I MAY be permitted to express my satisfaction that, with the two volumes of the Lî Kî now published, I have done, so far as translation is concerned, all and more than all which I undertook to do on the Chinese Classics more than twenty-five years ago. When the first volume was published in 1861, my friend, the late Stanislas Julien, wrote to me, asking if I had duly considered the voluminousness of the Lî Kî, and expressing his doubts whether I should be able to complete my undertaking. Having begun the task, however, I have pursued it to the end, working on with some unavoidable interruptions, and amidst not a few other engagements.

The present is the first translation that has been published in any European language of the whole of the Lî Kî. In 1853 the late J. M. Callery published at the Imprimerie Royale, Turin, what he called 'Lî Kî, ou Mémorial des Rites, traduit pour la première fois du Chinois, et accompagné de Notes, de Commentaires, et du Texte Original.' But in fact the text which P. Callery adopted was only an expurgated edition, published by Fan Sze-tang, a scholar of the Yüan dynasty, as commented on and annotated by Kâu Kih, whose well-known work appeared in 1711, the 50th year of the Khang-hsî reign or period The 禮記體註大全合參 for which Callery gives--Combinaison des Commentaires Ta Tsüên (le Grand Complet) et Chu (l'explication), d'après le sens original du Mémorial des rites.' Kâu Kih (周熾 ) has the alias of Kâu Tan-lin (但林). . Callery has himself called attention to this in his introduction, and it is to be regretted that he did not indicate it in the title-page of his book. Fan's text omits entirely the 5th, 12th, 13th, 19th, 28th, 31st, 32nd, 33rd, 34th, 35th, 37th, and 39th Books in my translation, while of most of the others, 'a good third' has been expurgated. I do not think that Callery's version contains above one half of the Lî Kî, as it is found in the great editions of the Thang and present dynasties. The latter of these was commanded in an imperial rescript in 1748, the 13th year of the Khien-lung period. The committee charged with its execution consisted of 85 dignitaries and scholars, who used the previous labours of 244 authors, besides adding, on many of the most difficult passages, their own remarks and decisions, which are generally very valuable.

My own version is based on a study of these two imperial collections, and on an extensive compilation, made specially for my use by my Chinese friend and former helper, the graduate Wang Thâo, gathered mostly from more recent writers of the last 250 years. The Khien-lung editors make frequent reference to the work of Khan Hâo, which appeared in 1322 under the modest title of, 'A Collection of Remarks on the Lî Kî 禮記集說 The author has the aliases for Hâo of Kho Tâ (可大 ), Yün-Kwang (雲莊), and Tung Hui (東匯 ); the last, I suppose, from his having lived near the lake so called..' This acquired so great a celebrity under the Ming dynasty, that, as Callery tells us, an edict was issued in 1403 appointing it the standard for the interpretation of the Classic at the public examinations; and this pre-eminence was accorded to it on to the Khien-lung period. The whole of the Lî Kî is given and expounded by Khan, excepting the 28th and 39th Books, which had long been current as portions of 'The Four Books.' I may say that I have read over and over, and with much benefit, every sentence in his comments. Forming my own judgment on every passage, now agreeing with him and now differing, and frequently finding reason to attach a higher value to the views of the Khien-lung editors, I must say that 'he deserves well' of the Lî Kî. His volumes are characterised by a painstaking study of the original text, and an honest attempt to exhibit the logical connexion of thought in its several parts.

P. Callery's translation of his expurgated text is for the most part well executed, and his notes, of which I have often made use, are admirable. I have also enjoyed the benefit of the more recent work, 'Cursus Litteraturae Sinicae,' by P. Angelo Zottoli, in whom the scholarship of earlier Jesuit missionaries has revived. In his third volume, published at Shang-hâi in 1880, there are good translations of the 1st, 5th, 10th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd Books; while the 28th and 39th are in his second volume. In the Latin which he employs, according to the traditions of his church and what is still a practice of some scholars, he is able to be more brief in his renderings than Callery and myself, but perhaps not so satisfactory to readers generally. I also referred occasionally to Signor Carlo Puini's 'Lî-Kî: Instituzioni, Usi e Costumanze della Cina antica; Traduzione, Commento e Note (Fascicolo Primo; Firenze, 1883).'

The present translation is, as I said above, the first published in any European language of the whole of the Lî Kî; but another had existed in manuscript for several years,-- the work of Mr. Alexander Wylie, now unhappily, by loss of eye-sight and otherwise failing health, laid aside from his important Chinese labours. I was fortunate enough to obtain possession of this when I had got to the 35th Book in my own version, and, in carrying the sheets through the press, I have constantly made reference to it. It was written at an early period of Mr. Wylie's Chinese studies, and is not such as a Sinologist of his attainments and research would have produced later on. Still I have been glad to have it by me, though I may venture to say that, in construing the paragraphs and translating the characters, I have not been indebted in a single instance to him or P. Callery. The first six Books, and portions of several others, had been written out, more than once, before I finally left China in 1873; but I began again at the beginning, early in 1883, in preparing the present version. I can hardly hope that, in translating so extensive and peculiar a work, descriptive of customs and things at so remote a period of time, and without the assistance of any Chinese graduate with whom I could have talked over complicated and perplexing paragraphs, I may not have fallen into some mistakes; but I trust they will be found to be very few. My simple and only aim has been, first, to understand the text for myself and then to render it in English, fairly and as well a I could in the time attain to, for my readers.

J. L.

OXFORD, July 10, 1885.

How Confucius spoke of the Lî

1. Confucius said, 'It is by the Odes that the mind is aroused; by the Rules of Propriety that the character is established; from Music that the finish is received Confucian Analects, Book VIII, 8 and 2. .' On another occasion he said, 'Without the Rules of Propriety, respectfulness becomes laborious bustle; carefulness, timidity; boldness, insubordination; and straightforwardness, rudeness Confucian Analects, Book VIII, 8 and 2..'

These are two specimens of the manner in which Confucius expressed himself about the Lî, the Rules of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages, recognised in his time. It is a natural inference from his language that there were Collections of such Rules which could be read and studied; but he does not expressly say so.

How Mencius spoke of them.

The language of Mencius was more definite. In at least two passages of his works we find the usual form of quotation Lî Yüeh, 'The Lî says Works of Mencius, II, Part ii, 2. 5; III, Part ii, 3. 3.,' which, according to the analogy of Shih Yüeh, 'The Shih King, or Book of Poetry, says,' might be rendered, 'The Lî King says.' In another passage, he says to a Mr. King Khun, 'Have you not read the Lî? Works of Mencius, III, ii, 2. 2. ' It does not appear that Mencius was always referring to one and the same collection of Lî; but it is clear that in his time there were one or more such collections current and well known among his countrymen.

Now there are three Lî King, or three Rituals.

There are now three Chinese classics into which the name Lî enters:--the Î Lî, the Kâu Lî, and the Lî Kî, frequently styled, both by the Chinese themselves and by sinologists, 'The Three Rituals See Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, p.4, and Mayers' Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 300. .' The first two are books of the Kâu dynasty (B.C. 1122-225). The third, of which a complete translation is given in the present work, may contain passages of an earlier date than either of the others; but as a collection in its present form, it does not go higher than the Han dynasty, and was not completed till our second century. It has, however, taken a higher position than those others, and is ranked with the Shû, the Shih, the Yî, and the Khun Khiû, forming one of 'The Five King,' which are acknowledged as the books of greatest authority in China. Other considerations besides antiquity have given, we shall see, its eminence to the Lî Kî.

State of the Lî books at the rise of the Han dynasty.

2. The monuments of the ancient literature, with the exception, perhaps, of the Yî King, were in a condition of disorder and incompleteness at the rise of the Han dynasty. (B.C. 206). This was the case especially with the Î Lî and Kâu Lî. They had suffered, with the other books, from the fires and proscription of the short-lived dynasty of Khin, the founder of which was bent especially on their destruction Sze-mâ Khien's Biographies, Book 61 (儒林傳), p. 5b. Other testimonies to the fact could be adduced.; and during the closing centuries of Kâu, in all the period of 'The Warring Kingdoms,' they had been variously mutilated by the contending princess Mencius V, ii, 2. 2. See also the note of Liû Hsin, appended to his catalogue of Lî works, in the Imperial library of Han..

Work of the ancient emperors of Han in recovering the books.

The sovereigns of Han undertook the task of gathering up and arranging the fragments of the ancient books, and executed it well.. In B.C. 213 Shih Hwang Tî of Khin had promulgated his edict forbidding any one to hide and keep in his possession the old writings. This was repealed in B.C. 191 by the emperor Hui, so that it had been in existence only twenty-two years, during most of which, we may presume, it had been inoperative. Arrangements were also made to receive and preserve old tablets which might be presented Such was the 'Stone-Conduit Gallery,' which Mayers (Manual, p. 18,5) describes as a building erected by Hsiâo Ho at Khang-an for the reception of the records of the extinct Khin dynasty, about B.C. 200, adding that 'in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsüan appointed a commission of scholars to assemble in this building, and complete the revision of the classical writings.' But it had also been intended from the first as a repository for those writings as they were recovered. , and to take down in writing what scholars might be able to repeat. In B.C. 164, the emperor Wan ordered 'the Great Scholars' of his court to compile 'the Royal Ordinances,' the fifth of the Books in our Lî Kî See the General Mirror of History under that year. .

Recovery of the Î Lî.

i. Internal evidence shows that when this treatise was made, the Î Lî, or portions of it at least, had been recovered; and with this agrees the testimony of Sze-mâ Khien, who was born perhaps in that very year Mayers puts his birth 'about B.C. 163,' and his death 'about 85.', and lived to between B.C. 90 and 80. In the 61st Book of his Biographies, referred to in a note above, Khien says, 'Many of the scholars repeated (parts of) the Lî; but no other of them so much as Kâo Thang of Lû; and now we have only the Shih Lî, which he was able to recite.' In harmony with this statement of the great historian, is the first entry in Liû Hsin's Catalogue of Lî books in the Imperial library of Han:--'56 küan or sections of Lî in the old text, and 17 phien in the (current) text (of the time);' forming, as is universally believed, the present Î Lî, for which the Shih Lî of Khien is merely another name.

That Kâo Thang should have been able to dictate so much of the work will not be thought wonderful by those who are familiar with the power of memory displayed by many Chinese scholars even at the present day. The sections in the old text were found in the reign of the emperor Wû (B.C. 140-87), and came into the possession of his brother, known as king Hsien of Ho-kien. We do not know how much this mass of tablets added to the Î Lî, as we now have it, but they confirmed the genuineness of the portion obtained from Kâo.

King Hsien of Ho-kien, and his recovery of the Kâu Lî.

ii. The recovery of the Kâu Lî came not long after, and through the agency of the same king Hsien. No one did so much as he in the restoration of the ancient of literature. By name Teh, and one of the fourteen sons of the emperor King (B.C. 156-141), he was appointed by his father, in B.C. 155, king of Ho-kien, which is still the name of one of the departments of Kih-lî, and there he continued till his death, in 129, the patron of all literary men, and unceasingly pursuing his quest for old books dating from before the Khin dynasty. Multitudes came to him from all quarters, bringing to him the precious tablets which had been preserved in their families or found by them elsewhere. The originals he kept in his own library, and had a copy taken, which he gave to the donor with a valuable gift. We are indebted to him in this way for the preservation of the Tâo Teh King, the works of Mencius, and other precious treasures; but I have only to notice here his services in connexion with the Lî books See the account of king Hsien in the twenty-third chapter of the Biographies in the History of the first Han dynasty. Hsien was the king's posthumous title (獻), denoting 'The Profound and Intelligent.' .

Some one The Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty's (A. D. 589-618) Imperial library says this was a scholar of the surname Lî (李). I have been unable to trace the authority for the statement farther back.brought to him the tablets of the Kâu Lî, then called Kâu Kwan, 'The Official Book of Kâu,' and purporting to contain a complete account of the organised government of the dynasty of Kâu in six sections. The sixth section, however, which should have supplied a list of the officers in the department of the minister of Works, with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to pay 1000 pieces of gold to any one who should supply the missing tablets, but in vain This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty, It could not be in Khien's sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the Kâu Kwan was not known, or, at least, not made public, in Khien's time. The Sui writers, no doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me.. He presented the tablets which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the emperor Wû; but the treasure remained uncared for in one of the imperial repositories till the next century; when it came into the charge of Liû Hsin. Hsin replaced the missing portion from another old work, called Khâo Kun Kî, which Wylie renders by 'The Artificers' Record.' This has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had from the first been entrusted with the care of the Î Lî. The Kâu Lî is a constitutional and not a ritual work. The last entry in Hsin's Catalogue of Lî Books is:--'The Kâu Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the Kâu Kwan in four sections.' That is the proper name for it. It was not called the Kâu Lî till the Thang dynasty A complete translation of the Kâu Lî appeared at Paris in 1851, the work of Edward Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth year. According to a note in Callery's 'Memorial des Rites' (p. 191), the labour of its preparation hastened Biot's death. There are some errors in the version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton, 'If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something.' Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the Î Lî?.

Formation of the Lî Kî.

iii. We come to the formation of the text of the Lî Kî, in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot speak of its recovery, for though parts of it had been in existence during the Kâu dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher antiquity than the period of the Han. All that is known about the authorship of them all will be found in the notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction;

After the entry in Lia Hsin's Catalogue about the recovered text of the Î Lî, 'there follows--'131 phien of Kî,' that is, so many different records or treatises on the subject of Lî. These had also been collected by king Hsien, and Kû Hsî's note about them is that they were 'Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy disciples,' meaning by 'the seventy disciples' those of Confucius' followers who had been most in his society and, profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien contained, no doubt, the germ of our Lî Kî; but there they remained for about a century in the imperial repositories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly having other treatises of a similar nature added to them.

Council of B.C. 511.

At last, in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsüan (B.C. 71-47) convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in the Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the text of the recovered classics See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B.C. 51. . A prominent member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose, was Liû Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion of the imperial house, who appears to have had the principal charge of all the repositories. Among the other members, and in special connexion with the Lî works, we find the name of Tâi Shang, who will again come before us See the 58th Book of Biographies (儒林) in the History of the first Han, and the Catalogue of the Sui Library..

B.C. 26.

We do not know what the deliberations of the Great Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the emperor Khang caused another search to be made throughout the empire for books that might hitherto have escaped notice; and, when it was completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue; and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B.C. 9, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the Î Lî and Kâu Lî, 199 phien of Lî treatises. The résumé appended to the Lî books in the Catalogue of the Su i Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether 214 phien. What was to be done with this mass of tablets, or the written copies made from them?

Hâu Zhang and the two Tâis.

