŭ is the common designation of an adult man Ho Yen's Comm. to ch. of the Lun ÿ (chu shu, 1.1a), quoting Ma Jung, says: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a man" . Hsing Ping in his Sub-comm., however, feels compelled to add: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a virtuous man" . . Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "The teaching of the Noble Man consists in filial piety, therewith to induce the fathers in all under Heaven to be reverenced [by their sons]" Ch. (Hsiao ching chu shu, 7.1a; L. 482). The text of the Y. ed. has instead of 'therewith', and omits the intermediate passage Chün-tzŭ in this quotation applies to the Sovereign.. How do we know . The Y. ed. has before . Dropped by Lu. that 'Noble Man' is a common designation? Because [the expression is employed] for the Son of Heaven down to the [common] people. The Shih says: "A gay and affable Noble Man is the father and mother of his people" . Ode 251: (Mao shih chu shu, 24.66a), where is written, as also in Ode 174: (ibid., 17.13b), Ode 219: (ibid., 21.41a); Ode 239: (ibid., 23.52a., 53b, 55a, 56b, 57a), Ode 252: (ibid., 24.67b, 73a). The Li chi, quoting Ode 251, writes , as in the Po hu t'ung (ch. , Li chi chu shu, 51.1a; C. II. 391; ch. , Li chi chu shu, 54.16b; C. II. 496). Another reading is , which occurs in the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (ch. , 18.18b; Wi. 310; quoting Ode 251), the Hsiao ching (ch. 7.2a; L. 483; quoting Ode 251), the Han shih wai chuan (6.10a; quoting Ode 251; 8.3b.6a; quoting Ode 252), the Tso chuan (Hsi 12, Tso chuan chu shu, 12.23b; L. 159; quoting Ode 239; Ch'êng 8, Tso chuan chu shu, 26.25a; L. 365; quoting Ode 239, the Chia yü (3.16b; quoting Ode 251). The Shuo yüan (ch. , 7.7a: quoting Ode 251) writes . Legge translates the of Ode 251 by 'the happy and courteous sovereign' (L. 489), so also in his translation of the Li chi (L. II. 278.340) and the Hsiao ching (L. 483). Couvreur (Cheu king, 364) translates: 'un prince sage, almable et bon', so also in his Li ki, II. 391, but in Li ki, II. 496: 'un prince sage, qui montre une aimable gaieté et une affection toute fraternelle'. Karlgren (K. 17.74): 'the joyous and pleasant lord'. Wilhelm (Wi. 310): 'ein hehrer und freundlicher Herr'. Waley (Book of Songs, 182): 'All happiness to our lord'. The expression is explained by Mao's Chuan (Mao shih chu shu, 24.66a) as: "[the Lord] is gay that he may instruct [his people] with vigour, he is affable that he may by persuasion put them at ease". The Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (l.c.) explains: " k'ai means ta 'great', ti means ch'ang 'far-reaching', if the Lord's spiritual power is far-reaching and great, he can then act as the father and mother of his people". T'ang Ming-huang's Comm. on the Hsiao ching (l.c.) says: "K'ai means lo 'joy', ti means i 'ease'; the meaning is taken from the Lord reforming his people with joy and ease". The Han shih wai chuan (l.c.) says: "The Lord in his demeanor is reverent, but his actions reach far, in his person he is temperate, but his influence is extensive". Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan (chu shu, 12.23b) identifies k'ai with lo , and ti with i . The Li chi elaborates Mao's Chuan; in ch. (l.c.) it says: "[The Lord] is gay that he may instruct [his people] with vigour, he is affable that he may by persuasion put them at ease; [he teaches them] gaiety without extravagance, the observance of propriety yet not without love; he is austere yet puts them at ease, he shows filial piety and tenderness yet he is respected"; in ch. the explanation is more mystical: the Lord "must have penetrated to the fundamental principles of ceremonies and music, till he has reached the five extreme points to which they conduct, and the three that have no positive existence , and be able to exhibit these [to] all under Heaven; and when evil is impending in any part of the kingdom, he must have a foreknowledge of it" (Legge's trans- lation, L. II. 278).. The Lun yü says: "A Noble Man indeed is such a man" Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 5.2a; L. 173). The disciple, here referred to, was Fu Pu-ch'i, style Tzŭ-chien. His biography is to be found in the Shih chi, 67.15a ff.; this was said [by Con- fucius] of his disciple, who was a man of the people.

 15. THE THREE AUGUST ONES, THE FIVE EMPERORS, THE THREE KINGS, AND THE FIVE HEGEMONS It is impossible for me to enter here into a discussion of the very com- plicated systems which have been woven around the figures of the san-huang and the wu-ti. I may therefore refer to the studies by Haloun (Contributions to the History of Clan-Settlement in Ancient China, Asia Major, 1. 91 ff.); to Ku Chieh-kang and Yang Hsiang-kuei ( Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, Monograph Series, no. 8); to Yang K'uan (Ku shih pien, VII .65-318); and to Karlgren (Legends and Cults in Ancient China, B.M. F.E.A., 18.199 ff.).. (1.10b-14b; 1 .11a-14a; 2.5a-15a)

a.Who were the Three August Ones? They were said to be Fu- hsi, Shên-nung, and Sui-jên. Others say: [they were] Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Chu-jung Acc. to Karlgren (o.c. 232) the first series is against the pre-Han texts, while the second is a violent innovation.. The Li says: "Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Chu-jung were the Three August Ones" Ch'ên supposes the quotation to be from a lost chapter of the treatises on rites, because it is quoted as such in the Fêng su t'ung i. Here (1.1b), however, the enumeration given is: Fu-hsi, Chu-jung, Shên-nung..

b.Why is Fu-hsi so called Fu-hsi is written or or ; he is also called P'ao-hsi or Pao-hsi (see n. 218).? Anciently [the rules for] the Three Major and the Six Minor Relationships were not yet [in practise] . The san-kang refers to the relation between Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife; the liu-chi refers to one's attitude towards father's elder brothers, brothers, clansmen, father's younger brothers, elders, friends. See ch. XXIX: of the Po hu t'ung.. The people only knew their mothers, but not their fathers Cf. ch. of the Chuang tzŭ (29.97): . . They knew how to cover the front [part of their bodies], but not how to cover the back [part]. They slept snoring and awoke puffing and screaming . The Chuang tzŭ (l.c.) has: , in Legge's translation (L. II. 171): "In the age of Shăn Năng, the people lay down in simple innocence, and rose up in quiet security". This refers to the golden age of perpetual bliss, which is also described in ch. of the Chuang tzŭ (10.56-57; L. I. 287-288).. When they were hungry they hunted for food, when satiated they threw away what was left. They swallowed the hair and feathers [with the flesh of the beasts they ate], drank [their] blood, and clothed themselves in hide and rushes Ch. Li yün of the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I. 504) has "They drank their blood, swallowed the hair [with the flesh] . . . . and clothed them- selves with their feathers and skins". See also n. 181.. Thereupon Fu-hsi appeared and, looking up, con- templated the forms [exhibited] in the sky; looking down, he surveyed the patterns [shown] on the earth . Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a) has: in Legge's translation (L. 382): "Looking up, he contemplated the brilliant forms exhibited in the sky, and looking down he surveyed the patterns shown on the earth". The Hsin yü by Lu Chia ( .1b) says: , in v. Gabain's translation (Mitt.Sem.Or.Spr., XXXIII, 19): "In Anbetracht dessen blickten die früheren Heiligen zu den Himmelsbildern empor, und unten prüften sie die Kraftlinien der Erde".. He regulated [the union between] husband and wife, put right [the order of] the Five Elements, and gave a beginning of a regulation of human behaviour This statement does not occur in the I ching, but the Hsin yü (l.c.) says: "Erst da regte sich beim Volk Verständnis; es begriff, dass es die Liebe zwischen Vater und Sohn gibt, die Pflicht zwischen Fürst und Untertan, das rechte Verhalten der Gatten zueinander, die rechte Reihenfolge der älteren zu den Jüngeren". Further we read in the Ch'ien tso tu ( .2a) that Fu-hsi drew up the eight trigrams, re- presenting and modelling himself on Heaven and Earth, and following the yin and the yang, in order to put right the correct relations between Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife. And Ssŭ-ma Chêng says in the Shih chi (, 1b; M.H. 1. 7): "Puis le premier il (Fu-hsi) régla le mariage de la femme et celui de l'homme et du don des deux peaux de bêtes il fit un rite" (acc. to the Comm. this statement also occurs in the Ku shih k'ao by Ch'iao Chou).. He drew up the Eight Trigrams in order to rule all under Heaven . The Y. ed. omits and has after ; Lu and Ch'ên omit .. When [all under Heaven had been] subju- gated . Liu (72.2b) thinks that the explanation may have been prompted by the likeness in sound of hua 'to reform' and hsi (ancient pronunciations *?.wa/?wa and *?ia/?jie resp., Gr. Ser. 19a and 2y)., he civilized them. Therefore he is called Fu-hsi 'the Subjugator Hsi' The Han wên chia (quoted in Fêng su t'ung i, 1.1b-2a; Yü han, 54.12a) says: "Fu means to distinguish, to reform; hsi means tribute, to regulate; Fu-hsi was the first to distinguish the eight trigrams in order to reform all under Heaven; when all under Heaven had been regulated everybody reformed and presented tribute; therefore he was called the Reformer and [Receiver of] Tribute". Ssŭ- ma Chêng (l.c.) gives a different explanation: "He made nets and snares to teach [the people] hunting and fishing, therefore he was called Fu-hsi Subjugator of Animals; he reared domestic animals to provide for the kitchen, therefore he was called P'ao-hsi Provisor of Animals". K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Preface of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, .2a) recap- itulates the diverse explanations of the name Fu (P'ao)-hsi: "With his divine power he subjugated the [ten thousand] things, and he taught men to catch animals , so he was called or ; with nets and snares he caught animals, so he was called ; he caught animals to rear them pao, so he was called Pao Hsi; he caught animals to provide for the kitchen , so he was called P'ao Hsi"..

c.Why is shên-nung so called? The people of antiquity ate the [raw] flesh of birds and quadrupeds. At the time of shên-nung [the numbe: of] people increased, and the [quantity of] birds and quadrupeds did not suffice. Thereupon shên-nung, following the seasons of Heaven, made a [proper] division of the uses of the land . The expression also occurs in ch. of the Hsiao ching (chu shu, 3.1a), and is commented upon as: "To distinguish the five [kinds of] land, and to observe their height and lowness, so that each [kind] may be exploited to its fulness"., instituted ploughing and weeding, and taught the people husbandry. He exerted such a spirit-like transformation, that the people felt constrained to approve [his ordinances] as right. This sentence is from the Hsi tz'ŭ (12.6b), where it, however, refers to Huang-ti, Yao and Shun. It also occurs in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.2b), where it refers to Shên Nung, as in the Po hu t'ung.. Therefore he is called shên-nung 'the Spiritual Husbandman'.

d.Why is Sui-jên so called? He drilled [a piece of] wood, [so that] it burned and fire [could be] taken out of it . Liu (72.3a) supposes that it is a contamination of two statements, one with , the other with , so that one of the two should be dropped.. He taught people to cook their food, he stimulated their instinct for taking advantage [of the circumstances . The Comm. on the Lu shih (5.7a) quotes this passage of the Po hu t'ung, but writes "he regulated and fostered their instinct of propriety". Liu (72.3a) offers the simple solution that may be , thus "he instructed man to take advantage of his life"., he instructed them] to avoid odours and drive out poison, and is [therefore] called Sui-jên 'the Fire-drilling Man' The Han wên chia (Fêng su t'ung i, 1.2a; Yü han, 54.12a), after first des- cribing the invention of fire by Sui-jên , proceeds: "he caused men not again to suffer from alimentary diseases [by the eating of raw meat], and to differ from the birds and quadrupeds; he followed the will of Heaven and was therefore called Sui-jên, the Follower" (the Tpyl, 78.2b, quoting the Han wên chia, first writes but then ; so also the I wên lei chü, 11.15a)..

e.Why is Chu-jung so called? Chu means chu 'to connect to' . The word chu (ancient pron. *tiok/tśiuk; Gr. Ser. 1025a) occurs in Ode 53: (Mao shih chu shu, 4.29b); Mao explains it as meaning 'to weave, to braid', but Chêng Hsüan's Chien 'Notes' say it is a loan-word for chu (anc. pron. *tiuk/tśiwok; Gr. Ser. 1224s) meaning 'to apply, to attach' (cf. K. 14.140; L. 87, note). In the sense of 'to attach' or the word also occurs in the Chou li, ch. (in the expression ; Chou li chu shu, 5.7b). 'Connect', 'weave', and 'attach' may be considered to express the same idea.. Jung means hsü 'to continue' . Acc. to the Shuo wên (13 .11) the old writing for hsü was kêng (so explained also in the . Erh ya chu shu, 1.40b). It occurs in ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 4.19b; which exists only in the Old Text version) in the sentence ; K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as (Legge, L. 90, translates: "With this he continued the song, saying . . . ."). In Ode 203: there is the sentence (Mao shih chu shu, 20.15a; L. 356), where in Mao's Chuan (which is the phonetic of and used for it, cf. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Shu ching, quoting the Ode and writing , o.c. 20b) is explained as . The planet Venus () is called ch'i-ming when it is seen in the east in the morning, and ch'ang-kêng when it is seen in the west in the evening (Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, 634; K. 16.243 translates ch'i-ming by 'Opener of Light' (Lucifer) and ch'ang-kêng by 'Long Continuer' (Hesperus)). The expression ch'ang-kêng for Venus means that after the sun has set the planet prolongs the light (Mao's Chuan elucidated by Chêng Hsüan and K'ung Ying-ta). Ch'ên Huan explains by , and by or ; then means 'to continue the sun ['s light] by making it constantly bright' (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.9). The process of reasoning which leads to the identification of with may then be conceived as follows: the planet Venus is bright, it is named ch'ang-kêng , kêng is alike in sound as, indeed the phonetic in, kêng , which is another writing for and has the same meaning as hsü 'to continue'; thus the bright planet prolongs and continues the light of the sun: bright = to continue; jung also means bright, so jung = to continue ! This reasoning is, however, too fantastic, and there is a better and simpler explanation. Ode 247: contains the sentence . (Mao shih chu shu, 24.35b), in which is explained as (acc. to K'ung Ying-ta from the , Erh ya chu shu, 1.13b, where , are explained ). Jung is, however, explained by Chu Hsi as meaning 'a high degree of brightness' (, 17.9b) Karlgren says: "The fundamental sense of yung (jung) is 'heat' . . . . The notions 'heat', 'fire', and 'brightness' are constantly combined semasiologically in Chinese" (K. 18.70; further examples of jung = bright may be found in Ching chi chuan ku, 6). Legge follows Chu Hsi in his translation (L. 476): "May your bright intelligence become perfect". Waley (Book of Songs, 214) is non-committal: "May their shining light beam mildly upon you". Karlgren follows Mao's Chuan in his translation of the Ode (K. 17.72; 18.70): "May your brightness be extensive". Ace. to him jung or yung (anc. pron. *dĭbinv;ông/ĭbinv;ung, Gr. Ser. 1009d) is here really a loan character for jung or yung ( = 'sacrifice on the following day'; anc. pron. *diong/iung, Gr. Ser. 1008a; cf. also Shih chi, 3.9b, M.H. I. 197, n. 2, for = ); "the ancientmost interpr. (viz. jung = ch'ang 'long, exten- sive'), well supported by the comparison with and by the fact that yung = ch'ang 'long' survived in Han-time colloquial, is confirmed by the parallelism in the st(anza): the next line is 'May your high brilliance (have =) last to a good end; 'extensive' and 'lasting to the end' balance each other". The statement in the Po hu t'ung () thus proves to be corroborated by modern philology, for hsü is after all synonymous with ch'ang , both in the sense of 'to extend, prolong, continue', and the intro- duction of the link kêng is unnecessary.. It means that [Chu-jung] was able to connect himself to and continue the way of the Three August Ones and put it into practise. Therefore he is called Chu- jung 'the Connecter and Continuer' Chu-jung was undoubtedly from primeval times a fire-god (Legends, 240), he figures in ch. Yüeh ling of the Li chi as presiding over the summer. In the Mo tzŭ it is related that Chu-jung, the fire-god, assisted T'ang in attacking the Hsia Dynasty (ibid., 244). In the Shih chi (40.1a; M.H. IV. 338; Legends, 245) Ch'ung-li , the great-grandson of Chuan-hsü figures as master of fire and was given the title of Chu-jung under Emperor K'u because "he was very meritorious, and was able to illuminate all under Heaven brilliantly" . The Kuo yü, ch. (16.2b) also says that [Ch'ung-]li was master of fire and that "because he greatly added to and largely increased the brilliance of Heaven and the spiritual power of Earth [so that] light was shed on [all within] the four seas, therefore he was called Chu-jung, Initiator of Light (Wei Chao's Comm. explains chu as shih 'to begin', and jung as ming 'light'), great indeed was his merit" Further it says (16.3a): "Chu-jung was also able to make manifest the light of Heaven and Earth, with which to grow and nurse the precious materials [of life]" Chu-jung is written Chu-Sung in the Lu shih (8.3a), and in the inscription on the panel with reliefs in the (pseudo) funerary-chamber of the Wu-liang family (2d cent. A.D.); the Three August Ones are there represented in the same order of sequence as in the Fêng su t'ung i: Fu-hsi (with Nü-kua), Chu-sung, Shên-nung (see Chavannes, La sculpture sur pierre en Chine, 3-5; pl. III)..

f.Who were the Five Emperors? The Li says: "Huang-ti, Chuan- hsü, Ti-k'u, Ti-yao, and Ti-shun were the Five Emperors" Probably the Ta tai li chi is meant here, where the same succession of the Five Emperors is given (7.1a-4a; Wi. 281-284). The Li chi, ch. Yüeh ling gives for the Emperors: T'ai-hao (spring), Yen-ti (summer), Huang-ti (middle of the year), Shao-hao (autumn), Chuan-hsü (winter); see table in Couvreur's translation of the Li chi (C. I. 410). See also n. 229.. The I says: "Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun appeared and exercised their influence" Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a ff.; L. 382 ff.), where, however, the Five Emperors are not mentioned as such. There is only the statement that after the death of Fu-hsi, Shên-nung appeared, and after the death of Shên- nung, Huang-ti, Yao and Shun did their work.. The Shu speaks of Ti-yao and Ti-shun The beginning sentences of ch. and (Shang shu chu shu, 1.3b; 2.1b; L. 15.29). The so-called Preface of K'ung An-kuo mentions as the Three August Ones: Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Huang-ti; as the Five Empe- rors: Hsiao-hao , Chuan-hsü, Kao-hsin (= Ti-k'u), T'ang (= Yao), Yü (= Shun; Shang shu chu shu, .4a). The Fêng su t'ung i (1.3a) says that acc. to the (= Hsi tz'ŭ), the Li chi (= Ta tai li chi), the Ch'un ch'iu, the Kuo yü, and the Shih chi, the Five Emperors were: Huang-ti, Chuan-hsü, Ti-k'u, Ti-yao, and Ti-shun; it adopts this series. See also n. 227..

g.Huang 'yellow' is the colour of equilibrium and harmony . The Y. ed. has instead of . The Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; also quoted in Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3a) says: "Huang 'yellow' means kuang 'light', hou 'liberal', it is the colour of equilibrium and harmony" (see also n. 232). Ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.14b; C. I. 601) says: "Yellow [occupies] the middle [position of the five colours, viz. dark green, red, yellow, white, black]". The Tso chuan, Chao 12 (Tso chuan chu shu, 45.38; L. 637) writes: .. [Huang-ti has] the nature of spontaneity, [his institutions] do not change for ten thousand generations (the Y. ed. has , corr. by Lu) . The Pao p'u tzŭ (quoted in the Tpyl, 79.6b) says: "When Huang-ti was born he was able to speak and employ the hundred spiritual forces; it may be said that Heaven had given him the capacity of spontaneity".. Huang-ti was the first to introduce institutions and regulations, by which he attained the state of equilibrium and harmony . The expression occurs in ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 52.1b; C. II. 429). I have followed Legge's translation (L. II. 300). The Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; Fèng su t'ung i, 1.3a) says: "Huang-ti was the first to institute [the wearing of] head- cover and flowing garments, he [made the people] set up ridge-poles and roofs to shelter [them] against wind and rain; he initiated the practise of the rules of propriety and refinement"., to be continually pre- served during ten thousand generations. Therefore he is called Huang-ti 'the Yellow Emperor'.

h.Why is Chuan-hsü so called? Chuan means chuan 'special' . The same is said by the Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; quoted in the Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3b). is often used for and in the meaning of in the Ch'ien han shu: 'special military authority', 'special decision', 'special school', etc. (see the Ching chi chuan ku, 241).. Hsü means chêng 'to correct' . The Shang shu ta chuan (1.c.) explains hsü as hsin 'sincerity". The Wu ching t'ung i (T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12b) explains it as yü 'to be happy'.. He was able [to apply himself] especially to correct the Way of Heaven and man . The Pei t'ang shu ch'ao (15.1b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, says: "he [applied himself] especially to correct the way of man".. Therefore he is called Chuan-hsü 'the Special Corrector'.

i.Why is Ti-k'u so called? K'u means chi 'the utmost' . The Shuo wên (2 .22) explains k'u as 'the highest degree of a pressing report'. And the Shang shu ta chuan (1.c.) says: "K'u means k'uo 'to examine', ch'êng 'perfect'; it means that [Ti-k'u] examined and exposed the laws and measures, [and practised them in such] a pure and excellent way, [and so] perfectly [that it worked] like the fragrance of wine". The Kuan tzŭ, ch. (35.44) writes for k'u, so also the Shih chi, ch. (13.1b; M.H. III. 3). The name of Ti-k'u is also written (Ku shih pien, VII . 223 ff., where the whole problem of this figure is amply discussed).. It means that he was able to put into practise and to exhaust to the utmost the spiritual power [emanating from the possession] of the [right] Way . Tuan Yü-ts'ai's Comm. on the Shuo wên (1.c.), quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes: ..

j.Why is Yao so called? Yao means yao-yao 'high and eminent' . The Shuo wên (13 .79) explains yao as kao 'high', which is also the explanation given in the Shang shu ta chuan, 1.c., which says: "Yao is high, abundant , it means that he was eminent and exalted, brilliant and illustrious, and high and magnificent to the utmost" .. He had the appearance of extreme height. [His spiritual power was] pure and subtle, high and far-reaching, abundant and ex- tensive, vast and overflowing. He was the chief of the multitu- dinous Sages, the first of the Hundred Kings.

k.Why is Shun so called? Shun means ch'uan-ch'uan 'to match' . Ch'ên says that, as , which is the same as ch'uan, has the meaning of 'to oppose, 'contrary', 'to lie in opposite di- rections', it is not fitting to explain the name of Shun therewith; he therefore supposes it to be an error for hsin. Liu (72.3a) says that ch'uan-ch'uan, though having the meaning of 'mutually opposed' , also means 'mu- tually alike' . The Tz'ŭ hai ( .274) explains the expression ch'uan-ch'uan as 'to be a match to', and quotes, besides our Po hu t'ung passage, the Tieh ya by Shih Mêng-lan (of the Ch'ing Dynasty) which says: "Ch'uan-ch'uan conveys the idea of 'mutually matching'; it means that [Shun] was on a par with Yao with respect to his excellent qualities" . See also the Tz'ŭ t'ung, 1. 0102.. It means that he was able to pursue and follow the way of Yao and put it into practise . Liu (72.3a) thinks that is an error for 'to take an example from'. In the Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b) the statement occurs: "Shun means t'ui 'to pursue', hsün 'to follow, continue'; it means that he continued the heritage of Yao". hsin is probably to be read hsün..

l.Who were the Three Kings? They were [the Kings of the Dyn- asties of] Hsia, Yin, and Chou Or more strictly Yü , T'ang , and Wên or Wu , with a preference for Wên; see the Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3b-4a, and Chiao Hsün's Comm. on the Mêng tzŭ, ch. (Mêng tzŭ chêng i, 12.34)..

So the Li shih kuan ching says: "[The cap used by the] Chou [was called] pien, [that used by the] Yin [was called] hsü, [that used by the] Hsia [was called] shou. With all the three Dynasties the cap [worn] was [always] of white deer-skin" The quotation is from the 'Notes' of ch. of the I li (chu shu, 1.46a-b; C. 23; St. I. 16-17), not from the . The meaning is that, though the names of the caps were different under the three Dynasties, the material of which they were made was not changed (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on the passage). The statement also occurs in ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604); here as well as in the I li is followed by "[while they wore also] white silk nether garments taken in at the middle" (see Comm. and Sub-comm. in I li chu shu, 1.16b-17a). It is odd that Couvreur translates the Li chi passage correctly as: "Sous ces trois dynasties, (le nom du bonnet de peau était different, mais) la forme restait toujours la même. Le vêtement inférieur était blanc et plissé à la ceinture", while the corresponding passage in the I li is translated: "Sous les trois premières dynasties, avec le p'î pién, on portait la longue tunique noire plissée". Legge translates the Li chi passage as: "The three dynasties all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of-white gathered up at the waist" (L. I. 438). Steele translates the I li passage as: "Under all three dynasties they used the white deer-skin cap and white surcingle" (St. I 17). For p'ien , hsü , and shou see also ch. XLI: of the Po hu t'ung..

Why is it that we have the appellations Hsia, Yin, and Chou? When a King has received the mandate [from Heaven], he must create a beautiful appellation [expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, in order thereby to express his achievements and make himself illustrious The Y. ed. has . Ch'ên emendates .. It means that he has changed the clan-name . See note 248. [of the former Dynasty], and [has established new] institutions for his sons and grandsons [to continue]. Hsia, Yin, and Chou were the great appellations of [the Dynasties possessing] all under Heaven. The Hundred Kings had in common the possession of all under Heaven, so that there was nothing [with which] to distinguish them from each other. [So] they changed the institutions and created a great appellation The Y. ed. has . Lu drops . [expressing their possession] of all under Heaven to distinguish themselves [therewith] from the past, so that their meritorious achievement might be expressed and displayed. That they con- sidered it necessary to change the appellation was in order to show that Heaven's decree had already manifested itself, and that [Heaven] desired that [the new Dynasty] be exalted in the face of all under Heaven. If [the new Dynasty] should adopt and continue the appellation of the previous King, it would not be different from [the case of] a Lord who succeeds to the government of the body [politic] and preserves its cultural [institutions]. Not to manifest the lustre [meant by Heaven] is against Heaven's intention The Y. ed. writes . Acc. to Liu (72.3a) the first should be dropped. In the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (1.7b) the same statement occurs (with instead of ); the context shows that the be- ginning is superfluous. Cf. note 247.. Therefore a King who has received the mandate [from Heaven] must choose a beautiful appellation [denoting his possession] of all under Heaven, which expresses his meritorious achievement; it means that he is [now] in the position to display and exercise [his spiritual influence]. By it he will have prepared his own lustre against the past . Ch'ên reads instead of . The whole passage is an exposition of the doctrine of the 'change of in- stitutions' , as it is advocated by the School of Kung-yang, of which Tung Chung-shu was the distinguished exponent. A lengthy treatise in ch. of the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (1.6b-8a) gives it in a more detailed fashion, which can be summarized as follows: The Ch'un ch'iu, though approving con- formity with the old and criticizing an aberration from the constant rules, yet emphasizes the doctrine that a new King must change the institutions of the previous Dynasty. This does not mean a change of the Way, neither is it a deviation from the right principles. It is a change of dynastic name; the change of ruler is not the assumption of kingship by continuing the Former Kings' institutions. If he followed the former institutions and maintained the old heritage without any change, it would not be different from one who assumes kingship by simple succession. But a King receiving a mandate is made illustri- ous by Heaven. A continuation of the things which should be replaced would mean that the lustre is not exhibited and the will of Heaven is opposed. There- fore the new King must move his abode, change the Dynasty's appellation, change the first month of the year, and choose a new colour for his clothes. To be continued are the great constant laws, as the relations between men, the ethical principles, the government's administration, education, the habits and customs of the people, and the meaning of words. Thus the King has the ap- pearance of changing the institutions, but not the reality of changing the Way.-- See also Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p. 226, and Woo Kang, o.c., p. 136 ff. Cf. also ch. XXVII: of the Po hu t'ung. The Y. ed. has after this paragraph two other passages which have no bearing on the preceding neither on the following sentences, and are, acc. to Lu, a later interpolation. The first reads: "Ti and wang are appellations of respect for him who possesses all under Heaven, to distinguish between abundant [and scanty virtue, and entitling them] to command their subjects" . This gives in different wording the meaning of the beginning paragraph of this chapter. The second passage reads: "A posthumous name is the trace of one's conduct, by which one is distinguished for later generations and which shows [the dif- ference between] good and evil; it is handed down without cessation and without its own pushing power, the judgment being left to later ages. They all [are intended to] stimulate goodness, warn against evil, and make it clear to those who do not exert themselves" . This gives in different wording the meaning of the first paragraph of the next chapter of the Po hu t'ung (III: )..

m.Why is not the clan-name For the difference between clan-name and surname , see M.H. I. 1. n. 3, and Haloun, o.c., 76-83. taken as the appellation? A clan- name is a designation by one word which is shared by high and low So e.g. Ssŭ, the clan-name of the founder of the Hsia Dynasty was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of Hu, Chên, Hsün, etc.; Tzŭ, the clan-name of the founder of the Shang Dynasty, was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of Wei, Chi, etc.; and Chi, the clan-name of the founder of the Chou Dynasty, was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of Lu, Wei, etc.. The Feudal Lords, as rulers of the Hundred Clans, are each designated by the name of [their] one state. The Son of Heaven, as the most exalted, now assumes an appellation [ex- pressing] the possession of all under Heaven and the union of the ten thousand states.

n.Hsia means ta 'great' . So also in ch. of the Erh ya (chu shu, 1.3a). See further Ching chi chuan ku, 583.. It means [that the Dynasty was] equal to the task of preserving and holding fast the great principle ta-tao. Yin means chung 'equilibrium' . So also in ch. of the Erh ya (chu shu, 2.1a).. It means [that the Dynasty was] equal to [the task of maintaining] the way of equilibrium and harmony The Y. ed. has after this the following sentence: , which is hardly comprehensible, and considered superfluous by Lu. It is left untranslated. Liu (72.3a) remarks: " expresses that it is continued by ; it is pronounced that it may be heard , it is shown that it may be seen , the second is an error for ". Even then, the meaning has not become clearer.. Chou means chih 'to reach', mi 'perfect' . In ch. of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 10.11a; L. 292) in the sentence is explained by K'ung An-kuo as . The Shuo wên (2 .42) explains as . See further Ching chi chuan ku, 381.. The spiritual power [proceeding from the possession] of the [right] Way [exercised by the Dynasty] was complete and perfect, and there was nothing which it did not reach.

o.How do we know that [a King], after having assumed his reign, establishes a [new] appellation? The Shih says: "[Heaven] gave the appointment to King Wên, in Chou, in his capital" Ode 236: (Mao shih chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66). Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.84) interprets the second part of the stanza as: 'to make him great in Chou', but that would not fit in the context of the Po hu t'ung. Waley (262), connecting the quoted lines with the following, translates: "There came a command from Heaven, ordering this King Wên, to give the succession to a Lady Hsin as queen", which does not fit in the context either.; this refers to the changing of the appellation [of Yin] into Chou, and to the conversion of its town into the capital. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When a King, after receiving the mandate [of Heaven], assumes his kingship, he must choose a beautiful appellation [expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, to denominate his own [Dynasty] therewith" This quotation is not to be found in any of the three Commentaries of the Ch'un ch'iu. Probably it is an exposition of the doctrine of Kung-yang, like that which has been compared with the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (see n. 247)..

p.Why is it that the Five Emperors had no appellation [de- noting their possession] of all under Heaven? The spiritual power of the Five Emperors was great, and they were able to cede [their thrones in behalf of others] For the problem of cession see the Ku shih pien, VII . 101-109. Acc. to the Shih chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) the Five Emperors had the same clan-name. The Wu ching i i (1250.12a) says on the contrary: "The Sages were all begotten by Heaven without [an earthyl] father". Usually the cession of thrones only refers to Yao and Shun, see ch. of the Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 9 5a; L. 361).; they regarded the people as their children, and they achieved perfection in all under Heaven without the need of establishing an appellation.

q.Another opinion is: T'ang and Yü were appellations [of Yao and Shun] So says K'ung An-kuo, quoted by Ho Yen in his Comm. on ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.8b).. T'ang means t'ang-t'ang 'vast and distant' . Cf. ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.7b; L. 214), where the expression t'ang-t'ang occurs with reference to Yao, and is explained by Ho Yen, who quotes from Pao Hsien (6-65 A.D.) as 'a term denoting something vast and distant'. In ch. of the Lun hêng (28.8a) we also read: ; Forke (I. 458) translates: "T'ang means majesty".. Vast and distant is the bearing of one whose spiritual power [, pro- ceeding from the possession] of the [right] Way, has reached its apex of greatness. Yü means lo 'joy' . Yü is often used for yü, meaning 'joy'; anc. pron. of both *ngiwo/ngiu (Gr. Ser. 59g and h). For examples see further Ching chi chuan ku, 102.. It means that, when all under Heaven [in the reign of Shun] walked in the right Way, all the people rejoiced. Therefore the Lun yü speaks of: "the turn of [the reigns of] T'ang and Yü" . Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 8.8b; L. 214). Chi means 'the joint of a wall, juncture, meeting-point'. Ho Yen's Comm. explains the statement as: 'the point where Yao and Shun join'. Li Pao-nan (Lun yü chêng i, 9.75) takes chi in the meaning of or 'after', but there is hardly any need for it..

Ti-k'u had an appellation [,expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, called Kao-hsin . The Y. ed. omits . Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, Wên 18 (Tso chuan chu shu, 20.17b) also says that Kao-hsin was the hao of Ti-k'u. Sung Chung (Later Han Dynasty), quoted by Ssŭ-ma Chêng in his Comm. on the Shih chi (1.9a), says "Kao-hsin was the name of the country ; it is used as ; K'u was the ming ".. Chuan-hsü had an appellation [,expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, called Kao-yang . Tu Yü (o.c. 20.16b) also says that Kao-yang was the hao of Chuan-hsü. Sung Chung, quoted by Ssŭ-ma Chêng (Shih chi, 1.8a), says: "Chuan-hsü was the personal name ; Kao-yang was his appellation , expressing his possession of all under Heaven". Hao is here not to be taken in the technical sense of 'appellation' to distinguish it from ming 'personal name' and tzŭ 'style'. The words seem to be used indiscriminately, cf. Chang Yen (3d. cent. A.D.), quoted in the Comm. on the Shih chi, 1.8b, who says: "From Chuan-hsü the hao [denoting the possession] of all under Heaven followed the name ming of the country [from which the ruler came]. The names Kao-yang and Kao-hsin both elevate the name ming of their countries. Chuan- hsü and Ti-k'u both used their tzti as hao, because of the primitivity of the highest antiquity".. Huang-ti had an appellation [,expressing] his possession of all under Heaven, called Yu-hsiung . The Y. ed. omits , and writes instead of . Hsü Kuang (352-425) in the Comm. on the Shih chi, 1.1a, also says that Huang-ti had as his hao, but Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien himself (1.6b; M.H. I. 34) refers to Huang-ti as a hao.. Yu-hsiung means [that he possessed] a special abundance of spiritual power [proceeding from his keeping] the Way . The Y. ed. omits the first three words. is here explained by . Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch. (Li chi chu shu, 51.24b) explains in the sentence as meaning chuan 'special, exclusive', of which can be seen as a synonym. hsiung and hung are now rhyme-words, but their anc. pron. were respectively *gium/jiung, and *g'wεng/γwεng; Gr. Ser. 674a,887h).. Yang of Kao-yang means ming 'bright' . The Shuo wén (14 .2) explains as 'high and bright'.. The spiritual power [emanating from his possession] of the [right] Way was high and bright. Kao-hsin means that the spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the [right] Way was great and sincere hsin and are homonymns (anc. pron. of both *siĕ;n/siĕ;n; Gr. Ser. 382a, 384a). All the etymological explanations here given are, of course, only expressions of a playful mind. It is interesting to read how already Wang Ch'ung doubted their correctness. In the Lun hêng, ch. (28.8a ff.) he says (in Forke's translation, I. 458): "T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou are territorial names. Yao ascended the throne as marquis of T'ang (note: T'ang was situated in Pao-ting-fu, Chili), Shun rose to power from the Yü territory (n. in Shan-si). Yü came from Hsia (n. in K'aifêng- fu, Honan) and T'ang from Yin (n. a principality in Honan), when they began their brilliant careers. Wu wang relied on Chou (n. the kingdom of Chou in Shensi) to fight his battles. They all regarded the country, from which they had taken their origin, as their basis. Out of regard for their native land, which they never forgot, they used its name as their style, just as people have their surnames. The critics on the Shaking, however, assert that the dynastic names of the ruling emperors, such as T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou, are expressive of their virtue and glory, and descriptive of their grandeur. T'ang means maj- esty, they say, Yü joy, Hsia greatness, Yin to flourish, and Chou to reach. Yao's majesty was such, that the people had no adequate name for it, Shun was the joy and the bliss of the world, Yü got the heritage of the two emperors, and once more established the majesty of the moral laws, so that the people had no adequate name for him. Under T'ang of the Yin morality flourished, and the glory and virtue of Wu wang of Chou reached everywhere. The scholars have found very nice meanings, indeed, and bestowed great praise on these five reigning houses, but they are in opposition to the real truth, and have misconceived the primary idea". The Shih chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) says that the Five Emperors from Huang-ti to Shun and Yü had the same clan-name (see n. 256), but were distinguished from each other by the names of their principalities. Chavannes locates, more accurately than Forke, these principalities as follows: Hsiung is the present district of Hsin-chêng , prefecture of K'ai-fêng, province of Honan (M.H. I, 93. n. 3); Kao-yang is the present district of Ch'i , pref. of K'ai-fêng, prov. of Honan (ib. 39, n. 3); Kao-hsin is in the present distr. of Shang-ch'iu , pref. of Kuei-tê, prov. of Honan (ib.); T'ang or T'ao-t'ang (Yao had first been Lord of T'ao, which is the present distr. of Ting-t'ao , pref. of Ts'ao-chou, prov. of Shantung) is the present distr. of T'ang, pref. of Paoting, prov. of Chih-li = Hopei (ib. 42, n. 1); Yü should have been in the present distr. of P'ing-lu , pref. of Chieh , prov. of Shansi (ib. 52, n. 3)..

r.Who were the Five Hegemons? They were K'un-wu, Ta-p'êng, Shih-wei, Duke Huan of Ch'i, and Duke Wên of Chin . There are two series of the Five Hegemons: the Five Hegemons of the Three Dynasties , and the Five Hegemons of the Ch'un-ch'iu (Ku Yen-wu, Jih chih lu, 4.37a; see also Legge's note in his Mencius translation, p. 435). This enumeration in the Po hu t'ung belongs to the first series, and also occurs in Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 2 (Tso chuan chu shu, 25.17a), in Kao Yu's Comm. on the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. (3.6b), and in Yen Shih-ku's Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu (13.2a).. Anciently, when the way of the Three Kings deteriorated, the Five Hegemons preserved the government; they led the Feudal Lords in pres- enting themselves [regularly] at the court of the Son of Heaven; they kept the development of all under Heaven in the right track; they revived the Middle State and repulsed the barbarians; therefore they were called pa 'Hegemon'. Formerly K'un-wu was Hegemon under the Hsia, Ta-p'êng and Shih-wei were Hegemons under the Yin, [Duke] Huan of Ch'i and [Duke] Wên of Chin were Hegemons under the Chou So also in Tu Yü's Comm. (l.c.), and in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.5a), which gives as its source the Ch'un ch'iu tso shih chuan. The wife of Lu-chung , a descendant of Chuan-hsü and son of the younger brother of Ch'ung- li who was Chu-jung (see n. 226), gave birth to six sons, of whom the eldest was K'un-wu, and the third P'êng-tsu . K'un-wu was pa under the Hsia (Chavannes translates: 'les descendants de Koen-ou'); at the time of Chieh his family was exterminated by T'ang. P'êng-tsu was pa under the Yin (Chavannes: 'les descendants de P'ong-tsou'); at the end of the Dynasty his family was exterminated (Shih chi, 40.2a-b; M.H. IV. 338-339). The Comm. of Wei Chao on the Kuo yü, ch. , takes K'un-wu as the second son of Lu- chung; his personal name was Fan , his surname was Chi , while K'un-wu was the name of his fief. P'êng-tsu had Ta-p'êng as his fief (16.3a). Shih-wei was also of the clan of P'êng-tsu, enfeoffed in Shih-wei (ib.). Acc. to Chia K'uei the apanage of Shih-wei was suppressed under Wu-ting of the Yin, and given to the Liu Lei family (quoted by P'ei Yin in his Comm. on the Shih chi, 2.24a; cf. M.H. I. 168, n. 5; in the Shih chi the event is described as having taken place during the Hsia). The Fêng su t'ung i (l.c.), quoting the Tso chuan, says: "Under the Hsia, Ta-k'ang was addicted to pleasure and did not attend to his duties towards the people; the Feudal Lords fell into error; thereupon K'un-wu acted as Chief of the Federation and punished those who did not follow his commands, in order to have the Royal House respected; when the House of Yin declined, Ta-p'êng and Shih-wei continued this practise; this is what is meant by 'when the way of Kings declined the task of the pa became prominent' "..

s.Another opinion is: "the Five Hegemons were Duke Huan of Ch'i, Duke Wên of Chin, Duke Mu of Ch'in, King Chuang of Ch'u, and King Ho-lü of Wu" . This list, belonging to the series , differs from the one usually given (see infra, n. 283). In ch. of the Hsün tzŭ (11.88) the same enumeration occurs, but instead of Duke Mu of Ch'in, King Kou Chien of Yüeh is given. So also in ch. of the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (2.9a-b; Wi. 22-23). The regnal dates of these Hegemons are: Huan 658- 643, Wên 635-628, Mu 659-621, Chuang 613-591, Ho Lü 514-496, Kou Chien 496-465.. Pa means po 'chief' . The anc- pron. were respectively *păg/pa and *păk/ pek (Gr. Ser. 772b, 782i).. [The Hege- mons] executed the task of the fang-po Fang-po 'regional chiefs' are mentioned in ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.18a-b), where they are also referred to as . Couvreur (C. I. 270) translates it by 'gouverneurs généraux'. Under King Wu of the Chou there were two regional chiefs: Chou-kung for the eastern, Shao-kung for the western region (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. in Li chi, l.c., quoting the Kung yang chuan). The Kung yang chuan (chu shu, 3.5a), however, does not use the expression fang-po, but considers Chou-kung and Shaok- kung as two of the san-kung , the third being for the inner administra- tion., they assembled the Feudal Lords at the court of the Son of Heaven, [and caused them] not to neglect their duty as subjects. Therefore the Sage justified them [and in doing so] condemned [the circumstance] that the laws of the enlightened Kings could not be put into practise . The reading is acc. to Lu; the Y. ed. reads . The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 28 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.16a) comments on the story in the Ch'un ch'iu which relates that 'the Duke of Lu paid a court-visit in the place where the King was' (namely at Chien-t'u ): "Why is it said that the Duke went to the capi- tal? The Son of Heaven was here [at Chien-t'u]. If the Son of Heaven was here, why is it not said thus? It was not allowed [for a Feudal Lord] to cause the Son of Heaven to come ". Ho Hsiu's Comm. says: "At this time Duke Wên of Chin was advanced in age; he feared that his authority of pa was not sufficient. Therefore he said to the Son of Heaven: the Feudal Lords cannot all be summoned; I wish that you, King, take your residence at Chien- t'u. To the Feudal Lords he said: The Son of Heaven is here; it is not meet not to pay him a visit. Thus by compulsion he caused the relation between Lord and subject to be restored. Although the laws of the enlightened Kings were not rightly observed, for that time it was condoned ". Cf. also n. 275. Ch'ên enumerates nine cases, where by some special entry in the Ch'un ch'iu a pa was 'saved his face' by the Sage (i.e. Confucius), in any case acc. to the doctrine of Kung-yang.. Pa also means po 'to compel', pa 'to take' . The anc. pron. of po was *păk/ pak (Gr. Ser. 782k), and of pa: *på/pa (ib. 39b).. The Hegemons compelled the Feudal Lords [to do their duties], and took into their hands the [execution of the royal] government. The Lun yü says: "Kuan Chung acted as Minister for Duke Huan [of Ch'i], and made him Hegemon over the Feudal Lords" Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Duke Huan began his hegemony in 679 B.C. (Shih chi, 32.9a; M.H. IV. 50); Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien praises him for his good government (ib. 26b; M.H. IV. 87); Confucius says of him that he was 'upright and not crafty' (Lun yü chu shu, 14.9a; L. 281; this should refer to the attack of Ch'i on Ch'u in 656 B.C., because Ch'u did not send its tributes to the royal capital, and because of the mysterious disappearance of King Chao of Chou, cf. Shih chi, 32.10a-b; M.H. IV.53; Tso chuan, Hsi 4 (Tso chuan chu shu, 11.14a-b; L. 140)).. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The Duke [of Lu] paid a court-visit in the place where the King was" . Entry of Hsi 28. The Shih chi says that in 635 B.C. King Hsiang of Chou, implored the assistance of Duke Wên of Chin against the usurper Prince Tai . who was afterwards killed. The King rewarded him with the title of pa. In 632 B.C. Duke Wên summoned King Hsiang, who went and resided at Ho-yang (distr. Mêng , pref. Huai-ch'ing, prov. Honan) and Chien-t'u (distr. Yung-chê , pref. K'ai- fêng, prov. Honan). The Feudal Lords paid court-visits to him there. The Ch'un ch'iu concealed these facts by saying that 'the King [appointed by the com- mand] of Heaven on his tour of inspection was at Ho-yang' (4.30b; M.H. I. 294-295; the same story occurs in Shih chi, 39.25a-26b; M.H. IV. 303-305). Cf. also n. 272.; by this we know that [Duke] Wên of Chin [at that time] was Hegemon . Lu's reading of the text, which in the Y. ed. has instead of , and omits . Confucius' judgment on Wên of Chin is not favourable. He was 'crafty and not upright' (Lun yü chu shu, 14.9a; L. 281). The Shih chi is not so severe: "Duke Wên excercised a good government, bestowing favours on the people and rewarding those who had followed him in his exile; among the meritorious the great received towns as apanages, the small received honourable ranks" (39.21b; M.H. IV. 294). Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's opinion is that "Duke Wên was what the ancients would call an en- lightened ruler" (ib., 39.40b; M.H. IV. 336).. The Shang shu says: "The glory and tranquillity of the state also have their cause in [my,] the One Man's felicity" Ch. (Shang shit chu shu, 19.16b; L. 630). See Orientalia Neer- landica, p. 463-465. The Ch'un ch'iu, acc. to Kung-yang, considers Duke Mu of Ch'in as a 'worthy' , because he was able to repent , i.e., after first having neglected the advice of his counsellors and as a consequence having suffered defeat, he later changed his attitude and acknowledged his fault (Kung yang chu shu, Wên 12, 14.5a; the sentence also occurs in the Hsün tzŭ, ch. , 27.71). Cf. further n. 283.; [by this] we know that [Duke] Mu of Ch'in was [at that time] Hegemon. Ch'u conquered Chêng, but did not [keep its territory. When the Earl of Chêng] announced his submission it forgave him The text in the Y. ed. (as well as in Lu's and Ch'en's) reads: . The story referred to is found in the Tso chuan, Hsüan 12 (Tso chuan chu shu, 23.2a-4a; L. 316; also abbreviated in Shih chi, 40.9b; M.H. IV. 355). The Po hu t'ung passage should be corrected after the Commentary of Kung-yang on the story (Kung yang chu shu, 16.10a-b), acc. to which should be followed by 'have, keep [the territory]', should be read instead of .. It also ordered its army to return, and [thus] suffered [the remaining forces of] the brigands of Chin to escape Chin, on the pretext of relieving Chêng, attacked the army of Ch'u, after it had withdrawn from this country (see n. 278). Chin, however, was disastrously beaten, and the boats in which the soldiers tried to escape were filled with the cut fingers of those who in their despair had clung to the sides, but had been beaten off. King Chuang of Ch'u took compassion on the fugitives, and did not pursue them (Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 12, 16. 11a-b). The story is also told at length in the Tso chuan (chu shu, 23.5a ff.; L. 316 ff.).. [When Ch'u] laid siege to Sung, and Sung yielded, [Ch'u] granted it peace and led its army away For the story see Kung yang chuan, Hsüan 15 (Kung yang chu shu, 16.14a- 15b) and Han shih wai chuan, 2.1a-b. Cf. also Margouliès, Le Kou-wen chinois, 1-2. Sung was a puny state compared with Ch'u and to raise the siege was an act of generosity on the part of Ch'u.. [By this] we know that Chuang of Ch'u was Hegemon Chuang of Ch'u is highly praised in the Tso chuan for his excellent qual- ities. He "manifests kindness, carries out justice, perfects his government, times his undertakings, follows his statutes, and observes the rules of propriety admirably" (Tso chuan chu shu, 23.8a; L. 317).. The Marquis of Ts'ai without guilt was seized [and detained] by Ch'u. [King Ho-lü of] Wu [although a barbarian] cherished feelings of concern for the [affairs in the] Middle State; he raised an army and attacked Ch'u; none of the Feudal Lords dared not to come [at his summons for the expedition The Kung yang chuan, Ting 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 25.19a ff.) relates that Chao , Marquis of Ts'ai , was wearing a beautiful fur-coat when he paid a visit to Ch'u. Nang-wa , Minister of Ch'u, coveted the coat, but Chao did not want to give it up. As a consequence he was detained in Nan- ying , the capital of Ch'u, and only released after several years. Ts'ai now contemplated an attack on Ch'u, for which he ascertained the help of Wu, who was willing to give it on the ground that Ts'ai was in the right and Ch'u in the wrong. The story also occurs in the Shih chi (35.5a-b; M.H. IV. 159-160), where Nang-wa is called Tzŭ-ch'ang . The words used in the Po hu t'ung are actually those of the Kung yang chuan, where we read: "[One of the counsellors of Wu said:] Ts'ai is without guilt, the people of Ch'u are unprincipled. If you, my Lord, feel concerned for [the affairs of] the Middle State, then this is the time [to show it]. Thereupon Wu raised an army and went to the assistance of Ts'ai" (Kung yang cha shu, l.c.). The name of Ho-lü is written in the Kung yang chuan.. By this] we know that [Ho-lü of] Wu was Hegemon.

t.Some say: "The Five Hegemons were Duke Huan of Ch'i, Duke Wên of Chin, Duke Mu of Ch'in, Duke Hsiang of Sung, King Chuang of Ch'u" This list, also belonging to the series , is also that given by Chao Ch'i in his Comm. on ch. of the Mêng tzŭ (chu shu, 12 .la), and is also mentioned in the Fêng su t'ung i by Ying Shao (1.5a), who ascribes it to an opinion of the Ch'un ch'iu. Yen Shih-ku's Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu (14.1b) gives the same, only Fu-ch'ai of Wu is given instead of Chuang of Ch'u. For Mu of Ch'in Chao Ch'i writes instead of . The Shih chi gives an explanation for the use of . In the Biography of Mêng T'ien (88.4a) it is told that "anciently Duke Mu of Ch'in had slain the Three Best Men [to be buried with him] at his death, and had Po-li Hsi impeached for a crime he had not committed; therefore he received the appellation of 'he who has erred"' (cf. Bodde, Statesman, Patriot, and General in Ancient China, p. 59). The Three Best Men were the three sons of Tzŭ- yü or Tzŭ- chü , namely Yen-hsi , Chung-hang , and Chên-hu (Shih chi, 5.17b-18a; M.H. II. 45; cf. also Tso chuan chu shu, Wên 6, 18.8a; L. 244; and Ode 131: , Mao shih chu shu, 11.19a). Both Shih chi (5.18a) and Tso chuan (chu shu, 18.8a) quote Confucius as having said that because of his wickedness it was proper that Duke Mu of Ch'in did not become Chief of the Confederation (i.e. pa). Cf. n. 277.. When Duke [Hsiang of] Sung was at war with Ch'u at Hung, he did not beat the drum [for the attack] before [the army of Ch'u] had been ranged [in battle-array] In the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.1b) we have the account of the battle, which took place at the river Hung in the winter of 638 B.C. When the army of Ch'u was crossing the stream, Duke Hsiang was advised to attack, but he declined saying that a chün-tzŭ does not harass a man in his trouble. When the army of Ch'u had not yet been drawn up in battle array, Hsiang was again advised to sound the drum for the attack. Again he refused, because he would not assault an enemy who was not yet ready. As a consequence Sung suffered a great defeat (the story is also told, in more extensive form, in Tso chuan chu shu, 14.3b ff.; L. 183; in Shih chi, 38.12b; M.H. IV. 239; and, much shorter, in Ku liang chu shu, 9.5b). The text of the Y. ed. reads: ; it should be corrected as follows: (which is the entry in the Ch'un ch'iu) should be read instead of the first four words, and should be dropped; "he did not seize the grey-haired ones" occurs in the Tso chuan, but in a different context, and has nothing to do here; is to be read . The drum was used as a sign for the commencement of a battle, while a metal (gong) was used to end it (Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, l.c., and Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, chu shu, 14.5b).. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Even the battle of King Wên did not surpass this [display of generosity" Kung yang chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.2a), where the text reads. instead of . The reference is, acc. to Ho Hsiu's Comm., to King Wên's expedition against Hu , Marquis of Ch'ung . Hu was the sycophant of Chou, the last Sovereign of Yin, and through his calumnies King Wên, then Chief of the West , was im- prisoned, but soon afterwards released (Shih chi, 3.11b; 4.4b-5a; M.H. I. 202. 218). The Tso chuan, Hsi 19 (Tso chuan chu shu, 13.27b) continues the story: "King Wăn heard that the marquis of Ts'ung had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded his State; but after he had been in the field for 30 days, the marquis tendered no submission. Wăn therefore withdrew; and, after cul- tivating afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded Ts'ung, when the marquis made submission before he had quitted his entrenchments" (Legge's trans- lation, L. 177). The expedition against Ch'ung is also described in Ode 241: , stanzas 7 and 8 (Mao shih chu shu, 23.79b-81b; L. 454-455; K. 17.69). Acc. to this description it was rather a ruthless and bloody battle ("he smote the enemies, he killed them, he exterminated them, he annihilated them"), but the Shuo yüan, ch. (15.11b) feels constrained to give a different picture: "In the expedition against Ch'ung [King Wên] commanded [his soldiers] not to kill people, not to destroy houses, not to fill up wells, not to hew down trees, not to take away the domestic animals; those who did not obey the command were put to death without pardon; the people of Ch'ung, hearing of it, begged to submit" (cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.109). To be worthy to be called pa seems, acc. to the Po hu t'ung, to depend on the virtue (in the ethical sense) of the Feudal Lord. Duke Hsiang of Sung (650-637) has never attained the actual position of pa, and Ku Yen-wu (Jih chih lu, 4.38a-b) on that account thinks it better to remove him from the list of Ch'un-ch'iu Hegemons, and to replace him by Kou Chien, who, acc. to the Shih chi (41.7a; M.H. IV. 431) was indeed made pa in 478 B.C., and was praised by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his worthiness ("he had the glory left him by Yü, his ancestor"; ib., 15a; M.H. IV. 448). Duke Hsiang of Sung is, however, also praised highly by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his sense of goodness and justice, and for his observance of correct behaviour at a time when in the Middle State it was deplorably lacking (38.17b; M.H. IV. 248).; by this] we know [that Hsiang of Sung] was Hegemon.

 16. EARLS, VISCOUNTS, AND BARONS ARE CALLED DUKES IN THEIR OWN STATES. (1.14b-15a; 1 .14a-b; 2.15b-16a)

Since the subjects of Earls, Viscounts, and Barons laudatively call their Lords kung 'Duke' in their own states, why is it that only the subjects of the King are not allowed to call their Sover- eign by the laudative . The Y. ed. has . Lu's correction. title of ti 'Emperor'? Because the Feudal Lords have the duty of assembling and the custom of paying visits to each other. [Now in the Ch'un ch'iu the Feudal Lords are] sometimes called kung 'Duke' to honour them, sometimes they are called [by their proper titles Marquis,] Earl, Viscount, or Baron to disparage them As a rule the Feudal Lords are called 'Dukes', even if their ranks are lower, when the Ch'un ch'iu makes an entry of their funeral (Ho Hsiu in Kung yang chu shu, 1.13a); in the case of the Marquis of Ts'ai his original title is written instead of , which is, acc. to Ho Hsiu, a sign of depreciation, in which the Ch'un ch'iu only follows the expression used by the subjects of Ts'ai (Huan 17, Kung yang chu shu, 5.25b; cf. also Legge's note to par. 6 on page 68 of his Ch'un ch'iu translation).. [But] on the occasion of a meeting between the Feudal Lords the subjects are not required to observe the [strict ritual rules appertaining to the] status [of their Lords. These subjects] may wish to exalt their lordly fathers [above the other rulers], and so in general it is allowed to the subjects to call their own Lords kung 'Duke' Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on Yin 1. (Kung yang chu shu, 1.13a) says: "[The Marquis of] Lu is called kung 'Duke', because what his subjects wish is to de- nominate their lordly father with an honourable title. Kung is the highest of the five ranks. The King, knowing the desire of these subjects to exalt their Lords, allows them to call them kung".. The Emperors and Kings [,however,] lived in [mutually separate and] different times, so that there was no occasion for them to meet as equals. There- fore there is none who could be considered as their peer [above whom they should be exalted]. How do we know that the Feudal Lords may be called kung 'Duke' . Lu's reading of the faulty text in the Y. ed.: .? The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[We] buried Duke Huan of Ch'i"; Ch'i was only a mar- quisate" . Lu's corrected reading of of the Y. ed., which only reads: . The entry is Hsi 18.. The Shang shu says: "The Duke [of Ch'in] said, Ah! [my officers]" Ch. (Shang shu chu shu, 19.13b; L. 626).; Ch'in was an earldom. The Shih says: "The Duke of T'an was her brother-in-law" . Ode 57: (Mao shih chu shu, 5.7 a; L. 95; K. 16.190; the Shih ching text reads: ). See Orientalia Neer- landica, p. 461. T'an (also written and , cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 2.26; Chung kuo ti ming ta tz'ŭ tien, 1355) was a small state in the southeast of the district of Li-ch'êng in present Shan-tung. It is identified with modern Ch'êlng-tzŭ-ai , famous for the excavations carried out recently (see Waley, Book of Songs, 81, who refers to a study by Tung Tso-pin in Academia Sinica, Bulletin of the National Research Institute of History and Philology, Vol. IV. Part 2.159 ff.). The Ode celebrates the wedding of Chuang Chiang .; T'an was a viscounty. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[We] buried Duke Miu of Hsü" . Hsi 4. The Y. ed. wrongly writes instead of . The Tso chuan and the Ku liang chuan have instead of .; Hsü was a barony. The Li ta shê ching says: "[If the arrow hits the stay of the target and hangs from it, or ricochets into the target, or rebounds from the target without piercing it, only] in the case of the Duke will it be scored" . Ch. . of the I li, the 'proper text' (I li chu shu, 7.39a; C. 251; I have followed Steele's translation, St. I. 173). The Y. ed. omits and writes instead of . By 'Duke' is meant the Feudal Lord who was the host of the archery-meeting. The score was given him 'to distinguish the master' (Chêng Hsüan's Comm., o.c., 39b).. The Great Archery [Meeting] belongs to the ritual [meetings to be held] by the Feudal Lords Chêng Hsüan's table of contents of the I li says of ch. , that it was held when a Feudal Lord was going to perform a sacrifice to the spirits; he had all his officers partake in the contest to observe their ritual behaviour (Mu lu, 6a). From among the competitors he chose the celebrants for the coming sacrifice (see also ch. of the Li chi).. Earls, Viscounts, and Barons are [then] all present I.e. at a Great Archery Meeting, even when it is convened by an Earl, Viscount, or Baron, the host is called 'Duke'..

 XVIII. THE FÊNG- AND SHAN-SACRIFICES. 126. THE MEANING OF THE FÊNG- AND SHAN-SACRIFICES. (5.1a-2a; 3 .1a-2a; 6.17b-20b)

a.Why is it that when the King has changed the name [of the former Dynasty for his own] and has set himself up [as the founder of a new Dynasty, his duty is] to ascend Mount T'ai and to offer the fêng-sacrifice? [The reason is to express] the idea of showing [his gratitude] and of reporting [his success] . The Y. ed. has instead of . Lu's emen- dation. The Wu ching t'ung i by Liu Hsiang (quoted by the T'ai p'ing yü lan, 536.1b; also in the Yü han, 52.4b) says: "Mount T'ai is the chief of the Five Mountains, and the Lord of the host of spirits (; the Yü han has instead of ); therefore the fêng- sacrifice is only performed on Mount T'ai; [at the sacrifice] announcement of the [prevailing] general peace is made to Heaven, and thanks are returned for the labours of the host of spirits" . The same work, quoted in the Tpyl, 39.6a (Yü han, 1.c.), says: "[the King] returns thanks for the labours [of Heaven and Earth] and announces his achievement" .. On the very day . The Y. ed. has . Lu's correction. that he receives the mandate [of Heaven to ascend the throne], he changes the institutions [of the previous Dynasty, acting thereby] in response to [the will of] Heaven. In all under Heaven general peace [has been restored], and his efforts have come to a successful end: [now] he offers the fêng- and shan-sacrifices to announce [the accomplishment of this] general peace About the same is said by the Fêng su t'ung i, ch. (2.3a) where, however, the text is faulty, and ch. (10.1b) where the text reads: "When the King has received the mandate [of Heaven], he changes the name [of the previous Dynasty], and changes its institutions. [Having acted] in response to [the will of] Heaven his efforts have come to a successful end, [and now] he offers the fêng- and shan-sacrifices to announce it to Heaven and Earth"..

b.Why must [the sacrifice be offered] on Mount T'ai? It is the place where the ten thousand things originate and where [the yin and the yang] alternate . The Y. ed. has instead of . The Fêng su t'ung i (10.1b) reads: . The Wu ching i i (quoted in the Tpyl, 39.6a; Yü han, 52.4b): "The East is the place where the ten thousand things originate and interchange". Mount T'ai is in the present province of Shan-tung, the eastern part of China. The East is the place where the sun rises, it is the origin of all life-engendering forces..

c.Why must [the fêng-sacrifice take place] on the top [of Mount T'ai]? Taking advantage of the height [of the mountain] the announcement is made to the high [Heaven, thus acting] in con- formity with the latter's nature. Therefore by ascending [the mountain and erecting on its top an altar] for the fêng-sacrifice its height is increased; by descending [the mountain and erecting an altar] for the shan-sacrifice at the base of [the peak of] Liang-fu its solidity is added to (the Y. ed. has . Ch. of the Li chi (chu suh, 24.8a; C.I. 563) con- tains the statement: "in conformity with Heaven a sacrifice is offered to Heaven; in conformity with Earth a sacrifice is offered to Earth", explained by Chêng Hsüan as meaning: "Heaven is high, and in conform- ity with [the nature of] the high it is served; Earth is low, and in conformity with [the nature of] the low it is served", which is again explained by Lu Tê-ming in his (o.c. 8b) as: . "in conformity with the height of Heaven's body Heaven is served on a high place; Earth's body is low, and taking advantage of a low place Earth is served". The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a-b) says: . . . . . . . "[that the fêng-sacrifice] must be performed on the top [of Mount T'ai] is to show that its height is increased . . . . at the base [of the mountain] the shan-sacrifice takes place on [the peak of] Liang-fu, where the Lord of Earth is ritually worshipped . . . to show that the solidity [of Earth] is increased" ( is probably an error for , cf. the of the Po hu t'ung where , used verbally, is synonymous with ). This statement by Ying Shao is quoted, with slight variations, in the Commentary on the Ch'ien han shu, Annals of Wu-ti (6.25b), and translated by Dubs (The History of the Former Han Dynasty, II. 86. n. 25.1) as: "[The sacrifice] fêng [was performed] on top of it, to show [that the Emperor] had increased in greatness. . . . [The Emperor] descended [the mountain and performed the sacrifice] shan at [Mount] Liang-fu. . . ., worshipping the Ruler of Earth, to show that he had increased the breadth [of his territory]". Professor Dubs' rendering of and is incorrect, see infra and cf. his own note 16.3 (o.c. p. 66). Cf. moreover what Fu Ch'ien (quoted in the Commentary of the Hou han shu, , 7.6a) says: "the fêng-sacrifice [is performed by] increasing the height of Heaven, and giving [the honour of the achieved] merit to Heaven", and the still clearer text of the Sui shu (quoted in the Tpyl, 536.7b): "the fêng- and shan- sacrifices are concerned with what is high and what is solid. Heaven is honoured for its height, Earth owes its beneficent qualities to its solidity. The height of Mount T'ai is increased to give thank-offerings to Heaven; the base of [the peak of] Liang-fu is made more solid to give thank-offerings to Earth". Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 24.9b) the fêng-sacrifice took place on an elevated altar t'an , while for the shan- sacrifice a 'level base' shan is made, for which earth has been removed . The names of the altars have even led to the names of the sacrifices. So the Commentary in the Hou han shu, Annals of Kuang-wu-ti (1 . 28b) says: "Fêng means that earth is gathered [and heaped up] for an elevated altar; shan means that earth is removed to [make the place of] sacrifice; [the word] shan [indicating the level base] is changed into shan [in- dicating the sacrifice], because it is imbued with spiritual power". Cf. however the explanation of shan given by the Po hu t'ung, infra n. 309. The difference between t'an and shan is explained by Chêng Hsüan in his Comm. on ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 16.9b) in the same way as K'ung Ying-ta. It seems that, in general, t'an and shan are indiscriminately used for altar (Tz'ŭ hai, . 196). The size of the altar for the fêng-sacrifice is given with many vari- ations: 50 feet in diameter and 9 feet high (Le T'ai chan, 20), 120 feet wide and 20 feet high (Ying Shao in the Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu, 1.c.; the Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) wrongly gives 120 feet wide and 3 feet high), 12 feet wide and 9 feet high (Ch'ien han shu, 25 .37a; Ying Shao, in Comm. Ch'ien han shu, 6.25b, says this was the altar erected by Wu-ti). It was round, whereas the altar for the shan-sacrifice was square (Le T'ai chan, 20-21). Mount T'ai is, for the rest, only 1545 metres high (ibid., 4).. At both [sacrifices] a stone is engraved re- cording the appellations [of the King and his predecessors], to show the results of their accomplishments, and to stimulate themselves to more toil . Lu's reading of the text, which in the Y. ed. omits , has after , and in stead of . K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 24.9b), quoting this statement of the Po hu t'ung, writes instead of . The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) has , the T'ung tien (54.310) 'to show his accomplishments'. Dubs (o.c. 86. n. 25.1) translates occurring in Mêng K'ang's Comm. (Ch'ien han shu, 6.25b) by 'recording his words', but K'ung Ying-ta (1.c.) paraphrases it as: 'to record in engraving the appellation [of the present ruler] and the posthumous names [of the previous rulers] of the reigning Dynasty'. Ying Shao (quoted in the Commentary of the Ch'ien han shu, 1.c.) writes , translated by Dubs as 'to record his achievements', but it is probably a conta- mination, for the text in the Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) has: 'to record his appellation and therewith to show his accomplishments'. The sentence is acc. to Chêng Hsüan's Comm. (Li chi chu shu, 24.8a) from some Commentary on the Hsiao ching , acc. to K'ung Ying-ta an Apocryphal Work on the Hsiao ching (o.c. 9b).. Heaven is honoured for its height; Earth owes its beneficent qualities to its solidity. Therefore the height of mount T'ai is increased [by an altar] that thank[-offerings] may be pres- ented to Heaven . The Y. ed. has instead of . Lu's correction.; to the base of [the peak of] Liang-fu is added [an altar] that thank[-offerings] may be presented to Earth. It means [that when in conformity with what] Heaven The Y. ed. has instead of . Corr. by Lu. has commanded the King has accomplished his aim and brought his task to a successful end . In the Y. ed. is written instead of . Lu's corr. [his duty is to] add to [the greatness of] Heaven and Earth; in the case of the high he adds to the height [of Heaven, in the case of] the solid he adds to the solidity [of the Earth].

d.Some say: "At the fêng-sacrifice a gold stamp [is used with] silver bindings". Others say: "A stone stamp [is used with] gold bindings and sealed with a seal" The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) has only 'a gold stamp with silver bindings and sealed with a seal', which is evidently a conta- mination of the fuller Po hu t'ung text. Mêng K'ang's Comm. in the Ch'ien han shu, 1.c., reads in Dubs' translation (1.c.) "there was the sealing (feng) of a golden document on a stone envelop (han ) with a golden mortar [seal] on a jade envelop top (chien )". These brief descriptions gives us no clear idea of what the sacrifice really was. According to Chavannes (Le T'ai chan, 22-24) five jade tablets were inscribed and piled up one upon the other. They were held together by jade slabs of the same size on the top and at the bottom, then fastened with gold bindings. The whole was afterwards put in a box of jade, and this again in a stone box consisting of three rectangular pieces, which was then held together by ten stone laths and three gold bindings. The stone box was finally secured by twelve stone beams of each ten feet long, which in four layers of three beams pressed it on four sides. This seems to have been the practice during the Han, and the second description of the Po hu t'ung (stone stamp, gold bindings) roughly corresponds with it. The first description (gold stamp, silver bindings) applies, according to Ch'ên, to the custom during the Chou and before, which hypothesis is, of course, not based on fact..

e.Therefore Confucius says: "When I climbed Mount T'ai and made an inspection of the [number of] Kings who had [announced] the change of [the dynastic] name, [I discovered that] those who could be counted amounted to more than seventy Lords" . In the Y. ed. is missing. This legend has been repeatedly and variously told. The Shih chi contains two statements. One (28.5a-b) reads in Chavannes' translation (M.H. III. 423): "Dans l'antiquité, ceux qui ont fait le sacrifice Jong sur le T'ai-chan et le sacrifice chan sur le mont Leang-fou, ont étć au nombre de soixante-douze personnes, mais ceux dont moi, I-ou, je me souviens, sont au nombre de douze". The Shih chi seems to have copied this passage from the Kuan tzŭ, ch. , which has, however, been lost since the beginning of the T'ang. See the by Tai Wang 1837-1873 (5.53). A similar statement is now found in ch. of the Kuan tzŭ (3.83): "The fêng-sacrifice is offered on Mount T'ai, the shan- sacrifice on [the peak of] Liang-fu. The Kings who have performed these fêng- and shan-sacrifices [number] seventy-two Houses. The number of those who have gained and lost [their empires] are comprised herein". This chapter, acc. to Forke, Geschichte der alten Chinesischen Philosophie, 75, belongs to the nine- teen sections of which the character is doubtful. Lo Kên-tsê includes it among the sections which he takes to have been composed in the period between Em- perors Wu and Chao (Ku shih pien, IV. 622). The other statement (28.7a) reads in Chavannes' translation (o.c. 427): "K'ong-tse recensa et transmit à la postérité les six ouvrages canoniques; un récit traditionnel dit en abrégé que parmi ceux qui devinrent rois en fondant une dynastie de nom nouveau, ceux qui firent le sacrifice jong sur le T'ai-chan et le sacrifice chan sur le mont Leang-fou furent au nombre de plus de soixante-dix". The Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (7.21a-b) says: "[The number of] those who performed the fêng-sacrifice on the top of Mount T'ai and the shan-sacrifice at the base [of the peak] of Liang-fu, having assumed kingship by changing the [Dynasty's] name, and whose spiritual power was like [that of] Yao and Shun, amounted to seventy-two". Ying Shao's Fêng su t'ung i (2.2b) relates that "Confucius said that [the number of those who per- formed] the fêng-sacrifice on Mount T'ai and the shan-sacrifice on [the peak of] Liang-fu which could be counted amounted to seventy-two". The same statement is repeated verbatim in his Han kuan i, .13a ( ed.). Chang Hua (232-300) in his (quoted in the Tpyl, 536.11b) says: "Those who have climbed Mount T'ai [number] seventy-four [Lords of Dynastic] Houses, [the number of those] whose posthumous names and appel- lations can be known amounts to fourteen". Finally the Han shih wai chuan (quoted by Chang Shou-chieh's on Shih chi, 28.5b, and in an abbreviated form by Ssŭ-ma Chêng in his supplementary chapter in the Shih chi, M.H. I. 20) states the following: "When Confucius climbed Mount T'ai and made an inspection of those who assumed kingship by changing the [former Dynasty's] name () [he found that the number of] those who could be counted amounted to more than seventy persons, [while the number of those] who could not be counted amounted to tens of thousands"..

f.Fêng means kuang 'to broaden' . Mêng K'ang (I.c.) explains fêng by ch'ung 'to elevate' (Dubs 1.c.). Mao's Chuan (Mao shih chu shu, 26.12a) explains fêng by ta 'great', so also K'ung An-kuo's Chuan (Shang shu chu shu, 2.15b) and Tu Yü's Commentary (Tso chuan chu shu, 52.28b). For further examples see Juan Yüan's Ching chi chuan ku, p. 22. The Commentary of Wei Chao (197-278) on the Kuo yü (Chin yü, 14.6b) explains fêng as hou 'to privilege'. Kuang, ch'ung, ta, hou (literally 'thick, to make thick') all convey the idea of 'aggran- dizement'.. The use of [the word] shan means that by successful achievement [the Empire] will be trans- mitted [from ruler to ruler] . The explanation of as 'to transmit' is also given by Kao Yu's Commentary on the Huai nan tzŭ (10.10b). In the Books of Mencius, ch. (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 9 . 5a; L. 361) is likewise used in this sense. The Po hu t'ung thus disagrees with the explanation of in the Commentary on the Hou han shu (which also occurs in the Commentary on ch. of the Ta tai li chi, 3.10b), cf. n. 301.. Liang-fu is the name of a side-peak of Mount T'ai. Why is it [that the shan-sacrifice is performed] on this very peak of Liang-fu . Acc. to Ch'ên is superfluous.? The Three August Ones per- formed the shan-sacrifice at mount I-i, meaning that after they had brought their efforts to a successful end they went to the powerful [mountain] to stay there [for the sacrifice] . The Sub-comm. on ch. of the Li chi (1.c.), quoting the Po hu t'ung, says: "[The three August Ones] performed the shan-sacrifice on the powerful [mountain] and stayed there without end", which reading is undoubtedly inferior to that of the Po hu t'ung.. [The name] l-i carries the meaning of inexhaustibility . Mount I-i is probably the same as Mount I in present Shan-tung, which in 219 B.C. was climbed by Ch'in Shih huang-ti, who had an inscription made on stone (Shih chi, 6.14b; M.H. II. 140). It was probably a range of mountains, which could suggest the idea of never-ending heights. The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3b) explains I-i differently: "I-i means irreproachable".. The Five Emperors performed the shan-sacrifice on mount T'ing-t'ing . The last four words are missing in the Y. ed.. T'ing-t'ing means that the rules and regulations have been carefully examined, and that the virtuous influence [emanating from the possession] of the [right] Way has manifested itself brilliantly . The Y. ed. omits . Instead of the Sub-comm. on ch. ( Li chi chu shu, 1.c.) writes . The Comm. on the Ta tai li chi, ch. (3.10b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, says that t'ing-t'ing means that "the rules for virtuous [conduct] have been examined and made known" .. The Three Kings performed the shan-sacrifice on mount Liang-fu. Liang means hsin 'sincere' (in the Y. ed. order is reversed) . The identification is probably through the homophony of and , both pronounced liang (*1 iang, Gr. Ser. 735a and 738a). The two words are sometimes used interchange- ably, so the name of the famous charioteer Wang Liang is written in the Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 6 .2a; L. 262) and in ch of the Hsün tzŭ (18.72). Liang 'good' is often used in the meaning of nsin 'sincere' (see for examples the Ching chi chuan ku, p. 311).; fu means fu 'to assist' (the Y. ed. omits ) . The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3b) writes , and explains it by , i.e., that the words exchanged between father and son should be sincere.. [The Kings] sincerely assisted in the display of the Way of Heaven and Earth (missing in the Y. ed.) . Ch. of the Shih chi (28.5a-b; M.H. III. 423-424) contains a statement, according to which all the twelve Sovereigns whom Kuan Chung or Kuan I-wu could remember and enumerate, performed the shan-sacrifice at Mount Yün- yün (which may be identified with Mount I-i), with the exception of Huang-ti, who used Mount T'ing-t'ing, Yü , who used Mount Kuei-chi , and King Ch'êng, who used Mount Shê-shou (for Kuei- chi see M.H. I. 162. n. 4; for Shê-shou M.H. III. 424. n. 5 and Le T'ai chan, 21)..

g.After general peace [has been restored] the fêng-sacrifice is performed, [by which] we know that the announcement to Heaven is necessary. Why [are the fêng- and shan-sacrifices performed] on [Mount] Tai-tsung? To make it clearly known that the [dynastic] name has been changed A pun on the words tai in Tai-tsung and tai meaning 'to replace, change'. The Fêng su t'ung i (10.1b) explains by chang 'chief'. "Tai-tsung is [only another name for] Mount T'ai" Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien explains in his quotation from the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 2.10a; L. 35; Shih chi, 28.1b; M.H. I. 62; III. 415). Mount T'ai or Tai-tsung is one of the Five Sacred Mountains.. The engraving on stone to record the [new] appellation is to show that he [as new King] is [now] registered among the Hundred Kings.

h.The burnt offering to Heaven . The Shu ching (1.c.) uses chai instead of liao. Acc. to Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Hsi 31, the liao 'burnt offering' consisted of seven parts of the victims (, i.e. a pig and a sheep), which were burnt together with the precious jade kuei (Kung yang cha shu, 12.28b). has the meaning of [conveying feelings of] gratitude. [At the same time] The sacrifices to the mountains, rivers, etc. are all offered at the same time (K'ung An-kuo's Chuan in Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b), namely on the occasion of a 'Tour of Inspection' hsün-shou . Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. (Li chi chu shu, 24.9a) the Jêng- and shan-sacrifices must be performed on this Tour of Inspection, but only when general peace prevails. Otherwise it is omitted. The passage from the Shu ching referred to in n. 321, and the quotations from the Shih ching infra (see n. 322 and 323) describe such a Tour of Inspection, but the Po hu t'ung makes the latter refer to the perfor- mance of the fêng- and shan-sacrifices also. the wang-sacrifice is offered to the mountains and rivers, while the host of spirits are worshipped . Cf. the almost similar passage in the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b; L. 34). The wang-sacrifice was offered to 'the famous mountains and great streams of the nine provinces, namely the Five Sacred Peaks and the Four Rivers (the Chiang , the Ho , the Huai , and the Chi , which all open to the sea)', see K'ung An-kuo's Chuan and K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. in Shang shu chu shu, 1.c. and 9a. The Ch'un ch'iu, Hsi 31, mentions the , which Tu Yü holds to be the sac- rifice to 'certain stars, with the mountains of Lu and its rivers' (Tso chuan chu shu, 16.9a; L. 219). Kung-yang sees in it the sacrifice to Mount T'ai, the Ho and the sea (Kung yang chu shu, 12.28a). The Chou li, ch. (Chou li chu shu, 18.36b; B. I. 439) speaks of the , explained as meaning the sacrifice to the sun, the moon, the stars, and the sea, or the sacrifice to the Five Mountains, the Four Peaks, and the Four Rivers opening to the sea. Out of the various conflicting opinions Sun I-jang states his own: "Wang is the general name for the sacrifice to the mountains and rivers; ssŭ-wang stands for the sacrifice performed on and at the highest and greatest of these mountains and rivers, and embracing the sacrifices to all of them" (Li chi chêng i, quoted in the Tz'ŭ hai, .126).. The Shih says: "Ah, august is this [Lord of the House of] Chou, he ascends the high mountain" . Ode 296: (Mao shih chu shu, 28.31b). The Y. ed. has instead of . I have followed Chêng Hsüan's explanation of the words, except for which he explains by 'Lord, he who is Lord of', but should better be taken in the original, adjectival, sense. is understood by Mao as referring to the four Sacred Mountains (the fifth, and central, mountain not being sacrificed to; Mao's opinion here runs counter to K'ung An-kuo's and K'ung Ying-ta's, see n. 321), but the context of the Po hu t'ung requires it to be rendered in the singular. Though sacrifices are offered to all the Sacred Mountains, it is only on Mount T'ai that the fêng- and shan-sacrifices take place (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on Ode 273: , Mao shih chu shu, 26.23b). The translations by Legge (L. 609), Waley (Wa. 238), and Karlgren (K. 17.94) of the Shih ching passage quoted give no sense in the Po hu t'ung text.. It indicates that when [the House of] Chou [had restored] general peace, a fêng-sacrifice was offered to Mount T'ai. [The Shih] again says: "[And sacrifices are offered to] the smaller and higher peaks, [one after the other] relying on the charts; [then] a joint sacrifice to the rivers" . Ibid. In this case, too, Chêng Hsüan's explanation of the words is followed in order to make the Po hu t'ung context intelligible.. It indicates the wang-sacrifice to [all] the mountains and rivers, to the host of spirits and the returning [souls] . Probably this expression is an extension and eluci- dation of the in the Shu ching (l.c.), which, acc. to K'ung An-kuo, comprise 'the spirits of hills, hillocks, mounds, mountain-slopes, and of the ancient Sages and the worthy' (Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b)..