The most distinguished of the Lî scholars in the time of the emperors Hsüan and Khang was a Hâu Zhang, the author of the compilation called in Hsin's Catalogue Khü Tâi Kî; and two of his disciples, Tâi Teh and Tâi Shang, cousins Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shang a 'nephew' of Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expressed in Chinese. Shang is always Teh's 從兄之子, and not simply 兄之子. Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase 從兄 and, more fully, 從父兄. Teh and Shang's father had the same grand-father, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we call first cousins, and Teh and Shang were second cousins. The point is unimportant, but it is well to be correct even in small matters. Not unimportant, however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, 'Le neveu, homme dépravé, beaucoup plus adonné aux plaigirs, qu'à 1'étude, retrancha encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres à 46.' No such stigma rests on the character of Taî Shang, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin's labours., the name of the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a member of the council of B.C. 51, were also celebrated for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly called Tâ Tâi, or 'the Greater Tâi,' while Hsiang was yet alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiâo Tâi, or 'the Lesser Tâi,' doing the same for his cousin's work, reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the Lî documents met with general acceptance, and was styled the Lî Kî. Shang himself wrote a work in twelve chapters, called 'A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the Lî Kî,' which, though now lost, was existing in the time of Sui.

Mâ Yung and Kang Hsüan.

Through Khiâo Zan and others, scholars of renown in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known Mâ Yung (A.D. 79-166), who added to Shang's books the Yüeh Ling, the Ming Thang Wei, and the Yo Kî making their number in all forty-nine, though, according to the arrangement adopted in the present translation, they still amount only to forty-six. From Mâ, again, it passed to his pupil Kang Hsüan (A.D. 127-200), in whom be was obliged to acknowledge a greater scholar than himself.

Thus the Lî Kî was formed. It is not necessary to pursue its history farther. Kang was the scholar of his age, and may be compared, in scholarship, with the later Kû Hsî. And he has been fortunate in the preservation of his works. He applied himself to all the three Rituals, and his labours on them all, the Kâu Lî, the Î Lî, and the Lî Kî, remain. His commentaries on them are to be found in the great work of 'The Thirteen King' of the Thang dynasty. There they appear, followed by the glosses, illustrations, and paraphrases of Khung Ying-tâ.

Zhâi Yung and his manusculpt.

In A.D. 175, while Kang was yet alive, Zhâi Yung, a scholar and officer of many gifts, superintended the work of engraving on stone the text of all the Confucian classics. Only fragments of that great manusculpt {sic} remain to the present day, but others of the same nature were subsequently made. We may feel assured that we have the text of the Lî Kî and other old Chinese books, as it was 1800 years ago, more correctly than any existing Manuscripts give us that of any works of the West, Semitic, or Greek, or Latin, of anything like equal antiquity.

Lî of the Greater Tâi.

3. A few sentences on the Lî of the Greater Tâi will fitly close this chapter. He handed down his voluminous compilation to a Hsü Liang of Lang Yeh in the present Shan-tung 徐良, 字斿卿, 受禮於戴德., and in his family it was transmitted; but if any commentaries on it were published, there is no trace of them in history. As the shorter work of his cousin obtained a wide circulation, his fell into neglect, and, as Kû Î-zun says, was simply put upon the shelf. Still there appears in the Sui Catalogue these two entries:--'The Lî Kî of Tâ Tâi, in 13 Sections,' and 'The Hsiâ Hsiâo Kang, in 1 Section,' with a note by the editor that it was compiled by Tâ Tâi. This little tractate may, or may not, have been also included in one of the 13 Sections. There are entries also about Tâ Tâi's work in the catalogues of the Thang and Sung dynasties, which have given rise to many discussions. Some of the Sung scholars even regarded it as a 14th King. In the large collection of 'Books of Han and Wei,' a portion of the Lî of Tâ Tâi is still current, 39 Book in 10 Sections, including the fragment of the Hsiâ dynasty, of which a version, along with the text, was published in 1882 by Professor Douglas of King's College, under the title of 'The Calendar of the Hsiâ Dynasty.' I have gone over all the portion in the Han and Wei Collection, and must pronounce it very inferior to the compilation of the Hsiâo or Lesser Tâi. This inferiority, and not the bulk, merely, was the reason why from the first it has been comparatively little attended to.

Lî is a symbol of religious import.

1. The Chinese character Lî admits of a great variety of terms in translating a work where it abounds into any of our western languages. In order fully to apprehend its significance, we must try to get bold of the fundamental ideas which it was intended to convey. And these are two. First, when we consult the Shwo Wan, the oldest Chinese dictionary, we find Lî defined as 'a step or act; that whereby we serve spiritual beings and obtain happiness.' The character was to the author, Hsü Shan, an ideagram of religious import; and we can see that he rightly interpreted the intention of its maker or makers. It consists of two elements, separately called khih and lî 示 + 豊 = 禮. . That on the left is the symbol, determining the category of meaning to which the compound belongs. It was the earliest figure employed to indicate spiritual beings, and enters into characters denoting spirits, sacrifices, and prayer E.g. 神 (shan), 祭 , (kî), 祈 (khi).. That on the right, called lî, is phonetic, but even it is the symbol for (a vessel used in performing rites;' and if, as the Khang-hsî dictionary seems to say, it was anciently used alone for the present compound, still the spiritual significance would attach to it, and the addition of the khih to complete the character, whensoever it was made, shows that the makers considered the rites in which the vessel was used to possess in the first place a religious import.

Lî is a symbol for the feeling of propriety.

Next, the character is used, in moral and philosophical disquisitions, to designate one of the primary constituents of human nature. Those, as set forth by Mencius, are four; 'not fused into us from without,' not produced, that is, by any force of circumstances, but 'belonging naturally to us, as our four limbs do.' They are benevolence (zan), righteousness (î), propriety (lî), and understanding (kîh). Our possession of the first is proved by the feeling of distress at the sight of suffering; of the second, by our feelings of shame and dislike; of the third, by our feelings of modesty and courtesy; of the fourth, by our consciousness of approving and disapproving Mencius, II, i, 6; VI, i, 6. 7..

Thus the character lî, in the concrete application of it, denotes the manifestations, and in its imperative use, the rules, of propriety. This twofold symbolism of it--the religious and the moral--must be kept in mind in the study of our classic. A life ordered in harmony with it would realise the highest Chinese ideal, and surely a very high ideal, of human character.

But never and, nowhere has it been possible for men to maintain this high standard of living. In China and elsewhere the lî have become, in the usages of society in. its various relationships, matters of course, forms without the spirit, and hence we cannot always translate the character by the same term. It would be easy to add to the number of words, more or less synonymous, in French or English or any other Aryan language, which Callery has heaped together in the following passage:--'Autant que possible, j'ai traduit Lî par le mot Rite, dont le sens est susceptible à une grande étendue; mais il faut convenir que, suivant les circonstances où il est employé, il peut signifier--Cérémonial, Cérémonies, Pratiques cérémoniales, L'étiquette, Politesse, Urbanité, Courtoisie, Honnêteté, Bonnes manières, Égards, Bonne éducation, Bienséance, Les formes, Les convenances, Savoir-vivre, Décorum, Décence, Dignité personnelle, Moralité de conduite, Ordre Social, Devoirs de Société, Lois Sociales, Devoirs, Droit, Morale, Lois hiérarchiques, Offrande, Usages, Coutumes Introduction, p. 16..' I have made little use in my translation of the word Rite or Rites, which Callery says he had endeavoured to adhere to as much as possible, but I do not think I have allowed myself so much liberty in other terms in my English as he has done in his French. For the symbol in the title I have said 'Rules of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages.'

Translation of the title.

2. The meaning of the title--Lî Kî-need not take us so long. There is no occasion to say more on the significance of Lî; the other character, Kî, should have a plural force given to it. What unity belongs to the Books composing it arises from their being all, more or less, occupied with the subject of Lî. Each one, or at least each group, is complete in itself. Each is a Ki; taken together, they are so many Kîs. Only into the separate titles of seven of them, the 13th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 27th, and 29th, does the name of Kî enter. That character is the symbol for 'the recording of things one by one,' and is often exchanged for another Kî The classifier of Kî in the title is 言 (yen), the symbol of words; that of this this Kî (紀) is 系 (sze)., in which the classifying element is sze, the symbol for 'a packet of cocoons,' the compound denoting the unwinding and arrangement of the threads' Structure of Chinese Characters, p. 132.. Wylie's 'Book of Rites' and Callery's 'Mémorial des Rites' always failed to give me a definite idea of the nature of our classic. Sze-mâ Khien's work is called Sze Kî 史記., or 'Historical Records,' and Lî Kî might in the same way be rendered 'Ceremonial Records,' but I have preferred to give for the title, 'A Collection of Treatises on the Rules of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages.'

The value of the Lî Kî.

3. The value of the work has been discussed fully by P. Callery in the sixth paragraph of the Introduction to his translation of an abbreviated edition of it, and with much of what he has said I am happy to feel myself in accord. I agree with him, for instance, that the book is 'the most exact and complete monography which the Chinese nation has been able to give of itself to the rest of the human race.' But this sentence occurs in a description of the Chinese spirit, which is little better than a caricature. 'Le cérémonial,' he says, 'résume l'esprit Chinois. . . . Ses affections, si elle en a, sont satisfaites par le cérémonial; ses devoirs, elle les remplit au moyen du cérémonial; la vertu et le vice, elle les reconnait au cérémonial; en un mot, pour elle le cérémonial c'est l'homme, l'homme moral, l'homme politique, l'homme religieux, Dans ses multiples rapports avec la famille, la société, l'état, la morale et la religion.'

To all this representation the first sentence of our classic is a sufficient reply:--'Always and in everything let there be reverence.' In hundreds of other passages the same thing is insisted on,--that ceremony without an inspiring reverence is nothing. I do not deny that there is much attention to forms in China with a forgetfulness of the spirit that should animate them. But where is the nation against whose people the same thing may not be charged? The treaties of western nations with China contain an article stipulating for the toleration of Chinese Christians on the ground that, 'The Christian religion, as professed by Protestants or Roman Catholics, inculcates the practice of virtue, and teaches man to do as he would be done by From the eighth article in the Treaty with Great Britan, 1858..' Scores of Chinese, officers, scholars, and others, have, in conversations with myself, asked if such were indeed the nature of Christianity, appealing at the same time to certain things which they alleged that made them doubt it. All that can be said in the matter is this, that as the creeds Of men elsewhere are often better than their practice, so it is in China. Whether it be more so there or here is a point on which different conclusions will be come to, according to the knowledge and prejudices of the speculators

More may be learned about the religion of the ancient Chinese from this classic than from all the others together. Where the writers got their information about the highest worship and sacrifices of the most ancient times, and about the schools of Shun, we do not know. They expressed the views, doubtless, that were current during the Han dynasty, derived partly from tradition, and partly from old books which were not gathered up, or, possibly, from both those sources. But let not readers expect to find in the Lî Kî anything like a theology. The want of dogmatic teaching of religion in the Confucian system may not be all a disadvantage and defect; but there is a certain amount of melancholy truth in the following observations of Callery:--'Le Lî Kî, celui de tous les King où les questions religieuses auraient dû être traitées tout naturellement, à propos des sacrifices au Ciel, aux Dieux tutélaires, et aux ancêtres, glisse légèment sur tout ce qui est de pure spéculation, et ne mentionne ces graves matières qu'avec une extrême indifférence. Selon moi ceci prouve deux choses: la première, que dans les temps anciens les plus grand génies de la Chine n'ont possédé sur le créateur, sur la nature et les destinées de l'âme, que des notions obscures, incertaines et souvent contradictoires; la seconde, que les Chinois possèdent à un trés faible degré le sentiment religieux, et qu'ils n'éprouvent pas, comme les races de l'occident, le besoin impérieux de sonder les mystères du monde invisible.'

The number of the Kî that are devoted to the subject of the mourning rites shows how great was the regard of the people for the departed members of their families. The solidarity of the family, and even the solidarity of the race, is a sentiment which has always been very strong among them. The doctrine of filial piety has also the prominence in several Books which we might expect.

As to the philosophical and moral ideas which abound in the work, they are, as Callery says, 'in general, sound and profound.' The way in which they are presented is not unfrequently eccentric, and hedged about with absurd speculations on the course of material nature, but a prolonged study of the most difficult passages will generally bring to light what Chinese scholars call a tâo-li, a ground of reason or analogy, which interests and satisfies the mind. The Lî Kî as one of the Five King.

4. The position that came gradually to be accorded to the Lî Kî as one of 'The Five King,' par excellence, was a tribute to its intrinsic merit. It did not, like the Kâu Lî, treat of matters peculiar to one dynasty, but of matters important in all time; nor like the Î Lî, of usages belonging to one or more of the official classes, but of those that concerned all men. The category of 'Five King' was formed early, but the 'Three Rituals' were comprehended in it as of equal value, and formed one subdivision of it. So it was early in the Thang dynasty when the collection of 'The Thirteen King' was issued; but ere the close of that dynasty our classic had made good its eminence over the other two Rituals. In the 29th chapter of the Monographs of Thang, page 17, it is said, 'To the charge of each of the Five King two Great Scholars were appointed. The Yî of Kâu, the Shang Shû, the Shih of Mâo, the Khun Khiû, and the Lî Kî are the Five King.'

THE reader will have been struck by the many references in the Than Kung to the degrees and dress of mourning; and no other subject occupies so prominent a place in many of the books of the Lî Kî that follow. It is thought well, therefore, to introduce here, by way of appendix to it, the following passage from a very valuable paper on 'Marriage, Affinity, and Inheritance in China,' contributed, on February 8th, 1853, to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Mr. W. H. Medhurst, jun., now Sir Walter H. Medhurst. The information and subjoined illustrative tables were taken by him mainly from the Ritual and Penal Code of China, a preliminary chapter of which is devoted to the subject of 'The Dress of Mourning:'--

'The ideas of the Chinese as to nearness of kin, whether by blood or marriage, differ widely from our own. They divide relationships into two classes, Nêi khin (內親) and Wâi yin (外因), terms analogous to our "consanguinity" and "affinity," but conveying, nevertheless, other associations than those which we attach to these words. The former (Nêi khin) comprehends all kindred derived from common stock with the individual, but only by descent through the male line; the latter (Wâi yin) includes what the Chinese designate mû tang (母黨), khi tang (妻黨), and nü tang (女黨), three terms best translated, perhaps, by "mother's kin," "wife's kin," and "daughter's kin," and understood by them to mean a mother's relatives, relatives of females received into one's kindred by marriage, and members of families into which one's kinswomen marry. Thus, for example, a first cousin twice removed, lineally descended from the same great-great-grandfather through the male line, is a nêi-khin relative; but a mother's parents, wife's sister, and a sister's husband or child, are all equally wâi-yin kindred. The principle on which the distinction is drawn appears to be, that a woman alienates herself from her own kin on marriage, and becomes a part of the stock on which she is grafted; and it will be necessary to keep this principle distinctly in mind in perusing any further remarks that may be made, as otherwise it will be found impossible to reconcile the many apparent contradictions in the theory and practice of the Chinese Code.