 127. THE APPEARANCE OF LUCKY OMENS This paragraph coming close after the treatise on the fêng- and the shan- sacrifices seems to be irrelevant. The connection, however, becomes clear when we read in the Shih chi (ch. , 28.5a-b) that, according to Kuan Chung's expostulation with Duke Huan of Ch'i, the fêng- and the shan-sacrifices could only be performed when general peace prevailed in all under Heaven, while the fact that general peace prevailed should be attested by the appearance of lucky omens. The Po hu t'ung only deals with a part of the considerable number of strange phenomena, taking its material chiefly from the Yüan shên ch'i. For a fuller enumeration I may refer to the Jui ying t'u by Sun Jou- chih of the Liang Dynasty (502-556) and edited by Ma Kuo-han in the Yü han shan fang chi i shu, vol. 77; to the Sung shu by Shên Yo (441-513), which devotes three lengthy chapters to the subject (, , ch. 27-29), giving the dates on which the omens appeared from antiquity to the end of the 5th century; and to the Lun hêng by Wang Ch'ung (27-97), which contains ample discussion on lucky omens.. (5.2a-4a; 3 .2a-4a; 6.20b-24a)

a.The reason that lucky omens appear when general peace pre- vails in all under Heaven is, because the King is assisting Heaven in the regulation [of things] and the harmonization of the yin and the yang . The Y. ed. omits . The I wên lei chü (98.1b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes instead of . The Jui ying t'u (77.2a) says: . . . . "When the King assists Heaven in its regulation by spiritual power. . . .".. When the yin and the yang are in harmony the ten thousand things will be in hierarchic order, and the [blissful] fluid will permeate [everything]. Therefore, when lucky omens appear one after another, [it is a sign that] they have come in response to the spiritual influence [exercized by the King].

b.When the [King's] spiritual power affects Heaven, then the Pole Star becomes brilliant, sun and moon shed their illustrious light, and the Sweet Dew descends [from above] This conforms with a statement of the Yüan shên ch'i as it is quoted in the Sub-comm. on ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 22.28b). Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.21a) gives a slight addition: "When the King's spiritual power affects Heaven, then it envelops and carries the sun etc". For the Sweet Dew see infra, n. 357..

c.When his spiritual power affects Earth, then the Auspicious Grain begins to grow, the ming-chieh arises, the chü-ch'ang appears, and the hua-p'ing flourishes . For the last three words the Y. ed. has , corrected, foll. the T'ai p'ing yü lan, by Ch'ên who is supported by Liu (73.4a). The Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.) omits these words, Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, 58.21b) writes . For the Auspicious Grain and the ming-chieh see infra, n. 360 and n. 351, for the chü-ch'ang see ch. XX, of the Po hu t'ung. The hua-p'ing is, acc. to the description in the Sung shu (29.43b; occurring also in the Hsiang jui t'u , quoted in the Tpyl, 873.6a), a plant of which "the branches are straight and horizontal; if the King displays 'virtue' it grows; if his 'virtue' is strong [the branches] turn upwards; if it is weak they turn down- wards"..

d.When his spiritual power affects the eight barbarian regions, then the Luminous Star becomes visible, and the Five Planets follow their prescribed courses . The Y. ed. writes instead of , corrected by Ch'ên. The Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.) only has . and probably mean the same as , which occurs in the Shih chi (6.42b, where Chia I says of Ch'in Shih huang-ti that he had 'the intention of swallowing up the eight barbarian regions' ), and is translated by Cha- vannes as 'les huit contrées sauvages' (M.H. II. 225). The Shuo yüan (18.4a) says that "within the eight barbarian regions are the four seas , within the four seas are the nine provinces ; the Son of Heaven dwells in the central province whence he rules the eight directions" . For the Luminous Star see infra, n. 356. is the same as 'the Five Planets' (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch. , Chou li chu shu, 18.2b). Chia Kung-yen's Sub-comm. gives a further explanation: they are called wei , because the 28 mansions follow Heaven in their revolving leftward, forming the warp ching , whereas the five planets in their revolving rightward form the woof wei (o.c. 3a). The names of these Five Planets are: sui-hsing Jupiter, jung-huo Mars, chêng-hsing or Saturn, t'ai-po Venus, and ch'ên-hsing Mercury (Shuo yüan, 18.2b; Yang Shih-hsün's Sub-comm. in Ku liang chu shu, Preface, 3a; Schlegel, Urano- graphie chinoise, 614 ff.). They correspond with the Five Elements wood, fire, metal, water, and earth, and with the east, the south, the west, the north, and the centre respectively (cf. ch. of the Ch'ien han shu, 26.19a-26a; ch. of the Huai nan tzŭ, 3.5b-6b). The K'ao ling yao (an Apocryphal Book of History, quoted in the Tpyl, 5.3a) says that "when Jupiter has its right course the Five Grains will grow abundantly, when Mars has its right course sweet rain will fall in the proper time, when Saturn has its right course the earth will have no calamities, when Venus has its right course the Five Grains will develop and ripen and the people will be happy". The Pao p'u tzŭ (, 15.3a) contains the following recipe: In order to attain long life one should "in spring turn towards the east and drink the green fluid of Jupiter, letting it enter the liver; in summer submit to the red fluid of Mars, letting it enter the heart; in the last month of each of the four seasons drink the yellow fluid of Saturn, letting it enter the spleen; in autumn drink the white fluid of Venus, letting it enter the lungs; in winter submit to the black fluid of Mercury, letting it enter the kidneys". The expression is probably derived from the fuller expression , occurring in the Ch'ien han shu (26.10b), meaning (acc. to Wang Hsien-ch'ien's Comm.) "the moon and the Five Planets follow the constant way of declining to the west". The same chapter (26.35a) also contains the passage "When general peace prevails in all under Heaven the Five Planets follow their regular [courses]". The Huai nan tzŭ. (8.1b) writes: ; Kao Yu's Commentary explains as and as ..

e.When his spiritual power affects the vegetation, then the Vermilion Grass begins to grow, and there will be trees inter- twining . The same is said by the Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, 1.c.; Yü han, 58.23a). For the Vermilion Grass see infra, n. 358. The Jui ying t'u (77.43b) says: "When a tree has different roots and the same trunk they are said to have intertwined lien-li . When through the King's spiritual power the [peoples of the] eight directions are converted and appeased and united into one nation the trees intertwine ". Acc. to Ts'ao Chih (192-232), quoted in the Tpyl, 873.13a, lien-li refers to trees 'with different trunks but the same branches'. The Sung shu (29.37a ff.) gives instances of all sorts of trees which have inter- twined, representing lucky omens..

f.When his spiritual power affects the birds and quadrupeds, then the fêng-huang begins to fly, the lüan-bird dances, the ch'i-lin arrives, the White Tiger comes, the Nine-tailed Fox and the White Pheasant appear, the White Deer is visible, and the White Crow descends The Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.) has: "When his spiritual power affects the birds and quadrupeds, then the fêng-huang comes, the lüan-bird dances, the ch'i-lin arrives, the White Tiger moves about, and there appear the Nine-tailed Fox and the Pheasant with a White Head". Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the same work (58.23b) adds: "the White Crow descends, the White Deer is visible". For the fêng-huang see infra, under t, and for the Nine-tailed Fox see n. 355. The lüan-bird is acc. to the Shuo wên (4 .77-78) "the essence of the spirit of [the colour] red; its colour is deep-red with five shades, in its song the five tones [are comprised], it comes when [the people are so thankful that] songs of praise are produced [by them for their benevolent ruler]". The Shan hai ching (2.12a) relates that "in the Girl's Couch-mountains there is a bird' whose form is like that of a pheasant and is adorned with five colours. It is called the lüan-bird. When it is visible [it is a sign that] all under Heaven is peaceful and tranquil". The Jui ying t'u (77.46a), evidently elaborating the Shuo wên statement, says: "The lüan-bird is the essence of the spirit of [the colour] red. It is the companion of the fêng-huang. Inshape it resembles the pheasant, and it is five-coloured. It has the body of a hen, its feathers are adorned with five shades. Its natural song, which comprises the five tones, sounds like su-su yung-yung. When it is pleased it sings and dances". The lüan is nearly always mentioned together with the fêng-huang in the Shan hai ching (7.4b; 11.5a-b; 15.3b; 16.3a, 4a). On the ch'i-lin many pages could be written. Chinese literature abounds with allusions to this strange creature. It is an animal rep- resenting consideration for others jên . The male is called ch'i , the female lin . It has the body of a stag, the tail of a cow, and the forehead of a wolf. It has one horn, is yellow-coloured, and possesses horses' hoofs. It does not tread on living insects, nor does it break living grass. It lives to 10,000 years (culled at random from the Tpyl, 889.6a-9a; cf. also the Lun hêng, ch. 50, Forke I. 359 ff.; for further literature see T'oung Pao, XXXVI, 399). Though it is an auspicious beast, when it appears while its time has not yet come, it is the presage of a calamity (Shuo yüan, 18.10b-11a; Chia yü, 4.16b-17a). In the 15th century the giraffe made from Bengal its first appearance in China, and was, not inappropriately, identified with the ch'i-lin (Duyvendak in T'oung Pao, l.c.). Acc. to the Jui ying t'u the White Crow appears when the ancestral temples receive reverent attendance (77.45b), the White Deer is to be seen when the King never forgets to continue the laws and ordinances of the ancient Sages (49b), and the White Tiger, which possesses consideration for others jên and does not harm men, comes when the King does not commit cruel deeds (52b). The White Tiger is called kan acc. to Erh ya chu shu, 11.4a, and Hao I- hsing's Comm. on the Shan hai ching, 2.21b..

g.When his spiritual power affects the mountains and hills, then the Luminous Cloud appears So far the passage corresponds with the Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu shu, l.c.). The same work (ed. in Yü han, 58.22a) says: "When his spiritual power affects the mountains, rivers, hillocks, and hills, then the Luminous Cloud appears". The Luminous Cloud ching-yün is, acc. to the Jui ying t'u, 77.32a, also called Felicitous Cloud ch'ing-yün ; it is neither vapour nor smoke, and it has a mixture of five colours., the chih [-plant] bears fruit and blooms . The chih-plant usually comes out in the sixth month; in spring it is green, in summer purple, in autumn white, in winter black; it can protract man's life; it grows when the King treats the old with kindness and reverence (Jui ying t'u, 77.43a). The Lun hêng (19.13a; Forke, 11.215) men- tions chih-plants of which the longest measured one foot and four to five inches, and the shortest seven to eight inches; stalks and leaves were of a purple colour., the hills produce multi-coloured [minerals] . The Y. ed. writes instead of . Tan means cinnabar, but it is also used in the meaning of 'red'. So the Shan hai ching (2.6a) has , which is explained by Hao I-hsing as . The Comm. of Sung Chung on the Yüan shên ch'i explains the use of tan in as: 'responding to the Five Canons of Rules tan completes the five colours' (Yü han, 58.22b). Kuo P'o in his Comm. on the Shan hai ching (16.4a) says that besides tan indicating its own colour (red) "black, white, and yellow are also called tan" . In the Wên hsüan (3.8a) the expression occurs. The Comm. of Hsieh Tsung (d. 243 A.D.) explains it as 'black stone many-coloured'. . The Comm. of Liu Liang (T'ang Dynasty) says: "Chih is black; it means red and black minerals mixed up together" . The Shan hai ching further contains the expression , which is explained by Hao I-hsing as (5.18a)., the high plains produce the sha-fu . The Y. ed. wrongly writes . For the sha-fu see infra, n. 345. The Erh ya chu shu (6.9b) says: "A high plain is called lu. An extensive lu is called fu" ., the mountains produce the Natural Carriage . This expression also occurs in ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 22.27a), and translated by Couvreur as 'des ustensils et des chars tout faits' (C. I. 536), by Legge as 'implements and chariots' (L. I. 392), probably following Chêng Hsüan, who in his Commentary explains as indicating 'silver goblets and red vases' . K'ung Ying-ta in his Sub-comm. (o.c. 28a) quotes the Tou wei i (an Apocryphal Book of Rites) which speaks of , explained by Sung Chung's Comm. as meaning a natural carriage (not made by man) with wheels curved round without being bent by man. had better be understood as one compound, synonymous with 'mountain carriage', 'tree-root car- riage', 'metal carriage', or 'model carriage', which names occur in Sung Chung's Comm. on the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.22a-b)., and the lakes produce the Spiritual Tripod . The Spiritual Tripod is, acc. to the Jui ying t'u (77.35b), the essence of substance and form; it has knowledge of luck and disaster, of gain and loss; it can be light and it can be heavy; it rests quiet and it moves; its contents boil without being heated; it is always full without being refilled; whatever is in it will comprise the Five Tastes..

h.When his spiritual power affects the wells and sources, then the Yellow Dragon appears, the Source of Fragrant Wine begins to flow The Y. ed. has ; the Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, 22.28b) Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, 58.23a) , followed by Lu and Ch'ên., the [river] Ho produces the Dragon Chart, the [river] Lo produces the Turtle Book So far it corresponds with the Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.). The Yellow Dragon is the chief of the four dragons, [its colour is] the right colour of the four quarters (i.e. yellow occupies the central position), [it represents] the spiritual essence, it can assume a large and a small shape, it can be visible and invisible, it can shorten and lenghten itself. Sometimes it is there, then it disappears. . . . . it does not go in crowds, neither does it live gre- gariously, it waits for the wind and the rain before it floats in the midst of the spring-breeze, it roams in the wastes beyond the [visible] Heavens, whence it comes and whither it goes in response to the command [of Heaven], it descends and ascends according to [the condition of] the time: if a Sage appears it is to be seen, if not it hides (Jui ying t'u, 77.54b). For the Source of Fragrant Wine see infra, n. 359. For the Dragon Chart lung-t'u , also called ho-t'u 'the Chart of the [river] Ho', and the Turtle Book kuei-shu , also called lo-shu 'the Book of the [river] Lo', see Granet, La pensée chinoise, 177 ff., and what is said in the Shang shu chung hou (Yü han, 53.22a ff.). The Lun hêng (22.12a; Forke, I. 238) says that "the Chart of the [river] Ho and the Book of the [river] Lo indicate the rise and fall, the progress and the decline, and the opportunities of Emperors and Kings"., the [river] Chiang produces the Great Shell, and the sea produces the Brilliant Pearl . The Jui ying t'u (77.39b) says that the Great Shell appears when the King does not covet riches and treasures; its size can fill a carriage. The Brilliant Pearl is also called Brilliant Moon Pearl . It appears when "the tax on fish and salt is just and only amounts to one tenth [of the produce]" (ibid., 39a)..

i.When his spiritual power affects the eight directions, then the Auspicious Wind comes . This corresponds with the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.22a). The eight directions are the four quarters and their four corners. The Erh ya (chu shu, 5.13a) speaks of the , which acc. to the Sub-comm. of Hsing Ping (932-1010) is the same as ., agreeable air [blows like] a seasonal boon, the bells and pitch-pipes sound harmoniously, the tonal rules receive their [strict] observation, the Four Barbarian Tribes I.e. for the east the I , for the south the Man , for the west the Jung , and for the north the Ti . are converted, and the Yüeh-shang . The Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.44a) relates that "in the time of King Ch'êng the Yüeh-shang offered a white pheasant". This story also occurs in the Shang shu ta chuan (2.24b), in the Shuo yüan (18.13a), and in the Lun hêng (8.8a; Forke, I. 505). Elsewhere the Lun hêng (5.4a, Forke, II. 166; 16.18a; Forke, I. 367; 19.5b, Forke, II. 199; 19.19b, Forke, II. 208) writes Yüeh-ch'ang instead of Yüeh-shang. In the Sung shu (29.44b) it is told that "in the time of the Duke of Chou the Yüeh-ch'ang came to offer a white pheasant and ivory". The Yüeh-shang or Yüeh-ch'ang were a tribe residing in the region between Yün-nan, Birma and Annam (Eberhard, Kultur und Siedlung der Rand- völker Chinas, 341). In 1 A.D. Wang Mang, when still being Commander in Chief, used the tribute of a white pheasant as a device to be likened to the Duke of Chou (Ch'ien han shu, 99 .5a-b). bring their tribute.

j.When his filial behaviour reaches its consummation, then the sha-ju grows in the kitchen ['s quarters] . Lu's reading of the faulty text of the Y. ed.. Sha-fu The Y. ed. wrongly writes . The Jui ying t'u (77.41a; Tpyl, 873.5b-6a) says that the sha-fu grows when the King does not overdo his relishes, and his table does not exceed the capacity of his kitchen. It is also called i-shan , or shih-lü , or i-sha . Its branches interlace, it has many leaves but few roots, the latter resemble silk threads. When it turns the wind arises. It guards the food and drinks, keeping them fresh and cool, and driving away and killing the insects. The Lun hêng (17.7b; Forke, II. 316 gives the name 'meat-fan') and the Sung shu (27.4a) write . is the name of a tree. Its leaves are larger than the leaves of a door. Without [the tree] being shaken they fan the drinks and the food, keeping them fresh and cool, [thus] assisting in the nourishment [of man].

k.When the [King's] descendants [are treated] equally . The Y. ed. superfluously has after . Dropped by Lu., then the pin-lien grows at the doors of his chambers. Pin-lien is the name of a tree. It has interlacing and mutually connecting [branches]. Therefore it grows The Y. ed. has instead of . The Tpyl (873.13b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes pin-lien-k'uo-ta instead of pin-lien. The Jui ying t'u (77.43b) says: "When the King observes the [proper] distinction between principal wife and concubines, when there is [proper] discri- mination between men and women, then the pin-lien-yüeh grows at [the doors of] his chambers. Another name is pin-lien-ta , another pin-lien-k'uo . It grows at [the doors of] his chambers to symbolize that in his visits to his concubines he observes regularity". at the doors of his chambers, symbolizing the continuity of his progeny.

l.When the calendar obtains its [correct] divisions, then the ming-chieh . The Y. ed. superfluously has between the two words. grows in the interstices of the stair's steps. Ming- chieh is the name of a tree. Each day of the month there grows one pod . The Y. ed. has . Lu's emendation., terminating with the fifteenth day. Starting with the sixteenth day one pod falls off [daily] . The Y. ed. has . Lu's correction.. Therefore it grows in the interstices of the steps to mark the days and the month . The Y. ed. has instead of . Acc. to the Jui ying t'u (77.41a-b; Tpyl, 873.7b) "the ming-chieh has round leaves and is five-coloured. Another name is li-chieh . Its fifteen leaves grow at the rate of one a day, from the first day of the moon until the full moon; on the sixteenth day the leaves begin to fall off at the rate of one a day until the last day of the moon. If the [lunar-]moon is short, then one leaf shrinks up but does not fall off". Sung Chung's Comm. on the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.21b) says: "In the time of Yao the ming-chieh grew at both sides of the steps; it registered the first day of the moon. . . . its taste was sour. The King used it to harmonize the taste [of food], later it was replaced by vinegar". See also the Lun hêng, 17.8a; Forke, 11.317, who translates ming-chieh by 'monthly plant'..

m.When the King causes the worthy not to fall short of [their tasks] . The first three words are missing in the Y. ed. and supplied by Lu. Hsiao is probably cognate with hsiao meaning 'to scrape off, to cut off; thus 'to fall short of, to be unlike (the original)'. The neg- ative pu-hsiao in this way means 'not to fall short of, to be similar to, to imitate (an example)'. But usually the expression pu-hsiao is used to convey the meaning of 'not to be similar to', and hsiao then comes to bear the positive meaning of 'to be similar to', and cognate to hsiao ., and not to trespass on each other's positions, then the p'ing-lu grows in the court-yard. P'ing-lu is the name of a tree. It blooms when the right man is in the right place, it dies when the wrong man is in the wrong place P'ing-lu is written in the Jui ying t'u (77.44a; Tpyl, 873.13b) and the Sung shu (29.43b). The Jui ying t'u says of it that it is "like a dais; it grows in the court-yard, and symbolizes the just government of the four quarters. If the King does not use favourites as officers, then the government of the four quarters will be just. If the eastern quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves on the] west will droop; if the northern quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves on the] south will droop; if the western quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves on the] east will droop; if the southern quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves in the] north will droop. If the four quarters are not governed justly, then the roots will be like threads of silk. [The plant is also] called p'ing-liang "..

n.What is the Nine-tailed Fox? When a fox dies it turns its head towards the hill [where it was born]; it does not forget its [place of] origin. It means that in comfort a man must never lose sight of calamities [impending] Ch. of the Li chi (chu shu, 7.1a; C. 1. 131) also contains this passage about the dying fox turning its head towards the hill; it is there taken as an example of faithfulness to one's home. The same is said by the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (17.1b), where it is told that birds fly back to their native regions, hares return to their holes, dying foxes turn their heads towards the hills, and the han-chiang (either an aquatic bird or a kind of cicada) flies back to the water.. Why must [this fox appear] with nine tails? When the nine concubines [of the King each] receive their proper places, his sons and grand-sons will enjoy abundant peace. Why [is the emphasis laid] upon the tail? It is to indicate that his posterity shall be numerous The Jui ying t'u (77.51a) says: "The Nine-tailed Fox is a spirit animal. In appearance it is red-coloured; it has four feet and nine tails. It comes from the country of the Green Hills. Its sound resembles [the cry of] a baby. Those who eat [its flesh] will be impervious to magical and evil influences, to [the bites of] poisonous insects and the like. When Heaven, Earth, and the four quarters are ruled [according to] one [principle] the Nine-tailed Fox appears. Others say: it comes when the King does not incline to debauchery". The Shan hai ching, sect. (14.4b) also mentions the Nine-tailed Fox as an inhabitant of the country of the Green Hills. It further appears at three other places in the same work (1.4b; 4.6b; 9.2b), but here we have not to deal with lucky omens: the creatures described in the first two cases are man-eaters..

o.The Luminous Star is a large star. The moon is invisible at times, but the Luminous Star is constantly to be seen, so that man can work at night, and the people derive profit from it The Luminous Star ching-hsing is described in the Shih chi (27.33a) as "a star possessing spiritual power ; its shape is not constant ; it appears in a country where the [right] Way is [followed]". The Ch'ien han shu (26.38a) has adopted this description, but mistakenly writes . Chavannes (M.H. III. 392) translates ching-hsing by 'l'étoile re- splendissante". Chang Shou-chieh in his on the Shih chi passage says that "its shape is like the crescent moon; it arises in the time between the dis- appearance of the moon and its reappearance; it assists the moon's light; when it is visible [it is a sign that] the Lord of men is virtuous, and has felicitously acquired enlightenment and sagenesss". See also the Lun hêng, 17.11b-12a; Forke, II. 323-334..

p.The Sweet Dew is a beneficent dew. When it descends all things flourish The Sweet Dew kan-lu is, acc. to the Jui ying t'u (77.32b) "a beneficent dew, the essence of spirituality, the auspicious sign of [Heaven's] favour for consideration for others [displayed]. When it congeals it is like fat; it is sweet like sugar. Another name is kao-lu 'Fat Dew', another t'ien-chiu 'Heavenly Wine'. Its colour is dark. [Because of] its sweetness it is called Sweet Dew . . . . The taste of the Sweet Dew is fresh and sweet . . . Drunk it gives man long life"..

q.The Vermilion Grass is grass of deep-red colour. It may be used to paint [clothes] red, in order to distinguish between high and low The Tpyl, 873.7a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, has (= ) "The Vermilion Grass is of a deep-red colour; it may be used to paint the clothes red with the fu-fu [ornament], in order to mark the distinction between high and low" (for the fu-fu ornament see Couvreur's translation of the Li chi, C. I. 368, note). The Jui ying t'u (77.40b) says: "The Vermilion Grass is also called chu-ying 'Vermillion Bloom'. It is the essence of the hundred species of grasses". The Tpyl (873.6b), quoting the Kan ching fu (an Apocry- phal Work on the Ch'un ch'iu), says: "When it is eaten it causes man not to grow old". The Lun hêng (3.12b; Forke, I. 132): "The stalk of the Vermilion Grass is like a needle"..

r.The Source of Fragrant Wine is a beneficent source. The appearance [of the liquid] is like the unfermented wine, and it may be used as a nourishment for the old The Jui ying t'u (77.34b) says of the Source of Fragrant Wine that it is "the essence of the liquids; its taste is sweet like the unfermented wine li ; if [the fluid] comes out of its source and reaches the plants, they bloom; if drunk it gives man long life"..

s.The Auspicious Grain is a large [sort of] grain. In the time of King Ch'êng there were three sprouts which, from different plots, grew into one ear. It was almost large enough to fill a carriage, and almost high enough to occupy the box [of the vehicle] "The stem of the Auspicious Grain is five feet long, and it has thirty-five ears" (Shang shu chung hou, quoted in Tpyl, 873.8a). "One ear has two grains; in a country where the government [follows the Principle of] Substance the same root produces different ears; in a country where the government [fol- lows the Principle of] Form the same ear arises from different roots" (Chin chêng hsiang shuo , quoted in the Tpyl, 873.9a; the Chin chêng hsiang shuo is also called Chin chung hsing shu chêng hsiang shuo , it was written by Ho Fa-shêng , beginning 5th cent. A.D.). "It has three roots, one stalk, and nine ears; it is by one to two feet higher than a common blade of grain" (Lun hêng, 2.23a; Forke. I. 180). "The Auspicious Grain is the chief among the Five Species of Grain; it is the essence of consummated virtue; [in a time when the Principle of] Form [is adhered to] it has one root and the same blossom; [in a time when the Principle of] Substance [is adhered to] it has different roots and the same blossom. This refers to the Auspicious Grain of the times of the Hsia and the Yin[Dynasties]; in the time of the Chou the Auspicious Grain has three roots and one and the same ear, it pierces the mulberry-tree as it grows, the ear is [as large as] to fill a carriage- box . . ." (Jui ying t'u, 77.41b). "In the Chou [there was the Auspicious Grain with] three sprouts and one ear; in the Shang it had one root and different ears; in the Hsia different roots and one blossom" (Sung shu, 29.1a). "In the time of King Ch'êng there were three stalks piercing the mulberry-tree and growing into one panicle; it was almost large enough to fill a carriage; the people took it and presented it to King Ch'êng; King Ch'êng asked the Duke of Chou what it was; the Duke of Chou said: Three sprouts having the same panicle! Can it mean that all under Heaven will be harmoniously united?" (Shuo yüan, 18.13a). Chia-ho 'Auspicious Grain' is also the title of a book of the Shu ching that has not survived, composed by the Duke of Chou on the occasion of the appearance of this omen (see Shang shu ta chuan, 2.24a; the Preface to the Shu ching, Shang shu chu shu, 12.31b; L. Preface, 9).. When the people found it and presented it [to the throne] King Ch'êng summoned . The Y. ed. writes . Lu's corr. foll. the I wên lei chü. The Shang shu ta chuan (l.c.) also has , the Shüo yuan (l.c.) . the Duke of Chou and questioned him about it. The Duke said: "Three sprouts growing into one ear! All under Heaven is sure to attain harmonious unity"! Afterwards . The Y. ed. has ., ac- tually the yüeh-shang See n. 343., having traversed several foreign regions , literally 'to repeat by nine translations'. This expression also occurs in the Biography of Chang Ch'ien of the Ch'ien han shu (61.3b). The Shuo yüan (18.13a) writes , and explains further: "as the roads [they had travelled] were difficult and long, while the mountains and streams [they had had to traverse] were steep and deep, it was feared that through one interpreter they would not be understood. Therefore when they came to court their words had to be repeated by three different interpreters' . The Shang shu ta chuan (2.24b) gives the same explanation but only writes . The term seems to be the common one. It occurs, besides in the Shuo yüan and the Shang shu ta chuan, l.c., also in the Shang shu ta chuan, 1.33b, 34a; in the Han shih wai chuan, 5.6a, 8.9b; and in the Biography of Wang Mang (Ch'ien han shu, 99 .6b, 24a). The Shang shu ta chuan, 1.32b, however, also gives the expression , while the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 4.2b, writes: ., came to the court [of Chou].

t. The whole of the following passage is missing in the Y. ed. and Lu's. It is supplied by Ch'ên from quotations in the Sub-commentaries on the Shih ching and the Tso chuan, and from entries in the Tpyl. For the fêng-huang see also Yoshihiko Izushi, A Study of the Origin of the Ch'i-lin and the Feng-huang, in Memoirs of the Research Department of the ToyoBunko, No.9, 1937, p. 79-109. Cf. also the Lun hêng, ch. 50 (Forke, I. 359 ff.), and the Shuo yüan, 18.12a.The fêng-huang is the chief among the birds. When above there is an enlightened King, and general peace [prevails], then it appears. It lives in the wilds of Kuang-tu . The Shan hai ching, sect. (18.2b) gives a description of a region, which is considered as the burial-place of Hou-chi , and where the lüan-bird and the fêng-huang lived. It is called the Wilds of Tu-kuang . Tu-kuang also occurs in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. (4.4b), which is said in Kao Yu's Comm. to be the name of a moun- tain in the southern region (cf. Erkes, Das Weltbild des Huai-nan-tze, n. 110. 127, 273). The Comm. of P'ei Yin (450 A.D.) on the Shih chi (4.2a) quotes the passage of the Shan hai ching, but wrongly says it to be from sect. , while it further writes 'the Wilds of Kuang-tu' instead of Tu-kuang.. The male's cry is: chieh; the female's cry is: chu-chu. Its soft cry [resembles the sound of] a middle-sized bell; its loud cry [resembles the sound of] a drum. When it roams it is always punctilious in choosing its ground, [even] when it is hungry it never consumes food haphaz- ardly. In the time of Huang-ti a fêng-huang, in its flight to the east, concealed the [light from the] sun. It rested in the Eastern Garden, constantly feeding on the seeds of bamboo, and constantly roosting in the wu-t'ung [tree] . The Shuo yüan has in both places instead of , and instead of wu-t'ung. The Erh ya (chu shu, 9.9a) mentions the ch'ên-wu, which Kuo P'o's Comm. iden- tifies as the wu-t'ung. It further mentions the jung, saying that it indicates the , which Kuo P'o again identifies as the wu-t'ung. A distinction should, however, be made between wu and t'ung . The wu is the wu- t'ung or the ch'ên-wu and belongs to the Sterculia platanifolia; the t'ung, also called jung, belongs to the Paulownia (Bretschneider, Botanicon Sinicum, II. nos. 283, 309, 515, 516).. Never did it leave until the death [of Huang-ti].

 XL. MARRIAGE. 235. GENERAL DISCUSSION ON MARRIAGE. (9.1a-b; 4 .9b; 10.1a-b)

a.Why is it that marriage belongs to the ways of man? It is because of the emotions and instincts there are none so important as [those between] man and woman. In the intercourse between man and woman, as the beginnings of human relationships . The Y. ed. has instead of . Corrected by Lu., there is nothing [so important] as the relation between husband and wife. The I says: "When the generating forces of Heaven and Earth intermingle the ten thousend things get their transformation and fertility; when the seeds of male and female are united the ten thousand things are transformed and produced" . Book of Change, ch. Hsi tz'ŭ ((Chou i chu shu, 12.17a; L. 393; Wi. 262). The I text has and , while the Y. ed. wrongly writes instead of .. Man is to assist Heaven and Earth in the keeping in motion of the yin and the yang, therefore the institution of marriage is set up to emphasize human relationships and enlarge his progeny. The Li pao fu chi says: "When one is cautious in arranging a marriage for one's son or daughter one always chooses [a mate in whose family] for generations consideration for others and sense of the right principles have been observed" Ta tai li chi, ch. (3.8a; Wi. 224), where the text reads: "When one is cautious in arranging a marriage for one's sons and daughters, and grand- sons and granddaughters, one always chooses [a mate who is] filial and fraternal and [in whose family] for generations sense of the right principles has been observed"..

b.Why is it that according to the rites the man takes his wife, whereas the woman leaves her house? It is because the yin [to which a woman belongs] is lowly, and should not have the initiative; it proceeds to the yang in order to be completed. Therefore the Chuan says: "The yang leads, the yin conforms; the man goes [ahead], the woman follows" This is a quotation from the Ch'ien tso tu, an Apocryphal Book of Change where ch'ang 'to lead' is written in stead of ( .4b)..

 236. ONE DOES NOT MARRY ON ONE'S OWN INITIATIVE. (9.1b; 4 .9b-10a; 10.1b)

Why is it that a man does not marry on his own initiative, and neither does a woman on hers, [but for both] the marriage must proceed from the parents, and be arranged through a go- between? It is to keep shame at a distance and to avoid debauchery. The Shih says: "How should we take a wife? We must first announce it to our parents" Ode 101: (Mao shih chu shu, 8.18a; L. 156; K. 16.203).. Again it says: "How should we take a wife? Without go-between it cannot be done" Ibid. (chu shu, 8.19a; L. 157; K. ibid.)..

 237. THE TIME FOR MARRIAGE. (9.1b-2b; 4 .10a-10b; 10.2b-4b)

a.Why . Omitted in the Y. ed. does the man take a wife at thirty, while the woman marries at twenty? The number of yang is odd, the number of yin is even. Why Ibid. [does] the man [marry at] an older age than the woman? The way . Omitted in the Y. ed. of yang is slow, the way . Omitted in the Y. ed. of yin is fast. At thirty a man's sinews and bones have become hard and strong, and he is ready to become the father of his children; at twenty a woman's flesh and muscles are fully developed, and she is ready to become the mother of her children. Combined together they make [the age of] fifty, corresponding to the number of the Great Expansion . Cf. the I ching, ch. Hsi tz'ŭ (Chou i chu shu, 11.24b; L. 365)., which begets the ten thousand things. Therefore the Li nei tsê says: "At thirty a man is adult and begins a household; at twenty a woman is adult and is given in mar- riage" (the Y. ed. writes ) . The text of the Nei tsê (Li chi chu shu, 28.23a-24a; C. I. 674-676) has . . . . . . . The Y. ed. text is probably a contamination of the Nei tsê text and that of the Ch'ü li, where we read: . . . (Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 8).. Seven is the yang of the year [cycle], eight is the yin of the year [cycle] . The second is missing in the Y. ed.. Seven and eight make fifteen; the number of the yin and yang [added together] is then complete, and there is the mutual wish to mate. Therefore the Li chi says: "A girl is promised in marriage at fifteen, when she receives a hair-pin and her style" . Ch. Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 2.20a; C. I. 33), where, however, the text omits and thus reads: "When a girl is promised in marriage she receives a hair-pin and her style". In the Nei tsê (l.c.) the text reads: "the girl receives a hair-pin at fifteen". The text of the Y. ed. has apparently contaminated the two passages of the Li chi. The Ku liang chuan, Wên 12, contains the passage "at fifteen a girl is promised in marriage" (Ku liang chu shu, 11.6a), which corresponds with the text of the Y. ed. except for the omitted , and the additional . Par. 206g of the Po hu t'ung, quoting the Li ching (= I li), writes: . The I ti (chu shu, 2.33b; ch. Shih hun li, 'Notes'; C. 45) omits and writes . The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 11.4a) has: . . The rites speak of hair-pin The text (Y. ed., Lu, Ch'ên) has style, which is clearly a mistake. Cf. the Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 2.15a; C. I. 30; L. I. 77): "When a girl is promised in marriage she wears strings", explained in the Subcomm. as: "not being independent she must have some one to attach herself to and to belong to"., [indicating by it that] the yin is bound to the yang, by which [she has reached] the period that she is exclusively [destined for] one [man]. The yang, being higher, need not be bound Hereafter follows in the Y. ed. and in Lu: , which is transferred by Ch'ên to infra (see n. 384).. Yang goes slow, yin goes fast. With thirty the numbering of three terminates, odd is yang's measure; with twenty the numbering of two terminates, even is yin's measure ,i.e., starting with three the multiple of three terminates with 10 x 3 = thirty, as the multiple of two, starting with two, terminates with 10 x 2 = twenty, "ten being the perfect number of Heaven and Earth" as Chêng Hsüan says (quoted in the Sub-comm. on ch. Shuo kua of the I ching, Chou i chu shu, 13.2b).. Yang reaches the Small Perfection in yin, the Great Perfection in yang, therefore [the man is] capped at twenty and marries at thirty. Yin reaches the Small Perfection in yang, the Great Perfection in yin, therefore [the woman] re- ceives a hair-pin at fifteen and is married at twenty.

b.Another opinion says: "At twenty-five the man is bound with his heart to a woman, because that is the point at which the yang approaches the yin" This passage has been transferred by Ch'ên from supra (see n. 382). Liu (74.3a) adds after . It probably means that twenty-five is just between twenty (yin) and thirty (yang).. The Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan says: "At twenty-five the man is bound with his heart [to a woman], at fifteen the woman is promised in marriage. [This is] under the influence of [the alternation of] the yin and yang" . The Y. ed. omits , supplied by Lu. The quotation is not found in the Ku liang chuan.. The number of yang is seven, the number of yin is eight. At the age of eight the boy sheds his teeth, at the age of seven the girl sheds her teeth l.e., the conversion of the yang by the yin, and of the yin by the yang. Cf. the Han shih wai chuan, 1.7a: "Yin is changed by yang, and yang is changed by yin, therefore the boy cuts his first teeth when he is eight months, sheds his teeth when he is eight years, while at sixteen he has his first sexual signs. The girl cuts her teeth when she is seven months, sheds her teeth when she is seven years, and has her first sexual signs at fourteen". A somewhat similar passage occurs in the Ta tai li chi, ch. (13.3b; Wi .244) and the Chia yü, ch. (6.11a).. [But] the number of yang is odd, therefore , supplied by Lu. it is three. Three times eight make twenty-four plus one make twenty-five The Y. ed. writes ., [so at twenty-five the man] ties his heart. The number of yin is even, therefore , supplied by Lu. it is two. The woman matures at [the age of] fourteen The Y. ed. has . [twice seven] plus one making fifteen The Y. ed. writes .; therefore at fifteen she is promised in marriage. In either case one is added, meaning that both , supplied by Lu. have tied their hearts exclusively one [to the other]. Why is there this tying of the heart? It is to avoid debauchery Inserting a quotation in the Tai p'ing yü lan Ch'ên continues: "When a man takes a wife at an age younger [than thirty] he must first be capped; a girl marrying at an age younger [than twenty] must first receive a hair-pin. The Li says: When a girl is promised in marriage she receives a hair-pin and her style"..

 238. THE PRESENTS WHICH ARE OFFERED, AND THE WORDS WHICH ARE USED WHEN CONCLUDING THE PRELIMINARIES AND WHEN SENDING THE FIRST PRESENT AS A TOKEN OF THE CHOICE. (9.2b-3a; 4 .10b-11b; 10.4b-6a)

a.[According to] the rites . Probably is to be dropped. when a girl is fifteen she is promised in marriage. [When the bridegroom's father] sends [the first present to confirm his] choice, when he asks for the [girl's] name, when news is sent of the favourable result of the divination, when he asks for the time [of the wedding-ceremony], and at the meet- ing [of the bride by the bridegroom] in person, [on these five occa- sion] a goose is used as the present . The Y. ed. omits . Supplied by Lu.. As the present for the com- pletion [of the preliminaries] black and red [silk] is used . The Y. ed. wrongly has . and not a goose . Probably is superfluous. The entire paragraph is a summary of the lengthy passage in ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.1a ff.; C. 25 ff.; St. I. 18 ff.)..

b.The use of a goose as a present is because it symbolizes [the migration to] the south and [return to] the north, the following of the seasons, and the never missing the right moment; it indicates that the girl is not robbed of her [right] time. The goose is also a bird which follows the yang [sun], as the wife's duty is to follow her husband . Missing in the Y. ed. and supplied by Lu without, however, any source being given.. Then [the goose is used] because they form rows in flying and queues in resting, as the marriage ritual [institution requires that] old and young have their proper places and do not trespass upon each other['s positions]. Since the marriage-rites [demand that] a dead pheasant shall not be used as a present, a [live] goose is offered These peculiar propensities of the goose are also mentioned by Chêng Hsüan (Comm. on ch. of the I li; chu shu, 3.7a: "it knows its time and it flies in rows"; Comm. on ch. Shih hun li of the I li; chu shu, 2.1a: "it follows the yin and the yang in its going and coming back"); by Ho Hsiu (Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Chuang 22; chu shu, 8.8b: "it knows its time"); by Fan Ning (Comm. on Ku liang chuan, Chuang 24; chu shu, 6.10a: "it knows its time and it flies in rows"); and by Chia Kung-yen (Sub-comm. on ch. Shih hun li of the I li; chu shu, 2.1b: "the goose lives in trees, it flies to the south [in winter], and returns to the north when the ice melts. The husband is yang, the wife is yin. The use of a goose now is to symbolize that the wife's duty is to follow her husband"). The I li, ch. Shih hun li,. 'Notes', says that "no dead animals are used as presents" (I li chu shu, 2.33a; C. 45; St. I. 33), by which the pheasant is meant, being the present given by common officers when visiting each other, in winter freshly killed, in summer its dried flesh (ch. Shih hsiang chien li of the I li; chu shu, 3.1a). A great officer of the lower grade uses a goose at these visits, a great officer of the higher grade a lamb (ibid., 3.7a-b). The pheasant is used because it is a proud animal, which mates at the proper time and keeps to the company of its own sex after the matingperiod (ibid.). In marriage, however, a goose is used irrespective of one's position (Sub-comm. I li chu shu, 2.1b)..

c.As the present for the completion [of the preliminaries] a bundle of black and red silk and the li-p'i (the I li text has ) . [are sent]; black silk, three [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Heaven, red silk, two [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Earth, [for the number of] yang is odd [and the number of] yin is even The bundle consists of ten pieces-to honour the perfect number-or five liang , the word liang 'two' being used because two pieces are combined in one roll. One liang is eight feet, and all together there are forty feet of silk (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch. Tsa chi of the Li chi; chu shu, 43.19a). The quantity of the presented silk must be denoted by the expression five liang 'five times two', to convey the idea of 'harmonious couple' (ibid. on ch. Shih hun li of the I li; chu shu, 2.8b). Ho Hsiu names the same proportion in the number of black and red silk rolls, using the same words, in his Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Yin 1: "black silk, three [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Heaven, red silk, two [rolls of two pieces], as a symbol of Earth" (Kung yang chu shu, 1.18a). In another place (Chuang 22, Kung yang chu shu, 8.8b) he says: "[the use of] black and red silk is to symbolize their conforming to Heaven and Earth".: it is to denote that the nature of yang is greater [than that of yin]. The li-p'i are two [deer-]skins, with which to cover the court-hall. The covering of the court-hall is [done with an] even [number of skins]. The Li hun ching says: "At the sending of [the first present to confirm the] choice, when asking for the [girl's] name, when announcing the favourable result of the divination, when asking for the time [of the wedding- ceremony], and at the meeting in person [of the bride, on all these five occasions] a goose is used. As the present for the completion [of the preliminaries] a bundle of [black and red] silk and two [deer-] skins [are used]" See note 397..

d.The words [used by the messenger] when offering the present for the completion [of the preliminaries] are Ch. Shih hun li, 'Notes', of the I li (chu shu, 2.40b; C. 51; St. I. 37). The explanation of the meaning of 'So-and-so' at the three places does not occur in the I li text.: "His honour [your master] has expressed his distinguished . The Y. ed. has . desire to present a wife to [my master's son] So-and-so. [My master] So-and-so , missing in the Y. ed., in accordance with the custom of the ancients, [sends] two [deer-] skins and a bundle of silk. He has ordered [me,] So-and-so, to invite you to accept these gifts". The first So-and-so [indicates] the name of the bridegroom The Y. ed. has wrongly .the second So-and-so [indicates] the name of the bridegroom's father . Missing in the Y. ed. Supplied by Lu., the third So-and-so [indicates] the name of the messenger. The father of the girl replies: "His honour [your master], in compliance with the ancient rules, has favoured [me,] So-and-so, with this valuable present, [which I,] So-and-so, do not dare to refuse. Would I dare not to conform to his orders?"

e.The words [spoken by the messenger] when offering [the first present to confirm the] choice are Ch. Shih hun li, 'Notes', of the I li (chu shu, 2.39a-b; C. 49; St. I. 36).: "His honour [your master] is so gracious as to present . The Y. ed. writes it doubly. a wife to [my master's son] So-and- so. [My master,] So-and-so, according to the custom of the ancients, has sent [me,] So-and-so, to invite you to accept these gifts". The reply is: "[My,] So-and-so's daughter is dull and stupid, besides which she is unteachable. [But since] his honour [your master] has ordered it, [I,] So-and-so dare not refuse".

 239. THE MEETING IN PERSON OF THE BRIDE AND THE HANDING OF THE MOUNTING-CORD. (9.3b; .11b-12a; 10.6a-7b)

Why is it that from the Son of Heaven down to the common officer [the bridegroom] must meet [his bride] in person and offer the end of the mounting-cord to her [to get into the carriage? It is here the case of] the yang descending to the yin. [The man] wishes to please the heart [of his bride], it is the token of his affection for her . Acc. to Lu and Ch'ên is superfluous.. The husband . Lu and Ch'ên write . meets her in person, [he drives the carriage for] three revolutions of the wheels, descends, and looks askance at her; this is to avoid [feelings of] uncontrolled passion Cf. the passage in the I li, ch. Shih hun li: "The bridegroom mounts the bride's carriage, and hands her the mounting-cord. The duenna refuses [on her behalf] to accept it, and the bride ascends with the help of a mounting-stool. The duenna throws over her a light dust-cloack. Thereupon [the bridegroom] starts the horses. The driver replaces him, and the bridegroom gets into his [own] carriage to lead [the way]" (I chi; chu shu, 2.18b; C. 33; St. I. 23). And that in the Li chi, ch. Hun i: "Going out and mounting the bride's carriage the bridegroom hands her the mounting-cord. He drives [the carriage] for three revolutions [of the wheels]" (L chi chu shu, 61.4b; C. II. 643; L. II. 429). Neither the I li nor the Li chi speak of 'looks askance at her' . This expression occurs in Mao's Chuan on Ode 261: (Mao shih chu shu, 25.78b; espes- cially the Sub-comm. on 79b), and in the Lieh nü chuan and Kao Yu's Comm. on the Huai nan tzŭ (cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 6.74).. The Shih says: "[King] Wên fixed on a lucky day and went in person to meet her on the [river] Wei; he arranged boats to form a bridge, amply illustrious was the splendour" Ode 236: (Mao shih chu shu, 23.20b-21a; L. 434-435; K. 17.66, 18.14).. The Li hun ching says: "The guest I.e. the bridegroom. ascends [the steps], faces north, lays down his goose, and salutes twice, knocking his head against the ground . The Y. ed. superfluously has after .. [Then] he descends [the steps] and goes out. The bride follows from out of her room , not appearing in the I li text. The Y. ed. moreover has re- dundantly added after this. Omitted by Lu., descending from the western steps. The bridegroom mounts the bride's carriage, and hands her the mounting-cord" Ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.18a-b; C. 32-33; St. I. 23), where the last sentence is separated from the previous one by "the host does not descend [the steps] to see them off"..

 240. THE GIVING AWAY OF THE DAUGHTER AND THE EXHORTATION TO HER. (9.3b-4a; 4 .12a; 10.7b-8a)

a.The giving away [in marriage] of the daughter [by the father] takes place before the shrine of his deceased father in the ancesral temple, to honour the remains (the Y. ed. inserts ) . of the ancestors. [The girl's father] does not dare to act of his own accord, so he announces it [first] to the shrine of his deceased father In the temple a mat is spread for the spirit west of the door where "in the presence of the remains of the ancestors the girl is promised in marriage" (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. in I li chu shu, 2.2a)..

b.Why do the parents in person exhort . The Y. ed. has . their daughter? It is [the expression of] their extreme love for their child. The father says: "Be careful . For the Y. ed. has throughout . and reverent. Day and night do not . The I li text has ; acc. to Chêng Hsüan belongs to the reading of the Old Text. neg- lect the commands [of thy parents-in-law]" The passage is from ch. Shih hun li 'Notes' , of the I li (chu shu, 2. 42b; C. 53; St. I. 39). The Y. ed. hereafter continues; . Lu, who writes instead of , suggests the dropping of the sentence which has no bearing on the preceding one, which suggestion Ch'ên accepts. Liu, however, (74.3a) thinks that it is probably a mistake for , occurring in the 'Notes' of the I li a few pages back (I li chu shu, 2.36b), and in that case it will have to be trans- lated as: "[Thou, my daughter] must [always] preserve thy integrity, as thou must [always] wear thy clothes and hair-pin". Couvreur (47) and Steele (1.34) translate differently.. The mother, giving her a sash and a handkerchief (the Y. ed. writes ) ., says: "Be diligent and reverent. Day and night do not neglect the rules of the house- hold" The passage is from the I li, I.c.. The father exhorts her at [the head of] the eastern steps, the mother exhorts her at [the head of] the western steps In the 'Notes' (I li chu shu, 2.36b; St. 1.34) the sentence runs: "The father faces west in exhorting her . . . . . the mother exhorts standing on the western steps; neither goes down [with the daughter]".. The father's concubine accompanies her to the inner side of the gate and gives her a silk girdle-purse; she impresses her with her parents' commands, and instructs her, saying (the Y. ed. has ) ( missing in the Y. ed.) (last missing in the Y. ed.) .: "Reverently and respect- fully remember The I li text has 'remember and honour'. the words of thy father and mother. Day and night be without blame. Let thyself be reminded of them by this sash and this girdle-purse" . The Y. ed. has at the end, and omits , mean- ing acc. to Chêng Hsüan, who also says that is the correct writing for . The passage is from the 'Notes' of the Li chi (chu shu, 2.43a; C.54; St. I.39)..

c.[Thus] leaving [her parents' home] the girl does not bid farewell, neither does she reply to the exhortations, because she feels embarrassed and thinks it hard to go.

 241. THE WEDDING IS NOT A CASE FOR CONGRATULATIONS. (9.4a; 4 .12a-b; 10.8a-b)

According to the rites The Y. ed. has , so Lu and Ch'ên. But should better be dropped. "in the family of the girl who has been given in marriage the fire is not extinguished for three days; [they spend the time waking and] thinking of the [coming] separation. In the family of the man who takes the wife no music is made during three days; they think [of the fact that the son is going to] succeed his father" A quotation from ch. Tsêng tzŭ wên of the I li; (chu shu, 18.18b; C. I. 429), where instead of of the Y. ed. "the lights are not put out for three nights" is given, instead of , and instead .. They feel sad at [the thought that] the father has grown feeble and old in the course of years and that [the time of his] being replaced [by the son] has arrived. The Li says: "The wedding is not [a case] for congratulations; it is [a case of] generations succeeding each other" Ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the I li; (chu shu, 26.22b; C. I. 611)..

 242. THE WORDS SPOKEN AT THE HANDING OF THE MOUNTING-CORD AND AT THE MEETING OF THE BRIDE. (9.4a; 4 .12b; 10.9a)

a.[When the bridegroom] hands the mounting-cord [to the bride], the duenna declines [on her behalf] saying: "She has not yet been taught, [and has] not [the knowledge] sufficient to exchange ceremonies with thee" This passage is from the 'Notes' on ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.43b; C. 54; St. I. 39). Instead of 'not sufficient' of the I li text the Y. ed. has 'not yet reaching'..

b.When [the bridegroom] first meets [his bride] in person, the usher invites him , for which the Y. ed. faultily has . [to state his business, upon which] he replies . The Y. ed. has . "His honour [your master] has instructed [my father] So-and-so, that the wedding will begin this moment. He has ordered [me,] So-and-so, to execute [the rites], and I request [to be allowed] to do as he has commanded". The host says: "[I,] So-and-so, with sincere respect (Y. ed. ) . have prepared all that is necessary" . Instead of the Y. ed. writes . The passage is from the 'Notes' on ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.42b; C. 53; St. I. 39)..

 243. WHAT THE FATHER SAYS WHEN HE PLEDGES HIS SON. (9.4a-b; 4 .12b; 10.9a)

When the father pledges his son and sends him to meet [his bride] (the Y. ed. superfluously inserts ) . The last three characters are not found in the I li text., he admonishes him . The Y. ed. omits . saying: "Go and meet thy helpmeet, that [with her] thou mayst succeed me in the sacrifices to the ancestral temple. With diligence hsü (), left out in the Y. ed. lead her, [but also] with respect, [for she is] the successor of thy mother after her death. In thy [behaviour] there should be constancy" . Chêng Hsüan explains by (), and paraphrases the passage as . Steele's and Couvreur's translations do not take this Comm. into account.. The son says: "Yes, only I fear that I cannot undertake [the task] (the I li text has ) .. I shall [,however,] not dare to neglect your command" The whole passage occurs in the 'Notes' on ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.42a; C. 53; St. I. 38-39)..

 244. WHAT IS MEANT BY NOT IMMEDIATELY PRESENTING THE WIFE TO THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE. (9.4b; 4 .12b; 10.9a)

After the man has married his wife, he does not immediately present her to [his ancestors in] the ancestral temple; this is to indicate that [her place is] not yet definitely fixed (the Y. ed. superfluously has after .. It is [also] the reason why, according to the marriage-rites, [when the bride- groom's father] asks for the time of the wedding, [the bride's father] does not dare to be definite . According to the I li, ch. Shih hun li, when the messenger of the bridegroom's father comes to ask for the time of the wedding, the bride's father refuses, leaving it to the bridegroom's father to decide. This is, so the Comm. says, because yang being superior to yin, the fixing of the day should proceed from the bridegroom's family (I li chu shu, 2.9a; C. 29)..

 245. THE PRESENTING TO THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE. (9.4b; .12b-13a; 10.9b-10a)

After the wife has been in [her husband's home] for three months she takes part in the sacrifices [to the ancestors of her husband] (the Y. ed. has wrongly ) . This is a passage from the I li, ch. Shih hun li 'Notes' (I li chu shu, 2.38b; C. 48).. If her parents-in-law are dead the wife, after having been three months in [her husband's home], also offers vegetables [to their shrines] in the ancestral temple (the Y. ed. writes . The I li ch. Shih hun li (I li chu shu, 2.30b; C. 43) has: . . Three months [constitute] a season, [in which] the things have their [seasonal] completion, and the good and bad [qualities] of man can be known Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 9, says: "It must be three months, because [not less than] one season would be sufficient to dis- tinguish [her having or not having] chastity and integrity. If her chastity and integrity are proven, then [she participates in] the ceremony [which entitles her to be] wife in the full sense" (Kung yang chu shu, 17.23b). Chia Kung-yen in his Sub-comm. on the I li, ch. Shih hun li (I li chu shu, 2.30b) says: "It must be three months, because three months constitutes a season, [after which] Heaven's humour changes, [and after which] the wife's 'way' () can fully [show itself]". Probably the idea of pregnancy is behind all these explanations.. After this [period of trial] she may participate in the rites of sacrificing in the ancestral temple. Tsêng-tzŭ says: "If a woman dies before she has been presented to [the ancestors of her husband in] the ancestral temple . . . . the body is returned to be interred in [the cemetery of] her kindred, which indicates that she has not yet become his wife in the full sense" Ch. Tsêng tzŭ wên of the Li chi (chu shu, 18.19b; C. I. 430)..

 246. THE WEDDING TAKES PLACE IN SPRING. (9.4b-5a; 4 .13a; 10.10b-11a)

Why . The Y. ed. has . must the wedding take place in spring? Spring . The Y. ed. omits . is the time when Heaven and Earth communicate, when the ten thousand things begin to live, and when the yin and yang touch each other. The Shih says: "A knight who brings home his wife must do so before the ice melts" Ode 34: (Mao shih chu shu, 3.30a; L. 54; K. 16.182). I have used Waley's translation (Wa. 54).. The Chou kuan says: "In the second month of spring [the officer in charge of marriages] orders . The Y. ed. has . the gathering of the men and women. He orders the men of thirty to take a wife, and the women of twenty to be married" Chou li, ch. (Chou li chu shu, 14.14a and 15b; B. I. 307). In the Chou li text the order of the two sentences is reversed.. The Hsia hsiao chêng says: "The second month is the time when young men are capped and take a wife" Ch. of the Ta tai li chi, 2.7b (Wi. 236)..

 247. THE WIFE MAY NOT LEAVE THE HUSBAND. (9.5a; 4 .13a; 10.11a-b)

The reason that, [even] when the husband behaves badly, his wife has no right to leave him lies in the principle that Earth does not separate from Heaven. Though the husband [behaves] badly the wife is not allowed to leave him. Therefore the Li chiao t'ê shêng says: "Once having shared the ceremonial meal with [her husband the wife] shall never change" --. (the Li chi text has ) (Li chi chu shu, 26.21a; C. I. 607). Instead of -- acc. to Chêng Hsüan's Comm. meaning 'to eat together the flesh of the same animal', which expression occurs in ch. Hun i of the Li chi (chu shu, 61.4b; C. II.643)--sometimes is written.. The violation of human relationships, the killing of the wife's parents, and the abolishment of the principles of social bonds (the last word is omitted in the Y. ed.). Kang-chi is elliptical for san-kang liu-chi 'the Three Major and the Six Minor Relationships', for which see ch. XXIX of the Po hu t'ung. belong to the greater crimes. [Only in the case of] these principles being transgressed is it allowed [to the wife] to leave [her husband].

 248. WHAT IS MEANT BY THE SON OF HEAVEN AND A FEUDAL LORD OBTAINING CONCUBINES WHO ACCOMPANY THE PRINCIPAL WIFE. (9.5a-6a; 4 .13b-14a; 10.11b-13b)

a.Why is it that the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords marry nine wives at a time? It is to emphasize the importance of their states and to enlarge their progeny. Why does it happen to be nine . The Y. ed. wrongly has inst. of .? It is modelled on Earth with its nine provinces which, responding to Heaven's creative force, leaves nothing without life. To take nine women in one --. Omitted in the Y. ed. marriage should likewise be suf- ficient to meet the requirements of the Lord's creative force . The Y. ed. has .. If with nine women he does not beget children, [then even] one hundred would not produce results. The Wang tu chi says: "The Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords , left out in the Y. ed. The belongs to the lost chapters of the essays on rites. marry nine women at a time". The Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan Chuang 19 (Kung yang chu shu, 8.2a-b). says: "When a Feudal Lord marries a woman from one state, then two other states send each a concubine to accompany her, [in all three cases] with her cousin and sister following" The Y. ed. adds .. What is meant by cousin? [Her father's] elder brother's daughter. And by sister? The girl's younger sister . The Kung-yang text omits . There are thus nine women in all: the principal wife with her cousin and younger sister, the first accompanying concubine with her cousin and younger sister, and the second accompanying concubine with her cousin and younger sister..

b.Some say: "The Son of Heaven marries twelve wives, mo- delling himself on Heaven with its twelve months, [during which period] the ten thousand things are bound to [complete their cycle of] life" That "only the Son of Heaven can take twelve women" is also recorded by Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 10 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.26a). The Sub-comm. ascribes the statement to the Pao ch'ien t'u , an Apocryphal Book on the Ch'un ch'iu..

c.Why must he only marry once? It is to avoid debauchery and to prevent him casting away virtue and indulging in passion. There- fore he only marries once; the Lord of men has no right to marry twice.

d.[The marriage with the principal wife is] completed by a suite of her cousin and her younger sister to ensure that there will be no mutual jealousy. When one woman bears a child three women will share [her joy], as if they had borne it themselves The Ku liang chuan, Wên 18, says: "The meaning of taking the cousin and the younger sister [together with the principal wife] is that the child may not be left without a mother ( = orphan); when one woman bears a child three women will rejoice ( = loosen the girdle; Ku liang chu shu, 11.18a). Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 19, (l.c.) explains: "That the cousin and the younger sister must follow [the principal wife] is to insure that when one woman bears a child two [other] women may rejoice"..

e.Why does he not take two younger sisters? It is in order to extend [his progeny by] foreign blood. Why does he take women from three [different] states? It is to widen [his progeny by] foreign stock (the Y. ed. has ) . Acc. to the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 8, the accompanying concubines should be of the same surname as the principal wife, 'to soothe sexual conflicts' as Tu Yü explains (Tso chuan chu shu, 26.27b; cf. Granet, La polygynie sororale, p. 13). In the Sub-comm. a statement is quoted from Ho Hsiu's [Tso shih] kao huang [] (for which see Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p. 35. n.) which says that it is not necessary to have concubines of the same surname, 'in order to extend [the progeny by] foreign blood' , which opinion is again denied by Chêng Hsüian. Ch'ên, siding with Ho Hsiu, thinks that the passage in the Po hu t'ung may be taken as a further proof for the correctness of Ho Hsiu's idea. Liu, however, (74.3b) asserts that the Po hu t'ung statement does not deny the necessity of having concubines of the same surname; it probably refers to the desirability of taking concubines from different lineages of the same clan, bearing the same surname.; [if he took all nine women from] one state it is feared that, their blood being much alike, no children at all will be produced.

f.The cousin and the younger sister, even though still young, follow the principal wife The Y. ed. hereafter has the superfluous words ., which indicates that the Lord has no right to marry twice. They are [however,] returned to await [the coming of] their years in the state of their parents, [because] they are not yet prepared to respond to the Lord['s wants] Cf. what is said by Ho Hsiu in his Commentary on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 7: "[A concubine who is still young] waits for [the coming of] her years in the state of her parents; at the age of eight a woman [may be made to] com- plete the number [of accompanying concubines], at fifteen she follows the principal wife, at twenty she aids her in serving the Lord" (Kung yang chu shu, 3.11a). Hsü Shên;, quoted in Fan Ning's Comm. on the Ku liang chuan, Yin 7, says: "When the cousin and the younger sister [of the principal wife] are fifteen years and older they are able to serve the Lord, and may go [with her]; when they are twenty they cohabit [with him]" (Ku liang chu shu, 2.8b).. The Shih says: "All the cousins and younger sisters followed her, in great numbers like a cloud. The Lord of Han looked round at them, resplendent, they filled the gate" Ode 261: (Mao shih chu shu, 25.78a-b; L. 549; K. 17.84).. The Kung yang chuan says: "Shu-chi went to Chi [as concubine]" (the Y. ed. has wrongly ). This is an entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Yin 7, not of the Kung yang chuan. Shu-chi was a younger sister and an accompanying concubine of Po-chi, the eldest daughter of Lu, who had been married to Chi in Yin 2 y. As she was still young she did not go earlier than Yin 7 y.. It is clear that she had been awaiting [the coming of] her years.

g.When two states send concubines to which is [the precedence in] honour given? The greater state takes precedence. If both states are alike . Ch'ên has . [in size] they are judged by their spiritual power; if their spiritual power is alike they are judged by the beauty [of the girls].

h.The adherents of the Principle of Substance model themselves on Heaven, and reverence the left. The adherents of the Principle of Form model themselves on Earth, and reverence the right . Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 1 (to the entry: "When the Heir is to be nominated [the choice is made, from among] the sons of the principal wife, according to age and not to worth; [from among] the sons [of the acompanying concubines], according to position and not to age") says: "According to the rites, if the principal wife has no son [a son of] the accompanying concubine to the right is nominated; if she has no son [a son of] the accompanying concubine to the left is nominated; if she has no son [a son of] the cousin or the younger sister of the principal wife is nominated; if she has no son [a son of] the cousin or the younger sister of the accompanying concubine to the right is nominated; if she has no son [a son of] the cousin or the younger sister of the accompanying concubine to the left is nominated. The adherents of the Principle of Substance [have as principle] 'to love the nearest relation', they first nominate [a son of] the younger sister; the adherents of the principle of Form [have as principle] 'to honour the honourable', they first nominate [a son of] the cousin. If the son of the principal wife, having a son, dies, the adherents of the Principle of Substance [according to the principle] 'to love the nearest relation' first nominate his younger brother; the adherents of the Principle of Form [according to the principle] 'to honour the honourable' first nominate the grandson. If twins are born the adherents of the Principle of Substance follow [the principle of] vision and nominate the first born; the adherents of the Principle of Form follow the idea of origin and nominate the last born" (Kung yang chu shu, 1.9b-10a). Right is thus given precedence to left, and as the Ch'un ch'iu according to Kungyang adheres to the Principle of Substance (; Ho Hsiu in hi Comm. on Chuang 22, Kung yang chu shu, 8.8b), the passage in the Po hu t'ung should be read: "The adherents of the Principle of Substance reverence the right, the adherents of the Principle of Form reverence the left. Granet, Polygynie, pp. 10 and 41, unwarrantedly translates by 'les families de gens simples, rustiques' (= , la plèbe), and by 'les families distinguées'. It is improbable that among the common people the institution of accompanying concubines was to be found (see also Woo Kang, o.c., p. 141. n.3)..

i.Why [is a woman] not ceremoniously betrothed to become a concubine? [All] men have the right , omitted by Lu and Ch'ên. to want an honourable [place] for their children and grandchildren, and one should not invite a man to [let his daughter] take a lowly [position]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Two states came to offer concubines Kung yang chuan, Ch'ëng 10, where, however, the text reads: "Three states came to offer concubines" (Kung yang chu shu, 17.26a), viz. the states of Wei , Chin , and Ch'i . The meaning of the quotation is to prove that concubines are offered, not asked for. The Kung yang chuan remarks that the sending of concubines by three states is not according to the rites; it happened because the three states were anxious that their daughters should follow Po-chi, eldest daughter of Lu, who was to be married to Sung and was famous for her virtue. The Ch'un ch'iu does not as a rule record the sending of concubines by the use of the word , but in these three cases it deviates from the rule in order to emphasize Po-chi's excellent qualities.. Why is it proper to invite a man to be a common officer, but not to invite a man to [let his daughter] be a concubine? A common officer is honoured at once [in his position], and when gradually his capacities [reveal themselves] he will not remain a common officer. But a concubine, however worthy, will never become a principal wife.

 249. THE DIVINATION FOR THE WEDDING. (9.6a-b; 4 .14a-b; 10.13b)

Why is it that in taking a wife the tortoise-shell is consulted? To divine the girl's spiritual power, in order to know whether [the couple] will suit each other or not. It is stated in the Hun li ching: "[The messenger of the bride-groom's parents says: 'I, So- and-so, have been instructed that my master] is about to consult the tortoise-shell; may I venture to ask . The I li text reads . to which family the girl belongs'?" Ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.39b; C. 49). The quotation is from the 'Notes' not from the text proper.

 250. THE SOVEREIGN OR THE HEAD OF THE MAJOR LINEAGE MARRYING BY HIMSELF. (9.6b; 4 , 14b; 10.14a-b)

When a Sovereign or the head of the major lineage tsung-tzŭ , see ch. XXXII of the Po hu t'ung. has no , omitted in the Y. ed. parents he arranges his marriage himself. The lower does not conduct [a ceremony] for the higher, nor the lowly for the hon- ourable, therefore he arranges it himself. The Hun li ching Ch. Shih hun li of the I li, the 'Notes' not the text proper (I li chu shu, 2.43b; C. 54; St. 1. 39). says: "When both parents [of the head of the major lineage] are dead he himself . The Y. ed. has . gives the orders [for the arrangements of his marriage]". The Shih says: "[King] Wên fixed on a lucky day, and went in person to meet [her, his bride,] on the [river] Wei" Ode 236: (Mao shih chu shu, 23.20b-21a; L. 434; K. 17.66). Legge's translation would not fit in the context. Chêng Hsüan's Comm. is followed in the translation..

 251. A GREAT OFFICER HAVING RECEIVED A FIEF CANNOT RE-MARRY. (9.6b; 4 .14b; 10.15a)

A great officer who, having acquired merit, receives , omitted in the Y. ed. a fief, obtains the right to make up [the number] of his concubines to eight, in order to emphasize the importance of his [newly acquired] state and to extend his progeny. He is not [,however, allowed] to enter into a new marriage-alliance with a large state, in order that he may not forget his original principal wife. The Li says: "In sending presents to a daughter [who has been definitely taken as the wife] of a great officer it is said: [That she may now be] prepared for [her task of] sweeping and sprinkling" (Y. ed. wrongly ) ; ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (chu shu, 5.30a). is explained in Chêng Hsüan's Comm. as , which expression occurs in the Ch'un ch'iu, Ch'êng 9, meaning the sending by the parents of a messenger to inquire after their daughter when she has been presented, three months after her marriage, to her husband's ancestors, by which ceremonial she reaches the real status of principal wife (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. in Li chi chu shu, 5.30b; Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 9, Kung yang chu shu, 17.23b; cf. L.'s transl. of the Ch'un ch'iu, p. 371, note to par. 6). Legge and Couvreur in their Li chi translations (C. I. 106; L. I. 119) render by 'to present a daughter for the harem', which would not fit in the context. The meaning of the quotation is that a principal wife, having been presented to the ancestors of her husband, cannot be rejected without reason..

 252. THE HEIR AND THE LORD MUST SUBMIT TO THE SAME RITES. (9.6b; 4 .14b; 10.15a)

The eldest son . The Y. ed. has only . Lu's emendation. of the Son of Heaven and the Heir of a Feudal Lord both take their wives according to the rites [prescribed] for a Feudal Lord Ch'ên suggests the reading: "according to the rites [prescribed] for the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord".. [They are considered] the same as the Lord, which means that they [also] have no right to marry twice.

 253. THE SON OF HEAVEN MUST TAKE A WIFE FROM A LARGE STATE. (9.6b-12a; 4 . 14b-15a; 10.15a-16a). In its paging the Y. ed. skips fol. 7a-11b.

a.When the King takes a wife he must first choose from among the daughters of a large state. The ritual regulations provide many places from which this appears . The translation is given tentatively.. The Shih says: "In a large state there was a young lady, she looked as if she were a younger sister of Heaven. [King] Wên fixed on a lucky day, and went in person to meet [her, his bride,] on the [river] Wei" 489, which proves that the King must take his wife from [among the daughters of] a large state.

b.The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The Marquis of Chi came to court" Huan 2 and 6. The Tso chuan uses for Chi instead of , which is used in the Kung yang chuan and the Ku liang chuan. Chi was originally a viscountcy (Yin 2), after Huan 2 it is referred to as a marquisate (Huan 6, 12, 13, 17; Kung yang chu shu, 4.11a).. The Viscount of Chi had married his daughter to the Son of Heaven, therefore his rank was raised and he was called Marquis. In the course of the following decades the Marquis of Chi ac_ quired no other merit than that his daughter had become Queen [by the grace] of Heaven . She went to the capital in the spring of Huan 9 y.. When, therefore, his rank is mentioned as being that of Marquis, we know that although [the Viscount of Chi had only] a small state, [his rank] must [be that of one] enfeoffed with a large state. It means that he had reached [a position of] honour which prevented him being treated as a [mere] subject [by the Son of Heaven].

c.Why does the King extend his [choice of] marriage-alliances [even] to minor states? . Lu and Ch'ên write . See note 494. It is to open the way for the worthy in all under Heaven; it indicates that the capable will not be neglected. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "The Marquis of Chi came to court". In [this] statement . The Y. ed. wrongly has . [the word] Marquis is added, indicating that he had been enfeoffed. He had first to be enfeoffed, to indicate that [marriage] ceremonies were not concluded with a minor state . The Y. ed. has , Lu and Ch'ên. , followed in the translation. In Ho Hsiu's. Comm. (Kung yang chu shu, 4.11a) it is, however, said: "The Son of Heaven has the right to take as his wife the daughter of a commoner , because he has the right to give fiefs independently". By commoner is of course not meant a man of the common people but a man of the lower nobility. It seems that the quotation from the Ch'un ch'iu is used to prove two things: 1. that the King must always maintain the fiction of only marrying the daughter of a large state; 2. though in fact he is allowed to marry the daughter of a 'commoner'..

d.What is to be done with the country of a woman [who is the wife of the Son of Heaven], when her conduct proves to be deficient and she is removed? [It is dealt with] on the analogy of [the country of] one who is enfeoffed [with the rank of] a Feudal Lord . There are seven causes for divorcing a wife, among which is that of her having no son, but the Son of Heaven never divorces his wife even though she fails to beget a son. In the other cases, which are those of misbehaviour, he only goes so far as to remove her from his vicinity (Chêng Hsüan, quoted in the Sub-comm. on ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.16b). Lu remarks on the statement: "there is no [underlying] idea of condemning and degrading"..

 254. A FEUDAL LORD MAY NOT MARRY FROM WITHIN HIS STATE. (9.12a-b; 4 .15a; 10.16a-b)

Why is not a Feudal Lord allowed to take his wife . The Y. ed. has . from [among the women] within his [own] state? A Feudal Lord has no right to enfeoff on his own initiative, while it would not do to treat the parents [of his wife] as subjects. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Sung had no great officers for three generations. [The Ch'un ch'iu] condemns [the Lords of Sung for their] taking their wives from [among the great officers' daughters] within [the state]" Kung yang chuan, Hsi, 25, where is written instead of in the Y. ed. (Kung yang chu shu, 12.6a). The meaning being that he is not allowed to treat his parents-in-law as his subjects. Should the Feudal Lord want to marry a daughter of one of his subjects (and every one within his state is his subject), he must enfeoff him first, and this he cannot do on his own initiative. The Lords of Sung married the daughters of their great officers. The latter thus cannot be said to be great officers (i.e. sub- jects of the Lord) any more..

 255. A GIRL OF THE SAME CLAN-NAME OR OF THE MATERNAL CLAN IS NOT TAKEN AS A WIFE. (9.12b; 4 .15b; 10.16b-17b)

a.The reason why a girl of the same clan-name is not taken as a wife is out of respect to the human relationships, to prevent debauchery, and to avoid being [on] the same [level] as the beasts Almost the same words are used by Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Ai 12 (Kung yang chu shu, 28.3a): To marry a girl belonging to the same clan and having a common forefather would disturb the human relationships and efface the distinction between man and beast.. The Lun yü says: "The Lord [of Lu] married a daughter of [the state of] Wu, of the same clan-name as himself, and called her the Elder daughter of Wu" Ch. (Lun yü chu shu, 7.12a). Legge. p. 205 translates "the Elder Tsze of Wu"; see however Lun yü chêng i, 7.52. The affair is amply discussed in Tso chuan and Kung yang chuan, Ai 12 (Tso chuan chu shu, 59.2a (L. 827); Kung yang chu shu, 28.2b), and in the Li chi, ch. Fang chi (Li chi chu shu, 51.29a; C. II. 424). The Lords of Lu and Wu bore the same clan-name Chi . In order to conceal this she was called by the name of the state she came from.. The Ch'ü li says: "In buying a concubine whose clan-name is not known divination is em- ployed" Li chi chu shu, 2.16a; C. I. 31..

b.Neither does one take as a wife a girl from among one's mother's relatives [who is related to the degree that for her] the five months' mourning or more [is worn] . Generally one wears the three months' mourning ssŭ-ma for maternal relatives, so for children of one's mother's sister, and those of one's mother's brother; only in the case of one's mother's parents and one's mother's sister the five months' mourning hsiao-kung is worn (I li, ch. ; C. 424-430). Marriage is allowed with those for whom one wears the three months' mourning. But, as the mourning for maternal relatives does not exceed five months, why is the statement 'and more' added? K'ung Kuang-shen , quoted by Ch'ên, thinks that should be replaced by . Liu Shih-p'ei, however, repudiates this opinion, and offers the theory that, sometimes, the nine months' mourning ta-kung is worn for the mother's parents, so that the statement may refer to this custom (Liu, 74.3b-4a). I think that the passage should be read: 'the three months' mourning and more'.. As it is said in the Ch'un ch'iu chuan: "He was blamed for taking as a wife a girl of his mother's clan" . The quotation does not occur in any of the three Commentaries. According to Liu (l.c.) it only refers to those maternal relatives for whom the five months' mourning is worn..

 256. A FEUDAL LORD OF THE SAME CLAN-NAME CONDUCTING THE NUPTIALS. (9.12b-13a; 4 .15b-16a; 10.18a-19a)

a.Why is it that when the King marries his daughter [to a Feudal Lord], he must employ a Feudal Lord of the same clan-name [as the King's] to conduct [the ceremonies]? In the marriage-rites it is [the preservation of] harmony that is the precious thing. It would not do [for the King and the Feudal Lord] to converse with one another [on the same level], because that would harm the correct relation between Lord and subject. Moreover [the King], in employing [an intermediary for] his daughter, does not want his majesty as Son of Heaven to overawe the Feudal Lord Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 1 (Kung yang chu shu, 6.5a) says about the same: "because they differ in their positions the execution of the marriage-rites [, which should be carried on by the two parties on the same standing,] would harm the correct relation between Lord and subject; the execution of the rites required for a meeting between Lord and subject would disturb the affectionate atmosphere of the wedding".. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When the Son of Heaven marries his daughter to a Feudal Lord, he must employ another Feudal Lord of the same clan-name to conduct [the ceremonies]. When a Feudal Lord marries his daughter to a great officer, he must , occurring in the text of the Kung yang chuan, is omitted in the Y. ed. employ a great officer of the same clan- name to conduct [the ceremonies]" Kung yang chuan, Chuang 1 (Kung yang chu shu, 6.4b).. That [a Feudal Lord or a great officer of] the same clan-name should be employed . This is omitted in the Y. ed. Supplied by Lu., is because, being of the same clan and having a common ancestor, he is fit to conduct [the nuptials of] his cognates, so that he is employed to substitute in the affairs [appertaining to] a father . Ho Hsiu's Comm. 1.c. has "he is fit to act as father".. Why does [the Son of Heaven] not employ a Minister of the same clan-name to conduct [the nuptials of his daughter to a Feudal Lord]? It is because the majesty attached to the exalted position of the Feudal Lord would not [make the Minister] feel at ease.

b.Why does [the Son of Heaven] not employ a Feudal Lord of the same clan-name to conduct [the nuptials of his daughter] in the capital? It is because the Feudal Lord [who is to be mar- ried] will have to meet his bride in person; to enter the capital would [for him] mean to go to the Son of Heaven for an audience, and the rites [required for this audience and for the wedding] do not go together. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "A reception- house was built for the King's daughter outside [the city-wall of Lu]" . This is an entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Chuang 1, Autumn, not of any of the three Commentaries. The Y. ed. omits , writes instead of , and instead of . It was the task of the Duke of Lu to supervise the wedding of the King's daughter. He built a reception-house outside the walls of the capital of Lu, where she was lodged in order to be met by her husband.. It means that [the Feudal Lord, going to meet his bride, the King's daughter,] did not [have to] enter the [King's] capital.

c.Why must a special reception-house be built? It is to honour [the King's daughter]. She is not lodged in the lu-ch'in For the lu-ch'in and the hsiao-ch'in see Ho Hsiu's explanation in his Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13a). Cf. also n. 114., it being the place for the administration of the government, and not fit for a woman to dwell in. The hsiao-ch'in For the lu-ch'in and the hsiao-ch'in see Ho Hsiu's explanation in his Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13a). Cf. also n. 114. would be too de- preciatory, while the room for the Duke's daughters . The Y. ed. omits . This is the referred to in par. 260c. Cf. n. 543. would constitute a slight to her . The text of the Kung yang chuan reads for (Kung yang chu shu, 6.6a). In the Sub-comm. the lu-ch'in is explained as being not fitting, because by using it no distinction would be made between outside (state affairs) and inside (household affairs), while the use of the hsiao-ch'in would mean contempt for the King's daughter.. Therefore a special building within the city-walls is erected. The Chuan says: "To build [a reception- house] is according to the rites. [To build it] outside [the city- wall] is not according to the rites" The quotation occurs in the Kung yang chuan (chu shu, 6.5b) and the Ku liang chuan (chu shu, 5.3a), Chuang 1. In both the building outside the city-wall is considered to be contrary to the rites. The Tso chuan, however, deems it right, at least in this case (L.72)..

 257. THE RULES FOR A MINISTER, A GREAT OFFICER, AND A COMMON OFFICER TAKING A WIFE AND CONCUBINES. (9.13a-b; 4 .16a-b; 10.19a-b)

a.Why [is] a Minister or a great officer [entitled to take] one wife -- . The Y. ed. omits -- . and two concubines? It is to honour his worthiness, and to emphasize the importance of his progeny. Why does he not com- plete [his marriage] by taking [his wife's father's] elder brother's daughter and [his wife's] younger sister? It is because he is a subject who faces north, and his authority is too small . The Y. ed. omits . and insufficient [to entitle him] to take all the relatives of another house . The Y. ed. superfluously has before .. The Li fu ching says: "[The three months' mourning is worn by a Minister or a great officer for] his senior servant or his senior concubine" I.e. ch. Sang fu of the I li (I li chu shu, 11.76a; C. 429). By 'senior servant' is meant an old officer of the house, by 'senior concubine' the wife's father's elder brother's daughter or the wife's younger sister (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on the passage, 1.c.).. It means that there is also a lower concubine.

b.Why [is] a common officer [only entitled to] one wife and one concubine -- -- . The Y. ed. omits -- .? [It is because his rank is] below a Minister or a great officer. The Li sang fu hsiao chi . Lu and Ch'ên write after . Liu (74.4a) remarks that should end the previous sentence (omitted in the Y. ed.). says: "A common officer wears the three months' mourning for his concubine when she has a child" Ch. Sang fu hsiao chi of the Li chi (Li chi chu shu, 32.16a; C. I. 752). The Li chi continues "when she has no child no mourning is worn"..

 258. AT THE DEATH OF THE PRINCIPAL WIFE OF THE LORD ONE OF THE ACCOMPANYING CONCUBINES IS CALLED TO SUB- STITUTE FOR HER. (9.13b; 4 .16b; 10.19b-20b)

a.When a woman has been betrothed to be the principal wife, and she dies before she [can] proceed . The Y. ed. has instead of . [to her husband], why The Y. ed. has "must go or not?" Ch'ên assumes that should be read . must [one of] the accompanying concubines go [in her stead]? It is because the Sovereign has no in the Y. ed. should, acc. to Lu, be . right to marry twice, but as Heaven's [favourable] destiny cannot be secured, he marries nine women at one time. In the Ch'un ch'iu [it is related] that when Po-chi [of Lu] died, her youngest sister [,who should have gone to Chu-lou to take her sister's place as principal wife,] married Chêng instead. The Ch'un ch'iu condemns her The eldest daughter Po-chi of Lu died in the ninth year of Duke Hsi. Her youngest sister Chi-chi married Chêng in the fourteenth year, though she was meant for Chu-lou (Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 19, chu shu, 11.24a), as it seems in the capacity of younger sister-concubine to Po-chi, who had been promised to Chu-lou.. When the principal wife dies, [another] principal wife is installed, because it would not do for a [concubine whose position is] lowly to partake [in the sacrifices] in the ancestral temple. The younger sister [of the deceased] is installed [as principal wife] as a matter of course, to honour the great state [from which she has come]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan This is an entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Yin 7 (716 B.C.), not of any of the three Commentaries. says: "Shu-chi was married to Chi". Shu-chi was the younger sister of Po-chi. When Po-chi died, Shu-chi was raised to [the position of] principal wife, [which fact was] not condemned by the Classic Po-chi, the eldest daughter of Duke Yin, who had been married to Chi in Yin 2 y. (721 B.C.), died in Chuang 4 y. (690 B.C.), when she was followed as principal wife by Shu-chi, the younger sister. The Ch'un ch'iu enters her going to Chi in 716 B.C. to honour her, because later, having become principal wife, she proved to be a virtuous woman to the end (Kung yang chu shu, 3.11a)..

b.Another opinion is: "When the principal wife dies, another is not installed, meaning that there may not be two principal wives in order to prevent usurpation and murder. [One of the concubines may] substitute for [the deceased principal wife] in the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, but no more. The rites forbid the betrothal of a woman as concubine. This means that she cannot be raised [to the position of principal wife]" This seems to be based on the Tso chuan, where under Yin 1, Tu Yü's Comm. says: ". . . when the principal wife dies, the secondary wife assists in the management of the household affairs, but she has no right to be called fu-jên [as the principal wife had] (Tso chuan chu shu, 1.2b)..

 259. THE MARRIAGE-RITES IN THE CASE OF A CALAMITY. (9.14a-b; 4 .16b-17a; 10.21b)

Tsêng-tzŭ asked, saying Li chi chu shu, 18.15b-16a. The translation given here differs in many respects from Couvreur's (I. 426) and Legge's (I. 320). A lengthy discussion of the passage is to be found in Mao Ch'i-ling's Tséng tzŭ wen chiang lu, ch. 3.1a-18b (in the Ch'ung chi tsêng tzŭ i shu).: "If according to the marriage- rites the wedding-presents have been received and a propitious day has been fixed, and the parents of the girl die, what should be done?" . The Li chi text has . Confucius said: "The son-in-law will send someone to condole with her The Li chi text omits ., and if it is the parents of the son-in-law who die, the girl The Li chi text has "then the family of the girl . .". will likewise send someone to condole with him The Li chi text omits .. If it is the father who dies [the messenger] mentions the [other] father [as having sent him]; if it is the mother who dies [the messenger] mentions the [other] mother [as having sent him]; if both parents are dead then [the messenger] mentions the father's elder brother and his wife . The Y. ed. has instead of . [as having sent him]. When the son-in-law has buried [his dead], his father's elder brother or his father's younger brother . The Li chi text omits , and also "will send some one . . .". The younger brother is used, for the condolence, when the father's elder brother has died (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. 1.c.). will send someone to offer a release from the engagement . Because one does not want to bind the other for the duration of the mourning, and so cause the loss of the opportunity of an alliance with somebody else (ibid.). to the girl's family, saying: 'It is the duty of the son of So-and-so . With So-and-so the deceased father's name and position are indicated (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. 1.c.). The Y. ed. omits . to mourn for his parents, and he has no right to continue his relations with your daughter . K'ung Ying-ta explains the use of the ex- pression thus: husband and wife have the relation of an elder and a younger brother; or perhaps, the husband wears the three months' mourning for his wife's parents.. He has sent me, So-and-so With So-and-so the name of the messenger is indicated. The Y. ed. erroneously writes for ., to offer the release from the en- gagement'. It is according to the rites that the girl's family, [though] consenting [to the offer], does not dare to engage her [to another man]. When the son-in-law has ended his mourning, the girl's parents . The Y. ed. omits and . send someone to request [the renewal of the engage- ment]. It is according to the rites that if the son-in-law does not [wish to] take her as his wife, thereafter she is married [to someone else]. If it is the parents of the girl who die, the son-in-law will act in the same way".

 260. THE WIFE HAS A TEACHER. (9.14b; 4 .17a-b; 10.22a-23a)

a.Why is it that a woman [about to be married] has a teacher? It is in order that she may learn the way of serving others. The Shih says: "I saw my teacher that I might be instructed; he instructed me in the duties of a wife" Ode 2: . In the translation I have followed Mao's and Chêng Hsüan's Comm. (Mao shih chu shu, 1.30a), which fit better into the context (cf. Shih mao shih chuan shu, 1.8) than the existing translations (L. 7; K. 14.88, 16.173; Wa. 106)..

b.The Li hun ching The quotation is from the 'Notes' on the text proper of ch. Shih hun li of the I li (chu shu, 2.33b; C. 45; St. 1.33). says: "[When a girl of a Feudal Lord's family has been promised in marriage. . .] she is instructed . The Y. ed. wrongly has . in [one of the rooms of] the Lord's palace for three months". The woman [about to be married] is instructed for one season, which is sufficient to make her accomplished I.e. for her task as a wife. But a girl receives instruction from her youth up (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. in Mao shih chu shu, 1.31b)..

c.When a girl is related to the Lord in the degree whereby she must submit to a three months' mourning [or nearer], she receives instruction in [one of the rooms of] the Lord's palace for three months; when she is not related to the Lord, she receives in- struction in the rooms of the wife of the head of the major lineage The first part of this passage (missing in the Y. ed.) is supplied by Lu and Ch'ên from a passage in Chêng Hsüan's Comm. in ch. Shih hun li of the I li: (I li chu shu, 2.34a). In the Sub-comm. it is said that the girls related to the Lord in the fourth to the first degree are meant, i.e., those having a common great-great-grandfather, a common great-grandfather, a common grandfather, and a common father. The second part (in the Y. ed. is omitted before ) is a paraphrase of the I li text explained in K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. as "those who do not any longer wear mourning for the Lord are all instructed in the rooms of the head of the major lineage" (I li chu shu, 2.33b-34a). The in the Y. ed. is probably superfluous, and left out in the translation. The or the is what is referred to in Kung yang chuan, Chuang 1, as , see note 510.. The Lord of the state, in taking one of the concubines of his great officer, or the wife of his common officer, who is aged and has no children, but possesses good knowledge of the duties of a wife, . The Y. ed. has after and instead of the last . into his service, employs her to teach the girls who are [not] re- lated to him [nearer than] in the fifth degree in the rooms of the head of the major lineage. It is only natural that the great officer or the common officer, in his own group of lineages, [has his female relatives taught also] in the rooms of the head of the major lineage [that they may] learn how to serve others.

d.Why should a woman have a teacher and a duenna? It is to honour her. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The teacher has come, but not yet the duenna" Kung yang chuan, Hsiang 30 (Kung yang chu shu, 21.19a). It relates the story of the eldest daughter of Sung who refused to leave the palace when a fire broke out, perishing in the flames, only because her duenna was not there to accompany her..

 261. THE MEANING OF SERVING THE PARENTS-IN-LAW AND THE HUSBAND. (9.14b-15a; 4 .17b; 10.23a-b)

a.The wife learns to serve her parents-in-law, and not to serve her husband . The Y. ed. wrongly has . Corrected by Lu., because wife and husband constitute one body. The Li nei tsê says: "The secondary wife serves the principal wife as [the latter] serves her parents-in-law. It originates from [the wish] to honour the first wife and to avoid jealousy" . This quotation does not occur in the present Nei tsê text.. The Li fu chuan says: "The secondary wife serves the principal wife in the same way as [the latter] serves her parents-in-law" . Ch. Sang fu of the I li (chu shu, 11.40b; C. 403), however, reads: . .

b.The wife serves her husband according to four principles This statement is contrary to what has been said above under a.. [Firstly,] on the first crowing of the cock she washes her hands and rinses her mouth, she combs her hair, draws over it a scarf of silk, fixes it with a pin, and fastens it This description occurs, in different contexts, several times in the Nei tsê., then she meets [her husband]: this is the principle of [the relation of] Lord and subject Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 24 (Kung yang chu shu, 8.13a) also mentions four principles according to which the wife serves her husband. The first is: "At cock's crow she draws a scarf of silk over her hair, fastens it with a pin, and meets [her husband]: these are the rites [to be observed] in the relation of Lord and subject".. [Sec- ondly,] she feels affection [for him to such a degree that his loss results in] deep sorrow: that is the principle of [the relation of] father and son . Ho Hsiu says: "[At the loss of her husband the wife is] afflicted with deep sorrow for three years: that is the affection between father and son" .. [Thirdly,] she keeps account of what there is and of what there is not: this is the principle of [the relation of] elder and younger brother Ho Hsiu: "She reflects on what will be safe or dangerous, on what is feasible or not: that is the duty between elder and younger brother".. [Fourthly,] within the doors [of the women's apartments] she sits with him on the mat: that is the principle of [the relation of] friends . Ho Hsiu has: for and for . ch'ou-chi is only another name for k'uei-k'un, also named yeh or k'un or chüeh-chi, meaning 'threshold'. In the Shih ching it is called ch'i (Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 1.70).. [On each occasion she] hears [him or] sees [him, she uses] different words. Therefore these [rules] have been established.

 262. FIVE CASES OF NOT MARRYING A GIRL. (9.15a; 4 .17b; 10.24a)

There are five [cases] in which [a man] does not take a girl as his wife. He does not marry a girl of an unruly family, nor one of a licentious family. He does not marry a girl of a family which has convicts in it, or a girl suffering from an incurable disease, or a grown-up girl who is in mourning for the wife [of her father] The Ta tai li chi, ch. (13.6a; Wi. 247-248), Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 27 (Kung yang chu shu, 8.23b), and the Chia yü, ch. (6.12b) give the same enumeration, together with a state- ment of the reasons why in these cases marriage is not advisable. The Chia yü has for "a grown-up girl who is in mourning for the wife [of her father]" "a grown-up girl who is in mourning for her father"..

 263. THE RITES FOR A DIVORCED WIFE. (9.15a-b; 4 .18a; 10.24a)

When a wife is divorced the proper attitude is to accompany her [or have her accompanied by a messenger to her original home], where she is received with the rites [appropriate] for a guest See ch. Tsa chi of the Li chi for the ceremonial words spoken by the messenger of the man and the father of the woman (Li chi chu shu, 43.18a; C. II. 198; L. II. 171 gives an inadequate translation).. A Noble Man divorcing [his wife observes rites which are] more than the [blunt] handing over by a common man [of his divorced wife to her parents]. The Shih says: "[Not far, only a little way] did he accompany me to the threshold" Ode 35 (Mao shih chu shu, 3.33a; L. 55; K. 16.182). The husband does not quite behave according to the rites, such is Mao's opinion. The quotation seems, however, to be used in the text in a contrary sense (see also Shih mao shih chuan shu, 1.70)..

 264. THE QUEEN. (9.15b; 4 .18a-b; 10.25a-b)

Why is the spouse of the Son of Heaven called hou? Hou means Lord chün . The Y. ed. omits .. The spouse of the Son of Heaven is the most hon- ourable [of women], so that she is called hou 'Lord', meaning that as mate to the most honourable [King] she is the Little Lord within the seas . This does not occur in the Y. ed., which has instead: . Lu's correction.. All under Heaven reverence her, and therefore connect [her title] with [the word] wang 'King', calling her wang- hou , missing in the Y. ed. and supplied by Lu.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[The Duke of Ts'ai came to Lu and immediately] went to meet the wang-hou 'Queen' at Chi" . This is an entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Huan 8, not of any of the three Commentaries. The Y. ed. has instead of .. Why is the wife of the Lord of a state called fu-jên [by the Lord]? The meaning is that she is to assist . and support eight persons, namely the eight concubines [of the Lord] The text of the Y. ed. reads . Lu thinks to be superfluous, and writes in stead of , thus under- standing the sentence as: "it indicates that she should assist and support men, meaning that she is not a concubine". Ch'ên reads instead of . and understands the passage as in the translation.. The people of the state reverence her, and therefore call her the Lord's ju-jên. She calls herself hsiao-t'ung 'Little Lass', out of modesty. It means that her wisdom and capacity are small and tiny like [those of] a stupid child. The Lun yü says: "The wife of the Lord of a state is called fu-jên by the Lord . The Y. ed. omits ., she calls herself hsiao-t'ung 'Little Lass', the people of the state call her 'the Lord's fu-jên', in speaking with other states she is called kua hsiao-chün 'our Little Lord' Ch. (Lun yu chu shu, 16.12a; L. 316). Instead of the Lun yü text writes ..

[The last term is] an expression of modesty used in referring to her when [the Lord is] visiting a friendly state, and when [one of her] subjects is in . The Y. ed. omits , supplied by Lu. another state.

 265. PRINCIPAL WIFE AND CONCUBINE. (9.15b-16a; 4 .18b; 10.25b)

a.What do [the words] ch'i 'principal wife', and ch'ieh 'concubine' mean? . The Y. ed. omits and . Supplied by Lu. Ch'i means 'whole' ch'i .. [The wife forms] one whole body with her husband. From the Son of Heaven down to the common man [the word ch'i is used with] the same meaning.

b.Ch'ieh means 'to connect' chieh .. [The concubine] at regular times meets the man for connection.

 266. THE MEANING OF CHIA-CH'Ü , NAN-NÜ , FU-FU, HUN-YIN. (9.16a-b; 4 .18b-19a; 10.26a-b)

a.What do [the words] chia-ch'ü . 'marriage' mean? Chia means home chia .. The wife comes from outside to another house to make it her home . The Y. ed. wrongly has .. Ch'ü means to take ch'ü ..

b.What do [the words] nan-nü 'man and woman' mean? . In the Y. ed. the words , and are missing. Nan means to be charged with jên .. He is charged with the task of completing an undertaking. Nü means to conform to ju .. She follows and conforms to another. In her home she follows her parents, when married she follows her husband, when her husband is dead she follows her son. The Chuan says: "A woman's duty is to follow [others in] three [cases]" I.e. the Chuan of ch. Sang fu of the I li (chu shu, 11.36b; C. 400)..

c.What do [the words] fu-fu . 'husband and wife' mean? [The first] fu means to support fu .. To support with the principles [required] of man. [The second] fu means to submit fu .. To submit to the duties of home, and to serve others.

d.Fei means mate p'i , missing in the Y. ed. and supplied by Lu.. What do [the words] fei-p'i . The Y. ed. writes , correction by Lu. mean? That they are each other's mates . The Y. ed. omits ..

e.What do [the words] hun-yin mean? Hun means , omitted in the Y. ed. that the rites [of meeting the bride] are performed at dusk hun .. There- fore it is spoken of as hun . The Y. ed. has .. Yin means , omitted in the Y. ed. that the woman becomes his wife by following yin . her husband. Therefore it is spoken of as yin. The Shih says: "Thou hast no regard for the old alliance" . Ode 188 (Mao shih chu shu, 18.20a; L. 303; K. 16.232; see also Shih mao shih chuan shu, 4.70). Mao's text reads: . The Sub-comm. in Mao shih chu shu, 18.20b says that hun is used with respect to the man, and yin with respect to the woman . This was said with respect [to the alliance of the woman] to the husband. [The Shih says] again: "Thou feastest thy newly-wedded [wife]" . Ode 35: (Mao shih chu shu, 3.33a, L. 56; K. 16.182). Mao's text reads: .. This was said with respect [to the alliance of the man] to the wife. Why are the rites performed at dusk? In order to indicate that the yang descends to the yin Chêng Hsüan in his of ch. Shih hun li of the I li says: "The rites [of meeting the bride] must take place at dusk to symbolize that the yang goes and the yin comes" . It must only be dusk when the bridegroom meets his bride. For the other five occasions, when a messenger is sent with presents to the house of the bride (see par. 238a), the time is dawn (ch. Shih hun li, 'Notes', of the I li (chu shu, 2.32b-33a; C. 44; St. 1.33)).. Dusk . The Y. ed. wrongly writes . is also the time that the yin and the yang intermingle.

 267. THE MEANING OF THE CLOSING AND THE OPENING OF THE BED-CHAMBER. (9.16b; 4 .19a; 10.27a)

a.Why is it that a man at sixty closes the [door of his] bed- chamber? It is that he may take care of his feebleness. He thus pays attention to his life ['s strength] Hereafter in the Y. ed. follows "it also says: Father and son do not share a mat; that would harm the distinction between old and young". The passage has no bearing upon the subject and should be dropped (cf. Liu, 74.4a). The statement that a man at sixty closes the door of his bed-chamber also occurs in Ho Hsiu's Comm.on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 1 (Kung yang chu shu, 1.8b).. The Li nei tsê says: "A concubine though she is old, if she has not yet reached the age of fifty, must cohabit with . The Y. ed. has . [her master] every five days" Ch. Nei tsê of the Li chi (chu shu, 28.1la; C. I. 661).. [When she has reached the] age of fifty she does not visit [her master any more, the abstinence] for both being helpful to [their mutually growing] feebleness.

b.When a man is seventy he has reached the stage of dotage: he cannot relish food without meat, he cannot get warm in bed without a bed-mate In the Li chi it is said that at fifty a man begins to become feeble, at sixty he does not relish food without meat, at seventy he does not get warm without silk, at eighty he does not get warm without a bedmate (ch. Nei tsé, Li chi chu shu, 28.6a; C. I. 650).. Therefore at seventy he opens the (door of his] bed-chamber again [for his bed-mate to enter].

 PREFACE TO VOLUME II

This volume contains the translation of chapters III-XVII, XIX- XXXIX, XLI-XLIII, and a summary of the Fragments of the Po hu t'ung.

The text used is that edited by Lu Wên-ch'ao; in the headings of the paragraphs the references are to the pages of this edition.

I have endeavoured to keep my notes within reasonable limits, my chief aim being to make the text comprehensible, and thereby to avoid irrelevant excursions into adjacent fields.

The Fragments, for which Lu Wên-ch'ao's and Ch'ên Li's editions were used, are not offered in literal translation; I have only indicated the subjects which are under discussion, and the titles of the works quoted as 'proofs'. Neither have I utilised Liu Shih-p'ei's supple- mentary material (for which see Volume One, pp. 4 and 62). The state of these Fragments is still fragmentary, and new material may be expected from sources hitherto unexplored by the Chinese scholars interested in the subject. As it is, I think that, after the full trans- lation of the 43 chaptes of the current edition of the Po hu t'ung, it is not necessary to extend the laborious work to the Fragments: it would not, in any case, improve our knowledge of the nature of the Po hu t'ung.

My thanks are due to the 'Nederlandse Organisatie voor Zuiver Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek' at The Hague for its liberal grant, which has made the publication of this book possible, and to Messrs. E. J. Brill for their readiness to be its publishers.

I have also to thank Professor J. J. L. Duyvendak, who went through the whole work in manuscript. As in the case of the first volume I have again greatly benefited from his corrections and suggestions. Mrs. Duyvendak has put me under great obligatioin by taking the trouble of correcting the mistakes of my English.

Leiden, April 1952

 TRANSLATION OF CHAPTERS III-XVII, XIX-XXXIX, XLI-XLIII III. POSTHUMOUS NAMES 7---GENERAL REMARKS (IA. 14b-15a).

a.What does shih . For this paragraph cf. Vol. I, p. 316, end of n. 247. mean? Shih 'to bestow a posthumous name' means yin . 'to extend'; to extend and display the vestiges of one's conduct in order to stimulate the perfection of spiritual power, and to induce the superior to the cultivation of probity. Therefore the Li chiao t' ê sh êng says: "Anciently those who had no rank during their life did not receive a posthumous name at death either" Li chi chu shu, 26.18a; C.I. 605.. This means that he who had a rank during his life ought to receive a posthumous name at death. b.Why is the posthumous name given after death? The Shih says: "All men [are good] at first, but few prove themselves [to be so] at the last" Ode 255: Mao shih chu shu, 25.1b; L. 505; K. 17.77.; it means that a man's behaviour is not the same throughout his life, so that it is only by his end that his beginning may be known. The Shih kuan ching says: "The conferring of a posthumous name at the death [of a common officer] is a recent [innovation]" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi (not the ching), 1.48b; C. 24. The quotation states that a 'common officer' shih originally had no rank and no right to a posthumous name; to Duke Chuang of Lu (693-622) is ascribed the 'inno- vation' (see Li chi, T'an kung, C. I. 123-125; L. I. 127-128). Here the quotation, however, is used as a proof that the posthumous name is given at death.. c.Why is the posthumous name given just before the funeral? To avail oneself of the opportunity of there being a gathering [of relatives and friends, in whose presence one] wishes to elevate [the deceased]. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "The coffin of the Duke arrived from Kan-hou" Ting 1, summer, sixth month.. Duke Chao [of Lu] died in the region of Kan-hou in [the state of] Chin, and [his corpse] was returned in great haste after several months. It was right that [for this event] his posthumous name was not yet [mentioned] I.e., he is only referred to as 'Duke'. In the autumn, seventh month, of the same year, his funeral, however, is recorded with his posthumous name 'Duke Chao'.. d.The Ch'un ch'iu [further] says: "On [the day] ting-ssŭ there should have been the interment [of our ruler, Duke Ting; but the rain came down so that it could not be carried out]; on [the next day] mou-wu, when the sun had begun to decline, it could be done" Ting 15. I.e., though the interment actually took place a day later, he was already mentioned by his posthumous name as soon as the funeral-procession was about to start.. [This] means that the posthumous name was given at the sacrifice of departure [,when the coffin had been placed on the hearse] tsu-tsai, see ch. XLIII, n. 71..

18---THE POSTHUMOUS NAMES OF THE EMPERORS AND KINGS (IA. 15a-16a).

a.Why is it that in [the name of] Huang-ti . the word huang 'yellow' is put first, and [the word] ti 'Emperor' is put last? In ancient times [emphasis was laid on] simplicity, and in life as well as after death the denomination was the same, in either case being formed in accordance with one's conduct. The beautiful [name of huang] is placed above I.e., huang 'yellow', being the most beautiful in the series of the 'Five Colours' and the appropriate expression of the magnitude of Huang-ti, is put before ti. Cf. Vol. I, p. 312, n. 230.. Huang-ti was the first to in- stitute laws and measures, obtaining [therewith] the right course of the Way, which was not to change in ten thousand generations. Later ages, though [producing] Sages, have never been able to equal him. Even when, their spiritual power being similar to that of Heaven, [the Sages of] later ages may have been called ti 'Emperor', they still were not able to create institutions, so that none of them could be called huang again Cf. the Tu tuan (. 76b): "He who gave tranquillity to his people by his rules and laws is called huang". Ch' ên's reading of huang-ti instead of huang (2.18a) seems to be unwarranted.. b.Why does a posthumous name sometimes consist of one word, and sometimes of two words? The [adherents of the Principle of] Form used one word for a posthumous name [,as in the case of King W ên and King Wu]. The [adherents of the Principle of] Substance used two words; thus after his death T'ang [of the Yin Dynasty] was called Ch' êng-t'ang ., [so that] his posthumous name was made up of two words. c.Why is it that with the appellations hao. there is no [distinction between] Substance and Form, whereas this distinction exists with respect to the posthumous names? The appellation is the original [denomination]; it is considered the base, and therefore cannot be changed. From the Chou [Dynasty] onwards [a further] ornamentation W ên , i.e. 'form', 'refinement', 'ornamentation'. The Chou are supposed to have introduced the use of posthumous names, which were different from the names borne during life. was added with deliberation, holding that the orders issued during the life-time should be considered as the base; if they were good, the King received a good posthumous name. Therefore, linking [the posthumous name with the appellation wang 'King'], we speak of W ên-wang and Wu-wang. In thus linking [the posthumous name W ên or Wu with the appellation wang] the posthumous name is put first. [The use of posthumous names] means that distinction is made between good and bad [behaviour], so that men are stimulated to goodness and warned against evil. d.Ti 'Emperor' is the appellation [conferred] by Heaven, and Yao is to be regarded as a posthumous name. But since the oldest times [emphasized] simplicity, and simply used the 'personal name' ming as an appellation after death, why has then the posthum- ous name of Yao been created? There are seventy-two articles for the composing of posthumous names Seventy-two is the traditional holy number. The Tu tuan only lists forty- six posthumous names.. The Li shih fa One of the untransmitted books of the collection of rites. Ch' ên (2.19a) writes Li shih fa chi, which is more correct (cf. Vol. I, p. 67, n. 236). says: "He who has attended to the good and transmitted [the Way of] the Sages is posthumously called Yao; he whose consideration for others and sageness are abundant and illustrious is posthumously called Shun; he who is tender-hearted, liberal and loving towards the people is posthumously called W ên; he who is strong, vigorous, principled and straightforward is posthumously called Wu.

19---THE SON OF HEAVEN RECEIVES HIS POSTHUMOUS NAME IN THE SOUTHERN SUBURB (IA. 16a-b).

Why is it that at the death of the Son of Heaven the high dig- nitaries proceed to [the altar of Heaven in] the southern suburb to give him his posthumous name? Because it is the duty of a subject of man not to fail to eulogize his Lord, to conceal his faults, and to exalt his virtues. Therefore [the dignitaries] proceed to the southern suburb, indicating [therewith] that Heaven should not be deceived. So the Ts êng tzŭ w ên [says]: "Confucius said: When the Son of Heaven dies his Ministers proceed to the southern suburb, and, announcing it [to Heaven], give a posthu- mous name" This quotation is not to be found in the present chapter Ts êng tzŭ w ên of the Li chi. A similar statement is ascribed to the School of Kung-yang by Ch êng Hsüan (Li chi chu shu, 19.9b)..

 20---THE SON OF HEAVEN CONFERS POSTHUMOUS NAMES UPON THE FEUDAL LORDS (IA. 16b).

Why is it that when a Feudal Lord dies his Generation-son goes and announces it to the Son of Heaven, who sends his great officer to attend the funeral and give a posthumous name? "The young do not pronounce funeral eulogies on the elder, neither do the inferior on the superior. Feudal Lords eulogizing each other at the funeral would be against the rites" This seems to be a quotation from chapter Ts êng tzŭ w ên of the Li chi (chu shu, 19.9b; C. I. 448).. The subject ought to receive his posthumous name from his ruler.

 21---A MINISTER AND A GREAT OFFICER RECEIVE A POSTHUMOUS NAME (IA. 16b).

Why is it that a Minister or a great officer who has retired from old age and dies receives a posthumous name? The posthumous name is given to distinguish between the high and the lowly, and to make illustrious those who have spiritual power. When a Minister or a great officer retires without having committed a crime he is continued in his salaried position, and therefore he will receive a posthumous name.

 22---THOSE WHO HAVE NO RANK DO NOT RECEIVE A POSTHUMOUS NAME (IA. 16b-17b).

a.Why does not the Spouse [of a Feudal Lord] receive a posthum- ous name? She has no rank, and therefore she will have no posthumous name. Another opinion is: the Spouse [of a Feudal Lord] receives a posthumous name; she is the mother of the state, and takes care [of the affairs] within the women's doors, so that all the subjects are also affected [by her conduct]. Therefore a posthumous name is accorded to her, to make manifest her good or bad [behaviour]. The Ch'un ch'iu The text wrongly writes Ch'un ch'iu chuan. records: "Funeral of [Duke] Kung['s Spouse Po]-chi of Sung" Hsiang 30.. The Chuan [explaining this entry] says: "Why is she called by the posthumous name [of her husband]? Because of her virtuous conduct" Kung yang chu shu, 21.18b. Po-chi was the eldest daughter of Duke Ch' êng of Lu, and married to Sung. She perished in the flames when, in 543 B.C., a fire broke out in the palace, and she refused to escape into the night unescorted. Hence she is praised by being mentioned here by the posthumous name Kung of her Consort. Cf. Vol. I, p. 357, n. 545; also p. 280, n. 89.. [In another case] the Chuan states: "Who was Ai-chiang? She was the Spouse of Duke Chuang" Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 2, 10.9a. Ai-chiang was a bad woman, who at the end was killed by her brother, Duke Huan of Ch'i (ibid., Hsi 1, 10.4b). She is, therefore, only mentioned by her personal name.. b.Why does the woman who with the approval of the Son of Heaven has been taken as the principal wife by a Minister or a great officer ming-fu, cf. the sub-comm. on ch. Hun j ên of the Chou li (chu shu, 7.25a), and Couvreur's Li ki, I. 567, note. not receive a posthumous title? [Because of her] lowly [position]. c.Why do not the Eight Concubines See Vol. I, p. 251, par. 248. [of a Feudal Lord] receive a posthumous name? They also [have a] lowly [position], and cannot assist [in any governmental affair]. Like a common officer they are lowly and petty, so that they have no right to a posthumous name. d.Why does not the Spouse of the Heir [of the Son of Heaven] receive a posthumous name? In principle the wife follows her hus- band. As the Heir does not receive a posthumous name, his wife also has no right to one. The Shih kuan ching says: "The Heir of the Son of Heaven is like any common officer" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.48a; C. 24. Cf. Vol. I, p. 279, n. 87.. Since a com- mon officer has no posthumous name we know the Heir [of the Son of Heaven] has none either. e.Why is it that [the holders of] a sub-fief receive no posthumous names? [Because their position is] lowly and petty, and they have no rank. The Wang chih says: "The institution of ranks and emol- uments in antiquity [comprised] in all five degrees" Viz. kung, hou, po, tzŭ, nan, for which see the chapter on Ranks (Vol. I, p. 218 ff.). The corresponding passage in the Wang chih (Li chi chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263) is somewhat different.. The sub- fief is not included, which means that its holder has no rank.

23---THE POSTHUMOUS NAME OF THE PRINCIPAL WIFE OF THE SON OF HEAVEN (IA. 17b).

In which place is the posthumous name given to the Principal Consort of the Son of Heaven? [It is given] in the Hall of Audience ch'ao-t'ing. Following the version quoted in the T'ung tien Ch' ên (2.22b) suggests the reading: "It is given in the ancestral temple, but others say it is given in the Hall of Audience"., which is the place where the affairs of the state are conducted. The Ministers gather [there], and select a posthumous name, which they announce to the ruler, who then confers it [upon the deceased]. "A wife regards her husband as her Heaven" Cf. the I li, Sang fu; C. 400.. Therefore it is sufficient to announce [the chosen name] to the ruler [,who is her husband and Heaven]. How do we know that [for the con- ferring of a posthumous name upon the Principal Consort of the Son of Heaven] they do not proceed to [the altar of Heaven in] the southern suburb? A wife has in principle no business out- side [the women's rooms], why [should there be any necessity to proceed to] the southern suburb? The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "It is 'only' wei in the case of the Son of Heaven that the term Heaven is used by way of eulogy" Li chi chu shu, 19.9b; C. I. 448.. Wei . 'only' means tu . 'exclusively'. It means that it is exclusively in the case of the Son of Heaven [that his posthumous name is announced to Heaven] in the southern suburb.

 24---THE APPELLATION AND THE POSTHUMOUS NAME MODEL THEM- SELVES ON HEAVEN AND EARTH (IA. 17b).

What do the appellation and the posthumous name, which make manifest [the deceased's conduct], take as their model? The appellation models itself on Heaven and the sun. Before the sun rises it is already bright. The posthumous name models itself on Earth and the moon. After the moon has set there is still light. "For this reason one receives a great name, when one's conduct was great; one receives a small name, when one's conduct was petty. The conduct originates from oneself, the name originates from others" This statement also occurs in the I chou shu, 6.22b, and the Ta tai li chi (as quoted in the T'ai p'ing yii lan, 562.5b)..

 IV. THE FIVE DEITIES 25---GENERAL REMARKS (I A. 18a).

What is meant by the Five Deities wu-ssŭ.? They are the outer door, the inner door, the well, the hearth, and the impluvium m ên, hu, ching, tsao, chung-liu.. Why are they worshipped? Because they are the places where men dwell, by which they go in and out, and where they drink and eat. Therefore they are worshipped as spirits. How do we know that the Five Deities are called outer door, inner door, well, hearth, and impluvium? The Yüeh ling says: "[In spring] they sacrifice to the inner door, [in summer] to the hearth, [in the middle of the year] to the impluvium, [in autumn] to the outer door, and [in winter] to the well" Li chi chu shu, 14.6b ff.; C. I. 331-354. 372. 373. 391. Instead of 'well' the Yüeh ling has 'lane' hsing..

 26---THOSE WITH THE RANK OF GREAT OFFICER AND HIGHER HAVE THE RIGHT TO SACRIFICE (I A. 18a-b).

Why is it that only [those with the rank of] great officer and higher have the right to sacrifice [to the Five Deities]? A common officer has a lowly position and a meagre renumeration, [so] he only sacrifices to his ancestors. The Li says: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, the Feudal Lords sacrifice to the mountains and rivers, the Ministers and great officers to the Five Deities, the common officers sacrifice to their ancestors" Li chi chu shu, Wang chih, 12.18a; C. I. 289.. The Ch'ü li hsia chi I.e. ch. Ch'ü li, second part, of the Li chi (chu shu, 5.19a-21a; C. I. 99-100; L. I. 116). says: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, to the Four Cardinal Points, to the mountains and rivers, and to the Five Deities, all in the course of the year. The Feudal Lords sacrifice to the spirits of their territory, to the mountains and rivers, and to the Five Deities, all in the course of the year. The Ministers and great officers sacrifice to the Five Deities, the common officers sacrifice to their ancestors. There should be no presuming to resume any sacrifice which has been abolished [by proper authority], nor to abolish any which has been so established. A sacrifice which it is not proper to offer, and which yet is offered, is called a licentious sacrifice. A licentious sacrifice brings no blessing".

 27---THE FIVE DEITIES ARE IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE FIVE ELEMENTS (I A. 18b-19a).

a.Why are the Five Deities successively sacrificed to in the course of the year? They follow [the succession of] the Five Elements. Therefore in spring a sacrifice is offered to the inner door; through the inner door men go in and out, and it is also in spring . In the text the order is reversed. that the ten thousand things begin to knock against the inner door [of the earth] to get out. In summer a sacrifice is offered to the hearth; the hearth is the origin of fire, and it is there that men [prepare their food to] nourish themselves; in summer also it is fire which governs: it grows and nourishes the ten thousand things. In autumn a sacrifice is offered to the outer door; the outer door, by being closed, conceals and keeps man in safety; it is also in autumn that the ten thousand things develop to maturity while preparing and guarding themselves within [the earth]. In winter a sacrifice is offered to the well; the well is the source of water, which lies hidden beneath the earth; in winter also it is water which governs: in it the ten thousand things lie in conceal- ment. In the sixth month a sacrifice is offered to the impluvium; the impluvium resembles [a heap of] earth in the middle of the house; in the sixth month also it is earth which governs. b.So the Yüeh ling under "Spring" says that a sacrifice is given to the inner door, while the spleen [of the victim] is offered first; under "Summer" it says that a sacrifice is given to the hearth, while the lungs [of the victim] are offered first; under "Autumn" it says that a sacrifice is given to the outer door, while the liver [of the victim] is offered first; under "Winter" it says that a sacrifice is given to the well, while the kidneys [of the victim] are offered first; under "Middle [of the year]" it says that a sacrifice is given to the impluvium, while the heart [of the victim] is offered first. c.Why is it that in spring, at the sacrifice to the inner door, the spleen is especially offered first? The spleen belongs to [the ele- ment] earth. In spring wood is 'king', and it 'kills' earth. There- fore that which is conquered is sacrificed The correspondencies are: spring-wood-liver; middle of the year-earth-spleen; winter-water-kidneys; summer-fire-heart; autumn-metal-lungs. The elements are taken in the order of their conquering each other. In spring (wood) the spleen is offered, which belongs to the element earth, conquered by wood. In summer (fire) the lungs are offered, which belong to the element metal, conquered by fire. In autumn (metal) the liver is offered, which belongs to the element wood, conquered by metal. In the text the passage explaining the sacrifices in summer and in autumn seems to have dropped. For winter and middle of the year see next note.. d.Why is it that in winter the kidneys are offered and in the sixth month the heart, whereas they do not belong to the [elements which are] conquered? Earth occupies the centre, and represents the most honoured [element], therefore it is offered the heart, which is the principal part of the intestines. Water occupies the lowest [position], and has nothing to conquer for its sacrifice According to the system referred to in the previous note the sacrifice in winter (water) should be the heart, which belongs to the element fire, conquered by water. The sacrifice in the middle of the year (earth) should be the kidneys, which belong to the element water, conquered by earth. However, in these two cases a deviation from the system is made. Earth, being the highest element, is offered the heart, the principal part of the intestines. Water, being the lowest element, is offered the kidneys, belonging to water itself..

28---THE VICTIMS USED AT THE SACRIFICE (I A. 19a).

a.At the sacrifice to the Five Deities the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords use a bull, the Ministers and great officers use a ram. The offering of the victims [varies] according to the four seasons. b.Another opinion says: a ram is sacrificed to the inner door, a fowl chi, which is Lu's correction of the original reading chih 'pheasant'. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.15b) prefers 'pheasant'. to the hearth, a sucking-pig to the impluvium, a dog to the outer door, a pig to the well. c.Others say that to the impluvium a bull is sacrificed, and if a bull is not available, a sucking-pig; to the well fish is sacrificed.

V. THE GODS OF THE EARTH AND OF THE MILLET 29---GENERAL REMARKS (I A. 19b).

Why is it that the King has a God of the Earth and of the Millet sh ê-chi.? [They are the gods whom he can ask] for prosperity for the benefit of all under Heaven, and whom he can thank for their works. Without land man would not [be able to] sustain himself, without grain he would not [be able to] eat. Land [,how- ever,] is wide and extensive, and cannot be worshipped every- where. The species of grain are too numerous, and cannot be sacrificed to one by one. Therefore a tumulus of earth is erected for an altar of the God of the Earth in order to make manifest the holder of the earth Lu's correction of t'u into tsun seems un- necessary.. Millet is the most important of the species of grain. Therefore an altar of the God of the Millet is erected, to which sacrifices are made. The use of millet is most general because it has absorbed the equi-balanced and harmonious in- fluences of the yin and the yang Ts'ai Yung's Yüeh ling chang chü says: "Millet is sowed in autumn, it ripens in summer, it traverses the four seasons and completely [absorbs the influences of] the yin and the yang; it is the most valuable [of the species of] grain" (Huang shih i shu k'ao, 36b). Cf. Vol. I, p. 49.. Therefore it is considered the principal [of the species of grain].

 30---THE SACRIFICE TAKES PLACE TWICE A YEAR (I A. 19b-20a).

Why are there two sacrifices [to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet] in a year? In spring [the sacrifice] means a request [for prosperity], in autumn it means a thanksgiving [for the re- ceived boon]. Therefore the Yüeh ling says: "In the middle month of spring [the Son of Heaven] chooses a favourable day, and orders the people to sacrifice to the God of the Earth. In the middle month of autumn he chooses a favourable day, and orders the people to sacrifice to the God of the Earth" Li chi chu shu, 15.3a; C. I. 341. The Li chi as well as the Yüan ed. of the Po hu t'ung lack the second passage on autumn, which is supplied by Lu following a quotation from the Yüeh ling in the T'ai p'ing yü lan (ch. 532). See further next note.. The Yüan sh ên ch'i says: "In the middle month of spring prayers are presented for the crops, in the middle month of autumn the corn is harvested. Thanks are rendered to the God of the Earth, and a sacrifice is offered to the God of the Millet" Sun I-jang (Tsa i, 10.1b-2a) agrees with Ch' ên Shou-ch'i's opinion that this quotation should read: "In the middle month of autumn the corn is har- vested; thanks are rendered to the God of the Earth, and a sacrifice is offered to the God of the Millet". Further that the second passage on autumn in the Yüen ling quotation (see previous note) should be dropped. I.e., the proof for there being two sacrifices a year is furnished by the Yüeh ling (for spring) and the Yüan sh ên ch'i (for autumn) together. The 'God of the Millet' chi was always associated with the 'God of the Earth' sh ê, but not the reverse. They were sacrificed to at one altar. Ch êng Hsüan says that the chi is a 'detail' of the sh ê (cf. Waley, The Analects, 246, n. 1). Under Wang Mang a separate cult for the chi was established, and Kuang-wu-ti had a sh ê without chi. From that time on the sh ê- and chi-altars were separated (Liu Pao-nan, Lun yü Ch êng i, 14.43)..

 31---THE VICTIMS USED AT THE SACRIFICE (I A. 20a-b).

a.Why is it that at the sacrifice to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet three victims are used? To emphasize [the gods'] merits. The Shang shu says: "[The Duke of Chou] thereupon sacrificed a bull, a ram, and a pig to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet in the new city" Shang shu chu shu, Shao kao, 14.4a; L. 423.. The Wang chih says: "To the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet the Son of Heaven offers the 'great sacri- fice' t'ai-lao, the Feudal Lords offer the 'smaller sacrifice' shao-lao" Li chi chu shu, 12.23b; C. I. 291. The t'ai-lao consists of a bull, a ram, and a pig (suovetaurilia); the shao-lao consists of a ram and a pig. To the God of the Earth the raw flesh is offered, called sh ên because it is put in the shell of oysters sh ên (cf. Chavannes, Le dieu du sol dans la Chine antique, in Le T'ai chan, 517, n. 2).. b.Why [is it that the Feudal Lords] offer the great sacrifice [to the ancestors] in the ancestral temple, and only the smaller sacrifice to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet? In the ances- tral temple the great sacrifice is offered to extend the feelings of filial piety; to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet thanks are rendered for their works. But the things for which a Feudal Lord in his one state renders thanks are not numerous. That is the reason [why only the smaller sacrifice is given]. The Hsiao ching says: "To preserve the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet and to secure the harmony of their people, this is the filial piety of the Feudal Lords" Hsiao ching chu shu, Chu hou, 2.1a; L. 468..

32---THE SON OF HEAVEN AND THE FEUDAL LORDS HAVE TWO ALTARS (I A. 20b).

Why is it that the King and the Feudal Lords each have two altars of the God of the Earth? Both are Lords holding land. Therefore the Li san ch êng chi says: "The King has two altars of the God of the Earth; he erects one altar for all under Heaven, called the 'Great Altar of the God of the Earth' t'ai-sh ê, and another for himself, called the 'King's Altar of the God of the Earth' wang-sh ê. The Feudal Lords erect for their Hundred Clans one altar, called the 'State's Altar of the God of the Earth' kuo-sh ê, and another for themselves, called the 'Feudal Lord's Altar of the God of the Earth 'hou-sh ê" The quotation is from an untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. A somewhat similar statement occurs in ch. Chi fa of the Li chi (C. II. 265).. To the Great Altar thanks are offered for its works on behalf of all under Heaven. To the King's Altar thanks are offered for its works on behalf of the capital. The Great Altar is more honourable than the King's Altar It was the King's God of the Earth which was taken on military expe- ditions; it was never accompanied by the God of the Millet (Chavannes, o.c. 448).. The earth [,constituting all under Heaven,] is extensive, there- fore it is thanked [for its merits] at two [altars] Ch' ên (3.3a): (inst. of ) (inst. of ) ..

 33---THE WARNING GOD OF THE EARTH (I A. 20b-21a).

a.Why must the King and the Feudal Lords have a Warning God of the Earth? chieh-sh ê. The cult of this vanquished god formed part of the official rites. It was the 'funeral-priest' sang-chu who was charged with it (Chavannes, o.c. 461). To remind that there is preservation and loss, and to indicate that those who do well will succeed and those who do evil will fail. b.Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "Of the God of the Earth of a vanquished state the upper part is covered, and round the lower part a pallissade is built" Kung yang chu shu, Ai 4, 27.11 a.. The Chiao t' ê sh êng chi says: "The God of the Earth of a vanquished state is roofed in" Li chi chu shu, 25.22b; C. I. 586. The Li chi text continues: "[so that] it does not receive the brightness and warmth of Heaven".. It indicates that it is separated from [the influences of] Heaven and Earth. c.[The Warning God is placed] east of the [second outer] gate [of the palace] The gate here referred to is the k'u-m ên (cf. n. 19) and gives entrance to the second court from outside (not the third as Chavannes, o.c. 447, n. 1, remarks). The god of the ruling Sovereign stands west of the gate, i.e. on the right of it (see the sub-comm. on the Chiao t' ê sh êng, Li chi chu shu, 25.25b)., to indicate should be (Sun I-jang, Tsa i, 10.2a). clearly that it has been lowered to a place where it has no [further] function [to perform]. d.Another opinion is: it serves as a clear warning is superfluous (Lu)., and should be in the vicinity of the Sovereign; it is placed south of the en- closure of the ancestral temple. The Li says: "The Gods of the Earth and of the Millet of a vanquished state must be used as a screen for the ancestral temple" Not to be identified. A somewhat similar statement is given in the Ku liang chuan, Ai 4 (Ku liang chu shu, 20.9b).. It means that they are treated contemptuously.

34---THE SITUATION OF THE ALTAR (I A. 21a).

Why is the altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet outside the middle and inside the outer gate [of the palace] The Son of Heaven had five gates: the kao-m ên , the k'u-m ên , the chih-m ên , the ying-m ên , and the lu-m ên , enumerated from outside. The Feudal Lords had three: the kao-m ên, the ying-m ên, and the lu-m ên. In the state of Lu they were called k'u-m ên, chih-m ên, and lu-m ên (cf. M.H. V. 408, n. 1, where the enumeration is different). With the Son of Heaven the middle gate was the chih-m ên, and the (second) outer gate the k'u-m ên; the same was in Lu, whereas with the other Feudal Lords the middle gate was the ying-m ên, and the outer gate the kao-m ên (sub- comm. in Chou li chu shu, 7.24a). The (Great) Altar of the God of the Earth (of the reigning King) stood to the right or west, and the ancestral temple to the left or east between the k'u-m ên and the chih-m ên (Chou li chu shu, Hsiao tsung po, 19.1a); cf. also n. 21.? To honour [the gods] and yet to be near to them. They are [treated in] the same [way] as the ancestors. Why [is the altar] not placed inside the middle gate? To respect it, and to indicate that one should not be too intimate with it. The Lun yü says: "Taking as an illus- tration a palace with its enclosures: if one cannot enter through the gates, one does not see the beauties of the ancestral temple and the wealth of all the offices" Ch. XIX. 23 (Lun yü shu, 19.7b; L. 347).. The Chi i says: "To the right there is the altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet, to the left there is the ancestral temple" Li chi chu shu, 48.17b; C. II. 316. I.e., right and left between the second and the third gates from outside (cf. n. 19). This situation applies to the Great Altar, which together with the ancestral temple gave a double protection to the governed people and the reigning House (Chavannes, o.c. 514-515). The King's Altar, however, was situated on the sacred field where the time of ploughing was inaugurated (sub-comm. in Li chi chu shu, Chi fa, 46.14a)..

 35---THE GREAT OFFICERS HAVE AN ALTAR (I A. 21 a-b).

A great officer who has people [to govern] has an altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet that he also may thank them for their works [on behalf of his people]. The Li chi fa says: "A great officer, in association with the people who are under him, erects an altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet, which is called the Official God of the Earth" chih-sh ê. Li chi chu shu, 46.13b; C. II. 266.. The Lun yü says: "Chi-lu caused Tzŭ-kao to be appointed governor of Pi, saying: He will have people there [to govern], he will have an altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet there [to sacrifice to]" Ch. XI. 24 (Lun yü chu shu, 11.11 b; L. 246)..

 36---THE MEANING OF THE NAME SH ê-CHI (I A. 21b).

a.Why [is the altar of the God of the Earth] not called t'u . 'Earth'? A tumulus is made of earth to serve as [the altar of] the God of the Earth. Therefore the name is [then] changed into sh ê, to distinguish it from earth in general. b.[After the altar of the God of the Earth is erected] an altar for sacrifices to the millet is made, which is then called chi Sun I-jang's reading: (o.c. 10.2a).. The expression is not changed, signifying that there is an inside and an outside Lu's correction: . Probably the meaning is that the expression (sh ê-chi) denotes that the sh ê, by being put first, is more important than the chi.. c.Another opinion is: the sh ê-chi is not to be [called] chi-sh ê. Therefore, the name not being changed, their functions may be known by themselves Sun I-jang (o.c. 10.2b) reads for , in which case the meaning would be: "Therefore the name is not changed and neither are their functions, which indicates that [by the name these functions and their importance] may be known".. d.Why is it that a sacrifice is not offered to the God of the Millet in the first month [of the year]? The reason for erecting an altar for its spirit is because the millet is constantly available [throughout the year] to serve as food for man Liu's reading (72.4a): ..

37---THE ALTAR OF THE GOD OF THE EARTH HAS A TREE BUT NO ROOF (I A. 21b-22a).

a.Why is it that the altar of the God of the Earth has no roof? To keep it in contact with the fluids of Heaven and Earth. Therefore the Chiao t' ê sh êng says: "The Great Altar of the Son of Heaven must [be open to] receive the hoarfrost, the dew, the wind, and the rain, so that it can be in contact with the fluids of Heaven and Earth" Li chi chu shu, 25.22b; C. I. 586. The God of the Earth was the embodiment of the yin (Chavannes, o.c. 507).. b.Why is there a tree on the altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet? That it may [thereby] be honoured and recognized. [Thus] the people may see it from afar and worship it. [The tree is] also the expression of [the god's beneficent] capacities This seems to be a later theory. Originally the tree was the god, and it was only during the Han that it was considered as a sign while the god itself was represented by a stone tablet chu (Chavannes, o.c. 475-476).. Therefore the Chou kuan says: "The ssŭ-t'u builds the altar for the God of the Earth and plants a tree on it. For each [God of the Earth he uses a tree which] suits the soil" Chou li chu shu, Ta ssŭ t'u, 10.2b; B. I. 193, where the text is slightly dif- ferent. The ta-ssŭ-t'u was charged with the building of the altar in the nine prov- inces of the Chou Kingdom, the hsiao-ssŭ-t'u with that of the Feudal Lords, acc. to the Chou li (cf. Chavannes, o.c. 443, n. 1 and 2).. c.The Shang shu i p'ien says: "For the Great Altar of the God of the Earth [the tree] is a pine-tree, for the altars of the God of the Earth in the east it is a cypress, for those of the God of the Earth in the south it is a catalpa, for those of the God of the Earth in the west it is a chestnut, and for those of the God of the Earth in the north it is an acacia" For the Shang shu i p'ien see Vol. I, p. 267, n. 11. Chavannes translates this passage as: "Le grand dieu du sol était un pin", etc. (o.c. 467), which does not bring out its ambiguity..

38---THE KING SACRIFICES IN PERSON (I A. 22a).

Why does the King sacrifice in person to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet? The God of the Earth is the spirit of the earth. The earth produces the ten thousand things, and is the host of all under Heaven. Out of reverence for it [the King] therefore sacrifices in person.

 39---THE ALTAR OF THE GODS (I A. 22a-b).

a.What is the size of the altar? The Ch'un ch'iu w ên i says: "The altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet of the Son of Heaven is fifty feet wide [on each side], that of the Feudal Lords is one half thereof" For the Ch'un ch'iu w ên i see Vol. I, p. 68, n. 237.. b.What is its colour? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The Son of Heaven has a Great Altar; it is green on the east, red on the south, white on the west, black on the north. The top is covered with yellow earth" Not to be found in any of the three Commentaries. A somewhat similar passage, however, is quoted by Ch'u Shao-sun (1st. cent. B.C., see M.H. I. CCI ff.) in the Shih chi (60.10a) from the Ch'un ch'iu ta chuan, an otherwise unknown work (cf. Chavannes, o.c. 452).. c.Thus, when [the Son of Heaven is] going to enfeoff a Feudal Lord [with a territory] in the east, he takes [a clod of] green earth [from his altar], wraps it in a white mao . See Bretschneider, Botanicon Sinicum, II. 277. [leaf, and gives it to him]. For each [Feudal Lord receiving a fief the Son of Heaven] takes [earth] from the [corresponding] side [of his altar], with which [the Feudal Lord] constructs the mound for his [own altar of the] God of the Earth. It signifies that [that clod of] earth is to be revered for its purity.

40---THE SACRIFICE IS ACCOMPANIED BY MUSIC (I A. 22b).

Is music used at the sacrifice to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet? The Yüeh chi says: "Music [the instruments of which are] executed in metal and stone, finding its expression in tunes and notes, and used in the ancestral temple and at the altar of the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet" Li chi chu shu, 37.17b; C. II. 61..

 41---THE DISCONTINUATION OF THE SACRIFICE (I A. 22b).

The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "If a Feudal Lord is sacrificing to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet, for which the stands and vessels have already been arranged, and news arrives of the death of the Son of Heaven, what is to be done? Confucius says: [The sacrifice should be] discontinued" Ibid., 19.4a; C. I. 442.. When a subject is afflicted with sorrow he dares not continue the rites [of sacrifice] to the end.

 VI. RITES AND MUSIC 42---GENERAL REMARKS (I B. 1a-2b).

a.What do [the words] li and yüeh mean? Li 'rites' means li 'to tread' , Cf. Chi i of the Li chi (chu shu, 48.5b; C. II. 302).; to go [the way] which may be trodden. Yüeh 'music' means lo 'joy' Both written , ancient pron. respectively *nglŏk/ngåk and *glåk/lâk acc. to Karlgren (Gr. Ser. no. 1125a), or nåk and nlåk acc. to K. Wulff (Musik und Freude im chinesischen, 36-37).; "the Noble Man rejoices when he has attained the [right] Way, the small man rejoices when he has reached what he desired" Cf. Li chi chu shu, Yüeh chi, 38.13a; C. II. 78..

b.Why does the King perfect his rites and music? To manifest his joy and anger in a regulated and cultivated way (Ch' ên, 3.8a); cf. also Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Yüeh chi (Li chi chu shu, 39.24b)..

c.Music takes its image from Heaven, rites model themselves on Earth Cf. the Yüeh chi (o.c., 37.17a): "Music is created from Heaven, rites are fashioned by Earth", and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on it: "It means that they model themselves on Heaven and Earth". Further ibid. (o.c., 37.20b; C. II. 64): "The Sages created music to respond to Heaven, and fashioned rites to consort with Earth".. All men contain in themselves the essence of Heaven and Earth, and harbour the instinct for the Five Constant [Virtues] wu-ch'ang, see ch. XXX Instinct and Emotion, par. 196d.. Therefore music is that wherewith to incite t'ang-ti, usually meaning 'to remove', is here taken in the meaning of ti-t'ang, which occurs in ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.24a), and explained by Ch êng Hsüan as yao-tung 'to move', 'to incite'. [man] to turn back from evil, rites are that wherewith to curb licentiousness and check prodigality. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "For securing the repose of superiors and the good order of the people there is nothing better than rites; for changing their manners and altering their customs there is nothing better than music" Hsiao ching chu shu, Kuang yao tao, 6.5a; L. 481.. The Master said The long quotation introduced by these words is from the Yüeh chi (o.c. 39.23a-24b). Couvreur (II. 108 ff.) and Legge (II. 127 ff.) differ widely in their translations. I have followed Ch êng Hsüan's comm. and K'ung Ying-ta's sub- comm.: "When in the ancestral temple the ruler and his Ministers, the high and the lowly, listen together to the music, there is none who is not in harmony and reverence; when at the [gathering of the] heads of the kindred, and at the district- and village [-meetings], old and young listen together to it, there is none who is not in harmony and obedient accord; when within the gate of the family fathers and sons, elder brothers and younger brothers, listen together to it, there is none who is not in harmony and affection. Therefore in music emphasis is laid upon harmony and obedient accord . The Li chi text has , i.e., acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's paraphrase: "In the creation of music the human voice is examined to establish its harmony with the instruments".. The [eight musical] instruments should be attuned to each other to embellish the divisions [of the melody] . For the translation I followed K'ung's para- phrase., while their rhythms chieh-tsou, i.e. 'restrained and loosened', 'slow and fast', 'stop and start'. are harmonized to complete the elegance. So fathers and sons, rulers and Ministers, are united in harmony, and the people of the myriad states are associated in love. Such was the purpose i. The Li chi reads fang 'method'. of the Ancient Kings when they framed their music. In listening to the melodies of the ya and the sung the aims and thoughts receive an expansion. When, holding the shield and war-axe, one practises the looking-up and the looking-down, the bending and the stretching [of the body] ch'ü-sh ên, written in the Li chi., one's carriage receives composure chi'i. The Li chi reads chuang 'gravity'.. When, in going to the places indicated at the pantomime . I have followed Ch êng Hsüan's explanation: "the places whence the dancers go forward and whither they retreat"., one follows the rhythm [of the music] , yao is explained by Ch êng Hsüan as hui, i.e. 'to meet'; in our context 'to adapt to', 'to follow'. the rows and arrays are formed correctly, and the advancing and retreating get their proper order. So music is [the lesson] ordered by Heaven and Earth, the director of harmony, and that which the nature of man cannot dispense with. And thus music was that wherewith the Ancient Kings adorned their joy, [just as] the army's host and the battle-axes were the things wherewith [the Ancient Kings] 'The Ancient Kings' occurs in the Li chi. adorned their anger. Therefore the joy and the anger of the Ancient Kings had both their accompaniments I have taken the Li chi's reading ch'ai (the Po hu t'ung text has ).. When they were joyful, all under Heaven were joyful with them; when they were angry, the oppressive and disorderly feared them. In the ways of the Ancient Kings rites and music may be said to have attained perfection indeed".

d.There is none who, hearing the note chüeh, does not feel com- passion and act accordingly; there is none who, hearing the note chih, does not rejoice in nourishing [the needy], and does not love bestowing [goodness]; there is none who, hearing the note shang, does not become strong and decided, and embark on enter- prises; there is none who, hearing the note yü, does not deeply reflect and take precautionary measures against far-off [event- ualities]; there is none who, hearing the note kung, does not become mild and liberal, and act beneficently and harmoniously About the same statement is to be found in Ho Hsiu's comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Yin 5, where it is introduced by the words: "When the notes are correct the conduct becomes correct [also]", see Kung yang chu shu, 3.6a..

e.Why do humbling oneself and yielding precedence to others belong to the rites? so is probably an error for yu (Lu). To honour others and to efface oneself. Humbling oneself and yielding precedence to others prevent strife. The Lun yü says: "[A Noble Man] bows and gives prece- dence to the others when he ascends and when he descends [the hall at the archery-competition] to join the drinking-bout. In his contest he is still a Noble Man" Ch. III. 7 (Lun yü chu shu, 3.5a; L. 157).. Thus "the Lord employs his subjects according to the [rules of] rites, and the subjects serve their Lord with faithfulness" Ch. III. 19 (ibid., 3.14a; L. 161).. "The Noble Man who adds humility to humility may with profit cross the great stream" Chou i chu shu, Ch'ien kua, 4.3a; L. 89. The Chou i text has yung inst. of li; li, however, occurs in the same sentence in another place (o.c. 7. 18a; L. 149). To cross the great stream here means to pass through the difficulties of life.. "While noble, he humbles himself to the mean, and grandly gains the people" Ibid., Chun kua, Hsiang, 2.11b; L. 270.. Humbling himself and honouring others are the na- ture of the Noble Man. Therefore Confucius says: "Rites performed without reverence, how should I regard such a thing?" Ch. III. 26 (Lun yü chu shu, 3.19a; L. 164). Rites are the meeting-corner of the yin and the yang, [the link] con- necting all the affairs [of men], that wherewith Heaven and Earth are revered, the spirits are treated, the order among the high and the lowly is maintained, and the Way of man is kept straight.

f.Why must music [always be accompanied by] singing? Singing expresses through the mouth [the sentiments of man]. When he is gay in his heart he feels impelled to express it through his mouth by singing, through his hands by waving, through his feet by dancing. Therefore the Shang shu says: "In the front they sing, in the rear they dance; [the sound] reaches [Heaven] above and [Earth] below" . Not in the present Book of History, but cf. p. 298 of Legge's translation. See also Shang shu ta chuan, 2.2a, and Sun Hsing-yen's Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 10.105, where the second part of the sentence reads: ..

g.Why is it that in rites value is given to equilibrium chung, which is Lu's reading for chung (cf. his Pu i, 2b).? [The practise of] rites is to fill out where there is an insufficiency, and to moderate where there is a surplus, so that in rich years there may be no extravagance, in bad years no stint, and wealth and poverty should not provide a contrast.

h.Why is it that in music the ya[-melody] is highly esteemed? Ya anciently meant ch êng 'correct' . The F êng su t'ung also says: "Ya means Ch êng" (6.7b.). Cf. further Waley, The Analects, p. 126, n. 4.. [The ya-melody] therefore differs widely from the music of Ch êng .. Confucius says: "Why is the music of Ch êng licentious? In the state of Ch êng the peasants live in the mountains, and when they draw water in the valleys men and women mix freely and perform the music of Ch êng to amuse one another. Therefore the music of the depraved and mean is always music of licentiousness and lust" Acc. to Liu Pao-nan this is a quotation from the Lu version of the Analects (Lun yü Ch êng i, 18.12)..

 43---THE INSTITUTION OF RITES AND MUSIC AFTER THE RESTORATION OF PEACE (I B. 2b).

a.Why is it that only when general peace [has been restored after the establishment of a new Dynasty new] rites may be fashioned and [new] music be created? Rites and music are to curb pro- digality and licentiousness. When the people in all under Heaven are [still] suffering from hunger and cold, how could there be [occasion for] enjoyment? "[But] when the efforts [of the new Dynasty] have attained a successful end [new] music is created, and when its government has been established [new] rites are fashioned" See Li chi chu shu, Yüeh chi, 37.18a; C. II. 62..

b.Why is it that music is said to be created, and rites are said to be fashioned? 'to create' tso, 'to fashion' chih. Music belongs to the yang; in it the movements begin [from non-movement], and the singing starts [from silence]. Therefore it is said to be created. Rites belong to the yin, which is subordinately fashioned by the yang, therefore they are said to be fashioned. Music takes its image from the yang, rites model themselves on the yin K'ung Ying-ta says that "[new] rites represent the change of the [material] form, [new] music represents the change of the [immaterial] airs" (Li chi chu shu, 37.19a)..

 44---THE RITES AND MUSIC OF THE EMPERORS AND KINGS (J B. 3a-4a).

a.When a King has just assumed his Kingship what does he apply to keep the people straight? He temporarily uses the rites and music of the former Dynasty. When in all under Heaven general peace [has been restored] he fashions [the rites] and creates [music] anew. The Shu says: "[Let the King] at first employ the rites [of the Kings] of Yin, and sacrifice in the new city" Shang shu chu shu, Lo kao, 14.20a; L. 438. The words were spoken by the Duke of Chou, who had been acting as Regent for King Ch' êng for six years, and was now going to turn the government over to him. He wanted the King, however, to wait until the next year for the 'fashioning' of his own rites (see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 19.79).. This means that only after general peace [had been fully restored] the rites of Yin were abolished.

b.The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Why is it [that sometimes the rites and music do] not conform to [those of] the nearest [previous Dynasty] but to [those of] the distant [Dynasty]? Because [the distant Dynasty was an adherent of] the same [Principle of Form or Substance] as one's own, [and its rites and music] can be followed as a precedent [in confirming] the general peace [in all under Heaven]" Not to be found in any of the three Commentaries. Cf., however, Ho Hsiu's comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Chao 25, 24.9a, and ibid., Yin 5, 3.6b (with the sub-comm. l.c. 7b). The meaning is, e.g., that the Chou need not restrict itself to the provisional use of the rites and music of the Yin, but could also apply those of the Hsia Dynasty, the Chou and the Hsia both being adherents of the Principle of Form..

c.It is necessary [for a new Dynasty] to fashion [and create] anew [the rites and music of its predecessor], in order to indicate that it has not inherited [from it]. Besides, [the newly created music expresses] what all under Heaven rejoice in should be added after (Liu, 72.4b).; the music [expressing what they rejoice in], being that by which form is given to the spiritual power [of a new Dynasty] and its achieve- ment is manifested, differs [each time] by its name [from the music of previous Dynasties]. The Li chi says: "The music of Huang-ti was called Hsien-shih, that of Chuan-hsü Liu-h êng, that of Ti-k'u Wu-ying, that of Yao Ta-chang, that of Shun Hsiao-shao, that of Yü Ta-hsia, that of T'ang Ta-hu, that of King Wu of the Chou Hsiang The text has ta-wu hsiang. Ch' ên (3.12b) drops ta-wu., that of the Duke of Chou Cho, when united together the music of Chou was called Ta-wu" A quotation from one of the Apocryphal Books of Rites. Cf. Vol. I, p. 20..

d.The music of Huang-ti was called Hsien-shih . Cf. Vol. I, p. 21, n. 102, 103., meaning that [during his reign] the Way was greatly 'applied' shih . to all under Heaven, and put into practise. 'Everything' hsien . that was created by Heaven and was borne by Earth received the beneficent application of spiritual power.

e.The music of Chuan-hsü was called Liu-h êng ., meaning that in it the [six musical pitch-pipes] lü . were in consonant use with the [other six pitch-pipes] lü inst. of (Ch' ên, 3.13a)., [thus] harmonizing the yin and the yang. H êng 'stem' is that by which the ten thousand things are made visible.

f.The music of Ti-k'u was called Wu-ying ., meaning that he was able to bring the Five Notes . wu-sh êng. into harmony in order to nourish the ten thousand things, and harmonize their blossoming . ying-hua..

g.The music of Yao was called Ta-chang ., meaning that he had greatly made illustrious the Way of Heaven, Earth, and Man.

h.The music of Shun was called Hsiao-shao ., meaning that he was able to continue chi, which, acc. to the Li chi (chu shu, 38.2b; C. II. 68), is the meaning of shao. the Way of Yao.

i.The music of Yü was called Ta-hsia ., meaning that Yü was able to follow and put into practise the Way of the two Sages [Yao and Shun]. Therefore it was called Ta-hsia.

j.The music of T'ang was called Ta-hu ., meaning that when he received [the continuation of] the decaying [Empire] he was able to meet hu. the people's needs.

k.The music of the Duke of Chou was called Cho ., meaning that when the Duke of Chou assisted King Ch' êng he was able to deliberate ch ên-cho. upon the Ways of [King] W ên and [King] Wu, and bring them to completion.

l.The music of King Wu was called Hsiang ., meaning that it was made 'to represent' hsiang . [the achievement of] general peace. It was an expression of [the fact that] general peace was already [prevailing again].

m.When united together [the music of Chou was] called Ta-wu ., meaning that all under Heaven at last rejoiced when [the House of Chou] took up arms hsing-wu. for the expedition [against the House of Yin]. Therefore the poets celebrated it in the song: "King [W ên] rose majestic in his wrath, and marshalled his troops" Ode 241: Mao shih chu shu, 23.74b; L. 453; K. 17.69.. At this time all under Heaven rejoiced at the anger of King W ên [, who was going] to pacify all under Heaven. Therefore they put his military [prowess] into music. Why is it that the House of Chou composed the Hsiang music of all musics? [King] Chou of the Yin had already long been indulging in his evil [deeds]; his wickedness was extreme, he cut off [the feet of] persons walking [in the snow in the morning], he ripped open the wombs [of preg- nant women] See Book of History, L. 285 and 295., he acted as a brigand through all under Heaven. King Wu took up arms [against him, and the soldiers were so rejoiced that they were] singing in the front and dancing in the rear [of his army] See n. 27.. After the Yin [Dynasty] had been overcome the people greatly rejoiced. For that very reason [the Hsiang music was] composed to regulate their over-abundance of joy.

 45---THE NUMBER OF DANCERS OF THE SON OF HEAVEN AND OF THE FEUDAL LORDS (I B. 4a-b).

a.The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers, the Feudal Lords have four, so as to distinguish between the high and the lowly. Music belongs to the yang, therefore it uses the [even] yin-number, and models itself on the Eight Winds See ch. XXIV., the Six Musical Pitchpipes These six lü form the yang part of the 12-toned scale, of which the six lü form the yin part. Cf. M.H. III. 302; Levis, Foundations of Chinese Musical Art, p. 65; van Aalst, Chinese Music, p. 8. Cf. n. 117., or the Four Seasons. The Eight Winds and the Six Pitch-pipes [represent] the breath of Heaven, they assist Heaven and Earth in bringing the ten thousand things to maturing. Likewise music is that by which, in conformity with Heaven's breath, the myriads of people are transformed and their lives perfected. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers, the Dukes [and Ducal Ministers] have six, the Feudal Lords four" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 5, 3.4b, which further says that the eight rows correspond with the Eight Winds, the six rows with the six lü , and the four rows with the Four Seasons. See further n. 70.. The Shih chuan says: "A great officer and a common officer have the ch'in and the s ê [lutes] to play upon" Ho Hsiu gives an almost similar quotation from the Lu shih chuan (his comm. on Yin 5, in Kung yang chu shu, 3.6b)..

b.What is meant by pa-i . 'eight rows of dancers'? I means lieh . 'row'. Eight men form a row. Eight [rows of] eight [dancers] make sixty-four men. The Dukes have six rows of six, the Feudal Lords have four rows of four This is in agreement with the Kung yang chuan (l.c.). The Tso chuan (Yin 5) gives eight rows for the Son of Heaven, six for the Feudal Lords, four for the great officers, two for the common officers. Each row consists of eight men, acc. to Fu Ch'ien (Hung Liang-chi, Ch'un ch'iu tso chuan ku, 5.94).. By the Dukes are meant the Three Ducal Ministers and the descendants of the two Kings [of the previous two Dynasties].

c.Great officers and common officers are subjects who face north, they have no right to employ people of their own accord; therefore they have only [the right to use] the ch'in and the s ê [lutes].

 46---THE SIX MUSICS OF THE KING (I B. 4b).

The King performs the Six Musics [of the previous Dynasties] to honour their achievements inst. of (Sun I-jang, o.c. 10.2b). and to extol their spiritual power. To continue the performance of the music of the former Kings at his sacrifices means that there is a model, and that the origins should not be forgotten; the performance of the music which he has himself created is to show his own accomplishment The very corrupt passage is corrected by Liu (72.4b) as follows: . Cf. also Ho Hsiu's comm. on Chao 25 (Kung yang chu shu, 24.9a). The names of the Six Musics are given in the Chou li (chu shu, 22.8a ff.; B. II. 30-32)..

 47---THE MUSIC OF THE FOUR BARBARIAN TRIBES (I B. 4b-7a).

a.Why [does the King] perform the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes? That his spiritual power may be extended to them Question and reply occur, in one affirmative sentence and almost in the same form, in Ho Hsiu's comm. on Chao 25 (l.c.).. The I says: "The Ancient Kings [,in imitation of the thunder issuing from the earth as this is depicted in the Yü hexagram,] composed their music and did honour to its spiritual power, presenting it most grandly to the Lord on High, when they as- sociated with Him [at the service] their first ancestor [Hou-chi] and their father [King W ên]" Chou i chu shu, Yü kua, Hsiang, 4.6b; L. 287.. The Shih says: "The drums resound harmonious and loud, to delight our meritorious ancestor [T'ang]" Ode 301: Mao shih chu shu, 30.2b; L. 631; K. 17.97.. The Yüeh yüan yü . The Ch'ien han shu (24B. 23b) mentions a Yüeh yü, which acc. to T êng Chan (3d. cent. A.D.) is the Yüeh yüan yü, a work transmitted by King Hsien of Ho-chien (died 130 B.C.). says: "When [the King has] received the mandate [of Heaven he performs] the six musical dances; the performance of the music of the Ancient Kings in- dicates that there is a model [to follow]; the performance of that which he has himself created indicates that he has his [own] fashion; the performance of the music of the Four Barbarian Tribes means that his spiritual power has been extended to them".

b.Thus the music of the eastern barbarians is called chao-li, that of the southern barbarians is called nan, that of the western barbarians is called wei, and that of the northern barbarians is called chin chao-li , nan , wei , chin . The Kung yang chu shu, Chao 25, 24.9a gives: chu-li , j ên , chin, mei ; the Chou li chu shu, ch. , 24.10a-b: mei , j ên, chu-li, chin; the Li chi chu shu, Ming t'ang wei, 31.6b only gives two names: mei (east), j ên (south)..

c.When enjoying huan inst. of kuan (Ch' ên', 3.17b; Lu's Pu i, 3a). together music and dancing in the hall [of the ancestral temple] the musicians of the Four Barbarian Tribes are seated at the right [outside the gate] 'Outside the gate' is suggested by Lu. In his Pu i he suggests reading hu 'door' instead of yu 'right'..

d.That wherewith the King has acquired [his kingship is, in the performance of his music,] put first in order to conform with the mandate [he holds], and to emphasize the beginning [of his rise]. That the King's music has a first and a later [part] is because in either [part] its [characteristic] spiritual power is brought for- ward. This means that if [a King] has attained [his kingship] by civil [means] the civil [part of the performance] is executed first, that is a dance with feathers and plumes held [in the hands]; if he has attained [his kingship] by military prowess the martial [part of the performance] is executed first, that is a dance with shields and lances held [in the hands] The Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 8, 15.23b mentions a shield-dance called wan and a flute-dance called yo . Ho Hsiu thinks wan is the military, yo the civil dance. The Tso chuan (chu shu, 22.8a) takes wan to be the general name for dance..

e.The Yüeh yüan yü says: "With the music of the eastern bar- barians there is a dance with spears held [in the hands] to aid the seasonal growth. With the music of the southern barbarians there is a dance with feathers held [in the hands] to aid the seasonal nurture. With the music of the western barbarians there is a dance with halberds held [in the hands] to aid the seasonal decay. With the music of the northern barbarians there is a dance with shields held [in the hands] to aid the seasonal rest" The same passage occurs as a quotation from the (Apocryphal Book of the Hsiao ching) Kou ming chüeh in the sub-comm. of the Chou li (chu shu, 24.10b)..

f.Who instituted the music of the barbarians? The Ancient Sage- kings. When the Ancient Kings had promoted and exercised the spiritual power [proceeding from their possession] of the Way, when they had harmonized the yin and the yang, and overwhelmed the barbarians [with their beneficence], these barbarians peacefully and joyfully paid their court-visits to the Middle State, and on this [occasion] the music was made to amuse them.

g.Nan [,the music of the southern barbarians,] means j ên 'to be in charge of' nan and j ên are phonetically related (Gr. Ser. nos. 667f and 649a).; to be in charge of nourishing the ten thousand things. Wei [,the music of the western barbarians,] means mei 'obscure'; mei expresses the decaying and the ageing of the ten thousand things; it takes its meaning from [the idea of] 'obscurity' hui-mei wei , mei , hui-mei .. Chin [,the music of the northern barbarians,] means that the ten thousand things have 'retired and hidden themselves' chin-ts'ang .. Chao-li [,the music of the eastern barbarians,] means that the ten thousand things, [though still] tiny, 'leave' li ; wei 'tiny' is synonymous with chao 'early' and chu (in chu-li, see n. 77) 'dwarfish'. the [covering] earth to begin to grow.

h.Another opinion is: For the eastern region [there is a dance with] spears held [in the hands], for the southern region a song is sung, for the western region [there is a dance with] lances held [in the hands], for the northern region a gong is beaten. The barbarians were primitive and did not attain the [height of] culture of the Middle State. They only called [their music] after the names of the instruments, therefore [these names were] not changed throughout the Dynasties.

i.Why is it that the King fashions music for the barbarians, but does not fashion their rites? Because rites are performed with [the accompaniment of certain] movements of the body, which the barbarians will not be able to execute, [whereas] their music has been created by the Sages for the sole purpose of amusing them. Therefore there is the music of the barbarians.

j.Who are to execute the dances? Men of the Middle State are employed [for it]. Why is it said so? It is feared that the barbarians, being ignorant in [the matter of] rites, will commit mistakes [in the performance].

k.Why [is the music of the barbarians] performed outside the gate [of the ancestral temple]? The barbarians are seated outside [the temple], therefore [their music is] brought near to them. The barbarians have no [knowledge of] ritual behaviour, and are not permitted within. The Ming t'ang chi says: "The [chiefs of the] states of the Nine Barbarian Tribes are outside the eastern gate" Li chi chu shu, Ming t'ang wei, 31.1b; C. I. 726.. Thus we know that they are not inside the gate. [Again] the Ming t'ang chi says: "They introduce the music of the eastern and southern barbarians into the ancestral temple" Ibid., 31.6b; C. I. 732.. The use of the word 'introduce' na. indicates that there are [special cases when the barbarians are allowed] inside.

l.It is asked: What does [the expression] 'Music of the Four Barbarian Tribes' ssŭ-i-chih-yüeh. The Shih chi writes ssŭ-fang instead of ssŭ-i (M.H. V. 321, n. 2). mean? [The reply is:] the Four Barbarian tribes comprise those outside regions which are without know- ledge of ritual rules. The enumeration of these barbarian tribes begins with the east, therefore the beginning is taken as their generic name. When the expression i-ti is used, the beginning and the end [of the enumeration] are emphasized I.e., of the enumeration i, man, jung, ti (east, south, west, north) the first and the last are taken: i-ti.. The expression man is used to emphasize their 'distancy' yüan , (cf. Gr. Ser. nos. 178p and 256f).; the expression mo is used to emphasize their 'cruelty' o , (Gr. Ser. nos. 766h and 805h).. When they have to be distinguished [the barbarians of] the eastern region are called the Nine i, [those of] the southern region are called the Eight man, [those of] the western region are called the Six jung ., [those of] the northern region are called the Five ti. Therefore the Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "The Nine i, the Eight man, the Six jung, and the Five ti are the greatest sore to the Hundred Clans [of the Middle State]" Not in the present ch. Ts êng tzŭ w ên of the Li chi. The same enumeration with the same numbers is, however, given in ch. Ming t'ang wei (Li chi chu shu, 31.1b; C. I. 726-727). The Erh ya (chu shu, 6.11b) lists: Nine i, Eight ti, Seven jung, Six man. The Chou li (chu shu, 33.10b; B. II. 264): Four i, Eight man, Seven min , Nine mo, Five jung, Six ti..

m.How do we know that the i[-barbarians] lived in the east? The Wang chih says: "The [barbarians of the] eastern region are called i, they wear their hair loose, and tattoo their bodies" Li chi chu shu, 12.30a; C. I. 295. In the expression p'i-fa Ch' ên (3.20b) explains p'i as or or or 'to cut short', thus 'to wear the hair cut short'. He also refers to Shih chi, 31.1b and 43.24a, where the same description, applied to the southern barbarians, occurs with tuan and chien inst. of p'i. However, p'i-fa in Lun yü, XIV. 18 is explained by Huang K'an as 'hair not fastened in a knot' (Lun yü Ch êng i, 17.123). Cf. further Kao Yu's explanation of p'i as chien in the Huai nan tzü, 1.11a, and Liu W ên-tien's objections (following Wang Yin-chih) to it.. It further says: "The [barbarians of the] southern region are called man, they tattoo their foreheads, and sleep with crossed legs chiao-chih. K'ung Ying-ta (o.c. 12. 31a) explains: "when they sleep [they lie in a circle with] their heads turned outwards and their feet turned inwards crossing each other".. [Those of] the western region are called jung, they wear their hair loose, and are clad in skins. [Those of] the northern region are called ti, they are clad in feathers and fur, and dwell in caves" Li chi chu shu, l.c..

n.Why has the east nine [barbarian tribes]? Because [the number of] those who have come and crossed [the frontiers] amounts to nine. Chiu 'nine' means chiu 'profound' .; the [King's] spiritual power is ubiquitous and profound; therefore, responding to this power, [the eastern barbarians] also come in [the profound number of] nine. It is not a course of affairs brought about on purpose, but it has naturally [so developed that nine tribes have come].

o.Why [are the barbarians] named i, man [,and so on]? Since the Sage-kings in principle do not regulate the outer regions they do not devise names for them. When they speak of them they only follow the [existing] names of their countries.

p.Another opinion is: They devise a name for them according to what [each of the barbarian tribes] falls short of. [So] i means tsun-i . In ch. XIV. 46 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 14.22a; L. 292) the word i also occurs in the meaning of 'to squat'. 'to squat'; [squatting indicates] a lack of propriety. [Or,] the east is the region where the yang is tender, so that it is 'easy' i . to reform; the name [of i] I.e. . is therefore taken [from it]. Man means 'to be bent on wickedness and evil'. Jung means 'to be oppressive and cruel'. Ti means 'easy-going'; [the ti-bar- barians are] depraved, easy-going, and promiscuous; in the north the elder yin [causes] meanness and frugality The text has hsi, which, acc. to Lu, is a misprint for (= or ) lin.; therefore [the opportunities are] few and [the region is] difficult to reform For another fanciful explanation of these names see Li chi chu shu, 12.31a-b, the sub-comm. quoting the F êng su t'ung..

 48---THE DIFFERENT PLACES FOR SINGERS AND DANCERS (I B. 7a-b).

Why are the singers seated on the platform in the hall while the dancing [takes place] below it? The song gives form to the spiritual power [of the King], the dance gives form to his prowess. A Noble Man puts his spiritual power first and his prowess after- wards. The Chiao t'e sh êng says: "The singers are above [on the platform]" Li chi chu shu, 25.11a; C. I. 577, which continues: "The organ-and flute- players are below it, the honour [thus] being given to the human voice".. The Lun yü says: "The Chi family had eight rows of dancers dancing in the space below the raised platform in the hall" Ch. III. 1 (Lun yü chu shu, 3.1a; L. 154). The definition of t'ing as 'the space below the raised platform in the hall ( t'ang)' is taken from the Lun yü Ch êng i, 3.53. The Chi's were only great officers of Lu, and their use of eight rows of dancers was a usurpation.. The Shu says: "Below there are the flutes, hand-drums. drums, calabash organs, and bells, all filling up the intervals" Shang shu chu shu, I chi, 4.16b; L. 87. The quotation is to prove that the dancing, accompanied by these instruments, took place below the platform in the hall..

 49---THE MUSIC FOR INVITING DOWN THE SPIRITS (I B. 7b).

a.Why is the music for inviting down the spirits [of the deceased forefathers] placed upon [the platform]? To elevate it on behalf of the spirits. Therefore the Shu says: "When [the chu was] struck to start [the orchestra] or [the yü] to stop it, when the jade chiming- stone [was sounded], and the pu-fu and the ch'in and s ê [lutes were played to] accompany the singing, [the spirits of] the first ancestor and the father arrived" Ibid. All these instruments, producing a 'softer' sound, accompanied the singing on the platform. See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 462..

b.Why are the chiming-stone, the pu-fu [,and the lutes] used? The spirits, being pure and invisible, like calm and dislike twanging. Therefore the Shang shu ta chuan says: "The pu-fu is a drum filled with bran, the ch'in and s ê [lutes have] purely boiled red silk strings, the chiming [-stone is used] out of esteem for the sound of the jade [-stone]" pu-fu ; ch'in-s ê ..

 50---THE MUSIC PLAYED AT THE MEALS OF THE SON OF HEAVEN (I B. 7b-8a).

a.Why is it that when the King takes his meals music is played? He is pleased [at being able] to enjoy general peace in all under Heaven and at the abundance of accumulated wealth The Chou li (chu shu, 4.3b; B. I. 72) says that the King is stimulated to eating by the music.. It means that the Son of Heaven, being most exalted, does not take food when he has not accomplished [his task], neither does he eat to repletion when his spiritual power has not [manifested itself to the full]. Therefore the Chuan says: "The Son of Heaven has music performed at the times of his meals" . The quotation is probably from the Lu shih chuan as it is quoted as such, with inst. of , by Ho Hsiu in his comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Yin 5, 3.6b. The same statement (as Ho Hsiu's quotation and with before ) occurs in ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu, 12.9b; C. I. 286)..

b.Why does the King take four [complete] meals daily? It indi- cates that he has [at his disposal] the produce of the four quarters and the yields of the four seasons. If the four quarters are not in peace, and the four seasons are out of order, then he applies the rule of 'clearing away the aliments' ch' ê-shan. The Son of Heaven did not take a complete meal in the case of a great mourning, a great famine, a great epidemic, a great ce- lestial or terrestrial calamity, a great political catastrophe (Chou li chu shu, 4.4b; B. I. 73)., by which is meant that the Most Exalted has proclaimed the prescribed fast.

c.Quietly the King sits in the centre and manages the four quarters. At dawn he takes his meal: it is the inception of the younger yang. At noon he takes his meal: it is the inception of the elder yang. In the afternoon he takes his meal: it is the in- ception of the younger yin. In the evening he takes his meal: it is the inception of the elder yin. The Lun yü says: "Kan, [the band-master] at the second meal, went to Ch'u; Liao, [the band- master] at the third meal, went to Ts'ai; Chüeh, [the band-master] at the fourth meal, went to Ch'in" Ch. XVIII. 9 (Lun yü chu shu, 18.8b; L. 337). Besides these three there were five other musicians who left. The event is supposed to have taken place either under Duke Ai of Lu (494-468 B.C., o.c. 18.9a) or under King Chou of the Yin Dynasty (Liu Pao-nan in Lun yü Ch êng i, 21.89-90)..

d.The Feudal Lords take three [complete] meals [a day], the Ministers and great officers two, so as to distinguish between the high and the lowly. The Ti tzŭ chih says: "It is the common officer, who again applies the rites [observed at the morning-meal] to the evening-meal" The Ti tzŭ chih is now incorporated in the present Kuan tzŭ, see Vol. I, p. 69, n. 241. The quotation is to prove that common officers (and Ministers and great officers) only took two complete meals..

e."[The common man] who earns his living by his labour is not limited in the number [of his meals]" . The statement occurs in ch. Li ch'i of the Li chi (chu shu, 23.11b; C. I. 545). The words 'common man', supplied by Lu, are superfluous, as they are implied in (Ch' ên, 3.24b).. The task of the common man is to plough or to gather mulberry-leaves, exhausting his strength and exerting himself laboriously. When he is hungry he eats, when he has had enough he works again; therefore there is no limit to the number [of his meals].

 51---THE FIVE NOTES AND THE EIGHT KINDS OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC (I B. 8a-10b).

a.What do sh êng and yin mean? Sh êng 'note' means ming 'to sound' sh êng (Gr. Ser. 822), ming (Gr. Ser. 827).; hearing the note we know what has produced it. Yin means yin 'to swallow' (Gr. Ser. 653), (Gr. Ser. 654).; it means that the hard and the soft, the sharps and the flats are harmonized and have swallowed each other. The Shang-shu says: "I wish to hear the Six Pitch-pipes, the Five Notes, and the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music" Shang shu chu shu, I chi, 4.5b; L. 81. The Six Pitch-pipes are the yang part of the series of twelve, consisting of the 1st, 3d, 5th, 7th, 9th, and 11th pitch-pipes (van Aalst, l.c.)..

b.What are the Five Notes? [They are:] kung, shang, chüeh, chih, and yü , corresponding with the notes C, D, E, G, A, and produced by the 1st, 3d, 5th, 2d, and 4th pitch-pipes (van Aalst, o.c. 14-15).. Earth may be said [to correspond to the note] kung, metal to shang, wood to chüeh, fire to chih, water to yü. The Yüeh ling says: "Its perfect spiritual power is in wood, its note is chüeh". It further says: "Its perfect spiritual power is in fire, its note is chih; its perfect spiritual power is in metal, its note is shang; its perfect spiritual power is in water, its note is yü" Li chi chu shu, 14. passim; C. I. 330 ff..

c.Why [is the note] called chüeh? Chüeh means yüeh 'to leap'; the yang-fluid stirs and leaps. Chih means chih 'to stop'; the yang-fluid has stopped. Shang means chang 'to expand'; the yin- fluid begins to expand [while] the yang-fluid begins to contract. Yü means yü 'to twist'; the yin-fluid is above, the yang-fluid is below. Kung means jung 'to contain'; han 'to hold'; it contains and holds the four seasons yüeh , chih , chang , yü (Lu in his Pu i = ), jung , han . The Han shu gives a different explanation, see Vol. I, p. 35..

d.What are the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music pa-yin.? The Yüeh chi says: "[The music produced by the instrument made of] clay is called hsün 'occarina', [that produced by the instrument made of] bamboo is called kuan 'flute', [that produced by the in- strument made of] hide is called ku 'drum', [that produced by the instrument made of] the gourd is called sh êng 'pan-pipes', [that produced by the instrument made of] silk is called hsien 'harp', [that produced by the instrument made of] stone is called ch'ing 'chiming-stone', [that produced by the instrument made of] metal is called chung 'bell', [that produced by the instrument made of] wood is called chu and yü" hsün or , kuan , ku , sh êng , hsien , ch'ing , chung , chu-yü . The quotation is not to be found in the present Yüeh chi. The chu is a square, varnished box of wood with a pestle inside, which, when moved, beats against the sides. The yü is in the shape of a sitting tiger with notches on its back, which, when swept, give a sound. They are used to start and to stop the music.. They are called the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music [because] they model themselves on the Eight Trigrams of the I, and [follow] the number of the ten thousand things Acc. to the Ta tai li chi (13.4a; Wilhelm, 245) "Eight is that which holds together (kang = ), by which Heaven and Earth express themselves; it is therefore the number by which the Sage connects the yin and the yang".; the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music [represent] the sounds of the ten thousand things.

e.Why [does the Son of Heaven] use the Eight Kinds of Instru- mental Music? The Son of Heaven, in aiding the ten thousand things to multiply, ought to know their number, and knowing their number ought to know their sounds; after which he reflects on their shapes. When, in this way, [even to] the flying of the insects and the wriggling of the worms there is no sound which he does not enjoy, his spiritual power has reached its perfection. The Son of Heaven finds his joy joy lo, music yüeh, both written , see n. 2, supra. in them, therefore in his music joy lo, music yüeh, both written , see n. 2, supra. he uses the Eight Kinds of Instrumental Music.

f.The Yüeh chi says: "The occarina [produces] music [which corresponds with the trigram] k'an; the flute music [corresponding with the trigram] k ên; the drum music [corresponding with the trigram] ch ên; the harp music [corresponding with the trigram] li; the bell music [corresponding with the trigram] tui; the chu and the yü music [corresponding with the trigram] ch'ien" The quotation is not to be found in the present Yüeh chi. K'an , k ên , ch ên , li , tui , ch'ien . Acc. to Ch' ên Li (3.26a) the music of the pan-pipes corresponds with the trigram sun , and that of the chiming- stone with the trigram k'un (n given in the text), while the occarina should correspond with k ên and the flute with k'an..

g.The hsün 'occarina' [is an instrument which it is proper to use] in the eleventh month. Hsün means hsün . 'to rise as steam'; the yang-fluid under the yellow sources rises as steam to germinate.

h.P'ao 'gourd' means shih . 'to extend', ya (= acc. to Liu, 72.5a). 'to sprout out'; in the twelfth month the ten thousand things begin to extend and sprout out.

i.The sh êng 'pan-pipes' produces air of the [pitch-pipe] t'ai-ts'ou ., it represents the 'growing' sh êng . of the ten thousand things, and is therefore called sh êng. It has [seven] regulating [pipes corresponding with] the Seven Regulating Celestial Bodies ch'i-Ch êng: sun, moon, and the five planets., and [six] harmonizing [pipes corresponding with] the Six Points of the Compass liu-ho: east, south, west, north, zenith, nadir. The sh êng has thirteen pipes.; all under Heaven rejoice in it, therefore it is called sh êng.

j.The ku 'drum' [produces] a rolling sound of thunder [following upon] an atmosphere of distress. When the ten thousand things are in dire plight they are shaken into motion, the thunder moves them, the heat gives them warmth, the wind disperses them, and the rain moistens them. [The drum] rouses [a sound announcing] the greatest bliss, it moves to an air of harmony and tranquillity. The same sounds reverberate upon each other, the same airs solicit each other. Spirits and enlightened beings respond to them, Heaven and Earth come to aid them, does not then their origin lie at the inception of the ten thousand things? Therefore [the drum is] called ku . 'stimulator'.

k.The t'ao 'handdrum' [also belongs to] the sphere of [the trigram] ch ên. Above it corresponds with the 'Pleiades' mao-hsing, so as to be in communication with the 'Kingly Way' wang-tao; therefore it is called t'ao t'ao , mao-hsing , wang-tao . The meaning of this paragraph is not clear..

l.The hsiao 'bamboo-flute' [produces] the air of the [pitch-pipe] chung-lü .. The ten thousand things originate from the soundless, and become visible out of the formless. [Hsiao means] liu 'to unite', su 'reverential'; therefore [the bamboo-flute is] called hsiao (Gr. Ser. nos. 1069j, 1028a, 1028h).. The hsiao has its base in [the idea of] 'prosperity' lu ., meaning that it aids Heaven in the multiplication of things, [thus] providing the people with a base. When human power is added to the natural processes of the Earth, there is a transform- ation, after which the ten thousand things unite [all their strength]. Therefore [the bamboo-flute is] called hsiao.

m.S ê 'multi-stringed lute' means s ê 'to moderate', hsien 'to bar out' , hsien .. With it anger is restrained, passions are curbed, man's spiritual power is kept straight. Therefore there is the saying: "The s ê [lute secures] the moderation of the Lord and father, and the rules for the subject and son". If Lord and father observe moderation, and subject and son know their duties, the four seasons will be in harmony; if the four seasons are in harmony the ten thousand things will have their growth [unimpeded]. There- fore [the multi-stringed lute is] called s ê.

n.Ch'in 'five-stringed lute' means chin 'to stop' ch'in , chin .. With it de- pravity and licentiousness are stopped and man's heart is kept straight.

o.The ch'ing 'chiming-stone' [produces] the air of the [pitch-pipe] i-ts ê .; it represents the maturing of the ten thousand things. This air is 'distinct' ch'ing . Cf. Li chi chu shu, 39.6a; C. II. 93., therefore it is called ch'ing. There are the high and the lowly, the nearly related and the distantly related, the old and the young; [according to] the rites at the court-audience the high do not give precedence to the lowly, so as to distinguish between the honourable and the humble; [ac- cording to] the rites in the village society the old do not give precedence to the young, so as to make clear that there is [dis- tinction in] years; [according to] the rites in the ancestral temple the nearly related do not give precedence to the distantly related, so as to make clear that there is [distinction in] affinity. If these three [principles] are observed the Kingly Way will be achieved. If the Kingly Way is achieved the ten thousand things will attain their maturity. All under Heaven rejoice in it, therefore in music the 'distinct chiming-stone' ch'ing is used.

p.Chung 'bell' means tung . 'to move'. When the yin-fluid holds sway the ten thousand things are moved to maturing. The bell uses for its air the sound of metal.

q.The po . 'large bell' [produces] a sound [which represents] the air of the seasons, by which rules and patterns come into being. If [in the relation] between Lord and subject there are rules the ten thousand things will bloom, if there are no rules the ten thousand things will decay. Bloom and decay are 'close upon one another's heels' po ., therefore [the large bell is] called po.

r.The chu and the yü [produce the] sounds [which represent] the end and the beginning, that by which the ten thousand things come into being. The yin and the yang succeed and follow upon each other. Therefore there is the saying: "The chu assists and conforms to Heaven and Earth that the ten thousand things may be welcomed in orderly [succession]". All under Heaven rejoice in it, therefore in [the King's] music the chu is used. The chu [marks] the beginning [of the orchestra], the yü the end.

s.Another opinion says: [With respect to the order of the regional correspondences of] the sh êng, the chu, the ku, the hsiao, the ch'in, the hsün, the chung, and the ch'ing the sh êng corresponds with the north, the chu with the north-east, the ku with the east, the hsiao with the south-east, the ch'in with the south, the hsün with the south-west, the chung with the west, the ch'ing with the north-west.

t.Why is it that there are five notes, but eight kinds of instrumental music? The 'notes' sh êng form the basis and originate from the Five Elements. The [eight kinds of] 'instrumental music' yin form the end and represent the Eight Winds. So the Yüeh chi says: "When notes are combined so as to form a harmonious whole [we have] what is called instrumental music" Li chi chu shu, 37.4a; C. II. 48.. [Thus] we know that when we rejoice in [executing together these eight kinds of] instrumental music [we have] what is called 'music'.

 52---DIFFERENCES IN OPINIONS (I B. 10b-11a) This rather irrelevant paragraph probably does not belong to the chapter on Rites and Music..

It is asked: When different opinions are indiscriminately put into practise may not pupils be thereby brought into confusion? Confucius had a saying: "I have heard that to pick out what is good and follow it, to see much and take due note of it, is the lower [of the two kinds of] knowledge" Lun yü, VII. 27 (Waley, p. 129).. "The Way of [the Kings] W ên and Wu has never yet utterly fallen to the ground" Ibid. XIX. 22 (ib. 228).. "If Heaven had really intended that such culture as this should disappear [a latter day mortal would never have been able to link himself to it as I have done]" Ibid. IX. 5 (ib. 139).. "Without looking for it I find happiness to boot" Ibid. VII. 15 (ib. 126).. The Way of the Sage is to use refine- ment and simplicity with which to give significance to his words. Transmitting what one has heard [of the Sage's words] one should also, for each case, only hand down what one has received.

 VII. THE ENFEOFFING OF A FEUDAL LORD 53---THE THREE DUCAL MINISTERS AND THE NINE MINISTERS (I B. 11a-12a).

a.Why does the King appoint three Ducal Ministers and nine Ministers? Heaven, however divine, must depend on the light of sun and moon; Earth, however potent, must have the erosive influence of mountains and rivers; a Sage, though possessing the spiritual power of ten thousand men, needs the aid of able and worthy men, [namely] the three Ducal Ministers, the nine Min- isters, the twenty-seven great officers, and the eighty-one common officers Cf. Li chi chu shu, Wang chih, 11.20a; C. I. 271., with whom, in conformity with Heaven, [he can] make his Way complete.

b.The ssŭ-ma . The Han shu (19.3b) says: "the ssŭ-ma supervises [the affairs per- taining to] Heaven". The army is thus considered as one of these affairs. Cf. infra, under f. supervises the army, the ssŭ-t'u . supervises the people, the ssŭ-k'ung . supervises the earth. When a King has received the mandate [of Heaven] he has the task of [regulating the affairs which pertain to] Heaven, Earth, and Man. Therefore he divides his task by appointing three Ducal Ministers, each supervising one [part of it], so as to make his work efficient.

c.One Ducal Minister appoints three Ministers, so that there are nine Ministers. The Way of Heaven everywhere perfects itself in [the number of] three. Heaven has the Three Luminary Bodies . san-kuang.: the sun, the moon, and the stars; Earth has the Three Configu- rations san-hsing.: high, low, and level; man has the Three Elevated Positions san-tsun.: Lord, father, and teacher. Therefore one Ducal Minister has three Ministers to assist him; one Minister has three great officers to assist him; one great officer has three common officers to assist him. [In the same way as] Heaven only with the help of the Three Luminary Bodies can everywhere shed its illumination, [so] the model of three applies to each [of them]. Things reach their completion after three [stages]: they have a beginning, a middle, and an end, meaning that [there- with] the Way of Heaven has reached its termination.

d.The three Ducal Ministers, the nine Ministers, the twenty-seven great officers, and the eighty-one common officers form together one hundred and twenty offices, corresponding, below, with the Twelve Earthly Stems The same statement is given by Ho Hsiu's comm. (Kung yang chu shu, Huan 8, 5.6a). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. quotes the comm. on the Yüan ming pao (which also contains the passage): "The Son of Heaven in instituting his one hundred and twenty offices not only arranges them in conformity with the number of the stars above, but also brings them into correspondence with the Twelve Earthly Stems below"..

e.The Pieh ming chi An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. Pieh is probably an error for pien (see Vol I, p. 187, note). says: "The ssŭ-t'u has control over the people, the ssŭ-k'ung supervises Earth, the ssŭ-ma conforms him- self to Heaven".

f.Heaven is the dispenser of life, why is it that the ssŭ-ma has the command over the army? The army is [for cases] where plans are made to clear away disturbances, so that the life [of the people] may be preserved and their living may be safeguarded. Therefore the army is said [to reside under] Heaven; it has as its task the abolishment of disturbances, [of which] bandits, rebels, as well as ferocious beasts [,may be regarded as examples]. The Lun yü says: "When in all under Heaven the Way prevails, then rites, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the Son of Heaven" Ch. XVI. 2 (Lun yü chu shu, 16.5a; L. 310).

g.Though the ssŭ-ma is the head of the army the word ping . 'arms' is not used [in the term], but the word ma 'horse', because the horse is a creature belonging to the yang, that by which the male principle ch'ien. is motivated. Though, indeed, arms are used, [words bearing the connotation of] hurting and wounding are not used in the term, and ma is therefore employed.

h.The ssŭ-t'u supervises the people. That the word j ên . 'people' is not used [in the term], but t'u ., is because t'u means chung . 'multitude', and importance is attached to the multitudes of people.

i.Though the ssŭ-k'ung has supervision over the 'earth' t'u . the word t'u is not used [in the term], but k'ung, because k'ung 'the empty' still [being considered as] supervising, how much more [would it be the case] with the full [earth; it is a case of] bringing out the importance [of the whole] by means of a minute detail The meaning probably is that since 'empty' already conveys such an im- portant meaning, how much more would it be the case with 'earth' (which is 'full', compact)..