'The indication of the prohibited degrees (in marriage) depends then upon a peculiar genealogical disposition of the several members of a family with respect to the mourning worn for deceased relatives; and this I shall now proceed to explain. The Ritual prescribes five different kinds of mourning, called wû fû (五服), to be worn for all relatives within a definite proximity of degree, graduating the character of the habit in proportion to the nearness of kin. These habits are designated by certain names, which by a species of metonymy come to be applied to the relationships themselves, and are used somewhat as we apply the terms "Ist degree," "2nd degree," and so on; and plans, similar to our genealogical tables, are laid down, showing the specific habit suitable for each kinsman. The principal one of these tables, that for a married or unmarried man, comprises cousins twice removed, that is, derived by lineal descent from a common great-great-grandfather, that ancestor himself, and all relatives included within the two lines of descent from him to them; below the individual, it comprehends his own descendants (in the male line) as far as great-great-grandchildren, his brother's as far as great-grandchildren, his cousin's as far as grandchildren, and the children of his cousin once removed. In this table nêi-khin relationships will alone be found; mourning is worn for very few of the wâi-yin, and these, though actually, that is, in our eyes, ties of consanguinity; and deserving far more consideration than many for which a deeper habit is prescribed, are classed among the very lowest degrees of mourning.

'Six tables are given in the Ritual to which the five habits are common; they prescribe the mourning to be worn by Ist, A man for his kinsmen and kinswomen; 2nd, A wife for her husband's kinsfolk; 3rd, A married female for her own kinsfolk; 4th, A man for his mother's kinsfolk; 5th, A man for his wife's kinsfolk; 6th, A concubine for her master's kinsfolk.

'A seventh table is given, exhibiting the mourning to be worn for step-fathers and fathers by adoption, and for step- and foster-mothers, &c.; but I have not thought it necessary to encumber my paper by wandering into so remote a portion of the field.

'To render these details more easily comprehensible, I shall class the relationships in each table under their appropriate degrees of mourning, and leave the reader to examine the tables at his leisure. It need only be borne in mind, that, excepting where otherwise specified, the relationship indicated is male, and only by descent through the male line, as, for example, that by "cousin" a father's brother's son alone is meant, and not a father's sister's son or daughter.

'The five kinds of mourning, the names of which serve, as has been said, to indicate the degrees of relationship to which they belong, are:--

1st, Kan-zui (斬衰), nominally worn for three years, really for twenty-seven months;

2nd, Dze-zui (齊衰), worn for one year, for five months, or for three months;

3rd, Tâ-kung (大功 ), worn for nine months;

4th, Hsiâo-kung (小功), worn for five months;

5th, Sze-mâ (緦痲), worn for three months.

'The character of each habit, and the relatives for whom it is worn, are prescribed as follows:--

'1st, Kan-Zui indicates relationships of the first degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of the coarsest hempen fabric, and left unhemmed at the borders. It is worn:--

'By a man, for his parents; by a wife, for her husband, and husband's parents; and by a concubine, for her master.

'2nd, Dze-zui indicates relationships of the second degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse hempen fabric, with hemmed borders. It is worn for one year:--

'By a man, for his grandparents; uncle; uncle's wife; spinster aunt; brother; spinster sister; wife; son (of wife or concubine); daughter-in-law (wife of first-born); nephew; spinster niece; grandson (first-born son of first-born); by a wife, for her husband's nephew, and husband's spinster niece; by a married woman, for her parents, and grandparents; and by a concubine, for her master's wife; her master's parents; her master's sons (by wife or other concubine), and for sons. It is worn for five months:--

'By a man, for his great-grandparents; and by a married woman, for her great-grandparents. It is worn for three months:--

'By a man, for his great-great-grandparents; and by, a married woman, for her great-great-grandparents.

'3rd, Tâ-kung indicates relationships of the third degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse cotton fabric In the very brief account of this preliminary chapter in the Penal Code, given by Sir George Staunton, in his translation of the Code (page lxxv), he gives for the material 'coarse' linen cloth. The Chinese character is simply 'cloth.' I suppose the material originally was linen; but since the use of cotton, both of native and foreign manufacture, has increased in China, it is often substituted for linen. I have seen some mourners wearing linen, and others wearing cotton.. It is worn:--

'By a man, for his married aunt; married sister; brother's wife; first cousin; spinster first cousin; daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a son of a concubine); nephew's wife; married niece; and grandson (son of a younger son, or of a concubine's son); by a wife, for her husband's grandparents; husband's uncle; husband's daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a concubine's son); husband's nephew's wife; husband's married niece; and grandson; by a married woman, for her uncle; uncle's wife; spinster aunt; brother; sister; nephew; spinster niece; and by a concubine, for her grandson.

'4th, Hsiâo-kung indicates relationships of the fourth degree. The habit prescribed for it is composed of rather coarse cotton fabric. It is worn:--

'By a man, for his grand-uncle; grand-uncle's wife; spinster grand-aunt; father's first cousin; father's first cousin's wife; father's spinster first cousin married female first cousin; first cousin once removed; spinster female first cousin once removed; second cousin; spinster female second cousin; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of first-born of first-born son); grand-nephew; spinster grand-niece; mother's parents; mother's brother; mother's sister These names and others farther on, printed with spaced letters, all belong to the Wâi-yin relationships.; by a wife, for her husband's aunt; husband's brother; husband's brother's wife; husband's sister; husband's second cousin; spinster female second cousin of husband; husband's grand-nephew; and spinster grandniece of husband; by a married woman, for her spinster aunt; married sister; first cousin; and married niece; and by a concubine, for her master's grandparents.

'5th, Sze-mâ indicates relationships of the fifth degree. The prescribed dress for it is composed of rather fine cotton cloth. It is worn:--

'By a man, for his great-grand-uncle; great-grand-uncle's wife; spinster great-grand-aunt; married grand-aunt; grandfather's first cousin; grandfather's first cousin's wife; spinster first cousin of grandfather; married female first cousin of father; father's first cousin once removed; wife of father's first cousin once removed; father's spinster first cousin once removed; first cousin's wife; married female first cousin once removed; first cousin twice removed; spinster first cousin twice removed; married female second cousin; second cousin once removed; spinster second cousin once removed; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of son of a younger son, or of son of a concubine); grand-nephew's wife; married grand-niece; third cousin spinster third cousin; great-grandson; great-grand-nephew; spinster great-grand-niece; great-great-grandson; aunt's son; mother's brother's son; mother's sister's son; wife's parents; son-in-law; daughter's child: by a wife, for her husband's great-great-grand-parents; husband's great-grand-parents; husband's grand-uncle; husband's spinster grand-aunt; father-in-law's first cousin; father-in-law's first cousin's wife; spinster first cousin of father-in-law; female first cousin of husband; husband's second cousin's wife; married female second cousin of husband; husband's second cousin once removed; husband's spinster second cousin once removed; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of own or a concubine's grandson); husband's grand-nephew's wife; husband's married grand-niece; husband's third cousin; spinster third cousin of husband; great-grandson; great-grand-daughter-in-law; husband's great-grand-nephew; spinster great-grand-niece of husband; and great-great-grandson: and by a married woman, for her grand-uncle; spinster grand-aunt; father's first cousin; spinster first cousin of father; spinster first cousin; second cousin; spinster second cousin.'

王者之制祿爵，公侯伯子男，凡五等。諸侯之上大夫卿，下大夫，上士中士下士，凡五等。

According to the regulations of emolument and rank framed by the kings, there were the duke; the marquis; the earl; the count; and the baron Most sinologists have adopted these names for the Chinese terms. Callery says, 'Les ducs, les marquis, les comtes, les vicomtes, et les barons.' See the note on Mencius, V, i, 2, 3, for the meaning given to the different terms. :--in all, five gradations (of rank). There were (also), in the feudal states, Great officers 'Great officers' are in Chinese Tâ Fû, 'Great Sustainers.' The character fû (夫) is different from that for 'officer,' which follows. The latter is called shih (土), often translated 'scholar,' and is 'the designation of one having a special charge.' Callery generally retains the Chinese name Tâ Fû, which I have not liked to do. of the highest grade,--the ministers; and Great officers of the lowest grade; officers of the highest, the middle, and the lowest grades:--in all, five gradations (of office).

天子之田方千里，公侯田方百里，伯七十裏，子男五十裏。不能五十裏者，不合於天子，附於諸侯曰附庸。

The territory of the son of Heaven amounted to 1000 lî square; that of a duke or marquis to 500 lî square; that of an earl to 70 lî square; and that of a count or baron to 50 lî square A lî is made up of 360 paces. At present 27.8 lî = 10 English miles, and one geographical lî = I458.53 English feet. The territories were not squares, but when properly measured, 'taking the length with the breadth,' were equal to so many lî square. The Chinese term rendered 'territory' is here (田), meaning 'fields;' but it is not to be supposed that that term merely denotes 'ground that could be cultivated,' as some of the commentators maintain.. (Lords) who could not number 50 lî square, were not admitted directly to (the audiences of) the son of Heaven. Their territories were called 'attached,' being joined to those of one of the other princes.

天子之三公之田視公侯，天子之卿視伯，天子之大夫視子男，天子之元士視附庸。

The territory assigned to each of the ducal ministers of the son of Heaven was equal to that of a duke or marquis; that of each of his high ministers was equal to that of an earl; that of his Great officers to the territory of a count or baron; and that of his officers of the chief grade to an attached territory.

制：農田百畝。百畝之分：上農夫食九人，其次食八人，其次食七人，其次食六人；下農夫食五人。

According to the regulations, the fields of the husbandmen were in portions of a hundred acres The mâu is much less than an English acre, measuring only 733 1/3 square yards. An English acre is rather more than 6 mâu. . According to the different qualities of those acres, when they were of the highest quality, a farmer supported nine individuals; where they were of the next, eight; and so on, seven, six, and five. The pay of the common people, who were employed in government offices But held their appointments only from the Head of their department, and were removable by him at pleasure, having no commission from the king, or from the ruler of the state in which they were., was regulated in harmony with these distinctions among the husbandmen.

庶人在官者，其祿以是為差也。諸侯之下士視上農夫，祿足以代其耕也。中上倍下士，上士倍中士，下大夫倍上士；卿，四大夫祿；君，十卿祿。次國之卿，三大夫祿；君，十卿祿。小國之卿，倍大夫祿，君十卿祿。

The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal states had an emolument equal to that of the husbandmen whose fields were of the highest quality; equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields. Those of the middle grade had double that of the lowest grade; and those of the highest grade double that of the middle. A Great officer of the lowest grade had double that of an officer of the highest. A high minister had four times that of a Great officer; and the ruler had ten times that of a high minister. In a state of the second class, the emolument of a minister was three times that of a Great officer; and that of the ruler ten times that of a minister. In small states, a high minister had twice as much as a Great officer; and the ruler ten times as much as a minister.

次國之上卿，位當大國之中，中當其下，下當其上大夫。小國之上卿，位當大國之下卿，中當其上大夫，下當其下大夫，

The highest minister, in a state of the second class, ranked with the one of the middle grade in a great state; the second, with the one of the lowest grade; and the lowest, with a Great officer of the highest grade. The highest minister in a small state ranked with the lowest of a great state; the second, with the highest Great officer of the other; and the lowest, with one of the lower grade.

其有中士、下士者，數各居其上之三分。

Where there were officers of the middle grade and of the lowest, the number in each was three times that in the grade above it Some of the critics think that this sentence is out of place, and really belongs to paragraph 5 of next section. As the text stands, and simple as it appears, it is not easy to construe. .

凡四海之內九州，州方千里。州，建百里之國三十，七十裏之國六十，五十裏之國百有二十，凡二百一十國；名山大澤不以封，其餘以為附庸間田。八州，州二百一十國。

Of the nine provinces embracing all within the four seas The expression 'the four seas' must have originated from an erroneous idea that the country was an insular square, with a sea or ocean on each side. The explanation of it in the R Ya as denoting the country surrounded by 'The 9 Î, the 8 Tî, the 7 Zung, and the 6 Man,' was an attempt to reconcile the early error with the more accurate knowledge acquired in the course of time. But the name of 'seas' cannot be got over., a province was 1000 lî square, and there were established in it 30 states of 100 lî (square) each; 60 of 70 lî; 120 of 50 lî:--in all, 210 states. The famous hills and great meres were not included in the investitures That is, these hills and meres were still held to belong to all the people, and all had a right to the game on the hills and the fish of the waters. The princes could not deny to any the right of access to them; though I suppose they could levy a tax on what they caught.. The rest of the ground formed attached territories and unoccupied lands of the eight provinces (apart from that which formed the royal domain), each contained (the above) 210 states This statement must be in a great degree imaginary, supposing, as it does, that the provinces were all of the same size. They were not so; nor are the eighteen provinces of the present day so..

天子之縣內，方百里之國九，七十裏之國二十有一，五十裏之國六十有三，凡九十三國；名山大澤不以 (月分) ，其餘以祿士，以為間田。

Within the domain The character in the text here is different from that usually employed to denote the royal domain. of the son of Heaven there were 9 states of 100 lî square; 21 of 70 lî; and 63 of 50 lî:--in all, 93 states. The famous hills and great meres were not assigned The term is different from the 'invested' of the previous paragraph. The tenures in the royal domain were not hereditary. . The rest of the ground served to endow the officers, and to form unoccupied lands.

凡九州，千七百七十三國。天子之元士、諸侯之附庸不與。

In all, in the nine provinces, there were 1773 states, not counting in (the lands of) the officers of the chief grade of the son of Heaven, nor the attached territories in the feudal states.

天子百里之內以共官，千里之內以為禦。

(The contributions from) the first hundred lî (square) of the son of Heaven served to supply (the needs of) the (various) public offices; (those from the rest of) the thousand lî were for his own special use Such seems to be the view of the Khien-lung editors. Callery translates the paragraph substantially as I have done..

千里之外，設方伯。五國以為屬，屬有長。十國以為連，連有帥。三十國以為卒，卒有正。二百一十國以為州，州有伯。八州八伯，五十六正，百六十八帥，三百三十六長。八伯各以其屬，屬於天子之老二人，分天下以為左右，曰二伯。

Beyond his thousand lî, chiefs of regions were appointed. Five states formed a union, which had a President. Ten formed a combination, which had a Leader. Thirty formed a confederation, which had a Director. Two hundred and ten formed a province, which had a Chief. In the eight provinces there were eight Chiefs, fifty-six Directors, one hundred and sixty-eight Leaders, and three hundred and thirty-six Presidents. The eight Chiefs, with those under them, were all under the two Ancients of the son of Heaven. They divided all under the sky between them, one having charge of the regions on the left and the other of those on the right, and were called the two (Great) Chiefs Of these two great chiefs, we have an instance in the dukes of Kâu and Shâo, at the rise of the Kâu dynasty, the former having under his jurisdiction all the states west of the Shen river, and the other, all east of it. But in general, this constitution of the kingdom is imaginary..