 54---THE ENFEOFFING OF FEUDAL LORDS (I B. 12a).

a.Since the appointment by the King of three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, and twenty-seven great officers is sufficient to teach the Way and to illumine the dark and hidden, why is it then still necessary to enfeoff Lords? It is [a sign of] the utmost regard for the people.

b.When good and evil are compared it is easy to know [the differ- ence]. Thus [the King] selects the worthy and gives them fiefs, that in governing the people they may display their spiritual power and use their abilities to the utmost. Above they pay hom- age to the Son of Heaven and see to the safeguarding of the frontiers. Below they nourish the Hundred Clans as their children, practising right principles and opening the road for the worthy. They observe humility and shun self-righteous deeds. Therefore [the King] divides the land to enfeoff his worthy, and, by so doing, he sets them up as models [to be imitated]; to set the worthy up as models [to be imitated means] paying attention to the people.

 55---SHEPHERDS AND CHIEFS (I B. 12a-13a).

a.What does chou-po . mean? Po means chang . 'chief'. [The King] selects [from among] the worthy and capable [Lords] one to act as Chief over one 'province' chou; he is then called po. The Wang chih says: "[For the government of the territory] outside the thousand li [comprising the domain of the Son of Heaven two] 'Regional Chiefs' fang-po are appointed. Five prin- cipalities form a shu, governed by a chang; ten principalities form a lien, governed by a shuai; thirty principalities form a tsu, governed by a ch êng; two hundred and ten principalities form to- gether a 'province' chou governed by a po" Li chi chu shu, 11.18a; C. I. 270. Fang-po , shu , chang , lien , shuai , tsu , ch êng . The whole country was divided into nine provinces, one of which constituted the domain of the Son of Heaven. The remaining eight were governed by eight chou-po 'Provincial Chiefs', and the whole supervised by two fang-po 'Regional Chiefs' (Ch êng Hsüan's comm. l c.). See also n. 28, infra, and Vol. I, p. 320, n. 271..

b.Why [was this Chief] under [Yao of] T'ang and [Shun of] Yü called mu . For Yao of T'ang and Shun of Yü see Vol I, p. 317, n. 257, and p. 319, n. 266. 'Shepherd'? [Yao and Shun] honoured [the Principle of] Substance; they sent their great officers to go and 'shepherd' the Feudal Lords. Therefore they were called Shepherds. For [each of the four] quarters three men were appointed [as Shepherds], so that there were in all twelve. The Shang shu says: "[Shun] consulted with the Twelve Shepherds" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.22a; L. 42. The term po, however, was also used under Shun (Li chi chu shu, 11.19a, comm. and sub. comm.)..

c.How do we know that in the time of Yao [the country was divided into] twelve provinces? Because the Yü kung speaks of the Nine Provinces This strange argument should probably be explained as follows: When Yü was damming the floods the reign of Yao was not yet ended. It was after the accomplishment of Yü's work that Shun, who governed the empire after Yao's resignation, divided it into twelve provinces by subdividing two of the nine provinces, described in the Yü kung, one into two and the other into three (cf. Shun tien, L. 38; M.H. I. 65, n. 2). Thus it was in Yao's time, when he was still alive but not actually reigning, that the division into twelve provinces was made..

d.The King appoints two [Regional] Chiefs because, in delegating the government to them, he wishes to attain the greatest efficiency by dividing their task. The Wang chih says: "The eight [Provincial] Chiefs, with those under them, were all under the two Ancients of the Son of Heaven, who divided all under Heaven between them, [one having charge of the regions] on the left, and [the other of those] on the right, and were called the two Regional Chiefs" Li chi chu shu, 11.18b; C. I. 270.. The Shih says: "Young and tender is this sweet pear- tree; do not lop it or knock it, for [the Chief of the West,] the Lord of Shao took shelter under it" Ode 16: Mao shih chu shu, 2.16a; L. 26; Wa. 135; K. 16.176. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. relates that the Duke of Shao, Chief of the West, took up his abode in the grass under the pear-tree to hear and decide upon the grievances of the men and women, sparing no amount of pains; the people applauded his virtue, spoke of his reforming influence, bore him affectionate thoughts, and reverenced the tree (l.c.). The Shuo yüan (5.1a) quotes the Ode, and the Chuan 'Commentary' (of the Lu school, acc. to Ch' ên Li, Kung yang i shu, 7.7b), which says that the Duke of Shao, not wishing to disturb the people's work when they were gathering the cocoons from the mulberry-trees, did not enter the villages but encamped under a sweet pear-tree.. The Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "For the regions east of Sh ên the Duke of Chou was the Chief, for those west of Sh ên the Lord of Shao was the Chief" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 5, 3.5a. Sh ên formed in Chou times the King's domain; it is in present Sh ên-hsien, province of Honan. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 320, n. 271..

e.Why [was the country] not divided into north and south? The eastern regions had only recently undergone the influence of the Sages, while the western regions had already long been subjected to that influence. So a divison was made into east and west, and the sage [Duke of Chou] appointed to supervise the difficult [regions], while the worthy [Duke of Shao] was appointed to supervise the easy [regions]. In this way both brought peace [to their territories]. Besides, it was desired that [the two regions] should have the same share in the rhythm of the yin and the yang, and of cold and heat, and together partake in [the same] laws and measures Under the Yin Dynasty the later King W ên was Chief of the Western Regions, so that at the advent of the Chou Dynasty the west (acc. to Lun yü VIII. 20 even amounting to two thirds of the empire) had already long been enjoying his beneficent influence. The Duke of Chou, being more able than the Duke of Shao, was made Chief of the East to make up for its deficiency of 'vir- tue', so that east and west got the Chief they needed most.. The partition-line in Sh ên divided the country into two halves. Speaking of its surface [each half contained] eight hundred and forty principalities One chou 'province' consisted of 210 principalities (see supra, par. 55a) the eight provinces together comprised 1,680 principalities, governed by the eight 'Provincial Chiefs', and supervised by the two 'Regional Chiefs', who each had the responsibility for four provinces consisting of 840 principalities..

 56---THE MINISTERS AND GREAT OFFICERS OF THE FEUDAL LORDS (I B. 13a).

The reason for the Feudal Lords having three Ministers is the division of three [governmental] tasks; [the reason for their having only] five great officers is [the desire] to keep below [the number of those of] the Son of Heaven. The Wang chih says: "A large [Feudal] State has three Ministers, all appointed by the Son of Heaven; there are [further] five great officers of the second rank and twenty-seven common officers of the first rank. The next largest [Feudal] State has three Ministers, of whom two are appointed by the son of Heaven and one by his [own] ruler. A small principality has two Ministers, both appointed by their [own] ruler. As to the great officers [and the common officers, their number is] the same" Li chi chu shu, 11.20a-b; C. I. 272. By the 'small principality' is probably not meant a small Feudal State (that of Viscounts and Barons, referred to in the Wang tu chi, see next note), but a principality within the King's domain (Ch êng Hsüan's comm., o.c. 20b).. The Li wang tu ch An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. says: "Vis- counts and Barons have three Ministers, of whom one is appointed by the Son of Heaven".

 57---THE GRADES OF THE TERRITORIES GIVEN AS FIEFS TO THE FEUDAL LORDS (I B. 13a-b).

a.The fief of a Feudal Lord does not exceed [a territory of] one hundred li [square], to symbolize the hundred li within which the sound of thunder can be heard See Vol. I, p. 269, n. 31.. Thunder is the yang within the yin Cf. the Yüan ming pao: "Thunder arises out of the combination of the yin and the yang" (Yü han shan fang chi i shu, 57.26a). and the Feudal Lord takes his image from it. The Feudal Lord, in comparison with the King, is the yin. [But, as he is himself a ruler who] faces south and bestows rewards and punish- ments, he is [also] the yang. So he models himself on the thunder.

b.The [fiefs of] seventy li and [of] fifty li [square] indicate the difference in spiritual power and merit [of the holders]. There- fore the Wang chih says: "Of the nine provinces within the four seas [each] province is one thousand li square, and there are estab- lished in it thirty states of one hundred li, sixty of seventy li, one hundred and twenty of fifty li. The famous hills and great swamps are not included in the investitures; the rest [of the land] forms sub-fiefs and unoccupied country" Li chi chu shu, 11.9b; C. I. 268. I.e., each province was 894,000 square li or approximately 1,000 li square, and the whole country 8,046,000 square li or approximately 3,000 li square. Cf. Vol. I, p. 275, n. 52. The Son of Heaven occupies [a territory of] one thousand li square. [The whole country consists of] three thousand [li square] of level country, and together with the numerous cities, habitations, mountains, and rivers [the area] comprises five thousand li [square]. The text wrongly has . The famous hills and great swamps are not given as fiefs because they are shared with the Hundred Clans [as common property], and no state is allowed to have exclusive rights to them. Of the abundance of the mountain-trees and the advantages of the water-sources one thousand li is for public use, so as to level out [the inequalities between] those who have and those who have not, and to assist those who have not enough.

c.Why is the ground parcelled out in three grades I.e., in territories of 100, 70, and 50 li square.? In imitation of the soil having [the three divisions in] first, second, and third class [qualities] Acc. to the Chou li this was land that could be cultivated every year, land that was cultivated every second year, and land that could only be cultivated every third year (Chou li chu shu, 10.18a-b; B. I. 206-207); or land that could support a family of seven, of six, and of five persons (ibid., 11.4b; B. I. 223). Cf. also Nancy Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, p. 118..

 58---THE MEANING OF THE ENFEOFFMENT OF FEUDAL LORDS, RELATIVES, AND WORTHIES (I B. 13b-14b).

a.The first thing the King does after his accession to the throne is to give fiefs to the worthy because he is anxious about the pressing needs of the people. Therefore the divison of the land into princi- palities is not for the sake of the Feudal Lords, neither is the in- stitution of administrative offices and bureaux for the sake of the Ministers and great officers. It is all for the benefit of the people. The I says: "[There will be advantage in] appointing Feudal Lords" Chou i chu shu, Chun kua, 2.10a; L. 62.. This means that they are appointed [with the purpose of] following what gives advantage [to the people]. The Yüeh chi says: "After King Wu had overcome the Yin he returned to [the capital of] Shang, and, descending his chariot, he gave to the descendants of the Hsia Dynasty the fief of Ch'i ., while he moved the descendants of the Yin Dynasty to Sung. He erected a tumulus on the grave of the [Yin] King's son Pi-kan, and released the Viscount of Chi from his imprisonment" Li chi chu shu, 39.13a; C. II. 98. For Pi-kan and the Viscount of Chi see M.H. I. 203, n. 3; 199, n. 1.. [When the King,] after general peace has been established in all under Heaven, gives fiefs to his relatives, it is a sign of his unselfishness.

b.Since he is unselfish, why does he enfeoff them? In the Table of Contents in Vol. I, p. 199, under 58b, this sentence was wrongly translated. "Under the wide heaven there is no land which is not the King's; of all the guests on the earth there is none who is not the King's subject" Ode 205: Mao shih chu shu, 20.23b; L. 360; K. 16.244.. After the multitudes within the seas have completely come under his command he cannot bear to leave his relatives without a foothold The text has tuan-tsu , which should be t'o-tsu (Lu) or shu-tsu (Hung I-hsüan, o.c. 16.15b).. To enfeoff them at the same time is superfluous (Ch' ên, 4.9b; Liu, 72.5a). [as the worthy] is [the expression of] the principle of loving one's relatives. Ac- cording to the Shang shu K'ang-shu was enfeoffed after [he had helped to restore] peace [in the empire] Shang shu chu shu, K'ang kao, 12. passim; L. 381ff. K'ang-shu was a younger brother of King Wu and the Duke of Chou. K'ang was his first fief (but cf. Legge's transl. of the Book of History, p. 381), later he was made Lord of Wei (M.H. I. 245-246; Legge, o.c. 382)..

c.After the King has begun his reign he gives fiefs to his paternal uncles and his brothers, which means that, as it is his duty to share his wealth with them, he ought also to share the land with them (inst. of ; Liu, 73.1a) . Sinica Leidensia, VI.

d.Another opinion is: the paternal uncles are not enfeoffed. [A man is] enfeoffed as a Hereditary Lord of a state inst. of (Sun I-jang, Tsa i, 10.2b). to reward him for his merits, and that his worthiness may be held up as an example [to his descendants] for the benefit of the people Cf. ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi (C. I. 605; L. I. 438), and infra, under 60a.. The sons and grandsons of [such] a worthy are mostly classed as worthies [themselves]. Likewise a Minister has no hereditary position because he is not [required] to love the Hundred Clans as his children. In each case he is rewarded for his merits (inst. of ; Liu, 73.1a) ., that he may enjoy happiness during his life The meaning is that the paternal uncles should only be regarded as worthy Ministers..

e.The reason why [the King,] after receiving his mandate, does not enfeoff his son is because father and son are like hands and feet, which cannot be separated, so that there should be no divi- sion of property. Brothers [,however,] represent a branching off from the main body, therefore [they may be] enfeoffed. So Shun gave to his younger brother Hsiang the territory of Yu-pi as a fief Yu-pi (in present Honan) is written , or . For Hsiang , the wicked brother, who "made it his daily business to slay Shun", and yet received a fief when the latter became Sovereign, see Legge's translation of the M êng tzŭ (p. 347-350), and M.H. I. 73-75, 91..

 59---THE ENFEOFFMENT TAKES PLACE IN SUMMER (I B. 14b).

Why does the enfeoffing of the Feudal Lords take place in summer? The yang-fluid has [then] reached its fullness of nour- ishing power; therefore the enfeoffment of the Feudal Lord [means] the promotion of the worthy to its fullness. By enfeoffing and establishing Lords of men the fullness of the yang-spiritual power [of the King] is reached. The Yüeh ling says: "In the first month of summer [the Son of Heaven] distributes rewards and gives fiefs to the Feudal Lords. Congratulations and presents are dealt out, and there is none who is not pleased and happy" Li chi chu shu, 15.22a; C. I. 355. Ch êng Hsüan's comm., quoting the Chi t'ung, says that the enfeoffment should take place in autumn; in summer only rewards are distributed (o.c. 22b)..

 60---THE POSITION OF A FEUDAL LORD IS HEREDITARY (I B. 14b-15a).

a.Why is it said that Feudal Lords are appointed in a hereditary position? Because they are appointed in order that [their des- cendants] may imitate their worthiness.

b.Why do not the great officers have a hereditary position? Because they are servants [forming] the legs and arms [of their master], and are [only] employed in service. To give them auto- nomous power and independent authority [by making their positions hereditary] would upset the state's household.

c.It is also said: [they have] the duty of yielding [their positions to the more capable] inst. of (Liu, 73.1a).; it is a precautionary measure inst. of (ibid.). [against the event that] those who are unfit to assist in the task of the government should block the [way for the really] worthy. There- fore the position [of a great officer] is not hereditary. So the Ch'un ch'iu kung yang chuan says: "[The Ch'un ch'iu] condemns a Minister having a hereditary position because it is against the rites" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 3, 2.10b..

d.According to what rule do the Feudal Lords hold hereditary positions, whereas the great officers do not? It is because the Feudal Lord is a ruler, facing south; he practises the yang, which he embodies; the Way of the yang is unbroken. The great officer is a servant of man, facing north; he practises the yin, which he embodies; the Way of the yin is broken. When a son is born he is turned [towards the] inside [of the house] because it is his duty to remain in the family; when a daughter is born she is turned [towards the] outside because it is her duty to follow her husband. This is in imitation of the yang being unbroken and the yin being broken.

 61---THE APPOINTMENT OF THE HEIR APPARENT (I B. 15a-b).

a.The reason why the Heir is appointed during the [life of the ruler of a] state is to prevent usurpation and murder, and to debar Ministers and sons from insurrection. The Ch'un ch'iu considers the murder of the Heir a similar crime to the murder of the ruler. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[Li K'o, an officer of Chin,] murdered Hsi-ch'i, the son of the ruler" Hsi 9. Hsi-ch'i, in fact, had already succeeded as ruler of Chin when he was murdered; the year of his father's death, however, had not yet expired. For a murder in such cases the Ch'un ch'iu has this special expression (Kung yang chu shu, 11.6a)., meaning [that the murder is regarded as] similar to the murder of the ruler.

b.When a ruler dies, and his Principal Spouse has no sons but is pregnant is superfluous (Lu)., why must the appointment [of the Heir] wait until she is delivered of child? To honour inst. of (Lu). the principal wife and to emphasize the correct [succession].

c.The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "Why is the appointment of an Heir from [among the sons of] the principal wife determined by seniority in age, and not by worthiness? It means that whether a man will prove to be worthy or unworthy cannot be known" Not to be found in the present ch. Ts êng tzŭ w ên of the Li chi.. The Shang shu says: "Even for Emperor [Yao] it was difficult [to know men]" Shang shu chu shu, Kao yao mo, 3.20a; L. 70.. The appointment of an Heir [from among the other sons] is deter- mined by rank and not by seniority, in order to prevent [strife arising from] love and jealousy. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The appointment of an Heir from [among the sons of] the principal wife is determined by seniority and not by worthiness, that from among the other sons by rank and not by seniority" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1, 9b-10a. For the order of the ranks, see Vol. I, p. 351, n. 474. For a different rule of succession see the Tso chuan, Chao 26 (Legge's transl. p. 718)..

 62---THE SUCCESSION BY BROTHERS (I B. 15b).

a.Why is it that when a Feudal Lord who has been enfeoffed for the first time dies without sons it is not allowed to pass [the fief] over to his brothers? Because of old [the idea of enfeoffment is that the son may] imitate the worthy [father], and a brother does not directly descend from the worthy. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[The duty of] treating the good with goodness is extended to the sons and grandsons" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 20, 23.16b.. It is not said that it is extended to the brothers because brothers have the same honourable [status], and are not in duty bound to support and maintain each other.

b.Brothers do not succeed one another. But when a Feudal Lord who has succeeded to the fief has no sons, [the succession] may be extended to his [other] relatives because they are all regarded as the descendants of [the same] worthy [ancestor]. It is to honour the merits of the first ancestor, therefore [the succession] may be extended to them. When such a Feudal Lord has no sons and no younger brothers but only paternal uncles and elder brothers born of a secondary wife, to whom should [the succession] be given? To an elder brother born of a secondary wife, being the next of kin. So Duke Hsi had the right to succeed Duke Min [of Lu].

 63---THE CONTINUER OF THE LINE (I B. 15b-16a).

a.The Li fu chuan says: "Since [the succession of] a Major Lineage may not be discontinued, why is it allowed to take a person from the same lineage [as the Major] to be adopted as the continuer [of this Major Lineage]? It means that a Minor Lineage may be discontinued but not a Major Lineage. Therefore the continuation of one's own [lineage] is discarded to continue the Major Lineage, so as to honour the first ancestor and to emphasize [the importance of the principle of] not discontinuing the Major Lineage" Ch. Sang fu of the I li (chu shu, 11.13b-14a; C. 388) contains a somewhat similar passage. For 'Major Lineage' ta-tsung and 'Minor Lineage' hsiao-tsung see ch. XXXII, and Vol. I, p. 130..

b.The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "One who is adopted as the con- tinuer [of a Major Lineage] is made son" Kung yang chu shu, Ch' êng 15, 18.4b. It refers to the case of Chung Ying- ch'i, originally Kung-sun Ying-ch'i, the younger brother of Kuei-fu, and son of Duke Chuang's son Chung Sui of Lu. He was adopted as his brother's suc- cessor and son, and took the designation of his father (now his grandfather) Chung as his surname. Cf. Legge's objection to Kung-yang's view in his Tso chuan translation, p. 388..

 64---THE REVIVING OF EXTINGUISHED STATES AND THE RESTORING OF BROKEN LINES OF SUCCESSION (I B. 16a).

a.When a King, having received his mandate, assumes [his king- ship], why does he revive the states that have been extinguished, and restore Houses whose line of succession has been broken? Because [all this had been caused by] the former Dynasty, which did not observe the right Way and wilfully slew the innocent. As to the Heir, who was young and weak, he had been a prey to powerful Ministers, and his sons and grandsons as a conse- quence of it inst. of (Liu, 73.1b). had all been innocently cut off [from the succession]. To honour the merit of their first ancestor they are therefore reinstated. The Lun yü says: "[The rulers of the Chou Dynasty] revived the states that had been extinguished, and restored the families whose line of succession had been broken" Ch. XX. I; Lun yü chu shu, 20.1b; L. 351..

b.The reason why the son of an executed Lord is not installed [as his Heir] is because of the principle that [in such a case his line] should not be continued: Feudal Lords have a hereditary position that they may imitate a worthy [father]. Now that his father has been executed [the succession is] cut off. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The son of an executed Lord is not appointed [as his successor]" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 11, 22.23a..

c.Why is it that when a ruler has been murdered his son may be appointed [as his successor]? To honour the ruler, and prevent usurpation and murder. The Ch'un ch'iu ching says: "Wu-chih of Ch'i slew his Lord [Chu- êrh]" Chuang 8.; [whereupon] the son of the [ruler's] favourite concubine, Kung-tzŭ Chiu, had to be set up [as his successor].

 65---THE RIGHT OF THE SON OF A MERITORIOUS GREAT OFFICER TO RECEIVE A FIEF (I B. 16b).

When a great officer who has achieved merits dies , supplied by Ch' ên, 4.17b. before his enfeoffing[-ceremony] his son is entitled to receive the fief because [the duty of] treating the good with goodness is extended to the sons and grandsons. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The sons and grand-sons of a worthy [officer] should be enfeoffed with land [if the latter dies without having enjoyed it]" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 31, 24.22b..

 66---CHOU KUNG DID NOT GO TO LU (I B. 16b).

Why did the Duke of Chou not go to Lu [,his fief]? Because he had to continue the work [left by the death] of King Wu. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Why did the Duke of Chou not go to Lu? He wanted to unify all under Heaven in Chou" Kung yang chu shu, W ên 13, 14.8b.. The Shih says: "[Then] King Ch' êng said [to the Duke of Chou]: My Uncle, I will set up thy eldest son, and make him Lord of Lu" Ode 300: Mao shih chu shu, 29.25a; L. 623; K. 17.96. His son, Po-ch'in, was made the first Duke of Lu, but the Duke of Chou was considered the first ancestor of the House of Lu. Being indispensable to the House of Chou, however, he remained in the royal capital.. When the Duke of Chou died Heaven showed extraordinary signs Cf. M.H. IV. 99. In the Book of History, Chin t' êng (L. 359) the event (storm, wind, lightning, etc.) took place before the death of the Duke of Chou, during his exile in the east.; [therefore] King Ch' êng buried him with the rites pertaining to the Son of Heaven, and ordered that a sacrifice be offered to him in the suburb of Lu, to show that this [expression of] utmost filial piety had been instigated by Heaven Cf. Sun Hsing-yen in his Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, Chin t' êng, 13.29-30. See also Ch. XLII, par. 289..

 VIII. THE CAPITAL 67---THE FOUNDING OF THE CAPITAL (I B. 16b-17a).

Why must the King, for his capital, select [a place in] the centre of the country? , which is Ch' ên's reading (4.19a). It is in order that he may maintain an equipoise of [the effects of his spiritual] teaching, and equalize the distance to and from [the capital]; that he may easily be informed of the good should be inserted before (Sun I-jang, Tsa i, 10.3a). and the evil that is committed. It indicates that he should always be careful and diligent in the observation , which is suggested by Ch' ên for (4.19b). of [the people's] good and evil [deeds]. The Shang shu says: "May the King come [in the new capital] to continue [the work] of the Lord on High, and undertake himself [the duties of government] in the centre of the land" Shang shu chu shu, Shao kao, 14.9b; L. 428; K. 21.69-70.. The Sage makes institutions in continuation of [the work of] Heaven. [Again] the Shang shu says: "Thou [,my Uncle, Duke of Chou,] hast not dared but acknowledge reverently the favour of Heaven, and hast surveyed the locality [to find where our Chou may respond to that favour]" Ibid., Lo kao, 14.19a; L. 437. This and the previous quotation refer to the building of the new Chou capital Lo-i (in Honan province, north-east of the present city of Lo-yang), said to be 'the centre of the land' (cf. also M.H. 1. 70, n. 2, III. 522, n. 1; for the determination of the centre of the earth see the Chou li, B. I. 200-203, and Eberhard-Müller, in Monumenta Serica II. 154). The actual residence of the Chou, however, remained F êng and Hao until 770 B.C. (M.H. I. 243, 318; Legge's transl. of the Book of History, 422, note). Cf. n. 9..

 68---THE TRANSFERENCE OF THE CAPITAL (I B. 17a).

a.Where was the first fief of the House of Chou? Hou-chi was enfeoffed in T'ai, Duke Liu left T'ai and moved to Pin Hou-chi was the first ancestor of the Chou, miraculously born. Cf. ch. XXXIII, n. 23. Duke Liu was one of his descendants. T'ai , in present Shansi, so also Pin (cf. M.H. I. 209, n. 2; 213, n. 2).. The Shih says: "Thus [Hou-chi] made house and home in T'ai" Ode 245: Mao shih chu shu, 24.14b; L. 469; K. 17.71; Wa. 242.. Again it says: "Stalwart was Duke Liu, he made his lodging in Pin" Ode 250: ibid., 24.63b; L. 488; K. 17.74; Wa. 246. Kuan in the text reads in Mao.. Though the House of Chou moved [its capital] five times, the [underlying] idea [in each case] was the same; each time [the motive was] the wish to bring its Way to consummation Duke Liu moved from T'ai to Pin, Duke Tan-fu (King W ên's grand-father) moved from Pin to Ch'i , Chi-li (King W ên's father) moved from Ch'i to Ch'eng , King W ên moved from Ch' êng to F êeng, King Wu moved from F êng to Hao (M.H. I. 213, 214, 221, 241; Ch' êng is not mentioned here)..

b.Why [must a Feudal Lord, to move his capital,] first announce [his intention] to the King? A Feudal Lord is not allowed to move [his capital], and only after his request has been approved [by the King] may he carry it out.

 69---THE MEANING OF CHING-SHIH (I B. 17a).

What does ching-shih . mean? It is the denomination of the city [within the King's domain] of one thousand li [square]. Ching means ta 'great'; shih means chung 'multitudinous' ta , chung .. [Ching-shih is the place where] the Son of Heaven has his residence; therefore [it is indicated by] the words great and multitudinous Cf. the Kung yang chuan, Huan 9, 5.7b: "The abode of the Son of Heaven must be indicated by expressions [having the meaning of] multitudinous and great". Cf. also the Tu tuan, quoted in Vol. I, p. 47., meaning that [the King's territory] is ten times [as large as that of] a Feudal Lord The territory of a Feudal Lord of the highest rank was 100 li square.. It models itself on the sun and the moon, both having a diameter of one thousand li Cf. Vol. I, p. 47. The sun and the moon were supposed to be of the same size, see Forke, World-conception of the Chinese, p. 60.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The ching-shih is the abode of the Son of Heaven" Kung yang chu shu, Huan 9, 5.7b (cf. n. 12).. The Wang chih says: "The territory of the Son of Heaven amounts to one thousand li square" Li chi chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264..

 70---THE DIFFERENT INSTITUTIONS DURING THE THREE DYNASTIES (I B. 17b).

Another opinion is: [The capital] under the Hsia was called Hsia-i; under the Yin it was called Shang-i, and under the Chou it was called ching-shih. The Shang shu says: "[The King of Hsia] does nothing but exercise oppression in Hsia-i" . Shang shu chu shu, T'ang shih, 7.2b; L. 175.. This was said of Chieh [,the last Sovereign of Hsia. Again it says: King Chou's crimes accumulated] in Shang-i" . Ibid., Chiu kao, 13.24a; L. 408.. This was said of [the last Sovereign of] Yin.

 71---REVENUES (I B. 17b-18a).

Lu 'revenue accruing from a governmental position' means lu 'a registered agreement' .. [It is that by which] the superior agrees to attach the inferior to him with consideration, and each inferior agrees to serve the superior with diligence (Liu's reading, 73.1b). A similar passage occurs in the Yüan sh ên ch'i (Yü han, 58.11a).. The Wang chih says: "The territory [assigned to each of] the three Ducal Ministers of the Son of Heaven is equal to that of a Duke or Marquis; that of the Ministers is equal to that of an Earl; that of the great officers to that of a Viscount or Baron; and that of a common officer to that of a sub-fief. [According to the regulations, the fields of the husbandmen are in portions of a hundred acres. According to the different qualities of those acres,] when they are of the highest quality, a farmer supports nine individuals; where they are of the next, eight; and so on, seven, six, and five. [The pay of] the common people who are employed in government offices is regulated in harmony with these distinctions [among the husbandmen]. The officers of the lowest grade in the Feudal States have a revenue equal to that of the husbandmen whose fields are of the highest quality, equal to what they would make by tilling the fields. Those of the middle grade have double that of the lowest grade, and those of the highest grade double that of the middle. A great officer of the lowest grade has double that of an officer of the highest. A Minister has four times that of a great officer, and the ruler has ten times that of a Minister. In a state of the second class the revenue of a Minister is three times that of a great officer, and that of the ruler ten times that of a Minister. In small states a Minister has twice as much as a great officer, and the ruler ten times as much as a Minister. Within the domain of the Son of Heaven there are nine states of one hundred li [square], twenty-one of seventy li, and sixty- three of fifty li: in all ninety-three states. The famous hills and great swamps are not assigned. The rest [of the land] serves to endow the officers, and to form unoccupied country" Li chi chu shu, 11.2b ff.; C. I. 264 ff..

 72---THE APANAGES OF FEUDAL LORDS SERVING IN THE KING'S DOMAIN (I B. 18a).

When a Feudal Lord enters [the service of the Son of Heaven] as a Ducal Minister, a Minister, or a great officer, does he receive the emoluments of an apanage ts'ai. The apanage, in contradistinction to the fief, did not give the right to possess the land and the people but only to 'gather the revenues' it is not hereditary, but the son of the holder is usually entitled to continue it (see Ho Hsiu's comm. on the Kung yang chuan, Hsiang 15, 20.6a, and Ting 4, 25.18a). for two generations? It is said that he who has ability will receive a position, and he whose spirit- ual power affects others will enjoy his emoluments; thus the worthy is honoured and the possessor of spiritual power is esteemed. When [a Feudal Lord] now with his abundant spiritual power enters [the royal service] to assist in the administration he is entitled to enjoy [the emoluments of an apanage] for two [gener- ations]. Therefore the Wang chih says: "Within the domain of the Son of Heaven the Feudal Lords [who serve in the administration] enjoy emoluments [from apanages], outside it they have hereditary [fiefs]" Li chi chu shu, 11.22a-b; C. I. 273..

 73---THE APANAGE OF THE KING'S HEIR (I B. 18a-b).

The eldest son of the Son of Heaven enjoys the right to an apanage because he is the Heir Apparent and the [future] successor of the Sovereign. He must have land that he may be honoured [for his position]. The Heir has an apanage of one hundred li [square], which is the same as the fief of a Feudal Lord [of the highest rank]. Therefore the Li says: "[Though] a common officer [the Heir is] the son of the Son of Heaven" (Liu's reading, 73.1b). The quotation cannot be identified. For the King's Heir being a 'common officer', see Vol. I, p. 223, par. 5.. Though [the Heir has] no rank [his dignity is] above [that of] a great officer; so we know [that his apanage is] one hundred li [square].

 74---ON THE APANAGES OF THE DUCAL MINISTERS, THE MINISTERS, AND THE GREAT OFFICERS (I B. 18b).

The Ducal Ministers, the Ministers, and the great officers all take emoluments from apanages, meaning that they should share their people's wealth and poverty.

 IX. THE FIVE ELEMENTS 75---GENERAL REMARKS (II A. 1a-2a).

a.What is meant by the 'Five Elements' wu-hsing .? Metal, wood, water, fire, and earth. The word hsing is used to bring out the meaning that [in accordance] with Heaven the fluids have been 'put into motion' hsing .. Earth aids Heaven as the wife serves her husband, and the Minister serves his Lord. Their position is lowly, and those who are in a lowly position personally attend to their duties. Therefore they naturally are the same with respect to [their] one motion, [which is] to pay reverence to [what re- presents] Heaven [to them]. The Shang shu says: "The first [element] is called water, the second fire, the third wood, the fourth metal, the fifth earth" Shang shu chu shu, Hung fan, 11. 6b; L. 325..

b.Water has its position in the northern quarter. The north is [the place] where the yin-fluid lies beneath the Yellow Sources, having as its task the nourishment of the ten thousand things. 'Water' shui means chun 'level' .. It nourishes the things equally, possessing the propensity of always being level.

c.Wood [has its position] in the eastern quarter. The east is [the place] where the yang-fluid begins to move, and the ten thou- sand things begin their life. 'Wood' mu means cho 'to knock' .; the yang-fluid moves and jumps, knocking against the earth to break out.

d.Fire [has its position] in the southern quarter. The south is [the place] where the yang is superior, and the ten thousand things hang down their [luxuriant] branches. 'Fire' huo means wei-sui 'to follow as a result' .; it means that the ten thousand things have fully unfurled themselves This sentence is superfluous acc. to Liu (73. 1b).. Huo also means hua . 'to change'; the yang-fluid holding sway, the ten thousand things transform themselves and change.

e.Metal [has its position] in the western quarter. The west is [the place] where the yin begins to rise, and [the development of] the ten thousand things is called to a stop. 'Metal' chin means chin 'to stop' ..

f.Earth [has its position] in the centre. The centre is [occupied by] the earth. The earth has as its task to bring forth the ten thousand things. 'Earth' t'u means t'u 'to bring forth' . Liu (73.2a) reads: "Earth [has its position] in the centre. The reason that it is in the centre is because Earth occupies the central [position]. It generally brings forth the ten thousand things. 'Earth' t'u means t'u 'to bring forth' "..

g.How do we know that the eastern region [represents] growth? The Yüeh chi says: "In spring they grow, in summer they ripen, in autumn they are harvested, in winter they are hoarded" Li chi chu shu, 37.20b; C. II. 63, where the text, however, is a little different. Spring represents the east..

h.That earth is not [attached to] the name of a season is because it is [only] another name for 'the Earth' ti-t'u ., and [occupies] the highest position in the sequence of the Five Elements; there- fore it does not by itself occupy a special department. The Yüan ming pao says: "Though earth has no [defined] position its effects are [everywhere] present; therefore [just as] the T'ai-i does not participate in [the process of] transformation [so] the Lord of men is not in charge of a special department" An Apocryphal Book of the Ch'un ch'iu. The T'ai-i 'Great Unity' is the state before the separation of Heaven and Earth, acc. to ch. Li yün of the Li chi (chu shu, 22.20a)..

 76---THE NATURE OF THE FIVE ELEMENTS (II A. 2a-b).

a.Why is it that [according to] the nature of the Five Elements some [occupy a] high, and others a low [position]? Fire is yang; [it represents the] superior, therefore [it occupies a] high [position]. Water is yin; [it represents the] inferior, therefore [it occupies a] low [position]. Wood is the younger yang; metal is the younger yin, it has the nature of equilibrium and harmony, and can therefore be bent and straightened, it can obey and change. Earth is the greatest, containing the [ten thousand] things, which, grow- ing, leave it, and, returning, enter into it [again]; it neither rejects the pure nor the impure, it is the mother , inserted by Lu, but Liu (73.2a) wants to insert instead, thus: "it is the highest among the ten thousand things". of the ten thousand things. The Shang shu says: "Of water it is said that it soaks and descends, of fire that it blazes and ascends, of wood that it is crooked or straight, of metal that it obeys and changes, while [the nature of] earth is [seen in] seed-sowing and in gathering" Shang shu chu shu, Hung fan, 11.6b; L. 325..

b.Why is it that among the Five Elements two [,wood and fire,] are yang, and three are yin? Earth is the superior [among them], and [being] the superior is associated with Heaven. In metal, wood, water, and fire the yin and the yang range themselves in couples.

 77---THE FIVE TASTES, THE FIVE SMELLS, THE FIVE QUARTERS (II B. 2b-3a).

a.Why is the taste of water salty? This is its nature Considered superfluous by Liu (73.2a-b).. The northern quarter is the place where the ten thousand things are strong; the salty [taste of water] is to make them strong, as the Five Tastes are made strong by salt I have followed Liu's reading (ibid.)..

b.Why is the taste of wood sour? The eastern quarter is [the place] where the ten thousand things come to life; the sour [taste of wood] stimulates their life, as the Five Tastes are stimulated by acidity.

c.Why is the taste of fire bitter? The southern quarter supervises the growth and nourishment [of the ten thousand things]; the bitter [taste of fire] makes them grow and gives them nourishment, as the Five Tastes need bitterness to be nourishing.

d.Why is the taste of metal acrid? The western quarter is [the place] where the matured things die and decay; the acrid [taste of metal] makes them die and decay, as the Five Tastes are made insipid by acridity.

e.Why is the taste of earth sweet? The centre is [the place of] equilibrium and harmony; therefore [the taste of earth, being in the centre, is] sweet, as in the Five Tastes sweetness is the most important. The Shang shu says: "That which soaks and descends becomes salt, that which blazes and ascends becomes bitter, that which is crooked and straight becomes sour, that which obeys and changes becomes acrid, and from seed-sowing and gathering comes sweetness" Shang shu chu shu, Hung fan, 11.6b; L. 325..

f.Why is the smell of the northern quarter that of decay? The northern quarter [represents] water, in which the ten thousand things lie concealed. Water, now, receives [all the] dirt and im- purities, therefore its smell is that of rotting decay.

g.The eastern quarter [represents] wood, [it is the place where] the ten thousand things have freshly come out of the earth, there- fore its smell is rank.

h.The southern quarter [represents] fire, [it is the place where] the abundant yang assists the movement [of the ten thousand things], therefore its smell is that of burning.

i.The western quarter [represents] metal, [it is the place where] the ten thousand things, having reached their ripeness, begin again to wither inst. of (Liu, 73.2b)., therefore its smell is frowsy.

j.The centre [represents] earth, which supervises the nourishment of the ten thousand things, therefore its smell is fragrant. The Yüeh ling says: "The smell of the eastern quarter is rank, of the southern quarter that of burning, of the centre fragrant, of the western quarter frowsy, of the northern quarter that of decay" Li chi chu shu, 14.1a ff; C. I. 330ff..

k.[The east is] called tung-fang because it is 'the quarter of move- ment' tung-fang ., where the ten thousand things begin their movement and life. [The south is called] nan-fang because it is the quarter which is 'charged with' j ên . Nan and j ên are phonetically related (Gr. Ser. nos. 667f and 649). the nourishment [of the ten thousand things]; these [again] contain in themselves their [several] tasks. [The west is called] hsi-fang because it is 'the quarter of displacement' ch'ien-fang ., where the ten thousand things are displaced and dropped. [The north is called] pei-fang because it is 'the quarter for lying low' fu-fang ., where the ten thousand things lie low and hidden.

 78---ASCENDENCY AND DECLINE OF THE YIN AND THE YANG (II A. 3a-4b).

a.The younger yang is visible in [the zodiacal sign] yin; yin means yen 'to extend' .; its musical pitch-pipe lü is exactly t'ai- ts' ou; lü means shuai 'to conduct' .; with it the fluid [of the younger yang] is conducted to [its task of] stimulating life. [The younger yang] reaches its ascendency in [the zodiacal sign] mao; mao means mao 'to flourish'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly chieh- chung .. [The younger yang] declines in [the zodiacal sign] ch' ên; ch' ên means ch ên 'thunderclap'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly ku-hsi .. The days [of the younger yang are in the signs] chia or i .; chia means that the ten thousand things [are about to emerge out of their] 'scales' fu-chia .; i means that the things which have been lying protected and bent, having served their term, wish to come out. The season [of the younger yang] is 'spring' ch'un; ch'un means ch'un, which means tung 'to move' .. Its position is in the eastern quarter, its colour is green, its musical tone is chüeh; chüeh . means that the fluid is moving and jumping. Its Emperor is T'ai-hao .; t'ai-hao means 'general rise'; the ten thousand things are stirring. Its genius is Kou-mang .; kou-mang means that the things begin their life. Mang means m êng . 'to sprout out'. Its essential spirit is the Green Dragon This sentence has been placed after the previous one by Ch' ên (4.31 a).. It is caused by the yang [appearing] in the middle of the yin.

b.The elder yang is visible in [the zodiacal sign] ssŭ; ssŭ means that the [ten thousand] things have ended their [phase of] rising; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly chung-lü .. Its strength is fullest in [the zodiacal sign] wu; wu [means that] the [ten thousand] things are full and mature; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly sh êng- p'in .. It declines in [the zodiacal sign] wei; wei means wei 'to taste'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly lin-chung .. The days [of the elder yang are in the signs] ping or ting; ping means that the things are 'luminous and clear' ping-ming; ting means ch'iang 'strong' .. The season [of the elder yang] is 'summer' hsia; hsia means ta 'great' .. Its position is in the southern quarter, its colour is red; its musical tone is chih; chih means 'to stop' .; the measure of the yang has reached its extremity. Its Emperor is Yen-ti .; yen-ti means 'elder yang'. Its genius is Chu-jung; chu- jung means chu-hsü (Cf. Vol. I, p. 310, n. 225). 'to connect and continue'. Its essential spirit is the Vermillion Bird. It is caused by its becoming a lüan [-bird] after leaving [its burning nest] Cf. for the lüan-bird Vol. I, p. 335, n. 331..

c.The younger yin is visible in [the zodiacal sign] sh ên; sh ên means sh ên 'body'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly i-ts ê .. It reaches its strength in [the zodiacal sign] yu; yu means lao 'old'; the things are gathered and harvested; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly nan-lü .. It declines in [the zodiacal sign] hsü; hsü means mieh 'to extinguish'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly wu-i; wu-i means wu-yen 'unscathed' Cf. infra, n.78.. The days [of the younger yin are in the signs] k êng or hsin; k êng means that the things 'change' keng .; hsin means that the yin begins its completion. The season [of the younger yin] is 'autumn' ch'iu; ch'iu means ch'ou 'afflicted by grief' .. Its position is in the western quarter, its colour is white, its musical tone is shang; shang means ch'iang 'strong' .. Its Emperor is Shao-hao; shao-hao means shao-lien 'minor harvest' .. Its genius is Chou-shou; chou-shou means hsü 'to shrink'. Its essential spirit is the White Tiger; 'tiger' hu means 'to catch and chastise' ..

d.The elder yin is visible in [the zodiacal sign] hai; hai means kai 'kernel'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly ying-chung .. It reaches its strength in [the zodiacal sign] tzŭ; tzŭ means tzŭ 'to en- gender' .Cf. Vol. 1, p. 270, n. 33, and ch. XXIX, n. 14.; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly huang-chung .. It de- clines in [the zodiacal sign] ch'ou; ch'ou means niu 'to knot'; its musical pitch-pipe is exactly ta-lü .. The days [of the elder yin are in the signs] j ên or kuei; j ên means that the yin is employed [by the yang] and 'serves' j ên it; kuei means k'uei-tu 'to measure' . Sun I-jang (Tsa i, 10.3a) reads: "kuei means k'uei 'to measure', [i.e.] 'measurable' k' êe k' uei-tu ".. The season [of the elder yin] is 'winter' tung; tung means chung 'to end' . .. Its position is in the northern quarter, its musical tone is yü; yü means shu 'repose' .; the ten thousand things begin to produce. Its Emperor is Chuan-hsü .; chuan-hsü means that the cold is shrinking. Its genius is Hsüan-ning; hsüan-ning means 'great darkness' , (inst. of ; Liu, 73.2b).. Its essential spirit is the Black Tortoise, which rises from and quits [its hiding]; its body resembles that of a snake , Lu's reading of the corrupt text..

e.The earth represents the middle palace. Its days are [in the signs] mou or chi; mou means mao 'to flourish'; chi means to rise after having been pressed and bent down .. Its musical tone is kung; kung means chung 'the middle' .. Its Emperor is Huang-ti; its genius is Hou-t'u ..

 79---THE TWELVE MUSICAL PITCH-PIPES (II A. 4b-5b).

a.Why is it that in the Yüeh ling the musical pitch-pipe for the eleventh month is called huang-chung? Huang 'yellow' is the colour of equilibrium and harmony; chung means tung 'to move' .; it means that the yang-fluid moves under the Yellow Sources, and nourishes the ten thousand things Sun I-jang (l.c.) reads: "it means that the yang-fluid under the Yellow Sources 'moves in obscurity' ; it moves and nourishes the ten thousand things". For this whole paragraph 79 cf. Vol. I, p. 47-49, and Han shu, ch. 21A..

b.Why is the musical pitch-pipe for the twelfth month called ta-lü? Ta means 'great'; lü means chü 'to oppose' .; it means that the yang-fluid wishes to break out, but is repulsed by the yin. Lü means 'to oppose', that is: the host [of yin-forces] oppose and obstruct [the yang].

c.Why is the musical pitch-pipe for the first month called t'ai-ts'ou? T'ai also means ta 'great'; ts'ou means tsou 'to collect' .; it means that the ten thousand things have begun greatly to collect [their forces against] the earth to break through.

d.Why is the musical pitch-pipe for the second month called chieh-chung? Chieh means fu-chia .; it means that the ten thousand things [are about to emerge out of their] 'scales' fu-chia, dividing themselves according to their species.

e.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the third month called ku-hsi? Ku means ku 'old'; hsi means hsien 'fresh' .; it means that the ten thousand things all leave their old [dwelling] and turn to their new [one], none of them failing to wear a fresh appearance.

f.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the fourth month called chung-lu? It means that the yang-fluid is about to reach its ex- tremity, and is in its very fullness and greatness; therefore, taking advantage of this middle [position], it obstructs [the rising yin].

g.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the fifth month called sheng-p'in? Sheng means hsia 'inferior'; p'in means ching 'to res- pect' .; it means that the yang-fluid is at its top and extremity while the yin-fluid begins to rise; therefore [the yin] pays [the yang] its respect as a guest.

h.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the sixth month called lin-chung? Lin means chung 'multitude' .; the ten thousand things have fully developed their ripeness, and their species abound in numbers.

i.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the seventh month called i-tse? I means shang 'to afflict'; tse means fa 'law' .; it means that the ten thousand things begin to be afflicted and to undergo the law of penalty.

j.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the eighth month called nan-lu? Nan means jen 'to charge' .; it means that the yang- fluid still has its charge [to fulfil], producing greens and wheat. Therefore the yin opposes it.

k.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the ninth month called wu-i? I means chung 'termination' .; it means that the ten thou- sand things, following the yang, have reached their termination, and have to follow the yin in order to rise again; none [of them] has been [completely] exterminated . The Han shu, 21A. 7a, explains as yen 'to scathe' and continues "it means that the yang-fluid, with deep concern for the [ten thousand] things, causes the yin-fluid, to stop oppressing them; they begin again [to rise] after having terminated [their course, that is,] they are unscathed" . Hung I-hsüan (o.c. 16.16a) reads i or i instead of chung. Cf. also M.H. III. 313, and BMFEA, 14.88..

l.Why is [the musical pitch-pipe for] the tenth month called ying-chung? Ying means ying 'to respond'; chung means tung 'to move' .; it means that the ten thousand things, responding to the yang, move and lie low.

 80---THE MEANING OF THE ALTERNATION OF THE FIVE ELEMENTS (II A. 5b-7b).

a.Why is it that the Five Elements alternate their 'kingship'? Because they engender each other in succession, so that [each of them has] an end and a beginning. Wood engenders fire, fire engenders earth, earth engenders metal, metal engenders water, water engenders wood. Therefore, when wood is 'king', fire assists, earth is dead, metal is imprisoned, and water takes its rest. That which is conquered by the 'king' is dead, [that which is to conquer the 'king' is] imprisoned, [that which the 'king' is to engender assists], and so it is that the engenderer inst. of (Ch' ên, 4.38a). takes its rest.

b.When wood is 'king', fire assists; how do we know [who is to be its] subject? Probably something is missing in the sentence. That earth is dead is because the son [wood engendered by water] revenges his father [water, which has been conquered by earth]. In [the succession of] the Five Elements the son has [feelings of] concern [,which is the principle of] the things returning to their mother. When wood is 'king', fire assists; when metal has accomplished [its conquering capacities], fire smelts it. [But] metal engenders water, which extinguishes fire, and so fulfils its compensating function. Fire engenders earth, which again obstructs water, so that it is rendered helpless.

c.The Five Elements destroying each other is the nature of Heaven and Earth. The mass conquers the stray, so water conquers fire. The fine conquers the solid, so fire conquers metal. The hard con- quers the soft, so metal conquers wood. The compact conquers the loose, so wood conquers earth. The full conquers the empty, so earth conquers water.

d.Fire is yang, and represents the Lord. Water is yin, and [re- presents] the position of the subject. Why does the subject con- quer the Lord? This refers to the Lord who does not follow the Way. Therefore he [,being the yang,] is overcome by the host of yin [-forces], as was the case with King Chou [of the Yin Dyn- asty]. And so it is that if water is in a position to go its [natural] course, it will take metal as its cover, and adapt itself to [the dam- ming by] earth; it is warm when one wishes it to be warm, and cold when one wishes it to be cold. How then could it ever be in a position [really] to destroy fire?

e.It is said that each of the Five Elements by its nature is either the yin or the yang. Since wood engenders fire, why is it that [fire] repays it by consuming its mother? The reply is: metal conquers wood, and fire on behalf of wood wishes to destroy metal; [but] metal is hard and strong, difficult to smelt, therefore [wood,] the mother, sacrificing its own body, comes to the aid of fire to burn metal. This is the meaning of the wish to develop the child [by destroying] itself. Moreover, the way of the yang is not to separate from each other; therefore for the sake of both [wood and fire] fire is made consummate, by the death [of wood, the mother,] the child [,fire,] continues it.

f.Why is it that wood is 'king' for seventy-two days? Earth is 'king' during the four last months of the seasons, each time for eighteen days; together [with each of the other four elements it governs] for ninety days, which make one season. [Each of the four elements together with earth is] 'king' for ninety days.

g.Why is earth 'king' during the four last months [of the seasons]? Wood without earth does not grow, fire without earth does not blaze inst. of (Lu in his Pu i, 5b)., metal without earth does not take its shape, water without earth should be . does not attain its height. Earth supports the tender and aids the weak, that they may accomplish the passing through their course. Therefore the Five Elements, alternating their 'kingship', are always in need of earth, which is 'king' in the four last months [of the seasons], occupies the centre, but is not named after a season.

h.How do we know that the Five Elements, arising at the same time, engender each other according to their positions I have followed Ch' ên's reading (4.40a): .? The Chuan says: "The Five Elements arise together, but each is distin- guished by its name" The quotation cannot be identified..

i.The yang gives life, the yin kills; why is it that in fire there can be no living being, whereas it is possible in water? Life comes from within, and fire has the yin within, therefore there can be no life [there].

j.Since water and fire [each represent] only one specimen, why is it that metal and wood [comprise] so many specimens? Because the south and the north [corresponding with fire and water] are the extremities of the yang and the yin, and [fire and water] having reached their extremities are single. The east and the west do not represent extremities, therefore [wood and metal corre- sponding with east and west are] not limited to one [specimen].

k.Why can water and wood be consumed, but not metal, fire, and earth? Wood is yang, which is the dispenser of life; therefore it can be consumed. Fire has the yin within, in metal the yin is scanty [but present], therefore they cannot be consumed.

l.Why do fire and water kill man? Water is fluid at its fullest, therefore if man enters it he is killed; fire has the yin within, therefore it kills man, [in a] more violent [way] than [does] water. Metal and wood, having only a weak fluid, cannot, therefore, kill man of their own [force]. Fire cannot be penetrated into because it has the yin within, which will kill man if he enters [into the fire]. Water and earth have the yang within, therefore it is possible to enter into them. Metal and wood, [though] having a weak fluid, are close and compact, and it is impossible to enter into them.

m.Why is it that water and fire cannot be of use by applying man's skill to them, whereas to metal and wood man's skill can be applied? Fire is the consummation of the yang, water is the consummation of the yin. When the fluid is at its fullest it cannot be changed, therefore it cannot be made to serve the use of man by applying his skill to them. Metal and wood cannot accomplish themselves, therefore they require the application of man's skill to be of use to him.

n.According to the nature of the Five Elements fire is hot and water is cold; why is there hot water but not cold fire? It means that a subject may be a Lord, but a Lord cannot be changed into a subject.

o.The Five Elements having a constant existence, why does fire suddenly disappear? Water is the elder yin; [it represents] punish- ment, therefore it is constantly existent. Metal is the younger yin, wood the younger yang; their fluid is weak and admit of no change; therefore they are also constantly existent. Fire is the elder yang, infinitesimal and fine, a representation of the Lord of men, representing him as honoured and constantly hidden, as the Son of Heaven abides in the confines of the nine double [walls], guarded by his subjects. [As fire is] concealed in wood, [so the Lord of men] reposes in consideration for others. Wood grows of its own nature, metal requires [the force of] man to be taken out and shaped because the yin, being lowly, cannot of itself take shape.

p.Why is it that wood floats and metal sinks? It expresses the idea of the son being begotten of the mother. Why is it that the liver [corresponding to wood] sinks, and the lungs [corresponding to metal] float? He who knows honours his mother. Another opinion is: The chia [-part of] wood stands in fear of metal; with its i [-part] it is wedded to the k êng [-part of metal], and receives the tranformations by [this] k êng [-part]. Wood follows its original [nature of] being soft and [easy to] bend, it is directly [attached to] its chia [-part], and therefore floats. The liver [, however,] follows [the fact of] its being transformed [by the k êng-part of metal], it is directly [attached to] the i [-part of wood], and there- fore sinks. [The k êng-part of] metal stands in fear of fire; with its hsin[-part] it is wedded to the ping [-part of fire], and receives the transformation of [this] ping [-part]. Metal follows its original [nature], it is directly [attached to] its k êng [-part], and therefore sinks. The lungs follow [the fact of] their being transformed [by the ping-part of fire], they are directly [attached to their hsin [-part], and therefore float. [The rest of] all the Five Elements can be likewise explained Instead of the corrupt text I have followed Sun I-jang's reading (Tsa i, 10.3a-b): ..

 81---MAN IN HIS AFFAIRS MODELS HIMSELF ON THE FIVE ELEMENTS (II A. 7b-9b).

a.Why is it that Heaven inst. of (Ch' ên, 4.42a). is light within and dark without, whereas man is light without and dark within? It means that Heaven and man exercise their influence by their desire to supple- ment each other.

b.Why are there five elements, whereas there are four seasons? The Four Seasons make up the seasons, the Five Elements make up the joints. So, when wood is 'king' [the corresponding season is] called spring; when metal is 'king' [the corresponding season is] called autumn. Earth, being the most revered, has no [defined] task, as the Lord does not occupy a [defined] department. There- fore the seasons are four.

c.According to what pattern is the child not willing to yield? It patterns itself after the four seasons: fire does not cause earth to flourish, but metal.

d.According to what pattern does the son succeed after the death of his father? He patterns himself after wood, which, terminating [its rule, is succeeded by] fire [taking up] 'kingship'.

e.According to what pattern does the younger brother continue after the death of his elder brother? He patterns himself after summer, which follows upon spring.

f.According to what pattern is [the duty of] treating the capable with goodness extended to the sons and grandsons? It patterns itself after [the fact that] what has come to life in spring acquires its development in summer.

g.According to what pattern is [the principle of] treating the bad with badness limited to the [bad] person himself? It patterns itself after [the fact that] autumn destroys without waiting for the winter.

h.According to what pattern does the Minister assist in the govern- ment when the ruler is young? He patterns himself after earth, which exercises authority in the period between the last [month of summer] and the first [month of autumn].

i.According to what pattern does the son revenge [his father]? He patterns himself after earth, which conquers water, and water, which conquers fire.

j.According to what pattern does the son obey his father, the Minister obey his Lord, and the wife obey her husband? They pattern themselves after Earth, which obeys Heaven.

k.According to what pattern does the son not leave his parents? He patterns himself after fire, which does not leave wood.

l.According to what pattern does the daughter leave her parents? She patterns herself after water, which streams away from metal.

m.According to what pattern does a man meet in person the wo- man whom he takes in marriage? He patterns himself after [the fact that] when the sun sets the yang descends upon the yin.

n.According to what pattern does the Lord yield to his Minister? He patterns himself after the [moon-] month, which after thirty days is given a name [according to] its merits.

o.According to what pattern are the good ascribed to the Lord and the faults to oneself? They pattern themselves after [the fact that, while] the yin and the yang together kill inst. of (ib. 4.43a). and together beget, it is the yang which has the name of giving life, and it is the yin which has the name of killing.

p.According to what pattern does the Minister ascribe his merits to his Lord? He patterns himself after [the fact that all] light is to be ascribed to the sun.

q.According to what pattern does the Minister admonish his Lord? He patterns himself after metal, which straightens wood.

r.According to what pattern does the son admonish his father? He patterns himself after fire, which makes wood pliable and straight.

s.According to what pattern does the Minister leave his Lord when his admonitions have not been listened to? He patterns himself after water, which, [though] soaking and descending, penetrates upwards.

t.According to what pattern does the Noble Man withdraw from his son but approach his grandson? He patterns himself after wood, which withdraws from fire but approaches earth.

u.According to what pattern do relatives who act as Ministers not leave [their Lord when their admonitions have not been listened to]? They pattern themselves on wood, of which the bran- ches and the leaves do not separate.

v.According to what pattern does the father screen his son? He patterns himself on wood, which conceals fire.

w.According to what pattern does the son screen his father? He patterns himself on water, which detaches itself from metal [and engulfs it.]

x.According to what pattern has the Lord his multitudes of people? He patterns himself on Heaven, which has its multitudes of stars.

y. According to what pattern does the King bestow his favours first on his relatives and close associates, and afterwards on the distant? He patterns himself on the rain from Heaven, from which the highest [parts of the earth] first receive [the benefit].

z. According to what pattern [is there distinction between] old and young? It patterns itself on the Four Seasons, which [each] are divided into the first, the middle, and the last [months].

aa.According to what pattern [is the relation between] friends? It patterns itself after the waters, which assist each other by their flowing together.

bb.According to what pattern do the parents give life to their child and nourish it? They pattern themselves on water, which gives life to wood and rears it.

cc.According to what pattern does the son nourish his parents? He patterns himself on summer, which nourishes the trees; that is: fire nourishing its mother [wood].

dd.According to what pattern does the son not neglect his grand- father's command on behalf of that of his father? He patterns himself after metal, which does not stand in awe of earth, but of fire.

ee.According to what pattern does the yang go leisurely, whereas the yin goes hurriedly? They pattern themselves after the sun, which goes slowly, and the moon, which goes quickly.

ff.According to what pattern is there a division of land but not a division of people? It patterns itself after the Four Seasons, which each have their division [of tasks] while that which produces [the things in them] is [the same] 'connecting' [force] t'ung .; it is as if we speak of tung . 'east', the eastern quarter [being the place where] everything in all under Heaven is given life.

gg.According to what pattern does the Lord take nine women as his wives? He patterns himself after the nine provinces, and resembles . Probably (= ; Lu, Pu i, 5b; Ch' ên 4.44b) is better, thus: "continues [the task of]". Heaven, which bestows [its engendering powers].

hh.According to what pattern does [a man] not marry [a woman of] the same clan-name? He patterns himself on the Five Elements, which, being of different species, engender each other.

ii.According to what pattern does the son wear mourning for his parents? He patterns himself on wood, which withers in the absence of water.

jj.According to what pattern does the mourning last three years? It patterns itself after [the fact that there is] one intercalary month in three years, by which the Way of Heaven is terminated.

kk.According to what pattern does the father wear mourning for his son, and the husband for his wife? They pattern themselves after [the fact that] in one seasonal year the things have their end and beginning, and Heaven's humour changes on their behalf.

ll.According to what pattern does [a man] at sixty close his door [to his wife]? He patterns himself after the yang-force, which declines after six months.

mm.According to what pattern does man possess the Five Reservoirs and the Six Storehouses Cf. par. 196.? He patterns himself after the Five Elements and the Six Cardinal Points.

nn.According to what pattern is the eye of man? It patterns itself after the light of sun and moon.

oo.The sun shines at day, the moon shines at night; according to what pattern does the eye of man alternate is to be dropped. its light? It patterns itself after the sun, which also alternates its activity.

pp.According to what pattern does the King oversee the descendants of the two [previous] Dynasties? He patterns himself after wood, which needs metal to be straightened, and water to be moistened.

pq.According to what pattern does the enlightened King first give out rewards and afterwards punishments? He patterns himself after the Four Seasons, which first give life and afterwards kill.

 X. THE THREE HOSTS 82---GENERAL REMARKS (II A. 9b-10b).

a.Why has a [Feudal] State [an army of] three hosts? san-chün. It is in order to guard against extraordinary [events], to punish those who do not follow the Way, to honour the ancestral temple, to hold the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet in reverence, and in [times of] peace not to forget that there is [always] danger. Why is it said that there is [an army of] three hosts? The Lun yü says: "[Tzŭ-lu asked Confucius:] If you had the command of [an army of] three hosts, whom would you have [to act] with you?" Ch. VII. 10, Lun yü chu shu, 7.4a; L. 198. The Shih says: "The King of Chou marched on, followed by his [army of] six hosts" Ode 238: Mao shih chu shu, 23.48b; L. 443; K. 17.67. The quotation has liu-shih, which also occurs in Ode 213 (L. 382) and Ode 263 (L. 556), and is identified by Mao (Mao shih chu shu, l.c.) with the liu-chün of the Son of Heaven mentioned in the Chou li (chu shu, 28.2a; B. II. 142). See also n. 9..

b.What do the three hosts model themselves on? They model themselves on Heaven, Earth, and Man.

c.[A unit of] five men is called a wu; five wu form a liang; four liang form a tsu; five tsu form a lü; five lü form a shih; five shih form a chün wu , liang , tsu , lü , shih , chün .. Two thousand five hundred men constitute a shih, twelve thousand five hundred men constitute a chün, and [an army of] three chün consists of thirty-seven thousand five hundred men This corresponds with the account in the Chou li, l.c. The Kuo yü (6.6b) says: "Five men form a wu, fifty men a hsiao-jung , two hundred a tsu, two thousand a lü, ten thousand a chün"..

d.The Chuan says: "If one man decides [to fight to the] death one thousand men cannot oppose them; if one thousand men decide [to fight to the] death ten thousand men cannot oppose them; and if one thousand men decide [to fight to the] death there is disorder throughout all under Heaven" A similar passage occurs in the Shuo yüan (15.4b) and the Hou han shu, Biography of Chang Tsung (28.1b).. [In this case, even] though [the government has] ten thousand men [at its disposal], it will have to surrender, and consider itself unable [to cope with the situation]. Therefore two thousand men are added to accord with the number of the moons [in a year]. The moon is the head of the accumulated forces of the yin. [A period of] twelve moons suffices to terminate [the interaction of] the yin and the yang, and to bring the development of things to completion. Twelve thousand men should likewise be sufficient to quell rebellions and restore peace in all under Heaven This statement is a contradiction of the following quotation..

e.The Ku liang chuan says: "The Son of Heaven has [an army of] six hosts; (a Feudal Lord [an army of] one host" Ku liang chu shu, Hsiang 11, 15.5a.. Another opinion is: According to the Royal Regulation Cf. the Chou li (l.c., see n. 3). "the Son of Heaven has [an army of] six hosts,) The words between round brackets are supplied by Liu (73.2b). a Feudal State of the first rank has [an army of] three hosts, a Feudal State of the second rank [an army of] two hosts, a Feudal State of the third rank [an army of] one host". Why has a Feudal Lord [only an army of] one host? A Feudal Lord is a servant who has the guarding [of the frontiers as his task]. The importance of his military task is limited to the exigencies of one quarter. Therefore he is [only] allowed to have [an army of] one host.

 83---WHAT THE KING WEARS ON A WAR-EXPEDITION (II A. 10b).

Why is it that when the King sets out on a punitive expedition he must wear a cap of white deer-skin [together with] white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist p'i-pien su-chi. See Vol. I, p. 314, n. 242.? A punitive expedition is an inauspicious affair, and the plain dress shows that there will be grief and sorrow. The slaying [associated with it] is a rough [action], therefore the ancient dress is used. The Li says: "With the three Dynasties [Hsia, Yin, and Chou] the cap worn was [always] of white deer-skin, and [used with] white silk nether- garments gathered at the waist" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.46b; C. 23.. The dress [of a Feudal Lord listening to the notification of the first day of the month] Insertion suggested by Lu. Cf. Li chi chu shu, Yü tsao, 29.7a; C. I. 679. also consists of a cap of white deerskin and white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist. Likewise the cap is used in summoning a forester [when killing the game during the hunt] The M êng tzŭ, Va. 7 (L. 390) contains a passage where the forester is sum- moned with a skin cap p'i-kuan, but Chiao Hsün (M êng tzŭ ch êng i, 10.53) objects against its identification with the p'i-pien, which is a ceremonial cap. Cf. also XLI, n. 23.. Thus we know that the cap is also used on punitive expeditions.

 84---THE MEANING OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT TO HEAVEN AND TO THE FOREFATHERS (II A. 10b-11a).

a.When the King is about to leave [his domain] he announces it to the shrine of his deceased father ni.; when he returns he pro- ceeds to the shrines of his first ancestor and his deceased father tsu-ni. The Ts êng tzŭ w ên (Li chi chu shu, 18.6b-7a; C. I. 416-417) contains about the same passages but referring to a Feudal Lord going for a visit to another Feudal Lord.. This means that as a son he has to observe the rule of taking leave and presenting himself [after his return, which is the expression of] his duty to honour his parents. The Wang chih says: "When the King is about to set out [on a Tour of Inspection] he offers the lei-sacrifice to the Lord on High, the i-sacrifice to the God of the Earth, and the ts'ao-sacrifice to the shrine of his deceased father" lei , i , ts'ao . Li chi chu shu, 12.1a; C. I. 278. Cf. also ch. XIX, par 131.. Why [is it] only [said that he] visits his father's shrine? The taking of leave begins with the lower [-placed ancestor. Still] he dares not neglect the command of the exalted [first ancestor. But as it has already been said that] he visits his father's shrine there is no objection to his not [mentioning his] visit to the shrine of the first ancestor. The Shang shu says: "At his return [from his tours of inspection Shun] went to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10b; L. 37. Cf. Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 465---467..

b.Why must [the King also] announce his departure to Heaven? To show that he dares not act of his own accord. It is [, however,] not the procedure of taking leave at his departure and presenting himself at his return, it is different from [the announcement to] the ancestral temple. When he returns he does not again inform Heaven because Heaven's Way has no outside and inside. There- fore he does not again inform [Heaven of his return]. The Shang shu [only] speaks of "At his return [Shun] went to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father", and [the statement of] his announcement to Heaven does not occur. Thus we know that [the King's return is] not announced to Heaven.

 85---WHAT WAS DONE FIRST BY THE SHANG AND CHOU DYNASTIES: CHANGE THE FIRST MONTH OF THE YEAR OR DESTROY THE DYNASTY (II A. 11a-b).

Why is it that when a King has received the command [from Heaven to found a new Dynasty] the first thing he does is to destroy [the reigning Dynasty] when he is an adherent of [the Principle of] Substance, whereas when he is an adherent of [the Principle of] Form the first thing he does is to change the first month of the year [as a sign of the new reign] For the Principles of Substance and Form, see Vol. I, p. 267, n. 15. Cf. this paragraph also with ch. XXVII, par. 175.? An adherent of [the Prin- ciple of] Substance says: "Since Heaven has mandated me, and ordered me to slay him who does not follow the Way, I am now slaying him that I may be King". Therefore the slaying is put first. An adherent of [the Principle of] Form says: "Heaven has mandated me to accomplish my kingship before I have the right to slay the King"; therefore the changing of the first month of the year is put first. Besides, by the change of the first month of the year [the Principle of] Substance is substituted for [that of] Form. [The Principle of] Form puts form first, [the Principle of] Substance puts substance first. Thus the Lun yü says: "[T'ang said:] I, the Little Child Li, venture to use a black male animal, and venture clearly to announce it to August Heaven, the Lord on High" Ch. XX. 1, Lun yü chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350. For 'August Heaven, the Lord on High' the text writes huang-t'ien shang-ti; the Lun yü has huang-huang hou -ti; the Book of History (L. 187) has shang-t'ien sh ên hou; the Mo tzŭ (4.79; Y. P. Mei, p. 93) has shang-t'ien-hou. For huang-t'ien shang-ti cf. Schindler in Asia Major, Introd. Vol., p. 353, and Maspero, La Chine antique, p. 162, n. 1.. This [refers to] T'ang [,the founder of the Shang Dynasty], who, when going to slay Chieh [,the last Sovereign of the Hsia Dynasty], announced it to Heaven, using a victim [which was prescribed by the rites] of the House of Hsia The Hsia Dynasty used black, the Yin white, and the Chou red victims (cf. the Li chi, C. I. 735). T'ang of the Yin Dynasty, adhering to the Principle of Substance, used a black Hsia victim when he was going to slay the Hsia Sovereign, thereby showing that in doing so he was still a subject of Hsia.. The Shih says: "[Heaven] gave the appointment to this King W ên, in Chou, in the capital" Ode 236: Mao shih chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66.. This refers to King W ên, who, when preparing his punitive expedition [against the Yin], changed the Dynasty's name into Chou, and his residence into a capital King W ên of the Chou Dynasty, adhering to the Principle of Form, pro- claimed himself the new King before slaying the Yin Sovereign.. [In both cases] it means that Heaven made prominent its faithful servant and filial son. T'ang, in person, facing north, called himself servant and served Chieh, whom he [at first] could not bear to punish. The Li says: "The banishment of Chieh by T'ang, and the slaying of Chou by King Wu were [appropriate to the oc- casion in their] times" Li chi chu shu, Li ch'i, 23.4a; C. I. 541. King Wu is named instead of W ên, because the latter did not live to see the end of the Yin Dynasty..

 86---THE MEANING OF THE SON OF HEAVEN GOING HIMSELF ON A PUNITIVE EXPEDITION OR SENDING HIS REGIONAL CHIEF (II A. 11b).

The King [in the case of] punishing [a rebel] models himself on Heaven, and as Son of Heaven goes in person [with the expe- dition] because as King he has been set up by Heaven, and [here is one who] plans to endanger the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. Therefore his going in person is [a sign of his] reverence for Heaven's mandate. [But in the case of a] violation of the King's laws [one of] the Regional Chiefs is sent to punish [the culprit].

The Shang shu says: "[Heaven] has commanded me to execute reverently the punishment [determined] by Heaven" Shang shu chu shu, Kan shih, 6.2a; L. 153. Instead of ming 'commanded' the Shu ching text writes (the previous sentence in the Shu ching ends in ming!).. This refers to [King] Ch'i, who went himself to punish the Lord of Hu Instead of ch'i the text writes k'ai, because ch'i was the tabooed name of Han Ching-ti (Lu). The Prince of Hu 'wildly wastes and despises the five elements, and has idly abandoned the three acknowledged commencements of the year" (Legge, l.c.). Cf. also M.H. I. 164, n. 4.. The Wang chih says: "[When a Feudal Lord is] endowed with bows and arrows he has the right to start a punitive expe- dition of his own accord" Li chi chu shu, 12.2a; C. I. 280., meaning [that he has the right] to punish a violation of the King's laws.

 87---THE ARMY IS NOT DIRECTED FROM WITHIN (II A. 12a).

A great officer having marched out at the head of an army no [longer] follows the instructions of the palace chung-yü, synonymous with nei -yü 'inner instructions' as opposed to wai-chih 'outer management', i.e. the management from the capital as opposed to that in the battle-fields (see Chia Lin's comm. on the Sun tzŭ, 3.21b). because it is desirable that his authority be complete, and his officers and sol- diers attach themselves to him in heart and mind. Therefore they only listen to the commands of the army's leader, and not to the orders of their Lord. It means that [the decision] to advance or retreat is with the great officer. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says [on the entry: Shih K'a of Chin led a force to invade Ch'i, and had arrived at Ku, when he heard of the death of the Marquis of Ch'i, upon which he returned]: "This [was a case in which Shih K'a] had received the order of his Sovereign to inst. of . invade [the state of] Ch'i; why [is it said that he] returned? [It is an expression of praise. In which way is it an expression of praise?] It praises his not attacking [the Lord of a state who was] in mour- ning. [Though] the great officer had set out [on the expedition] at the command of his Sovereign [the decision] to advance or retreat was with the great officer [himself]" Kung yang chu shu, Hsiang 19, 20.14a..

 88---THE CHARGE FOR THE EXPEDITION IS RECEIVED IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE (II A. 12a).

When the Son of Heaven is sending out a general, why must [he announce it] to the ancestral temple? It indicates that he dares not act of his own accord. Why [is it] only [said that he announces it] to the shrine of the first ancestor? It is the first ancestor who has established the laws and measures. The Wang chih says: "He receives his charge [for the expedition] from the first ancestor, and he completes [the plans for its execution] in the College" Li chi chu shu, 12.4b; C. I. 281.. It means that it is before the shrine of the first ancestor that the order for sending out [the army] is given.

 89---ENTERING AND LEAVING THE MILITARY SERVICE (II A. 12a-b).

a.Why is it that according to the laws promulgated by the King [a man should] take up arms at thirty? To emphasize the impor- tance of not should be inserted. cutting off the generation of the men. As a marching army is never sure to return, neither is a battle always a victory, it is necessary [that the soldiers should have descendants] to con- tinue their line.

b.Why [does a man] leave the army at sixty? To avoid [the chance] that father and son might fight against each other. The Wang chih says: "At sixty a man is exempt from military service" Li chi chu shu, 13.30b; C. I. 315. Further it says: "[In a family where there is a man of] eighty one son is exempt from government-service. [Where there is a man of] ninety the [whole] family is exempt from government-service. At the death of his father or mother [the son is] exempt from government-service for three years. He who is in mourning for one year or nine months is exempt for three months. One man is exempt from government-service in those families where [other- wise] a weak or sick [parent] could not be nursed" Ibid., 13.23b; C. I. 317..

 90---AN EXPEDITION IS NOT ALLOWED TO EXCEED A SEASON (II A. 12b).

Anciently, when an army set out [the expedition did] not exceed a season because it would [otherwise] cause resentment and solicitude. It is Heaven's Way to let one season grow and another season nourish. Man is Heaven's cherished object. If [an expedition] exceeds a season there will be resentful wives at home and lonely husbands in the field. The Shih says: "In the beginning when we set out, the willows were fresh and green; now that we are returning, rain and snow fall in clouds" Ode 167 (Mao shih chu shu, 16.39a; L. 261; K. 16.224), the stanzas of which "deal with or mention the campaigns of the Chou people against the fierce Hsien-yün tribes" (Waley, Book of Songs, p. 122).. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The people of Sung took Ch'ang-ko" Yin 6.. The Chuan says: "The taking of a city [by a state] outside [Lu] is [generally] not recorded; why is this [case] recorded? [It is a reproof because the siege lasted] too long" Kung yang chu shu, 3.11a. The siege of Ch'ang-ko began in the 12th month of the 5th regnal year of Duke Yin (Legge's transl. of the Tso chuan, p. 17), the city was taken in the 12th month of the next year. Ho Hsiu's comm. says: "Anciently, when an army set out it should not exceed a season. In this case Sung, taking the city [of Ch'ang-ko], exceeds a year, [thus] exposing the army to hardships too long and causing misery to multitudes staying out in the open"..

 91---REBELLIONS DURING A TIME OF GREAT MOURNING (II A. 12b-13a).

When during the time that the King is observing his three years' mourning the barbarians invade the country, he launches an expedition against them, in order to emphasize that Heaven [wishes him to] punish them for the sake of the ancestral temple and the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. The Ch'un ch'iu Chao 23. The word in the text is superfluous. says: "The King [appointed] by Heaven resided at Ti-ch'üan". The Chuan says: "This is [a case where the period of the] three years' [mourning has] not yet [expired], why is he called King [appointed] by Heaven? To indicate that there is a Son of Heaven" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 23, 24.4b. By the King is meant Ching of the Chou Dynasty, who reigned from 519 to 478 B.C. At his enthronement there were still disturbances caused by his rival (see M.H. I. 298), but the Ch'un ch'iu takes his side by calling him 'King appointed by Heaven'..

 XI. EXECUTIONS 92---RELATIVES ARE NOT EXEMPT FROM EXECUTION (II A. 13a).

Why is it that relatives are not exempt from execution? [It is to observe] the Lord's honoured and the subject's lowly [po- sitions], the strength of the trunk and the weakness of the branch. It means [that the Lord] has the duty of treating the capable with goodness and the bad with badness. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Chi-tzŭ killed his elder brother by the same mother. Why [is the act] approved? The relation between Lord and subject [requires that even] an elder brother by the same mother is not exempted from execution" Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 32, 9.12a. It refers to the murder of Shu-ya by Chi-tzŭ, recorded in the Ch'un ch'iu simply as "Duke [Huan]'s son [Shu-]ya dies". By the murder Chi-tzŭ prevented a plot against Chuang's son and heir Pan.. The Shang shu says: "Therefore [,because Heaven has so ordained and the divinations are all favourable,] I greatly intend with your [help] to castigate the east" Shang shu chu shu, Ta kao, 12. 27b; L. 374. In the translation the paraphrase in the Han shu (Biography of Chai Fang-chin, 84.17a) is followed: . The speech in the Ta kao was addressed to the Feudal Lords by King Ch' êng of Chou before the expedition against the revolting descendant of the Yin Dynasty, who was helped by two brothers of the Duke of Chou, of whom Kuan was afterwards executed (see M.H. I. 245).. [This refers to a case of] the execution of a younger brother I.e. Kuan, who was executed by the Duke of Chou, his elder brother (acc. to M.H. IV. 152, and M êng tzŭ IIa. 9; L. 225, Kuan was the Duke of Chou's elder brother)..

 93---NOT EXECUTING A MAN WHO IS IN MOURNING (II A. 13a).

Why is it that a Feudal Lord, when he is observing the three years' mourning, is not subject to execution even if he is guilty of a crime? A Noble Man treats others as he would have himself treated, and has commiseration for the feeling of grief and love of the filial son; he cannot bear to add punishment [to his sorrow]. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "Shih K'a of Chin led an army to invade Ch'i, and had arrived at Ku, when he heard of the death of the Marquis of Ch'i, upon which he returned". The Chuan says: "[The use of the word 'returned' is a sign of] praise for his not attacking [a state which is] in mourning" Kung yang chu shu, Hsiang 19, 20. 14a. See also ch. X, par. 87..

 94---THE CHASTISING OF ROBBERS (II A. 13a-b).

a.The status of a Feudal Lord [requires that] only at the command of the Son of Heaven may he mobilize the army and take up arms for the execution of the unprincipled, so that the strength of the trunk and the weakness of the branches are taken into account, the Son of Heaven is honoured, and the Feudal Lord is assigned his lower position Cf. Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 11, 16.5a: "The status of a Feudal Lord forbids him to chastise of his own accord"; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu 4.10b: "It does not behoove a Feudal Lord [of his own accord] to put an end to a disturbance of the Way".. The Lun yü says: "When in all under Heaven the Way prevails rites, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the Son of Heaven; when in all under Heaven the Way does not prevail rites, music, and punitive expeditions proceed from the Feudal Lords" Ch. XVI. 2, Lun yü chu shu, 16.5a; L. 310.. b.[But] when, above there being no Son of Heaven and below no Regional Chief, the Feudal Lords are annihilating each other, then he who has the strength and the capacity to save [the country] may do so Cf. Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 1, 10.2b, where an almost similar statement occurs.. The Lun yü says: "Ch' ên H êng had murdered his Sovereign [,the Duke of Ch'i]. Confucius bathed, went to court, and begged [Duke Ai of Lu] to chastise him" Ch. XIV. 22, Lun yü chu shu, 14.13b; L. 284. Cf. Tso chuan, Ai 14 (Legge's transl. p. 837). The expedition, however, did not take place.. c.When a son of the King or of a Feudal Lord kills his Sovereign with the object of setting himself up the subjects have the right to execute him, [the execution] being an extension of their duty to chastise brigands. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When a subject has killed his Lord, and the [other] subjects do not chastise the brigand, they are not [proper] subjects" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 11, 3.24b.. [The Ch'un ch'iu] further says: "The Generation-son Pan of Ts'ai murdered his Lord. The Viscount of Ch'u executed him" The combination of two entries: Hsiang 30 ("The Generation-son Pan of Ts'ai murdered his Lord Ku") and Chao 11 ("Viscount Ch'ien of Ch'u lured Pan, Marquis of Ts'ai, to Sh ên, where he killed him"). The Kung yang chu shu, 22.21a, however, contains the statement: "The Noble Man does not approve of a chastisement of the unprincipled when it is accompanied by feelings of rancour"..

95---THE PUNISHING OF CAPITAL CRIMES (II A. 14a).

When there comes upon the throne a King who has received his mandate [from Heaven], and there [appears to] be a Feudal Lord who has established himself by the murder of his Sovereign, this Lord should be executed, and when he is already dead his son should not be allowed to continue [in his position]: for [the position obtained by] his insurrection should not be inherited Cf. the Kung yang chuan, Chao 11, 22. 22b-23a.. The Shih says: "Do not become greatly involved [in crime] in thy land, that the King may elevate thee" Ode 269: Mao shih chu shu, 26.12a; L. 573; K. 17.88; C. 421; Wa. 228. For the translation I followed Mao and Ch êng Hsüan.. This means that a capital crime will be requited [even] posthumously, and he who by robbing the land of the Son of Heaven has established himself as a Feudal Lord will have his line cut off.

 96---A FATHER WHO KILLS HIS SON (II A. 14a).

If a father kills his son, why ought he to be executed? Because of [all] creations of Heaven and Earth man is the most valuable. All men are born of Heaven, and man is only born of his parents by the delegation of Heaven's [creative-] power [to them]. By the King ['s grace] he is [then] nourished, bred and instructed, there- fore a father has no exclusive [rights to his son]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says [on the entry]: "The Marquis of Chin kills the Gener- ation-son Sh ên-sh êng": "He is simply called by [the title of] his Lordship, [as a sign of] blame" Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 5, 10.21a. Acc. to ch. T'an kung of the Li chi (C. I. 120-122) and the Shih chi (M.H. IV. 265-266) Sh ên-sh êng committed suicide..

 97---THE EXECUTION OF SYCOPHANTS (II A. 14a-b).

Why should sycophants ning-j ên. be executed? Because they disturb good conduct and upset the state's government. The Han shih nei chuan says: "When Confucius became Minister of Justice of Lu his first act was to execute Shao Ch êng-mao For this man see Chia yü, 1.4b-5a., of whom he said that his sycophantic ways had always brought confusion in the government of the state". Before [such] sycophantic ways have the opportunity to take effect and manifest themselves one must simply keep away from them Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, 13.70a) and Huang Shih (Huang shih i shu k'ao, 12.47b) take this sentence as belonging to the quotation.. The Lun yü says: "Abandon the music of Ch êng, and keep away from sycophants" Ch. XV. 10, Lun yü chu shu, 15.5b; L. 298. For the music of Ch êng see Waley, Analects, p. 250..

 98---REVENGE (II A. 14b).

a.A son has the right to avenge his father because he has the same duty towards him as the subject has towards his Lord. Neither a faithful subject nor a filial son can ever be resigned [to the murder of his Lord or father], for his feelings of gratitude and obligation cannot be taken away from him. Therefore there is the saying: "One cannot share [residence in] all under Heaven with the slayer of one's father, neither live in the same state as the murderer of one's brothers; one cannot go to the same court as the murderer of one's friends, nor belong to the same neighbourhood as the murderer of one's kindred" Cf. Li chi, ch. Ch'ü li (C. I. 56; L. I. 92).. So the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "A son who does not revenge [his father] is not a proper son" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 11, 3.24b.. The T'an kung chi [says]: "Tzŭ-hsia asked: What should one do with reference to a man who has slain one's brother? [Con- fucius] replied: He may take office but not in the same state [with the slayer]. If, being on a mission at his ruler's order, he meets him he should not fight with him" Li chi chu shu, 7.20a; C. I. 148.. b.The reason that when the parents have been righteously exec- uted the son should not revenge them is that that would mean an endless feud wang-lai pu-chih. The expression wang-lai 'coming and going' has the same meaning as t'ui-j ên 'to expose the edge [of a sword]', which occurs in the Kung yang chuan (see next note); in fact, t'ui-j ên is glossed by Ho Hsiu as i-wang i-lai 'one going, one coming', i.e. 'continuously'.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When the father has been innocently executed the son may revenge him" Kung yang chu shu, Ting 4, 25.20a..

99---THE MEANING OF CHU, T'AO, FA, CH êNG, ETC. (II A. 15a-16a).

a.What is the meaning of chu? Chu 'to execute' means ts ê 'to hold responsible' chu , ts ê .. To execute a man is to hold him responsible for his crime, he having reached the limit of his faults and wicked- ness. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "Viscount Ch'ien of Ch'u lured Pan, Marquis of Ts'ai, to Sh ên, where he killed him" Chao 11, summer, 4th month. Cf. n. 10.. The Chuan says: "The son of a Lord who has been executed for a crime should not be set up [as his successor]" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 11, 22.23a, where this comm. is not on the entry of the 4th month (see n. 24), but on that of winter, 11th month.. b.What does t'ao mean? T'ao 'to chastise' means ch'u 'to remove' t'ao , ch'u .. It expresses the idea that a subject ought to sweep away and remove the scoundrel who has slain his Lord. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The people of Wei put Chou-yü to death at Pu". The Chuan says: "Why [does the Ch'un ch'iu] speak of the people [of Wei]? It is the expression [used in cases] of chastising a brig- and" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 4, 2.18b. Chou-yü murdered his ruler, the Marquis of Wei. The story is extensively told in the Tso chuan, Yin 3 and 4.. c.What is the meaning of fa? Fa 'to attack' means chi 'to strike' fa , chi .. It expresses the idea of attacking and striking fa is sometimes opposed to ch'in . Fa acc. to the Kung yang chuan then means an attack not pursued further than the frontiers of the enemy because the latter submits to the threat; ch'in means an attack crossing the frontiers because the enemy refuses to submit (Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 10, 7.10a). For different explanations of fa and ch'in see the Tso chuan (L. 116), and the Chou li (B. II. 165-166).. The Shang shu hsü says: "King Wu attacked [and struck] Chou [of the Yin Dynasty]" Shang shu chu shu, T'ai shih hsü, 10.1a; L. 7.. d.What does ch êng mean? Ch êng 'to castigate' means ch êng 'to correct' .. It conveys the idea of correcting, and is an expression in which the ideas of disapproval and esteem are combined . I have followed Ch' ên's comm. (5.16a). 'To castigate in order to rectify' combines disapproval and esteem. The M êng tzŭ (VIIb. 2; L. 478) says that ch êng is only used for superiors punishing inferiors, not for states that are each other's peers.. The Shang shu says: "[Therefore] I greatly intend [with your] help to castigate [and correct the conditions in] the east" See n. 2.. [This refers to] the execution of Lu-fu Lu-fu or Wu-k êng was the descendant of the last Yin Sovereign (cf. M.H. I. 207, n. 4). Cf. also ch. XXXIII, n. 52.. Again it says: "On [the day] chia-hsü I am going to castigate [and correct the state of affairs of] the Hsü-jung [tribes]" Shang shu chu shu, Pi shih, 19.10a-b; L. 624. The speech was delivered by Po-ch'in, Marquis of Lu, son of the Duke of Lu. The story of the expedition is held to be a falsification (Eberhard, Kultur und Siedlung der Randvölker Chinas, p. 395.).. e.What is the meaning of chan? The Shang shu ta chuan says: "Chan means tan 'to frighten', ching 'to startle'" chan , tan , ching .. The Ch'un ch'iu ch'an says: "Chan means tan-kung 'to attack on a grand scale'" tan-kung (Ch' ên's reading, 5.16a).. f.What is the meaning of shih? Shih 'to murder a superior' means shih 'to test' .. It expresses the idea that a subject or a son, wish- ing to kill his Lord or father, dares not act precipitously, but bides his time while preparing his plans, so that he can commit regicide after mature consideration. The I says: "The murder of a ruler by his subject, or of a father by his son, is not the result of [plans made in] one morning or one evening" Chou i chu shu, K'un kua, W ên yen, 2.7b; L. 419.. g.What does ch'uan mean? Ch'uan 'to usurp' means to 'to snatch', ch'ü 'to take' ch'uan , to , ch'ü .. It expresses the idea that a son by a secondary wife snatches [the position of] the son by the principal wife, or a son by a concubine [that of] the eldest son by lineal descent, and by this [act of] snatching takes his position. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan [on the entry: Shuo, Marquis of Wei, sneaked into Wei] says: "Why is [the expression] ju 'to sneak' used? It is an ex- pression [used for cases] of usurpation" Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 6, 6.20b. For the story of Shuo see the Tso chuan, Hsüan 16 (L. 66). The use of ju instead of kuei is a condem- natory expression (cf. Legge's note in his Tso chuan transl. p. 79).. h.What is the meaning of hsi ? [It means that an army] moves without asking leave to borrow a road [through another state], and that it takes the unaware by surprise. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan [on the entry: The people of Chin and the Chiang-jung defeated Ch'in at Hsiao] says: "Why is [only the word] Ch'in written? To treat it as a barbarian [state]. Why is it treated as a barbarian [state]? The Earl of Ch'in was going to attack Ch êng by surprise" Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 33, 12.30b. I.e., acc. to Kung-yang, normally defeats are recorded with the word shih 'army' or j ên 'people'. The Ch'un ch'iu of Tso, however, reads ; so does Ku-liang's (but apparently not in the first editions acc. to Hung Liang-chi, Ch'un ch'iu tso chuan ku, ch. 2, p. 35).. To sneak into inst. of (Ch' ên, 5.17a). [another] state and take the unaware by surprise, in moving [the army] not [to ask permission for] borrowing a road [through another state], to gag the soldiers and muzzle the horses, to lie low at day and march on during the night, that is [what is called] hsi. The Feudal Lords regard their states as their home; to enter another man's home one should [first] an- nounce it to the host, that [both] may respect and honour each other, and encroachments be avoided. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Duke Huan [of Ch'i] borrows a road from Ch' ên to attack Ch'u" Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 4, 10.19b.. i.The Li says: "The second envoy is sent first [to ask permission] for borrowing a road; he takes with him rolls of silk [as presents]" An abbreviated quotation from the I li (chu shu, P'ing li, 8.10a; C. 289; St. I. 193). The ceremony did not, of course, apply to the Son of Heaven, for whom all under Heaven was his home.. Does then, in this way, the Feudal Lord sell the road that belongs to the King? [No, because] according to the rites [the present is] not returned if [the requester does not make use of the road and] forgoes his expedition. It is not a case in which one can speak of selling (Lu's reading).. When [an army is] about to enter another state a great officer is sent before with presents [to ask permission] for borrowing a road; the host also sends a great officer to meet [the messenger] in the suburb, where the latter is received according to the rites observed between host and guest. This is [to express both parties'] mutual respect and esteem. j.What is the meaning of avoiding encroachments? When a Feudal Lord moves he is always accompanied by an army of two thousand five hundred men The text has shih lü, i.e. an army of 2,500 and of 500 men (see ch. X, par. 82c); lü here is therefore superfluous. Cf. Tso chuan, Ting 4 (L. 750): "A ruler on his journey is followed by 'an army of 2,500 men' shih, a Minister on his journey is followed by 'an army of 500 men' lü"., so that there is every opportunity to take the unaware by surprise. The mobilizing of officers and soldiers is a slow process; [but] if [the rule is observed that] first [permission be asked for] borrowing a road [the other state has sufficient time to] make preparations.

100---RESTING THE WEAPONS ON THE DAYS OF THE SOLSTICES (II A. 16a-b) This paragraph seems to be irrelevant in this chapter..

Why is it that on the day of the winter-solstice the weapons are rested, no affairs [of government are] discussed, the passes are closed, and the merchants and travellers stop their journeys? Ch' ên (5.13a) supposes that this rule of rest also applies to the summer- solstice. So does Lu (Pu i, 5b). In this way the quotations which follow also become more relevant. On this day the yang-fluid is small and weak; the King, assisting Heaven in the regulation of the [ten thousand] things, leads all under Heaven to rest, and none is to enter public service; so he aids the weak fluid [in gathering the strength] to develop the ten thousand things. Therefore the Hsiao ching ch'an says: "On the day of the summer-solstice the yin-fluid begins to move, on the day of the winter-solstice the yang-fluid begins to sprout out". The I says: "The Ancient Kings, on the days of the solstices, closed the passes, so that the merchants and travellers stopped their journeys" Chou i chu shu, Fu kua, Hsiang, 5.6a; L. 297.. On the day of the summer-solstice the yin begins to rise; why is it then, on the contrary, very hot? [Though] the yin-fluid has begun to rise the yang-fluid has [still] the upper hand, therefore it is very hot. On the day of the winter-solstice the yang begins to rise; why is it then, on the contrary, very cold? The yin-fluid has [still] the upper hand, therefore it is very cold.

 XII. ADMONITIONS 101---THE MEANING OF ADMONITIONS (11 B. 1a-b).

a.Why is a Minister in duty bound to admonish his Lord? It is in order that he may [thereby] show his utmost loyalty and express his sincerity. The Lun yü says: "How can he [be said truly to] love who exacts no effort [from the objects of his love]? How can he [be said truly to] be loyal who refrains from admon- ishing [the object of his loyalty]?" Ch. XIV. 8, Lun yü chu shu, 14.4a; L. 278; Wa. 181 (whose translation is here followed). The Hsiao ching says: "If the Son of Heaven has among his servants seven who [dare to] admonish him, though he has not the [right] Way, he will not lose his [possession of] all under Heaven; if a Feudal Lord has among his servants five who [dare to] admonish him, though he has not the [right] Way, he will not lose his state; if a great officer has among his servants three who [dare to] admonish him, though he has not the [right] Way, he will not lose his family; if a com- mon officer has a friend who [dares to] admonish him, a good name will not cease to be connected with [his character]; and if a father has a son who [dares to] admonish him, he will not be endangered into [performing] unprincipled actions" Hsiao ching chu shu, Chien ch êng, 7.4a; L. 483. Legge says in a note: "The numbers 7, 5, 3, 1 cannot be illustrated by examples, nor should they be insisted on". In fact, the Hsün tzŭ (15.91), gives the numbers 4, 3, 2, 1.. b.The Son of Heaven appoints an 'Assistant of the Left' tso-fu, an 'Aid of the Right' yu-pi, a 'Questioner of the Front' ch'ien-i, and a 'Helper of the Back' hou-ch'eng . They are called ssŭ-lin 'the Four Neighbours' in the Shang shu ta chuan (1.24b). The Ta tai li chi (3.4b) gives them the names of tao, ch'ung, pi, ch' êng (Wilhelm, p. 220, translates: Rat, Stärker, Warner, Helfer). The Li chi (C. I. 474; L. I. 350) calls them shih, pao, i, ch' êng., to conform to ..... . The text is probably corrupt (Lu).. c.The Assistant of the Left supervises the right execution of the government, and censures what is not according to the rule. The Aid of the Right supervises the correction of [the Son of Heaven's] injurious inst. of (Lu). words, and [remonstrates with him, on his] partiality. The Questioner of the Front supervises the correction of measures, and fixes the canon of virtue. The Helper of the Back supervises the adjustment [of incorrect acts], and constantly examines devia- tions Ch'en (5.19a) suggests to read pien-shih inst. of pien- fu in the text, where fu seems to introduce the next sentence.. The Four Aids ssŭ-pi. Cf. n. 3. [contribute to the] flourishing of the Way, and assist in the practising of consideration for others. d.Now the yang receives its transformation in the seventh [month] and its completion in the third. Therefore [the Son of Heaven] sets up the Three Ducal Ministers and ranges the Four Warners ssŭ-ch êng. Cf. n. 3., [thus] arraying seven men, so that even if he does not practise the Way he will not lose [his possession of] all under Heaven because he uses his host of worthies as his [supporting] staff.

102---TO OFFER ONE'S RESIGNATION AFTER THREE FUTILE WARNINGS (11 B. 1b-2b).

a.Why is it that when a Minister of a Feudal Lord admonishes and is not listened to he has the right to leave? Bowing before his superior he upholds [his,] the inferior ['s intention], and leaves the bad ruler alone Ho Hsiu's comm. on Chuang 24 says: "When he is not listened to [the Minister] may leave because he [only] serves in order that the Way may prevail. When the Way does not prevail it is his duty not to [stay and] eat the bread of charity. To uphold the intention of the worthy he leaves the bad ruler alone" (Kung yang chu shu, 8.15b).. b.[The Minister] takes leave by saying: "I, So-and-so, have a nature which is blunt indeed", meaning therewith that he is stupid and useless, and [therefore] asks to be allowed to resign. When a worthy [Minister] acts thus the ruler should treat him with ceremony while the Minister awaits his dismissal. If he is not treated with ceremony then he leaves forthwith. c.How should the ruler treat him with ceremony? He says: "I have considered [thy,] my Master's words maturely, but do not yet grasp their meaning. Now thou dost not even want to stay. The Sage-kings have ordained that the road of the worthy should not be blocked. Whither dost thou, oh Master, wish to go?" Then he sends a great officer to escort him to the suburb Cf. the M êng tzŭ, IVb. 3 (L. 318).. d.Why must [the Minister] have warned thrice [before he leaves]? It is in order that the [proper] relation between ruler and subject may be [fully] observed Probably taken from the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 24. Ho Hsiu adds that the three warnings are analogous to the moon beginning to be visible three days after its disappearance (Kung yang chu shu, 8.15b).. That [even after his dismissal] he should wait in the suburb is [a sign of] his utmost loyalty and forbearance: he [still] hopes that his Lord will repent and use him [again]. e.[When he is not called back], he must wait three years [before entering the service of another Lord] because anciently, when a servant was observing great mourning, "his ruler for three years did not knock at his door [to summon him]" Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 1, 15.4a-b. Cf. ch. XLII, par. 286e., and so he returns his master's kindness. Now what he has said [to his ruler] may not be in conformity with rites and propriety, and his ruler may want to indict him for it. The Yüan sh ên ch'i says: "After three [futile] warnings [to resign and] to wait for dismissal, but to return again within three years, is [a sign of] the utmost devotion". f.[The Minister is] said to be dismissed because the servant wants to screen his master. It is as if it is said that he has committed a crime, and [on that account] is dismissed. g.When the affair against which [the Minister] has warned has taken its course he simply leaves without [trying] to be stopped. For the waiting for a dismissal only [applies to the case when the Minister still] hopes that his Lord will use his advice. [But] when the events have taken their course, and calamities and disaster are on the point of coming, there is no reason to stop. The I says: "Firm as a rock; not [waiting until] the end of the day; integrity [bears] good fortune" Chou i chu shu, Yü kua, 4.7a; L. 91.. The Lun yü says: "[The people of Ch'i sent to the Duke of Lu a present of female musicians and fine horses, which the Duke accepted and in consequence of it] for three days did not hold a court. Confucius took his departure" Ch. XVIII. 4, Lun yü chu shu, 18.3a; L. 332. Cf. M.H. V. 328-329.. h.[During the time that] the Minister awaits his dismissal in the suburb the ruler does not cut off his revenue, to indicate that he does not want him to leave, but that it is only a [case of] dis- agreement of ways. Two thirds of the revenue are given to him, one third is retained and handed over to his wife and eldest son, that they may [continue the] sacrifice in the ancestral temple. i.When [the Minister, awaiting his dismissal, is] given the [jade ring] huan it is a sign that he may 'return' fan; when he is given the [jade half-ring] chüeh it is a sign that he must 'go' ch'ü For the jade ring and half-ring see Laufer, Jade, p. 210, fig. 110-116, 117. Huan is homophonous with huan ('to return', synonym of fan ); chüeh is homophonous with chüeh ('to cut off', synonym of ch'ü 'to let go'). See Gr. Ser. nos. 256k and 312c, 296a. The Hsün tzŭ (19.65) says: "A man is cut off by [sending him] a jade half-ring, the cutting off is renounced by [sending him] a jade ring".. It means that the Noble Man values his integrity. The Wang tu chi says: "He is called back by (sending him a jade ring; when he is not allowed to return he is given) a half-ring" The words between round brackets are supplied by Ch' ên (5.21b).. That during the time that he awaits his dismissal is superfluous (ibid.). he is still presented with some object means that though there may be a separation of territory he is not separated from the people I.e., he may go to another state, but he still belongs to his ruler's subjects. It only applies to a Minister of the Son of Heaven, for whom all people are his subjects.. The Shih says: "It has gone so far that I intend to leave thee, going to that happy land" Ode 113: Mao shih chu shu, 9.13a; L. 172; K. 16.206. Mao's Preface, how- ever, says that the Ode represents the remonstrations of the people against the heavy exactions.. j.Another opinion is: A Minister of the Son of Heaven may not be said to be dismissed [and expelled] because the Son of Heaven regards all under Heaven as his home. k.When a near relative has [vainly] remonstrated he is not allow- ed should be . [to offer his] dismissal, on the principle that [men of the same] bones and flesh cannot be separated. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Ssŭ-ma Tzŭ-fan said [to King Chuang of Ch'u]: 'If [you, my] Lord, want to stay here, I beg leave to return' " Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 15, 16.15b. This conversation took place during the siege of the capital of Sung; Tzŭ-fan wanted to save the city and withdraw. Cf. also M.H. IV 243 and 356, and Vol. I, p. 322, n. 280.. Tzŭ-fan was a son of the Duke [Mu] of Ch'u [and brother of King Chuang], and at that time he had not the right to offer his dismissal He only expressed his intention to return..

103---A COMMON OFFICER HAS NO RIGHT TO ADMONISH (11 B. 2b).

A common officer has no right to admonish because [his position is] lowly, and he may not take part in deliberations on the affairs of state; therefore he has no right to admonish. It is only when [the decision of] the deliberations reaches him that he is allowed to display his loyalty to the utmost by conforming himself to it. The Li pao fu says: "The great officer brings forward his admon- ition, the common officer transmits the words of the people" Ta tai li chi, 3.3b; Wi. 219, where the first part of the passage reads: "The musicians bring in the recitals their direct admonitions.".

 104---THE WIFE ADMONISHES HER HUSBAND (11 B. 2b-3a).

A wife has the right to admonish her husband because they form one body and share with each other glory and shame. The Shih says: "Look at the rat; it has limbs. A man without decorum, a man without decorum, had best quickly die" Ode 52: Mao shih chu shu, 4.25b; L. 85; K. 16.188; Wa. 299.. This is a poem of a wife admonishing her husband Mao's Preface, however, says the Ode is meant as a correction by Duke W ên of Wei of the manners of his Ministers.. When her admonition is not listened to she may [,however,] not leave him because the aim of taking a wife is not in order to be corrected by her ad- monitions. Therefore "once mated to him she is never to change [her state of life]" See ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi (C. I. 607; L. I. 439). ch'i 'equal' and ch'i 'consort' are cognate words (Gr. Ser. nos. 592a and d).. This [corresponds with] the principle that Earth is never separated from Heaven.

 105---THE SON ADMONISHES THE FATHER (11 B. 3a).

a.When a son remonstrates with his father, and the latter does not listen, he has not the right to leave because father and son, though separated, form one body. They cannot possibly separate, as fire cannot leave wood without being extinguished. The Lun yü [says]: "In serving one's parents one may gently remonstrate with them, using humble words, [but when not listened to] one must increase one's deference and not leave them" Ch. IV. 18, Lun yü chu shu, 4.5b; L. 170; Wa. 105. For the translation of (Legge: "not abandon his purpose"; Waley: "not thwart them") by "not leave them" , see Lun yü ch êng i, 5.106.. b.According to what pattern does the Minister admonish his ruler? He models himself on metal, which straightens wood. The son admonishing his father models himself on fire, which makes wood pliable. The Minister admonishes his ruler on account of his duty, therefore he cuts off to make him straight; the son admonishes his father on account of his love, therefore he only softens him. The wood is not to be hurt or injured. [The Minister who is not listened to and after] awaiting his dismissal leaves should be (Lu's Pu i, 6a). models him- self on water and fire, which, without [the mediation of a vessel of] metal remain separated from each other I.e., the ruler is 'fire', the Minister is 'water', 'metal' covers them: water is set going by fire when put in a metal boiler..

106---THE FIVE KINDS OF ADMONITIONS (11 B. 3a-4a).

a.What does chien 'to admonish' mean? Chien means chien 'to alternate', k êng 'to change' . Chien is explained as tai by Ch êng Hsüan in his comm. on the I li (chu shu, P'ing li, 8.98a).. As good and evil alternate, so one's conduct can be changed. b.Man harbours the Five Constant [Virtues], so we know that there are five kinds of admonitions. The first is called 'Allusive Admonition', the second 'Conciliatory Admonition', the third 'Watching Admonition', the fourth 'Indicating Admonition', the fifth 'Daring Admonition' f êng-chien, shun-chien, k'uei-chien, chih-chien, hsien-chien. Inst. of hsien-chien, which is the reading of the Ch'u hsüeh chi, adopted by Lu, Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.16a) wants to retain the reading of the Yüan ta-t ê ed. (4.10b): po-chien, in which po , thus 'Urgent Admonition'. For different names of the Five Admonitions see Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 24, 8.15b, and Chia yü, 3.18b.. c.The Allusive Admonition indicates wisdom rchih.. To know the beginnings of a disaster, to watch attentively the process not yet visible, and to warn in covered terms, such is the nature of wisdom. The Conciliatory Admonition indicates consideration for others j ên.. To utter words in conformity with and not contradictory to the ruler's inclination, such is the nature of consideration for others. The Watching Admonition indicates ceremonial behaviour li.. To retreat when one sees that the ruler does not show a pleased coun- tenance, and to go forward again when he shows kindness; to approach and withdraw with ceremony, such is the nature of ceremonial behaviour. The Indicating Admonition indicates sin- cerity hsin.. Chih 'to indicate' means chih 'simplicity' .. To ad- monish [in the conviction that one] attends to one's duty in sim- plicity, such is the nature of sincerity. The Daring Admonition indicates duty i.. The feeling of solicitude finds its expression in straightforwardness. In speaking of the dangers of the state to hold fast to one's will and to forget one's life, for the sake of one's Lord not to shun death, such is the nature of duty. d.Therefore Confucius said: "There are five kinds of admonitions. I follow the Allusive Admonition" Cf. Chia yü, l.c.: "If I were to determine which is the best [of the Five Admonitions] to put into practice I would follow the Allusive Admonition".. e.In serving a ruler one must, when employed, constantly think of displaying one's loyalty to the utmost; when retired, one must constantly think of correcting one's faults Cf. Hsiao ching, Shih chün (L. 486), and Tso chuan, Hsüan 12 (L. 315).; when discharged, one must abstain from slander; and when admonishing, one must not divulge [the ruler's mistakes bluntly]. Therefore the Ch'ü li says: "As the servant of man one does not address one's admonition in a direct way" Li chi chu shu, 5.16a; C. I. 96.. f.When [the ruler's faults are] small and not yet visible to the outside world [then he is admonished in the same way] as [some] song can censure [in general]. When his faults and bad behaviour have already manifested themselves, and the people suffer [from oppression as] from poisonous insects; when Heaven shows omin- ous signs, and strange phenomena are reported to appear, then [special] songs are made to censure him, in the hope that he may awake to consciousness.

107---THE MEANING OF RECORDING THE ERRORS AND DIMINISHING THE DISHES (11 B. 4a-b).

a.The reason why an enlightened King appoints warners is that he has regard for the people['s needs] and wishes to be corrected for his faults. The Li pao fu says: "For this reason [the King] erects a standard to bring forward capable men, a stick on which to hang complaints, and a drum to summon warners" Ta tai li chi, 3.3b; Wi. 219.. b.The reason that according to the royal rule a Recorder shih. is appointed to note down [the King's] doings is to furnish a pattern for his Ministers, and to provide a standard for man. In his con- duct he ought to conform himself to ritual rules; for this purpose there must be a Recorder who registers his faults, and a Steward who diminishes the number of his dishes of food ch' ê-shan-chih-tsai. Cf. the Chou li (B. I. 70), Li chi (C. I. 711, 712), Ta tai li chi (Wi. 219), Hsin shu (Pao ching t'ang ed. 5.5a-b), Han shu (Dubs II. 304). See also ch. VI, par. 50b.. The Li yü tsao says: "The actions [of the Son of Heaven] are written down by the Left Recorder, his words are written down by the Right Recorder" Li chi chu shu, 29.5b; C. I. 679. The Han shu, 30.18b gives the reverse order. The records of the actions are called ch'un-ch'iu, those of the words are called shang-shu (cf. Pelliot, Le Chou king en caractères anciens, p. 124, n. 1.).. The Li pao ju says: "When the King has sinned against the rules the Recorder writes it down, the Music-master composes a poem on it, the Three Ducal Ministers bring it forward and read it, and the Steward diminishes the number of his dishes. In this way the Son of Heaven is prevented from committing errors" Ta tai li chi, 3.4b; Wi. 219.. Therefore, if the Recorder fails in his duty to write down the faults he is put to death. And if the Steward does not diminish the number of his dishes he is put to death also. c.Why is the Recorder called shih? It means that the King 'orders' shih him to do [as he does] . This is not the traditional explanation (see Analytic Dictionary of Chinese, no. 885)! Cf. Gr. Ser. no. 971a-c.. d.Why is the Steward called tsai? Tsai means chih 'to regulate' tsai , chih .. He is ordered to regulate the rules and measures [for the King's repasts]. e.Why does the Steward diminish the number of the dishes [of the Son of Heaven when he has committed a fault]? If the yin and the yang are not in harmony the Five Species of Grain wu-ku, see Bretschneider, Botanicon Sinicum, II. 137. will not ripen. Therefore the King cannot relish [his food] and eat to repletion. The Li says: "When one species of grain does not grow [the meat of] quails may not be prepared [for the kitchen of the Son of Heaven]. When two species of grain do not grow [the meat of] wild ducks may not be prepared. When three species of grain do not grow [the meat of] pheasants and hares may not be prepared. When four species of grain do not grow [the meat of] the animals of the [King's] park may not be prepared. When [all the] five species of grain do not grow [the meat of] the three victims may not be prepared" The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. the somewhat similar statements in Ku liang chu shu, Hsiang 24, 16.9a, and Han shih wai chuan, 8.7b.. f.If it is the duty of the servant of man to conceal the vices [of his Lord] and to proclaim his virtues, why [is it also the Recorder's duty to] note down his faults? Either [duty] has its raison d' être; to conceal the vices [of the Lord] is said of the servant who ['s task it is to] extend the spiritual power [of his ruler] and to propagate ritual [behaviour].

108---THE MEANING OF SCREENING VICES (11 B. 4b-5b).

a.Why must [the Minister] screen the vices of his Lord? The Lord is the most exalted, therefore he appoints counsellors and warning officials, the purpose of which is that [as a ruler] he should not commit errors. The Lun yü says: "The Minister of Crime of Ch' ên asked whether Duke Chao [of Lu, who had married a daughter of the House of Wu bearing the same surname, thus committing a glaring violation of the rules,] knew the rites. Confucius said: He did" Ch. VII. 30, Lun yü chu shu, 7.12a; L. 204.. This is [an instance of] screening [the vices of] a ruler. b.Why does not the Lord screen his subject? Because the attitude of the ruler towards his subjects should be such that "he has neither enmities nor affections but ranges himself beside right" Cf. Lun yü IV. 10 (L. 168; Wa. 104, whose translation I followed; see also Mullie, Le mot-particule tche, § 120-121).. The reward of one good act [is enough to] stimulate all his subjects, the punishment of one evil act [is enough to] frighten them. If he should screen his inferiors there would be no [authority to] be feared. Therefore the Shang shu says: "I will certainly exert my strength in rewards and punishments to consolidate what [my ancestors] have accomplished" . Probably a quotation from the New Text version of ch. T'ai shih (see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 10.99, cf. Legge's transl. of the Book of History, 298). The Shang shu ta chuan (2.1a) writes , etc.; the Shih chi (4.7b; M.H I. 225, n. 2) , etc. A somewhat similar statement also occurs in ch. K'ang wang chih kao (Ku ming) of the Shu ching, L. 565.. c.Does the Minister of a Feudal Lord also screen [the vices of his ruler] before the Son of Heaven? Yes, for the purpose of a Minister of a Feudal Lord going to court is to inform after the health of the Son of Heaven, and not to make a report of his Lord's wickedness. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "[The Minister] follows in the wake of his [ruler's] virtues, and when he corrects him [it is only] to save him from evil. Hence superior and inferior are able to have affection for each other" Hsiao ching chu shu, Shih chün, 8.4a-b; L. 486.. d.Since the Lord does not screen his subject, why is it only in the case of a father that he [is allowed to] screen his son? Because father and son, though separated, form one body and share each other's glory and shame. Therefore the Lun yü says: "A father screens his son, and a son his father; therein will be found up- rightness" Ch. XIII. 18, Lun yü chu shu, 13.18b; L. 270. Cf. Waley's transl. p. 176, and infra, n. 56.. e.Do brothers screen each other? Yes, on the same principle as do father and son. Therefore, when the Duke of Chou was punishing [the rebellion of] the Four States he constantly took Lu-fu to be the ring-leader By the Four States is meant the fiefs given to the three brothers of the Duke of Chou and to Wu-k êng (Lu-fu), the descendant of the Yin Sovereign, cf. supra, ch. XI, n. 2 and 34. The story is very complicated, see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 30.101-102. Cf. also Hu Shih, Shuo ju (Hu shih lun hsüeh chin chu, I. 11-12).. f.Friends screen each other because the aim of forming ties of friendship is the cultivation of one's personality and the contri- bution to each other's fame. g.Friendship finds its expression in four ways, and the sharing of wealth is not [yet] included among them pu-tsai ch'i-chung. Waley takes tsai-ch'i-chung to be an untranslatable idiom "used of results that occur incidentally without being the main object of a certain course of action" (Analects, p. 235, cf. supra, n. 54), but the possibility for the expression to be used with a negative seems to speak against this explanation.. [The first is] to keep [a friend] straight when he is near; [the second is] to praise him when he is far; [the third is] to participate in his happiness; [the fourth is] to be ready to die for him in his distress. h.Do husband and wife screen each other? The Chuan says: "Ts êng-tzŭ divorced his wife for not cooking the li [-vegetable] , acc. to Bretschneider (o.c. II. 261) the Chenopodium album, of which the young leaves may be eaten. properly. [Some one] asked him: There are seven [reasons for] divorcing a wife I.e, disobedience to the parents of her husband, barrenness, lewdness, jealousy, incurable disease, loquacity, thievishness (see Ta tai li chi, Wi. 248).; is [a case of] not cooking [properly] also pro- vided for? [Ts êng-tzŭ] said: I have heard that bonds of friendship are severed in order to seek another friend, and wives are rejected in order to seek another mate. Mine is only a case of not cooking the li [-vegetable] properly. Why must thou ask for [other] reasons" The quotation cannot be identified. A somewhat similar passage occurs in Chia yü, 9.2b, where, moreover, the reason for divorcing the wife is positively stated, viz. the fear that, where she already fails in such a trifling matter as cooking, the more she would fail in important affairs.? This is an instance of screening [a wife's real guilt].

XIII. DISTRICT ARCHERY 109---THE SON OF HEAVEN PRACTISES ARCHERY IN PERSON (II B. 5b).

Why does the Son of Heaven in person practise archery? To aid the yang-fluid in stimulating the ten thousand things. In spring the yang-fluid is small and weak, and it is to be feared that the [ten thousand] things, meeting obstructions, will not be able to come out by their own strength. Now in archery [the arrow proceeds] from the inside to the outside, it pierces and enters the solid and hard [target, thus] resembling the bringing forth of [nascent] things. Therefore by means of archery they are stimulated [to come out].

 110---THE TARGET (II B. 6a-b).

a.The Han w ên chia says: "The Son of Heaven shoots at [a target with the picture of] a bear; a Feudal Lord shoots at [a target with the picture of] a stag; a great officer shoots at [a target with the picture of] a tiger and a leopard; a common officer shoots at [a target with the picture of] a deer and a boar" Cf. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the I li (chu shu, Hsiang sh ê li, 5.61b; C 169; St. 1. 115), and see also Chou li chu shu, 41.21b-23a, 7.7b-8a (B. II. 546-548, 1. 138-139) and K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. in Li chi chu shu, Sh ê i, 62.9aff..

b.Why does the Son of Heaven shoot at [a target with the picture of] a bear? It indicates that he suppresses the ferocious and keeps at a distance the cunning and artful. As the bear is an animal [which is at the same time] ferocious and cunning, so [the Son of Heaven] should not only suppress the ferocious but also inst. of (Lu). the cunning and artful among his subjects in all under Heaven.

c.Why does a Feudal Lord shoot at [a target with the picture of] a 'stag' mi? It means that he keeps the deceitful and doubtful at a distance. Mi 'stag' means mi 'deceitful' , (see Gr. Ser. no. 598e-f)..

d.Why does the great officer shoot at [a target with the picture of] a tiger and a leopard? It means [that his task is] to suppress the ferocious.

e.Why does the common officer shoot at [a target with the picture of] a deer and a boar? It means [that his task is] to eliminate the harmful.

f.Each takes [from the shooting at his target] the spiritual power with which to be able to subdue [evil].

g.Why is it that the great officer and the common officer in ar- chery use [a target with the figures of] two animals? Both are the servants of man; it means that on behalf of their Lord they have to attend to their affairs and to toil and moil personally.

h.Another opinion is: The subject represents the yin; therefore his number is even This is also Ch êng Hsüan's opinion, see n. 1..

i.Why is the target made of cloth? Cloth is the first thing man uses for his needs. When the beginning is right the end will be right also l.e., cloth being one of man's first inventions its use for the target means respect for antiquity..

j.Why [is the target] called hou .? It means that when among the 'Feudal Lords' chu-hou . there are those who do not pay court- visits they ought to be shot. Therefore the Li sh ê chu says: "Alas, thou art not a peaceable Lord, thou dost not present thyself at the King's court, therefore thou shalt be pointed out and shot" Chou li chu shu, Tzŭ j ên, 41.23b; B. II. 548. Cf. also Li chi chu shu, Sh ê i, 62.8b (C. II. 676; L. II. 450), which gives a different explanation..

k.Why is not the real body shot at? The Noble Man has esteem for his fellow-beings, and cannot bear to shoot at them. Therefore he draws pictures of animals to shoot at.

 111---THE MEANING OF ARCHERY (II B. 6b-7a).

a.What is to be done in order [to be able] to hit the mark? The rules of archery are not [limited to] one; [but] in general [it may be said that] when one is about to shoot one should hold the bow strongly and firmly, "set his heart at ease and straighten his body" Li chi, Sh ê i, l.c., whereafter he will [certainly] hit the mark.

b.When two men contest the victory they will rejoice [in being able] to cultivate their spiritual power Cf. Lun yü III. 7, and Li chi, C. II. 679.. The winner and the loser, descending [from the platform on which the archery takes place], honour each other by the ceremonial giving of precedence.

c.Thus the choice of [worthy] officers can be made. [For, though in an archery-contest] the marksman Lu reads , Ch' ên (5.31 a) . only covers a smail distance [with his shot] the regulating power [which is implied] reaches far. And though as a weapon [the arrow is short] it can hurt at long range. Therefore danger can be averted [with it]. It is necessary that by means of archery the yang be aided and [worthy] officers be chosen, in order to support the weak and petty and suppress the forceful, to harmonize the yin and the yang, and to be ready for the unforeseen.

d.How do we know that [by means of archery] danger can be averted? The Shih says: "The four arrows [of his set] come [one after the other] to the same place, [thus showing that he is able] to stop rebellion [in all the four quarters of the state]" Ode 106: Mao shih chu shu, 8.31a; L. 162; K. 16.205..

e.By means of archery one practises [the correct use of] rites and music See Li chi (C. II. 671 and 677), I li (C. 101ff., 212ff.; St. I. 51ff., 150ff). The important thing is not the actual shooting but the ceremonial behaviour before, during, and after it (including keeping time with the music)..

f.Why does archery take place on a platform? To show that regulations proceed from the high to the low. The Li says: "The guest and the host take the arrow in their hands, and invite each other to ascend [the platform]. They shoot from between the two pillars [of this platform[" Probably from the I li (chu shu, Hsiang sh ê li, Chi, 5.63a; C. 169), where the statement is somewhat different. The target was placed below the platform, the 'stands from where to shoot' wu were between the two pillars on the platform..

g.The Son of Heaven shoots [his arrow from a distance of] one hundred and twenty paces, a Feudal Lord [from a distance of] ninety paces, a great officer [from a distance of] seventy paces, and a common officer [from a distance of] fifty paces. It means that the controlling [-power] of the superior reaches far, that of the inferior [only] a short way.

 112---THE DISTRICT FEASTING (II B. 7a).

Why is it that in the tenth month the ritual of the district feasting is performed. Ch' ên (5.32a) distinguishes four kinds of district feasting: 1. the feasting of the worthy and able every three years after the termination of their studies (referred to in I li, ch. Hsiang yin chiu li); 2. the feasting offered by a great officer of a district to the worthy of the country (referred to in Li chi, ch. Hsiang yin chiu i); 3. the feasting connected with the archery-game held by the chief of a 'province' chou in spring and autumn (referred to in Chou li, ch. Chou chang); 4. the feasting connected with the cha-sacrifice in the 12th month (referred to in Chou li, ch. Tang ch êng). The feasting here related seems to be this last one, see also Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, 12.4a) and Li chi (chu shu, 17.15b).? To restore the correct relations between superior and inferior, and between old and young. In spring and summer work is pressing: wells have to be dug and the tz'ŭ [-plant] . A creeping plant, growing on the walls, which cannot be brushed away or removed. Legge (Book of Poetry, p. 74) and Bretschneider (Botanicon Sinicum, 11.60 and 243) identify it as the Tribulus terrestris. has to be grown on the walls, so that sons are obliged to invite [the help of] their fathers, and younger brothers [that of] their elder brothers. Therefore with [the arrival of] the time of leisure the distinction between seniors and juniors is restored In the Chou li, 12.4a this restoration of the precedence of the seniors is described as ch êng ch'ih-wei..

 113---THE MEANING OF ENTERTAINING THE OLD (II B. 7a-8a).

a.Why is it that the King serves the san-lao as his father, and the wu-k êng as his elder brother san-lao , wu-k êng .? He wishes his feelings of filial piety and fraternal love to be manifested in all under Heaven. Therefore, though Son of Heaven, he must have one to whom he gives honour, namely a father, and one to whom he yields pre- cedence, namely an elder brother.

b.When the Son of Heaven proceeds to the pi-yung See ch. XV. he person- ally bares his arm to kill the victim, [thus] honouring the san-lao, who represents his father Cf. ch. Yüeh chi of the Li chi (C. II. 102), where about the same statement occurs, but with t'ai-hsüeh inst. of pi-yung.. [At the departure] the usher offers [the san-lao] a stool, a stick, and a comfortable carriage the wheels of which are wrapped in rushes, [while the Son of Heaven] hands him the cord [wherewith to ascend the vehicle]. The serving of the wu-k êng as if he were the [King's] elder brother consists in granting him a ceremonial reception, but added to it the King bears the modest, respectful, and reverential demeanour [due] to a guest Approximately the same statement as this one (beginning from "honouring the san-lao") occurs in Liu Chao's comm. on the Hou han shu (Ssŭ-ma Piao's section , 4.7b) as a quotation from the Yüan sh ên ch'i. Cf. also Ho Hsiu's comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Huan 4, 4.17b.. The Li chi chi i says: "The sacrifice in the ming-t'ang serves to teach the Feudal Lords filial piety; the feasting of the san-lao and the wu-k êng in the Great College serves to teach them fraternal love" Li chi chu shu, 48.12b; C. II. 310, where for 'feasting' shih is used instead of hsiang here. The sacrifice in the ming-t'ang (for which see ch. XV) was for King W ên, acc. to Ch êng Hsüan's comm. Both the san-lao and the wu-k êng are here served like elder brothers. In fact, the terms were interchange- able (Ch êng Hsüan in Li chi chu shu, 39.16a, K'ung Ying-ta, ibid., 17b)..

c.Why are they not plainly called father and elder brother, but lao and k êng? Lao means shou-k'ao 'advanced in age' .; it means that those whom [such an old man] can order about are many. K êng means 'to change'; the things which [in the life of such an old man] have changed are numerous The Tu tuan (2d sect. 7b) says: " K êng means ch'ang 'long [span of life', wu-k êng means] 'the generations which [he has seen] changing successively amount to five', 'he is able to change himself by being well versed in the Way"'..

d.It being so, why are they not simply called lao 'old', but is the word san 'three' added to it? It expresses the idea that [the san- lao] has grown old in the understanding of the ways of Heaven, Earth, and Man. [The expression] wu-k êng means that he has experienced the change of things by his understanding of the way of the Five Elements Sung Chung's comm. on the Yüan sh ên ch'i (see n. 21) says: "the san-lao is an old man who knows the affairs of Heaven, Earth, and Man ........ the wu-k êng is an old man who knows the affairs of the alternation of the Five Elements" (cf. also Vol. I, p. 51)..

e.How many persons do the san-lao and the wu-k êng represent? Each represents one man This is also Ch êng Hsüan's opinion (comm. on ch. W ên wang shih tzŭ, Li chi chu shu, 20.30a). Ts'ai Yung (quoted by K'ung Ying-ta, o.c. 33a), however, takes the san-lao to consist of three men, and the wu-k êng of five.. How do we know it? Because [it is stated that the san-lao is] served like a father. There is only one father, and it is not proper to have three.

 XIV. RETIRING FROM OFFICE 114---GENERAL REMARKS (II B. 8a-b).

a.At seventy a Minister hangs up his harness hsüan-chü. Cf. the legend of the sun daily conducted in a carriage past several places by his mother in the Huai nan tzŭ, T'ien w ên hsün, 3.9b (see Maspero, Légendes mythologiques dans le Chou king, 11. n. 4). The Ch'ien han shu (Biography of Hsieh Kuang-t ê, 71.9a) contains the phrase "he renounced [the use of] his comfortable carriage, transferring it [for later use] to his sons and grandsons". Wang Hsien-ch'ien's comm. quotes Liu Pin, who explains the expression as "to take a rest and retire". and retires from office because, having made it his duty in the performance of his task [always] to work under hard pressure, his virile strength is exhausted at seventy while his ears and eyes are dimmed, so that he may be classed as an invalid. For this reason he retires on account of his old age, and detaches himself from the world of officialdom, so as to retain his integrity and avoid shame.

b.To hang up his harness means [that he considers himself] to be of no use. 'To retire from office' chih-shih . means that he 'returns' chih . K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Li chi (see n. 4) explains chih as 'to hand over to another man' in contradistinction to chih which means 'to lay down'. his task to his Lord. The reason that the Lord does not cause him to retire but allows him to go of his own [free will] is in order to pay respect to the worthy. Therefore the Ch'ü li says: "The great officer retires from office at seventy" Li chi chu shu, 1.12b; C. I. 9.. The Wang chih says: "At seventy [a great officer] retires from govern- ment" Ibid., 13.21a; C. I. 316..

c.When a Minister or a great officer who has reached old age, but is [still] in the full possession of his capacities, remains in office he is granted a stool and a stick; he is not considered to be able adequately to perform the rites which require muscular strength.

d.Those who [have resigned and] stay at home are given one third of their emoluments to reward their worthiness.

e.At seventy a man will not lie warm without a bed-mate Cf. Li chi, ch. Wang chih: "At seventy a man does not feel warm unless he wears silk, at eighty unless there be some one [to sleep] with him" (C. I. 314; L. I. 241). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 263, par. 267b.. Wherever he goes he sits in a comfortable carriage and is accom- panied by his wife. He calls himself lao-fu 'the Old Man' . Cf. Li chi, C. I. 10; L. I. 66.. The Ch'ü li says: "When [at seventy] a great officer offers his resig- nation, but is not allowed to retire, he must be given a stool and a stick" Li chi chu shu, 1.12b; C. I. 9.. The Wang tu chi says: "A servant who has retired from the service of his Lord is maintained by one half of his emoluments" This quotation probably belongs to par. d supra, as a proof of 'another opinion'..

f.The stool and the stick serve to support the weak. Therefore the Wang chih says: "At fifty one may carry a staff in one's home, at sixty one may do so in his village, at seventy in the capital, at eighty at [the Lord's] court" Li chi chu shu, 13.20b; C. I. 315..

g.When a ruler has some question to ask from a Minister who has retired on account of old age, and who has [by now] reached his ninetieth year, he goes to his residence accompanied with prec- ious presents Cf. ibid.. It means that [in this way] he pays respect to the worthy. Therefore the Li chi i says: "At eighty [a man does] not wait out the audience, and when the ruler has some question to ask he goes [to his residence]" Li chi chu shu, 48.10a; C. II. 308. This quotation, as a 'proof', is not very relevant..

h.When a great officer who has retired on account of old age dies he is buried with the rites pertaining to [his position of] a great officer. How [are the regulations concerning] the [funeral] car, the horses, and the clothes? They must be exactly as [they were used by him] of old.

 XV. PI-YUNG 115---THE MEANING OF ENTERING THE SCHOOL AND RESPECTING THE TEACHER (II B. 9a-b).

a.Why is it that anciently a boy enters the Great College t'ai-hsüeh. at the age of fifteen? Because at the age of eight he loses his [milk-] teeth, and his [capacity for] apperception begins; he enters [the Junior] School to study writing and arithmetic. Seven and eight make fifteen, [which represents] the completion of [the interaction of] the yin and the yang. Therefore at fifteen [the child] becomes an adolescent, and his understanding becomes clear; he enters the Great College to study the Classical Disciplines ching-shu, cf. n. 14. The statement of the ages for entering the two schools corresponds with that given in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 10, 11.8a, the Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.9a (only for the 8 years), Hou han shu, Biogr. of Yang Chung, 48(38). 4b. The Shang shu ta chuan (2.37b, 38b) gives 13 and 20 years (15 and 18 in Ch êng Hsüan's quotation in Li chi chu shu, 13.2a-b).. b.Hsüeh 'to study' means chüeh 'to awake' . See Gr. Ser. nos. 1038a and f.; to awake to what one did not know. Therefore one studies in order to regulate one's nature, concerned [as he is] to transform his emotions; for "an uncut jade will not form a vessel for use, and an uninstructed man will not know the Way" From ch. Yüeh chi of the Li chi (C. II. 28; L. II. 82).. Tzŭ-hsia says: "The craftsmen dwell in their workshops to accomplish their art, a Noble Man studies to accomplish his Way" Ch. XIX. 7 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 19.3a; L. 341).. Therefore the Ch'ü li says: "At the age of ten one is said to be tender; he is at school" Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 8.. The Lun yü says: "At fifteen I had my mind bent on learning; at thirty I stood firm" Ch. II. 4, Lun yü chu shu, 2.2a; L. 146.. Again: "Highest are those who are born wise, next are those who become wise by learning" Ch. XVI. 9, ibid., 16.9b; L. 313; Wa. 206 (his translation here followed).. c.For this reason a man, even if he has a natural aptitude [for wisdom], must always have a teacher. The Lun yü ch'an says: "The Five Emperors [each] appointed a teacher [for themselves], the Three Kings made [of learning] an institution". d.The Chuan says: "Huang-ti had Li Mu as teacher, Chuan-hsü had Lu T'u as teacher, Ti-k'u had Ch'ih-sung-tzŭ as teacher, Ti-yao had Wu-ch' êng-tzŭ as teacher, Ti-shun had Yin Shou as teacher, Yü had Master Kuo as teacher, T'ang had I Yin as teacher, King W ên had Lü Wang as teacher, King Wu had Shang Fu as teacher, the Duke of Chou had Kuo-shu as teacher, Confucius had Lao Tan as teacher" Li Mu , Lu T'u , Ch'ih-sung-tzŭ , Wu- ch' êng-tzŭ , Yin Shou , Kuo , I Yin , Lü Wang , Shang Fu , Kuo-shu , Lao Tan . The quotation cannot be identified, but more or less similar lists are to be found in Han shih wai chuan, 5.11a, Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, 4.5a (Wi. 46), Ch'ien fu lun, 1. 1a-b, Hsin hsü, 5.1a. Cf. also for Li Mu: M.H. I. 32, n. 3, for Wu-ch' êng-tzŭ: Hsün tzŭ, 27.66, where further Kuo is called Hsi-wang Kuo (so also in Han shih wai chuan and Hsin hsü), for I Yin: M.H. I. 177ff., 187ff., for Lü Wang and Shang Fu: M.H. I. 222, n. 4; 225, n. 3; IV. 34ff., for Lao Tan: Waley, The Way and Its Power, 106-108).. e.The Heir of the Son of Heaven and that of a Feudal Lord go out to their teacher as a sign of respect to him, and to honour the Way of the Ancient Kings. The Ch'ü li says: "I have heard that one comes to learn, not that one goes out to teach" Li chi chu shu, 1.6b; C. I. 4, where the passage reads: "The rites, as I have heard, [require that] one come to learn; I have not heard that one goes out to teach".. The I says: "It is not I who seeks the young and stupid [to teach them], the young and stupid seek me [to instruct them]" Chou i chu shu, M êng kua, 2.15a; L. 64.. The Wang chih says: "The Junior School was on the south of the Duke's palace to the left of it, the Great College was in the suburb" Li chi chu shu, 12.3b; C. I. 281. The quotation is to prove that the students went out of their homes to study!. Further it says: "The Heir of the King, his [other] sons, the Heirs of the Feudal Lords, the principal sons of the Ducal Ministers, of the Ministers, of the great officers, and of the common officers, all go [to the Junior School and the Great College]" Ibid., 13.2b; C. I. 301.. f.The Junior School is the building where the 'Classical Arts' ching-i, which probably is the same as ching-shu (see n. 2.), and taught in both schools. The Wang chih speaks of the Four Arts ssŭ-shu, i.e. poetry, history, rites, music (Li chi chu shu, 13.2a, C. I. 300). The Chou li (chu shu, Pao shih, 14.5b-6a, B. I. 297) speaks of the Six Disciplines liu-i, which comprise the five rites, the six sorts of music, the five kinds of archery, the five kinds of charioteering, the six ways of writing, and the nine arithmetical operations. are taught, the Great College is the building where the pi-yung [is situated] and the district archery [is held].

116---A FATHER DOES NOT TEACH HIS SON (II B. 9b-10a).

Why does a father not teach his son himself? Because it would be too intimate [a relation]. In the instruction Lu's reading: inst. of . of the Way he would have to explain to him minutely such things as the inter- action of the yin and the yang, [and connected therewith] that of husband and wife, which are things that ought not be to explained by a father to his son Cf. the M êng tzŭ, IVa. 18, where a different reason is given for a father not instructing his son..

 117---THE THREE KINDS OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TEACHER AND PUPIL (II B. 10a).

There are three kinds of relationship between teacher and pupil. What is said in the Lun yü: "[Is it not a case for joy when] friends come from distant quarters" Ch. I. 1 (Lun yü chu shu, 1.1b; L. 137). The text writes inst. of in the Lun yü. refers to the relation [between teacher and pupil] as friends. When further the Lun yü says: "[Yen] Hui behaved towards me as his father" Ch. XI, 10 (ibid., 11.4b; L. 240). [this refers to] the relation [between teacher and pupil] as [if they were] father and son. [Lastly when the pupil] receives his instruction according to the principles between Lord and subject there is [between teacher and pupil] this relation of Lord and subject.

 118---THE PI-YUNG AND THE P'AN-KUNG (II B. 10a-b).

a.Why does the Son of Heaven erect a pi-yung .? [It is the place where] rites and music are practised, and whence his spiritual influence is proclaimed. b.Pi means pi , ch. ch. XXVI, n. 9. 'jade disk'; it imitates the roundness of the jade disk, which models itself on Heaven. Yung means that it is 'dammed up' yung . with water; it represents [the King's] re- forming influence flowing forth. c.Pi [also] means chi . 'to accumulate'; to accumulate the spiritual power [proceeding from the prevalence] of the Way in all under Heaven. Yung means yung 'to dam'; to dam the vices and evil I prefer the original reading of the Yüan ta-t ê ed. (4.19a) to Lu's . in all under Heaven. Therefore it is called pi-yung. d.The Wang chih says: "The Son of Heaven [has a building] called pi-yung, the Feudal Lords [have a building] called p'an- kung" Li chi chu shu, 12.3b; C. I. 281, where yung is written , and p'an-kung (in our text ) is written . Karlgren sees as a corrupted variant of and the character yung given by the Li chi as the usual one in the combination pi-yung (Gr. Ser. nos. 1184h and j).. e.On the outside [the pi-yung is] round, so that visitors have the same view of it [from all sides]. Being round outside and square inside it also expresses the idea that one's spiritual power should be [perfect] as a circle, and one's conduct should be square. f.Why is it not called yüan 'round' [-yung], but pi [-yung] (Lu's suggested reading).? It takes its example from the jade disk, which is charged with spiritual power (ibid.).. How do we know that it is round? Because it is called pi [-yung]. How do we know that there is water [sur- rounding it]? The Shih says: "How pleasant is the water of the p'an [-kung], let us gather the cress about it" Ode 299: Mao shih chu shu, 29.10b; L. 616; K. 17.95; Wa. 267. For 'cress' the text has hsing inst. of ch'in (cf. Botanicon Sinicum, II. 183) in the Shih ching. Waley seems to take p'an as a proper name ('P'an'); Ch' ên Huan, however, says that the Shih ching uses p'an or p'an-kung indiscriminately in the same sense (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 29.53).. The Shih hsün says: "[The moat containing] the water is round like a jade disk" For Shih hsün see Vol. I, p. 68, n. 239.. g.With the Feudal Lords we speak of p'an-kung because [its size is] half that of the [pi-yung] palace of the Son of Heaven. It means that there should be distinction between the high and the lowly, and that the scope of the reforming influence of a Feudal Lord is smaller. The semi [-circular shape of the p'an-kung] resembles the 'semi-circular jade' huang , cf. Laufer, Jade, 169ff, and ch. XXVI, n. 10.. There is only water on the southern side, the region [towards which the subject is to perform his] ritual duties Cf. Ch êng Hsüan's view in his comm. on Ode 299 (see Vol. I, p. 54). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. (Mao shih chu shu, 29.12b) says: "To practise the rites one should face south, whereas to behold [the view the visitor] should face north". Ch' ên Huan in his Shih mao shih chuan shu 29.53 quotes the Shuo w ên and the Shui ching chu, which state that there is water on the west and south of the p'an-kung, while on the east and north there is a wall.. The other [sides] are provided with a dam, called 'dike' yüan .. The name of the building indicates the distinction between the high and the lowly; it means [that a Feudal Lord is] not competent to exercise his reforming influence upon all the four quarters. h.Why is it not called p'an-yung? To avoid [the statement] that it simply [represents] half of the measures of the institutions of the Son of Heaven. The Shih says: "Admirable is the Marquis of Lu, making his spiritual power illustrious. When he has built his p'an-kung the Huai barbarians submit to him" Ode 299: Mao shih chu shu, 29.15b; L. 618; K. 17.95..

119---THE HSIANG AND THE HSü (II B. 11a-b).

a.In a district [the school is] called hsiang, in a hamlet [it is] called hsü . Cf. the M êng tzŭ, IIIa.3; L. 242.. In the hsiang the meaning of the ritual is studied 'minutely' hsiang .; in the hsü [emphasis is laid on] the 'ranking' hsü . of old and young. The Li wu ti chi says: "If you, Emperor, [pay attention to] the teaching in the hsiang and the hsü there will be affection between father and son, and distinction between old and young. The orders for enlightenment which you have so beautifully decided upon must [,however,] be followed by [a realization] outwards, so that afterwards [their results] can be placed before the people" The text, acc. to both Lu and Ch' ên (6.8a), is corrupt, and the translation is given tentatively. The quotation is from an untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites.. [Men by their own knowledge are] not acquainted with [the duty of having] consideration for others, therefore the hsiang and the hsü are erected to give them guidance. b.With regard to the teaching of the people in ancient times, in every hamlet there was a teacher. Those elders in the hamlet who possessed the spiritual power [proceeding from their pos- session] of the Way were the hamlet's Teachers of the Right yu-shih.. Those who followed upon them were the Teachers of the Left tso-shih.. They taught the pupils of the hamlet the Way, the disciplines, filial piety, fraternal love, consideration for others, and social duties c.At the beginning of spring i.e. the first fifteen days after the beginning of the spring. [everybody] has to attend to his duties. In the morning [the elders] sit down at the gate of the hamlet; when the younger men yü-tzŭ. all have gone out to their work of husbandry they retire; in the evening the same thing happens: when all have returned they retire Cf. the more or less corresponding statement in the Ch'ien han shu, 24.5a (Nancy Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, p. 128).. When there are those who do not start out and return in time, or are not [otherwise] regular in the morning and in the evening, they [are considered to] have committed a fault. Therefore [the elders are] employed to ad- monish them with words The text is corrupt. [because otherwise] their hearts would not have anything to rouse them. d.When the crop has been reaped all [the younger men] enter school. Those who possess ability, are of good stuff, and know how to learn, are worth having their hearts opened; even the blunt and stupid people must be distinguished from the beasts, so that they may have knowledge of human relationships. Therefore there are no uninstructed people. Confucius said: "To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them away" Ch. XIII. 30, Lun yü chu shu, 13.13a; L. 275. Cf. also ch. XXVIII, n. 18.. It means that there are no people left uninstructed.

120---THE LING-T'AI AND THE MING-T'ANG (II B. 11b-12a).

a.Why has the Son of Heaven a ling-t'ai .? It is [the place where] to investigate the nature of Heaven and Man, to observe the unison of the yin and the yang, to study the evidences of the stars and planets, and to gather for the ten thousand things the bounties from , supplied by Liu (73.3b). the limitless primeval [sources]. The Shih says: "[King W ên] plans the commencement of [the building of] the ling-t'ai" Ode 242: Mao shih chu shu, 23.87b; L. 456; K. 17.70.. b.The Son of Heaven erects the ming-t'ang . Cf. Jonny Hefter's transl. of Wang Kuo-wei's study in Ost- asiatische Zeitschrift, 1931, p. 17-35, 70-86., that he may enter into communication with the spiritual forces, undergo [the in- fluences of] Heaven and Earth, keep the four seasons in the right track, put forth his reforming teachings, honour those who have spiritual power, give due weight to those who walk in the right Way, make illustrious the capable, and reward those who practise good conduct. c.The ming-t'ang is round at the top and square at the bottom. It has eight windows and four doors. It is the building whence the orders of the state proceed, and it is situated south of the capital. d.The top is round in imitation of Heaven, the bottom is square in imitation of Earth. The eight windows represent the Eight Winds, the four doors the Four Seasons; the nine compartments the Nine Provinces, the twelve seats the Twelve Months, the thirty-six single doors the Thirty-six Rains, the seventy-two window-openings the Seventy-two Winds This corresponds with a statement in Huan T'an's Hsin lun (beginning 1st. cent. A.D.), as it is quoted in the comm. on the Hsü han chih, 8.1b. Cf. also Ts'ai Yung, Ming t'ang yüeh ling lun (see Vol. I, p. 49)..

XVI. CALAMITIES AND EXTRAORDINARY EVENTS 121---THE MEANING OF CALAMITIES, EXTRAORDINARY EVENTS, AND OMENS (II B. 12a).

Why does Heaven [send down] calamities and [cause] extra- ordinary events? It is to warn the Lord of men and make him conscious of his deeds, so that he may wish to repent his faults, attend to his spiritual power, and exercise deeper solicitude. The Yüan sh ên ch'i says: "When the conduct [of the Son of Heaven] shows shortcomings, and his passion goes against Heaven, it will provoke calamities to come down as a warning to men".

 122---STRANGE PHENOMENA AND PLAGUES (II B. 12a-b).

a.What does the expression tsai-i . 'calamities and miracles' mean? The Ch'un ch'iu ch'ien t'an pa says: "Tsai 'calamity' means shang 'to hurt' .. According to the [nature of the mis]deed punishment is inflicted. I 'miracle' means kuai 'strange' .. [Strange phenomena] appear as presages, to touch and move [the evil-doer]".

b.Why is it said that a calamity is [a case] for wailing? The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The new palace [,which was Duke Hsüan's shrine,] took fire; there was wailing for three days" Ch' êng 4.. The Chuan says: "Why must they wail for three days? It is [demanded by] the rites" Kung yang chu shu, 17.10a-b, where the wording is a little different. The reason [for this three days' wailing] was that the ancestral temple is the place of rest for the forefathers, and their souls, [though] bodiless, would say: Now [our abode has] suddenly been struck by Heaven's fire, shall we get [another place] which will not be visited by this calamity? Therefore the wailing.

c.What does pien mean? Pien 'extraordinary event' means fei- ch'ang . 'what is not usual'. The Yüeh chi yao chia says: "When Yü was about to receive the throne Heaven intentionally [showed] abundant extraordinary events: sudden winds, uprooted trees, thunderstorms, and darkness by day".

d.What does yao . 'magic' mean? [We speak of magic] when clothes become now too large, now too small, and when unusual adages appear in speech. Therefore the Shang shu ta chuan says: "Suddenly there will appear magic in clothes".

e.What does yeh . 'freak' mean? It means that small insects grow up to unusual size. The Shang shu ta chuan says: "Suddenly there will appear freaks among the insects; suddenly there will appear freaks among the tortoises" The Shang shu ta chuan, ed. by Ch' ên Shou-ch'i (2.7b-10a) further describes five kinds of strange phenomena corresponding with the Five Elements, viz. those with respect to clothing fu-yao (accompanied by a plague of tortoises); those with respect to speech shih-yao (accompanied by a plague of insects); those with respect to plants ts'ao-yao (accompanied by a plague of vermin); those with respect to sounds ku-yao (accom- panied by a plague of fish); those with respect to secretions chih-i-yao (accompanied by a plague of worms)..

f.When Yao was visited by the great flood and T'ang by the great drought was it also an omen? When Yao was visited by the great flood and T'ang by the great drought it was [only] an accident caused by destiny I.e., they were not caused by lack of virtue. For the flood see M.H. I. 98-99, for the drought cf. Granet, Danses et légendes, p. 450, n. 2..

g.Why is it that sometimes there are calamities and extraordinary events, and sometimes miracles [alone]? Each [phenomenon] follows [a particular] behaviour, and conforms itself to a [particular] deed.

 123---FROST AND HAIL (II B. 12b-13a).

a.Shuang 'frost' means wang 'lost' .. The yang has dispersed and is lost.

b.Pao 'hail' means ho 'to coagulate' .. The very essence of the yin-fluid accumulates and coagulates to become hail. (Dew is the beginning of frost; when it turns cold [dew] changes into frost) These words between round brackets are supplied by Sun I-jang, Tsa i, 10.3b, and Ch' ên 6.13b from a quotation in the Ch'u hsüeh chi (Sun) and the T'ai p'ing yü lan (Ch' ên)..

 124---SUN- AND MOON-ECLIPSES, FLOODS AND DROUGHTS (II B. 13a).

a.When the sun is eclipsed, why must it be rescued? Because the yin is encroaching upon the yang.

b.A drum is beaten and a victim is sacrificed to the God of the Earth. This god is the personification of the assembled yin [-forces] For the translation of by 'personification' cf. Chavannes, Le dieu du sol, p. 479, n. 2. On p. 483 Chavannes translates this passage as: "le dieu du sol préside à toutes les manifestations du yin".. It is tied with a red cord Cf. for the explanation of the use of a red cord Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 25, 8.18a-b, and Ho Hsiu's comm. on it; further Chavannes, o.c. 481-482., and a drum is beaten The Ku liang (chu shu, Chuang 25, 6.11b) says that the Son of Heaven in rescuing the eclipsed sun used five standards (in five colours), five weapons (for the four quarters and the centre), and five drums (in five colours). The Chou li (B. I. 265) gives six names of drums, among which the ling drum is said to have been used at the sacrifice to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. to attack it; [thus] with [the help of] the yang the yin is reproved. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "[In the sixth month, the first day of the moon] the sun was eclipsed. Drums were beaten and victims offered to the God of the Earth" Chuang 25..

c.The reason why victims must be used is that the God of the Earth is a separate spirit of the earth. It must be honoured, and therefore one dares not reprove it loosely Ho Hsiu says that the god is first reproved (by the beating of the drum), and afterwards treated with ceremony (by the offering of victims). The Ku liang chuan (l.c.) and the Tso chuan (L. 109), however, both hold that the use of victims is against the rites..

d.On [the occasion of] a sun-eclipse or a great flood a drum is beaten and a victim sacrificed to the God of the Earth; on [the occasion of] a great drought the 'rain-sacrifice' yü . See for a description of the sacrifice and the prayers Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p. 270-273). Cf. also the Lun h êng (Forke's transl. II. 327). is offered and prayers for rain are said. [This is] no meaningless statement. When the yang has to be aided, the inferior [yin] is reprimanded; "this is the way of calling upon the yin" , see the Kung yang chuan, Chuang 25 (l.c.). The meaning is that when the yin exceeds the yang it is reprimanded ( is ex- plained by Ho Hsiu as , cf. Chavannes, o.c. p. 481, n. 1), whereas when the yang exceeds the yin (as in a case of drought) it, being the superior, is only implored (cf. Franke, o.c. 266, where a passage from the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, bearing on the subject, is discussed)..

e.When the moon is eclipsed it must be rescued because [it is a case of] the yin losing its brightness. Therefore, when horn and tail [of the unicorn] intertwine chüeh-wei chiao. Ch' ên (6.15b), referring to a passage in the Ch'un ch'iu wei yen k'ung t'u (Yü han, 56.55b) and the Huai nan tzŭ (ch. T'ien w ên hsün, 3.2a), where it is said that there will be a sun- or moon-eclipse when 'unicorns' ch'i-lin fight, suggests reading tu-chüeh 'one-horned' inst. of chüeh-wei. there will be a sun- or a moon- eclipse. [The officers charged with the task of] rescuing them tell the Spouses [of the Feudal Lords] to beat on metal mirrors, the wives of the great officers to sound the rattle, and the wives of the common people to beat on the door-posts For 'Spouses of the Feudal Lords' and 'wives of the great officers' see Li chi, ch. Ch'ü li (C. I. 94). For the sounding of the rattle and the beating on the door-posts cf. the Ku liang chu shu, 6.11b and the Erh ya chu shu, 4.2b (Kuo P'o's comm.)..

(In a period of general peace there is seasonable rain and a seasonable clearness of the sky, not accompanied by intermin- able but by periodic sunshine: such is the manifestation of the humours of Heaven and Earth) This paragraph is supplemented by Ch' ên (6.16a) following a quotation in the Ch'u hsüeh chi..

 XVII. PLOUGHING AND GATHERING MULBERRY- LEAVES 125---THE PLOUGHING AND THE GATHERING OF THE MULBERRY- LEAVES BY THE KING AND THE QUEEN IN PERSON (II B. 13a-14a).

a.Why does the King [inaugurate] the ploughing of the fields, and the Queen the picking of mulberry-leaves in person? It is to take the lead in the work of agriculture and sericulture in all under Heaven.

b.The Son of Heaven ploughs in person to contribute [with the produce of his harvest] to the sacrifices in the suburb and the ancestral temple.

c.The Queen in person gathers the mulberry-leaves to con- tribute [with the silk of the silk-worms to the weaving of] the sacrificial robes.

d.The Chi i says: "The Son of Heaven draws three furrows, the Three Ducal Ministers [each] five, the Ministers, the great officers, and the common officers [each] seven" Not in the present ch. Chi i of the Li chi, but it occurs in the Yüeh ling (Li chi chu shu, 14.18b; C. I. 335), however with 'Ministers and Feudal Lords nine furrows' instead of 'great officers seven furrows'. Cf. also the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, Wi. 2. The ploughing was done on the special field of the Son of Heaven..

e.Why does the ploughing [by the Son of Heaven] take place in the eastern suburb? The east [is the region where] the yang is young and where the work of husbandry is begun The same sites (eastern and western suburbs) are given in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Huan 14, 5.19a. The Chou li (B. I. 146; see n. 4) gives for the Queen the northern suburb, ch. Chi t'ung of the Li chi (C. II. 322) gives southern suburb for the King and northern suburb for the Queen..

f.The gathering of mulberry-leaves [by the Queen] takes place in the western suburb because the west [is the region where] the yin is young, [the place where] the toil of women takes fruit The same sites (eastern and western suburbs) are given in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Huan 14, 5.19a. The Chou li (B. I. 146; see n. 4) gives for the Queen the northern suburb, ch. Chi t'ung of the Li chi (C. II. 322) gives southern suburb for the King and northern suburb for the Queen.. Therefore the Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "The Son of Heaven ploughs the eastern field by turning over [the earth] three times" Not in the present Li chi..

g.The Chou kuan says: "The Queen in person gathers the mul- berry-leaves; she leads the titled ladies of the exterior and the interior to the northern suburb, [where she inaugurates] the work of sericulture" Chou li chu shu, Nei tsai, 7.19b; B. I. 146, where the wording is slightly different..

h.This [place] is meant by what is stated in the Li chi i: "Anciently the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords must have their own mulberry-trees kung-sang, i.e. 'the Duke's [own] mulberry-trees', not 'öffentliche Maulbeerbäume', as Franke, K êng tschi t'u, p. 25, translates. and silk-worms' houses, built near a river To facilitate the 'bathing' of the eggs, for a description of which see Franke, o.c., p. 127.. [The walls of] the building were ten feet The text reads 'one j ên and three feet', one j ên being seven feet, acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's subcomm. on the passage (see n. 8); Lu T ê-ming, probably by error, calls ten feet a j ên (l.c.). high and covered with thorns. It was closed on the outside" Li chi chu shu, 48.2a; C. II. 294..

 XIX. TOURS OF INSPECTION 128---THE MEANING OF THE TOURS OF INSPECTION (III A. 4a-b).

a.Why does the King make a 'Tour of Inspection' hsün-shou? Hsün means hsün 'to follow [a road]'; shou means mu 'to shepherd' . Shou is generally explained as shou 'to collect' (T'ai p'ing yü lan, 537.4b and K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Wang chih, in Li chi chu shu, 11.33b, both quoting the Po hu t'ung). Ho Hsiu explains it by shou 'to guard' (Kung yang chu shu, Yin 8, 3.16a).. On behalf of Heaven Instead of 'all under Heaven' (Lu). Cf. infra, par. 131 a. the King goes along [the roads] to guard and shepherd his people. b.After the spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way has brought about general peace [the King] fears that the distant regions have not yet in the same way been affected [by his influence] as the nearer, and that among the hidden and secluded [worthies] there are some who have not yet received their proper positions; therefore he makes a point of personally performing [the task of inspection], which is the highest [expression of his] care and esteem for the people. c.[On his Tour of Inspection] he examines the rites and music inst. of (Ch' ên, 6.24b)., rectifies the rules and measures, makes uniform the musical pitch- pipes and the calendar, and harmonizes the seasons and months, all for the benefit of the people Cf. ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (C. I. 276; L. I. 217).. The Shang shu says: "[Shun] thereafter gave audience to the Nobles of the east, putting in ac- cord their seasons and months, and rectifying the days; he made uniform the musical pitch-pipes, the measures of length and weight, and the steelyards; he regulated the Five [Classes of] Rites" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10a; L. 35. The Five Classes of Rites were the rites for auspicious events, those for inauspicious events, those for receiving guests, the rites of war, those for festival meetings.. d.The Shang shu ta chuan says: "[On his Tour of Inspection the Son of Heaven] gives audience to the Feudal Lords, and inquires after those who are one hundred years old. [He orders] the Grand Music Master to display the songs that he may be informed of the people's customs; he orders the Superintendent of the Markets to present [lists of] prices that he may see what the people like and dislike. If [in any of the feudal territories] the spirits of the hills and the rivers have not received attention he takes it to be [an act of] irreverence, and the irreverent [Lord] is deprived of [a part of] his land. If there has been neglect [of the sacrifices] in the ancestral temple he takes it to be a lack of filial piety, and the unfilial[Lord] is reduced in rank. Any deviation from the rites or any change in music he takes to be [an instance of] disobedience, and the disobedient Lord is banished. Any change in the [fashion of] clothes or in the [social] institutions he takes to be [an act of] rebellion, and the rebellious Lord is executed. [But]those who have acquired merit are rewarded" Cf. the almost similar statement in the Li chi, l.c. (see n. 4).. The Shang shu says: "[When the report of the Feudal Lords on their government] was clearly tested by their works they received chariots and robes according to their services" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.11a; L. 37..

129---THE TOURS OF INSPECTION TAKE PLACE DURING THE MIDDLE MONTHS OF THE FOUR SEASONS (III A. 4b-5a).

a.Why is it that the Tours of Inspection are held in [each of] the four seasons [of the appointed year]? They should follow upon [the sacrifices in] the ancestral temple, and must therefore not exceed a seasonal period For these four sacrifices in the ancestral temple see Li chi chu shu, Wang chih, 12.18a. They were held in the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth months (Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 15.3b). The tours were held every five years in the second, fifth, eighth, and eleventh months, cf. next paragraph.. b.In the middle month of summer the musical pitch-pipes and the several measures [of length, capacity, and weight] are made uniform that they may attain their proper exactness A pun on chung 'exactness' and chung 'middle month'.. [The Tours of Inspection take place] in the second and eighth months [when] day and night are [equally] divided, and in the fifth and the eleventh months [when] the yin and the yang have reached their apogee. The Shang shu says: "In the second month [Shun] made a Tour of Inspection eastwards, as far as [Mount] Tai-tsung; in the fifth month he made a tour southwards, as far as the South- ern Mountain; in the eighth month he made a tour westwards, as far as the Western Mountain; and in the eleventh month, on the first day of the month, he made a tour northwards, as far as the Northern Mountain" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10a-b; L. 35-37..

130---INSPECTING OFFICES ON THE TOUR (III A. 5a-b).

a.Why is it that the Tours of Inspection are not held yearly? It would be too cumbersome. [On the other hand to refrain] for more than [a period of] five years would be too negligent. b.For it is the Way of Heaven that every season has its [own] produce and every year its [own] accomplishment. In three years there is one intercalary month; the Way of Heaven has [then] reached its smaller [cyclical] completion. In five years there are two intercalary months; the Way of Heaven has [then] reached its greater [cyclical] completion. Therefore every five years there is one Tour of Inspection. c.Every three years the two Regional Chiefs go out [on their in- spection. The Feudal Lords] report on their administration shu-chih, cf. the M êng tzŭu, Ia.14 (L. 159); Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên, 19.9b. Acc. to Ch êng Hsüan the Feudal Lords presented themselves at court every four years, that is, every year the Feudal Lords of each of the four quarters in turn went to the capital; in the year of inspection they waited for the King at the sacred mountain of their region (east, south, west, or north), where au- dience was held (Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 1.38)., and they are degraded or promoted [according to their merits]. In one year the things have gone through their beginning and end. Every year has its [own] accomplishment, the Regional Chiefs visit [and inspect] the principalities; every season has its [own] produce, the Feudal Lords visit [and inspect] their cities. The Chuan says: ["The Dukes of] Chou and Shao inst. of (Liu, 73.4a)., when in the capital, [each] functioned as [one of] the Three Ducal Ministers; when leaving the capital [for inspection] they [each] functioned as [one of] the two [Regional] Chiefs. [The latter] divided between them- selves [the supervision of] all under Heaven, degrading and promoting [the deserving and undeserving]" The quotation cannot be identified. The Kung yang chuan says that of the three Ducal Ministers two, the Duke of Chou and the Duke of Shao, supervised the eastern and the western regions, while the third remained in the capital (Kung yang chu shu, Yin 5, 3.5a). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 320, n. 271.. The Shih says: "When the Duke of Chou marched to the east the Four States were corrected" Ode 157: Mao shih chu shu, 15.35b; L. 238; K. 16.220. For the Four States see ch. XII, n. 55.. It means that when the Duke of Chou marched to the east, receiving the reports on the administration [from the Feudal Lords] and giving out degradations and promotions, all under Heaven was rectified. [The Shih] further says: "Young and tender is this sweet pear-tree; do not lop it or knock it, for the Lord of Shao took shelter under it" Ode 16: Mao shih chu shu, 2.16a; L. 26; K. 16.176. Cf. ch. VII, n. 25.. [This] refers to the Duke of Shao, who [as Chief of the West] received the reports on the administration [from the Feudal Lords], and of his own choice took up his abode (instead of ) (Liu, 73.4a). under a tree in the open field. The Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan says: "Of old those who were Lords over men should at regular times inquire into their people's needs" Ku liang chu shu, Chuang 29, 6.19b, which continues: "when the people badly need their working power the erection of buildings is slowed down, when their income is insufficient the taxes are decreased, when they have shortage of food the public services are abolished"..

131---THE MEANING OF THE SACRIFICE TO HEAVEN AND THE ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE ANCESTORS (III A. 5b-6b).

a.According to what principle must a sacrifice be offered to Heaven before a Tour of Inspection? A Tour of Inspection is made on behalf of Heaven, and Heaven is sacrificed to that the announcement may thereby reach it. The Shang shu says: "[In the second month Shun] made a Tour of Inspection eastwards, as far as [Mount] Tai-tsung, [where he presented] a burnt-offering [to Heaven]" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10a; L. 35. For the 'burnt offering' see Vol. I, p. 332, n. 319.. b.When the King sets out [on a Tour of Inspection], why must he announce it to the ancestral temple? As a filial son he takes leave at his departure, and presents himself again at his return. He serves the dead as if he served the living. The Shang shu says: "At his return [Shun] went to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father" Ibid., 2.10b; L. 37. Cf. ch. X, n. 18.. The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "When the King or a Feudal Lord is leaving [his territory] he personally announces it to the shrines of the first ancestor and his father, while he orders the invocator to announce it to the five ancestor-shrines succes- sively" In this form the passage does not occur in the present Ts êeng tzŭ w ên, cf. ch. X, n. 16.. [This is an act of] reverence towards his [deceased] parents. c.The reason that the King announces his departure to Heaven is that he is not acting of his own accord. Therefore the Wang chih says: "[When the King is about to set out on a Tour of Inspection] he offers the lei-sacrifice to the Lord on High, the i- sacrifice to the God of the Earth, and the ts'ao-sacrifice to the shrine of his father" Li chi chu shu, 12.1a; C. 1.278. Cf. ch. X, n. 17.. d.At the lei-sacrifice the first forefather is associated [with the Lord on High; however] the forefather instead of (Ch' êen, 6.27b). is not mentioned because there cannot be two exalted ones who are ritually [served according to] the principle of exalting the exalted one I.e., as Heaven is more exalted than the first forefather both cannot be mentioned in the same breath.. e.The ts'ao-sacrifice is offered to the shrine of the father. Why [is it] only [said that he] visits his father's shrine? Though the taking of leave proceeds from the lower [-placed ancestor] he dares not neglect the command of the exalted [first ancestor. But as it has already been said that] he visits his father's shrine there is no objection to his not [mentioning his] visit to the shrine of the first ancestor Cf. ch. X, par. 84a.. f.The sacrifice and the announcement to Heaven [have the mean- ing of] an announcement of the undertaking [whereas the sacri- fice to] the ancestors [has the meaning of] taking leave at the departure. The [two] meanings are different. [First] the announce- ment is made to the exalted one, then the leave-taking follows. g.Why is it that when the King or a Feudal Lord sets out [on a Tour of Inspection or on an expedition] he must take his ancestral tablet with him? To show that there is [always someone] to whom he can pay respect. Thus the Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "When the King is going to depart [on a Tour of Inspection] he takes along with him the tablet which has been [latest] removed from its shrine, conveying it in the carriage of purity, [thus] showing [that it is necessary to have with him] someone to whom he can pay respect" Li chi chu shu, 18.21 b; C. 1.433, where the wording is slightly different. Huang K'an, quoted in K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm., says that the tablet taken is that which has been newly put in the 'general shrine', i.e. the shrine for the forefathers from great-great-grandfather's father upwards.. h.If there is no such tablet he would, with gifts of silk, skins, and jade-tokens, announce [his purpose] to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father. He then takes those gifts with him. At every stage [of his march] he would place offerings of food by them. Thus does he honour the command [of his ancestors] Cf. the Li chi, C. 1.435.. i.It must be the tablet that has been [latest] removed from its shrine [and placed in the general shrine, which is taken along on the expedition], indicating that the [specific] shrines may not be left empty Cf. ibid., where exceptions to the rule are also mentioned. The 'specific' shrines are those of father, grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great grandfather..

132---THE FEUDAL LORDS WAIT AT THE BOUNDARIES (III A. 6b).

Why is it that when the King is making his Tour of Inspection the Feudal Lords wait for him at the boundaries [of their states]? The Feudal Lords have the guarding of the frontiers as their task. The Li chi i says: "When the Son of Heaven is on his Tour of Inspection the Feudal Lords wait for him at the boundaries [of their states]" Li chi chu shu, 48.14a; C. II. 312..

 133---THE SON OF HEAVEN IS LODGED IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE (III A. 6b).

When the King is on his Tour of Inspection, why must he be lodged in the ancestral temple of the Feudal Lord [whom he visits]? It expresses the idea that "there cannot be two superiors to be [equally] honoured" Cf. ch. Fang chi of the Li chi (C. II. 403; L. 285).. So the Li fang chi says: "When a ruler visits his subject he ascends by the eastern steps, to show that [the subject] dares not consider the house to be his own [on that occasion]" Li chi chu shu, 51.24b; C. II. 419, where the text is more elaborate. The quotation occurs verbatim, however, in ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng (C. I. 580, L. I. 421).. The Li yün says: "When the Son of Heaven visits a Feudal Lord he must be lodged in the ancestral temple" Li chi chu shu, 21.23b; C. I. 511..

 134---THE THREE DUCAL MINISTERS PARTLY REMAIN AT THE CAPITAL AND PARTLY ACCOMPANY THE SON OF HEAVEN (III A. 6b).

When the King leaves [the Royal Domain for a Tour of In- spection] one Ducal Minister remains with his retinue to guard [the capital] while two Ducal Ministers accompany him with their retinues.

 135---RETURNING THE CORPSE TO THE CAPITAL WHEN THE KING DIES ON HIS WAY (III A. 6b).

a.Why is it that when the King dies on his way during a Tour of Inspection his corpse is returned [to the capital] to be buried? It is because his Heir should act as chief-mourner when all under Heaven gather to partake in the funeral-ceremonies in the capital, which is the centre of the four quarters. b.This being so, why was Shun buried at Ts'ang-wu, and Yü at Kuei-chi? For Ts'ang-wu see M.H. I. 91, for Kuei-chi see ibid. 162, 171. At that time [the customs were] still primitive, so that they were buried on the spot where they had died. It was not deemed necessary to cause the trouble and fuss [connected with the returning of the corpse to the capital].

136---A TOUR OF INSPECTION ONLY TAKES PLACE AFTER GENERAL PEACE HAS BEEN RESTORED (III A. 7a).

Why is it that only after general peace [has been restored] the King makes a Tour of Inspection? When a King has just established himself his time is still pressed, his spiritual reforming [influence] has not yet [had the opportunity to] spread, the con- tentions have not yet ceased, the nearer regions are not yet [pro- perly] administered, and the distant regions are not yet pacified. Therefore [he waits until] general peace [has been restored before he goes on] a Tour of Inspection. How do we know that a Tour of Inspection is only made after general peace [has been restored]? Because King Wu did not make such a tour, and it was only with King Ch' êng that a Tour of Inspection was performed Against this opinion are the Tso chuan, Hsüan 17 (L. 315), the Preface to the Shu ching (L. 8), the Shih chi (4.10a; M.H. I. 288), Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on Ode 273 (Mao shih chu shu, 26.24b), Ch' ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 26.14). K'ung Ying-ta says that although peace and order have not yet been restored a Tour of Inspection is allowed, but not the f êng- and shan-sacrifices (Mao shih chu shu, 26.23b)..

 137---THE FIVE MOUNTAIN-PEAKS AND THE FOUR STREAMS (III A. 7a-b).

a.What does yo 'peak' mean? Yo means cho 'to examine' .; to examine one's merits and spiritual power. b.Why is [the mountain-peak in] the east called Tai-tsung .? It means that it is in the east that the ten thousand things receive their transformation, and 'replace each other' hsiang-tai . Cf. Vol. I, p. 326, n. 300, and p. 331, n. 318.. Why is [the mountain-peak in] the south called Ho-shan? Ho means hu 'to protect' ; see Gr. Ser. nos. 775a and 784k. Instead of the Ho-shan, the H êng-shan is given for the south in the F êng su t'ung i, 10. 1b, where also Ho-shan is simply taken to be another name for H êng-shan.. It means that the elder yang holds sway, and protects and nourishes the ten thousand things. Why is [the mountain-peak in] the west called Hua-shan? Hua means huo 'to harvest' .. It means that the ten thousand things, having attained ripeness, may be harvested. Why is [the mountain-peak in] the north called H êng-shan? H êng means ch'ang 'constant' .. The ten thousand things lie hidden in the northern region, and enjoy a constant [rest]. Why is [the mountain-peak in] the centre called Sung-kao .? Sung means that its height is great. Therefore the Shang shu ta chuan says: "By the Five Mountain-peaks are meant the Mounts of Tai, Ho, Hua, H êng, and Sung". c.What does tu mean? Tu means cho 'impure' .. The muddy impurities of the Middle State, coming from the sources, are drained eastwards into the sea. The service [of the rivers] is appa- rent and great, therefore they are called tu 'streams'. The Erh ya says: "The Chiang, the Ho, the Huai, and the Chi form the Four Streams" Erh ya chu shu, Shih shui, 7.14b. At present the Huai and the Chi no longer enter the sea..

XX. EXAMINATION AND DEGRADATION 138---GENERAL REMARKS (III A. 8a).

Why is it that the Feudal Lords are [regularly] examined and [promoted or] degraded [according to their merits]? The King therewith encourages the worthy and restrains the wicked, which is the highest degree of care for the people. The Shang shu says: "Every three years there was an examination of merits, and after three examinations there was [the process of] degrading and pro- moting" Shang. shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.32b; L. 50. The Shang shu text continues: . Some texts punctuate after , so the Shang shu ta chuan 1.8b, the Han shu, Biogr. of Ku Jung, 85.4a; other texts punctuate, like the Po hu t'ung, before , so Han shu, Biogr. of Li Hsün, 75.28b, the Shih chi, 1.27b (M.H. I. 88; the Shih chi paraphrases: ). The difference of meaning in both readings is only slight..

 139---THE NINE DISTINCTIONS (III A. 8a-10b).

a.The Li shuo [mentions] nine distinctions: Carriage and Horses, Robes and Garments, Musical Instruments, Vermillion Doors, Inside Staircases, [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, Ceremonial- and Battle-axes, Bows and Arrows, and Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor, which each are conferred according to the spiritual power displayed From the Li wei han w ên chia, acc. to the sub-comm. in Kung yang chu shu Chuang 1, 6.6b-7a. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 25. Lu suggests the reading instead of .. b.Those who are able to comfort the people are granted Carriage and Horses; those who are able to enrich the people are granted Robes and Garments; those who are able to keep the people in harmony are granted Musical Instruments; those who have made their population numerous are granted Vermillion Doors; those who are able to promote the capable are granted Inside Staircases; those who are able to restrain the wicked are granted [Gentle- men as] Rapid as Tigers; those who are able to punish the culpable are granted Ceremonial- and Battle-axes; those who are able to chastise the unprincipled are granted Bows and Arrows; and those whose filial conduct is perfect are granted the Black Millet Herb- flavoured Liquor Cf. Vol. I, p. 27.. c.As to the relative importance [of the distinctions], and the order of their bestowal, there is of course no overlapping, neither is it invertible. [For] it is only after the people have been comforted that wealth and sufficiency can be reached; only after wealth and sufficiency have been reached that they can have enjoyment; and only after they have relished enjoyment that they can be numer- ous and worthies can be abundantly produced. When there is an abundance of worthies the capable can be promoted; when the capable have been promoted the wicked can be restrained; when the wicked have been restrained sentences and punishments can [be dealt out. Thus,] inside, one corrects oneself, and, outside, one corrects others. When one's inside and outside conduct is perfect the filial Way is born. d.Those who are able to comfort the people are granted Carriage and Horses, so that their merit and spiritual power be made illustrious and their bodies may enjoy comfort. e.Those who are able to lead the people to wealth and sufficiency, showing in their clothes and food and in the full granaries, are granted Robes and Garments to adorn their bodies. f.Those who are able to lead the people to harmony and happiness are granted Musical Instruments, to use in their sacrifices to the ancestors. The Li says: "Those who have been granted Musical [Instruments] are allowed, in time with the King's music, to sacrifice in their ancestral temple" The quotation cannot be identified.. g.Vermillion is the richest colour; the door [is used] to take the census. Therefore those who have increased [the number of the people] are granted the Vermillion Door. h.Formerly, when the Lord of men degraded a worthy, it was ritually done by decreasing [the number of the steps of] his staircase by one step. Therefore the promotion of a worthy is done by granting him Inside Staircases as a [form of] distinction. i.Since those who are able to promote the capable should [also] be able to restrain the wicked they are granted [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, that they may be prepared against unforeseen events and check evil. j.Those who [have to] check evil must [have the means to] sen- tence and punish; therefore they are granted Ceremonial- and Battle-axes, that with these Ceremonial- and Battle-axes they [may be able to] sentence capital offences. k.When the penal code has been established it is possible to chastise the unprincipled; therefore Bows and Arrows are granted to chastise the unprincipled, and punish those who do not adhere to the Way. l.The Libation-cup and the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor belong to the exquisite ritual [objects] of the ancestral temple. Therefore those whose filial conduct is perfect are granted the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor to make extremely manifest their piety. When one's filial behaviour is pure and perfect then at home one attains harmony, and out-doors one attains glory. m.Jade symbolizes spiritual power, gold represents [a virtuous] nature. The perfumes [of the liquor] rise upwards, and enter into communication with the spirits. Jade adorns the handle [of the libation-cup and indicates] the inner nature of the Noble Man; gold adorns the inside [of the ladle and indicates] the behaviour of the Noble Man. [It means that] the Noble Man's inside is yellow [as gold], that his behaviour is in communication with the right principle, and that he has embellished and purified his spiritual power. Gold is the acme of refinement and harmony. Jade is the acme of spiritual power and beauty. The Herb-flavoured Liquor is the acme of fragrance. The Noble Man who is in possession of a Jade Libation-cup with Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor [has been granted them] to match the spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way; he has then reached [his per- fection] indeed. He has united what is most beautiful in all under Heaven, so as to enter into communication with their ambitions. How should it only be [a case of] Libation-cup and Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor [as objects for use]? n.Of the carriages it is said that they have a red or a green small dais (Hung I-hsüan, o.c. 16.16b)., and vermillion wheels. A male bear sejant is [pictured] in front, on the left and the right are deer couchants. o.Those who in their application for office and in their resignation from it observe the rules of decorum, and in their deportment the rules of self-restraint, are granted Carriage and Horses to replace their going on foot. Those whose speech has attained a perfect polishment, and whose conduct has become a standard, are granted Robes and Garments to make manifest their spiritual power. Those who have distinguished themselves in their teachings and exhortations, and harbour the highest [feelings of] consideration for others, are granted Musical Instruments to reform their people. Those whose abodes are well ordered, and in whose apartments there is no promiscuity, are granted the Vermillion Door to make known their [sense of] discrimination. Those who honour the worthy, promote those who have spiritual power, and in their bearing follow the ritual [rules], are granted Inner Staircases to ease their bodies. Those who by their courage are resolute and audacious, and whose adherence to principles is strong and unyielding, are granted [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, that they may prepare themselves against extraordinary events. Those who are able to rouse themselves to martiality, and whose mind is always alert and watchful, are granted Battle-axes, and given the right to execute on their own initiative. Those who harbour [feelings of] consideration for others and [possess] spiritual power, and who unflinchingly hold fast to principles, are granted Bows and Arrows, and given the right to start a punitive expedition on their own initiative. Those who serve their parents with filial piety and love are granted the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor to enable them [to perfect] their sacrifices Cf. Vol. I, p. 26, n. 119, and p. 29, n. 122.. Therefore the Wang chih says: "When Bows and Arrows are conferred [on a Feudal Lord] he can inflict death of his own accord" Li chi chu shu, 12.2a; C. I. 280, where the wording is slightly different.; further it says: "When a Jade Libation-cup is conferred he can make the Herb-flavoured Liquor [for himself]; when he is not granted [the Libation-cup] he has to receive the material for the liquor from the Son of Heaven" Ibid.. p.The Wang tu chi says: "The Son of Heaven [uses for the making of the liquor] the ch'ang, a Feudal Lord the hsün, a great officer the lan-chih, a common officer the hsiao, and the common man the ai [-plant]" ch'ang , hsün , lan-chih (Ch' ên, 7.4b), hsiao (ibid.), ai , all odoriferous plants, belonging to the Artemisia species.. q.The three grades [of distinctions]: Carriage and Horses, Robes and Garments, and Musical Instruments, are conferred together with the objects. r.The Li [says]: "When the Son of Heaven confers upon a Feudal Lord Carriage and Garments the coach is set out first, then behind it are the steeds, four in number" I li chu shu, Chin li, 10.15a-b; C. 379.. Further it says: "The Ducal Ministers present the garments in a basket [to the Feudal Lords]" Ibid. Both Couvreur and Steele (II. 5) take to refer to one person. I have followed Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. o.c. 16a.. s.The Wang chih says: "When the Son of Heaven grants Musical Instruments to a Feudal Lord the presentation is made by the handing over of the chu" Li chi chu shu, 12.2a; C. I. 279. For the chu , the instrument used to start the orchestra, cf. ch. VI, n. 122.. The Shih says: "The Noble Men are coming to court. What will they be given? Although there is no- thing to give them there are state carriages and teams of horses. What is further to be given them? Black ceremonial robes and embroidered garments" Ode 222: Mao shih chu shu, 22.3b; L. 401; K. 16.252.. The Shu says: "[The Feudal Lords were] clearly examined as to their works, and [were rewarded with] Carriages and Garments for use" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.11a; L. 37.. t.The Vermillion Door, the Inner Staircases, and the [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers are granted as institutions, while the Cere- monial- and Battle-axes, the Bows and Arrows, and the Jade Libation-cup are granted as objects. In each [of the cases the form of the grant] follows the nature [of the objects]. u.The chü is black millet with two grains contained in one husk. The ch'ang is a concoction [made of a] mixture with the yü-chin the most odorous of all plants; they make [together] the ch'ang [-wine] . Mao's comm. on Ode 262 gives the following ex- planation: "Chü is the black millet, ch'ang is a fragant plant whose 'leaves' (, see Ch êng Hsüan's comm. in Chou li chu shu, 19.22b) are boiled together [with the millet] and condensed (, K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. in Mao shih chu shu, 25.89b), [the concoction is then] called ch'ang" (Mao shih chu shu, 25.88b). Ch êng Hsüan's comm. (l.c.) says that chü-ch'ang is wine made from black millet, and called ch'ang because the fragrant vapours 'rise upwards' t'iao-ch'ang . He further (Chou li chu shu, 19.25a and 22b) distinguishes between the chü-ch'ang wine, which does not contain the yü (or any other odorous) plant, and the yü-ch'ang, which contains it. For other opinions see K'ung Ying- ta, l.c., Chia Kung-yen in Chou li chu shu, l.c., Ch' ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 25.79; cf. also Bretschneider, Botanicon Sinicum II. 157 and 231, Biot's transl. of the Chou li, I. 468, note.. The yang [-elements of it] rise to the walls and roofs, the yin [-elements] enter the deep springs, moistening the earth and causing the spirits to descend Cf. the somewhat similar passage in ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi, C. I. 612; L. I. 443.. v.Yü-tsan , i.e. 'Jade Libation-cup'. is the name of a vessel. It is the vessel with which to pour out the ch'ang [-wine]. The handle is adorned with a jade plaque. The liquor is poured out [with this cup] because the in- fluence of jade is highly esteemed.