千里之內曰甸，千里之外，曰采、曰流。

All within the thousand lî (of the royal domain) was called the Tien (or field Tenure). Outside that domain there were the Zhâi (or service territories) and the Liû (or territory for banished persons).

天子：三公，九卿，二十七大夫，八十一元士。

The son of Heaven had three dukes Compare the Shû V, xx. The three dukes (Kung) were the Grand Tutor, Grand Assistant, and Grand Guardian. The nine ministers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Instruction, Religion, War, Crime, and Works, with the Junior Tutor, Junior Assistant, and Junior Guardian added. The six ministers exist still, substantially, in the six Boards. The titles of the three Kung and their Juniors also still exist. , nine high ministers Compare the Shû V, xx. The three dukes (Kung) were the Grand Tutor, Grand Assistant, and Grand Guardian. The nine ministers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Instruction, Religion, War, Crime, and Works, with the Junior Tutor, Junior Assistant, and Junior Guardian added. The six ministers exist still, substantially, in the six Boards. The titles of the three Kung and their Juniors also still exist. , twenty-seven Great officers, and eighty-one officers of the chief grade.

大國：三卿；皆命於天子；下大夫五人，上士二十七人。次國：三卿；二卿命於天子，一卿命於其君；下大夫五人，上士二十七人。小國：二卿；皆命於其君；下大夫五人，上士二十七人。

In a great state there were three high ministers These appear to have been the Ministers of Instruction, War, and Works. The first had also the duties of Premier, the second those of minister of Religion, and the third those of minister of Crime., all appointed by the son of Heaven; five Great officers of the lower grade; and twenty-seven officers of the highest grade. In a state of the second class there were three high ministers, two appointed by the son of Heaven and one by the ruler; five Great officers of the lower grade; and twenty-seven officers of the highest grade. In a small state there were two high ministers, both appointed by the ruler; five Great officers of the lower grade; and twenty-seven officers of the highest grade.

天子使其大夫為三監，監於方伯之國，國三人。

The son of Heaven employed his Great officers as the Three Inspectors,--to inspect the states under the Chiefs of Regions The presence of the officers generally would be a safeguard against error in the appointments, as they would know the individuals.. For each state there were three Inspectors.

天子之縣內諸侯，祿也；外諸侯，嗣也。

Within the domain of the son of Heaven the princes enjoyed their allowances; outside it they had their inheritances Outside the royal domain, the feudal states were all hereditary. This is a fact of all early Chinese history. In the domain itself the territories were appanages rather than states. Yet they were in some sense hereditary too. The descendants of all who had served the country well, were not to be left unprovided for. Compare Mencius I, ii, 5, 3..

制：三公，一命卷；若有加，則賜也。不過九命。次國之君，不過七命；小國之君，不過五命。

According to the regulations, any one of the three ducal ministers might wear one additional symbol of distinction,--that of the descending dragon

See the Shih, Part I, xv, Ode 6. I, with the note in my edition of 'the Chinese Classics.' The old symbols of distinction gave rise to 'the Insignia of Civil and Military Officers' of the present dynasty, called Kiu phin (九品). See Williams' Dictionary, p. 698. This paragraph is in the expurgated edition of the Lî Kî, used by Callery, and he gives for it, unfortunately, the following version:--'Il est de règle que les trois ministres (qui d'habitude n'appartiennent qu'au 8e ordre de dignitaires), en montant un degré portent l'habit des dragons en broderie. Si, après cela, il y a lieu de leur accorder de nouvelles récompenses, on leur donne des objets de valeur, car on ne va pas au delà du 9e ordre.'

But if such an addition were made (to his eight symbols), it must be by special grant. There were only nine symbols (in all). The ruler of a state of the second class wore only seven of them, and the ruler of a small state only five.

大國之卿，不過三命；下卿再命，小國之卿與下大夫一命。

The high minister of a great state could not wear more than three of the symbols, and the ministers below him only two. The high ministers of a small state, and Great officers of the lowest class, wore only one.

凡官民材，必先論之。論辨然後使之，任事然後爵之，位定然後祿之。

The rule was that the abilities of all put into offices over the people should first be discussed. After they had been discussed with. discrimination, the men were employed. When they had been (proved) in the conduct of affairs, their rank was assigned; and when their position was (thus) fixed, they received salary.

爵人於朝，與士共之。刑人於市，與眾棄之。是故公家不畜刑人，大夫弗養，士遇之塗弗與言也；屏之四方，唯其所之，不及以政，亦弗故生也。

It was in the court that rank was conferred, the (already existing) officers being (thus) associated in the act The presence of the officers generally would be a safeguard against error in the appointments, as they would know the individuals.. It was in the market-place that punishment was inflicted; the multitude being (thus) associated in casting the criminals off. hence, neither the ruler, nor (the head of)a clan, would keep a criminal who had been punished about; him; a Great officer would not maintain him; nor would an officer, meeting him on the road, speak to him. Such men were sent away to one of the four quarters, according to the sentence on each. They were not allowed to have anything to do with affairs of government, to show that there was no object in allowing them to live It has been said that these were rules of the Yin or Shang dynasty. The Khien-lung editors maintain that they were followed by all the three feudal dynasties..

諸侯之於天子也，比年一小聘，三年一大聘，五年一朝。

In their relation to the son of Heaven, the feudal princes were required to send every year a minor mission to the court, and every three years a greater mission; once in five years they had to appear there in person.

天子五年一巡守：

The son of Heaven, every five years, made a tour of Inspection through the fiefs Compare vol. iii, pp. 39, 40..

歲二月，東巡守至於岱宗，柴而望祀山川；覲諸侯；問百年者就見之。命大師陳詩以觀民風，命市納賈以觀民之所好惡，志淫好辟。命典禮考時月，定日，同律，禮樂制度衣服正之。

In the second month of the year, he visited those on the East, going to the honoured mountain of Tâi. There he burnt a (great) pile of wood, and announced his arrival to Heaven; and with looks directed to them, sacrificed to the hills and rivers. He gave audience to the princes; inquired out those who were 100 years old, and went to see them: ordered the Grand music-master to bring him the poems (current in the different states) These would include ballads and songs. Perhaps 'Grand music-master' should be in the plural, meaning those officers of each state. Probably these would have given them to the king's Grand music-master., that he might see the manners of the people; ordered the superintendents of markets to present (lists of prices), that he might see what the people liked and disliked, and whether they were set on extravagance and loved what was bad; he ordered the superintendent of rites to examine the seasons and months, and fix the days, and to make uniform the standard tubes, the various ceremonies, the (instruments of) music, all measures, and (the fashions of) clothes. (Whatever was wrong in these) was rectified.

山川神只，有不舉者，為不敬；不敬者，君削以地。宗廟，有不順者為不孝；不孝者，君絀以爵。變禮易樂者，為不從；不從者，君流。革制度衣服者，為畔；畔者，君討。有功德於民者，加地進律。

Where any of the spirits of the hills and rivers had been unattended to, it was held to be an act of irreverence, and the irreverent ruler was deprived of a part of his territory. Where there had been neglect of the proper order in the observances of the ancestral temple, it was held to show a want of filial piety and the rank of the unfilial ruler was reduced. Where any ceremony had been altered, or any instrument of music changed, it was held to be an instance of disobedience, and the disobedient ruler was banished. Where the statutory measures and the (fashion of) clothes had been changed, it was held to be rebellion, and the rebellious ruler was taken off. The ruler who had done good service for the people, and shown them an example of virtue, received an addition to his territory and rank.

五月，南巡守至於南嶽，如東巡守之禮。八月，西巡守至於西嶽，如南巡守之禮。十有一月，北巡守至於北嶽，如西巡守之禮。歸，假于祖禰，用特。

In the seventh month, (the son of Heaven) continued his tour, going to the south, to the mountain of that quarter Mount Hang; in the present district of Hang-shan, dept. Hang-kâu, Hu-nan. , observing the same ceremonies as in the east. In the eighth month, he went on to the west, to the mountain of that quarter Mount Hwa; in the present district of Hwa-yin, dept. Thung-kâu, Shen-hsî., observing the same ceremonies as in the south. In the eleventh month, he went on to the north, to the mountain of that quarter Mount Hang; in the present district of Khü-yang, dept. Ting-kâu, Kih-lî. , observing the same ceremonies as in the west. (When all was done), he returned (to the capital), repaired (to the ancestral temple) and offered a bull in each of the fanes, from that of his (high) ancestor to that of his father I have followed here the view of Khung Ying-tâ. It seems to me that all the seven fanes of the son of Heaven were under one roof, or composed one great building, called 'the Ancestral Temple.' See p. 224. .

天子將出，類乎上帝，宜乎社，造乎禰,諸侯將出，宜乎社，造乎禰。

When the son of Heaven was about to go forth, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual forms, to God, offered the Î sacrifice at the altar of the earth, and the Zhâo in the fane of his father The meaning of the names of the different sacrifices here is little more than guessed at. . When one of the feudal princes was about to go forth, he offered the Î sacrifice to the spirits of the land, and the Zhâo in the fane of his father.

天子無事與諸侯相見曰朝，考禮正刑一德，以尊于天子。

When the son of Heaven received the feudal princes, and there was no special affair on hand, it was (simply) called an audience. They examined their ceremonies, rectified their punishments, and made uniform what they considered virtuous; thus giving honour to the son of Heaven The second sentence of this paragraph is variously understood..

天子賜諸侯樂，則以柷將之，賜伯、子、男樂，則以　將之。鞀諸侯，賜弓矢然後征，賜呋鉞然後殺，賜圭瓚然後為鬯。未賜圭瓚，則資鬯於天子。

When the son of Heaven gave (an instrument of) music to a duke or marquis, the presentation was preceded by a note from the signal box A representation of the signal box is here given (1). The note was made by turning the upright handle, which then struck on some arrangement inside. The hand-drum is also represented (2). It was merely a sort of rattle only that the noise was made by the two little balls striking against the ends of the drum. It is constantly seen and heard in the streets of Chinese cities at the present day, in the hands of pedlers and others. {2 illustrations}; when giving one to an earl, count, or baron, the presentation was preceded by shaking the hand-drum. When the bow and arrows were conferred on a prince, he could proceed to execute the royal justice. When the hatchet and battle-axe were conferred, he could proceed to inflict death. When a large: libation-cup was conferred, he could make the spirits from the black millet for himself. When this cup was not conferred, he had to depend for those spirits (as a gift) from the son of Heaven.

天子命之教然後為學。小學在公宮南之左，大學在郊。天子曰辟癰，諸侯曰頖宮。

When the son of Heaven ordered a prince to institute instruction, he proceeded to build his schools; the children's That; is, the children of the princes; but an impulse was thus given to the education of children of lower degree., to the south of his palace, on the left of it; that for adults, in the suburbs. (The college of) the son of Heaven was called (the palace of) Bright Harmony, (and had a circlet of water). (That of) the princes was called the Palace with its semicircle of water.

天子將出征，類乎上帝，宜乎社，造乎禰，禡於所征之地。受命於祖，受成於學。出征，執有罪；反，釋奠於學，以訊馘告。

When the son of Heaven was about to go forth on a punitive expedition, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual forms, to God; offered the Î sacrifice at the altar of the Earth, and the Zhâo in the fane of his father. He offered sacrifice also to the Father of War (on arriving) at the state which was the object of the expedition. He had received his charge from his ancestors, and the complete (plan) for the execution of it in the college. He went forth accordingly, and seized the criminals; and on his return he set forth in the college his offerings, and announced (to his ancestors) how he had questioned (his prisoners), and cut off the cars (of the slain) Compare paragraph 17, and vol. iii, pp. 392, 393..

天子諸侯，無事則歲三田。一為乾豆，二為賓客，三為充君之庖。

When the son of Heaven and the princes had no (special) business in hand, they had three huntings The huntings were in spring, summer, and winter, for each of which there was its proper name. In autumn the labours of the field forbade hunting. in the year. The first object in them was to supply the sacrificial dishes with dried flesh; the second, to provide for guests and visitors; and the third, to supply the ruler's kitchen.

無事而不田，曰不敬；田不以禮，曰暴天物。

Not to hunt when there was no (special) business in the way was deemed an act of irreverence Irreverence, in not making provision for sacrifices; disrespect, in not providing properly for guests. . To hunt without observing the rules (for hunting) was deemed cruelty to the creatures of Heaven.

天子不合圍，諸侯不掩群。天子殺則下大綏，諸侯殺則下小綏，大夫殺則止佐車。佐車止，則百姓田獵。

The son of Heaven did not entirely surround (the hunting ground) He left one opening for the game. This paragraph contains some of the rules for hunting.; and a feudal prince did not take a (whole) herd by surprise. When the son of Heaven had done killing, his large flag was lowered; and when the princes had done, their smaller flag. When the Great officers had done, the auxiliary carriages were stopped These were light carriages used in driving and keeping the game together. ; and after this, the common people fell a hunting (for themselves).

獺祭魚，然後虞人入澤梁。豺祭獸，然後田獵。鳩化為鷹，然後設罻羅。草木零落，然後入山林。昆蟲未蟄，不以火田，不麛，不卵，不殺胎，不殀夭，不覆巢。

When the otter sacrificed its fish See the next Book, where all these regulations are separately mentioned. , the foresters entered the meres and dams. When the wolf sacrificed its prey, the hunting commenced. When the dove changed into a hawk, they set their nets, large and small. When the plants and trees began to drop their leaves, they entered the hills and forests (with the axe). Until the insects had all withdrawn into their burrows, they did not fire the fields. They did not take fawns nor eggs. They did not kill pregnant animals, nor those which had not attained to their full growth. They did not throw down nests The Chinese have a reputation for being callous in the infliction of punishment and witnessing suffering; and I think they are so. But these rules were designed evidently to foster kindness and sympathy..

塚宰製國用，必於歲之杪，五穀皆入然後制國用。用地小大，視年之豐耗。以三十年之通制國用，量入以為出，祭用數之仂。

The chief minister determined the expenditure of the states, and it was the rule that he should do so at the close of the year. When the five kinds of grain had all been gathered in, he then determined the expenditure;--according to the size of each territory, as large or small, and the returns of the year, as abundant or poor. On the average of thirty years he determined the expenditure, regulating the outgoing by the income.

喪，三年不祭，唯祭天地社稷為越紼而行事。喪用三年之仂。喪祭，用不足曰暴，有餘曰浩。祭，豐年不奢，凶年不儉。

A tenth of the (year's) expenditure was for sacrifices. During the three years of the mourning rites (for parents), the king did not sacrifice (in person), excepting to Heaven, Earth, and the Spirits of the land and grain; and when he went to transact any business, the ropes (for his chariot) were made of hemp (and not of silk) Such is the meaning of the text here given by the Khien-lung editors. It is found also in the Khang-hsî dictionary, under the character 越, called in this usage hwo.. A tithe of three years' expenditure was allowed for the rites of mourning. When there was not sufficient for the rites of sacrifice and mourning, it was owing to lavish waste; when there was more than enough, the state was described as affluent. In sacrifices there should be no extravagance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad.