140---THE MEANING OF PROMOTION AND DEGRADATION AFTER THREE EXAMINATIONS (III A. 11a-12b).

a.Why is it that once in three years an examination of merits is held? [A period of] three years forms a complete [cycle], therefore within this period the meritorious are rewarded and the unde- serving degraded. The Shang shu says: "Every three years there was an examination of merits, and after three examinations there was [the process of] degrading and promoting" See n. 1.. b.How do we know that at the first examination [the undeserving are already] degraded? The Shang shu says: "After three years there was an examination, and minor degradations [consisting in diminution] of land [were applied to the undeserving]" This quotation does not occur in the present Shang shu.. The statement in the Shu that "after three examinations there was [the process of] degrading and promoting" means that [the promotion and degradation with respect to] rank are different from [those with respect to] land. c.In small states, after the [first] examination, the meritorious receive an addition of land and a promotion in rank; at the next examination the undeserving are stripped [of part of their ter- ritory] and degraded [in rank]; at the third examination the meritorious are promoted and granted distinctions. d.[Holders of fiefs of] fifty li square, while promoted in rank and receiving an addition of land, shall not be granted more than five distinctions; [holders of fiefs of] seventy li square, while promoted in rank and receiving an addition of land, shall not be granted more than seven distinctions. As there is [a distinction between] small and great with respect to ability, so there is [a distinction between the ways of] promoting and degrading with respect to [the judge- ment of] behaviour. e.One opinion says: He who for his abundant spiritual power is enfeoffed as the first [of his line] with [a territory of] one hundred li [square] is granted the third set [of three distinctions], and the right to start a punitive expedition, to execute on his own judge- ment, and to pronounce sentences of incarceration. An Earl who as the first [of his line] is enfeoffed with [a territory of] seventy li [square] is granted the second set [of three distinctions] up to one hundred [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers. When afterwards he achieves merit he is granted Bows and Arrows, and when again he achieves merit he is given the Black Millet Herb-flavoured Liquor, while he is promoted to the rank of Marquis, and his ter- ritory is increased to one hundred li. When he again achieves merit he is called to court to act as [one of] the Three Ducal Ministers. A Viscount or a Baron who as the first [of his line] is enfeoffed with [a territory of] fifty li [square] is granted the first set [of three distinctions] up to Musical Instruments. When he achieves merit he receives gradually additional distinctions . up to the [Gentlemen as] Rapid as Tigers, and is raised to the rank of Earl. When he again achieves merit he is granted the Black Millet Herb- flavoured Liquor, and is promoted to the rank of Marquis. Those who have not been granted Ceremonial- and Battle-axes are, in questions of execution and imprisonment, subordinated to the 'heads of a union of ten states' lien-shuai See ch. VII, par. 55a. or to the Regional Chiefs. f.A King who has received the mandate [of Heaven], being a ruler who has brought about general peace, holds the merits of all his subjects, high and low, in high esteem, therefore he gives out as many fiefs as he can: those who have assisted him to esta- blish [his own Dynasty] and to depose [the previous Dynasty] are all enfeoffed as a reward for their important work. g.A common officer who has abundant spiritual power is also enfeoffed, as a token of honour to those who have spiritual power. Those who are enfeoffed on account of their spiritual power must first be tested as holders of sub-fiefs. When after three years they prove to be meritorious they receive fiefs of fifty li. h.A common officer of the Son of Heaven yüan-shih, cf. Vol. I, p. 278, n. 78. who has achieved merit also receives a sub-fief, while his position is made hereditary. i.A great officer who has achieved merit should be dropped before (Liu, 73.4a). receives a fief of fifty li, a Minister a fief of seventy li, a Ducal Minister a fief of one hundred li. j.A common officer who has displayed spiritual power is promoted to the rank of great officer, a great officer who has displayed spiritual power is promoted to the rank of Minister, and a Minister who has displayed spiritual power is promoted to the rank of Ducal Minister. k.So ranks are bestowed on account of spiritual power displayed, and fiefs are given on account of merit achieved. l.Why is it that the Nine Distinctions granted to a Feudal Lord are not hereditary should be read (Lu).? Because it is as yet unknown whether the son will show ability or not. m.Another opinion is: They are [hereditary], but it is not allowed to apply those connected with autonomous authority. Only when after three years [the son has] achieved merit has he the right to use all [the prerogatives attached to the distinctions]. If after two examinations [the son] fails to distinguish himself he is de- prived of his land and naturally also of his [inherited] distinctions should be (Lu).. It indicates that he has not acquired [the land and the distinctions] by his own personal [merits. In the case of] those who have ac- quired them by their own personal [merits] they are left their distinctions, but their rank and land has been added by Lu. are reduced by degrees to enfeoff other worthies therewith. n.If [one of] the Three Ducal Ministers who has achieved merit and is entitled to a fief dies, his son may be set up as the holder of a sub-fief. [He is considered to possess] the same abilities as his worthy [father], and will not turn out to be disgraceful inst. of (Liu, 73.4b).. o.A Marquis [with a territory] of one hundred li becomes a Marquis [with a territory] of seventy li at the first degradation; he becomes an Earl [with a territory] of seventy li at the second degradation; at the third degradation he becomes a 'refugee prince' chi-kung, i.e. a Lord who has lost his territories (I li, C. 407).. p.An Earl [with a territory] of seventy li becomes an Earl [with a territory] of fifty li at the first degradation; he becomes a Vis- count [with a territory] of fifty li at the second degradation; at the third degradation his land is completely [taken from him]. q.A Viscount [with a territory] of fifty li becomes a Viscount [with a territory] of thirty li; he becomes a Baron [with a territory] of thirty li at the second degradation; at the third degradation his land is completely [taken from him]. r.A Baron [with a territory] of fifty li becomes a Baron [with a territory] of thirty li at the first degradation; he becomes a holder of a sub-fief of thirty li at the second degradation; at the third degradation his rank is completely [taken from him]. s.Why is it with the third degradation [that the extreme measure is taken]? The rites have their completion with three. When after three [examinations] one has not improved even one hundred inst. of (Liu, 73.4b). [examinations] will be useless. The Shang shu says: "After three examinations there was [the process of] degrading and promoting" See n. 1.. t.Why is first the land reduced, and afterwards the rank? Rank is an appellation of honour, land is that for which a man bears responsibility. If, now, he is not able to govern a territory and a population of some magnitude [properly] he is first deprived of [a part of] his territory. Therefore the Wang chih says: "When there has been neglect of [the proper order of the sacrifices in] the ancestral temple the [neglectful Feudal] Lord is reduced in rank; when the spirits of the hills and streams have not received attention he is deprived of [a part of his territory]" Li chi chu shu, 11.34a; C. I. 276, where the text is more elaborate, and the order of the statements is reversed. Cf. also ch. XIX, par. 128d. The quotation is not particularly relevant.. It means that rank and territory are not [necessarily] connected. u.Another opinion is: Evil people are greedy and covetous . Hung I-hsüan (o.c. 16.17a) suggests the reading , which means the same., they value [the possession of] land. Therefore they are first de- prived of the thing they value, so as to frighten them. v.Why [are, in the case of] a Feudal Lord who is enfeoffed as the first [of his line], rank and territory connected with each other? The Noble Man emphasizes [the importance of] spiritual power, and is sparing with punishments. Should there be any doubt Lu mentions the reading of inst. of , in which case the translation would be: "In the bestowing of rewards he should follow what he emphasizes." as to the giving of a reward [or the nflicting of a punishment] he follows what he emphasizes. The Shih says: "The King says: My Uncle, I will set up thy eldest son, and make him Lord of Lu" Ode 300: Mao shih chu shu, 29.25a; L. 623; K. 17. 96. Cf. ch. VII, n. 71..

141---THE DEPOSAL OF A FEUDAL LORD (III A. 12b-13b).

a.Why is it that the ruler [of a state], when he is [still] young and weak, is only examined [but is] not [subject to] degradation? The Noble Man does not fully hold a youth responsible. The Li [says: "A man of] eighty or ninety is called a mao, [a youth of] seven is called a tao" . Li chi chu shu, Ch'ü li, 1.12a; C. I. 9.. Neither a mao nor a tao, though they have committed a crime, are subjected to punishment. b.Why are the descendants of [the Kings of] the two [previous] Dynasties not deprived of [all] their ranks? They are honoured as guests, which is [an expression of] piety towards the former Kings [,their ancestors], and are ranked above the [other] Dukes The title of 'Duke' kung was given to some holders of a fief of 100 li, to the 'Ducal Ministers', and to the descendants of the last two Dynasties.. c.If [,however,] they commit crimes which are such that they should be cut off then they are cut off, but a successor is set up. [So] the Duke of Chou executed Lu-fu, and set up the Viscount of Wei [as his successor] Lu-fu or Wu-k êng was the descendant of the last Yin Sovereign (cf. M.H. I. 207, n. 4). The Viscount of Wei was an elder brother of this Sovereign, and the first holder of the fief of Sung; he passed for the first ancestor of Confucius (M.H. IV. 214ff.; V. 284, n. 2).. d.Why is it that [in the case of a Lord having committed a crime] the parents of his wife are not deprived of their territory while his brothers, though their lands are taken from them, are not degraded? Because it was not on account of their worthiness and ability that they had received [their ranks and lands] But on account of their being relatives of the King.. As to the very old and the very young, their great officers should only bear the brunt. e.Why is it that a Feudal Lord, though he is mute or deaf or lame or a cripple or suffers from a loathsome disease, is not de- posed? Out of piety towards the Lord of men. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[On the days] chia-hsü and chi-ch'ou the Marquis of Ch' ên, Pao, died". The Chuan says: "On the day chia-hsü he disappeared, on the day chi-ch'ou he was found dead" Kung yang chu shu, Huan 5, 4.19a.. [The Marquis] was suffering from mental derangement; he wandered away, was lost, and died. He had [then] not yet been deposed. f.Why is the Generation-son, when he is suffering from a loathsome disease, excluded [from the succession]? Because he will not be able to serve his ancestors. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Why had not [Ch ê,] the eldest brother [of the Marquis of Wei,] been set up [as Marquis]? He was suffering from a disease. What kind of disease? A loathsome disease" Ibid., Chao 20, 23.17a. The Tso chuan (Chao 7; L. 619) gives as the reason for Ch ê being passed over that he was feeble in walking, and so must remain at home..

XXI. WHOM THE KING DOES NOT CONSIDER HIS SUBJECTS 142---THE THREE GROUPS OF PERSONS NOT CONSIDERED AS THE KING'S SUBJECTS (III A. 13b-14a).

a.Who constitute the three [groups of persons] whom the King does not consider his subjects? They are the descendants of the [Kings of the] two [previous] Dynasties, the parents of his wife, and the barbarian tribes These three groups are called san-k'o. There are three series of the san-k'o: the first consists of the descendants of the two previous Dynasties and the descendants of Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun; the second consists of the de- scendants of the two previous Dynasties and one Dynasty preceding them; the third series is the one expounded by the Po hu t'ung, which also occurs in the Hsiao ching kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58.34b). Cf. the T'ung tien, ch. 74, p. 406, and K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Tso chuan, Hsiang 25 (Tso chuan chu shu, 36.14b).. b.He does not consider the descendants of the [Kings of the] two [previous] Dynasties as his subjects, to honour the former Kings, and because [with these two Dynasties] he represents the 'Three Reigns' san-t'ung. see ch. XXVII, par. 176a. to all under Heaven. The Shih says: "There is a guest, there is a guest, white are his horses" Ode 284: Mao shih chu shu, 27.26a; L. 592; K. 17.91.. This refers to the Viscount of Wei paying a court-visit to [the King of] Chou The Viscount of Wei was the descendant of the Yin Dynasty.. The Shang shu says: "The guest [of Shun] of Yü was in his seat" Shang shu chu shu, I chi, 4.16b; L. 87. For Tan-chu being treated as a guest, cf. M.H. I. 92, n. 4.. This refers to Tan-chu [,the son of Yao, Shun's predecessor], who was not treated as a subject [by Shun]. c.Why [does the King] not consider the parents of his wife his subjects? His wife forms one body with him. [Her task is] rever- ently to assist in the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, and to strive at satisfying his desire; so, above, she is in connection with his ancestors, and below, she continues, in endless succession, his line to ten thousand generations. Therefore [her parents are] not considered [the King's] subjects. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "Chi- chiang [,daughter of the Marquis] of Chi, went as bride to the capital" Huan 9. She is here mentioned by her personal name.. The relation between parents and daughter is such that, even if she becomes the Queen, her dignity does not affect [her attitude towards] her parents This sentence seems to be a combination of a statement of the Kung yang chuan and that of Ho Hsiu (cf. Vol. I, p. 58).. [Thus] we know that the King [,her Consort,] does not consider them his subjects [either]. Again [the Ch'un ch'iu] condemns [the fact that the Lords of the state of] Sung during three generations have taken their wives [from among the daughters of the great officers] within their [own] state, which means that [these great officers are] no [longer their] subjects See Hsi 25 and Ho Hsiu's comm. on it (Kung yang chu shu, 12.6a). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 353, n. 497.. d.The barbarian tribes live in regions far from the Middle State, and have different customs; they have not been bred in an at- mosphere of harmony and restraint, neither are they susceptible to the reforming influences of the ritual rules; therefore they are not considered to be [the King's] subjects. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When barbarians deceive each other the Noble Man [Con- fucius] does not criticize them" Kung yang chu shu, Chao 16, 23.9b.. The Shang shu ta chuan says: "Those to whom [the principle of changing] the first day of the first month does not apply are not considered the Sovereign's subjects".

143---THE FIVE GROUPS OF PERSONS WHO TEMPORARILY ARE NOT CONSIDERED SUBJECTS (III A. 14a-b).

a.There are five [groups of persons] whom the King temporarily does not consider his subjects. They are: the impersonator of his deceased [father] at a sacrifice, the teacher from whom he receives tuition, the general in the field, the san-lao, and the wu-k êng For the san-lao and the wu-k êng see ch. XIII, par. 113.. b.The impersonator of the deceased [father] at a sacrifice is not considered a subject because during [the time of his function] he is identical with the exalted [deceased] Cf. ch. Chi t'ung of the Li chi (C. II. 335; L. II. 245).. The teacher from whom he receives tuition is not considered a subject, out of rever- ence for the teacher, in order to emphasize the importance of the Way, and from the desire to cause him to explain exhaustively the design of Heaven and Man. Therefore the Li hsüeh chi says: "He who functions as one's teacher is not considered one's subject, neither is he who functions as impersonator of one's deceased [father]" Li chi chu shu, 36.15b; C. II. 39.. c.The general in the field is not considered a subject, out of con- sideration for the officers and soldiers, who act as champions for the state. As state[-affairs] may not be managed from without, so [the affairs of] war may not be conducted from within. It is desirable that the authority [of the general] should be complete, and his command unified. According to the doctrine of the Ch'un ch'iu [the general of] an army [in the field] is not to be called an envoy, which means that he is not considered a subject Cf. ch. X, par. 87.. d.The san-lao and the wu-k êng are not considered subjects be- cause [the King] wishes to induce all under Heaven to behave [towards elders] like sons or younger brothers. The Li says: "[The Son of Heaven] serves the san-lao like a father, and the wu-k êng like an elder brother" The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. ch. XIII, n. 22..

144---THE FEUDAL LORDS ARE NOT ORDINARY SUBJECTS (III A. 14b).

Why does the King not consider the Feudal Lords as ordinary subjects? He respects and honours them as holders of fiefs which can be passed on to their sons and grandsons, and as hereditary Lords who rule with their faces turned to the south. Their treat- ment as no [ordinary] subjects is different from that of subjects in general: at the spring-audience ch'ao, see ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. I. 91-92) and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on it (Li chi chu shu, 5.5a). Also Chou li chu shu, 37.1b. [the Son of Heaven] receives them in the space between the door and the door-screen or or chu, see K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. o.c. 5.6b, Erh ya chu shu, Shih kung, 4.6b, Mao's chuan in Mao shih chu shu, 8.6a, and Shih mao shih chuan shu, 8.93.; at the autumn-audience chin, cf. n. 15. they are received at the eastern steps tsu-chieh.; they ascend and descend by the western steps; the hall-torch t'ing-liao, cf. Mao, Ch êng Hsüan, and K'ung Ying-ta in Mao shih chu shu, 18.5b-6a, and Chou li chu shu, 36.8b (B. II. 381). is [then] lit, and they are feasted according to the 'ceremonial of the Nine Guests' chiu-pin or chiu-i, i.e. the five nobilities and the four official ranks, see Chou li chu shu, 37.5a; B. II. 397., after which they return [to their own states]. This is [a] different [treatment] from [that of ordinary] subjects The opinion that Feudal Lords are not considered as ordinary subjects is also held by Ho Hsiu (his comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1, 1.20b) and Ch êng Hsüan (his comm. on Ode 276 in Mao shih chu shu, 27.1b). Ho Hsiu says that the Son of Heaven addresses them with the terms po-chiu 'mother's elder brother' and shu-chiu 'mother's younger brother' when they have a different surname from the King's, and with po-fu 'father's elder brother' and shu-fu 'father's younger brother' when they have the same surname..

 145---PATERNAL UNCLES AND BROTHERS ARE NOT CONSIDERED SUB- JECTS (III A. 14b).

Why does a Lord who has been enfeoffed as the first [of his line] not consider his paternal uncles and his brothers as his sub- jects? He cannot bear to treat them as such on account of his spiritual power having [only] proved efficient the day before. There- fore the Li fu chuan says: "The son of a Lord who has been en- feoffed [as the first of his line] does not consider his paternal uncles his subjects [but only his brothers]; the grandson of such a Lord considers all of them his subjects" I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.61b; C. 420..

 146---IS A SON ALLOWED TO BE HIS FATHER'S MINISTER? (III A. 14b-15a).

a.The Li fu chuan says: "A son may act as a Minister to his father on account of the principle of not neglecting the capable" The quotation is not to be found in the present ch. Sang fu of the I li.. The Shih says: "When [King] W ên and [King] Wu held their mandates the Duke of Shao acted as their support" Ode 262: Mao shih chu shu, 25.87b; L. 554; K. 17.85.. The Duke of Shao was King W ên's son This is also said by Wang Ch'ung in his Lun h êng (Forke I. 316). The Shih chi (M.H. IV. 133) only says that the Duke of Shao had the same clan-name as the Chou.. b.The Chuan [on the contrary] says: "A son may not act as a Minister to his father, for [it is essential that] within the women's doors peace be maintained, and at court reverence be observed. Man cannot avoid committing errors and violating principles out of feelings of love" The quotation cannot be identified..

147---MAY A MINISTER OF THE KING BE EMPLOYED BY A FEUDAL LORD? (III A. 15a).

a.A Minister of the King may not be employed as a Minister by a Feudal Lord because he is of the same dignity as the Feudal Lord. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "A refugee-prince is not to be treated as a subject should probably be , cf. ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi (C. I. 583). [by a Feudal Lord], he should be treated according to [the rank which he had] before" In this form the quotation does not occur in the Kung yang chuan, where, under Huan 7, the statement reads: "The high position [of a refugee-prince] will not be retained by his descendants [but he himself] should be treated ac- cording to [the rank which he had] before" (Kung yang chu shu, 5.2a). Cf. also Ho Hsiu's comm. on Yin 4: "A Lord who has faced south cannot by the virtue of his authority be degraded again to [the position of] a subject" (o.c. 2.18a).. b.Another opinion is: A Minister of the King may be employed as a Minister by a Feudal Lord when in a degenerate age the Over- lord, misunderstanding the worthy, discharges him without guilt, so that the Way is not put into practise and the Hundred Clans do not know to whom to apply. [In this case] he is allowed to be- come a Minister to a Feudal Lord, in order to put the Way into practise. The I says: "He serves neither King nor Feudal Lord" Chou i chu shu, Ku kua, 4.16b; L. 96.. This statement refers to a retired Minister of the King. The state- ment that he does not serve the King is evident. The reference to the Feudal Lord means that if he is still young he may enter the service of a Feudal Lord.

148---FIVE GROUPS OF PERSONS NOT TO BE ADDRESSED BY THEIR PERSONAL NAME (III A. 15a-16a).

a.Of the King's subjects there are five [groups of persons] who are not addressed by their personal name This is in conformity with Ho Hsiu's comm. on Huan 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 4.18a).. b.The old Ministers of the previous Kings are not addressed by their personal name: they have, in close relation with their Sovereigns, given their strength in the government of the state, and have shared with them their service to all under Heaven. Therefore, out of respect [for them], they are not addressed by their personal name. The Shang shu says: "[Shun said:] Ah, thou, [my] Uncle". The personal name [I] is not used [here] Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.28b; L. 47. Po 'Uncle' is here used as a term of respect (cf. Kung yang chu shu, 4.17b, Ho Hsiu's comm.), and does not mean 'Baron' as Legge translates. In the Shih chi the quotation occurs with the name I, thus Po I (M.H. I. 85), in which Po is taken as the first part of the proper name. Acc. to Sun Hsing-yen the Shih chi quotation is in the ku-w ên version, that of the Po hu t'ung in the chin-w ên version (Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 1.51-52). Cf. also ch. XXXIII, par. 206b.. c.Great officers of the first rank , supplied by Ch' ên, 7.16b. are not addressed by their per- sonal name [by the King], out of esteem for the worthy who may, in combination with him, complete the work and the spiritual power One character is redundant (ibid.). of his ancestors for the benefit of the Hundred Clans. The Ch'un ch'iu [speaks of] Shan-po without using the personal name. The Chuan says: "This was our [,the state of Lu's,] great officer who had been nominated by the Son of Heaven" Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 1, 6.4a. Shan-po was his 'style' (Ho Hsiu's comm.). Fan Ning's comm. in Ku liang chu shu, 5.2a, says that Shan was his clan-name, and Po his 'style'.. d.A common officer who possesses spiritual power in abundance is not addressed by his personal name, to honour his worthiness Cf. the M êng tzü, Va. 4 (L. 351).. The Ch'un ch'iu speaks of 'the Duke's younger brother Shu-hsi' Hsüan 17. Shu-hsi was his 'style'. At Hsüan's usurpation of the throne he retired and lived in poverty (Ho Hsiu's comm. in Kung yang chu shu, 16.25b).. The reason for not addressing a common officer who possesses spiritual power by his personal name is that it is not proper to slight him on account of his [lowly] rank and [small] re- numeration Transferred from the next paragraph by Ch' ên (7.16b).. e.Paternal uncles and elder brothers are not addressed by their personal name on account of their near relation, [they and the speaker] having the same lineal descent. The Shih says: "King [Ch' êng] said [to the Duke of Chou: My] Uncle" Ode 300: Mao shih chu shu, 29.25a; L. 623; K. 17.96. 'Uncle' shu-fu is here father's younger brother, cf. n. 21.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Who is [meant by] Cha, the King's son? It is the denomination of an elder brother by a concubine" Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 15, 16.17b. Cha was his 'style' (Ho Hsiu).. f.Therefore the Han shih nei chuan says: "He who treats his Minister as his teacher [will attain] emperorship, he who treats his Minister as his friend [will attain] kingship, he who treats his Minister as his servant [will attain] hegemony, he who treats his Minister as his slave inst. of (Lu). will perish.

XXII. DIVINATION WITH THE MILFOIL AND THE TORTOISE-SHELL 149---GENERAL REMARKS (III A. 16a).

From the Son of Heaven down to the common officer every one has to practise divination with the milfoil shih. It is not exactly known what this plant was, see Botanicon Sini- cum, II. 246. and the tortoise- shell because in important matters where decisions have to be taken on dubious points one must show that one is not going to act of one's own accord. The Shang shu says: "If thou hast doubts about any great matter consult with thy Minister, consult with the common people, consult the tortoise-shell and the milfoil" Shang shu chu shu, Hung fan, 11. 19a; L. 337. The Shang shu text also contains the statement 'consult with thy [own] heart", here omitted.. "To determine [the issues for] good or evil [of all events] in all under Heaven, to make all under Heaven full of strenuous endeavours, there are no [agencies] better than divination with the milfoil or the tortoise-shell" Apparently a quotation from ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the Chou i (chu shu, 11. 35a; L. 373). The Chou i text, however, has "no greater" instead of "no better"..

 150---THE SIZE OF THE MILFOIL-STALK AND THE TORTOISE-SHELL (III A. 16a-b).

The Li san ch êng chi An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. says: "The Son of Heaven uses a tortoise- shell one foot and two inches long, a Feudal Lord one of one foot, a great officer one of eight inches, a common officer one of six inches". The tortoise [belongs to] the yin, therefore its number is even. [Further it says:] "The Son of Heaven uses milfoil-stalks nine feet long, a Feudal Lord [stalks of] seven feet, a great officer of five feet, a common officer of three feet". The milfoil [belongs to] the yang, therefore its number is odd.

 151---THE MEANING OF DECISIONS IN DUBIOUS AFFAIRS (III A. 16b).

a.Why must [the King] first consult with his Ministers? Because first he should exhaust man's resources. If after deliberations [a solution] cannot be reached, and if after meditations no decision can be made, the milfoil and the tortoise-shell are consulted.

b.Why must a Sage, though, alone among men, he has [the power of] foresight, consult the milfoil and the tortoise-shell? To show that he does not act of his own accord.

c.Another opinion is: The intricacies , which probably should be read . and mysteries [of Heaven's destiny] have neither beginning nor end; they are inaccessible [even] to a Sage, who will be in doubt about them. The Shang shu says: "If thou hast doubts" See n. 2.. This was said of King Wu [,who was a Sage].

 152---THE MEANING OF THE NAMES OF THE MILFOIL AND THE TORTOISE-SHELL (III A. 16b-17a).

a.Why is it that from among the number of dry plants and hard bony material only the milfoil and the tortoise-shell are used [for divination]? They are the longest-living things between Heaven and Earth, therefore they are consulted.

b.Kuei 'tortoise-shell' means chiu 'long-enduring' . Cf. Gr. Ser. nos. 985 and 993: *kiwog/kjwi/kuei and *kiug/ki?u/ kiu.. Shih 'milfoil' means ch'i 'aged' . Ibid. nos. 552q and 1: *śĭbi?r/śi/shï and *g'ĭbinv;εr/g'ji/k'i. The explanation of kuei and shih given by the Po hu t'ung also occurs in the Shu chuan, quoted by the Ch'u hsüeh chi, 30. 29b, the Lun h êng (Forke, I. 182), and Liu Hsiang's I hsi tz'ŭ i (quoted in the sub-comm. on the Ch'ü li, Li chi chu shu, 3. 17b). The latter also adds that by their high ages the tortoise becomes a 'genius' ling, and the milfoil a 'spirit' sh ên (cf. also Legge's transl. of the Book of History, p. 335, note).. [Both objects are associated with] the idea of age and longevity.

c.Why is it that [the divination by means of] the tortoise-shell is called pu, and [that by means of] the milfoil is called shih? Pu means fu 'to be pressed'; [the shell] after being [touched by a] heated [stick] shows fissures. Shih means hsin 'to trust'; the stalks form 'figures' kua Pu , fu , shih , hsin , kua . The explanation does not make much sense. Liu Hsiang (l.c.) explains: "Pu means fu; [it indicates] the state of mind of one who is pressed to come; shih means w ên 'to consult'; [it indicates] the affairs of one who consults the stalks". The Shih shuo , quoted at the same place, explains pu as fu 'to repeat', i.e. fu-sh ên , 'to re-examine', and shih as chüeh , i.e. chüeh-ting 'to decide'.. The Shang shu says: "[The Duke of Chou] divined with the three tortoise-shells" Shang shu chu shu, Chin t' êng, 12.11a; L. 355. This quotation refers to the famous story of the Duke of Chou wishing to sacrifice himself for his sick brother King Wu. Ku Chieh-kang, who has translated the Chin t' êng into modern Chinese, paraphrases this sentence as: "thereupon he ordered the three divin- ators each to consult the three tortoise-shells" (Ku shih pien, II. 69). The Shih chi (M.H. IV. 91) paraphrases: "thereupon he approached [the altars of] the three Kings [T'ai, Chi, and W ên, his ancestors], and consulted the tortoises".. The Li shih kuan ching says: "The divination by means of the milfoil [to find an auspicious day for the capping ceremony] takes place outside the gate of the ancestral temple" I li chu shu, 1. 1a; C. 1, where the text does not contain the word 'outside', which, however, is implied (acc. to Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm.)..

 153---THE PLACE OF THE DIVINATION (III A. 17a).

Why is it that at the divination with the milfoil the drawing of the figures must take place in the ancestral temple? I.e., the figures are first drawn on the ground in the temple and then trans- ferred to a board in the doorway outside the threshold by the recorder of the divination, see the beginning paragraphs of ch. Shih kuan li of the I li, and the note in Steele's transl. I, p. 261. Because, observing the rules attached to one's status, one applies for wis- dom to the most exalted Liu (73. 4b) takes the word 'ancestors' to be superfluous.. Therefore [the stalks are] consulted through the medium of the ancestors.

 154---THE POSITION AT THE DIVINATION (III A. 17a).

What is the place [taken by the divinator] to divine an [auspic- ious] time? [The divinator] takes his place in the west, and faces east; this is his position at the divination with the milfoil. During the divination he turns to the west, after it he turns back, and faces east. His standing in the east and his facing the west when he is consulting the stalks [,as when he is consulting the tortoise- shell,] means that the younger [east] consults the elder [west] Cf. the I li, l.c. (C. 1-2). The divinator first stands facing east to receive the order from the host. Then he turns round and divines facing west. After the divination he turns east again to announce the result of the divination to the host. At the divination with the tortoise-shell the same positions are taken, see ch. Shih sang li of the I li, C. 477-479..

 155---THE CLOTHES WORN AT THE DIVINATION (III A. 17a).

With a cap of white deer-skin and white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist, [thus the divinator] applies [for advice] to the plain material [constituted by the milfoil and the tortoise- shell]. The Li says: "Clad with a cap of white deer-skin and white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist [the divinator] consults the stalks outside the gate of the ancestral temple" The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. ch. Tsa chi of the Li chi (C. II. 122)..

 156---THE NUMBER OF THE DIVINING OFFICERS (III A. 17b).

One opinion says: For the divination the Son of Heaven employs nine men, a Feudal Lord seven, a great officer five, a common officer three. The Shang shu [,however,] says: "Three men are [always] employed at the divination, and the [assenting] words of two of them are to be followed" Shang shu chu shu, Hung fan, 11. 18b; L. 335. This paragraph gives two different opinions concerning the number of divinators employed. The second opinion, based on the Shang shu quotation, is corroborated by the Chou li, ch. Ta pu (B. II. 69) and ch. Shih j ên (B. II. 80), and the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 31 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.25b)..

 157---THE DIVINATION WITH THE TORTOISE-SHELL FOLLOWS AFTER THAT WITH THE MILFOIL (III A. 17b).

Why is it that when by the divination with the milfoil neither a favourable nor an unfavourable indication is to be seen divination with the tortoise-shell is resorted to? The milfoil follows the way of the yang; it has many permutations, and by its permutations [things] come to completion I muss confess that the explanation here offered is not clear to me. In important affairs both methods of divination were employed, first by the milfoil, then by the tortoise-shell, the latter being decisive (see comm. and sub-comm. ch. Chan j ên, Chou li chu shu, 24. 26a-b)..

 158---THE SCORCHING OF THE TORTOISE-SHELL (III A. 17b).

a.Why is the tortoise-shell scorched with a heated thorn-stick? For a description of how in this way cracks are made on the shell see the Chou li, ch. Chui j ên (B. II. 77) and the I li, ch. Shih sang li (C. 477 ff). The Li tsa chi says: "The tortoise is the oldest among [the things belonging to] the yin, the milfoil is the oldest among [the things belonging to] the yang. Without water the dragon knows not where to dwell, without fire the tortoise cannot foretell" The quotation does not occur in the present Li chi. The Ta tai li chi, ch. Ts êng tzŭ t'ien yüan, 5. 8b; Wi. 130, contains the statement: "Without wind the dragon cannot fly, without fire the tortoise cannot fortell; in both cases it is the cooperation of the yin and the yang" (Wilhelm translates: "das sind die Berührungen der lichten und dunklen Kraft"). The Kuan tzŭ, ch. Shui ti, 39.75 says: "The tortoise lives in water, and manifests itself by fire.". It is the yang putting the yin into motion. A thorn-stick must be used. ....... The text reads: . The meaning of this sentence is declared by Lu to be wei-hsiang 'unclear'. Ch' ên (7. 21a-b) suggests the reading: , in which he takes chiu-yin as the (technical) name for thorn-stick, the sentence thus meaning: "What is the thorn-stick? The chiu-yin". This emendation seems rather far- fetched. The technical name for the thorn-stick used at the divination is ch'u- t'un , see I li chu shu, Shih sang li, 12. 58b; C. 477. It is possible that yin is an error for ching , which gives sense to the expression chiu-ching, but even then the sentence remains unintelligible. The Li san ch êng chi says: "The tortoise-shell is scorched by means of a [heated] thorn-stick".

b.Since the tortoise-shell is moved [into action] by means of fire, why is not the milfoil moved [into action] by means of water? The milfoil is breathed upon ou. Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10. 4a) reads ou, i.e. ou-cho 'to rinse in water'., which amounts to the same thing.

 159---BURYING THE SHELL AND STALKS (III A. 17b).

Why are the tortoise-shell and the stalks buried after they have been used up? Out of reverence, to avoid that the things which have been honoured should be polluted by men Cf. ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (chu shu, 3. 13b; C. 1. 57), and Ch êng Hsüan's remark in his comm.: "to avoid that they should be polluted by men"..

 160---QUOTATIONS FROM THE CHOU LI (III A. 18a)

a.The Chou kuan says: "For all important events in a state divination is performed, first with the milfoil, then with the tortoise-shell" Chou li chu shu, Shih j ên, 24.28b: B. II. 81..

b.[Again:] "At the divination with the tortoise-shell the Sovereign judges the results from the configuration, the great officer from the colour, the common officer from the width of the cracks" Ibid., Chan j ên, 24. 26b; B. II. 79. The Chou li text has instead of and instead of . I have followed Ch êng Hsüan's comm. for the translation of mo as 'the width of the cracks', cf. Biot's note 5, l.c..

c.[Again:] "At the divination with the tortoise-shell its height is examined, and a fire is made to operate upon the shell" Ibid., Pu shih, 24. 21b; B. II. 75..

d.[Again:] "The tortoises are received in autumn, their shells are prepared in spring" Ibid., Kuei j ên, 24. 23b; B. II. 74..

 XXIII. SAGES 161---GENERAL REMARKS (III A. 18a).

a.What is meant by a 'Sage' sh êng-j ên? . Sh êng 'sage' means t'ung 'to be in communication with', tao 'the Way', sh êng 'sound' t'ung , tao, sh êng .. The way of a Sage is in communication with everything, his understanding illuminates everything, he knows the nature of everything the sound of which he hears.

b."His spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven and Earth, his lustre is in harmony with [that of] the sun and the moon, his orderly procedure is in harmony with [that of] the four seasons, his relation to what is fortunate and what is calamitous is in harmony with the spirits" Apparently taken from the Chou i (chu shu, Ch'ien kua, W ên yen, 1. 24a; L. 417)..

c.The Li pieh ming chi I.e. the Pien ming chi, cf. Vol. I, p. 187, note. says: "[The best among] five men is called 'talented' mao, [the best among] ten men is called 'distin- guished' hsüan; [the best among] a hundred men is called 'refined' tsun, [the best among] a thousand men is called 'excellent' ying, he who is worth two ying is called 'worthy' hsien, [the best among] ten thousand men is called 'hero' chieh, [the best among] ten thousand heroes is called 'Sage' sh êng" mao , hsüan , tsun , ying , hsien , chieh . The Pien ming chi, quoted in the sub-comm. on the Tso chuan, hsüan 15 (Tso chuan chu shu, 24. 11b) and in the sub-comm. of ch. Li yün of the Li chi (chu shu, 21. 3a) gives a different statement: the best among two men is called mao (= ), the best among ten men is called hsüan, the best among twenty tsun , the best among a thousand ying, the best among two thousand hsien, the best among ten thousand chieh , he who is worth two chieh is called sh êng..

 162---THE RECOGNITION OF A SAGE (III A. 18b).

When a sage has not yet passed away how is it possible to recognize his sageness? It can be recognized. The Lun yü says: "The [great officer of Wu, P'i, who had the rank of] t'ai-tsai asked Tzŭ-kung, saying: Is not the Master a Sage? Confucius [hearing about it] said: Does the t'ai-tsai know me?" Ch. IX. 6, Lun yü chu shu, 9. 4a; L. 218. For the identification of the t'ai- tsai (probably not 'Grand Administrator', but a great officer of minor rank, cf. Vol. 1, p. 290, n. 164) as P'i of the state of Wu see Liu Pao-nan's Lun yü ch êng i, 10. 87-88. The quotation is here taken out of its original context. Does a Sage himself know that he is a Sage? He knows. Confucius has said: "Since King W ên has died has not [the cause of] the Way descended upon me?" Ch. IX. 5, Lun yü chu shu, 9. 3a; L. 217. For w ên taken in the sense of 'Way' tao, see Liu Pao-nan, o.c. 10. 86..

 163---THE ANCIENT SAGES (III A. 18b-19a).

a.How do we know that the [ancient] Emperors and Kings were Sages? The I says: "Anciently, when Fu-hsi ruled all under Heaven he began by creating the Eight Trigrams" Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.5a; L. 382.. It further says: "When the Sages created the I" Ibid., Shuo kua, 13.1a; L. 422.. Again it says: "On the death of Fu-hsi Sh ên-nung continued the work of creation, on the death of Sh ên-nung Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun proceeded with the work of creation" Ibid., Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.6a-b; L. 383.. In all these statements the word 'to create' is used, meaning in every case [to refer to] a Sage Cf. what is said in ch. Yüeh chi of the Li chi (C. II. 60): "those who 'created' tso are called Sages". See also Hsing Ping's sub-comm. on the opening words of ch. Shu êrh of the Lun yü (chu shu, 7.1a).. The Lun yü says: "Sages indeed were Yao and Shun; still, how solicitous they were about [their sageness]" Ch. VI. 28, Lun yü chu shu, 6.13a; L. 194. The quotation has been taken out of its original context, and the punctuation therefore deviates from the usual one..

b.Why is it said that Yü is superfluous (Liu, 73.5a). was a Sage? The Lun yü says: "How majestic was the manner in which Shun and Yü held possession of all under Heaven, without having striven for it" Ch. VIII. 18, Lun yü chu shu, 8.7b; L. 213. For my translation I have followed Ho Yen's comm.. Yü supplied by Liu, l.c. is [here] compared with Shun is dropped by Liu.. How supplied by Liu. do we know that T'ang is dropped by Liu. was a Sage? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "T'ang by his sage spiritual power was able to conquer Chieh" Chieh was the last Sovereign of the Hsia. I have not been able to identify the quotation..

c.Why are King W ên, King Wu, and the Duke of Chou said to have been Sages? The Shih says: "King W ên received the man- date [from Heaven]" Ode 244: Mao shih chu shu, 23.96a; L. 461; K. 17.70.. Were he not a Sage, he could not have received the mandate [from Heaven]. The I says: "T'ang and Wu deprived [Chieh and Chou] of their mandates, in accordance with [the will of] Heaven" Chou i chu shu, K ê kua, T'uan, 8.22a; L. 254.. T'ang and Wu are [thus] compared with King W ên. The Hsiao ching says: "The Duke of Chou was the man [who first associated the father with Heaven in the sacri- fices]" Hsiao ching chu shu, sh êng chih, 5.1a; L. 476.. [Further] below it says: "In the spiritual power of the Sages what was there besides greater than filial piety?" Ibid., 5.2b; L. 478. The two quotations 'prove', first that the Duke of Chou was filial, second that his filial piety was the best part of his sageness.

d.Why is it said that Kao-yao was a Sage? Because the Mu p'ien [says]: "Ah, he who has examined [and followed] antiquity". [This refers to] Kao Yao, who was a Sage, and, in the service of Shun, was able to display the Way By Mu p'ien is meant the opening words of the Kao yao mo (Shang shu chu shu, 3.18b; L. 68), viz.: yüeh jo chi ku kao yao yüeh, etc. The question how to read this sentence is complicated (cf. Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 2.57 and 1.2; and K. 20.44-45). Karlgren, quoting this Po hu t'ung passage (faultily), punctuates after Kao yao, so does Lu in his Po hu t'ung ed. The passage, however, should be punctuated after ku, the quotation from the Shang shu ending with it ("yüeh-jo chi-ku"), and the Po hu t'ung text continuing with "Kao-yao sh êng-j ên", etc. Yüeh-jo is an exclamation, chi-ku is a phrase indicating a man who models himself on Heaven, and thus is a Sage.. [He said:] "My words are reasonable, and may be put into practise" Shang shu chu shu, Kao yao mo, 3.26b; L. 75.. [Kao Yao] had on all sides applied the punishments by images with enlighten- ment Ibid., 4.15b; L. 86 (in the present Book of History it is ch. I chi). The Shang shu text has instead of . For 'punishment by images' see ch. XXXVIII, par. 226d..

 164---THE DIFFERENT APPEARANCE OF THE SAGES (III A. 19a-20a).

a.Further, the Sages all had different [ways] of displaying [their sageness].

b.The Chuan By Chuan probably is meant one of the Apocrypha. The Ch'un ch'iu wei yen k'ung t'u, the Yüan ming pao, and the Hsiao ching wei yüan sh ên ch'i all contain descriptions of this kind (see the Yü han, 56.48a; 57.8b-11a; 58.14a.15a). Cf. also the Lun h êng, ch. Ku hsiang; Forke, I. 304. says: "Fu-hsi had on his forehead a protuberance like a string of pearls . Yü han, 54.14a has . I have followed Sung Chung's comm. for the translation.; he had large eyes, a nose like a mountain (also written )., and a dragon-like countenance; he created the Eight Trigrams of the I to correspond with the Polestar , which probably is the , see Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, p. 503.. Huang-ti had the face of a dragon; he had obtained the light of the [constellation] T'ien-k'uang , for which the Yü han, 57.9a gives , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 450.; above he modelled himself on the middle [of the twenty-eight zodiacal] mansions, taking his example from [the constellation] W ên-ch'ang , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 530.. Chuan-hsü had a shield [-like protuberance] on his head . The Yüan ta-t ê ed. wrongly has , so has the Lun h êng, which induced Forke, l.c., to translate: "Chuan Hsü was marked with the character Wu on his brow"., meaning that he was pure and en- lightened; he emitted [an air of] chastity and decorum, for he represented [the star] Chao-yao , a star of the double-star at the end of the tail of Ursa Major; it is also called mao 'lance', the other is called tun 'shield' or t'ien- f êng , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 513; M.H. III. 343.. Ti-k'u had a double set of teeth; above he modelled himself on the moon and [the con- stellation] Ts'an , i.e. the ts'an-fa , acc. to Sung Chung's comm. in Yü han, 57.9b; see Schlegel, o.c. p. 393. The star represents a man who is loyal, brave, filial, and respectful., he invigorated the measures and perfected the norms, he regulated [the interactions of] the yin and the yang. Yao had eyebrows in eight colours, indicating his penetrating intelligence; he calculated and delineated the movements and phases of the sun, the moon , cf. the Book of History, L. 18, where the statement is followed by the words ., and [the stars] hsüan-chi and Yü- h êng , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 503. For hsüan-chi and yü-h êng as names of astronomical instruments see Book of History, L. 33; M.H. I. 58; III. 341; Maspero, Les instruments astronomiques des chinois au temps des Han, in Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, VI. 293, n. 1; 332 ff.. Shun had double pupils in his eyes, indicating his charity and benevolence; above he corresponded to [the planet] Sh ê-t'i , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 499-500; M.H. III. 364, n. 1., [in his lustre] he resembled the Three Luminary Bodies".

c.The Li shuo Probably the Li wei han w ên chia, in Yü han, 54.13a-b. says: "Yü had ears with three orifices, indicating his great understanding; he promoted welfare and removed misery, he dammed the [river] Ho and widened the [river] Chiang The same statement occurs in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. Hsiu wu hsün, 19.9a; only there the text reads: "he widened the Ho and dammed the Chiang".. Kao Yao had a horse's mouth, indicating his perfect sincerity The Huai nan tzü, l.c., reads instead of .; in deciding lawsuits he was intelligent in his examination of the nature of man. T'ang had arms with three elbows The Yüan ming pao, Yü han, 57.10a, gives four elbows, the Lun h êng (Forke, I. 304) gives double elbows., indicating [his capacity to] shelter like a willow-tree; the unprincipled he expulsed, to the myriads of people he gave protection and rest. King W ên had four nipples, indicating his utmost consideration for others; he was the resort of all under Heaven, the [object of] love of the Hundred Clans. King Wu had the appearance of a sheep gazing into the distance wang-yang. Cf. the Biography of Confucius in the Shih chi, 47.16a (M.H. V. 351), and the Chia yü, ch. Pien yüeh, 8.6b. The Lun h êng (l.c.) writes wang-yang ; Forke translates; "Wu Wang's spine was curbed back- wards.", meaning that his deportment was imposing and proud; his eyes were dilated, and when he marshalled his army all under Heaven was to attain prosperity and glory. The back of the Duke of Chou was bent, indicating his strength and heroism; he accomplished the Way of the Chou, acting as the support of young King [Ch' êng. The head of] Con- fucius was like a vault upside down fan-yü. The Lun h êng writes , and Forke, l.c., translates: "Confucius' arms were turned backwards (like the wings of a bird).", therefore he was called Muddy Hill Ni-ch'iu, also written , i.e. a hill the top of which is indented, so that water can accumulate in it. Cf. M.H. V. 290, n. 1, and Vol. I, p. 113, n. 387.; he made the spiritual power which had descended instead of (Ch' ên, 7.26a). upon him flourish, and caused the hidden sources to stream again."

d.The reason why Sages alone can look into the future is that they share the essence of the spiritual beings, in fact they are begotten of Heaven Cf. also Vol. I, p. 317, n. 256..

 XXIV. THE EIGHT WINDS 165---THE PERIODS OF THE EIGHT WINDS, AND THE KING'S GOVERN- MENT IN CONFORMITY WITH THEM (III A. 20a-21a).

a.What does f êng 'wind' mean? F êng means m êng "to sprout out' . This explanation is also given by the (Ch'un ch'iu wei) K'ao i yu, in Yü han, 55.52a.. [The winds] nourish the [ten thousand] things until they have developed into maturity; therein they represent the Eight Trigrams The K'ao i yu says: "The Eight Trigrams 'establish' the Eight Winds". Fu Ch'ien, quoted in the sub-comm. on the Tso chuan, Yin 5 (Tso chuan chu shu, 2.31a), says: "The Eight Winds are the winds of the Eight Trigrams"..

b.The yang arises in the fifth [month], and reaches its extremity in the ninth. [Every] five times nine, [that is] forty-five, days the atmosphere changes, and, changing, becomes wind; [every] blending of the yin with the yang causes wind With slight differences this paragraph occurs in the K'ao i yu (55.50a)..

c.Forty-five days after the winter-solstice the t'iao wind arrives; t'iao means sh êng 'to grow' .. After another forty-five days the ming-shu wind arrives; ming-shu means ying-chung 'to welcome the multitude' .. Again after forty-five days the ch'ing-ming wind arrives; ch'ing-ming means ch'ing-mang 'green luxury' ,. Again after forty-five days the ching wind arrives; ching means ta 'great' .; it means that the yang-fluid has grown and become nourishing. Again after forty-five days the liang wind arrives; liang means han 'cold' ,; the yin-fluid [begins to] operate. Again after forty-five days the ch'ang-ho wind arrives; ch'ang-ho . means 'to warn for [the time of] harvesting and storing up'. Again after forty-five days the pu-chou wind arrives; pu-chou means pu-chiao 'not intermingled' .; it means that the yin and the yang have not yet blended and influenced each other. Again after forty- five days the kuang-mo wind arrives; kuang-mo means ta-mo 'great and vast' . .; it is the beginning of the yang-fluid For a comparison of these names and their explanation with those in other series see Shih chi, 25.4a ff. (M.H. III. 301 ff.), Huai nan tzŭ, 3.8b; 4.2a ff. (cf. Erkes, Das Weltbild des Huai-nan-tze, p. 38), Lu shih ch'un ch'iu, 13.3b (Wi. 159), K'ao i yu (Yu han, 55.50b ff.), I wei t'ung kua yen (Ku ching chieh hui han, . 7a ff.), the sub-comm. in Tso chuan chu shu, 2.31a..

d.Therefore it is said: When the t'iao wind arrives the earth begins to warm up; when the ming-shu wind arrives the ten thousand things germinate; when the ch'ing-ming wind arrives the [ten thousand] things take on a dry appearance; when the ching wind arrives the jujube-shrubs should be (Liu, 73.5a). For chi cf. Ode 109: Mao shih chu shu, 9.7a; L. 166: "Of the chi in the garden, the fruit may be used as food". Mao's comm. explains chi as tsao, for which see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 305. bear fruit; when the liang wind arrives the millet ripens; when the ch'ang-ho wind arrives the wheat grows; when the pu-chou wind arrives the insects hibernate; when the kuang-mo wind arrives the ten thousand things lie low.

e.For this reason the King takes his part by conforming himself to them. When the t'iao wind comes he sets free the minor culprits . The Huai nan tzŭ, 3.8b writes: . The K'ao i yu (55.52b) has "absolves the minor delinquents"., releasing them out of their prisons chieh chi-liu. The Ch'u hsüeh chi (20.32b), quoting the Po wu chih, says that chi-liu is the name for prison under the Chou.. When the ming-shu wind comes he has the frontiers repaired and the fields put in order. When the ch'ing-ming wind comes he distributes money and silk, and gives audience to , Which also occurs in the Huai nan tzŭ, 3.8b, and explained as in the comm. the Feudal Lords. When the ching wind comes he raises in rank those who have spiritual power, and en- feoffs the meritorious. When the liang wind comes he gives thank- offerings to the earth for its [display of] spiritual power, and per- forms sacrifices to the Four Directions ssŭ-hsiang. The Huai nan tzŭ, l.c., has ssŭ-chiao 'the four suburbs'.. When the ch'ang-ho wind comes he extends the punishments by images See ch. XXXVIII, par. 226d., and has the granaries restored = (Lu).. When the pu-chou wind comes he has palaces and houses built, and the city walls repaired. When the kuang-mo wind comes he pronounces capital sentences, and orders imprisonments to be carried out.

 XXV. TRADE 166---TRADE (III A. 21b).

a.What does shang-ku 'trade' mean? Shang means shang 'to estimate' Both words written.; to estimate the distance, to measure what is enough and what is wanting, to distribute the goods to the four quarters. Therefore we speak of shang.

b.Ku means ku 'to preserve' ; to preserve the useful wares, and therewith to await the people's coming to look for what may be of profit to them.

c.The travelling [trade is] called shang, the sedentary [trade is] called ku Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on ch. T'ai tsai (Chou li chu shu, 2.10b) also gives this explanation, only he writes instead of in the Po hu t'ung text. Hsieh Tsung's (beginning 3d cent. A.D.) comm. on the Hsi ching fu (W ên hsüan, 2.17a) gives the explanation in the reverse order: "the sedentary [trade] is called shang, the travelling [trade] is called ku".. The I says: "The Ancient Kings, on the days of the solstices, closed the passes, so that the merchants and travellers stopped their journeys, and the [Feudal] Lords could not inspect their regions" Chou i chu shu, Tu kua, Hsiang, 5.6a; L. 297. The quotation proves that the merchants, here indicated as shang, were travelling merchants.. The Lun yü says: "[Confucius said to Tzŭ-kung:] Sell [thy gem]! [As for me,] I wait for a buyer" Ch. IX. 12, Lun yü chu shu, 9.8a; L. 221. The word ku, written in the Lun yü text, is wrongly given as in the Po hu t'ung. The quotation is to prove that by ku is meant a merchant who simply waits for a buyer to come.. This being so, why does the Shang shu say: "Diligently go with thy carts and oxen to distant [regions] to 'barter' ku-yung" Shang shu chu shu, Chiu kao, 13.20a; L. 404. For ku-yung see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 16.57, and K. 20.298.? That the going to distant [regions] is meant is evident. [But] the meaning is also that [the son], reverently thinking of his parents, would prefer to stay and take care of them I.e., despite the use of ku in the Shang shu quotation in connection with the going to distant regions, the original meaning remains 'to stay' (and wait for buyers). See also the Shang shu hou an, in the Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 419.7a..

 XXVI. RITUAL PRESENTS The Yüan ta-t ê ed. writes , which is corrected into by Lu and Ch' ên (8.1a). Liu (73.5b) suggests the reading . 167---THE FEUDAL LORDS PRESENT THEMSELVES TO THE SON OF HEAVEN, AND THEIR CREDENTIALS ARE TESTED (III A. 22a).

Why is it that when the King ascends the throne the Feudal Lords all present themselves to him? They are to receive the [new King's] laws, and to be furnished with his correct instructions. The Shang shu [says]: "Shun collected the Five Auspicious [Jade Tablets] when he gave audience to [the Chiefs of] the Four Moun- tains" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.5b; L. 34. By the 'Five Auspicious Jade Tablets' wu-jui is meant the emblems of the five ranks of Feudal Lords acc. to Sun Hsing-yen (Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 1.31). The opinion that ssŭ-yüeh means the Feudal Lords of the four quarters is, acc. to Sun (o.c. 1.19), an opinion of the ku-w ên School. Karlgren (K. 18.261) prefers the theory that it is the title of one person.. This means that when Shun ascended the throne he gave audience to the Feudal Lords of the four quarters, and tested their credentials , see infra, par. 169.. The Shih says: "The Dark King greatly established order; when he received [the Lord of] a small state he imbued him [with the rules of ceremonial behaviour], when he received [the Lord of] a large state he imbued him [with the rules of ceremonial behaviour]" Ode 304: Mao shih chu shu, 30.21b: L. 639; K. 18.88. Acc. to Mao's comm. the 'Dark King' refers to Hsieh , the first ancestor of the Shang Kings (cf. M.H. I. 173). Ch êng Hsüan's explanation of the Ode also differs from the Po hu t'ung's: when Hsieh received his fief from Yao the territory was small; at the end of Shun's reign it had become large, in both cases he managed to promote his teachings .. This means that when T'ang was King over all under Heaven the Lords of large and small states alike came to present themselves. T'ang knew how to imbue them with the rules of ceremonial behaviour. The Chou sung says: "[You,] brilliant and accomplished princes, have conferred on me this happiness" Ode 269: Mao shih chu shu, 26.11b; L. 572; K. 17.88. Acc. to Mao's Preface the Ode refers to King Ch' êng (Legge, Prolegomena, p. 78).. This means that when King Wu had slain Chou and pacified all under Heaven the Feudal Lords came and gathered in the capital to receive the laws and measures. And so it was that from far and near none dared not to come; the Lord who had received his mandate had been glorified by Heaven, and none [of the Lords] of the four quarters dared exempt himself [from coming], while the barbarian tribes all offered their subjection.

 168---THE FIVE JADE TABLETS (III A. 22a-24a).

a.How are the Five Auspicious [Jade Tablets] called? They are called: kuei, pi, tsung, huang, and chang .. b.The Li says: "The kuei of the Son of Heaven is one foot and two inches [long]". It further says: "Its width is three inches, it tapers to the point for one inch and a half, its thickness is a half inch" The two quotations probably are a combination of statements from the Chou li (chu shu, Yü j ên, 41.1a; B. II. 519), I li (chu shu, P'ing li, Chi, 8.92a; C. 339), Li chi (chu shu, Tsa chi, 43.14a; C. II. 194). A kuei is an "oblong, flat, angular jade plaque" (Laufer, Jade, p. 86). The kuei of the Son of Heaven is called ch ên-kuei (Chou li, B. I. 431. 483; II. 519). That of a Duke is called huan-kuei , and is nine inches long, that of a Marquis hsin-kuei , seven inches long, that of an Earl kung-kuei , seven inches long (B. II. 519-520).. The half of a kuei is a chang Cf. Jade, fig. 34.. When it is square inside and round outside it is called a pi Laufer's description of a pi is: "jade discs or perforated circular plaques" (o.c. p. 86; cf. figures 18-19, 71-72).. The half of a pi is called a huang Cf. o.c. fig. 76-80.. When it is round inside and indented and straight out- side it is called a tsung 'straight' inserted by Liu (73.5b). Cf. also Jade, fig. 47-69.. c.The Li wang tu chi An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. says: "Jade represents the spiritual power of the Noble Man; when dry it is not light, when wet it is not heavy; it is thin but not brittle, it is edged but not cutting; it does not hide even the slightest flaw. Therefore the Lord of men holds it in high esteem". d.The Son of Heaven has [a tablet of] pure jade one foot and two inches [long]; the Dukes and Marquises [have a tablet] nine inches [long, the material of which is] four [parts] jade to one stone; the Earls, Viscounts, and Barons each [have a tablet, the material of which is] three [parts] jade to two stone An almost similar statement is quoted from the Li wei in the sub-comm of the Chou li (chu shu, Yü J ên, 41.2b). 'pure', 'of pure colour and quality' is called ch'üan in the Chou li text (l.c.); acc. to this text the kuei of a Duke is made of jade of the kind mang, that of a Marquis of the kind tsan, that of an Earl of the kind chiang, all of them being of inferior qualities. The proportion of 'pure jade' to 'stone' seems to indicate the quality of the material used, causing the difference in weight and colouring. Acc. to S. Howard Hansford, Chinese Jade Carving, p. 24, "most of the colours of jade are certainly due to various compounds of iron (contained in it)".. e.What is the use of each of the Five Jade [Tablets]? The huang is [used] for summoning and calling, the pi is [used] for ceremonial visits, the chang is [used] for the mobilization of the army, the kuei is [used] for the testing of good faith, the tsung is [used] for the initiation of the cultivation of the earth Ho Hsiu's comm. (Kung yang chu shu, Ting 8, 26.7a) says: "[According to] the rites the kuei is [used] at audiences, the pi at ceremonial visits, the tsung for mobilizing the army, the huan for mobilizing the multitudes, the chang for summoning and calling.". f.Why is the kuei [used] for testing good faith? The kuei is pointed at the top to symbolize [the ten thousand things,] the beginning of whose growth is seen at their tops. Good faith is never visibly manifested is probably superfluous; the I w ên lei chü, 83.17a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, omits it., therefore with the kuei good faith is made apparent; the beginning of the ten thousand things is always pure of itself. Kuei means kuei 'pure' , cf. Gr. Ser. nos. 879a-b.. [The kuei tablet is] pointed at the top [symbolizing] the yang; it is square at the bottom [symbolizing] the yin. Yang is the higher; in its ceremonial behaviour it con- forms and perfects. Its position is in the east; the status of the yang is seen in its superiority. g.Why is the pi [used] for ceremonial visits? The pi is square inside and round outside, resembling Earth. The Way of the Earth is to produce its precious products in peace and quiet, therefore the pi is [used] for ceremonial visits. It is square inside [in con- formity with] the yin, whose spiritual power is square I.e. because the Earth is square.. It is round outside [in conformity with the fact that] the yin is dependent on the yang. The spiritual power of the yin reaches its fullness in the interior, therefore its symbolization is seen in the inside. Its position is in the centre. Pi means chi 'to accumulate' chi, cf. ch. XV, par. 118c.. Inside it is square, symbolizing Earth; outside it is round, symbolizing Heaven. Therefore it is a symbol of Heaven and Earth, and is used as such In the translation of these two sentences I have omitted , and reversed the order of the text.. h.Why is the huang [used] for summoning and calling? The huang is the half of a pi. Its position is in the north; in the north the yin reaches its summit, and the yang begins to rise. Therefore it is a symbol of the half of the yin, and of the yang-fluid which begins to exercise [its influence] and summons and calls the ten thousand things. Therefore [the huang is used] to summon and call. Why does [the huang] not represent the yang? When the yang is at its beginning the [ten thousand] things are small and invisible. Huang means h êng 'to lie horizontally' ., to substantiate the command of the superior; the yang-fluid lies horizontally in the Yellow Sources; therefore [the tablet is] called huang. Huang [also] means kuang 'ray' .. Whatever is touched by the rays of the yang moves. [The huang] represents the majestic command of the Lord, which none dares disobey. Whatever the yang affects acquires moderation. i.Why is the chang [used] for mobilizing the army? The chang is the half of a kuei; its position is in the south; in the south the yang reaches its summit, and the yin begins to rise. The army also [belongs to] the yin. Therefore [the chang is used] to mobilize the army. Why [does the chang] not represent the yin? When the yin is at its beginning the [ten thousand] things are still inert, and cannot be represented. Chang means ming 'clear' .. The way of re- wards and punishments, and the ritual for envoys and Ministers should be 'distinct and clear' chang-ming .. During the time [that the sun is] in the south all the ten thousand things 'show them- selves distinctly' chang . The tablet meant here is the ya-chang or the chung-chang (see Chou li chu shu, 41.7b; B. II. 527; and cf. Jade, fig. 35).; therefore the tablet is called chang. j.Why is the tsung [used] for initiating the cultivation of the earth, and for sending out the multitudes? Tsung means tsung 'to collect' .; it symbolizes the collecting of the ten thousand things, the result of cultivation. Therefore [it is used] for initiating the cultivation of the earth, and for sending out the multitudes. Its position is in the west; in the west the yang collects its results within, the yin goes out to complete it without. Inside [the tablet is] round, symbolizing the yang; outside it is straight, symbolizing the yin. Outside it is [moreover] indented; inside it converges, representing [the act of] gathering. Therefore [the tablet is] called tsung; it is a treasure of the Queen and the Consorts [of the Feudal Lords] I.e. the tsu or -tsung (Chou li chu shu, l.c.; Jade, p. 135, fig. 58-69).. k.The uses of the Five Jade [Tablets] are not limited to one; they cannot be described exhaustively, only the most important have been presented.

169---THE TESTING OF THE CREDENTIALS AND THE RETURNING OF THE JADE TABLETS (III A. 24a-b).

a.The testing of the credentials means that the Son of Heaven takes the mao [tablet] in his hand when receiving the Feudal Lords at his court, while the latter take the kuei in their hands when presenting themselves to the Son of Heaven. Mao means mao 'to be covered' ; cf. Vol. I. p. 286, n. 137.. The superior has [the object] with which to cover, the subject has [the object] which is to be covered. There- fore the Chin li says: "The Feudal Lords, taking their kuei [tablets] in their hands, ascend the hall" I li chu shu, 10.11a; C. 377, where the text is slightly different.. The Shang shu ta chuan says: "The Son of Heaven takes the mao in his hand when giving audience to the Feudal Lords". b.[The Shang shu ta chuan] also says: "The Feudal Lords take for the audience with the Son of Heaven the kuei which they have received, together with the pi [tablets with them]. To those who are without fault their kuei [tablets] are returned to be taken back to their states. Those who have committed faults must leave their kuei [tablets], which are [only] returned after they have been able to correct their conduct. If after three years the kuei [can] not be returned they are slightly degraded in rank. If after six years the kuei [can] not be returned they are slightly degraded in territory. If after nine years the kuei [can] not be returned their territories are completely taken from them". c.Why is the kuei tablet returned [to the Lords after the audience]? Because the kuei is an auspicious [emblem of] good faith. The pi is kept because it is regarded as treasure or silk [given as] presents, and can again be manufactured after it has been used up. Why is it [thus] stated? The Li says: "The kuei [tablet] is manufactured [in the size of] one foot and eight inches" The quotation cannot be identified.. There being a manu- factured kuei it is clear that it is allowed to manufacture a pi. d.The kuei [tablet] of a Duke is nine inches [long; the material is] four [parts] jade to one stone. How do we know that [this does] not [mean that] four objects are made of jade and [one of] stone, [but that it refers to] a special instead of (Lu). construction? Because the Shang shu in combination [with other objects] speaks of: "The Five Jade [Tablets]" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10b; L. 36; K. 20.84-85..

170---THE PRESENTS OFFERED TO THE LORD (III A. 24b-25b).

a.Why does a subject, visiting his Lord, 'offer presents' chih? Chih means chih 'to substantiate' . The second character is used for the first in the M êng tzŭ, IIIb.3; L. 266. Cf. also the Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên, 19.8a.; to substantiate one's good faith, to show one's fidelity. The King, in conformity with the feelings of his subjects, establishes for their sake institutions which distin- guish in grades the superior from the inferior, in order to respond to their wishes. b.The Dukes and Marquises offer presents of jade, to emphasize [the nature of] jade [,which is such that it is] not light when dry, and not heavy when wet; it indicates that the spiritual power of the Duke and the Marquis is complete Cf. Ho Hsiu's comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 24, 8.14a: "The Feudal Lords use jade [as a present to the Son of Heaven] because it is the clearest [material] which does not hide defects, while it is so pure that it does not attract dirt. Inside it is hard, and outside it feels soft. It resembles the Noble Man of perfect spiritual power.". c.The Minister offers a lamb as a present, to emphasize [the nature of] sheep [,which is such that they] flock and do not form separate groups . The same explanation occurs in Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the I li (chu shu, Shih hsiang li, 3.7b), and in the Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên, 19.8a.. The task of the Minister lies in being loyal to the utmost; in leading their inferiors they [should] avoid partiality. d.The great officer offers a wild goose as a present, to emphasize [the nature of the wild geese, which is such that] they form rows when they fly, and ranks when they rest. The task of the great officer lies in receiving orders [from the Son of Heaven by which they] direct the four quarters. In their actions they are expected to be able to keep themselves straight in the service of their Lord. e.The common officer offers a pheasant as a present, to emphasize [the nature of the pheasant, which is such that] it cannot be in- veigled by food neither be subjected by force; it must be dead [before it can be caught], and cannot be reared [in captivity]. In his conduct the common officer is constant and intransigent wei-chieh. Ho Hsiu (l.c., see n. 33) writes ch'ih-chieh., conscientious, ready to die for his duty, and expected to be un- swerving. f.The Ch'ü li says: "A Minister offers a lamb as a present, a great officer a wild goose, a common officer a pheasant. The common man offers a p'i. A boy lays his present on the ground and with- draws. In the open country and in a military camp the giving of presents is not required, [but] one may offer a girth, a leather bracelet [used in archery], or arrows" Li chi chu shu, 5.28b; C. I. 106.. This means [that every- body has] the duty to give presents. g.P'i means mu 'tame duck" . Cf. Vol. I, p. 55. P'i probably means: 'as is consistent (with the position of the common man)'. For mu 'tame duck' see K'ung Ying-ta's sub- comm. in Li chi chu shu, 5.29b, where it is further explained that in the same way as the tame duck cannot fly away so the common man is tied to his work of husbandry.. h.Since a Minister and a great officer anciently offered a fawn and a deer as presents, why [do they] now [offer] a lamb and a wild goose? Because anciently [the Principle of] Substance [was adhered to], and the inner [qualities were] emphasized; that means: [the fawn and the deer] call to each other when they find good grass to eat. Now [the Principle of] Form [is adhered to], and the outward [qualities are] emphasized; that means: lambs kneel down when they suck, and wild geese form rows. The Li hsiang chien ching says: "When great officers of the first rank visit each other they offer lambs as presents, their heads [held] to the left as when holding a fawn" I li chu shu, 3.7b; C. 63. The I li text, moreover, says that the lamb is wrapped in a cloth with the four legs bound, the tying being in front. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. explains that the forelegs are held in the left hand, and the hind legs in the right.. It means that anciently a fawn and a deer [were used as presents, whereas] now a lamb is used. i.Why is it that the presents of a Minister and a great officer have been changed, whereas those of a [Feudal] Lord and a com- mon officer have remained the same? The Lord of men, being most exalted, uses the most beautiful object for his present, while a common officer, being lowly, humble, conscientious, and ready to die for his duty, [follows] the way of the devoted servant. There- fore their presents are not changed I.e., the Lord uses jade presents, the common officer offers a pheasant..

171---THE PRESENTS AT PRIVATE VISITS (III A. 25b).

Why is it that presents are also given when paying each other private visits? As [a sign of] mutual respect, and to enhance the harmonious relation. The relation between friends and the prac- tise of the Five Constant [Virtues] imply the duty of sharing one's property: it expresses the idea of helping the destitute and relieving those in distress: loving them in their hearts they wish to give them drink and food; therefore the giving of presents is the correlate of their good intentions. The Li shih hsiang chien ching says: "When great officers of the lower should be . rank visit each other they offer a wild goose as a present. Common officers in winter offer a [freshly killed] pheasant, and in summer one whose flesh has been dried" I li chu shu, 3.7a; C. 63, and 3.1a; C. 58..

 172---THE PRESENTS OF WOMEN (III A. 25b-26a).

The rule for women is that they offer dates, chestnuts, and dried spiced meat as presents because their acting on their own authority is not provided for, and because upon them does not rest the duty to control the multitudes, neither are they involved in the ritual of entertaining [guests with its rules of] refusing and giving precedence. Their task lies in the providing and preparing of food, and their duty is limited to this one only. Therefore even the Queen or the Consort [of a Feudal Lord] uses for her presents dates, chestnuts, and 'dried spiced meat' tuan-hsiu ., because in general the care for the indoor [-life belongs to] the yin. [The presents] also emphasize their getting up early tsao is redundant, acc. to Lu), homophonous with tsao 'dates'., and their soli- citude chan-li is redundant, acc. to Lu), of which li is homophonous with li 'chestnut'. with respect to their chastity. Tuan-hsiu means fu 'prepared meat' fu ; for this passage cf. Vol. I, p. 57.. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "It is not according to the rites that the wives of great officers offer presents of silk on their visits. But what is then to be used? Dates and chestnuts with the appropriate words, dried spiced meat with the appropriate words" Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 24. 8.13b. For 'wives of great officers' tsung-fu and 'visits' ti , see Legge's note in his Tso chuan translation, p. 10 7..

 173---THE SON DOES NOT GIVE PRESENTS (III A. 26a).

Why does the son, visiting his father, not offer a present? Their relation is too close, and [the son's] visits are not restricted to [a set] time. Therefore he does not offer presents. When [,how- ever,] the subject serves his Lord [this service is] connected with the status [he holds]. Because [the subject] enjoys [his Lord's] affection and support, therefore, to substantiate his good faith and give expression to his feelings [of gratitude], he offers presents.

 XXVII. THE THREE RECTIFICATIONS san-ch êng. For different renderings of the expression cf. Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p. 236, n. 1; Woo Kang, Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen Ts'ieou, p. 143, n. 2; M.H. III. 322, n. 2. 174---THE MEANING OF RECTIFYING THE FIRST MONTH OF THE YEAR (III B. 1a).

a.Why is it that a King, having received his mandate [from Heaven], must alter the first month of the year? It means that he has changed the [dynastic] name, and indicates that he has not inherited [his kingship]. It means that he has received [his kingship] from Heaven and not from man. By this [measure] he changes the people's hearts and renovates their ears and eyes, as an aid in the [process of their] reform. Therefore the Ta chuan says: "When a King ascends the throne he rectifies the first month of the year, he changes the colour of his equipage, he transforms the emblems of the standards, he alters the vessels and instruments, and he modifies the clothing" Li chi chu shu, 34.4b; C. 1.779..

b.That is the reason why [even] Shun and Yü Lu's reading is "Yü and Shun"; here the reading of the Yüan ta-t ê ed. is restored., though they con- tinued [the succession] in [conditions of] general peace, still deemed it proper to change [the institutions of their predecessors], in order to respond to [the will of] Heaven. Why is it that the King only introduces his reforms is redundant (Ch' ên, 8.10a). after he has obtained Heaven's [auspicious] responses? To emphasize the importance of the change of the institutions. The Ch'un ch'iu jui ying chuan says: "Having reverently received auspicious responses [from Heaven] the King rectifies the first month of the year and the colour of the equipage". The I says: "T'ang and Wu deprived [the previous Dynasties] of their mandates in accordance with [the will of] Heaven, and in response to [the wishes of] the people" Chou i chu shu, K ê kua, T'uan, 8.22a; L. 254..

 175---WHAT COMES FIRST: THE RECTIFICATION OF THE FIRST MONTH OF THE YEAR OR THE ATTACK ON THE REIGNING DYNASTY (III B. 1a-b) Cf. ch. X, par. 85..

Why is it that the adherents of the Principle of Form begin with the rectification of the first month of the year, whereas the adherents of the Principle of Substance begin with the attack [on the reigning Dynasty]? The rectification of the first month of the year is [a matter of] form, the attack is [a matter of] sub- stance. The adherents of the Principle of Form put form first, the adherents of the Principle of Substance put substance first. The Lun yü says: "I, the Little Child Li, venture to use a black male victim, and venture clearly to announce it to the August King, the Lord Emperor" Ch. XX. 1, Lun yü chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350. The text of the quotation has , cf. the different readings mentioned in n. 20 of ch. X.. This [refers to] T'ang who, when going to slay Chieh [,the last Sovereign of the Hsia], announced it to Heaven, using a victim [according to the rites] of Hsia. The Shih says: "[Heaven gave] the appointment to this King W ên, in Chou, in the capital" Ode 236: Mao shih chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66.. This refers to King W ên, who changed the dynastic name [from Yin] into Chou, and made his residence the capital. [The Shih] also says: "The [vessels of] clear wine were laid out, the red male victim was ready" Ode 239: ibid., 23.55b; L. 445; K. 17.68.. [This] refers to King W ên, who for his victim used a red [bull], because [the House of] Chou honoured [the colour] red.

 176---THE MEANING OF THE THREE RECTIFICATIONS (III B. 1b-2b).

a.Why are there three Rectifications of the first month of the year? It is based on [the fact that] Heaven has the Three Reigns san-t'ung, cf. Woo Kang, o.c. 142, whose translation 'trois règnes' I have followed., that is to say the Three Diminutive Months san-wei chih yüeh, cf. ibid., 144, n. 1. Woo Kang trans- lates san-wei by 'trois mois primitifs'.. It means that the King, adapting himself to them, should complete [the cycle]. Therefore, after receiving his mandate, he begins the regulation of one [of the Three] Rectifications [as a sign of his] reverence for the beginning, and his respect for the origin.

b.Shuo 'first month' means su 'to revive', k ê 'to renovate' ; it means that the ten thousand things are renovated at this [moment], and so will receive their [further] regulation by it.

c.The Li san ch êng chi An untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. says: "There are three First Months which alternate; upon [the Principle of] Form follows [the Prin- ciple of] Substance, and so on".

d.What is meant by the Three Diminutive Months? When the yang-fluid begins to manifest itself the ten thousand things in the Yellow Sources move imperceptibly, but do not yet come out. In the eleventh month, when the yang-fluid begins to nourish the roots, the ten thousand things below the Yellow Sources are all [tinged with] red; red [represents] the yang-fluid at its fullest; therefore the Chou, adhering to the Celestial Rectification, hon- oured the colour red. In the twelfth month, when the ten thousand things begin to sprout out, they assume [the colour] white; white [represents] the yin-fluid; therefore the Yin, adhering to the Terres- trial Rectification, honoured the colour white. In the thirteenth month, when the ten thousand things begin to come out, pene- trating through their scales, they are all black; man has to add his labour [to aid them]; therefore the Hsia, adhering to the Hu- man Rectification, honoured the colour black For Celestial, Terrestrial, and Human Rectifications t'ien-ch êng, ti-ch êng, j ên-ch êng, cf. Woo Kang, o.c. 143, n. 2, and infra, par. 179..

e.The Shang shu ta chuan says: "The Hsia took the first month of spring as the correct [beginning of the year]; the Yin took the last month of winter as the correct [beginning of the year]; the Chou took the middle month of winter as the correct [beginning of the year]. The Hsia, taking the thirteenth month as the correct [beginning of the year], honoured the colour black, and began the month at day-break. The Yin, taking the twelfth month as the correct [beginning of the year], honoured the colour white, and began the month at cock's crow. The Chou, taking the eleventh month as the correct [beginning of the year], honoured the colour red, and began the month at midnight. For the beginning of the year the second and following months are not used because the ten thousand things [have then already grown] unevenly, and cannot be fitted into the regulation [of the whole year]. Therefore one of the Three Diminutive Months must be used" Cf. Woo Kang, o.c. 151, n. 2..

f.The succession of the Three Rectifications is like the flow of an endless circle. Confucius, having inherited the decadence of Chou, employed the chronology of the Hsia, and knew that, though he had succeeded to [the use of] the eleventh month [of the Chou], in order to rectify it, he should use the thirteenth month [of the Hsia.]

 177---THE CHANGING OF THE FIRST MONTH PROCEEDS BACKWARDS (III B. 2b).

Since the Way of Heaven is to revolve to the left, why does the change of the correct [beginning of the year] proceed [backwards] to the right? The change of the correct [beginning of the year] does not mean a change of the Way of Heaven, but only a change of the sun [-day] and the moon [-month]. As the sun and the moon move to the right so the change of the correct [beginning of the year] also proceeds to the right For the movement of Heaven, sun, and moon, see ch. XXXIV, par. 209 and ch. XXXV, par. 212..

 178---THE RECTIFICATION IS DENOTED BY THE EXPRESSION 'TO CHANGE THE MONTH' (III B. 2b-3a).

The sun being superior to the moon, why is the expression [for the rectification] not 'the correct sun [-day]' but 'the correct moon [-month]'? The days accumulate to form a month; the [ten thou- sand] things receive their transformation by months, therefore the rectification is based upon [this transformation of] things.

 179---THE RECTIFICATION OF THE FIRST MONTH DOES NOT FOLLOW THE PRINCIPLES OF SUBSTANCE AND FORM (III B. 3a).

Heaven [stands for] substance, Earth [stands for] form; [the Principle of] Substance bases itself on substance; [the Principle of] Form bases itself on form. But why did the Chou apply the reign of the Celestial Rectification t'ien-ch êng , cf. n. 14. According to the succession of the Prin- ciples of Substance and Form the Chou was an adherent of the Principle of Form (Earth), but according to the succession of the Three Rectifications it adhered to the Celestial Rectification.? Substance and Form re- turn after two [shiftings], in the rectification of the first month [of the year] the change occurs after three [shiftings]. The number [of shiftings] of the Three Diminutive Months and that [of the Principles] of Substance and Form do not run parallel. Therefore the rectification of the first month does not follow [the Principles of] Substance and Form.

 180---THE WAY IS NOT TO BE CHANGED BY THE KINGS (III B. 3a).

Why is it that there are things which a King, after having re- ceived his mandate and assumed kingship, does not change? The King changes the form of the Way but not its essence. So [the rule that] the Lord should face south and the subject face north, [the use of] the cap of white deer-skin and the white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist, the notes and the tastes, are not to be changed, neither are the [relations of] affection between relatives: [this is what is meant by] the Way is not to be changed by the hun- dreds of Kings Cf. Vol. I. p. 275, n. 45, and p. 315, n. 247..

 181---THE PRESERVATION OF THE DESCENDANTS OF THE LAST TWO DYNASTIES (III B. 3a-b).

a.Why does the King preserve the descendants of the last two Dynasties? To honour the Ancient Kings, and to represent with them the Three Reigns in all under Heaven Cf. Franke, o.c. 233, n. 1.. It means that all under Heaven is not [to be regarded as] the possession of one House; it is an expression of the utmost reverence and modesty. There- fore [those descendants are] enfeoffed with [territories of] one hun- dred li; they are allowed to have an equipage with their [own] correct colour, and to practise their [own] rites and music; they [are enabled to] perpetuate the sacrifices to their ancestors. The Lun yü says: "[Confucius says:] I can talk about the rites of Hsia, but the state of Ch'i supplies no adequate evidence. I can talk about the rites of Yin, but the state of Sung supplies no adequate evidence" Ch. III. 9, Lun yü chu shu, 3.6b; L. 158. The quotation is to prove that under the Chou the descendants of the Sovereigns of Hsia and Yin were preserved in the states of Ch'i and Sung.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The King preserves the descendants of the last two Dynasties, allowing them to have an equipage with their [own] correct colour, and to practise their [own] rites and music" The quotation is not from any of the Commentaries on the Ch'un ch'iu, but appears to correspond with Ho Hsiu's comm. on Yin 3 (Kung yang chu shu, 2.8a), which, moreover, also contains the statement "allowing them to initiate ( glossed as by K'ung Ying-ta) the first month of the year".. The Shih says: "When he made his presentation of libations he wore as ritual garments the embroi- dered skirts and the [ceremonial cap] hsü" Ode 235: Mao shih chu shu, 23.13a; L. 430; K. 17.65. For the hsü see ch. XLI, par. 271c.. [This] refers to the Viscount of Wei wearing the cap of Yin, when he assisted at the sacrifice of Chou. The Chou sung says: "There is a guest! There is a guest! White are his horses" Ode 284: ibid., 27.26a; L. 592; K. 17.91.. This [refers to] the Viscount of Wei coming to the court of Chou [,and using the colour white of the Yin Dynasty].

b.If a descendant [of one] of the last two Dynasties by his sage spiritual power should receive [Heaven's] mandate to assume king- ship, ought he to follow [his ancestor's institutions] or instead of (Liu, 73.5b). ought he to change them? What Heaven has annihilated instead of (Lu). how can it receive its mandate [again]? [Besides,] supplied by Lu. it is not [a case of] con- tinuing the cycle [of reigns] The meaning of this passage is not very clear. Probably it is the posing of an academic problem: suppose the descendant of a vanquished state could restore his Dynasty, should he follow the old institutions of his ancestors or create new ones? The reply is: it is inconceivable that a vanquished Dynasty could be restored, but if it were possible it should restore the old institutions..

 182---THE PRINCIPLES OF FORM AND SUBSTANCE (III B. 3b-4a).

a.Why must a King, after [the Principle of] Substance has been adhered to, follow [the Principle of] Form? To continue [the ac- tions of] Heaven and Earth, and to conform himself to [the suc- cession of] the yin and the yang. When the way of the yang has reached its summit the yin takes over its task; when the way of the yin has reached its summit the yang takes over its task; it means that neither the yang succeeds a yang nor the yin suc- ceeds a yin. It is simply [the fact of the Principle of] Substance modelling itself on Heaven, and [the Principle of] Form modelling itself on Earth. Therefore Heaven [provides] the substance; Earth receives it, transforms it, and, nourishing it, makes it complete, thus [providing the] form. The Shang shu ta chuan says: "After [the Principle of] Substance has been adhered to, a King follows [the Principle of] Form, basing himself on the Way of Heaven and Earth". The Li san ch êng chi says: "[The Principle of] Sub- stance models itself on Heaven, [the Principle of] Form on Earth" Cf. Ho Hsiu's comm. in Kung yang chu shu, Huan 11, 5.14a, and the Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.6a)..

b.The Emperors and Kings at their accession put Substance first and Form afterwards, so as to conform themselves to the Way of Heaven and Earth. It is the principle of the fundamental and the accessory, the succession of the before and the after. There is nothing which has not first its natural substance, to become em- bellished form afterwards.

 XXVIII. THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS 183---THE MEANING OF THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS INTRODUCED BY THE SAGE-KINGS (III B. 4a-b).

a.Why does the King institute the Three Instructions? san-chiao. In order, at the inheritance of a decadent [world], to rescue what has been lost, with the purpose of bringing the people back to the right Way. b.The Three Kings instead of (Ch' ên, 8.15a). having [each] failed [in their own way], the Three Instructions were set up to correct each other. The Kings of the Hsia people instructed by loyalty chung., and failed by [falling into] vulgarity yeh.; for the correction of vulgarity there is nothing better than reverence ching.. The Kings of the Yin people instructed by reverence, and failed by [falling into] superstition kuei.; for the correction of superstition there is nothing better than culture w ên.. The Kings of the Chou people instructed by culture, and failed by [falling into] profligacy po.; for the correction of profligacy there is nothing better than loyalty. The successors of the Chou hon- oured [the colour] black, and established institutions the same as the Hsia. The Three [Instructions] follow upon each other like an endless circle; when the cycle has run out it commences again, when it has reached its end it returns to its beginning The same ideas are to be found in the Shih chi (M.H. II. 404), Tung Chung- shu's Biography (Ch'ien han shu, 56.16b), the Yen t'ieh lun (see Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron, p. 26), the Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên (19.1b), Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.6a). Cf. also Woo Kang, Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen Ts'ieou, p. 62 and note..

184---THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS BEGAN WITH THE HSIA (III B. 4b).

a.The Yüeh chi yao chia An Apocryphal Book of Music. says: "Yen Hui asked instead of (Lu). about the Three Instructions: had they been changed by [Shun of] Yü and [Yü of the] Hsia [Dynasty]? [Confucius] said: The Instructions were to retrieve [the effects of] bad government, depravity, and impurity: they are to be called [the ways of] governing. Shun, continuing [the way of] Yao, did so without alteration". b.Another opinion is: The Three Instructions, correcting [each other in succession], began with the Hsia Dynasty. c.Why is it that though Kao-tsung [,Sovereign of the Yin Dyn- asty,] inherited a decadent [world] he did not change the In- struction [of Yin] Kao-tsung or Wu-ting was the Yin Sovereign who managed to revive his decaying Dynasty, see M.H. I. 197, and Li chi, C. II. 705. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 288, n. 153.? To show that a son has no right to change the way of his father. How instead of (Lu). do we know that Kao-tsung did not change it? Because it was [only] with the Chou that the Instruction became that by culture. d.Of the Three Instructions loyalty comes first because it is the basis of conduct. The Three Instructions, though divided, [came from] one body, and they cannot be applied as if they were things apart; therefore the Kings applied them according to their sequence. Why is it said that the Three Instructions were applied together and not separately? Because neither loyalty nor reverence nor culture can be spared.

185---WHAT THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS MODEL THEMSELVES ON (III B. 5a).

a.Why are there three Instructions? They model themselves on Heaven, Earth, and Man. Inwardly loyal, outwardly reverent, embellished by culture, [by these] three [things] perfection [is reached]. Modelling themselves on Heaven, Earth, and Man, how does each [Instruction] manifest itself? Loyalty models itself on Man, reverence on Earth, culture on Heaven. b.The way of Man has loyalty as its lead. Man, to make his way perfect, instructs man by utmost loyalty, therefore loyalty is Man's Instruction. c.The way of Earth is modest and lowly. What Heaven begets is reverently nourished by Earth, therefore reverence is Earth's Instruction A paragraph dealing with "Heaven's Instruction" seems to have dropped..

186---THE MEANING OF INSTRUCTION (III B. 5a).

What does chiao 'instruction' mean? Chiao means hsiao 'to imitate' chiao , hsiao ; ancient pronunciations *kŏg/kau and *g'ŏg/γau (Gr. Ser. nos. 1167h-1 and 1166r).; what the superior does the inferior imitates. The people [represent] is considered superfluous by Liu (73.6a). crude material which, left uninstructed, will not be- come accomplished. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "The Ancient Kings saw how their instruction could transform the people" Hsiao ching chu shu, San ts'ai, 3.5a; L. 474.. The Lun yü says: "To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them away" Ch. XIII. 30, Lun syü chu shu, 13.13a; L. 275. The Lun yü text begins the statement, here quoted, with . The quotation in the Po hu t'ung, missing this character, may, therefore, be translated: "Not to instruct people in [the affairs of] war means to throw them away [in battle]". The context, however, forbids this rendering, cf. Liu Pao-nan, Lun yü ch êng i, 16.104. The same quotation in ch. XV, par 119d, moreover, also has .. The Shang shu says: "Instructing [the Hundred Clans] in the reverence of spiritual power" Shang shu chu shu, Lü hsing, 18.25b; L. 596.. The Shih says: "Thou shouldst instruct them, that the people may imitate thee" . Ode 223: Mao shih chu shu, 22.12b; L. 405; K. 16.154. The text in the Book of Odes has a different reading..

 187---HOW THE THREE INSTRUCTIONS COULD FAIL (III B. 5a-b).

Loyalty shows itself in severe straightforwardness, therefore it [can] degenerate into vulgarity. Reverance shows itself in sacri- ficial worship, therefore it [can] degenerate into superstitition. Culture shows itself in graceful deportment, therefore it [can] degenerate into profligacy.

 188---THE VESSELS IN THE THREE DYNASTIES (III B. 5b).

a.Why is it that [at the sacrifice for the dead] the Hsia people used the Spiritual Vessels, the Yin people the Sacrificial Vessels, and the Chou people combined both uses? It is said: The Hsia instructed by loyalty, therefore they preferred the Spiritual Vessels, so as to ensure the heart of the filial son. The Yin instructed by rever- ence, therefore they preferred the Sacrificial Vessels, so as to express the utmost of reverence. The Chou instructed by culture, therefore they combined both uses, so as to express their idea of the climax of culture Cf. Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.10a; C. 1.168. The 'Spiritual Vessels' ming- ch'i are there also called kuei ch'i, i.e. things that only re- present utensils; the 'Sacrificial Vessels' chi-ch'i are also called j ên ch'i, i.e. the actual vessels also used by man. The Chou, combining both, used ordinary vessels that are unfit for use on the occasion of sacrifice, see infra, under c.. b.Confucius said: "To approach the dead and treat them as dead is against consideration for others, and should not be done. To approach the dead and treat them as living is a want of wisdom, and should not be done" Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.6a; C. 1.163.. Therefore there should be the way of the dead in order to ensure the heart of the filial son, and there should [at the same time] be the way of the living in order that men be not ungrateful. c.Therefore [at the sacrifice] the vessels of bamboo are not fit for actual use, the vessels of wood are not well carved, the vessels of earthenware cannot be used to wash in, the ch'in and the s ê [lutes] are strung but not evenly, the pan-pipes are complete but out of tune, the bells and chiming-stones are there but they have no stands Cf. ibid.. It means that the things are [all] complete but not for [ordinary] use. d.Confucius said: "The invention of Spiritual Vessels is good, but the invention of human figures [to accompany the dead] is against consideration for others. The carriages of clay and the figures of straw, they have been since antiquity" Ibid., 9.23a; C.I. 209.. It means that they obtain for the present as well as for antiquity.

XXIX. THE THREE MAJOR AND THE SIX MINOR RELATIONSHIPS 189---GENERAL REMARKS (III B. 6a-b).

a.What are the Three Major Relationships? san-kang. They are [the rela- tion between] Lord and subject, [the relation between] father and son, and [the relation between] husband and wife. The Six Minor Relationships liu-chi. are [the relation with] father's brothers, [with] elder and younger brothers, [with] one's kinsmen, [with] mother's brothers, [with] teachers and elders, and [with] friends. There- fore the Han w ên chia says: "The [relation the] Lord has with the subject [belongs to] the Major Relationships, so do [the re- lation] the father has with his son, and [the relation] the husband has with his wife". It also says: "Pay reverence to thy father's elder brothers, and when the way of the Six Minor Relationships has been put into practise mother's brothers will observe [the rules attached to] their [different] status, kinsmen will observe [the rules of] precedence, elder and younger brothers will observe [the rules of] affection, teachers and elders will enjoy [their right to] rever- ence, and friends will enjoy [the benefit of] intimacy". b.What do kang 'Major Relationship' and chi 'Minor Relationship' mean? Kang means chang 'to spread out'; chi means li 'to regulate' chang , li . This conforms with Ch êng Hsüan's explanation in his comm. on Ode 238, see n. 5.. The greater [relationships] form the kang, the lesser the chi; thereby [the positions of] superior and inferior are spread out and regulated, and the way of man is adjusted and ordered. c.All men harbour the instinct for the Five Constant [Virtues], and possess the disposition to love; they are developed by [the rules for] the Major and the Minor Relationships, as a net which has small and large net-ropes , cf. K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on Ode 238, Mao shih chu shu, 23.51a, and Legge's note in his translation of the Book of History, p. 226. spreads out its ten thousand meshes. The Shih says: "Very zealous was King W ên, [he promulgated the rules for] the Major and the Minor Relationships to the four quarters" Ode 238: Mao shih chu shu, 23.50b; L. 444; K. 18.32. The text of the Book of Odes reads instead of in the Po hu t'ung, which, acc. to Ch' ên Huan, is the original reading (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.97)..

190---THE MEANING OF SAN-KANG (III B. 6b).

Why is it that, though Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife, make six people, we speak of the Three Major Relation- ships? "The alternation of the yin and the yang is called the Way" Chou i, Hsi tz'ŭ (L. 355).; the yang completes itself by the yin, the yin adapts itself to the yang, the hard and the soft supplement each other. Therefore the six people make up the Three Major Relationships I.e., they are three instances of the yang and the yin complementing each other: Lord, father, husband being the yang..

 191---WHAT THE RELATIONSHIPS MODEL THEMSELVES ON (III B. 6b).

a.The Three Major Relationships model themselves on Heaven, Earth, and Man. The Six Minor Relationships model themselves on the Six Cardinal Points liu-ho, i.e. the four quarters, above, and below.. b.[The relation between] Lord and subject models itself on Heaven, and represents the coming and going of the sun and the moon Cf. Chou i, Hsi tz'ŭ, Legge's transl. on p. 389: "The sun goes and the moon comes; the moon goes and the sun comes; ...... it is by the influence on each other of this contraction and expansion () that the advantages (of the different conditions) are produced". See also ch. XXXV, par. 213a, quotation from the Kan ching fu., due to the workings of Heaven. c.[The relation between] father and son models itself on Earth, and represents the Five Elements begetting one another. d.[The relation between] husband and wife models itself on Man, and represents the unison of the yin and the yang in man, by which he possesses the faculty of propagation.

192---THE MEANING OF LIU-CHI (III B. 6b).

a.The Six Minor Relationships represent the minor counterparts of the Three Major Relationships. b.[The relation with] the teacher and the elder is the minor counter- part of [the relation between] Lord and subject. They both serve to perfect one's own person. c.[The relation with] father's brothers and elder and younger brothers is the minor counterpart of [the relation between] father and son. They are connected with [bonds of] love and affection. d.[The relation with] mother's brothers and friends is the minor counterpart of [the relation between] husband and wife. They all have the same intentions as to the helping of one's [kindred].

193---THE MEANING OF THE DIFFERENT NAMES IN THE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIPS (III B. 7a-8b).

a.What do chün 'Lord' and ch' ên 'subject' mean? Chün means ch'ün 'to gather' , cf. Vol 1, p. 305, n. 200.; [the Lord] gathers the feelings of the subjects who turn towards him. Ch' ên means chien 'solid' . Ancient pronunciation (Gr. Ser. nos. 377a and 368c): */ and *kien/kien.; [the subject] strengthens his will to make himself solid and firm. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "If [you, my] Lord, wish to stay here, [I, your] subject, beg leave to return" Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 15, 16. 15b. See ch. XII, n. 21.. b.What do fu 'father' and tzŭ 'son' mean? Fu means chü 'a square' .; the father teaches his son the rules and measures. Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to engender'; to engender without end . Cf. Vol. 1, p. 270, n. 33.. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "If a father has a son who dares to admonish him he will not be endangered into performing unprincipled deeds" Hsiao ching chu shu, Chien ch êng, 7.4a; L. 484.. c.What do fu 'husband' and fu 'wife' mean? Fu 'husband' means fu 'support' ,; Cf. Vol. 1, p. 262, par. 266c. Sinica Leidensia, VI; [the husband] provides the support by means of the Way. Fu 'wife' means fu 'to submit' ,; ibid.. [the wife] humbly submits according to the rites. The Hun li says: "The [new] husband with his own hands removes his wife's tassel" I li chu shu, 2.24a; C. 38.. The Chuan says: "Husband and wife, [though] divided, form one [body]" Ibid., Sang fu, 11.29a; C. 396.. d.What does p' êng-yu 'friends' mean? P' êng means tang 'associate'; yu means yu 'to have' ,; .. The Li chi says: "One of the same school is called a p' êng; one of the same intention is called a yu" Not in the present Li chi or I li, but it occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ting 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 25.2la).. The association of friends [implies that] in each other's company they correct each other's words, and when they are separated they abstain from criticizing one another. When the one behaves well the other rejoices with him, when he behaves ill he grieves for him. Their property should be (Lu, also in his Pu i, 8a). they share without reckoning. They share each other's distress and sorrow, mutually giving assistance. In life they do not hang on one another, at their death they do not burden one another. Therefore the Lun yü says: "Tzŭ-lu said: I should like carriage and horses, and light fur dresses to wear them out with my friends" Ch. V. 25, Lun yü chu shu, 5.14b; L. 182. In the expression 'light fur dresses' i ch'ing ch'iu , the word ch'ing, which also occurs in the current editions of the Lun yü, is a later addition (see Lun yü ch êng i, 6.139); i is not a verb, as Legge says in his note, but the first part of the combination i-ch'iu.. It also says: "If a friend has no [relations] to fall back on I shall provide for his home when he is alive, and for his burial when he dies" Ch. X. 15, Lun yü chu shu, 10.13b; L. 235. The Lun yü text only contains the statement about the burial, but an almost similar passage as the Po hu t'ung quotation occurs in the Li chi, ch. T'an kung (C. 1.178) and the Chia yü, 10.14a.. e.The way of friendship [is this]: When the parents are alive two things may not be done: one must not allow his friend to sacrifice his life [for one]; one must not accept the favour of sharing one's [friend's] riches without [his parents'] consent. f.If his friend suffers from hunger he must inform his father and elder brother; if the latter are willing [to listen] he must relate [the story]; if they are not he stops. Therefore there is the saying: "If thy friend hungers ration thy food for his sake; if he shivers do not wear double fur for his sake". And therefore the Lun yü says: "If there are still father and elder brother, why shouldst thou act [of thy own accord] after hearing [about thy friend's condition]?" Ch. XI, 21, Lun yü chu shu, 11.10a; L. 244. g.Why is it that with respect to males we speak of hsiung-ti . 'brothers', and with respect to females of tzŭ-mei . 'sisters'? [These] males and females will have different surnames, therefore their denominations should be differentiated I.e., the girls will be married out and assume other duties.. Why is it [thus] stated? The Li ch'in shu chi says: "The first-born male is called hsiung, the later-born is called ti; the first-born female is called tzŭ, the later-born is called mei" A quotation from an untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites. It corresponds with the Erh ya (chu shu, Shih ch'in, 3.21b).. h.Why is it that the father's brothers are not all [generically] called shih-fu, whereas the father's sisters are all [generically] called ku Shih-fu , ku . Shih-fu is father's elder brother, shu-fu father's younger brother (Erh ya chu shu, l.c.). For a more detailed distinction between father's brothers see F êng Han-yi, The Chinese Kinship System (Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 2, p. 222-223).? Because the father's brothers are said [to belong to] the inner affinal relatives, and therefore should have different de- nominations, whereas the sisters [belong to the category of those who] detach themselves by marrying out, so that there is one generic name for them. i.Why is it that sisters, though [belonging to those who] marry out, are distinguished by [the words] tzŭ and mei? The rites for serving the father's sisters are alike, while their marrying out is redundant (Ch' ên, 8.22a). is the same, therefore their denomination is a generic one. As to sisters [,however], though it were desirable to denominate instead of (Liu, 73.6a). them generically, [the position of] the elder sister is superior to [that of] the younger, and they observe different rites. The Shih says: "I will ask my father's sisters and also my elder sister" Ode 39: Mao shih chu shu, 3.51b; L. 63; K. 16.184.. j.Why [are parents-in-law] called chiu-ku? Chiu 'husband's father' means chiu 'old' .; ku 'husband's mother' means ku 'aged' .; chiu-ku is the term for elderly people. k.Why [are sisters] called tzŭ-mei. Tzŭ 'elder sister' means tzŭ . 'to consult'; mei 'younger sister' means mo . 'accessory'. l.Why [are brothers] called hsiung-ti? Hsiung 'elder brother' means huang . The ancient pronunciations of hsiung and huang are: */ and */ (Gr. Ser. nos. 765a and g). 'to increase'; to increase the father's laws. Ti 'younger brother' means t'i . 'fraternal love'; [the younger brother is] obedient in his heart and reverent in his conduct. m.Why are the husband's parents called chiu-ku? [A man is called] chiu who, though not being the father, is revered as a father. [A woman is called] ku who, though not being the mother, is loved as a mother. Therefore the husband's parents are called chiu-ku.

XXX. INSTINCT AND EMOTION 194---GENERAL REMARKS (III B. 8b).

What do [the words] ch'ing and hsing mean? . Hsing 'instinct' is the dispensation of the yang; ch'ing 'emotion' is the working of the yin. Man is born through the reception of the yin- and the yang-fluids, therefore he harbours the Five Instincts and the Six Emotions. Ch'ing [also] means ching 'quiescence'; hsing [also] means sh êng 'life' ching , sh êng .; it is through the reception of these six fluids that man gets his life The whole passage seems to be irrelevant and to interrupt the paragraph. By the 'six fluids' probably the 'fluids of the Six Pitch-pipes' is meant, cf. infra, par. 196a.. Therefore the Kou ming chüeh An Apocryphal Book of Filial Piety. says: "Emotion arises from the yin, it is desire [based] on momentary reflection . Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the Kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58. 33b) writes instead of , thus: "it is desire which waits on reflection".; instinct arises from the yang, it is [always] attached to reason. The yang-fluid [stands for] consideration for others, the yin-fluid [stands for] selfishness. Therefore emotions have desire of gain [as their origin], instinct has consideration for others [as its base]".

 195---THE FIVE INSTINCTS AND THE SIX EMOTIONS (III B. 9a).

a.What are the Five Instincts? They are 'consideration for others' j ên, 'sense of the correct principles' i, 'ceremonial behaviour' li, 'wisdom' chih, 'trustworthiness' hsin j ên , i , li, , chih , hsin..

b.J ên 'consideration for others' means pu-j ên . 'unable to endure'; [he who has consideration for others] dispenses life and loves men. I 'sense of the correct principles' means i . Cf. ch. Chi i of the Li chi (C. II. 302). 'proper'; [he who has sense of the correct principles] in his decisions achieves justness. Li 'ceremonial behaviour' means li , cf. ch. VI, n. 1. 'to tread'; [he who observes ceremonial behaviour] treads the way which leads to accomplished refinement. Chih 'wisdom' means chih . 'to know'; [he who has wisdom] sees for himself and learns before-hand, he is not deceived by events, he sees what is [still] minute, and knows what will arise out of it. Hsin 'trustworthiness' means ch êng . 'sincerity'; [he who is trustworthy] devotes himself unswervingly to one end.

c.Therefore man lives in conformity with the bodily [parts] of the Eight Trigrams . They are referred to as pa-so in the Kuo-yü, Ch êng yü, 16.5b. In his comm. Wei Chao (197-278) enumerates: the ch'ien trigram represents the head, the k'un the belly, the ch ên the feet, the sun the legs, the li the eyes, the tui the mouth, the k'an the ears, the k ên the hands.; he obtains the five fluids I.e. the Five Elements. to form the [Five] Constant [Virtues], which are: consideration for others, sense of the correct principles, ceremonial behaviour, wisdom, and trustworthiness.

d.What are the Six Emotions? They are: 'joy' hsi, 'anger' nu, 'grief' ai, 'happiness' lo, 'love' ai, and 'hate' wu .. They are called the Six Emotions to serve as a complement for the Five Instincts.

 196---THE FIVE RESERVOIRS AND THE SIX STOREHOUSES DIRECT THE INSTINCTS AND EMOTIONS (III B. 9a-11b).

a.Why are there five Instincts and six Emotions? Man by nature lives by containing the fluids of the Six Pitch-pipes and the Five Elements. Therefore he has in [his body] the Five Reservoirs wu-tsang. and the Six Storehouses liu-fu., through which the Instincts and Emo- tions go in and out. The Yüeh tung sh êng i An Apocryphal Book of Music. says: "A government's office has six storehouses, man has five reservoirs".

b.What are the Five Reservoirs? They are the liver, the heart, the lungs, the kidneys, and the spleen.

c.Kan 'liver' means kan 'to attend to' .; deliberations and preparations proceed therefrom , supplied by Liu (73.6a).. Fei 'lungs' means fei 'to spend' .; the emotions move and attain their sequence. Hsin 'heart' means j ên 'to consider' , (instead of , acc. to Liu, l.c.).; it has reflection instead of (ibid.). as its task. Sh ên 'kidneys' means hsieh 'to drain' .; to drain through orifices. Pi 'spleen' means ping 'to unite' .; it accumulates the germs and provides the fluid.

d.Of the Five Reservoirs the liver [represents] consideration for others, the lungs [represent] sense of the correct principles, the heart [represents] ceremonial behaviour, the kidneys [represent] wisdom, the spleen [represents] trustworthiness.

e.Why [does] the liver [represent] consideration for others? The liver is the essence of wood; consideration for others [expresses] love for the living. The east [represents] the yang, [there] the ten thousand things begin their lives. Therefore the liver resembles a tree, green-coloured, with branches and leaves. Why are the eyes its watch? The eyes can shed tears, but admit no objects. Likewise the tree shoots out branches and leaves, but nothing can enter it.

f.Why [do] the lungs [represent] sense of the correct principles? The lungs are the essence of metal. [Out of a] sense of the correct principles decisions are taken. The west also [represents] metal, [there] the ten thousand things die in maturity. Therefore the lungs resemble metal and are white-coloured. Why is the nose their watch? The nose exhales and inhales air, it is high and has openings. The mountains contain metals and minerals in layers as well as holes and crevices; they produce clouds and spread out rains which moisten all under Heaven. When it rains the clouds disperse, [it is like] the nose blowing out the inner breath.

g.Why [does] the heart [represent] is redundant (Sun I-jang, Cha i, 10.4b). ceremonial behaviour? The heart is the essence of fire. In the south the superior yang is ascendant while the inferior yin lies prone. Ceremonial behaviour [observes the difference between] superior and inferior; therefore the heart resembles fire, is red-coloured and pointed. Man, being in the possession of the Way, reveres Heaven, whose position is by nature high. Therefore the heart is pointed downwards. Why are the ears its watch? The ears can discern (Lu). between inside and out- side, and distinguish sound from speech. The glow of fire resembles ceremonial behaviour in that above and below are clearly divided by it.

h.Why [do] the kidneys [represent] wisdom? The kidneys are the essence of water. Wisdom advances without stopping (Sun I-jang, l.c.).; it neither hesitates nor doubts, [it is like] water, which also advances without uncertainty. The north [represents] water; therefore the kidneys are black-coloured. Water [belongs to] the yin, therefore the kidneys form a pair. Why are the [secret] orifices their watch? The [secret] orifices can drain off, as water also can drain off.

i.Why [does] the spleen [represent] trustworthiness? The spleen is the essence of earth. Earth has as its highest charge the nourish- ment of the ten thousand things; it is for them the symbol of the begetter of things, requiring nothing for itself, [the embodiment of] the utmost trustworthiness. Therefore the spleen resembles earth and is yellow-coloured. Why is the mouth its watch? The mouth can swallow, its tongue can taste, it can also produce sounds and emit saliva. Therefore the Yüan ming pao says: "The eye is the envoy of the liver; the liver is the essence of wood, the seat of the Green Dragon. The nose is the envoy of the lungs; the lungs are the essence of metal, cleaving and cutting. The ears are the watch of the heart; the heart is the essence of fire, above it corresponds with [the constellations] chang and hsing. The genitals are the drainage for the kidneys; the kidneys are the essence of water, above they correspond with [the constel- lations] hsü and wei. The mouth is the gate of the spleen; the spleen is the essence of earth, above it corresponds with [the constellation] Ursa Major; it directs the tranformations" This quotation from the Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao seems to be rather corrupt. It concerns here the correspondences with the constellations of the four heavenly quarters, comprising the twenty-eight zodiacal mansions. The liver, according to this system, corresponds with wood (east, spring) and the constel- lation 'Green Dragon' ts'ang-lung (especially the mansions fang and hsin spring equinox); the lungs correspond with metal (west, autumn) and the constellation 'White Tiger' po-hu (especially the mansions mao and pi autumn equinox); the heart corresponds with fire (south, summer) and the constellation 'Vermillion Bird' chu-niao (especially the mansions hsing and chang summer solstice); the kidneys correspond with water (north, winter) and the constellation 'Dark Warrior' hsŭan-wu (especially the mansions hsü and wei winter solstice); the spleen corresponds with earth (centre) and the constellation Ursa Major pei-tou . Cf. also ch. IX, par. 78a-d. The 'Dark Warrior' is there translated as 'Black Tortoise'. For their association see M.H. 1.47 and de Saussure, Les origines de l'astronomie chinoise, p. 161, n. 1..

j.One opinion is: The mouth is the watch of the heart, the ears are the watch of the kidneys.

k.Another opinion is: The liver is connected with the eyes, the lungs with the nose, the heart with the mouth, the spleen with the tongue, the kidneys with the ears.

l.What are the Six Storehouses? They are: the large intestines, the small intestines, the stomach, the bladder, the gullet, and the gall. The Storehouses serve as the depositories of the Five Reser- voirs. Therefore the Li yün chi says: "The Six Emotions serve as a complement for the Five Instincts" Not in the present Li chi..

m.The stomach wei. is the storehouse of the spleen; the spleen directs the spending of the fluid; the stomach is the accumulation-place for the food, therefore the spleen provides it with fluid. The blad- der p'ang-kuang. Instead of this sentence Lu (Pu i, 8b) suggests the reading: "The bladder is the storehouse of the lungs; the lungs settle and decide; as the bladder, etc." is the storehouse of the kidneys; the kidneys direct the drain- age; as the bladder can always develop heat it forestalls difficulty Probably the meaning is that the bladder gives the warning that the time for 'drainage' has come.. The gullet san-chiao. Cf. Hübotter, Die Chinesische Medizin, p. 55. Instead of this sentence Lu (l.c.) suggests the reading: "The gullet is the storehouse of the kidneys; the kidneys direct the drainage; thus it is that the gullet also ejects the collected fluid; the upper part, etc." is a storehouse which is wrapped up, it is the canal for food and drink, [the place] where the breath stops and begins; therefore the upper part is like an orifice, the middle part is twisted, and the lower part is like a drain. The gall tan. is the storehouse of the liver; the liver is the essence of wood, it directs [the feeling of] consideration for others; consideration for others means to be unable to endure, therefore it decides by 'courage' tan.; for this reason consideration for others requires the possession of bravery. How do we know that though the liver and the gall have different tendencies the one is the storehouse of the other? The liver is the essence of wood; 'wood' mu means mu 'to shepherd' .; when a man becomes angry he always assumes a green colour while his eyes dilate is superfluous (Liu, 73.6b).; this is the working [of the liver]. The small intes- tines hsiao-ch'ang. and the large intestines ta-ch'ang. Instead of this sentence Lu (l.c.) suggests the reading: "The large intestines and the small intestines are the storehouses of the heart; the heart directs ceremonial behaviour; ceremonial behaviour has discrimination as its principle; the intestines are large and small because they receive from each other; the intestines ..... (corrupt and incomprehensible); the heart is the director of its dependencies, therefore there are two storehouses." Lu further supplies (from the T'ai p'ing yü lan): "Fire develops in the fifth [month?], therefore the human heart is five inches long". are the storehouses of the heart and the lungs, and direct the sense of ceremonial behaviour; sense of ceremonial behaviour has discrimination as its principle; like- wise the large and the small intestines receive from each other; the intestines are the directors of the heart and the lungs; the heart is the director of its dependencies, therefore there are two storehouses. The eyes see for the heart, the mouth talks for it, the ears hear for it, the nose smells for it: such is its direction of its dependencies.

 197---THE CORRESPONDENCIES BETWEEN THE STOREHOUSES AND THE POINTS OF THE COMPASS (III B. 11b).

Why is it that joy resides in the west, anger in the east, love in the north, hate in the south, grief in the lower, and happiness in the upper [regions]? In the west the ten thousand things mature, therefore there is joy; in the east they are born, therefore there is anger nu, perhaps to be taken in the meaning of 'excitement'?, in the north the yang-fluid begins to work, therefore there s love; in the south the yin-fluid begins to rise, therefore there is hate; in the upper [regions] there is much happiness as there is much grief in the lower.

 198---THE HUN AND THE P'O (III B. 11b-12a).

a.What do [the words] hun and p'o mean? Hun expresses the idea of soaring away, of going without rest; it is the fluid of the younger yang, therefore it moves without stopping; with respect to man it is external and directs the instincts instead of (Ch' ên, 8.29a)..

b.P'o expresses the idea of a pressing urge on man; it is the fluid of the younger yin; it resembles [precious] metal and stone, which urge man without distraction and directs the emotions instead of (ibid.)..

c.Hun means yün . 'to weed'; with the instincts see n. 41. the ill-weed is removed. P'o means po . 'to clear up'; with the emotions See n. 42. the inner movements are governed.

 199---RECEPTIVE POWER AND VITAL FORCE (III B. 12a).

What do the words ching and sh ên mean? Ching 'receptive power' means ching 'repose' .; it is the fluid of the dispensing and trans- forming [power] of the elder yin; it resembles the transforming [power] of water, which must wait for its task of giving life. Sh ên 'vital force' means huang-hu 'flux' .; it is the fluid of the elder yang, which is in motion without interruption. In general it may be said [that vital force is] the origin of [the process of] branching off [into various organs], and of the ten thousand transformations.

 XXXI. DESTINIES 200---THE MEANING OF THE THREE DESTINIES (III B. 12a-13a).

a.What does ming . 'destiny' mean? [It means] man's old age, what Heaven has destined to constitute his span of life.

b.There are three kinds of destinies, indicating [man's] vicissitudes. There is the 'Old-age Destiny' shou-ming, [to denote] those who observe the rules; there is the 'Accident Destiny' tsao-ming, [to denote] those who meet a violent [death]; there is the 'Merit Destiny' sui-ming, [to denote] those who receive according to their deserts shou-ming , tsao-ming , sui-ming . The Hsiao ching wei yüan sh ên ch'i (Yü han, 58.12b) also gives this enumeration, but writes shou-ming. The Lun h êng, ch. Ming i (2.6a; Forke, I. 138), quoting the Chuan, gives ch êng-ming instead of shou-ming..

c.The 'Old-age Destiny' is the best. It applies for instance to "King W ên, who received his mandate in the middle of his life and enjoyed the state['s throne] for fifty years" Cf. ch. Wu i of the Book of History, L. 470..

d.The 'Merit Destiny' is the destiny as a consequence of one's behaviour. It applies for instance to [the prince of Hu,] "who idly abandoned the Three Rectifications, so that on that account Heaven cut off his life" Cf. ch. Kan shih of ibid., L. 153. For the Three Rectifications see ch. XXVII.. For [Heaven] desires that the people apply them- selves to consideration for others and abide by the sense of the correct principles, not despising Heaven; when [there is one who] despises Heaven, then the Overseer of Destinies ssŭ-ming, see Li chi chu shu, Chi fa, 46.14a-b (C. II. 266), and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on it. will expose his guilt, that is, he will use it as a reason to destroy him.

e.The 'Accident Destiny' [applies to] those who encounter the depravities of his time, as when above [there happens to be] an unruly Lord, so that below there will be calamities and extraordin- ary events. Disasters occur and the life of men is cut short. Such was the case when the town of Sha-lu fell crushingly from the river-bank (Ch' ên, 8.30b); cf. Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 14, 11.13b. [or] when Jan Po-niu, [Confucius' disciple and a man of] bold speech and upright conduct, was visited by a loathe- some disease. Confucius said [of him]: "It is destiny! That such a man should have this disease!" Lun yü chu shu, ch. VI. 8, 6.5b; L. 188.

f.The Master, when passing through Ch êng, found himself separ- ated from his disciples, and alone took his stand outside the gate of the city-wall. Someone told Tzŭ-kung: "At the eastern gate there is a man, whose head resembles that of Yao; his neck re- sembles that of Kao-yao, and his shoulders resemble those of Tzŭ-ch'an; only from his waist down he lacks [the height of] Shun by three inches. He looks wearied like a homeless dog". Tzŭ-kung related it to Confucius, who with a sigh and a smile replied: "[The description of my] appearance is inadequate, but as to the homeless dog, how true it is, how true it is" This paragraph seems to be irrelevant, unless it is taken as an instance of 'Accident Destiny' which befell Confucius. For the story cf. M.H. V. 337-338, and Chia yü, 5.23a-b..

 XXXII. CLAN AND KINDRED 201---THE FIVE LINEAGES For the terms 'lineage', 'Major Lineage', and 'Minor Lineage' see e.g. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer, p. 196 (I use the terms in a more inclusive sense). Cf. also his definitions, on p. 193: "A lineage in the sense in which we generally employ this word is a group of living agnates, descended from the founder of that particular line. Logically it also includes dead persons descended from the founder ......"; on p. 192: "One might speak of the whole clan as a lineage, but we prefer to speak of lineages as segments of it and to define them as such"; on p. 195: "A lineage is a relative term, since its range of reference depends on the particular person who is selected as the point of departure in tracing descent"; on p. 200: "The structural form of clans remains constant, while actual lineages at any point in time are highly dynamic, creating new bifurcations and merging old ones." (III B. 13a-14a).

a.What does tsung mean? Tsung means tsun 'to honour' .. He who officiates as host to the ancestors is honoured by the members of his lineage tsung-j ên.. The Li says: "When the Head of the Major Lineage has some business to do all his kindred wait on him" The quotation cannot be identified, but an almost similar statement occurs in Mao's Chuan on Ode 174 (Mao shih chu shu, 17.11b). In this Chuan the ex- pression for 'Head of the Major Lineage' is tsung-tzŭ (cf. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. in Li chi chu shu, Ta chuan, 34.11b) instead of tsung-j ên in the Po hu t'ung text, which probably is a mistake. b.Why is it that from of old there must always be lineages Tsung, which either means 'to honour' or 'lineage' or a collective name for the Major Lineage and the Minor Lineages. with [their heads]? To promote harmonious relations. The [Head of the] Major Lineage ta-tsung. can lead the Minor Lineages; [the Heads of] the Minor Lineages hsiao-tsung. can lead the groups of younger brothers; they share their wealth so as to keep [the affairs of] the kindred in order. c.All descendants who 'honour' the first ancestor constitute the Major Lineage; this is [the ancestor who is] honoured for a hundred generations. d.All descendants who 'honour' the great-great-grandfather are those who are shifted after five generations. Therefore it is said: "The ancestors are shifted upwards, the lineages are changed downwards" From the Li chi chu shu, Sang fu ta chi, 32.8b (C. I. 746; L. II. 43). The Li chi text deals with a son, other than the eldest, who is withdrawn from his lineage pieh-tzŭ (see infra) to become the founder and first ancestor of a new line. His eldest son chi-pieh is then the Head of the Major Lineage, which is continued for 'a hundred generations'. The eldest sons of the younger sons of the chi-pieh (chi-ni 'collaterals') for four succeeding generations form Minor Lineages. After five generations, i.e. in the generation of the sons of those who 'honour' the great- great-grandfather, no further collaterals are formed, and the kinship ends. The quotation now means: the ancestors, with the exception of the first an- cestor, replace each other in ascending line (father to great-great-grandfather), the lineages are formed in descending line (Great-great-grandfather Lineage to Father Lineage). The word 'honour' in par. c-e and g is to be taken in the sense of 'claim direct lineal descent from'.. e.All descendants who 'honour' the great-grandfather constitute the Great-grandfather Lineage; those who 'honour' the grand- father constitute the Grandfather Lineage; those who 'honour' the father constitute the Father Lineage. f.[The lineages] from Father Lineage to Great-great-grandfather Lineage together constitute the Minor Lineages. It is by their shifting that they are distinguished from the Major Lineage. The son who is set aside [to become the founder of a new line] pieh-tzŭ, see n. 8. natur- ally becomes the first ancestor of his sons and grandsons. His collateral descendants The text has chi-pieh, which term represents the Head of the Major Lineage. It should be chi-ni (see n. 8). The statement about the chi-pieh is thus omitted here. in each [following] generation naturally form [Minor] Lineages. What is meant by: there are four Minor Lineages and one Major Lineage, in all five lineages, is that thus man's kinship is completely defined. g.Since it is proper that [a man who is set up as] a Feudal Lord is withdrawn from his [original] lineage See n. 8. Cf. this paragraph also with ch. VII, par. 63a, and Vol. I, p. 130., meaning that he is [to be the first ancestor] to be 'honoured', why is it not allowed for a great officer to be withdrawn from his lineage? The answer is: a Feudal Lord transmits his hereditary [position] to his sons and grandsons, therefore he is withdrawn from his [original] lineage. A great officer does not transmit [his position] to his sons and grandsons, therefore he is not withdrawn from his lineage. The Sang fu ching says: "A great officer [wears the three months' mourning] for the Head of the Major Lineage" I li chu shu, 11.49a; C. 409.. It is never stated that a Feudal Lord [wears mourning] for the Head of the Major Lineage.

202---THE NINE GROUPS OF KINDRED (III B. 14b-15b).

a.What does tsu mean? Tsu 'kindred' means ts'ou 'to collect', chŭ 'to assemble' tsu , ts'ou , chü .. It means that love and affection flow together and collect. Above, [the kinship] includes the great-great-grand- father in the collecting, below, it reaches to the great-great-grand- son I.e. nine generations of lineal descendants bearing the same surname; this is the interpretation of the Shang shu quotation in this paragraph by the Old Text School (K'ung An-kuo's Chuan in Shang shu chu shu, 1.5b; Ma Jung and Ch êng Hsüan, see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 1.6).. If one house enjoys good luck a hundred houses assemble it; it unites and makes them love each other. When alive they have affection for one another, in the case of death they grieve for one another. They follow the way of assembling in a body, therefore they are said [to form] a tsu 'kindred'. The Shang shu says: "[Yao was able] to love the Nine [Groups of] Kindred" Shang shu chu shu, Yao tien, 1.5b; L. 17.. b.Why are there nine [groups of] kindred? Chiu 'nine' means chiu 'profound, . The Ch'ien tso tu says: "Nine represents the profundity of the change of fluid" (. 5a of the Ku ching chieh hui han ed.). Cf. also ch. VI, par. 47n.. The affection of the nearer and remoter relatives is profound, [therefore] we speak of chiu-tsu 'the [Profound] Nine [Groups of] Kindred'. c.[These Nine Groups consist of] four [groups of] kindred through the father, three through the mother, two through the wife I.e. three divisions having different surnames; this is the interpretation given by the New Text School of the Elder Tai, Ou-yang Sh êng, and Hsia-hou Sh êng (see K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. in Shang shu chu shu, Yao tien, 1.6a; Tso chuan chu shu, Huan 6, 5.23b; Mao shih chu shu, Ode 71, 6.13b).. d.The four [groups of] kindred through the father are [the following]: those bearing the father's surname , properly 'clan-name'. form the first [group of] kindred In K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. (see n. 17) the first group is formed by those who fall within the five mourning-groups. F êng Han-yi, The Chinese Kinship System, p. 204, apparently basing himself on this source, describes the first group as: "With ego in the center, counting four generations above, four generations below, and the four collateral lines each counting four generations from the lineal line from males through males".; the father's married ti-j ên, which denotes a girl married to a common officer (see Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on ch. Sang fu, I li chu shu, 11.18a). sisters with their children form the second [group]; ego's married sisters with their children form the third [group]; ego's married daughters with their children form the fourth [group]. e.The three [groups of] kindred through the mother are [the fol- lowing]: the mother's parents form the first [group of] kindred; the mother's brothers form the second [group]; the mother's sisters form the third [group]. The mother's brothers as well as the mother's sisters belong to the 'outside relatives', therefore they are mentioned together The division given in this paragraph differs from that given in K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. (which represents the New Text interpretation, see n. 17; F êng Han-yi, l.c., follows the Po hu t'ung division, without indicating it). The New Text interpretation divides the three groups of kindred through the mother into: 1. the mother's father; 2. the mother's mother; 3. the mother's married sisters with their children. The Po hu t'ung statement seems to be incorrect, as the mother's brothers (its second group) actually are included in the group of the mother's father. Besides, the statement that mother's brothers and mother's sisters, belonging to the 'outside relatives' (wai-ch'in, 'non-sib relatives' acc. to F êng Han-yi, o.c. 175), are mentioned together, is senseless because they are, in the Po hu t'ung passage, mentioned separately.. f.The two [groups of] kindred through the wife are [the following]: the wife's father forms the first [group of] kindred, the wife's mother forms the second [group]. As [the relationship with] the wife's parents is loose her father and her mother each are consider- ed as one [group of] kindred. g.The Li says: "Among the Three [Divisions of] Kindred there is no occasion for mourning" I li chu shu, Shih hun li, Chi, 2.41a; C. 51; St. I. 38.. The Shang shu says: "[Yao was able] to love the Nine [Groups of] Kindred". The meaning [of the two expressions] is the same I. e., the Three Divisions are the same as the Nine Groups. Ch êng Hsüan's Sinica Leidensia, VI comm. on the I li statement, however, explains the Three [Divisions of] Kindred as: the father's brothers, ego's brothers, and the son's brothers.. h.One opinion [says]: The reason for speaking of the Nine [Groups of] Kindred combined [as in the Shang shu] is to express the idea that in the time of Yao [the three divisions] each had three [groups]. Why [,however,] is it that according to the [later] rites only the [groups of] kindred through the father have become four? The meaning is this: When the Chou succeeded to the two degenerated [Dynasties Hsia and Yin] all the people [had begun to] emphasize the [importance of knowing their] offspring. Therefore they raised should be , which is the original reading of the Yüan ta-t ê ed., and the opposite of 'lowered'. the rites for the mother's kindred [above those for] the wife's kinsfolk, and lowered the rites for the mother's kindred [below those for] the father's kindred. Thus the [number of groups of] kindred through the wife was diminished [by one], which was added to the [number of groups of] kindred through the father The text, as it stands, is hardly comprehensible. For the translation I have followed Liu's explication (74.1a).. i.Some [say]: When we speak of the Nine [Groups of Kindred] it refers to the affection between those who are related to each other, as [in the case of Chuang-chiang, who was] the sister-in-law of the Marquis of Hsing, and had the Duke of T'an as her brother- in-law See Ode 57: Mao shih chu shu, 5.7a; L. 95. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 325, n. 292.. When we speak of four [groups of kindred] it refers only to those who wear mourning [for each other] "Mourning for sib relatives vanishes at the fourth degree (fourth collateral) and at the fourth generation, both ascending and descending from ego" (F êng Han-yi, o.c. 178).. The difference is [that the latter are expected] never to harm one another The whole paragraph apparently is incomplete and not quite intelligible..

XXXIII. CLAN-NAMES AND PERSONAL NAMES 203---CLAN-NAMES (III B. 15b).

a.Why has a man a clan-name? To emphasize [the feelings of] affection, to enhance the love between his kindred, to differ from the beasts, and to distinguish the marriage [-groups]. Therefore, when in ordering the generations and distinguishing the species men are induced to love each other during their life and to mourn for each other in case of death, and they are forbidden to marry persons of the same clan-name, it is all to accentuate [the impor- tance of] the human relationships. b.Hsing 'clan-name' means sh êng 'to live' .. Man receives life by the grace of Heaven's fluid. The Shih says: "Heaven gave birth to the multitudes of people" Ode 260: Mao shih chu shu, 25.62a; L. 541; K. 17.83.. c.The Shang shu says: "[Yao] appeased and made illustrious the Hundred Clans" Shang shu chu shu, Yao tien, 1.5b; L. 17.. Why are there one hundred clan-names? An- ciently the Sages by blowing the musical pitch-pipes fixed the clan- names, and thereby registered the [different kinds of] kindred. Man is born with the Five Constant [Virtues] in him. There are five principal tones: kung, shang, chüeh, chih, and yü, which, combining together five by five, make twenty-five [tones], and further give birth to the four seasons. With the [tour] different climates and the [twenty-five] various tones the completion is obtained. There- fore there are one hundred clan-names.

204---SURNAMES (III B. 15b-16b).

a.What are the surnames shih. For the difference between hsing and shih cf. M.H. 1.3, n. 3. Legge (p. 26 of his Tso chuan translation) renders hsing as 'surnames' and shih as 'clan-names'. for? To honour efficacious spiritual power and discourage cunning force. Sometimes one's official position is taken as a surname, sometimes one's profession. Hearing the surname one's spiritual power can be known. Thereby man is encouraged to practise what is good. b.Why is sometimes the 'style' tzŭ. of the grandfather taken as a surname? To distinguish between the descendants of the Feudal Lords, to revive an extinguished state, or to continue a cut-off generation. The son of the King is called 'King's son' wang-tzŭ ., the grand-son of a King is called 'King's grandson' wang-sun .. The son of a Feudal Lord is called 'Duke's son' kung-tzŭ ., the son of a Duke's son is called 'Duke's grandson' kung-sun .. The sons of a Duke's grandson each take the style of their grandfather as their surname. Therefore we have in the Ch'un ch'iu Wang-tzŭ Hsia , see under Hsiang 30., in the Lun-yü we have Wang-sun Chia , see ch. III. 13 and XIV. 20., Wei kung-tzŭ Ching , ch. XIII. 8., and [Wei] kung-sun Ch'ao , ch. XIX. 22.. In Lu we have [the surnames] Chung-sun, Shu-sun, and Chi-sun. , cf. M. H. IV. 111. n. 4. In Ch'u we have [the surnames] Chao, Ch'ü and Ching For people of Ch'u with the surnames of Ch'ü and Ching, see M.H. IV. 382.397.; In Ch'i we have Kao, Kuo, and Ts'ui. . For people of Ch'i with the surnames of Kao and Kuo see ibid. 47. Thus we know that they were descendants [bearing the style of their grandfathers as surnames]. c.The descendants of the Kings [of the previous Dynasties] are also called 'King's son' because all of them, elder and younger brothers, are established as fief-holders. d.Another opinion says: the descendants of the Kings [of the pre- vious Dynasties] are also called 'King's grandson'. e.The Hsing t ê fang An Apocryphal Book of History. says: "When Yao knew his end was coming he distinguished Chi and Hsieh Chi or Hou-chi was the ancestor of the Chou; Hsieh was the ancestor of the Yin, cf. M.H. I. 79, n. 5 and 6. by conferring upon them the clan-names of Tzŭ and Chi I.e., Hsieh received the clan-name Tzŭ , and (Hou-) Chi the clan-name Chi , see M.H. 1.94., [but] Kao Yao, who had regulated the punishments, was not distinguished by a clan-name". This means that Heaven employs spiritual power, and avoids punish- ments. f.The clan-name of Yü was Ssŭ , cf. M.H. 1.94.; [it was based on the fact that his] ancestor Ch'ang-i was born through [the mediation of] the i-i [plant] This is apparently against the current tradition, according to which it was Yü himself who was born after his mother Hsiu-chi had eaten of the i-i plant (see Ssŭ-ma Ch êng's So yin on Shih chi 1.30a; for i-i cf. Bo- tanicon Sinicum, III. 382); Ch'ang-i was Yu's great-great-grandfather (M.H. 1.98). Lu (Pu i, 9b) suggests omitting 'Ch'ang-i'.. The clan-name of the Yin was Tzŭ; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hsieh] was born through [the media- tion of] a black bird Cf. M.H. 1.173. Hsieh's mother, Chien-ti , became pregnant after having swallowed the egg of a black bird.. The clan-name of the Chou was Chi; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hou-chi] was born through [his mother] having trodden on the footprint of a giant Cf. M.H. 1.210, and ch. VIII, n. 6. Hou-chi's mother was Chiang-yüan . The three clan-names Ssŭ, Tzŭ, and Chi are somehow related to the circumstances of the birth of their first bearers (see Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, San tai kai chih, 7.15b-16b; cf. also Tso chuan chu shu, Yin 8, 3.13b): so Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to engender', Chi means p ên 'origin' (cf. M.H. III. 9-10). I have not found the explanation of Ssŭ..

205---PERSONAL NAMES (III B. 16b-19a).

a.Why must a man have a [personal] name? To reveal his emotions, and in the reverential service of others to present himself. The Lun yü says: "if the names are not correct the words will not conform [with the facts]" Ch. XIII. 3, Lun yü chu shu, 13.2a; L. 263.. b.Why [is it that a child is] given its name three months [after its birth]? The Way of Heaven is that in a season [of three months] the things have their transformation, while three months after its birth a child acquires its eyesight, is also able to smile, and to come into communication with the people [of the outer world]. So, with the beginning of its consciousness, it is given a name. Therefore the Li fu chuan says: "Three months after its birth a child receives from the father its name before the shrine of the first ancestor" I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.52a; C. 412, where the text lacks the words "before the shrine of the first ancestor".. [It takes place] before the shrine of the first ancestor, that is the ancestral temple of the child's parents; it means [that the name given] should be [announced to all] the shrines in the ancestral temple. c.Another opinion is: the name is given in the Small Apartment yen-ch'in, i.e. the hsiao-ch'in, cf. Vol. 1, p. 282, n. 114, and Couvreur's note in his Li chi translation, I. 667.. The personal name is [only] an appellation of a young and unim- portant [child], it is unpolished and indefinite, therefore [it is given] in the Small Apartment. d.The Li nei ts ê says: "When a child [of a Feudal Lord] has been born [,and a name is to be given to it], the Lord washes his face and body, and puts on his court-robes; his Consort does the same. They take their stand to the south-west of the eastern steps; one of the secondary wives, with the child in her arms, ascends by the west- ern steps; [then] the Lord gives the name" Li chi chu shu, 28.17b; C. 1.668.. If it is a child by the principal wife its right hand is taken; if it is a child by a secondary wife it is caressed on the head. The Lord says: Be careful in thy lead; his Consort says: Remember to become perfect Cf. ibid., 28.16a; C. 1.667.. [After- wards they] announce [the name] to the four frontiers. e.The announcement to the four frontiers is in order to nip in the bud and to prevent from the beginning [all possible disasters]. The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "Three months after his birth the Gener- ation-son is given his name, which [the child's father] announces to the shrines of his [first] ancestor and of his father" This quotation does not occur in the present Ts êng tzŭ w ên of the Li chi, which, in its opening paragraphs, describes the rites for a child born after his father's decease.. The Nei ts ê chi says: "When the name is to be announced to the hills and rivers, to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet, and to the four frontiers, in the case of the Heir of the Son of Heaven a common officer is ordered to carry the child to the southern suburb" Not in the present Nei ts ê; for the last part of the quotation, however, cf. n. 35.. f.Why is it that [at the birth of a son] six arrows of [the wood of] the wild rubus p' êng, see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 254. are launched from a bow of [the wood of] the mul- berry-tree sang. Cf. Li chi, Nei ts ê, C. 1.663.? This is [a reference to] the duties of a male. There- fore first his duties are indicated that he may later enjoy his official position. Why must it be [the wood of] the mulberry and of the rubus (Liu's reading, 74.1b).? The mulberry and the rubus express the idea of a mutual contact . A pun on sang 'mulberry' and hsiang 'mutual', p' êng 'rubus' and f êng 'contact'.. The Pao fu says: "When an Heir is born he is treated with [the required] ceremonial; a common officer is ordered to carry him; the officer in charge, who has observed a stringent fast and is wearing his black ceremonial dress and bonnet, proceeds to the suburb to show [the child] to Heaven" Ta tai li chi, 3.1a; Wi. 216.. The Han shih nei chuan says: "When an Heir is born six arrows of [the wood of] the wild rubus from a bow of [the wood of] the mulberry- tree are shot upwards, downwards, and to the four quarters". It means that [the child] will have to serve Heaven, Earth, and the four quarters. g.Why is it that the Yin [Sovereigns] used the day of birth to name the child? The House of Yin belonged to [the adherents of the principle of] Substance, therefore they simply took the day of birth to name the child. Thus the Shang shu relates of T'ai-chia, Ti-i, and Wu-ting (Book of History, L. 199), (ibid. 406), (ibid. 478)., who were Sovereigns of the House of Yin. h.Were the subjects among the people allowed to name the child after the days of birth [and use the signs of the celestial cycle] chia, i [,etc]? They were not urged to, but neither were they prevent- ed. So the Shang shu mentions among the Ministers of the Yin one Wu-mou . The text has Wu-hsien , which also occurs in the Book of History (L. 478; cf. M.H. 1.191). The correction is acc. to the Ching i shu w ên by Wang Yin-chih (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1183.13a). and one Tsu-chi , see Book of History, L. 264.. i.How do we know that the Feudal Lords [did] not [wish to be] similar to the King by taking the day of birth to name their child- ren? From [the fact that] T'ai-wang had as his personal name Tan-fu , see M.H. 1.214, n. 2., and Wang Chi had as his personal name Li , see ibid. 215-216.; they were Feudal Lords under the Yin. j.Where in the I mention is made of Ti-i, Ch' êng-t'ang is meant Chou i chu shu, T'ai kua, 3.22a; L. 82; Kuei mei, 9.16a; L. 182.; where in the Shu mention is made of Ti-i, his descendant of the sixth generation is meant Book of History, To shih, L. 456; To fang, L. 498.. As T'ang lived in the time of the Hsia, why did he use as his personal name [one of the signs of the cycle] chia, i [,etc.]? The reply is: The descendant-kings of T'ang have changed his personal name, and it was only [a case of] the rule of these sons and grandsons [being applied afterwards]. The orig- inal personal name [of T'ang] was Li. The Lun yü says: "I, the Little Child Li" . Ch. XX. 1, Lun yü chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350.. Li was T'ang's personal name. k.Why is it that [the signs in the terrestrial cycle] tzŭ, ch'ou [,etc.] were not used as personal names? The reply is: [The celestial cycle] chia, i [,etc.] represents the trunk; [the terrestrial cycle] tzŭ, ch'ou [,etc.] represents the branches. The trunk is the base; the base being the substantial, [the cycle] chia, i [,etc. is] used for personal names. l.Why is it that sometimes the personal names are double, some- times single? To indicate that they do not express the same [idea]. Sometimes the name is fixed with the help of the musical pitch- pipe after hearing the cry [of the child] Cf. Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.8b; Wi. 225., sometimes [it is given] according to the circumstances [of the birth] or according to the appearance [of the child]. Therefore the personal names are either double or single. m.A case of a name given according to the circumstances is that of Hou-chi See n. 18.. He was abandoned [at this birth], and was according- ly named Ch'i , which means 'to abandon', cf. M.H. 1.210.. [A case of a name given] according to appear- ance is that of Confucius, whose head resembled the shape of the Ni-ch'iu mountain in the state of Lu, and therefore was named Ch'iu Ni-ch'iu, Ch'iu, cf. ch. XXIII, n. 45.. n.Sometimes the personal name is extended to make a style, so that hearing the personal name one knows the style, and hearing the style one knows the personal name. So for the personal name Ssŭ there is the style Tzŭ-kung 'Child-bestowal' Tzŭ-kung was one of Confucius' disciples. Kung is synonymous with Ssŭ , meaning 'bestowal'. It it usually, but not quite correctly, written (as in this quotation), cf. Lun yü ch êng i, 1.18.; for the personal name Li 'Carp' there is the style Po-yü 'Chief-fish' Li was Confucius' son, styled , see M.H. V. 430 (Chavannes translates Po-yü by 'l'ainé Poisson').. o.Why does the Ch'un ch'iu condemn [the use of] two personal names? [To avoid] the difficulty of tabooing them , supplied by Ch' ên (9.8a). This statement is based on the Kung yang chuan, Ting 6, 26.1b (and Ho Hsiu's comm.), and Ai 13, 28.7b.. Others say supplied by Ch' ên (l.c.).: it is condemned because it[s use] is [a sign of] inconstancy, as when [the son of the last Sovereign of Yin] suddenly adopted the personal name of Lu-fu, whereas he was originally called Wu-k êng , cf. M.H. 1.207, n. 4; further ch. XI, n. 34, ch. XII, n. 55, ch. XX, n. 37.. p.A personal name is not made after the sun, the moon, mountains, and rivers Cf. ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. 1.32) and Tso chuan, Huan 6 (L. 50), where the list is longer. See also Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.8b., because a personal name is a belittling and self- depreciatory appellation. A subject ought to taboo [the names of his superiors, which would be difficult if they were formed after] things of general use; so they are avoided. q.The Ch'ü li says: "It is not necessary to taboo both [names in a double] personal name. He who has reached [the age to be able] to serve his parents taboos [the names of] his grand-parents; he who has not yet reached [the age to be able] to serve his parents does not taboo [the names of] his grand-parents. In the presence of the Lord [the names of the parents are] not avoided, neither in reciting the Shih and the Shu nor in writing an [official] com- position nor [at the sacrifice] in the suburb or in the ancestral temple" Li chi chu shu, 3.14a-b; C. 1.58, where the wording of the last part is slightly different.. Further it says: "In the presence of the Lord the sub- ject calls himself by his personal name, in the presence of the father the son calls himself by his personal name" Ibid., 2.20a; C. 1.33.. That is to say that [likewise] a great officer calls himself by his personal name in the presence of the Minister, and the younger brother does so in the presence of his elder brother. It means that one dares not taboo [one's name] in the presence of one's superior. r.Why is it that in the earliest antiquity there was no [rule of] tabooing [names]? They esteemed simplicity, so that the subject and son were allowed to pronounce (instead of ) (Lu, who in his Pu i, 9b also mentions the reading for ). the names of the Lord and father. Therefore the Li chi says: "In former days simplicity was esteemed, and there was no tabooing [of names]; the name [which had been announced to] Heaven was properly used" Ta tai li chi, Yü tai t ê, 9.14b, where the text is slightly different.. s.Why is man born ten months [after the conception]? Man is begotten of Heaven, and passes through the numbers of Heaven and Earth, [each being] five Cf. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 11.24b-25a.. Therefore in ten months [the em- bryo is] complete and becomes a human being Cf. Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, Yang tsun yin pi, 11.4b; Huai nan tzŭ, Ching sh ên hsün, 7.1b-2a.. t.Why does a child cry when it is born? It detaches itself from [the mother with whom] originally [it formed] one trunk. When it gets air and breathes separately it cries, which means that the separation from the mother is a crucial event. The Shang shu says: "Ch'i was wailing and weeping" Shang shu chu shu, I chi, 4.12a; L. 85. Ch'i was Yü's son and successor (M.H. 1.158).. u.Why does one in saluting mention one's personal name? To define one's appellation and to indicate oneself. Why is it that according to the rites one subordinates oneself in the salutation and does not mention one's personal name [first]? To conform oneself to [the relation of] the yin and the yang The meaning of this paragraph is not quite clear.. v.Why do people salute each other? To manifest their emotions, to show their intentions, to humble themselves, and to incline their bodies in order reverently to be at the disposal of others. Pai 'to salute' means fu 'to submit to' . Cf. ch. Chiao t' ê sh êng of the Li chi (C. 1.616).. w.Why is it necessary to salute twice? To model oneself on the yin and the yang. The Shang shu says: "[The Feudal Lords] saluted twice and inclined their heads [till they touched the ground]" Shang shu chu shu, K'ang wang chih kao, 18.1b; L. 562.. Why is it necessary to touch the ground with the head? chi-shou, cf. Couvreur's Li chi transl., I. 112, note. It is an expression of the highest reverence. Why must the crown t'ou. touch the ground? Shou . 'head' is said, [by which] the crown is meant. The Li says: "If on the head there is an ulcer then it is washed" Ch. Tsa chi (Li chi chu shu, 42.17b; C. II. 176) contains this quotation, but with ch'uang instead of yang. The same sentence as in the Tsa chi, but with instead of , occurs in ch. Ch'ü li (ibid. 3.4a; C. 1.48). The quotation probably means that shou is used synonymously with t'ou.. x.Why is it that first the salutation with the hands is made, and then the inclining of the head? [The order of] each instead of (Ch' ên, 9.10a). follows the Principles of Form and Substance. The Shang shu says: "The Duke of Chou [adhering to the Principle of Form] saluted with his hands and inclined his head [to the ground]" Shang shu chu shu, Lo kao, 14.17a; L. 434. The paragraph seems to be incomplete. The meaning is that, according to the usual rites, the Yin (adhe- rents of the Principle of Substance) first inclined the head and then saluted with the hands; the Chou (adherents of the Principle of Form) did the reverse. During mourning, however, the Yin first saluted with the hands and then inclined the head; the Chou did the reverse (cf. Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 6.5b, and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on it; Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 19.76)..

206---THE STYLE (III B. 19a-20b).

a.Why must a man have a style Tzŭ, see n. 5.? To crown his spiritual power, to show his merits, and to honour the [new] adult. Therefore the Li shih kuan ching says: "The guest, facing north, gives the style, saying: Eldest son So-and-so fu" In this form the quotation does not occur in ch. Shih kuan li of the I li. It is a combination of several statements (chu shu, 1.29a; C. 13; 1.42a; C. 21). The 'So-and-so fu' represents the style.. It further says: "The giving of the style after the capping is to maintain the honour of the per- sonal name [which the young man has received from his parents]." Ibid. 1.45a; C. 23. b.It is only when a man has reached his fiftieth year that he is called po 'elder uncle' or chung 'younger uncle', because at fifty he knows Heaven's destiny, and his thoughts are careful and firm; he knows how to adapt himself to the orderly succession of the four seasons and of the old and the young; therefore he received the appellation po or chung. The T'an kung says: "In his youth he has his personal name, at the capping he receives his style, when he is fifty he is called po or chung" Li chi chu shu, 7.26b; C. 1.156. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta (sub-comm. I li chu shu, Shih hun li, 1.42b) the Yin used po, chung, etc. at the same time as when the style was adopted. Under the Chou the style was dropped at fifty, and po, chung, etc. was used instead. Cf. also ch. XXI, n. 31 and 34.. The Lun yü says: "At fifty I knew the destiny of Heaven" Ch. II. 4, Lun yü chu shu, 2.2b; L. 146.. c.Why is it that there are four [distinguishing] appellations? They model themselves on the positional domination of [each of] the four seasons, which symbolize [the order of] the first and the later, the senior and the junior, the elder and the younger. Therefore, in conformity with the older and younger of the seasons the appel- lations are po, chung, shu, and chi . d.Po means chang 'senior'. A po is the son who is the senior [in years] and approaches po-chin. [the age of] the father. Chung means chung 'the middle'. Shu means shao 'young'. Chi means yu 'junior' shao , yu .. e.The eldest son of the principal wife is called po; Po-ch'in is an example For Po-ch'in , the eldest son of the Duke of Chou, see M.H. IV, 100ff. Cf. also ch. VII, n. 71 and ch. XI, n. 35.. The eldest son of a secondary wife is called m êng; the great officer M êng of Lu is an example , see Tso chuan, W ên 16 (Legge's transl. p. 271).. f."Sons and daughters are distinguished by their ages," [that is,] each naturally have [the distinguishing names of] po, chung [,etc.], This corresponds with the statement in ch. Ch'ü li and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. (Li chi chu shu, 2.20a), only Ch êng Hsüan says "po, chi, [etc.]" instead of "po, chung [, etc.]". Cf. n. 86. and model themselves on the yin and the yang, both of which naturally have their beginning and end. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Who was Po-chi? It is the denomination of a girl of the same clan-name as the King" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 2, 2.6a. 'Po-chi' means the Eldest of the clan Chi, cf. n. 85. The expression for a girl of the same clan-name as the King is nei-nü .. g.Why is a woman [already] called po or chung when she is fifteen? A woman's stuff is such that she quickly [reaches her age of] transformation: the way of the yin soon attains completion. At fifteen [a woman is] versed in the arts of weaving, while her thoughts are careful and firm. Therefore, when she is promised in marriage, she receives a hairpin and her style. So the Li ching says: "At fifteen a girl is promised in marriage; she receives a hairpin, is given presents, and is called by her style" I li chu shu, Shih hun li, Chi, 2.33b; C. 45.. h.Why is the clan-name of a woman a correlate of her style? To make it clear that one does not take a wife of the same clan- name. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "Po-chi was married to Sung" Ch' êng 9. As Chi was her clan-name, so Po was her style, cf. Chung-tzŭ , in which Chung was the style, and Tzŭ the clan-name (Ho Hsiu on Yin 1, Kung yang chu shu, 1.17a). There seems to be a confusion of the terms 'style' and 'appellation' hao (supra, under c, po, chung, shu, and chi are called appellations; shu, however, is called a style by Ho Hsiu, see n. 86), cf. Vol. 1, p. 318, n. 262.. Chi was her clan-name. i.Why is it that with the adherents of the Principle of Substance [the younger sons are all] gathered together in [the appellation] chung? [The Principle of] Substance is to love the relatives, there- fore [the younger sons are] gathered together in chung. The ad- herents of the Principle of Form honour the honourable, therefore [the younger sons are] gathered together in [the appellation] shu This opinion is also expressed by the Li wei han w ên chia (quoted in K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm., Li chi chu shu, Ch'ü li, 2.20a) and Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ch' êng 15 (Kung yang chu shu, 18.5a).. If that be so, why is it that the Lun yü says: "Chou had eight officers: Po-ta, Po-kua, Chung-t'u, Chung-hu, Shu-yeh, Shu-hsia, Chi-sui, and Chi-kua" Ch. XVIII. 11, Lun yü chu shu, 18.9b; L. 338., [thus] not gathering together [the younger brothers] in [the appellation] shu? Because [the brothers were] born two by two I.e., they were four twins. It is not known to which time they belong, but as the Po hu t'ung, by its question, expects the term shu to be used, according to it they lived during the Chou (Principle of Form), not, however, in the Ch'un- ch'iu period (Principle of Substance!, cf. Ho Hsiu in Kung yang chu shu, 18.5a).. [Usually, however, the sons are] never gathered together in [either the appellations] po or chi, meaning that there are never two [eldest or youngest sons]. j.King W ên had ten sons. The Shih chuan says [they were]: "Po I-K'ao, Wu-wang Fa, Chou-kung Tan, Kuan Shu-hsien, Ts'ai Shu-tu, Ts'ao Shu-Ch ên-to, Ch' êng Shu-ch'u, Ho Shu-wu, K'ang Shu-f êng, Nan Chi-tsai" The Shih chi (M.H. IV. 152-153) gives a slightly different order of these ten sons.. Why is it that with some of them shu and chi are preceded [by another name]? Kuan, Ts'ai, Ts'ao, Ho, Ch' êng, K'ang, and Nan were all [names of] fiefs, and were therefore put before shu and chi. Why is it only in the case of Po I-K'ao that there is no [preceding name]? He was [made] a great officer, [and his case is] not connected with a fief Po I-k'ao , though being the eldest son, did not succeed his father because he lacked the required capacities (M.H. IV. 153)..

XXXIV HEAVEN AND EARTH 207---EXPLANATION OF THE NAMES HEAVEN AND EARTH (IV A. 1a).

a.What does t'ien 'Heaven' mean? T'ien means ch ên 'to govern' . Ch ên originally means 'to press down'.. Resting on high, [Heaven] regulates [all that is] below it, governing on behalf of man.

b.Earth is created out of the primeval fluid, and is the ancestor of the ten thousand things. Ti 'Earth' means shih 'to spend', ti 'to examine' . For this last word cf. Vol. 1, p. 299, n. 185.. Responding [to Heaven] it spends [its nourishing powers] and brings about transformations; it investigates and examines unerringly; The text reads: sh ên-ti pu-sh ê, which is unintelligible. The Li t'ung by Ho Shu (6th cent. A.D.) contains an almost similar passage ending with these four words, but instead of sh ê 'to establish' it has wu 'to err' (Yü han, 29.64a; Erh ya chu shu, 6.1a, Hsing Ping's sub-comm.). Even with this emendation the statement does not make much sense. reverencing the beginning it honours the end; therefore it is called ti.

 208---THE BEGINNING OF HEAVEN AND EARTH (IV A. 1b).

a.The ten thousand things contain the capacity of mutation and change. In the very beginning there was first the Great Origin t'ai-ch'u., then came the Great Beginning t'ai-shih.; when the assuming of form was completed it was called the Great Simplicity t'ai-su.. It was [still] chaotic, undivided, invisible, inaudible. Then it divided, and after the clear and the muddy were separated the infinitesimal and sparkling [elements] emerged and dispersed, and the multitudes of things were endowed with life.

b.The infinitesimal [elements] became the Three Luminary Bodies san-kuang, i.e. the sun, the moon, and the stars. Hereafter follows , which is superfluous acc. to Ch' ên (9.14a). and the Five Elements. The Five Elements produced the emotions and instincts; the emotions and instincts produced harmony and equilibrium hsieh-chung (Liu, 74.1b).; harmony and equilibrium produced intelligence and understanding; intelligence and understanding produced the spir- itual power [proceeding from the possession] of the Way; this again produced cultural refinement. w ên-chang. Therefore the Ch'ien tso tu says: "The Great Origin is the beginning of the [primeval] fluid; the Great Beginning is the beginning of the forms; the Great Smplicity is the beginning of matter This statement also occurs in the Lieh tzŭ, T'ien jui, 1.2a.. The yang leads, the yin conforms; the man goes [ahead], the woman follows" Cf. Vol. 1, p. 244, par. 235b..

 209---THE MEANING OF THE LEFT AND RIGHT REVOLUTIONS (IV A. 1b).

Why is it that Heaven's way is a revolution to the left, whereas that of Earth is a revolution to the right On a similar statement in the Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao Sung Chung's comm. says that "the movement to the right is a movement to the east" (Yü han, 57.23b). Cf. also ch. XXXV, par. 212.? Because Heaven and Earth, though moving, do not separate, and in going [their courses] do not leave each other. Therefore the revolutions to the left and right are like the oppositeness of Lord and subject, of the yin and the yang.

 210---WHY HEAVEN AND EARTH HAVE NO GENERIC NAME (IV A. 2a).

The generic name for a man and a woman being 'man', why have Heaven and Earth no generic name? The answer is: Heaven is round, Earth is square; they are not of the same species, and have therefore no generic name.

 211---HEAVEN TOILS FOR EARTH (IV A. 2a).

Since the Lord should be at ease while the Minister hurries be- cause the inferior's duty is to toil, why, on the contrary, does Heaven work constantly? Cf. ch. XXXV, par. 213a (also ch. IX, par. 81ee and Vol. I, p. 245, par. 237a). Because if the yang did not move its discipline would not be practised, and if the yin were not quies- cent it would not bring about its transformation. Though all the day active [the yang] never leaves its place. Therefore the I says: "All the day active, treading the Way over and over again". Chou i chu shu, Ch'ien kua, Hsiang, 1.11b; L. 267.

 XXXV. THE SUN AND THE MOON 212---SUN AND MOON GOING TO THE RIGHT (IV A. 2a).

Why is it that Heaven revolves to the left, while sun, moon, and the five planets go to the right? Sun, moon, and the five planets are, with respect to Heaven, the yin. Therefore they go to the right. Going to the right is like [the position which is taken by] the sub- ject in opposition to the Lord. The Han w ên chia An Apocryphal Book of Rites. says: "Cal- culating the rightward courses of the sun and the moon". The Hsing t ê fang An Apocryphal Book of History. says: "The sun and the moon go eastwards".

 213---THE MEANING OF THE SUN AND MOON GOING SLOWLY AND SWIFTLY, AND OF THE DIVISION IN DAY AND NIGHT (IV A. 2b).

a.Why is it that the sun goes slowly, and the moon goes quickly? The Lord takes his ease, the Minister toils. The sun daily covers [a distance of] one degree, the moon [of] 13 7/19 degrees For the 365 1/4 degrees into which Heaven is divided see infra, under d. The whole statement (from Why is it, etc.) also occurs in the Shang shu wei k'ao ling yao (Yü han, 53.54a).. The Kan ching fu An Apocryphal Book of the Ch'un ch'iu. says: "[According to] the principle of the Three Major Relationships the sun is the Lord, the moon is the Minister" Cf. ch. XXIX, par. 191b..

b.Why are the sun and the moon suspended [in the sky] day and night? To assist Heaven in its work of transformation, and to illuminate Earth beneath. Therefore the I says: "[Of things] sus- pended [in the sky with their figures displayed] clear and bright, there are none greater than the sun and the moon" Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 11.35a; L. 373..

 214---EXPLANATION OF THE NAMES SUN, MOON, AND PLANET (IV A. 2b-3a).

a.Jih 'sun' means shih 'solid' .; [the sun is] always full and regular.

b.Yüeh 'moon' means ch'üeh 'defective' .; [the moon is] now full now defective. Why is it sometimes defective? It is [then] turning its task over to the sun. After three days [the moon] develops into into a 'digit' p'o; after eight days it develops into brightness. After two × eight = sixteen days it turns its task over [to the sun]. Between the end of its 'last phase' hui and the beginning of its 'new phase' shuo it receives again its task and resumes its course p'o (also written ), hui , shuo . For the terms for the phases of the moon cf. Sun Hsing-yen's comm. on the opening words of ch. K'ang kao of the Book of History (Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 15.41), and Wang Kuo-wei in Kuan t'ang chi lin, 1.2aff.. Therefore the Yüan sh ên ch'i says: "After three days the moon develops into a 'digit' This statement also occurs in ch. Hsiang yin chiu i of the Li chi (chu shu, 61.14a; C. II. 655).; three moons make a season".

c.Why [are the planets] called hsing? Hsing means ching 'essence' .. They are spoken of [as essences of the sun] according to [their having] the sun's regularity. In one day and one night [Heaven] moves one degree in succession, leaving in one day-and-night a remainder of one day ['s sun-course], and dividing Heaven again in [spheres of] thirty-six degrees . I confess being unable to make sense of this statement..

d.The revolving Heaven covers 365 1/4 degrees. The sun and the moon have each a diameter of one thousand li.

 215---THE LENGTHS OF DAYS AND NIGHTS (IV A. 3a).

a.Why must there be day and night? To bring [the alternation of] the yin and the yang to full development. When the sun shines there is day, when the moon shines there is night.

b.Why is it that the days are long and short? It is the yin and the yang alternating in their activities. Therefore in summer the days are long, in winter the nights are long. In summer the sun has its mansion in the 'Eastern Well' tung-ching; it rises [in the sign] yin, and sets [in the sign] hsü tung-ching , yin , hsü .. In winter the sun has its mansion in the 'Tethered Ox' ch'ien-niu; it rises in [the sign] ch' ên, and sets in [the sign] sh ên ch'ien-niu , ch' ên , sh ên ..

 216---LONG AND SHORT MONTHS (IV A. 3a-b).

Why is the moon[-month] now short now long? Heaven re- volves to the left, the sun and moon go to the right; the sun daily moves one degree, the moon daily moves thirteen degrees. When the moon reaches the sun [again] it is one month. [But] twenty- nine days do not cover [the distance of Heaven] by [about] seven degrees, whereas thirty days exceed it by [about] seven degrees The figures are only approximate. The moon daily moves 12 7/19 degrees swifter than the sun. In 29 days the difference would amount to 29 × 12 7/19 = 358 13/19, i.e. 6 43/76 degrees less than 365 1/4, which is the circumference of Heaven. In 30 days the difference would amount to 371 1/19, i.e. 5 61/76 degrees more than 365 1/4.. The day cannot be divided, therefore the month is sometimes long sometimes short, meaning that there is [the interaction of] the yin and the yang. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "In the ninth month, [on the day] k êng-hsü [,which was] the first day of the moon, there was a sun-eclipse; in the tenth month, [on the day] k êng- ch' ên [,which was] the first day of the moon, there was a sun- eclipse" Hsiang 21. The first day of the tenth month being k êng-ch' ên, the last day of the ninth month was chi-mao. From k êng-hsü to chi-mao is 30 days.; this was [a month of] thirty days. Further it says: "In the seventh month [on the day] chia-tzŭ [,which was] the first day of the moon, there was a sun-eclipse; on the eighth month, [on the day] kuei-ssŭ [,which was] the first day of the moon, there was a sun-eclipse" Hsiang 24. The first day of the eighth month being kuei-ssŭ, the last day of the seventh month was j ên-ch' ên. From chia-tzŭ to j ên-ch' ên is 29 days.; this was [a month of] twenty-nine days.

 217---INTERCALARY MONTHS (IV A. 3b).

Why is there a remainder of 'intercalary months' jun .? The revolving Heaven covers 365 1/4 degrees. One seasonal year consists of twelve months. [The moon] daily exceeds [the sun's round] by twelve degrees. Therefore in three years there is one inter- calary month, and in five years two There also being an excess of twelve days (degrees) in a year of twelve months, in three years it would make 36 days (one month and a remainder of six days), in five years 60 days (two months). Cf. for a different way of calcul- ation Legge's note in his translation of the Book of History, p. 22.. It means that the yin does not suffice, but the yang has a superabundance. Therefore the Ch'an says: "An intercalary month is the superabundance of the yang".

 XXXVI. THE FOUR SEASONS 218---THE SEASONAL YEAR (IV A. 3b).

Why [is the seasonal year] named sui? Sui means sui 'to follow' .. In three hundred and sixty-six days Heaven makes one revolution, and the ten thousand things terminate and complete [their round]; therefore [this period] makes one seasonal year. The Shang shu says: "A round year consists of three hundred sixty-six days; by means of an intercalary month the four seasons are fixed, and the year is completed". Shang shu chu shu, Yao tien, 1.9a; L. 21. The word here rendered by 'round year' is chi.

 219---THE FOUR SEASONS (IV A. 4a).

a.What are the seasons of the year? Spring, summer, autumn, and winter. Shih 'season' means ch'i 'period' ., the period of rest and activity for the yin and the yang.

b.Why is it that in [each of] the four seasons Heaven is named differently? Heaven is exalted, and in each [of the seasons] it is named after what it shows in abundance. In spring and autumn the change of things is abundant, in winter and summer the change of climates is abundant. The Erh ya says: Inserted by Lu. "In spring we speak of 'Green Heaven' ts'ang-t'ien., in summer of 'Grand Heaven' hao-t'ien., in autumn of 'Compassionate Heaven' min-t'ien., in winter of 'High Heaven' shang-t'ien. Erh ya chu shu, Shih t'ien, 5.11a-b.". Another opinion says "The Erh ya says" is dropped by Lu.: "In spring we speak of 'Grand Heaven', in summer of 'Green Heaven"' Lu's emendation is here followed..

c.Why is it that the four seasons do not follow the change of the first month of the year? Because the seasons are named according to [the changes of] the [ten thousand] things Cf. ch. IX, par. 78a-d, also ch. Hsiang yin chiu i of the Li chi (C. II. 665).. Spring is the time for birth, winter is the time for termination; in each case the season begins with the first [seasonal month].

 220---THE DIFFERENT NAMES FOR 'YEAR' (IV A. 4a-b).

a.Why do we sometimes speak of sui, sometimes of tsai, and sometimes of nien tsai , nien. ? The sui 'seasonal year' is to mark the changes of things and climates; the Emperors and Kings, contributing [to its work], made [a division in] seasonal years on the basis of [the activities of] the sun. Nien 'calendrical year' means j êng . 'as before'. The calendrical year marks events, and it is on the basis of [the events in] the months that we speak of nien. The Ch'un ch'iu [repeatedly] speaks of the first calendrical year, first month; [or] twelfth month, the 'first day of the moon' shuo; [or ninth month, the 'last day of the moon' hui These words between brackets (cf. Hsi 15, Ch' êng 16) are inserted to make the following statement intelligible.. The words] shuo and hui are mentioned, by which we know that the calendrical year is formed by lunar divisions. Tsai 'full year' means ch' êng . 'to complete'; it is said with respect to the completion of the be- ginning and end of the ten thousand things.

b.The two Lu's reading is 'five', but in his Pu i, 10a, he (and so does Ch' ên, 9.21a) restores the original reading of 'two' (Yao and Shun referred to below). The 'Three Dynasties' were those of Hsia, Yin, and Chou. The Po hu t'ung statement is, however, not quite correct. The words sui, tsai, nien, and ssŭ for 'year' have been used indiscriminately. Emperors used the word tsai, the Three Dynasties used the word nien; in both cases there is a deficiency , which is Hung I-hsüan's reading for the unintelligible (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.17b). See also n. 21.. There- fore the Shang shu says: "[After the death of Yao] for three 'full years' tsai the eight [kinds of] musical instruments were stopped and hushed within the four seas" Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.21a; L. 41.. This refers to the two Em- perors [Yao and Shun]. It is further said: "[Kao-tsung of the Yin] spent three 'calendrical years' nien in the mourning shed" Ibid., Wu i, 15.12a; L. 466. Cf. Vol. 1, p. 288, n. 153.. This refers to [a King of one of] the Three Dynasties. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The mourning term of three 'calendrical years' nien is in reality twenty-five months" Kung yang chu shu, Min 2, 9.19b. Cf. ch. XLII, par. 277a.; we know [by this that the actual period of mourning] fell short [of the expressed term of three years] The same emendation as supra (n. 17)..

 221---MORNING AND EVENING, THE FIRST AND THE LAST DAYS OF THE MOON (IV A. 4b).

Why is it that [with respect to] the sun we speak of yeh 'night', but [with respect to] the moon of hui 'last day of the moon'; [again with respect to] the moon of shuo 'first day of the moon', [but with respect to] the sun of chao 'morning' yeh , shuo , chao .? Shuo means su 'to revive' See ch. XXVII, par. 176b.; it expresses the idea [that the moon has] waned, [but has] returned to life again; therefore we speak of shuo. The sun is visible by day and is hidden by night; there is a morning and there is an evening, therefore we speak of chao.

 XXXVII. ROBES 222---GENERAL REMARKS (IV A. 4b-5a).

a.Why did the Sages institute [the wearing of] robes? In order that by the cloth ch'ih-ch'i, i.e. fine cloth and coarse cloth. See Mao's comm. on Ode 2: Mao shih chu shu, 1.28b; L. 7. See also Lun yü, X. 6. the [bodily] forms should be covered, and the spiritual power [of the wearer] be displayed; it is to encourage the capable, and to distinguish between the high and the lowly.

b.Why [are robes] called i-shang? . The character i inserted by Ch' ên (9.21b). I means yin 'to conceal'; shang means chang 'to screen' yin , chang .. With [the robes] the [bodily] forms are concealed, and one screens and shuts oneself off [from shame]. The I says: "Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun [sat] with robes hanging down, and all under Heaven was well-governed" Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ 12.7b; L. 383. It means, acc. to Han Po's comm. (± 385 A.D.) and K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm., that they introduced long, flowing robes in order to distinguish between the high and the lowly (l.c.)..

c.How do we know that the upper [garments] are called i, and the lower shang? Because the first [part of the] expression is i. The Shih says: "I will lift my lower garments, and wade the [river] Ch ên" Ode 87: Mao shih chu shu, 7.28a; L. 140; K. 16.199.. With [the upper garments they are] connected to form the lower [garments]. The Ti tzŭ chih [,however,] says: "They gathered their 'garments' i, and descended" Cf. the Kuan tzŭ, 59.27.; why are they named i [here, whereas the lower garments were meant]? The [mentioning of the] upper includes the lower.

 223---FUR (IV A. 5a).

a.The fur ch'iu. is the additional [dress to the common ones] made by the handiwork of women, in order to increase the warmth.

b.Anciently, with black upper-garments the fur of a lamb [was worn], and with yellow upper-garments the fur of a fox Cf. Lun yü, X. 6, and ch. Yü tsao of the Li chi (C. I. 696)..

c.Since there are so many [species of] animals, why [did they] only [use the fur of] a fox and a lamb? To profit by its being light and warm. [Besides, the fox's fur was used] because a dying fox turns its head towards the hill [where it was born] Cf. ch. T'an kung of the Li chi (C. I. 131). See also Vol. I, p. 340, n. 354.; meaning that a Noble Man never forgets his origin. [So the fur of] a lamb was used because it kneels down when it sucks [,which indicates] respect and obedience Cf. ch. XXVI, par. 170h.. Therefore, when the Son of Heaven [wears] white fox [-fur], the Feudal Lord yellow, the great officer dark, and the common officer lamb's fur, it is also for the sake of the distinction between the high and the lowly.

 224---THE GIRDLE (IV A. 5a).

a.The reason why a sash sh ên-tai. must [be worn] is because it expresses [an attitude of] respect and self-constraint. The silk [girdle] is tied on the front [with slips] hanging down [,and it is divided into] three parts, halfway down the body the sash forming two [slips] In the Yü tsao (Li chi, C. I. 700), where a somewhat similar statement on the sash occurs, 'below the girdle' is written instead of 'halfway down the body'..

b.The reason why a man wears a leather girdle p'an-tai. is to indicate that he is concerned with [the use of weapons of] metal and leather.

 225---PENDANTS (IV A. 5b-6a).

a.The reason why pendants must be used is to make manifest one's spiritual power and to show one's abilities. Therefore: he who follows the Way without end wears the pendant huan, he who can base himself on the spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way wears the pendant kun, he who can decide [in affairs that are] perplexing and ambiguous wears the pendant chüeh The huan is a ring, which is 'endless', the chüeh is a half-ring, and homo- nymous with chüeh 'to decide' (cf. Laufer, Jade, p. 210); what the kun symbol- izes is not known (ibid. 211, n. 2). See also ch. XII, par. 102i.. This is the reason why, seeing what a man wears as his pendant, one can known his capacities. The Lun yü says: "After the period of mourning he wears all his pendants [again]" Ch. X. 6, Lun yü chu shu, 10.7a; L. 231. Cf. what is said in the Yü tsao: "Ony in cases of a great calamity does the Noble Man put off his pendants" (Li chi chu shu, 30.16a; C. I. 709)..

b.The Son of Heaven has pendants of white jade, the Feudal Lords of dark jade, the great officer of water-green jade, the common officer of the juan-min stone Cf. the Yü tsao (Li chi, C. I. 709). For the juan-min stone (juan is also written , min also written or , acc. to Lu T ê- ming in Li chi chu shu, 30.16b), cf. Couvreur's note on p. 710.. Thus the pendants re- present one's occupation: the farmer wears as pendants his plough and hoe, the carpenter his hatchet and axe, the woman her needles and thread, [though] she also wears jade pendants.

c.How do we know that the woman also wears pendants of jade? The Shih says: "We will roam, we will ramble, her girdle-gems tinkle, that beautiful Eldest Lady Chiang, her reputation will never be forgotten" Ode 83: Mao shih chu shu, 7.22a-b; L. 137; K. 16.198. I have followed Karlgren's translation..

 XXXVIII.THE FIVE PUNISHMENTS 226---THE ARTICLES OF THE PENAL CODE (IV A. 6a-7a).

a.Why is it that the Sage in governing all under Heaven must have [a system of] punishments? To assist his spiritual power, to aid [him in his task of] government, and to conform to the measures [instituted] by Heaven. Therefore he proffers ranks and rewards, showing that there are things to strive for; and he establishes [a system of] punishments, to make it clear that there are things to be afraid of.

b.The Chuan Probably the Hsiao ching wei yüian sh ên ch'i, where, however, the text says of the Three Kings that they established "corporeal punishments" (Yü han, 58.20a). Cf. also the more or less similar statement in the Kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58.30a). says: "The Three August Ones had no written code; the Five Emperors employed 'punishment by effigy' hua-hsiang, see infra, under d. Cf. also Sun Hsing-yen in Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, Yao tien, 1.39-40.; the Three Kings promulgated penal laws which, in response to [the needs of] the time, consisted of five [kinds]". The Five Punishments constitute the whip for the Five Constant [Virtues] The Five Constant Virtues are the same as the Five Instincts (see ch. XXX, par. 195a)..

c.Why are there five punishments? They model themselves on the Five Elements. The 'capital punishment' ta-p'i models itself on water, which extinguishes fire. The 'punishment of castration' kung models itself on earth, which blocks up water. The 'punish- ment of cutting off the knee-cap' pin models itself on metal, which cuts wood. The 'punishment of cutting off the nose' pi models itself on wood, which pierces through earth. The 'punishment of branding' mo models itself on fire, which smelts metal ta-p'i , kung , pin , pi , mo . The Shih chi, 4.20b (M.H. 1.263) has for 'branding' the character ch'ing instead of mo. The Shu ching (Legge's transl. p. 605) and the Hsiao ching (ibid. p. 481) have instead of 'cutting off the knee-cap' pin, fei 'cutting off the feet' (cf. n. 9)..

d.The 'punishments by effigy' [employed] by the Five Emperors consisted in the representation of the Five Punishments by means of clothing. Those who had committed a crime [which should be punished by] branding [had their heads] covered with a cloth The Shang shu ta chuan, 1.8b says: "covered with a black cloth".. Those who had committed a crime [which should be punished by] cutting off the nose had their upper-garments dyed red. Those who had committed a crime [which should be punished by] cutting off the knee-cap had a black spot painted on the place of the knee- cap. Those who had committed a crime [which should be punished by] castration had to walk in variegated straw sandals tsa-fei. For fei meaning 'straw sandals' see Tu Yü's comm. on Tso chuan, Hsi 4 (Tso chuan chu shu, 11.16b).. Those who had committed a capital crime had to wear clothes without a collar.

e.[The criminal code comprised] three thousand articles, so as to correspond with the [number of] emotions in Heaven, Earth, and Man. There were three thousand [offences] which fell under the jurisdiction of the Five Punishments. Two hundred belonged to cases of capital punishment, three hundred to those of castration, five hundred to those of cutting off the knee-cap, one thousand either to those of cutting off the nose or to those of branding. The nets set out [to suppress crimes were] numerous, but without the Five Punishments they would be invisible Cf. Hsiao ching chu shu, Wu hsing, 6.3a (L. 481); Shang shu chu shu, Lü hsing, 18.33b (L. 606); M.H. I. 264-265; Ch'un ch'iu wei yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.18b). A different division (for each 500) is given by the Chou li, B. II. 354 (cf. Legge's note in his Book of History, p. 606)..

f. What do the punishments of cutting off the nose and branding stand for? They are [considered as] minor punishments On account of the large number of cases to which they are to be applied..

g.The mo [punishment] consists in branding the forehead. The pi [punishment] consists in cutting off the nose. The fei [punishment] fei, which means the same as (cf. n. 4), is interchangeable with pin. consists in taking away the knee-cap. The kung [punishment], when applied to women who have committed adultery, consists in their being cloistered in 'buildings' kung which they are not allowed to leave; when applied to men who have committed adultery it consists in cutting off their testicles. The ta-p'i [punishment] means death.