國無九年之蓄曰不足，無六年之蓄曰急，無三年之蓄曰國非其國也。三年耕，必有一年之食；九年耕，必有三年之食。以三十年之通，雖有凶旱水溢，民無菜色，然後天子食，日舉以樂。

If in a state there was not accumulated (a surplus) sufficient for nine years, its condition was called one of insufficiency; if there was not enough for six years, one of urgency. If there was not a surplus sufficient for three years, the state could not continue. The husbandry of three years was held to give an overplus of food sufficient for one year; that of nine years, an overplus sufficient for three years. Going through thirty years (in this way), though there might be bad years, drought, and inundations, the people would have no lack or be reduced to (eating merely) vegetables, and then the son of Heaven would every day have full meals and music at them.

天子七日而殯，七月而葬。諸侯五日而殯，五月而葬。大夫、士、庶人，三日而殯，三月而葬。三年之喪，自天子達，

The son of Heaven was encoffined on the seventh day (after his death), and interred in the seventh month. The prince of a state was encoffined on the fifth day, and interred in the fifth month. A Great officer, (other) officers, and the common people were encoffined on the third day, and interred in the third month. The mourning rites of three years (for parents) extended from the son of Heaven to all.

庶人縣封，葬不為雨止，不封不樹，喪不貳事，自天子達於庶人。

The common people let the coffin down into the grave by ropes, and did not suspend the interment because of rain. They raised no mound, nor planted trees over the grave. That no other business should interfere with the rites of mourning was a thing extending from the son of Heaven to the common people.

喪從死者，祭從生者。支子不祭。

In the mourning rites they followed (the rank of) the dead; in sacrificing to them, that of the living. A son by a concubine did not (preside at) the sacrifices Even though he might attain to higher rank than the son of the wife proper, who represented their father. .

天子七廟，三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七。諸侯五廟，二昭二穆，與太祖之廟而五。大夫三廟，一昭一穆，與太祖之廟而三。士一廟。庶人祭於寢。

(The ancestral temple of) the son of Heaven embraced seven fanes (or smaller temples); three on the left and three on the right, and that of his great ancestor (fronting the south):--in all, seven. (The temple of) the prince of a state embraced five such fanes: those of two on the left, and two on the right, and that of his great ancestor:--in all, five. Great officers had three fanes:--one on the left, one on the right, and that of his great ancestor:--in all, three. Other officers had (only) one. The common people presented their offerings in their (principal) apartment The technical terms (as they may be called) in the text make it impossible to translate this paragraph concisely, so as to make it intelligible to a foreign reader unacquainted with the significance of those terms. The following ground-plan of an ancestral temple of a king of Kâu is given in the plates of the Khien-lung edition of the Lî Kî:--after Kû Hsî. I introduce it here with some condensations. {illustration} Entering at the gate on the south, we have, fronting us, at the northern end, the fane of the grand ancestor to whom, in the distant past, the family traced its line. South of his fane, on the right and left, were two fanes dedicated to kings Wan and Wû, father and son, the joint founders of the dynasty. The four below them, two on each side, were dedicated to the four kings preceding the reigning king, the sacrificer. At the back of each fane was a comparatively dark apartment, called khin (寢) where the spirit tablet was kept during the intervals between the sacrifices. When a sacrifice was offered, the tablet was brought out and placed in the centre of a screen, in the middle of the fane. As the line lengthened, while the tablets of the grand ancestor and joint ancestors always remained untouched, on a death and accession, the tablet of the next oldest occupant was removed and placed in a general apartment for the keeping of all such tablets, and that of the newly deceased king was placed in the father's fane, and the other three were shifted up, care being always taken that the tablet of a son should never follow that of his father on the same side. The number of the lower fanes was maintained, as a rule, at four. Those on the east were called Kâo (昭) and on the west Mû (穆), the names in the text here. See the Chinese Classics, I, pp. 266, 267, and the note there..

天子、諸侯宗廟之祭：春曰礿，夏曰禘，秋曰嘗，冬曰烝。

The sacrifices in the ancestral temples of the son of Heaven and the feudal princes were that of spring, called Yo; that of summer, called Tî; that of autumn, called Khang; and that of winter, called Khang The names of some of these sacrifices and their order are sometimes given differently. .

天子祭天地，諸侯祭社稷，大夫祭五祀。天子祭天下名山大川：五嶽視三公，四瀆視諸侯。諸侯祭名山大川之在其地者。

The son of Heaven sacrificed to Heaven and Earth; the princes of the states, to the (spirits of the) land and grain; Great officers offered the five sacrifices (of the house). The son of Heaven sacrificed to all the famous hills and great streams under the sky, the five mountains For four of these mountains, see pages 217, 218, notes. The fifth was that of the centre, mount Sung, in the present district of Sung, department Ho-nan, Ho-nan. The four rivers were the Kiang, the Hwâi, the Ho, and the Kî. receiving (sacrificial) honours like the honours paid (at court) to the three ducal ministers, and the four rivers For four of these mountains, see pages 217, 218, notes. The fifth was that of the centre, mount Sung, in the present district of Sung, department Ho-nan, Ho-nan. The four rivers were the Kiang, the Hwâi, the Ho, and the Kî. honours like those paid to the princes of states; the princes sacrificed to the famous hills and great streams which were in their own territories.

天子諸侯祭因國之在其地而無主後者。

The son of Heaven and the feudal lords sacrificed to the ancient princes who had no successors to preside over the sacrifices to them, and whose possessions now formed part of the royal domain or of their respective states.

天子犆礿，祫禘，祫嘗，祫烝。諸侯礿則不禘，禘則不嘗，嘗則不烝，烝則不礿。諸侯礿，犆，禘一, 犆一祫；嘗， 烝 祫 。

The son of Heaven offered the spring sacrifice apart and by itself alone, but his sacrifices of all the other seasons were conducted on a greater scale in the fane of the high ancestor. The princes of the states who offered the spring sacrifice omitted that of the summer; those who offered that of the summer omitted that of the autumn; those who sacrificed in autumn did not do so in winter; and those who sacrificed in winter did not do so in spring The princes who omitted one sacrifice in the year would probably be absent in that season, attending at the royal court. They paid that attendance in turns from the several quarters. . In spring they offered the sacrifice of the season by itself apart; in summer, in the fane of the high ancestor If in this summer service the seasonal and the sacrifice in the fane of the high sacrifice were associated together, the rule for the princes was the same as for the king. There was the ordinary associate sacrifice, and 'the great;' about which the discussions and different views have been endless.; in autumn and winter both the sacrifices were there associated together.

天子社稷皆大牢，諸侯社稷皆少牢。大夫、士宗廟之祭，有田則祭，無田則薦。庶人春薦韭，夏薦麥，秋薦黍，冬薦稻。韭以卵，麥以魚，黍以豚，稻以雁。

In sacrificing at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, the son of Heaven used in each case a bull, a ram, and a boar; the princes, (only) a ram and a boar. Great and other officers, at the sacrifices in their ancestral temples, if they had lands, sacrificed an animal; and, if they had no lands, they only presented fruits. The common people, in the spring, presented scallions; in summer, wheat; in autumn, millet; and in winter, rice unhulled. The scallions were set forth with eggs; the wheat with fish; the millet with a sucking-pig; and the rice with a goose.

祭天地之牛，角繭栗；宗廟之牛，角握；賓客之牛，角尺。諸侯無故不殺牛，大夫無故不殺羊，士無故不殺犬豕，庶人無故不食珍。庶羞不逾牲，燕衣不逾祭服，寢不逾廟。

Of the bulls used in sacrificing to Heaven and Earth, the horns were (not larger than) a cocoon or a chestnut The victims must all have been young animals; 'to show,' says Wang Thâo, 'that the sincerity of the worshipper is the chief thing in the view of Heaven.'. Those of the one used in the ancestral temple could be grasped with the hand; those of the ox used for (feasting) guests were a foot long. Without sufficient cause, a prince did not kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor another officer a dog or a pig, nor a common person eat delicate food. The various provisions (at a feast) did not go beyond the sacrificial victims killed; the private clothes were not superior to the robes of sacrifice; the house and its apartments did not surpass the ancestral temple.

古者：公田，藉而不稅。市，廛而不稅。關，譏而不征。林麓川澤，以時入而不禁。夫圭田無征。用民之力，歲不過三日。田裏不粥，墓地不請。

Anciently, the public fields were cultivated by the united labours of the farmers around them, from the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied. A rent was charged for the stances in the marketplaces, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were examined at the different passes, but no duties were levied from them. Into the forests and plains at the foot of mountains the people went without hindrance at the proper seasons. None of the produce was levied from the fields assigned to the younger sons of a family, nor from the holy fields. Only three days' labour was required (by the state) from the people in the course of a year. Fields and residences in the hamlets, (when once assigned), could not be sold. Ground set apart for graves could not be sought (for any other purpose) Compare Mencius III, i, 3, 6-9, et al.; II, i, 5, 2-4; I, i, 3, 3, 4; III, i, 3, 15-17; with the notes. I give here also the note of P. Callery on the first sentence of this paragraph:--'Sous les trois premières dynasties, époque éloignée où il y avait peu de terrains cultivés dans l'empire, le gouvernement concédait les terres incultes par carrés équilatères ayant 900 mâu, ou arpents, de superficie. Ces carrés, qu'on nommait Zing (井), d'après leur analogie de tracé avec le caractère Zing, "a well," étaient divisés en neuf carrés égaux de 100 mâu chacun, au moyen de deux lignes médianes que deux autres lignes coupaient à angle droit à des distances égales. Il résultait de cette intersection de lignes une sorte de damier de trois cases de côté, ayant huit carrés sur la circonférence, et un carré au milieu. Les huit carrés du pourtour devenaient la propriété de huit colons; mais celui du centre était un champ de réserve dont la culture restait bien à la charge des huit voisins, mais dont les produits appartenaient à 1'empereur.'.

司空執度度地，居民山川沮澤，時四時。量地遠近，興事任力。凡使民：任老者之事，食壯者之食。

The minister of Works with his (various) instruments measured the ground for the settlements of the people. About the hills and rivers, the oozy ground and the meres, he determined the periods of the four seasons. He measured the distances of one spot from another, and commenced his operations in employing the labour of the people. In all his employment of them, he imposed (only) the tasks of old men (on the able-bodied), and gave (to the old) the food-allowance of the able-bodied.

凡居民材，必因天地寒暖燥濕，廣穀大川異制。民生其間者異俗：剛柔輕重遲速異齊，五味異和，器械異制，衣服異宜。修其教，不易其俗；齊其政，不易其宜。

In all their settlements, the bodily capacities of the people are sure to be according to the sky and earthly influences, as cold or hot, dry or moist. Where the valleys are wide and the rivers large, the ground was differently laid out; and the people born in them had different customs. Their temperaments, as hard or soft, light or grave, slow or rapid, were made uniform by different measures; their preferences as to flavours were differently harmonised; their implements were differently made; their clothes were differently fashioned, but always suitably. Their training was varied, without changing their customs; and the governmental arrangements were uniform, without changing the suitability (in each case).

中國戎夷，五方之民，皆有其性也，不可推移。東方曰夷，被發 文身，有不火食者矣。南方曰蠻，雕題交趾，有不火食者矣。西方曰戎，被發 衣皮，有不粒食者矣。北方曰狄，衣羽毛穴居，有不粒食者矣。中國、夷、蠻、戎、狄，皆有安居、和味、宜服、利用、備器，五方之民，言語不通，嗜欲不同。達其志，通其欲：東方曰寄，南方曰象，西方曰狄鞮，北方曰譯。

The people of those five regions--the Middle states, and the Zung, Î, (and other wild tribes round them)--had all their several natures, which they could not be made to alter. The tribes on the east were called Î. They had their hair unbound, and tattooed their bodies. Some of them ate their food without its being cooked. Those on the south were called Man. They tattooed their foreheads, and had their feet turned in towards each other. Some of them (also) ate their food without its being cooked. Those on the west were called Zung. They had their hair unbound, and wore skins. Some of them did not eat grain-food. Those on the north were called Tî. They wore skins of animals and birds, and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat grain-food. The people of the Middle states, and of those I, Man, Zung, and Tî, all had their dwellings, where they lived at ease; their flavours which they preferred; the clothes suitable for them; their proper implements for use; and their vessels which they prepared in abundance. In those five regions, the languages of the people were not mutually intelligible, and their likings and desires were different. To make what was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate their likings and desires, (there were officers),--in the east, called transmitters; in the south, representationists; in the west, Tî-tîs I cannot translate Tî-tî. It was the name of a region (Williams says, 'near the Koko-nor'), the people of which had a reputation for singing. ; and in the north, interpreters.

凡居民，量地以制邑，度地以居民。地、邑、民、居，必參相得也。無曠土，無遊民，食節事時，民咸安其居，樂事勸功，尊君親上，然後興學。

In settling the people, the ground was measured for the formation of towns, and then measured again in smaller portions for the allotments of the people. When the division of the ground, the cities, and the allotments were thus fixed in adaptation to one another, so that there was no ground unoccupied, and none of the people left to wander about idle, economical arrangements were made about food; and its proper business appointed for each season. Then the people had rest in their dwellings, did joy fully what they had to do, exhorted one another to labour, honoured their rulers, and loved their superiors. This having been secured, there ensued the institution of schools.

司徒修六禮以節民性，明七教以興民德，齊八政以防淫，一道德以同俗，養耆老以致孝，恤孤獨以逮不足，上賢以崇德，簡不肖以絀惡。

The minister of Instruction defined and set forth the six ceremonial observances See the last paragraph of these Regulations, at the end of next Section. :--to direct and control the nature of the people; clearly illustrated the seven lessons (of morality) It has become the rule, apparently with all sinologists, to call the minister in the text here, Sze Thû, by the name of 'The minister of Instruction.' Callery describes him as 'Le ministre qui a dans ses attributions l'instruction publique et les rites.' And this is correct according to the account of his functions here, in the Kâu Lî, and in the Shû (V, xx, 8); but the characters (司徒) simply denote 'superintendent of the multitudes.' This, then, was the conception anciently of what government had to do for the multitudes,--to teach them all moral and social duties, how to discharge their obligations to men living and dead, and to spiritual beings. The name is now applied to the president and vice-president of the board of Revenue. to stimulate their virtue; inculcated uniformity in the eight objects of government See the last paragraph of these Regulations, at the end of next Section., to guard against all excess; taught the sameness of the course (of duty) and virtue, to assimilate manners; nourished the aged, to secure the completion of filial piety; showed pity to orphans and solitaries, to reach those who had been bereaved; exalted men of talents and worth, to give honour to virtue; and dealt summarily with the unworthy, to discountenance wickedness.