 227---THE MEANING OF THE PUNISHMENTS NOT BEING APPLIED TO GREAT OFFICERS (IV A. 7a).

a.Why are punishments not applied to the great officers Cf. ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. I. 53).? It is to honour them. The rites are not extended to the common man Ibid., and [the task of] actuating the people is left to the common officer. Therefore the rites have been instituted for those who know [their import], while the punishments have been established for those who know it not. A common man, though he may have a treasure of a thousand gold-pieces, is not allowed [to show it in] his apparel , which is understood by Ch' ên (9.27b) as meaning 'submitted to' (which would make the sentence incomprehensible and therefore would require an emendation), is rightly taken in the sense of 'apparel' by Liu (74.2a).. That the punishments do not apply to the great officers is based on the fact that the rites make no provisions with respect to them.

b.Another opinion is: "[It is only] the punishment of flogging [,which is not applied to the great officers]. By the rites which are not extended to the common man are meant the rites of pledging each other , ch'ou-cho, cf. ch. Chung ni yen chü of the Li chi (C. II. 387). Ch' ên Li's edition contains at the end of the chapter the following paragraph (9.28a-b; see also Lu's Chüeh w ên, 8b): "Under the Hsia [a prison was] called hsia-t'ai , under the Yin yu-li , under the Chou ling-wu (but cf. ch. XXIV, n. 15). Anciently a man who had suffered mutilation by punishment would not be employed in the Duke's house, neither would he be taken into service by a great officer, nor would a common officer, meeting him on the road, exchange words with him. He would be banished to a deserted and barren country, where he would have beasts and birds as his [sole] companions" (cf. ch. Wang chih of the Li chi, C. I. 275; also ch. XLII, par. 284c)..

 XXXIX. THE FIVE CANONS 228---CONFUCIUS FIXED THE FIVE CANONS (IV A. 7b).

a.Why did Confucius fix the Five Canons? Confucius lived in the late period of the Chou; the Kingly Way had deteriorated and the ritual rules had been neglected; the strong oppressed the weak and the many behaved cruelly towards the few; the Son of Heaven dared not inflict punishments and the Regional Chiefs fang-po, cf. ch. VII, par. 55d. dared not begin punitive expeditions. [Confucius,] deploring that the spirit- ual power [which proceeds from the possession] of the Way was not being practised, began to travel about and to accept invitations [to enter the service of one Feudal Lord after the other], hoping that [in that way] the spiritual power [proceeding from the pos- session] of the Way might be put into practise. [But when at last he had to] return from [the state of] Wei to [his home-state] Lu he knew that it was of no avail. Therefore he recalled [antiquity] and fixed the Five Canons, [hoping therewith to be able] to apply the Way Cf. M.H. V. 397, Lun yü, IX. 14 (L. 221).. Thus Confucius said: "The Shu says: Be filial, only be filial, and friendly to your brothers; to impress this upon those who are in government, also means to hold a government's office" Ch. II. 21 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 2.9a; L. 153). Cf. Book of History (L. 535). The Yüan ta-t ê ed. (8.18b) reads instead of 'also.'. b.Before Confucius had fixed the Five Canons, how [was the con- dition of the country]? The [House of] Chou had declined, the Way was lost, the Major Relationships were dispersed, the Minor Relationships were in confusion For Major and Minor Relationships see ch. XXIX., and the Five Instructions wu-chiao, i.e. 'the duties belonging to the five relations of society', cf. Tso chuan, W ên 18, L. 283, and Book of History, Shun tien, L. 44. were neglected. So the canons for the Five Constant [Virtues] completely lost [the meaning of] their representations, the I lost its regulating norms, the yin and the yang and the ten thousand things, abandoning their nature, went wrong. [Confucius] estab- lished the words of strict admonition, and, collecting them, he com- posed the Shu in three thousand p'ien The usual tradition gives 100 or 102 p'ien, see Legge's Prolegomena to the Book of History, p. 7, and Lun h êng, Forke, I. 447., and out of the songs of resentment the Shih in three hundred p'ien.

229---THE HSIAO CHING AND THE LUN Yü (IV A. 8a).

Since the Ch'un ch'iu had already been composed, why was again the Hsiao ching produced? [Confucius] wished especially [by this book] to establish the correct [norms]. Why [should he wish to do so] by means of the Hsiao ching? Filial piety is shared by superior and inferior alike, from the Son of Heaven down to the common man. The Hsiao ching ..... Some passage is missing here. The fashioning of rites and the creation of music are the basis of consideration for others; the Sage's spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way is completed thereby. Why did his disciples note down again his 'selected conversations' lun-yü.? To show how the precepts issued by the Master when he met with difficulties and extraordinary events rose to the correct standards.

 230---KING W êN EXTENDED THE I (IV A. 8a).

Why did King W ên extend [the meaning of] the I? King Shou , i.e. Chou; cf. M.H. I. 242, n. 4. of the Shang [Dynasty] did not follow the Way of consideration for others and sense of the right principles, and had lost all norms in his treatment of men. When he came to an end there was only little left of the harmony between the yin and the yang. Therefore [King W ên] extended [the meaning of] the I I.e., out of the eight trigrams he made the sixty-four hexagrams, see M.H. I.221, and Han shu, Wu hsing chih, 27A. 2a. Cf. also Wang Hsien-ch'ien's comm. on the section of the I in the I w ên chih (Han shu, 30.4b)., and caused our [Chou Dynasty] to obtain the supremacy, finally reaching general peace and the brilliance of the sun and the moon. It means that [under the Chou] for the rules the I was followed.

 231---FU-HSI MADE THE EIGHT TRIGRAMS (IV A. 8a-b).

Why did Fu-hsi make the Eight Trigrams? When Fu-hsi began his kingship over all under Heaven there were not yet laws and measures made by the former Sages. Therefore, "looking up, he contemplated the forms in the sky, and looking down, he exam- ined the patterns on the earth. He contemplated the ornaments on birds and beasts and the suitabilities of the soil. Near at hand, he found [things for consideration] in his own person; at a distance, he found [the same] in things [in general]. On this he divised the Eight Trigrams to be in communication with the power of the spirit- ual and intelligent [beings], and to give form to the natures of the ten thousand things" Cf. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ü, 12.5a (L. 382), where some different characters are used..

 232---THE FIVE CANONS REPRESENT THE FIVE CONSTANT VIRTUES (IV A. 8b).

Why are there five Canons? Ching 'canon' means ch'ang 'con- stant'. As there is the way of the Five Constant [Virtues], so we speak of the Five Canons. The Yüeh '[Canon of] Music' [represents] consideration for others; the Shu '[Canon of] History' [represents] sense of the correct principles; the Li '[Canon of] Rites' [represents] ceremonial behaviour; the I '[Canon of] Changes' [represents] wis- dom; the Shih '[Canon of] Poetry [represents] trustworthiness. Man probably is superfluous. has five instincts comprising the Five Constant [Virtues, which, however, he] cannot develop by himself. Therefore the Sage, in imitation of the Way of the Five Constant [Virtues in- stituted] by Heaven, clarified them in order to teach man to per- fect his spiritual power.

 233---WHAT THE CANONS TEACH (IV A. 8b-9a).

What are the Five Canons? They are the I, the Shang shu, the Shih, the Li, and the Ch'un ch'iu Instead of the Ch'un ch'iu probably the Yüeh has to be enumerated (Lu).. The Li ching chieh says: "Affability and liberality are what the Shih teaches; wide know- ledge and penetrating wisdom are what the Shu teaches; exten- siveness and spontaneity are what the Yüeh teaches; purity and minuteness are what the I teaches; reverence and dignity are what the Li teaches; appropriateness in expression and com- parison of things are what the Ch'un ch'iu teaches" Li chi chu shu, 50.1a; C. II. 353. The inclusion of the Ch'un ch'iu in this quotation perhaps serves as a proof for 'another opinion", which adopts six instead of five Canons (Lu)..

 234---THE INAUGURATORS OF WRITTEN CHARACTERS AND DOCUMENTS (IV A. 9a).

a.What constant [value] does the Ch'un ch'iu represent? It has provided the rules from [the times of] Huang-ti onwards. b.What do we mean by saying this? The I says: "In the highest antiquity government was carried on by means of knotted cords; the Sages of later generations substituted for these written charac- ters and documents; therewith the hundred officials were regulated, and the myriads of people examined" Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.9b; L. 385.. By the Sages of later generations the Five Emperors are meant. The Chuan says: "The Three August Ones during a hundred generations observed the spiritual and primeval documents [of nature] . The translation is tentative. The Three August Ones (see Vol. 1, p. 232, par. 15a-e) were supposed to be more 'virtuous' than the later Sovereigns, and to have no need for written 'wisdom'. The Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.44a; the statement, without the source being mentioned, also occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Ch' êng 8, 17.20b) says: "Confucius says: The August Ones took their example from the primeval [fluid]; in a natural way they practised the art [of governing], without [making use of] written documents."; in the period of the Five Emperors. the books and charts lu-t'u, also written , i.e. the Books of the Lo and the Charts of the Ho, cf. Vol. 1, p. 337, n. 339. According to the Wu hsing chih it was to Fu-hsi (an 'August One') that the Charts of the Ho were given, while Yü (a 'King') received the Books of the Lo (Han shu, 27A.la). For the 'Five Em- perors' cf. Vol. I, p. 233, par. 15f. were received; [later,] historical records on governmental [affairs] were inscribed . The translation is again tentative. Perhaps the meaning is that under the 'Three Kings' (see Vol. 1, p. 234, par. 15l) the need for administration and records began.. Since Ti-k'uei the documents on rites and music in three thousand two hundred and forty p'ien had been set aside" The Chuan, from which this quotation is taken, seems to be the Shang shu wei hsüan chi ch'ien. K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Preface of the Shang shu (chu shu, . 10b) quotes the Shang shu wei saying that Confucius in his search for documents obtained those of Huang-ti's great-great-grandson Ti-k'uei which, reaching to the time of Duke Mu of Ch'in (659-621), comprised 3240 p'ien; of this material Confucius only preserved 120 p'ien: 102 p'ien formed the Shang shu, 18 p'ien the (Shang shu) chung hou; 3120 p'ien were set aside. Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the Hsüan chi ch'ien (Yü han, 53.47a-49b, from a quotation in the comm. on the Shih chi) gives the same story, but mentions 3330 instead of 3240 p'ien..

XLI. KNEE-COVERS AND CAPS 268---THE KNEE-COVER (IV B. 1a-b).

a.What does fu 'knee-cover' mean? Fu means pi 'to cover' fu (also written ); pi .; to cover the front [part of the legs] when walking. It is used on [special] occasions to distinguish between the high and the lowly, and to signal out those who have spiritual power. b.The Son of Heaven wears vermillion knee-covers, the Feudal Lords red ones. The Shih says: "His vermillion knee-covers [will be] brilliant, [he will be] the ruler of a Hereditary House" Ode 189: Mao shih chu shu, 18.30a; L. 306; K. 16.233. This quotation must be taken as a proof that the Son of Heaven wears vermillion knee-covers, though it is not so stated in the text. In fact, Sun Hsing-yen, quoting this Po hu t'ung passage in his Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu (25.35), adds after the quotation: "this was said of the Son of Heaven." It refers to the son of King Hsüan of Chou (827-782).. Further it says: "There are red knee-covers and gold-adorned slippers; the meeting [of the Lords] is grand" Ode 179: ibid., 17.39b; L. 289; K. 16.230.. Again: "There are red knee-covers over their upper-legs" Ode 222: ibid., 22.7a; L. 402; K. 16.252.. This was all said of the Feudal Lords. The Shu speaks of "Embroidered clothes and light vermillion knee-covers" . In this form the quotation does not occur in the present Shang shu, but in ch. K'ang wang chih kao of the Book of History (ch. Ku ming in the New Text version) there is the sentence: , translated by Legge as: "They then caused their teams of light bay horses, with red manes and tails, to be exhibited" (Shang shu chu shu, 18.1b; L. 562). It appears that the quotation in the Po hu t'ung is the New Text version of the present Shang shu passage, see Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 25.35. Karlgren, following the New Text version, therefore translates (K. 21.171): "They all had black-and-white-figured (robes) and knee-covers which were yellow and red" (the translation of huang-chu (see n. 6) by 'yellow and red' does not, however, fit in the Po hu t'ung context; Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on Ode 189 (see n. 2) says that the Son of Heaven wears 'pure vermillion' knee-covers, the Feudal Lords huang-chu 'yellowish vermillion', i.e. 'light vermillion' ones)., which was also said of the Feudal Lords. Altogether they made visible the design of their garments, so that they could be distinguished from a distance. What is called 'light vermillion' is the same as 'red' 'Light vermillion' huang-chu; 'red' ch'ih. The meaning is that the colour for both knee-covers is vermillion, only that of the Feudal Lords' is lighter, 'reddish'. Cf. Cheng Hsüan's comm. on the Ch'ien tso tu, , 12a (Ku ching chieh hui han ed.).. c.Great officers wear green stone-pendants [with their knee-covers], so that they can be distinguished from the Lords. [Thus] a great officer of the Son of Heaven wears red knee-covers with green stone-pendants Cf. ch. Yü tsao of the Li chi (C.I. 702).. Common officers wear leather knee-covers dyed [red] mei-chia, see Vol. I, p. 285, n. 128.. d.Vermillion and red are the fullest colours. Therefore the Sages, patterning themselves on them, used them for the knee-covers in their dress, which was not to be changed in a hundred Dynasties An almost similar passage occurs in the Ch'ien tso tu, , 11b.. e.The knee-cover is made of hide because [the meaning is] to revert to antiquity, so as not to forget the origin. f.Above it has a width of one foot, below of two feet, modelling. itself on Heaven ['s number, which is] one, and on Earth ['s number, which is] two. Its length is three feet, modelling itself on Heaven, Earth, and Man Cf. ch. Yü tsao, I.c. (see n. 7). For the numbers of Heaven and Earth see ch. Hsi tz'u of the I ching (L. 365)..

269---GENERAL REMARKS ON THE CAPPING CEREMONY (IV B. 1b-2a).

a.Why [does a man] wear a 'cap' kuan? Kuan means chüan 'to gather' , (or ).. [With the cap] the hair is gathered and secured. b.Man harbours the Five Constant [Virtues], and there is none who does not esteem spiritual power. It means that for the per- fection of his rites there should be ornaments and embellishments. Therefore the cap is instituted to adorn the head, so as to distinguish [the former youth] as an adult man. The Shih kuan ching says: "He receives his cap and style that his personal name [may from now on] be respected" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.45a; C. 23.. The Lun yü says: "Five or six capped young men, and six or seven youths" Ch. XI. 25, Lun yü chu shu, 11.13a; L. 248.. c.Why is it that according to the rites [a boy may be] capped when he is nineteen, and when there happens to be an 'auspicious moment' chien-cheng . Ch êng here means shan (see Ch êng Hsüan's comm. in I li chu shu, Shih hun li, 1.40b). Cf. infra, under e.? He is a man who is nearing his twentieth year should be (Ch' ên, 10.29b).. d.A male belongs to the yang [,but] completes [his manhood] in [the number of] the yin Cf. Vol. I, p. 245, par. 237a-b.. Therefore he is capped at twenty. The ch'ü li says: "At twenty [a man is called] jo 'young'; he is then capped" Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 8.. e.Since the expression chien-cheng is used, how do we know that cheng-yüeh 'the first month of the year' is not meant? Because the Li shih kuan ching says: "[When the capping ceremony takes place in summer] the boy wears hempen shoes, when in winter [he wears] shoes of leather" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.46b; C. 23. Cf. n. 14.. It means [that the capping does] not always [take place] in the first month of the seasonal year.

270---THE CAP OF DEER-SKIN (IV B. 2a).

a.What does p'i-pien . 'cap of deer-skin' mean? It is the name of the plainest cap, by means of which one models oneself on antiquity. b.Pien means p'an . Ch êng Hsüan's comm. (I li chu shu, 1.46a) explains pien as p'an, which he again glosses as ta 'large'. Ancient pronunciations *b'ĭbinv;an/b'ĭbinv;an/ pien; *p'wan/p'wan/ p'an; *b'wân/b'uân/p'an (Gr. Ser. nos. 220a, 263d, 182d). 'to secure'. With [the deer-skin cap] the hair is secured. The time of the highest antiquity was primitive, and the skin [of beasts] was at first used as clothes. [For the cap of skin] the deer-skin was used because of its ornamentation I.e. 'spotted', the expression for which is ch'i (Book of History, Ku ming, L. 556), also written (Ode 152; L. 223).. The Li says: "All the Three Dynasties [Hsia, Yin, and Chou] used the cap of deer-skin and the 'white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist' su-chi" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.46b; C. 23. Cf. Vol. I, p.314, n. 242.. Su-chi means that the silk is 'gathered' chi to serve as nether-garments, that is, it is gathered at the waist. [It represents] the plainest dress which should never be changed: a reverting to antiquity, so as not to forget the origin. It is worn both at war and during the hunt Cf. Chou li chu shu, Ssŭ fu, 21.10a; B. II. 7, and Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ch' êng 2 and Chao 25 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.5a; 24.12a). See also ch. X, n. 14..

271---THE DESIGNS OF THE CAPS (IV B. 2b-3a).

a.What is the ma-mien . 'hempen cap'? It is the cap [worn] in the ancestral temple under the Chou. The Li says: "The Chou used the mien [cap] at the sacrifice [in the ancestral temple]" Li chi chu shu, Wang chih, 13.23a; C. I. 317.. It further says: "The Yin used the hsü [cap], the Hsia the shou [cap] at the sacrifice" Ibid.. These were the caps [worn] in the an- cestral temple during [each of] the Three Dynasties. b.In the eleventh month the yang-fluid inclines and tilts up its head, under the Yellow Sources the ten thousand things are being urged [to unfold, and they are tilted up] like a mien [cap], up in front and down at the back. Therefore [the cap is] called mien , which is homophonous with mien (also pronounced fu) 'to incline the head'. The eleventh month is the first month of the year under the Chou, see ch. XXVII, par. 176d-e.. c.The name hsü . means that in the twelfth month the yang- Ch' ên's reading (10.31a) instead of in Lu's ed. fluid takes its turn; it 'expands' hsü-chang . in order afterwards to attain [its strength to make the ten thousand things] sprout out. Therefore [the cap is] called hsü The twelfth month is the first month of the year under the Yin.. d.The name shou means that in the thirteenth month the yang- fluid 'gathers' shou . its original [strength], and revivifies the ten thousand things, pushing them out. Therefore [the cap is] called shou The thirteenth month is the first month of the year under the Hsia.. e.The inclining and the tilting-up [of the yang] are not the same; therefore the front and the back [of the mien cap] form an irre- gularity; in the period [of the eleventh month] the things also [show irregularities ..., some such Passage should be inserted acc. to Liu (74.4b).; the yang] expands; therefore [the hsü cap] greatly 'sprouts out' m êng .; in the period [of the twelfth month] the things also obtain large 'sprouts' m êng-ya instead of ya-m êng (Liu, ibid.).. [The yang] gathers and drives out; therefore [the shou cap] gathers together tsung instead of (ibid.). at the front and is large at the back; in the period [of the thirteenth month] the things also first gather together [in order to produce their later fruits] The meaning of this paragraph is not very clear. Acc. to the Tu tuan (. 12a-b) the cap used by the Chou, which was called chüeh-pien (see infra, par. 273), was black-and-red coloured, small at the front and large at the back; that used by the Yin (the hsü) was black with a little white, large at the front and small at the back; that used by the Hsia (the shou) was black, small at the front and large at the back. Thus we may understand the large front of the hsü as indicating the 'large sprouts', and the small front of the shou as indicating the 'gathering together'.. f.The mien [cap] is made of hemp because [hemp] represents the first of woman's handicrafts. It indicates that one should not forget the origin. If this be so, why is not skin used? Skin is the apparel used in the highest antiquity when rites and refinement were still lacking. Therefore the Lun yü says: "[The wearing of] the hempen cap is according to the rites" Ch. IX. 3, Lun yü chu shu, 9.2a; L. 217. The meaning probably is that the wearing of the hempen cap was already old in Confucius' days so that he, in the same Lun yü passage, also mentioned the new fashion of wearing silk ones.. The Shang shu says: "The King put on his hempen cap" Shang shu chu shu, Ku ming, 17.29b; L. 557. By the King is meant King K'ang of the Chou (1078-1053).. g.Why is it that with the mien [cap] from the front and from the back long pendants are suspended from the rectangular level on top , see ch. Yü tsao of the Li chi (chu shu, 29.1a; C.I. 677).? It indicates the promotion of the worthy and the rejection of the unable. The hanging beads mean that [the wearer] closes his eyes to perversities and shuts his ears [to calumnies]; it in- dicates that he does not listen to vilifications For a somewhat similar statement see the Li wei han w ên chia (Yü han, 54.20a).. Therefore: if water is [too] clear it will have no fish, if man is [too] critical, he will have no company Cf. Ta tai li chi, Tzŭ chang ju kuan, 8.3b; Chia yü, Ju kuan, 5.18b.. It means that [the superior] should not value an over-exact knowledge of the inferior. Therefore the Li says: "The Son of Heaven wears twelve long pendants of beads of jade hanging down from the rectangular level on top before and behind" See n. 41.. The Li ch'i says: "The Son of Heaven wears a hempen cap with twelve pendants of vermillion and green beads of jade, modelling himself on the four seasons and the twelve months; the Feudal Lords have nine, the great officers seven pendants; the common officers wear a chüeh-pien without pendants" The text of the Li chi (chu shu, 23.15b; C. I. 549) is different. For the chüeh-pien see infra, par. 273..

272---THE WEI-MAO, THE MOU-TUI, AND THE CHANG-FU (IV B. 3a-b).

a.What is the wei-mao? It is the name of the cap worn in the Chou court when regulating the affairs of state and putting in practise the spiritual power [which proceeds] from the Way. The Shih kuan ching says: "The wei-mao was in use with the Chou, the chang-fu with the Yin, the mou-tui with the Hsia" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.45b; C. 23. Wei-mao , chang-fu , mou-tui (in Vol. I, p. 79 and the Table of Contents, p. 214, I wrongly transcribed mou-chui; mou is also written ).. b.Why [is the cap of the Chou] called wei-mao? The Chou took for the regulation [of the year] the eleventh month as the beginning. The ten thousand things [then] begin to form small buds. Therefore for the cap-ornament the smallest [shape is taken], which is for that reason called wei-mao. Wei-mao means having the shape of something 'small and petty' wei-ch'ü .. c.The Yin took for the regulation [of the year] the twelfth month as the beginning. The ornament [of the Yin cap] is a little larger; therefore it is called chang-fu. Chang-fu means not yet having fully reached the standard of the origin. d.The Hsia took for the regulation [of the year] the thirteenth month as the beginning. The ornament [of the Hsia cap] is the largest, therefore it is called mou-tui. Mou-tui means that its size is large . My translation is tentative. Tui (in mou-tui) is explained by Ch êng Hsüan as tui 'mass', 'pile' (I li chu shu, 1.45b)..

273---THE CHUEH-PIEN (IV B. 3b).

a.What does chüeh-pien mean? [It means that] the colour [of the cap] is like that of the head of the [bird] chüeh , also written (Book of History, Ku ming; L. 556). Cf. also Legge's note in his translation of the M êng tzŭ, IVa. 9 (p. 300).. It is the cap worn in the Chou by the common officer [when he assisted] in the ancestral temple. The Li chiao t' ê sh êng says: "Under the Chou [the cap was called] pien" Li chi chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604.. The Shih kuan ching says: "Under the Chou [the cap was called] pien; under the Yin hsü; under the Hsia shou" I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.46a; C. 23.. b.How do we know that chüeh denotes the colour? Because some- times [the cap is] called chüeh-pien, sometimes only pien. Why is the colour of the cap under the Chou [the colour of the bird] chüeh? Because the Chou honoured [the colour] red. Why is it not plain red, but [the colour of] the head of the chüeh [bird]? Because originally the design of the caps modelled itself on Heaven, whose colour is black; [it was desirable that] its substantial nature should not be neglected. Therefore the Chou added red [to the black colour of Heaven], the Yin added white [to it], whereas the colour of the cap under the Hsia was plain black. How do we know that the Yin added white? As the Chou [,honour- ing the colour red,] had added red so we know that the Yin [,honouring the colour white,] added white Cf. n. 38. For the colours of the Three Dynasties see ch. XXVII, par 176d-e.. c.Why is it that before Insertion suggested by Ch' ên (10.34a). the Hsia and the Yin the [cotton] caps of the common officer were indifferently [used for all occa- sions]? It is because [the custom in the highest] antiquity was primitive. We know it from the Shih kuan li The meaning of this statement, when we compare it with the commentaries on a passage in the I li (chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.44b, corresponding with a passage in ch. Chiao t'e sh êng, Li chi chu shu, 26.17a), probably is the following: In the highest antiquity, in the time of Yao and Shun and earlier, the cap used was of white cloth, which was dyed black during a time of fasting and abstin- ence; there were, however, no different caps for celebrations and mourning. Under the Three Dynasties three caps were given to a youth at the capping ceremony: first a black cap of cloth, then the p'i-pien, lastly the chüeh-pien. The first cap now was 'to honour antiquity', it need not further be worn after the ceremony; during mourning, however, a white cap of cloth was used..

XLII. MOURNING GARMENTS 274---THE MOURNING OF THE FEUDAL LORDS FOR THE SON OF HEAVEN (IV B. 4a).

a.Why is it that the Feudal Lords wear the three years' mourning in unhemmed sackcloth for the Son of Heaven? "Under the wide Heaven there is no land which is not the King's, of all the guests on the earth there is none who is not the King's subject" See ch. VII, n. 41.. The subject is towards his Lord as the son is towards his father, that is: [there is between them] the relation of the most exalted and the subject and son. The Sang fu ching says: "The Feudal Lords wear the three years' mourning in unhemmed sackcloth for the Son of Heaven" I li chu shu, 11.11b; C. 387..

b.The Son of Heaven for the Feudal Lords ..... The text is incomplete. Acc. to the T'an kung (see ch. XLIII, n. 33) the Son of Heaven, at the death of a Feudal Lord, wails and puts on the chüeh-pien (for which see ch. XLI, par. 273) and silk garments. Ch. Ssŭ-fu of the Chou li (chu shu, 21.14a; B. II. 9) says that the King, at the death of a Feudal Lord, wears the ssŭ-ts'ui (Biot: "le v êtement de deuil Ssé"). It seems that the Son of Heaven does not actually wear mourning for a Feudal Lord, but puts off the dress immediately after the funeral. Cf. ch. XLIII, par. 298..

c.Why do the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords cut off the one year's mourning? . This statement, in positive form, also occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm. on Chuang 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 6.13a), where it is followed by "the great officers cut off the three months' mourning", i.e., the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords only wear the three years' mourning, the great officers only the mourning from five months upwards (cf. n. 5). It means that they love the Hundred Clans equally, and that they do not limit themselves to loving their relatives. Therefore the Li chung yung says: "The one year's mourning extends up to the great officers, the three years' mourn- ing extends to the Son of Heaven" Li chi chu shu, 52.16b; C. II. 446; L. II. 310. The meaning is the same as what is stated in Ho Hsiu's comm. (n. 4). Owing to his exalted position the Son of Heaven (and so does a Feudal Lord) only wears mourning for his father, his mother, the heir, and his wife (the mourning period for the latter is only one year, but as re-marriage within three years is disapproved, she is included in the term 'three years' mourning'; see K'ung Ying-ta, o.c. 17b). The statement about the great officer here differs from that given in Ho Hsiu's comm. (n. 4). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Li chi passage (quoting , o.c. 18b) says that in the term 'one year's mourning' the nine months' mourning (ta-kung) and the five months' mourning (hsiao-kung) are included.. The Minister and the great officer [obtain the right of] reducing the mourning period [for some of their relatives] to three months in order to honour their public position Ch. Sang fu (I li chu shu, 11.81b; C. 433; St. II. 40) says that the right to reduce the mourning for the collaterals by one degree applies to a great officer, a Duke's brothers, and the son of a great officer..

 275---THE MOURNING OF THE COMMON PEOPLE FOR THEIR LORD (IV B. 4a-b).

a.Why is it that according to the rites the 'common man who is officially employed' shu-j ên, taken in this special sense by Ch êng Hsüan in his comm. on the I li (chu shu, 11.47a). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 132. wears the three months' mourning in 'hem- med sackcloth' tzŭ-ts'ui, as opposed to 'unhemmed sackcloth' chan- ts'ui. for the Lord of the state, and at the death of the King the common people in the capital mourn for three months? The people are lowly, whereas the King is exalted; therefore the favours [he bestows on them] are small, so that they can suffice with no more than three months [of mourning].

b.Since the Son of Heaven is buried seven months, and a Feudal Lord five months [after their deaths], the people [after the news of death] begin to weep and wear plain clothes. Three months before the funeral they put on the hemmed sackcloth, and after the prescribed months [of mourning], following the funeral of the Lord, they have accomplished their ritual [duties].

c.Since the rites do not affect the common man, why are mourning clothes devised for the people? The [meaning of the] rites not affecting the common man Cf. ch. XXXVIII, n. 11. is that there are [different] standards and regulations for the high and the lowly. [But] mourning garments are the outward expressions of the inner feelings, there- fore they are devised for them [also].

 276---THE ORDER OF PUTTING ON MOURNING GARMENTS (IV B. 4b).

Why is it that at the death of the King the subjects put on their mourning garments according to [a prescribed] order? The fa- vours [of the King] have been great or small, extensive or limited; therefore the regulation [varies] from days to months. The T'an kung chi says: "The third day after the death of the Son of Heaven the 'officers of prayer' chu. He assists at the filling of the deceased's mouth and the dressing (cf. ch. XLIII, par. 300) acc. to Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the passage (see n. 11). as the first put on their mourning garments, on the fifth day the heads of the departments follow, on the seventh day the men and women in the King's domain follow, and in the course of three months all under Heaven have assumed their mourning garments" Li chi chu shu, 10.24a-b; C. I. 249..

 277---THE MEANING OF THE THREE YEARS' MOURNING (IV B. 4b-5a).

a.Why does the three years' mourning last twenty-five months? Because the people of antiquity were primitive, and, fearing the dead, "did not raise mounds neither planted trees [on their graves]; they had no fixed period for mourning" Cf. ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the I ching (L. 385)., and, when they forgot instead of (Ch' ên, 11.3b)., they [simply] discarded [their mourning clothes]. The Sages of later ages, in conformity with [the fact that] the ten thousand things [created] by Heaven and Earth [in one year] have their beginning and end, established for them institutions according to which [the mourning] expired after a term of one round year chi; cf. ch. XXXVI, n. 2.. [But] the father is the most exalted while the mother is the most beloved, therefore an 'extension' chia-lung. [of the mourning period] is made, so that the filial son may exhaust his feelings of affection. As his affection and love are most profound the extension amounts to a redoubling. Therefore [his mourning period] lasts two terms of one year, that is twenty-five months I.e. 5 x 5 months (Yüan sh ên ch'i in Yü han, 58.19b). Sung Chung's comm. says that the term of 25 months is taken to include an intercalary month.. The rites take [their norm] from [the number of] three. Therefore [this mourning is] called three years ['mourning] because [the period of twenty-five months] approaches the fluid of the third year . Ho Hsiu's comm. on Min 2 (see n. 18) lacks the last two characters, thus: "approaches three years.". Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The mourning term of three calendrical years is in reality twenty-five months" Kung yang chu shu, Min 2, 9.19b. Cf. par. 220b..

b.Why is it that in the three years' mourning period the inter- calary month is not counted? Because of the use of the term chi 'round year'. Chi means covering the [full] time See n. 14. The same rule applies to the one year's mourning (cf. the sub- comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ai 5, see n. 20)..

c.The mourning periods of nine months and less is counted by months, therefore the intercalary month is subtracted I.e. the ta-kung (9 months), the hsiao-kung (5 months), and the ssŭ-ma (3 months). This statement corresponds with Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ai 5, Kung yang chu shu, 27.12b.. The Li shih yü ching says: "After one round year the Small Auspicious Sacrifice is performed, after two round years the Great Auspicious Sacrifice" hsiao-hsiang and ta-hsiang. I li chu shu, Shih yü li, Chi, 14.35b; C. 540 (also in Li chi chu shu, Chien chuan, 57.11a; C. II. 572). Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on the I li says that these sacrifices take place in the thirteenth and twenty-fifth months after the death, i.e., no account is taken of an intercalary month. Cf. also n. 38..

 278---SACKCLOTH AND HEMPEN FILLETS (IV B. 5a-b).

a.Why is it that for the mourning rites the wearing of sackcloth is prescribed? It is to bring it into accordance with one's feelings. Clothes are the adornments of one's emotions. Emotion and ap- pearance should match each other, the interior and the exterior should correspond with each other. Therefore the clothes are not alike for joy and for grief, the voice is not alike in singing and in wailing. [Each is] the expression of one's inner sincerity.

b.The coat and shirt of sackcloth, the hempen fillets, the bamboo hairpin, the hatstrings of cord, and the coarse staff are [all] in- dications of a reverting to the origin instead of (Sun I-jang, Cha i, 10.6a).. The fillets indicate that there has been a disaster instead of (Liu, 74.5a)., and used together [with the other things] they indicate that it is a case of death.

c.The waist-fillet replaces the large girdle with sashes. Why is it tied in a knot? [The son] thinks with reverential [affection of the deceased], and his feelings are such that they seem to be tied in a knot. Why must there be two knots? It means that the affec- tion is never-ending.

 279---THE STAFF (IV B. 5b).

a.Why must [the chief-mourner] carry a staff? The filial son, having lost his parent, was so afflicted with grief that during three days he could not eat but only weep; his body [consequently] became emaciated and ill. Therefore he carries a staff to support himself, meaning that he should not on behalf of the dead en- danger his life.

b.According to the rites neither a young boy nor a wife are re- quired to carry a staff because they cannot [bear the hardships of extreme] suffering Cf. I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.3a; C. 386.. The Li says: "He who wears the three years' mourning in unhemmed sackcloth does not take food for three days; he who wears the three years' mourning in hemmed sackcloth does not take food for two days; he who wears the nine month's mourning does not take food for one day; he who wears the five months' mourning or the three months' mourning does not take two meals in one day, such being a sufficient [abstin- ence]" Li chi chu shu, Chien chuan, 57.10b; C. II. 571, where the text, for the nine months' mourning, says: "does not take three meals in a day". This applies to the one year's mourning as well (ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi, C. II. 224)..

c.Why is the staff made of bamboo or of the [wood of the] t'ung [tree]? The names [of these plants] are taken [as symbols]. 'Bamboo' chu means ts'u 'to stamp the feet" .. T'ung means t'ung 'grieved' For the t'ung tree, see Vol. I, p. 343, n. 367..

d.Why is a staff of bamboo used for [the death of] the father, and a staff of the t'ung wood for [that of] the mother? Bamboo is yang, the t'ung [wood] is yin. Why is bamboo yang? A bamboo [-stem] is [simply] cut to be used [as a staff]; it is primitive and so represents the yang. [A branch of] the t'ung [tree] has its bark removed before it is used [as a staff]; it undergoes dressing by human skill, and so it is yin. Therefore the Li says: "The coarse staff is of bamboo, the staff without bark is of t'ung [wood]" I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.3a; C. 385 (also in Li chi chu shu, Sang fu hsiao chi, 32.4b; C. I. 743). Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on the I li passage (4b-5a) gives a different explanation for the use of the bamboo and the t'ung. Bamboo is round, resembling Heaven; inside and outside it has joints, resembling the son who inwardly and outwardly grieves; it does not change throughout the four seasons as the son mourns for his father throughout the cold and hot seasons without changing. T'ung means t'ung 'similar'; in her heart the wife is the same as the father..

 280---THE MOURNING SHED (IV B. 6a-b).

a.Why must [the mourner] occupy a mourning shed i-lu.? The filial son is so grieved that he does not wish to hear the voices of the people, neither does he wish to live in the dwelling where the dis- aster has taken place; [therefore] he takes up his abode outside the middle gate, building a hut by propping beams [against the wall. The structure should be] primitive, and [means] a reverting to antiquity. Why [is the hut] not placed outside the [outer] gate? To avoid unforeseen dangers. Therefore the Li chien chuan says: "During the mourning for his father or his mother [the son] dwells in the mourning shed" Li chi chu shu, 57.11a; C. II. 573.. This shed is situated outside the middle gate, below the eastern wall, with an opening facing north This is also stated by Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on ch. Chi hsi, Chi (I li chu shu, 13.48b).. [After one year when he has adopted the cap of] bleached silk lien. It is worn in the 13th month after the death, and replaces the head-fillet (Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.10a). he dwells in the unplastered chamber o-shih, also referred to as 'outer chamber' wai-ch'in in the I li (chu shu, Sang fu, 11.8a; C. 387). See also infra, under d., which is a room without any adornments.

b.It is further said: "The wife does not dwell in the mourning shed" Li chi chu shu, Sang ta chi, 45.12b; C. II. 241..

c.Again: "For the Son of Heaven the mourning garments are fully assumed seven days [after his death], for a Ducal Minister or a Feudal Lord five days, for a Minister or a great officer three days [after the death]" The quotation cannot be identified, but ch. Wang chih of the Li chi says that the Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days, a Feudal Lord five days, and a great officer three days after his death (cf. ch. XLIII, par. 302)..

d.[The mourner] dwells [in the mourning shed] inside the outer gate, having built the hut below the eastern wall. He sleeps on rough straw with a clod for his pillow, wailing unceasingly, and not taking off his head-fillet or girdle. After the yü [sacrifice] , i.e. the sacrifice after the interment, see Couvreur's note in his Li chi translation, II. 184. he sleeps on a mat, eats coarse food and drinks water, wailing only once in the morning and once in the evening. After he has assumed the cap of bleached silk he takes up his abode in the outer chamber, living in the unplastered room; he begins to enjoy [again] vegetables and fruit, and eats his ordinary dishes, while he wails unceasingly [whenever he thinks of the deceased] From "He sleeps on raw straw, etc." this statement corresponds, with slight differences, with that of ch. Sang fu of the I li (chu shu, 11.8a; C. 386-387).. In the twenty-fifth month [after the death] the Great Auspicious Sacrifice is per- formed, he then drinks unfermented wine and eats dried meat Cf. ch. Chien chuan (Li chi, C. II. 572, with slight differences), and supra, n. 21.. In the twenty-seventh month the t'an [sacrifice] is performed, which may take place at the same time as the [seasonal] sacri- fices in the ancestral temple; [then he] puts off the last vestiges of his mourning t'an . Cf. ch. Shih yü li, Chi (I li chu shu, 14.36a; C. 540). I have followed Ch êng Hsüan's comm. for the rendering of . Sinica Leidensia, VI.

 281---NOT TO SPEAK DURING THE MOURNING RITES (IV B. 6b).

a.Why is it that according to the rites [the mourner does] not speak during his period of mourning? He thinks with reverential [affection of the deceased], and cherishes the deepest feelings of sorrow.

b.[This, however, means that during the time of mourning the mourner does] not use cultivated language in his speech, which applies to the common officers and the people. [He who can afford] not to speak [at all] while his affairs are completely attended to [by others] is the Lord of a state. The Ministers and great officers carrying their [mourning] staff [have to speak with and] see off their guests. Those whose possessions are few depend on their own strength: wearing a livid countenance they manage everything personally. For those who [can afford] not to speak [at all] their affairs are managed [by others]; so that they can wail and give the fullest expression to their feelings [of grief] Cf. the whole paragraph with ch. Sang fu ssŭ chih of the Li chi (C. II. 706)..

 282---THE RITES IN EXTRAORDINARY CASES (IV B. 6b-7a).

a.Why is it that when the mourner is afflicted with sickness he is allowed to drink wine and eat meat? It is that he may support his life's strength, and so honour the body his ancestors have left to him. Therefore the ch'ü li says: "During the observance of the mourning rites, if [the mourner have] a scab on his head he should wash it; if he have a sore on his body he should bathe it; if he be ill he should drink wine and eat meat; if he be fifty he should not allow himself to be reduced [by his abstinence] very much; if he be sixty not at all. At seventy he will only wear the unhemmed dress of sackcloth, and will drink wine and eat meat" Li chi chu shu, 3.4a; C. I. 48-49..

b.It further says: "When his father or mother is ill [a young man who has been capped] should not eat so much meat that his taste is changed, neither should he drink so much wine that his countenance is changed; he should not laugh so as to show his teeth nor be angry till he breaks forth in reviling; he should not touch his ch'in or s ê [lutes]" Ibid., 2.30a-b; C. I. 40..

c.The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "When [a son is] wearing the three years' mourning, [even after one year when he has put on his cap of] bleached silk, he should not be standing in a company [of friends], neither should he go along in a crowd. The rites are the adornments of the sentiments; would it not be an empty form to condole and wail [with others] while wearing the three years' mourning?" Ibid., 19.6a; C. I. 445.

d.The Li t'an kung says: "Ts êng-tzŭ, while wearing mourning for his mother, paid a visit of condolence at the death of Tzŭ- chang" Ibid., 9.8a; C. I. 194.. Tzŭ-chang was his friend, and for a mourner, though wearing deep mourning, it is right to pay a visit of condolence [at the death of a friend].

e.The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "[Ts êng-tzŭ asked:] If one wears the five months's mourning is he allowed to participate in sacrifices [for a deceased person]? Confucius said: It is according to the rites that those wearing mourning for three years in unhemmed sack- cloth and less do so" Ibid., 18.14a; C. I. 424.. This refers to the mourning sacrifices for the Lord.

f.Tzŭ-hsia asked: "Is it according to the rites if one does not seek to escape military service, after the wailing in the three years' mourning has come to an end? Confucius said: I heard Lao Tan say that Po-ch'in, the Duke of Lu, once engaged [in such a ser- vice] when there was occasion for it. [But] if now during a three years' mourning one follows one's advantage [by entering military service], I do not know [if I should allow it]" Ibid., 19.27b; C. I. 462-463. Po-ch'in joined the expedition against the revolting barbarian tribes (cf. M.H. IV. 102)..

 283---THE WIFE DOES NOT CROSS THE BOUNDARIES FOR A VISIT OF CONDOLENCE (IV B. 7a).

The wife does not cross the boundaries [of the state of her hus- band] to pay a visit of condolence because she has no business outside [her home]. It is to avoid [the danger of] debauchery. The Li tsa chi says: "It is not according to the rites that the wife cross the boundaries [of the state of her husband] for a visit of condo- lence" Ibid., 43.6b; C. II. 187 (also in ch. T'an kung, C. I. 192); in both these texts the wording is slightly different from the Po hu t'ung passage.. If she has to wear the three years' mourning [for one of her parents] the Lord goes together with her Ch. Tsa chi, l.c.; cf. also Ho Hsiu's comm. on Chuang 2 and W ên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 6.9a-b; 13.23a). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Tsa chi (o.c. 7a) says that, though a married daughter only wears the one year's mourning for her parents, the term 'three years' mourning' is here used because this is the proper period for all the children.. According to the rites, if a wife wears mourning for her parents her husband also assumes mourning I.e. the three months' mourning, see ch. Sang fu of the I li (C. 430; St. II. 38). Cf. also ch. Fu w ên of the Li chi (C. II. 561)..

 284---THREE CASES WHERE NO CONDOLENCE IS REQUIRED (IV B. 7b).

a.Why are there three cases in which condolence is not required? As a subject and the son of a man one should constantly observe prudence, care, and forethought, and [always] attend to the preservation of one's life. If now a person should meet his death 'through being killed in a riot' wei, 'through being crushed' ya, or 'through being drowned' ni it is considered to be a neglect of his duty; therefore no condolence is required wei , ya , ni . Cf. Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 6.26b; C. I. 130..

b.Wei means meeting one's death from weapons Ch êng Hsüan's explanation (l.c.) is: "If a man is attacked by others and killed without having been able to prove his innocence [we speak of wei]." Ya is explained as "resting on one's way under a dangerous [spot and being killed]." Ni as "not making use of a bridge or a boat [and being drowned].".

c.The Li ts êng tzŭ chi says: "A man who has brought great shame upon himself and causes his body to be maimed [in a punishment] is not considered to be the servant [of his Lord] anymore, neither are the common officers willing to have intercourse with him. In the sacrifices to the ancestors he is no longer employable as an impersonator, he is not allowed to partake of the sacrificial victims in the ancestral temple, and when he dies he is not buried in the precincts of the ancestral temple" Not in the present Li chi. Cf. also ch. XXXVIII, n. 13..

 285---THE MOURNING OF THE DISCIPLE FOR HIS TEACHER (IV B. 7b-8a).

a.A disciple wears mourning for his teacher because his relation to him is that of Lord to subject, of father to son, of friend to friend. Therefore during [the teacher's] life he honours and reveres him with affection, when he is dead he grieves and sorrows for him. His affection is deep, his feeling of duty profound. Therefore he wears deep mourning for him. At home he wears the [head-and- waist] fillets, outside he leaves them off. This deviates from the statement in the T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 7.20b; C. I. 148), which prescribes the wearing of the fillets even when going out. Only friends, when mourning for each other, leave off the fillets (l.c.).

b.The T'an kung says: "[Tzŭ-kung says:] Formerly, when our Master was mourning for Yen Hui he acted as if he was mourning for a son, [only] he did not wear mourning dress. He did the same in the case of Tzŭ-lu. Let us mourn for our Master as we should mourn for our fathers, but wear no mourning dress" Li chi chu shu, 7.16a; C. I. 146..

 286---WHAT IS MORE IMPORTANT, ONE'S OWN MOURNING OR ONE'S PUBLIC DUTIES? (IV B. 8a-9a).

a.The Ts êng tzŭ w ên says: "[Ts êng-tzŭ asked:] If, when the ruler has died and is lying in his coffin, an officer ch' ên, i.e. 'subject', including Ministers, great officers, and common officers. is informed of the death of his father or mother what should be done? Confucius said: He should go home and remain there; for the great services [to the deceased ruler] yin-shih, i.e. the offerings on the 1st and 15th days of the month (Ch êng Hsüan, l.c.). he should go to his Lord's place, but not for those of every morning and evening. [Ts êng-tzŭ] asked: If, when they have begun to move the ruler ['s coffin], an officer is informed of the death of his father or mother what should be done? Confucius said: He should go home and wail, and then return and accompany [the funeral of] his Lord. [Ts êng-tzŭ] asked: If, before the ruler has been encoffined, an officer is informed of the death of his father or mother what should be done? Confucius said: He should go home and have the deceased put into the coffin, and then return to the ruler's place; for the great services [to the deceased parent] he should go home, but not for those of every morning and evening. If [the officer] is a great officer the chief servant of his household will attend to [his private] affairs I.e. the affairs pertaining to the funeral of his own parent.; if he is a common officer his son or grandson. The wife of a great officer . I.e., she accompanies her husband., on the occasion of the great services [to the deceased ruler], will also go to the ruler's place, but not for those of every morning and evening" Li chi chu shu, 19.8a-b; C. I. 447-448; L. I. 332-333..

b.Why is it that if a Feudal Lord who is wearing mourning for his parent is informed of the death of the Son of Heaven he hastens to take part in the funeral rites [for the latter]? It expresses the idea that he subordinates [his grief for the loss of] his own parents to his fidelity to the Exalted One I have followed Lu's emendation of the corrupt passage. The opinion ex- pressed in this paragraph is that of the Kung-yang School (cf. the Wu ching i i, Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1250.36b). See also ch. XLIII, par. 293a.. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The reason that the death of the Son of Heaven is recorded, but not his funeral, is that the time for his burial is determined. The funeral of a Feudal Lord is recorded because the time for it is not necessarily determined" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 3, 2.10a.. As a Feudal Lord at the death of the Son of Heaven is in duty bound instead of (Ch' ên, 11.16a). Ho Hsiu's comm. on the passage says: "He is in duty bound to step over the cords of the funeral-car (cf. Vol. I, p. 288, n. 151), and hasten to take part in the funeral rites [of the Son of Heaven]." to hasten [and take part in the funeral rites even if he is in mourning for his parent], the time of the burial [of his deceased parent] cannot always be determined.

c.When a great officer, charged with a mission [by his Lord], has started [his journey], and is informed of the death of his father or mother, he only returns upon the order of his Lord: that is his [expression of] esteem for his ruler. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When a great officer, having started his journey on a mis- sion from his Lord, is informed of the death [of his parent] he proceeds without haste and does not return" Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 8, 15.20a..

d.Why is it that a Feudal Lord who is on his way to a court-visit is allowed to return when he is informed of the death of his own [parent]? It expresses the idea that one is not to enter the palace- gates in mourning dress, neither should the Lord summon [his subject when he is in mourning]. Not to dare to enter the palace- gates in mourning dress indicates reverence for the court; luck and disaster do not go together. Therefore the Chou kuan says: "When one is in mourning dress one should not enter the palace-gates" Chou li chu shu, Hun j ên, 7.24b; B. I. 150, where the text reads: "In mourn- ing dress and with spiritual vessels (for which cf. ch. XXVIII, par. 188a) one should not enter the palace".. The Ch'ŭ li says: "When one is in mourning one does not speak of music; when one is directing a sacrifice one does not speak of unlucky things; when one is at court one does not speak of wife or daughters" Li chi chu shu, 4.10a; C. I. 75.. The Lun yü says: "The Master did not sing on the same day in which he had been weeping" Ch. VII. 9, Lun yü chu shu, 7.4a; L. 197..

e.When a subject is wearing deep mourning [his Lord should] not knock at his door [to summon him] because he allows him to terminate his duties as a filial son and to consummate his great [mourning] rites. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Anciently, when a Minister was wearing deep mourning his ruler did not knock at his door for three years" Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 1, 15.4a-b. Cf. ch. XII, par. 102e. Ch' ên Li's ed. (11.17b) contains at the end of this paragraph the following passage, taken from a quotation in the T'ung tien: "A person who is in mourning does not go to court; luck and disaster do not go together, and the filial son ['s duty to remember his parent's] favours should not be hampered. In the case of the Grand Ancestral Temple catching fire, an eclipse of the sun, funeral rites of the Queen, and soaking rain which render the robes unsightly, the court-visit may be called off" (for the last sentence cf. ch. Ts êng tzŭ w ên, Li chi, C. I. 439; L. I. 328)..

 287---THE HASTENING HOME TO OBSERVE THE MOURNING RITES (IV B. 9a).

a.Why is it that when [a Lord is] informed of the death [of his parent] he wails before beginning the journey [home]? It is to exhaust his grief; he only starts after his first sorrow has somewhat abated Cf. ch. P ên sang of the Li chi (C. II. 534; L. II. 365).. Seeing the boundaries of his state he weeps again, but passing the market and the palace he does not Cf. ibid.: for the Noble Man restrains himself that the small man may [also] make an effort to come up to the [required] decorum Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the foregoing passage says: "[by his wailing] he would have startled the multitude" (Li chi chu shu, 56.1b).. [On his way] he stops when he sees the stars; each day he covers one hundred li See n. 69.. His anguished heart only thinks of seeing the corpse in the coffin as soon as possible. Therefore the Li p ên sang chi says: "With lamentations he responds to the notifier, thus giving full vent to his grief; he inquires of the cause [of the death], and then sets out on his way" Li chi chu shu, 56.1a; C. II. 534.. Ts êng-tzŭ says: "An army moves thirty li [a day, the bringer of] lucky news moves fifty li, [the son] hurrying home to attend the funeral [of his parent] moves one hundred li [a day]" The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. the Hsün tzŭ, Ta lüeh, 27.68, and the Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên, 19.13a..

b.Why is it that when the mourning proves to have already ended [by the time the son] returns he goes to the grave to weep? It means that he feels the deepest sorrow because he cannot see the deceased again. As mourning cannot be assumed after [the period after it has expired] he only weeps and leaves it at that. Therefore the Li p ên sang chi says: "He goes to the grave, faces west, and weeps, and [there the mourning] ends" Li chi chu shu, 56.9b; C. 11.545; L. 11. 371. The Li chi text reads (in Legge's translation): "If one returned home after the mourning rites had been com- pleted, he went to the grave, and there wailed and went through the leaping. On the east of it, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, put on the cincture for the head, bowed to the visitors, and went (again) through the leaping. Having escorted the visitors, he returned to his place, and again wailed, giving full vent to his grief. With this he put off his mourning. In the house he did not wail." The place on the east indicates, acc. to Ch êng Hsüan, the seat of the host (the son has now become the master of the house); the "facing west" in the Po hu t'ung text is apparently a paraphrase of it.. This means that having returned from afar [he finds that] the burial has al- ready taken place, and the wearing of mourning has been ended according to the rites.

 288---THE PLACE FOR THE WAILING (IV B. 9a-b).

a.Ts êng-tzŭ was standing by the door [of his house] with a visitor when [one of the latter's] companions went out in a hurry. Ts êng- tzŭ asked: "Where art thou going?" [The disciple] replied: "My father has died, and I am going to wail for him in the lane". Ts êng-tzŭ said: "Return and wail in thy apartment [in my house]". Ts êng-tzŭ [them] paid him a visit of condolence, [standing with] his face to the north See ch. T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 8.6a; C. I. 163; L. I. 147-148). Ts êng-tzŭ stood facing north, wishing to act as a visitor, while the guest stood facing west, as if he were the host (K'ung Ying-ta, l.c.)..

b.The T'an kung chi says: "Confucius said: Where shall I wail for him? For brethren I wail outside the gate of the ancestral temple, for a teacher in my chamber, for a friend outside the door of the chamber, for an acquaintance in the open country" Li chi chu shu, 7.8b; C. I. 136, where, however, the text is slightly different..

 289---THE DUKE OF CHOU WAS BURIED WITH THE ROYAL RITES IV B. 9b).

Since upbringing follows [the status in which] one was born, and burial follows [the status in which] one has died, why was the Duke of Chou buried with the royal rites? Because the Duke of Chou had [acted as the Son of Heaven, and had] ascended the eastern steps chien-tsu, cf. Vol. I, p. 290, n. 158.. In his direction of the government [of the state] he was in accordance with the intentions of Heaven. He expanded and brought to prosperity the way of the Chou [Dynasty]. He made manifest the measures and numbers of Heaven, [as a consequence of which] the ten thousand things all obtained [their proper at- tendance], and the magnificent fluid penetrated [everything, all in accordance with] the intent of primordial Heaven. The [people's] filial love for the Duke of Chou was not different from that for [King] W ên and [King] Wu; therefore he was buried with the royal rites, and was accorded the sacrifice in the suburb. The Shang shu says: "Now Heaven has moved its terrors to display the spiritual power of the Duke of Chou" Shang shu chu shu, Chin t' êng, 12.14b; L. 360.. Hereafter [the Shang shu continues] saying: "The [royal] rites [with which he was treat- ed] therefore befitted him" Ibid. Cf. this paragraph with ch. VII, par. 66..

 XLIII. THE PASSING AWAY OF THE SON OF HEAVEN AND OF THE FEUDAL LORD 290---THE TERMS P êNG AND HUNG (IV B. 10a-b).

a.The Shang shu says: "King Ch' êng 'died'". p êng, Shang shu chu shu, Ku ming, 17.20a; L. 549, where the text reads: "On the next day, i-ch'ou, the King died." Why is the term p êng used to denote [the death of] the Son of Heaven [whereas different terms are used for all other persons]? It is to distinguish between the high and the lowly, to differentiate [their status in] life [as well as after] death. P êng used for the Son of Heaven is the expression of something great and exalted. P êng means that the Son of Heaven like a collapsing mountain lies prostrate, so that all under Heaven are struck and lose their wits, which means that the people weep in distress, and grief and sadness prevail throughout all within the seas "The people weep, etc." also occurs in the Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.45a). Sung Chung explains 'sadness' as .. b.The term for [the death of] a Feudal Lord is hung, [which means that] the state has lost its yang. Hung means yen 'suddenly', [that is] suddenly to pass away hung , yen . The same explanation is given by the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Han shih i shu k'ao, 47.17b).. c.The term for [the death of] a great officer is tsu; the essential and sparkling [stuff] has come to an end. Tsu indicates that he is finished for the state . Cf. Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c.. d.The term for [the death of] a common officer is pu-lu .; he does not continue to the end the service to his Lord. Lu means hsiao 'to consume' .; while he consumes his body [in the service of his Lord] his name attains glory "While he consumes, etc." also occurs in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c.. e.The term for [the death of] the comman man is ssŭ; his spirit and soul escape and disappear. Ssŭ means ssŭ 'exhausted'; the essential [stuff and the] breath have exhausted themselves . Cf. Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c. For all these different terms to denote death see also ch. ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. I. 102), and the Kung yang chuan, Yin 3, 2.10a.. f.Why is it that the death of the Son of Heaven and that of a Feudal Lord are recorded in [the annals of] the states? E.g. in the Ch'un ch'iu, the annals of the state of Lu. Because there are rites for the high and the lowly, and regulations for post- humous names and appellations; therefore there are [records of them]. The [institution of] rites began with Huang-ti, and was com- pleted under Yao and Sun. In the I [death is] denoted as mo , used for Fu-hsi and Sh ên-nung in ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the Chou i (chu shu, 12.6a-b). because [the statement was] based on [the tradition of] distant antiquity. The Shu speaks of tsu-lao [for the death of Yao] , see Book of History, Yao tien, L. 40., and ssŭ [for the death of Shun] , ibid., Shun tien, L. 51.; for both the meaning is self-evident. With Yao [the meaning is to be] seen from [the point of view of] grief and sorrow, with Shun it is to be seen from [the point of view of] his ending [his life], but both [convey the] same [sense].

291---THE TERM SANG IS USED FOR THE SON OF HEAVEN DOWN TO THE COMMON MAN (IV B. 10b-11a).

a.What does sang mean? Sang means wang 'to disappear' .. Why is sang used to denote the death of a man? It expresses the idea that he has disappeared, and is not seen again is superfluous acc. to Liu, 74.5a.. Why is it not just said that he has 'died' ssŭ, but is the term sang used [instead]? The feelings [of love] of the filial son prevent him from using the word [ssŭ 'die']. The Shang shu says: "When King Wu had 'passed away' sang...." Shang shu chu shu, Chin t' êng, 12.12a; L. 357. Ch êng Hsüan understands sang as meaning 'mourning', thus "When the mourning for King Wu had ex- pired" (Sun Hsing-yen in Shang shu chin ku w ên chu shu, 13.23).. The Sang li ching says: "The dead lies in an apartment of the principal hall" I li chu shu, Shih sang li, 12.1a; C. 439. The ti-shih is an apartment of the ch êng-ch'in, which is the same as the lu-ch'in (Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the I li passage, l.c. and Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32, 9.13a). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 282, n. 114. Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on the I li (l.c.) says that what is called the lu-ch'in of the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords, is the ti-shih of a Minister, great officer and common officer. On a passage in ch. Sang ta chi (Li chi chu shu, 44.2b) Ch êng Hsüan's comm. says that what the lu-ch'in is for the Lord the ti-ch'in is for a great officer and the ti-shih for a common officer, while ch'in and shih mean the same. K'ung Ying-ta further explains: ch êng-ch'in means 'proper apartment', i.e. the chief apartment in contradistinction to the smaller apartments. The context in the Po hu t'ung passage is not clear as the I li quotation contains the word ssŭ for 'the dead'.. We know [by this] that the dead is spoken of as 'to have passed away' sang. b.Grief and mourning of the living are also denoted by the term sang. The Li speaks [in the chapter] 'Mourning Garments' Sang fu of 'the unhemmed sackcloth" I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.1a; C. 384. The unhemmed sackcloth is the dress worn for the deepest mourning of three years.. The I says: "They did not raise mounds neither did they plant trees [on their graves] nor had they any fixed period of mourning" Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.9b; L. 385. Cf. ch. XLII, par. 277a.. The Hsiao ching says: "The mourning of a filial son for his parent" Hsiao ching chu shu, Sang ch'in, 9.1a; L. 487.. These [are all instances where the term sang] applies to the living. c.Why is the term sang used [indiscriminately] for the Son of Heaven down to the common man? It expresses the idea that all men have received their bodies, their hair, and their skin from their parents, and that their suffering is the same.

292---THE DEATH OF THE SON OF HEAVEN IS ANNOUNCED TO THE FEUDAL LORDS (IV B. 11a).

Why is it that the death of the Son of Heaven is announced to the Feudal Lords? Because when the subjects and sons have lost their Lord their grief and mourning are so overwhelming that they cannot but communicate them to others. It is desirable that the Feudal Lords be informed of [the death], so that they can use the produce of their lands to contribute to the mourning sacri- fices. Therefore the Li says: "When the Son of Heaven dies an envoy is sent to announce [the death] to the Feudal Lords" The quotation cannot be identified..

 293---THE FEUDAL LORDS HASTEN TO THE PLACE OF MOURNING (IV B. 11a-b).

a.Why is it that at the death of the King the Feudal Lords hasten to the [place of] mourning? Being [the King's] subjects and sons they are so much afflicted by grief and sorrow that none of them does not wish to see their Lord-and-father's coffin [at the side of which] they may exhaust their [feelings of] woe Cf. ch. XLII, par. 286b.. b.[However,] the frontiers they have to guard for the Son of Heaven cannot be left undefended. Therefore they divide themselves into three groups: there are those who immediately after the death hasten [to the palace of the Son of Heaven]; there are those who delay instead of (Liu, 74.5a). their coming until the middle [of the period at which time they can] exhaust their [feelings of] grief; there are those who wait Ibid. until the gathering of the mourners who are to escort the Lord [to his grave]. Within the period of seven months [in this way] there have been among the Feudal Lords those who in the capital personally assisted in the [first] sacrifices [incumbent] on a subject and son; there have been those who gave vent to their [feelings of] sorrow by wailing along the roads while they hastened [to the capital], and there have been those who stayed in their states wailing and mourning, and rever- ently exerted themselves to devise means by which to contribute to the funeral sacrifices. c.Within the four seas all are immersed in grief: it means that [all] the subjects are mourning [for the Son of Heaven] as they would have done for their fathers and mothers. d.At the funeral there is a gathering [of Feudal Lords, that is:] near and distant relatives, and [those whose abodes are] far and near have come in their entirety; it is the expression of the prin- ciple of loving the relative. e.Why is it that a Feudal Lord who, being a youth, is not required to go to court is in duty bound to hasten to the funeral? It means that the relation between the subject and son and the Lord and father is not [altered] by old age or youth. Also [it is allowed to such a Feudal Lord to] follow the substance of the mourning [ceremony] without observing the elaborate p'an-hsüan, literally 'twisting and turning'. rites; he is only required to exhaust his [feelings of] sorrow.

294---THE SUBJECT GIVES ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE LORD (IV B. 11b).

Why is it that the death of a subject is announced to his Lord? Because should be (Liu, 74.5a). the Lord should feel sorrow and grief for his subject and son [who has died]. He wishes to be informed of it that he may fulfill the rites of giving presents for the funeral fu-f êng, see infra, par. 301b.. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "K'ao-fu, Marquis of Ts'ai, dies". The Chuan says: "The death [of a Feudal Lord] is announced [to the Son of Heaven], but not the funeral" Kung yang chu shu, Yin 8, 3.18a..

 295---THE DEATH OF A FEUDAL LORD IS ANNOUNCED TO THE NEIGH- BOUR STATES (IV B. 11b-12a).

Why is it that the death of a Feudal Lord is announced to the neighbour states? Because these states may wish to take part in the [funeral] rites. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The death of the mother of Duke Huan was announced to the [other] Feudal Lords" Ibid., Yin 1, 1.19a.. Duke Huan's mother was of a lowly position See infra, n. 31., still [her death was] announced to the [other] Feudal Lords; it is clear that the death of a Feudal Lord is [certainly] announced to the neighbour states.

 296---THE DEATH OF THE SPOUSE OF A FEUDAL LORD IS ANNOUNCED TO THE SON OF HEAVEN (IV B. 12a).

The death of the Spouse of a Feudal Lord is announced to the Son of Heaven because [the Feudal Lord] dares not of his own accord abstain himself from his ruler's duties. Moreover, the Son of Heaven may wish to be informed of it that he may contribute to the [funeral] rites. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The King [mandated] by Heaven sent the administrator Hsüan to come and present a carriage and horses for the funeral of Duke Hui ['s wife] Chung- tzŭ" Yin 1. She was Duke Huan's mother, cf. n. 28. For the present of a carriage and horses see par. 301b.. [The Ch'un ch'iu] blames [the fact that the presents were sent] too late. As Chung-tzŭ was [only] the favourite concubine of the Lord of Lu Cf. Legge's note in his Tso chuan translation, p. 3., how much more would it be so with [a Feudal Lord's] Spouse.

 297---THE FEUDAL LORD RETURNS THE AUSPICIOUS JADE TABLET (IV B. 12a).

When a Feudal Lord dies, why is his Minister sent to return his Auspicious Jade Tablet to the Son of Heaven? The Feudal Lord was given the Jade Tablet as [a symbol of his] good faith. Now he has died, and his successor will have to spend three years in the mourning shed before he can again be invested with [his father's] dignities. Therefore the returning [of the Jade Tablet rests upon] the principle of relinquishment and cession. The Li says: "When a Feudal Lord dies his Minister is sent to return his Auspicious Jade Tablet to the Son of Heaven" The quotation cannot be identified. For the Auspicious Jade Tablets cf. ch. XXVI, n. 2..

 298---THE SON OF HEAVEN MOURNS FOR THE FEUDAL LORD (IV B. 12a-b).

Why is it that when the Son of Heaven is informed of the death of a Feudal Lord he wails for him? It is the manifestation of his [feelings of] sadness, for he suffers the deepest sorrow. He then charges a great officer to pay a visit of condolence, so as to keep the remembrance of the distant [Lord], and to attach importance to the [fact of] death. Therefore the Li t'an kung says: "When the Son of Heaven wails for a [deceased] Feudal Lord he puts on the [cap] chüeh-pien and silk garments" Li chi chu shu, 8.26a; C. I. 185; L. I. 159. The Li chi text has after "chüeh- pien" also the word tieh, and for 'silk garments' instead of in the Po hu t'ung quotation. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. considers tieh superfluous, a contamination with the expression pien-tieh, occurring in the Chou li, and there explained by Ch êng Hsüan as a kind of chüeh-pien (for which see ch. XLI, par. 273), which, however, is of white silk (Chou li chu shu, Ssŭ fu, 21.12a). is also written , is the same as (Lu T ê-ming's Yin i, Li chi chu shu, 8.26b), and means (K'ung Ying-ta, l.c.).. It also says: "The Son of Heaven sends a great officer to pay a visit of condolence; his words are: August Heaven has sent down this calamity, into which you [,my Lord,] have by destiny been thrown, alas! The King [mandated] by Heaven has sent his servant, So-and-So, to condole with you" The T'an kung text (o.c. 26b) reads: "One opinion says that [the Son of Heaven] sends one of his officers to wail for him." Ch êng Hsüan's comment is that this opinion cannot be right. The Po hu t'ung seems to give quite a different interpretation, first by the statement "He then charges a great officer, etc." (before the quotation from the Li t'an kung), then by changing the opening words of the second sentence in the T'an kung ("One opinion says") into "It also says", and lastly by twisting the whole passage and supplementing it with its own words. The question whether the Son of Heaven ought or ought not to mourn for a Feudal Lord was a much debated one (cf. the Wu ching i i, 1250.47a)..

 299---THE LORD CONDOLES WITH HIS OFFICER (IV B. 12b-13a).

a.Why is it that at the death of his officer the Lord goes to pay a visit of condolence? He was in close relation [with the deceased] in the governing together should be (reading of the Yüan ta-t ê ed., 10.13a). of the people; his affection is deep and the relationship weighs heavy, so that he wishes to see him personally. Therefore the Li tsa chi says: "When the Lord pays a visit of condolence to his officer the host waits outside the gate. When he sees the heads of the horses [of the carriage of the Lord] he stops his weeping. When the Lord arrives the host first enters [the house]; the Lord ascends by the eastern steps, faces west, and weeps. The host, standing in the middle of the hall, joins in the weeping" Not in the present Tsa chi, but a more or less similar statement occurs in ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi (C. II. 244 and 246).. b.It also says: The text reads: "Another opinion says", which is probably an error as there is no question of difference of opinions. 'When a great officer is ill his Lord inquires about him continually; when a common officer is ill he only in- quires about him once" Li chi chu shu, Tsa chi, 43.4b; C. II. 185, where the wording is slightly different. Acc. to ch. Sang ta chi, 45.16a; C. II. 246, the Lord only inquires thrice when a great officer is ill.. c.At the death of a great officer "when the time has come for the burial [the Lord does] not taste meat; when the time has come for the wailing to be stopped he does not have music performed [at his meals]. In the case of [the death of] a common officer, when the time has come to put him into the coffin, [the Lord] abstains from having music performed" From ch. Tsa chi (43.4b; C. II. 185).. d.One must not wear a black cap when paying a visit of condolence because one should not approach people in distress in one's aus- picious dress chi-fu, cf. Vol. I, p. 286, n. 133.; it means that one should aid [in the assuaging of] grief. The Lun yü says: "[The Noble Man does] not wear lamb's fur or a black cap on a visit of condolence" Ch. X. 6, Lun yü chu shu, 10.7a; L. 231..

300---THE FILLING OF THE MOUTH AND THE DRESSING (IV B. 13a-b).

a.Why is it that [not until] three days after the death of the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord [is the corpse subjected to] the Smaller Dressing hsiao-lien, Cf. Vol. I, p. 285, n. 129.? It is in order that the grief of the filial son may be diminished by degrees. On the first day of death a piece of floss- silk is put upon the mouth to watch for the cessation of the breath; on the second day it is still hoped that [the deceased] may return to life; on the third day [it is certain that] the vital fluid will not come back, and death is irrevocable. Therefore the Li shih sang ching says: "Four attendants sit [by the deceased], prop up his body, and put a piece of floss-silk [on his mouth] to watch for the cessation of his breath" I li chu shu, Chi hsi, Chi, 13.39b; C. 500 (ch. Chi hsi originally was the second part of ch. Shih sang li, see Ch êng Hsüan's Yüan mu, I li chu shu, 11b). Cf. also the shorter statement in Li chi chu shu, Sang ta chi, 44.1b; C. II. 202.. The Li says: "For the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord the Smaller Dressing takes place three days [after the death], for a great officer or a common officer two days. A piece of floss-silk is put upon the mouth because the filial son wishes [to see] his parent come to life [again]" The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. ch. W ên sang of the Li chi (chu shu, 56.17a; C. II. 556), where the text speaks of "the Dressing three days after the death". K'ung Ying-ta (19a) explains that the Smaller Dressing is here. b.Why is it that the corpse must be washed under the impluvium chung-liu.? It indicates that the purification takes places according to the original rites Literally: "reverting to the origin." Acc. to the T'an kung this was the custom of the Yin (Li chi, C. I. 157; L. I. 144).. The Li t'an kung says: "The dying person lies below the window, the washing [of the corpse] takes place under the impluvium, the filling of the mouth below the window, the Smaller Dressing inside the door, the Greater Dressing at the eastern steps, the encoffining on the guest's seat Cf. infra, par. 303., the sacrifice of departure tsu, see infra, par. 305. in the courtyard, the interment in the grave; in this way the corpse is moved farther and farther away, and the filial son's grief is diminished by degrees" Li chi chu shu, 7.22a; C. I. 150 (also ch. Fang chi, Li chi chu shu, 51.23a; C. II. 416). Both these texts differ from the Po hu t'ung quotation: e.g. they do not contain the statements on the position of the dying man (for which see ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi, C. II. 202; L. II. 173) and the washing (for which see ibid., C. II. 219; L. II. 181).. c.Why is the mouth 'filled' fan-han.? As a living being he has eaten, and now that he is dead his mouth should not be left empty; there- fore it is 'filled' han. Ch. T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 9.13a; C. I. 200; L. I. 168) says that the mouth is 'filled' fan with uncooked grains of corn mi, and shells (which is the use for common officers, acc. to Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on ch. Shih sang li, I li chu shu, 12.17b). Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the T'an kung passage these grains have been put before in the water for the washing. Different kinds of grains are used according to the status of the deceased (Sang ta chi, 44.23a; C. II. 220). For the way of 'filling' see Shih sang li, I li chu shu, 12.22b-23a; C. 449.. d.Why are pearls and [other] precious things used [to put into the mouth of the deceased]? To add to [the adornment of] the bodily form of the deceased. Therefore for the Son of Heaven jade is used to put into the mouth fan., for a Feudal Lord pearls, for a great officer a pi, for a common officer a shell Ho Hsiu's comm. on W ên 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.13b; also in the Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ, Yü han, 56.45b) gives the same statement, but has pearls for the Son of Heaven, jade for the Feudal Lords (for the pi see ch. XXVI, n. 9). The custom, acc. to the Chou li (Tien jui, 20.29b; B. I. 492), was to put frag- ments of jade with grains of corn into the mouth and also to place jade objects with the dead (; I have followed Ch êng Hsüan's ex- planation). The Li wei chi ming ch êng says: "The mouth of the Son of Heaven is 'filled' fan with pearls and a jade object is 'given with him' han; the mouth of a Feudal Lord is filled with pearls and a pi is given with him; the mouth of a Minister or a great officer is filled with pearls and shells are given with them" (Yü han, 54.27b; this is apparently Ho Hsiu's source). The terms fan and han seem to be used indiscriminately by the Po hu t'ung, but probably a distinction should be made between fan 'the filling of the mouth' and han or 'the giving of objects with the deceased'..

301---THE GIVING OF FUNERAL CLOTHES AND OF A CARRIAGE AND HORSES (IV B. 14a-b).

a.What does ts êng-sui 'to present funeral clothes' mean? Ts êng means ch' êng 'to complete'; [the presentation of] what is beautiful and loveable is called ts êng ts êng , ch' êng . The same explanation occurs in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.45b-46a). As the context does not show in which meaning ch' êng is to be taken I have decided on 'to complete', relating it to the special sense given to the word in par. 306d (n. 76).. Sui means i 'to endow'; clothes and covers are called sui sui , i . See Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c. The statement "clothes and covers are called sui" also occurs in the Kung yang chuan, Yin 1; "sui means i" occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm. on it (Kung yang chu shu, 1.18b).. When one had friendly relations with the deceased one presents funeral clothes in order to aid the living [son] when he supplies them to the dead The point of this statement is the use of ts êng, which in such a case means 'to give presents to the deceased friend'. See ch. Chi hsi (I li chu shu, 13.23b; C. 491-492), and Ho Hsiu, l.c. (see n. 55). Cf. also n. 59.. It is a reminder of affection, [a token of] recognition of the death, and a correlate of one's deepest feelings. b.What does fu-f êng mean? Fu means chu 'to aid' . Hereafter follows in Lu's ed. , which should be omitted acc. to Sun I-jang, Cha i, 10.6a, and Liu, 74.5b.; therewith one aids and gives to him who has not enough. F êng means fu 'to hasten'; therewith one hastens to aid the other . Supplemented by Sun I-jang and Liu (l.c.).. Therefore we say with respect to [the presents at] the condolence: when one has friendly relations with the living [son the presentation is called] fu Lu corrects the Yüan ta-t ê ed. (10.14b), which has only fu, by supplying f êng, thus: fu-f êng (following the Shuo yüan, Hsiu w ên, 19.13a; Ho Hsiu' comm. (see n. 55) writes f êng-fu). I think the original reading with fu alone is correct, cf. ch. Chi hsi (see n. 56). Hsü Yen's sub-comm. in Kung yang chu shu, 1.19a explains that ts êng is used with respect to the dead, fu with respect to the living, while f êng may be used for both cases.. [The presentation of] goods and money is called fu, [the presentation of] a carriage and horses is called f êng This corresponds with Ho Hsiu's comm., l.c..

302---THE DAY OF THE ENCOFFINING (IV B. 14a).

The Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days [after his death], a Feudal Lord five days; the [two] events are different as to their import, and the sacrifices are not of the same class. There- fore the Wang chih says: "The Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days, a Feudal Lord five days, a Minister or great officer three days [after their deaths]" Li chi chu shu, 12.11b; C. I. 286, which includes common officers and com- mon men into the rule of three days, and also says that the interment takes place seven months, five months, and three months (for great officers, com- mon officers and common men) respectively after the death. For great officers and those above them the day and month of death are not included in the cal- culation. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 286, n. 133..

 303---THE RITES OF ENCOFFINING DURING THE THREE DYNASTIES (IV B. 14a-b).

Why is it that under the Hsia Dynasty the encoffining took place at [the top of] the eastern steps, under the Yin between the two pillars [of the steps], and under the Chou at the top of the western steps? The Hsia instructed by 'loyalty'. Loyalty chung means hou 'gratitude' . Cf. for the 'Instructions' ch. XXVIII.; [this was what] they said: "In life our father, in death still our father"; the host [such as he still was] should be at [the top of] the eastern steps. The Yin instructed by reverence; [this was what] they said: "The deceased is about to depart, still we dare not treat him as a guest"; therefore they placed him [in the coffin] between the two pillars [of the steps], where he was honoured as combining the positions of host and guest. The Chou instructed by culture; [this was what] they said: "The deceased is about to depart, and we cannot detain him"; therefore they treated him as a guest [,whose place was the western steps]. The T'an kung chi says: "Under the Hsia the encoffining took place at [the top of] the eastern steps, under the Yin between the two pillars [of the steps], under the Chou at the top of the western steps" Li chi chu shu, 7.14b; C. I. 144, where the quoted text is fuller, containing the statement about being 'host', 'host-and-guest', and 'guest' (see also Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 4, 6.16b, Ho Hsiu's comm.). In the Li chi text for 'eastern steps' the term tung-chieh is used instead of tsu-chieh in the Po hu t'ung and Ho Hsiu's comm. (for tsu cf. Vol. I, p. 290, n. 158)..

 304---THE BOAT-CARRIAGE CATAFALQUE OF THE SON OF HEAVEN (IV B. 14b).

The Chi ming ch êng An Apocryphal Book of the Ch'un ch'iu. says: "Why is the corpse of the Son of Heaven placed in a boat-carriage catafalque? To guard it against flood or fire. Therefore the coffin is placed upon a carriage, and the carriage is placed in a boat. Servants, to the number of twelve hundred men, constantly taking turns, hold the ropes during the day and night Acc. to Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, Sui j ên, 15.22a) the number of men pulling the ropes is one thousand. The Tsa chi (Li chi chu shu, 43.4b; C. II. 186) gives as the number for a Feudal Lord 500, for a great officer 300.. These ropes are to keep the coffin in its place and to pull it". Therefore the Li says: "The Son of Heaven has a boat- carriage catafalque, a Feudal Lord a carriage catafalque, and a great officer a pallissaded and plastered [coffin]" ts'an-t'u. Ts'an (also written ) means 'to surround the funeral-car with beams of wood' (Ch êng Hsüan in Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.26b, and Sang ta chi, 45.21a). The coffin of a great officer, however, is only pallissaded on three sides and not plastered all over (Sang ta chi, l.c.; C. II. 251; L. II. 197).; a common officer is simply buried i. Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Sang ta chi, l.c. says: "[the coffin of] a common officer is not pallissaded; a hole is dug in the earth into which the coffin is lowered." [in an ordinary coffin]" The quotation cannot be identified.. This is to distinguish between the high and the lowly.

 305---THE SACRIFICE OF DEPARTURE (IV B. 14b-15a).

Why does the 'sacrifice of departure' tsu take place in the court- yard? [This is the opportunity for] the filial son to exhaust his feelings of affection. Tsu means shih 'to begin' . From the numerous passages explaining the word tsu I may only quote Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on ch. Chi hsi (I li chu shu, 13.9b): "The pledging of wine [at the sacrifice] for the departure [of the funeral procession] is called tsu; tsu means shih 'to begin"'.; the beginning is made of the placing [of the coffin] in the carriage in the court- yard I.e. the vehicle which carries the coffin to the grave. For the many names for it see Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Chi hsi, Chi (I li chu shu, 13.60b).. [Another opinion is:] With the coffin placed on a bier leave is taken from the 'first ancestor and the deceased father' tsu-ni; therefore [the sacrifice is] named tsu-tsai The opinion that the tsu sacrifice is connected with tsu 'first ancestor' is also recorded by Ch êng Ssŭ-nung (died 83 A.D.) in Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, Sang chu, 26.3a), but not endorsed by the latter. The word here rendered by 'bier' is chu; it has the shape of a large bed on rollers (Ch êng Hsüan in Chi hsi, 13.4b); it is not the carriage for the transportation of the coffin to the grave. For tsu-ni see ch. X, par. 84a and ch. XIX, par. 131b. The name tsu-tsai is, as far as I have been able to investigate, not mentioned in the Classics. Cf. also ch. III, n. 9.. Therefore the Li says: "The sacrifice of departure takes place in the courtyard, the interment in the grave" See n. 49.. It also says: "When they proceed to the ancestors [with the coffin] they ascend by the western steps" I li chu shu, Chi hsi, 13.5b; C. 483; St. II. 79. The I li text reads: "For the transportation [of the coffin] to [the temple of] the ancestors ........ they ascend by the western steps." Ch êng Hsüan explains: "they go the way a son has to take.".

 306---THE RULES FOR THE THICKNESS OF THE COFFIN (IV B. 15a-16a).

a.Why are an inner coffin and an outer coffin used? To conceal the hideous [sight of the dead] body. It is not desirable that the filial son should witness the [process of] decay. b.Kuan 'inner coffin' means wan 'to conserve' .. It confines the corpse and conserves it. c.Kuo 'outer coffin' means k'uo 'to enlarge' . Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on the T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 6.12a) explains kuo as ta 'large'.. It enlarges [the inner coffin], and prevents the earth from penetrating into the inner coffin. d.The Li wang chih says: "The coffin of the Son of Heaven has nine layers and his funeral garments consist of one hundred and twenty ch' êng; [the coffin of] a Feudal Lord has five layers and his funeral garments consist of ninety ch' êng; a great officer has a large inner coffin with three layers and his funeral garments consist of fifty ch' êng; [the coffin of] a common officer has two layers, but there is no large inner coffin while his funeral garments consist of thirty ch' êng. The inner and outer garments together constitute a ch' êng" Not in the present ch. Wang chih of the Li chi. The text of the last part of the quotation reads --- tan-chia pei-wei i-ch' êng. For the translation I have followed Tu Yü's explanation of ch' êng in his comm. on Min 2 (Tso chuan chu shu, 10.12b): ; cf. also Li chi, Sang ta chi, 45.3a; C. II. 230; L. II. 187. Tan 'single' is usually written tan in this context, and means the 'personal purification garments' ming-i (I li, Shih sang li, 12.12a, comm.). These, being inner garments, should be completed by outer garments, for which no special name seems to be given elsewhere, but are here called chia by the Po hu t'ung. Most of the 'com- plete garments' are probably only put in the coffin, not on the corpse. For the 'large inner coffin' see n. 79.. The Li t'an kung [,however,] says: "The inner coffin of the Son of Heaven has four layers; the hides of a water-buffaloo and a rhinoceros, overlapping each other and each being three inches thick, serve as [the first layer of the] coffin; [then] there is one coffin [of the wood] of the white poplar i, see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 380. [,forming the second layer,] and two coffins of the catalpa tzŭ, ibid. 342. [wood, forming the third and fourth layers]; the outer coffin is made of boards of cypress wood, [in pieces of] six feet long" Li chi chu shu, 8.24b-25a; C. I. 184-185; L. I. 158-159. The Po hu t'ung quotation omits some other statements of the Li chi passage. Probably this quotation serves to substantiate an opinion differing from that expressed in the first (see n. 76). Ch êng Hsüan's comm. says that the second layer of the inner coffin is called p'i-kuan , the third chu , the fourth ta-kuan 'large inner coffin'. K'ung Ying-ta says that for a Duke the water-buffalo hide is left out, for the other Feudal ranks also the rhinoceros hide, for a great officer also the second layer, and for a common officer also the third (so that he has only the 'large inner coffin').. e.Why is it that whereas [in the time of Shun of] Yü earthenware coffins were used wood is now employed? Yü adhered to the Prin- ciple of Substance, and therefore eartenhware was used. The Hsia [,adherents of the Principle of Form,] added [some] refinements; therefore they effected a change by surrounding it with an en- closure of brick, that is to say: brick and wood enclosed [the coffin] without the use of glue or varnish. The Yin had inner and outer coffins, and made use of glue and varnish. The Chou, advancing in refinement, added surrounding curtains and feathery ornaments by applying their skill in adornment Cf. for the whole paragraph Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 6.11b-12a; C. I. 118; L. I. 125.. f.The rites for mourning and burial are: to serve the dead in accordance with [his state when] alive. What he had not in his lifetime should not be created after his death Cf. ibid., 8.6a; C. I. 163; L. I. 148. See also ch. XXVIII, par. 188b.. g.In the time of the highest antiquity [the people] lived in caves or dwelt on the plains; they were clothed in skins and wore girdles of hide. So, when they died they were covered with faggots, under which they were stowed away without any adornments. In the times of middle antiquity there came buildings and garments. Therefore [the corpses were] clad in silk, and buried in coffins. A tumulus was raised and trees were planted [on the grave] to make it recognizable [as such]. They treated the [dead] body as if it were alive. The Hsia and the Yin were more advanced in refinement, and completed [the funeral rites] by [providing] vessels and implements. When it came to the Chou refinement became great; [they introduced the principle that] since husband and wife during their life had the same habitation after death they should be buried together Cf. infra, par. 310..

307---THE CORPSE (IV B. 16a).

What do [the words for 'corpse'] shih and chiu mean? Shih means ch' ên 'to stretch out' .; when the breath has stopped and the spirit has left it is only the bodily form that lies stretched out. Chiu means chiu 'final', chiu 'forever' .; the dead body will never be removed. The ch'ü li says: "[The corpse lying] in the bed is called shih; in the coffin it is called chiu" Li chi chu shu, 5.24a; C.I. 102. K'ung Ying-ta, however, says that the words shih and chiu are used indiscriminately..

 308---THE BURIAL (IV B. 16a).

a.Since a distinction is made in the denotation [of the death of the high and the lowly, such as] by the use of [the words] p êng and hung, why is it the same [for all] when it comes to [the burial in] the grave? In all times the subject and son has the duty of laying his Lord and father to rest, and [this duty] applies to the high as well as to the lowly. Tsang 'to bury' means