命鄉，簡不帥教者以告。耆老皆朝於庠，元日，習射上功，習鄉上齒，大司徒帥國之俊士與執事焉。不變，命國之右鄉，簡不帥教者移之左；命國之左鄉，簡不帥教者移之右，如初禮。不變，移之郊，如初禮。不變，移之遂，如初禮。不變，屏之遠方，終身不齒。

He commanded that, throughout the districts That is, the six districts embraced in the royal domain, each nominally containing 12,500 families. , there should be marked and pointed out to him those who were disobedient to his lessons. (This having been done), the aged men were all assembled in the school The great school of the district. The aged men would be good officers retired from duty, and others of known worth. , and on a good day archery was practised and places were given according to merit. (At the same time) there was a feast, when places were given according to age. The Grand minister of Instruction Here we have 'the Grand minister of Instruction;' and it may be thought we should translate the name in the first paragraph in the plural. No doubt, where there is no specification of 'the grand,' it means the board or department of Education. conducted thither the eminent scholars of the state and along with them superintended the business. If those (who had been reported to him) did not (now) change, he gave orders that they who were noted as continuing disobedient in the districts on the left should be removed to those on the right, and those noted on the right to the districts on the left. Then another examination was held in the same way, and those who had not changed were removed to the nearest outlying territory. Still continuing unchanged, they were removed, after a similar trial, to the more distant territory. There they were again examined and tried, and if still found defective, they were cast out to a remote region, and for all their lives excluded from distinction.

命鄉，論秀士，升之司徒，曰選士。司徒論選士之秀者而升之學，曰俊士。升於司徒者，不征於鄉；升於學者，不征於司徒，曰造士。

Orders were given that, throughout the districts, the youths who were decided on as of promising ability should have their names passed up to the minister of Instruction, when they were called 'select scholars.' He then decided which of them gave still greater promise, and promoted them to the (great) college This would be the college at the capital. , where they were called 'eminent scholars Have we not in these the prototypes of the 'Flowering Talents'(Hsiû Zhai 秀才) and 'Promoted Men' (Kü Zan 舉人) of to-day? .' Those who were brought to the notice of the minister were exempted from services in the districts; and those who were promoted to the (great) school, from all services under his own department, and (by and by) were called 'complete scholars Have we not in these the prototypes of the 'Flowering Talents' (Hsiû Zhai 秀才) and 'Promoted Men' (Kü Zan 舉人) of to-day? .'

樂正崇四術，立四教，順先王《詩》、《書》、《禮》、《樂》以造士。春秋教以《禮》、《樂》，冬夏教以《詩》《書》。王大子、王子、群後之大子、卿大夫元士之適子、國之俊選，皆造焉。凡入學以齒。

The (board for) the direction of Music gave all honour to its four subjects of instruction In the text these are called 'the four Arts' and 'the four Teachings;' but the different phrases seem to have the same meaning., and arranged the lessons in them, following closely the poems, histories, ceremonies, and music of the former kings, in order to complete its scholars. The spring and autumn were devoted to teaching the ceremonies and music; the winter and summer to the poems and histories The Khien-lung editors say that 'in spring and autumn the temperature is equable and the bodily spirits good, well adapted for the practice of ceremonies and moving in time to the music, whereas the long days of summer and long nights of winter are better adapted for the tasks of learning the poems and histories.' . The eldest son of the king and his other sons, the eldest sons of all the feudal princes, the sons, by their wives proper, of the high ministers, Great officers, and officers of the highest grade, and the eminent and select scholars from (all) the states, all repaired (to their instruction), entering the schools according to their years.

將出學，小胥、大胥、小樂正簡不帥教者以告于大樂正。大樂正以告于王。王命三公、九卿、大夫、元士皆入學。不變，王親視學。不變，王三日不舉，屏之遠方。西方曰棘，東方曰寄，終身不齒。

When the time drew near for their quitting the college, the smaller and greater assistants The smaller assistants of the Grand director of Music were eighteen, and the greater four. See the Kâu Lî, XVII, 21. Their functions are described in XXII, 45-53., and the inferior director of the board, put down those who had not attended to their instructions, and reported them to the Grand director, who in turn reported them to the king. The king ordered the three ducal ministers, his nine (other) ministers, the Great officers, and the (other) officers, all to enter the school (and hold an examination). If this did not produce the necessary change; the king in person inspected the school; and if this also failed, for three days he took no full meal nor had music, after which the (culprits) were cast out to the remote regions. Sending them to those of the west was called 'a (temporary) expulsion;' to the east, 'a temporary exile.' But all their lives they were excluded from distinction.

大樂正論造士之秀者以告于王，而升諸司馬，曰進士。

The Grand director of Music, having fully considered who were the most promising of the 'completed scholars,' reported them to the king, after which they were advanced to be under the minister of War, and called 'scholars ready for employment Exactly the name to the candidates of to-day who have succeeded at the triennial examinations at the capital; 'the Metropolitan Graduates,' as Mayers (page 72) calls them. .'

司馬辨論官材，論進士之賢者以告於王，而定其論。論定然後官之，任官然後爵之，位定然後祿之。

The minister of War gave discriminating consideration (to the scholars thus submitted to him), with a view to determine the offices for which their abilities fitted them. He then reported his decisions concerning the best and ablest of them to the king, to have that judgment fixed It is strange to find the minister of War performing the services here mentioned, and only these. The Khien-lung editors say that the compilers of this Book had not seen the Kâu Lî nor the Shû. It has been seen in the Introduction, pages 4, 5, how the Kâu Lî came to light in the reign of Wû, perhaps fifty years after this Book was made, and even then did not take its place among the other restored monuments till the time of Liû Hsin. To make the duties here ascribed to the minister of War (literally, 'Master of Horse,' 司馬) appear less anomalous, Kang and other commentators quote from the Shû (V, xx, 14) only a part of the account of his functions.. When it was, they were put into offices. After they had discharged the duties of these, rank was given them; and, their positions being thus fixed, they received salary.

大夫廢其事，終身不仕，死以士禮葬之。

When a Great officer was dismissed as incompetent from his duties, he was not (again) employed in any office to the end of his life. At his death, he was buried as an (ordinary) officer.

有發，則命大司徒教士以車甲。

If any expedition of war were contemplated, orders were given to the Grand minister of Instruction to teach the scholars the management of the chariot and the wearing of the coat of mail.

凡執技論力，適四方，裸股肱，決射禦。凡執技以事上者：祝史、射禦、醫蔔及百工。凡執技以事上者：不貳事，不移官，出鄉不與士齒。仕於家者，出鄉不與士齒。

In the case of all who professed any particular art, respect was had to their strength. If they were to go to a distant quarter, they had to display their arms and legs, and their skill in archery and charioteering was tested. All who professed particular arts for the service of their superiors, such as prayermakers, writers, archers, carriage-drivers, doctors, diviners, and artizans,--all who professed particular arts for the service of their superiors, were not allowed to practise any other thing, or to change their offices; and when they left their districts, they did not take rank with officers. Those who did service in families (also), when they left their districts, did not take rank with officers.

司寇正刑明辟以聽獄訟。必三刺。有旨無簡不聽。附從輕，赦從重。

The minister of Crime adapted the punishments (to the offences for which they were inflicted), and made the laws clear in order to deal with criminal charges and litigations. He required the three references as to its justice (before the infliction of a capital punishment) See the Kâu Lî, XXXVII, 45, 46. . If a party had the intention, but there were not evidence of the deed, the charge was not listened to. Where a case appeared as doubtful, it was lightly dealt with; where it might be pardoned, it was (still) gravely considered.

凡制五刑，必即天論。郵罰麗於事。

In all determining on the application of any of the five punishments Branding; cutting off the nose; cutting off the feet; castration; death. See vol. iii, p. 40., it was required to decide according to the judgment of Heaven. Inadvertent and redeemable offences were determined by (the circumstances of) each particular case Vol. iii, pp. 260-263. The compilers in this part evidently had some parts of the Shû before them. .

凡聽五刑之訟，必原父子之親、立君臣之義以權之。意論輕重之序、慎測淺深之量以別之。悉其聰明、致其忠愛以盡之。疑獄，泛與眾共之；眾疑，赦之。必察小大之比以成之。

When hearing a case requiring the application of any of the five punishments, (the judge) was required to have respect to the affection between father and son Which might make either party conceal the guilt of the other. , or the righteousness between ruler and minister Which might in a similar way affect the evidence. (which might have been in the mind of the defendant), to balance his own judgment. He must consider the gravity or lightness (of the offence), and carefully try to fathom the capacity (of the offender) as shallow or deep, to determine the exact character (of his guilt). He must exert his intelligence to the utmost, and give the fullest play to his generous and loving feeling, to arrive at his final judgment. If the criminal charge appeared to him doubtful, he was to take the multitude into consultation with him; and if they also doubted, he was to pardon the defendant. At the same time he was to examine analogous cases, great and small, and then give his decision.

成獄辭，史以獄成告於正，正聽之。正以獄成告于大司寇，大司寇聽之棘木之下。大司寇以獄之成告於王，王命三公參聽之。三公以獄之成告於王，王三又，然後制刑。

The evidence in a criminal case having thus been all taken and judgment given, the clerk reported it all to the director (of the district), who heard it and reported it to the Grand minister of Crime. He also heard it in the outer court The text says, 'Under the Zizyphus trees.' These were planted in the outer court of audience, and under them the different ministers of the court had their places., and then reported it to the king, who ordered the three ducal ministers, with the minister and director, again to hear it. When they had (once more) reported it to the king, he considered it with the three mitigating conditions Callery gives for this, 'qui pardonne trois fois.' The conditions were--ignorance, mistake, forgetfulness. , and then only determined the punishment.

凡作刑罰，輕無赦。刑者侀也，侀者成也，一成而不可變，故君子盡心焉。

In all inflictions of punishments and fines, even light offenders (that were not doubtful) were not forgiven. Punishment may be compared to the body. The body is a complete thing; when once completed, there cannot be any subsequent change in it There is here a play upon the homophonous names of different Chinese characters, often employed, as will be pointed out, in the Lî Kî, and in which the scholars of Han set an example to future times. Callery frames a French example of the reasoning that results from it: 'Un saint est un ceint; or, la ceinture signifiant au figuré la continence, il s'ensuit que la vertu de continence est essentielle à la sainteté!'. Hence the wise man will do his utmost (in deciding on all these inflictions).

析言破律，亂名改作，執左道以亂政，殺。作淫聲、異服、奇技、奇器以疑眾，殺。行偽而堅，言偽而辯，學非而博，順非而澤，以疑眾，殺。假於鬼神、時日、蔔筮以疑眾，殺。此四誅者，不以聽。

Splitting words so as to break (the force of) the laws; confounding names so as to change what had been definitely settled; practising corrupt ways so as to throw government into confusion: all guilty of these things were put to death. Using licentious music; strange garments; wonderful contrivances and extraordinary implements, thus raising doubts among the multitudes: all who used or formed such things were put to death. Those who were persistent in hypocritical conduct and disputatious in hypocritical speeches; who studied what was wrong, and went on to do so more and more, and whoever increasingly followed what was wrong so as to bewilder the multitudes: these were put to death. Those who gave false reports about (appearances of) spirits, about seasons and days, about consultings of the tortoise-shell and stalks, so as to perplex the multitudes: these were put to death. These four classes were taken off, and no defence listened to.

凡執禁以齊眾，不赦過。有圭璧金璋，不粥於市；命服命車，不粥於市；宗廟之器，不粥於市；犧牲不粥於市；戎器不粥於市。用器不中度，不粥於市。兵車不中度，不粥於市。布帛精粗不中數、幅廣狹不中量，不粥於市。奸色亂正色，不粥於市。錦文珠玉成器，不粥於市。衣服飲食，不粥於市。五穀不時，果實未熟，不粥於市。木不中伐，不粥於市。禽獸魚鱉不中殺，不粥於市。關執禁以譏，禁異服，識異言。

All who had charge of the prohibitions for the regulation of the multitudes These would be, especially, the superintendents of the markets. did not forgive transgressions of them. Those who had rank-tokens, the long or the round, and gilt libation-cups were not allowed to sell them in the market-places; nor were any allowed to sell robes or chariots, the gift of the king; or vessels of an ancestral temple; or victims for sacrifice; or instruments of war; or vessels which were not according to the prescribed measurements; or chariots of war which were not according to the same; or cloth or silk, fine or coarse, not according to the prescribed quality, or broader or narrower than the proper rule; or of the illegitimate colours, confusing those that were correct The five correct colours were--black, carnation, azure, white, and yellow.; or cloth, embroidered or figured; or vessels made with pearls or jade; or clothes, or food, or drink, (in any way extravagant); or grain which was not in season, or fruit which was unripe; or wood which was not fit for the axe; or birds, beasts, fishes, or reptiles, which were not fit to be killed. At the frontier gates, those in charge of the prohibitions, examined travellers, forbidding such as wore strange clothes, and taking note of such as spoke a strange language.

大史典禮，執簡記，奉諱惡。天子齊戒受諫。

The Grand recorder had the superintendence of ceremonies. He was in charge of the tablets of record, and brought before the king what (names) were to be avoided', and what days were unfavourable (for the doing of particular affairs)' See pages 93, 180, et al. . The son of Heaven received his admonitions with reverence Some of the functions here belonged to the assistant recorder, according to the Kâu Lî, but the two were of the same department. .

司會以歲之成，質於天子，塚宰齊戒受質。大樂正、大司寇、市，三官以其成，從質於天子。大司徒、大司馬、大司空齊戒受質；百官各以其成，質於三官。大司徒、大司馬、大司空以百官之成，質於天子。百官齊戒受質。然後，休老勞農，成歲事，制國用。

(The office of) the accountants This office was under the board of the chief minister, and consisted of sixty-two men of different grades under the Kâu dynasty (the Kâu Lî, I, 38; their duties are described in Book VI). It is not easy to understand all the text of the rest of the paragraph, about the final settlement of the accounts of the year. prepared the complete accounts of the year to be submitted to the son of Heaven which were reverently received by the chief minister. The Grand director of Music, the Grand minister of Crime, and the (chief) superintendent of the markets, these three officers, followed with the completed accounts of their departments to be submitted to the son of Heaven. The Grand minister of Instruction, the Grand minister of War, and the Grand minister of Works, reverently received the completed accounts of their several departments from their various subordinates, and examined them, then presenting them to the son of Heaven. Those subordinates then reverently received them after being so examined and adjudicated on. This being done, the aged were feasted and the royal sympathy shown to the husbandmen. The business of the year was concluded, and the expenditure of the states was determined.

凡養老：有虞氏以燕禮，夏後氏以饗禮，殷人以食禮，周人修而兼用之。

In nourishing the aged, (Shun), the lord of Yü, used the ceremonies of the drinking entertainment; the sovereigns of Hsiâ, those at entertainments (after) a reverent sacrifice or offering The commentators make this to have been a Barmecide feast, merely to show respect for the age; and Callery, after them, gives for the text: 'La dynastie des Hsiâ faisait servir un repas qu'on ne mangeait point.' But Ying-tâ's authorities adduced to support this view do not appear to me to bear it out. See the commencing chapter of Book X. Section ii, where all this about nourishing the aged is repeated.; the men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast; and the men of Kâu cultivated and used all the three.

五十養於鄉，六十養於國，七十養於學，達於諸侯。八十拜君命，一坐再至，瞽亦如之。九十使人受。

Those of fifty years received their nourishment in the (schools of the) districts; those of sixty, theirs in the (smaller school of the) state; and those of seventy, theirs in the college. This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's message, by kneeling once and bringing his head twice to the ground. The blind did the same. An old man of ninety employed another to receive (the message and gift for him).

五十異粻，六十宿肉，七十貳膳，八十常珍；九十，飲食不離寢、膳飲從於遊可也。

For those of fifty the grain was (fine and) different (from that used by younger men). For those of sixty, flesh was kept in store. For those of seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat. For those of eighty, there was a constant supply of delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink were never out of their chambers. Wherever they wandered (to another place), it was required that savoury meat and drink should follow them.

六十歲制，七十時制，八十月制；九十日修，唯絞、衾、冒，死而後制。

After sixty, (the coffin and other things for the mourning rites) were seen to be in readiness, (once) in the year; after seventy, once in the season; after eighty, once in the month; and after ninety; every day they were kept in good repair. But the bandages, sheet, and coverlets and cases (for the corpse) were prepared after death.

五十始衰，六十非肉不飽，七十非帛不暖，八十非人不暖；九十，雖得人不暖矣。

At fifty, one begins to decay; at sixty, he does not feel satisfied unless he eats flesh; at seventy, he does not feel warm unless he wears silk; at eighty, he does not feel warm unless there be some one (to sleep) with him; and at ninety, he does not feel warm even with that.

五十杖於家，六十杖於鄉，七十杖於國，八十杖於朝；九十者，天子欲有問焉，則就其室，以珍從。

At fifty, one kept his staff always in his hand in his family; at sixty, in his district; at seventy, in the city; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an officer) of ninety, he went to his house, and had rich food carried after him.

七十不俟朝，八十月告存，九十日有秩。

At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court was over (before he retired); at eighty, he reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that he was still alive; at ninety; he (had delicate food sent) regularly to him every day.

九十日有秩五十不從力政，六十不與服戎，七十不與賓客之事，八十齊喪之事弗及也。

At fifty, a (common) man was not employed in services requiring strength; at sixty, he was discharged from bearing arms along with others; at seventy, he was exempted from the business of receiving guests and visitors; and at eighty, he was free from the abstinences and other rites of mourning.

五十而爵，六十不親學，七十致政。唯衰麻為喪。

When one was fifty, he received the rank (of a Great officer) See Book X, Section ii, I. This was, say the Khien-lung editors, a lesson against forwardness in seeking office and rank, as retirement at seventy was a lesson against cleaving to these too long. ; at sixty, he did not go in person to the college; at seventy, he retired from the service of the government; and in mourning, he used only the dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations of the mourning rites).

有虞氏養國老於上庠，養庶老於下庠。夏後氏養國老於東序，養庶老於西序。殷人養國老於右學，養庶老於左學。周人養國老於東膠，養庶老於虞庠：虞庠在國之西郊。

(Shun), the lord of Yü, nourished the aged (who had retired from the service) of the state in (the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of the common people (and officers who had not obtained rank) in (the school called) the lower hsiang. The sovereigns of Hsiâ nourished the former in (the school called) the hsü on the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsü on the west. The men of Yin nourished the former in the school of the right, and the latter in that of the left. The men of Kâu entertained the former in (the school called) the eastern kiâo, and the latter in (what corresponded to) the hsiang of Yü. This was in the suburb of the capital on the west It is wearisome to try and thread one's way through the discussions about the schools, called by all these different names. One thing is plain, that there were the lower schools which boys entered when they were eight, and the higher schools into which they passed from these. But in this paragraph these institutions are mentioned not in connexion with education, but as they were made available for the assembling and cherishing of the aged. They served various purposes. A school-room with us may do the same, occasionally; it was the rule in ancient China that the young should be taught and the old ministered to in the same buildings..

有虞氏皇而祭，深衣而養老。夏後氏收而祭，燕衣而養老。殷人冔而祭，縞衣而養老。周人冕而祭，玄衣而養老。

The lord of Yü wore the hwang cap in sacrificing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes in nourishing the aged. The sovereigns of Hsiâ used the shâu cap in sacrificing, and the upper and lower dark garments of undress in nourishing the aged. During the Yin, they used the hsü cap in sacrificing, and the upper and lower garments, both of white thin silk, in nourishing the aged. During the Kâu dynasty, they used the mien cap in sacrificing, and the dark-coloured upper and lower garments in nourishing the aged.

凡三王養老皆引年。八十者一子不從政，九十者其家不從政，廢疾非人不養者一人不從政。父母之喪，三年不從政。齊衰、大功之喪，三月不從政。將徙於諸侯，三月不從政。自諸侯來徙家，期不從政。

The kings of the three dynasties Hsiâ, Shang or Yin, and Kâu., in nourishing the old, always had the years of those connected with them brought to their notice. Where (an officer) was eighty, one of his sons was free from all duties of government service; where he was ninety, all the members of his family were set free from them. In cases of parties who were disabled or ill, and where the attendance of others was required to wait upon them, one man was discharged from those duties (for the purpose). Parties mourning for their parents had a discharge for three years. Those mourning for one year or nine months had a discharge for three months. Where an officer was about to move to another state, he was discharged from service for three months beforehand. When one came from another state, he was not required to take active service for a round year.

少而無父者謂之孤，老而無子者謂之獨，老而無妻者謂之矜，老而無夫者謂之寡。此四者，天民之窮而無告者也，皆有常餼。

One who, while quite young, lost his father was called an orphan; an old man who had lost his sons was called a solitary. An old man who had lost his wife was called a pitiable (widower); an old woman who had lost her husband was called a poor (widow). These four classes were the most forlorn of Heaven's people, and had none to whom to tell their wants; they all received regular allowances.

瘖、聾、跛、躄、斷者、侏儒、百工，各以其器食之。

The dumb, the deaf, the lame, such as had lost a member, pigmies, and mechanics, were all fed according to what work they were able to do.

道路：男子由右，婦人由左，車從中央。父之齒隨行，兄之齒雁行，朋友不相逾。輕任並，重任分，斑白者不提挈。

On the roads, men took the right side and women the left; carriages kept in the middle. A man kept behind another who had a father's years; he followed one who might be his elder brother more closely, but still keeping behind, as geese fly after one another in a row. Friends did not pass by one another, when going the same way. (In the case of an old and a young man, carrying burdens,) both were borne by the younger; and if the two were too heavy for one, he took the heavier. A man with grey hair was not allowed to carry anything, though he might do it with one hand.

君子耆老不徒行，庶人耆老不徒食。

An officer of superior rank, of the age of sixty or seventy, did not walk on foot. A common man, at that age, did not go without flesh to eat.

大夫祭器不假。祭器未成，不造燕器。

A Great officer, (having land of his own), was not permitted to borrow the vessels for sacrifice; nor to make vessels for his own private use before he had made those for sacrifice.

方一裏者為田九百畝。方十裏者，為方一裏者百，為田九萬畝。方百里者，為方十裏者百，為田九十億畝。方千里者，為方百里者百，為田九萬億畝。

A space of one lî square contained fields amounting to 900 mâu See note as to the size of the mâu on page 218.. Ten lî square were equal to 100 spaces of one lî square, and contained 90,000 mâu. A hundred lî square were equal to 100 spaces of ten lî square, and contained 9,000,000 mâu. A thousand lî square were equal to 100 spaces of 100 lî square, and contained 900,000,000 mâu.

自恒山至於南河，千里而近；自南河至於江，千里而近。自江至於衡山，千里而遙；自東河至於東海，千里而遙。自東河至於西河，千里而近；自西河至於流沙，千里而遙。西不盡流沙，南不盡衡山，東不近東海，北不盡恒山，凡四海之內，斷長補短，方三千里，為田八十萬億一萬億畝。

From mount Hang See notes on pages 217, 218. I have said below '(the other) mount Hang;' but the names, or characters for the names, of the two mountains are different in Chinese. to the southernmost point of the Ho was hardly 1000 lî. From that point to the Kiang was hardly 1000 lî. From the Kiang to mount Hang in the south was more than 1000 lî. From the Ho on the east to the eastern sea was more than 1000 lî. From the Ho on the east to the same river on the west was hardly 1000 lî; and from that to the Moving Sands What is now called the desert of Gobi. was more than 1000 lî. (The kingdom) did not pass the Moving Sands on the west, nor mount Hang on the south. On the east it did not pass the eastern sea, nor on the north did it pass (the other) mount Hang. All within the four seas, taking the length with the breadth, made up a space Of 3000 lî square, and contained eighty trillions of mâu As it is in the text =80 x 10000 x 100000 x 10000 x 100000 mâu. A translator, if I may speak of others from my own experience, is much perplexed in following and verifying the calculations, in this and the other paragraphs before and after it. The Khien-lung editors and Wang Thâo use many pages in pointing out the errors of earlier commentators, and establishing the correct results according to their own views, and I have thought it well to content myself with simply giving a translation of the text..

方百里者為田九十億畝：山陵、林麓、川澤、溝瀆、城郭、宮室、塗巷，三分去一，其餘六十億畝。

A space of 100 lî square contained ground to the amount of 9,000,000 mâu. Hills and mounds, forests and thickets, rivers and marshes, ditches and canals, city walls and suburbs, houses, roads, and lanes took up one third of it, leaving 6,000,000 mâu.

古者以周尺八尺為步，今以周尺六尺四寸為步。古者百畝，當今東田百四十六畝三十步。古者百里，當今百二十一裏六十步四尺二寸二分。

Anciently, according to the cubit of Kâu, eight cubits formed a pace. Now, according to the same, six cubits and four inches make a pace. One hundred ancient mâu were equal to 146 of the present day and thirty paces. One hundred ancient lî were equal to 121 of the present day, sixty paces, four cubits, two inches and two-tenths.

"chinese" n="22">方千里者，為方百里者百。封方百里者三十國，其餘，方百里者七十。又封方七十裏者六十--為方百里者二十九，方十裏者四十。其餘，方百里者四十，方十裏者六十；又封方五十裏者二十--為方百里者三十；其餘，方百里者十，方十裏者六十。名山大澤不以封，其餘以為附庸間田。諸侯之有功者，取於間田以祿之；其有削地者，歸之間田。

A space of 1000 lî square contained 100 spaces of 100 lî square each. In this were constituted thirty states of 100 lî square, leaving what would have been enough for other seventy of the same size. There were also constituted sixty states Of 70 lî square, twenty-nine of 100 lî square, and forty spaces of 10 lî square; leaving enough for forty states of 100 lî square, and sixty spaces of 10 lî square. There were also constituted a hundred and twenty states of 50 lî square, and thirty of 100 lî square, leaving enough for ten of the same size, and sixty spaces of 10 lî square. The famous hills and great meres were not included in the fiefs; and what remained was assigned for attached territories and unoccupied lands. Those unappropriated lands were taken to reward any of the princes of acknowledged merit, and what was cut off from some others (because of their demerit) became unappropriated land.

天子之縣內：方千里者為方百里者百。封方百里者九，其餘方百里者九十一。又封方七十裏者二十一--為方百里者十，方十裏者二十九；其餘，方百里者八十，方十裏者七十一。又封方五十裏者六十三--為方百里者十五，方十裏者七十五；其餘方百里者六十四，方十裏者九十六。

The territory of the son of Heaven, amounting to 1000 lî square, contained 100 spaces of 100 lî square each. There were constituted nine appanages of 100 lî square, leaving ninety-one spaces of the same size. There were also constituted twenty-one appanages of 70 lî square, ten of 100 lî, and twenty-nine spaces of 10 lî square; leaving enough for eighty of 100 lî square, and seventy-one of 10 lî. There were further constituted sixty-three appanages of 50 lî square, fifteen of 100 1î, and seventy-five spaces of 10 lî, while there still remained enough for sixty-four appanages of 100 lî square, and ninety-six spaces of 10 lî each.

諸侯之下士祿食九人，中士食十八人，上士食三十六人。下大夫食七十二人，卿食二百八十八人。君食二千八百八十人。次國之卿食二百一十六人，君食二千一百六十人。小國之卿食百四十四人，君食千四百四十人。次國之卿，命於其君者，如小國之卿。

The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal states received salary sufficient to feed nine individuals; those of the second grade, enough to feed eighteen; and those of the highest, enough for thirty-six. A Great officer could feed 72 individuals; a minister, 288; and the ruler, 2880. In a state of the second class, a minister could feed 216; and the ruler, 2160. A minister of a small state could feed 144 individuals; and the ruler, 1440. In a state of the second class, the minister who was appointed by its ruler received the same emolument as the minister of a small state.

天子之大夫為三監，監於諸侯之國者，其祿視諸侯之卿，其爵視次國之君，其祿取之於方伯之地。

The Great officers of the son of Heaven acted as 'the three inspectors.' When they were inspecting a state, their salary was equal to one of its ministers, and their rank was that of a ruler of a state of the second class. Their salaries were derived from the territories under the chiefs of regions See page 212, paragraph 2, and note 1, page 213. .

方伯為朝天子，皆有湯沐之邑於天子之縣內，視元士。

The chiefs of regions, on occasion of their appearing at the court of the son of Heaven, had cities assigned them for purification The text says, 'Cities for bathing and washing the hair;' but preparing by mental exercises for appearing before the king is also intimated by the phrase. within his domain like those of his officers of the chief grade.

諸侯世子世國，大夫不世爵。使以德，爵以功，未賜爵，視天子之元士，以君其國。諸侯之大夫，不世爵祿。

The (appointed) heir-sons A son, generally the eldest son by the wife proper, had to be recognised by the king before he could be sure of succeeding to his father. of the feudal princes inherited their states. Great officers (in the royal domain) did not inherit their rank. They were employed as their ability and character were recognised, and received rank as their merit was proved. Till their rank was conferred (by the king), (the princes) were in the position of his officers of the chief grade, and so they ruled their states, The Great officers of the states did not inherit their rank and emoluments.

六禮：冠、昏、喪、祭、鄉、相見。七教：父子、兄弟、夫婦、君臣、長幼、朋友、賓客。八政：飲食、衣服、事為、異別、度、量、數、制。

The six ceremonial observances were:--capping; marrying; mourning rites; sacrifices; feasts; and interviews. The seven lessons (of morality) were:--(the duties between) father and son; elder brother and younger; husband and wife; ruler and minister; old and young; friend and friend; host and guest. The eight objects of government were:--food and drink; clothes; business (or, the profession); maintenance of distinctions; measures of length; measures of capacity; and definitely assigned rules See page 230, paragraph 1..

曾子問曰：「君薨而世子生，如之何？」孔子曰：「卿、大夫、、士從攝主，北面，於西階南。大祝裨冕，執束帛，升自西階盡等，不升堂，命毋哭。祝聲三，告曰：『某之子生，敢告。』升，奠幣於殯東幾上，哭，降。眾主人、卿、大夫、士，房中，皆哭不踴。盡一哀，反位。遂朝奠。小宰升舉幣。

Zang-dze asked, 'If a ruler dies and a son and heir is born (immediately after), what course should be adopted?'

Confucius said, 'The high nobles These were also ministers; see paragraph 4, page 213., Great officers and (other) officers, following the chief (minister), who takes charge of the government for the time, (should collect) at the south of the western steps, with their faces towards the north The usual place was at the eastern steps.. (Then) the Grand officer of prayer, in his court robes and cap, bearing in his hands a bundle of rolls of silk, will go up to the topmost step, and (there), without ascending the hall, will order the wailing to cease. Mournfully clearing his voice three times To call the attention of the spirit of the deceased., he will make announcement (to the spirit of the deceased ruler), saying, "The son of such and such a lady has been born. I venture to announce the fact." He will then go up, and place the silks on a stool on the east of the body in the coffin The rolls of silk were, I suppose, the introductory present proper on an interview with a superior., wail, and descend. All the relatives of the deceased who are there (at the mourning), the high nobles, the Great and other officers, (with the women) in the apartments, all will wail, but without the leaping. When this burst of sorrow is over, they will return to their (proper) places, and proceed forthwith to set forth the mourning offerings to the dead. The minor minister will ascend, and take away the bundle of silks And bury it in the court between the two flights of stairs. .

三日，眾主人、卿、大夫、士，如初位，北面。大宰、大宗、大祝皆裨冕。少師奉子以衰；祝先，子從，宰宗人從。入門，哭者止，子升自西階。殯前北面。祝立于殯東南隅。祝聲三曰：『某之子某，從執事，敢見。』子拜稽顙哭。祝、宰、宗人、眾主人、卿、大夫、士，哭踴三者三，降東反位，皆袒，子踴，房中亦踴三者三。襲衰，杖，奠出。大宰命祝史，以名遍告於五祀山川。」

'On the third day, all the relatives, high nobles, Great and other officers, should take their places as before, with their faces to the north. The Grand minister, the Grand master of the ancestral temple, and the Grand officer of prayer, should all be in their court-robes and caps. The master for the child Thus early is it made to appear that the child is put under a master; P. Zottoli translates the name by 'secundus magister.' will carry the child in his arms on a mat of sackcloth. The officer of prayer will precede, followed by the child, and the minister and master of the temple will come after. Thus they will enter the door (of the apartment where the coffin is), when the wailers will cease. The child has been brought up by the western steps The child had been brought by the master from the women's apartments, and carried to the court, that he might thus go up again to the hall by these steps., and is held in front of the coffin with his face to the north, while the officer of prayer stands at the south-east corner of it. Mournfully clearing his voice three times, he will say, "So and So, the son of such and such a lady, and we, his servants, who follow him, presume to appear before you." The boy is (then made) to do obeisance, with his forehead on the ground, and to wail. The officer of prayer, the minister, the officer of the temple, all the relatives, the high nobles, with the Great and other officers, will wail and leap A most expressive indication of the sorrow proper to the occasion., leaping three times with each burst of grief. (Those who had gone up to the hall then) descend, and go back to their proper places on the east; where all bare the left arm and shoulder. The son (in the arms of his bearer is made) to leap, and (the women) in the apartments also leap. Thrice they will do so, leaping three times each time. (The bearer for the son) will cover up his sackcloth The breast and shoulder of the child had also been bared., walk with a staff, (ascend and) set forth the offerings by the dead, and then quit the scene. The Grand minister will charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce the name all round, at the five altars of the house, and at those (to the spirits) of the hills and streams The 'five household altars' are those at which the sacrifices were offered in the palace or house, often mentioned in the last Book. .'

曾子問曰：「如已葬而世子生，則如之何？」孔子曰：「大宰、大宗從大祝而告於禰。三月，乃名於禰，以名遍告及社稷宗廟山川。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If the son and heir have been born after the burial (of the) ruler, what course should be followed?' Confucius said, 'The Grand minister and the Grand master of the ancestral temple will follow the Grand officer of prayer, and announce the fact before the spirit tablet (of the deceased ruler) The characters of the text, 'in the shrine temple of the father,' denote the special shrine or smaller temple assigned to the father in the great ancestral temple; but that was not assigned till after all the rites of mourning were over. The characters here denote the spirit tablet which had been before the burial set up over the coffin, and which was now removed to a rear apartment. P. Zottoli simply has 'coram tabellâ.' . Three months after they will give the name in the same place, and announce it all round At the courts of the sovereign and of the other princes., and also at the altars to (the spirits of) the land and grain, in the ancestral temple, and (at the altars of) the hills and streams.'

孔子曰：「諸侯適天子，必告于祖，奠於禰。冕而出視朝，命祝史告於社稷、宗廟、山川。乃命國家五官而後行，道而出。告者，五日而遍，過是，非禮也。凡告，用牲幣。反，亦如之。

Confucius said, 'When princes of states are about to go to the (court of the) son of Heaven, they must announce (their departure) before (the shrine of) their grandfather, and lay their offerings in that of their father The characters here are the same as in the preceding paragraph, but here they have their usual force. Announcement and offerings were made at both shrines. . They then put on the court cap, and go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce (their departure) to the (spirits of the) land and grain, in the ancestral temple, and at the (altars of the) hills and rivers. They then give (the business of) the state in charge to the five (subordinate) officers The most likely opinion is that these five officers were--two belonging to the department of the minister of Instruction, two to that of the minister of Works, and one to that of the minister of War. On them, for reasons which we may not be able to give, devolved on such occasions the superintendence of the state. , and take their journey, presenting the offerings to the spirits of the road There seems to be no doubt of the meaning here, but this significance of 道 not given in the Khang-hsî dictionary. The more common term is 祖. as they set forth. All the announcements should be completed in five days. To go beyond this in making them is contrary to rule. In every one of them they use a victim and silks. On the return (of the princes) there are the same observances.'

諸侯相見，必告於禰，朝服而出視朝。命祝史告於五廟所過山川。亦命國家五官，道而出。反，必親告于祖禰。乃命祝史告至於前所告者，而後聽朝而入。」

'When princes of states are about to visit one another, they must announce (their departure) before the shrine of their father There would seem. to be an omission in the former of these sentences of the announcement to the grandfathers.. They will then put on their court robes, and go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce (their departure) at the five shrines in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of the hills and rivers which they will pass. They then give (the business of) the state in charge to the five officers, and take their journey, presenting the offerings to the spirits of the road as they set forth. When they return, they will announce (the fact) in person to their grandfather and father There would seem to be an omission in the former of these sentences of the announcement to the grandfathers., and will charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to make announcement of it at the altars where they announced (their departure). (When this has been done), they enter and give audience in the court.'

曾子問曰：「並有喪，如之何？何先何後？」孔子曰：「葬，先輕而後重；其奠也，先重而後輕；禮也。自啟及葬，不奠，行葬不哀次；反葬奠，而後辭於殯，逐修葬事。其虞也，先重而後輕，禮也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If the funerals of both parents Or grandparents. take place together, what course is adopted? Which is first and which last?' Confucius said, 'The rule is that the burying of the less important (mother) should have the precedence, and that of the more important (father) follow, while the offerings to them are set down in the opposite order. From the opening of the apartment and conveying out the coffin (of the mother) till its interment no offerings are put down; when the coffin is on the route to the grave, there is no wailing at the regular place for that ceremony. When they return from this interment, they set down the offerings (to the father), and afterwards announce (to his spirit) when the removal of his coffin will take place, and proceed to arrange for the interment. It is the rule that the sacrifice of repose should first be offered to the more important (father), and afterwards to the less important (mother).

孔子曰：「宗子雖七十，無無主婦；非宗子，雖無主婦可也。」

Coufucius said The words of Confucius are here, as in some other paragraphs, not preceded by the formula, 'Zang-dze asked.' Some say this is an omission, intentional or unintentional, of the compiler. Some commentators deride the judgment (see especially Ho Kung-yü), holding it unworthy of Confucius. , 'The eldest son, even though seventy, should never be without a wife to take her part in presiding at the funeral rites. If there be no such eldest son, the rites may be performed without a presiding wife.'

曾子問曰：「將冠子，冠者至，揖讓而入，聞齊衰大功之喪，如之何？」孔子曰：「內喪則廢，外喪則冠而不醴，徹饌而掃，即位而哭。如冠者未至，則廢。

Zang-dze asked, 'It has been proposed to invest a son with the cap, and the investors have arrived, and after exchanging bows and courtesies (with the master of the house), have entered. If then news should come that the death of some relative has occurred, for whom a year's mourning or that of nine months must be worn, what should be done?' Confucius said, 'If the death has taken place within (the circle of the same surname), the ceremony should be given up Because then a festal and a mourning service would come together in the ancestral temple. ; but if without (that circle), it will go on, but the sweet wine will not be presented to the youth. The viands will be removed and the place swept, after which he will go to his proper position and wail. If the investors have not yet arrived, the capping will be given up (for the time) The investors may have previously heard of the death, and not kept their appointment..

如將冠子而未及期日，而有齊衰、大功、小功之喪，則因喪服而冠。」

'If the arrangements for the capping have been made, but before the day arrives, an occasion for the one year's mourning, or for that of nine months, or five months, have arrived, the youth shall be capped in his mourning dress.'

「除喪不改冠乎？」孔子曰：「天子賜諸侯大夫冕弁服於大廟，歸設奠，服賜服，於斯乎有冠醮，無冠醴。

'When all mourning is over, may a son continue to wear the cap which he has hitherto worn Till he was capped, a youth wore nothing on his head. But in the case supposed the youth's time for capping had arrived; and he had assumed a cap without the ceremony. ?' Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven gives to the (young) prince of a state or a Great officer his robes and the cap proper to each in the grand ancestral temple, the youth on his return home will set forth his offering (in his own ancestral temple), wearing the robes that have been given to him, and here he will drink the cup of capping (as if) offered by his father When a father gave orders to his son about his capping or marriage, he gave him a cup of ordinary wine. The sweet wine was given to the youth by a friend or friends who had invested him with the cap. The real answer to Zang-dze's question is in paragraph 11., without the cup of wine at the ceremony.

父沒而冠，則已冠掃地而祭於禰；已祭，而見伯父、叔父，而後饗冠者。」

'When a son is (thus) capped after his father's death, he is considered to be properly capped; he will sweep the ground, and sacrifice at his father's shrine. This being done, he will present himself before his uncles, and then offer the proper courtesies to the investors.'

曾子問曰：「祭如之何則不行旅酬之事矣？」孔子曰：「聞之：小祥者，主人練祭而不旅，奠酬於賓，賓弗舉，禮也。昔者，魯昭公練而舉酬行旅，非禮也；孝公大祥，奠酬弗舉，亦非禮也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Under what circumstances is it that at sacrifice they do not carry out the practice of all drinking to one another?' Confucius said, 'I have heard that at the close of the one year's mourning, the principal concerned in it sacrifices in his inner garment of soft silk, and there is not that drinking all round. The cup is set down beside the guests, but they do not take it up. This is the rule. Formerly duke Kâo of Lû B.C. 541-510., while in that silken garment, took the cup and sent it all round, but it was against the rule; and duke Hâo B.C. 795-769. This is going a long way back., at the end of the second year's mourning, put down the cup presented to him, and did not send it all round, but this also was against the rule.'

曾子問曰：「大功之喪，可以與於饋奠之事乎？」孔子曰：「豈大功耳！自斬衰以下皆可，禮也。」曾子曰：「不以輕服而重相為乎？」孔子曰：「非此之謂也。天子、諸侯之喪，斬衰者奠；大夫，齊衰者奠；士則朋友奠；不足，則取於大功以下者；不足，則反之。」

Zang-dze asked, 'In a case (of the) mourning for nine months, can (the principal) take part in contributing to the offerings (to the dead of others)?' Confucius said, 'Why speak only of (the mourning for) nine months? In all cases from (the mourning for) three years downwards, it may be done. This is the rule.' Zang-dze said, 'Would not this be making the mourning of little importance, and attaching (undue) importance to mutual helpfulness?' Confucius said, 'This is not what I mean. When there is mourning for the son of Heaven or the prince of a state, (all) who wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges (will contribute to) the offerings. At the mourning of a Great officer, (all) who wear the sackcloth with the even edges will do so. At the mourner of an ordinary officer, his associates and friends will do so. If all these be not sufficient, they may receive contributions from all who should mourn for nine months downwards; and if these be still insufficient, they will repeat the process On this paragraph p. Zottoli says:--'Zang-dze petit an aliquis in novem mensium luctu constitutus possit adjuvare alterius funestae familiae oblationem. Confucius intelligit de adjuvanda proprii funeris oblatione.' There appears to be a similar misunderstanding between the two in the next paragraph..'

曾子問曰：「小功可以與於祭乎？」孔子曰：「何必小功耳！自斬衰以下與祭，禮也。」曾子曰：「不以輕喪而重祭乎？」孔子曰：「天子、諸侯之喪祭也，不斬衰者不與祭；大夫，齊衰者與祭；士，祭不足，則取於兄弟大功以下者。」

Zang-dze asked, 'In a case of the mourning for five months, may (the principal) take part in the other sacrifices (of mourning) Khung Ying-tâ makes this out to be the sacrifices of repose, and at the end of the wailing. I think the reference is more general.?' Confucius said, 'Why speak only of the mourning for five months? In all cases from the mourning for three years downwards, (the principals) take part in those sacrifices.' Zang-dze said, 'Would not this be making the mourning of little importance, and giving (undue) importance to the sacrifices?' Confucius said, 'In the mourning sacrifices for the son of Heaven and the prince of a state, none but those who wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges take part in them. In those for a Great officer, they who wear the sackcloth with the even edges do so. In those for another officer, if the participants be insufficient, they add to them from their brethren who should wear mourning for nine months downwards.'

曾子問曰：「相識，有喪服可以與於祭乎？」孔子曰：「緦不祭，又何助於人。」

Zang-dze asked, 'When acquaintances are in mourning, may they participate in one another's sacrifices?' Confucius said, 'When wearing the three months' mourning, one has no occasion to sacrifice (in his own ancestral temple), and how should he assist another man (out of his own line)?'

曾子問曰：「廢喪服，可以與於饋奠之事乎？」孔子曰：「說衰與奠，非禮也；以擯相可也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'When one has put off his mourning, may he take part in contributing to the offerings (for the dead of another)?' Confucius said, 'To take part in the offerings (to another's dead), on putting off one's own sackcloth, is contrary to the rule. Possibly, he may perform the part of assisting him in receiving visitors.'

曾子問曰：「昏禮既納幣，有吉日，女之父母死，則如之何？」孔子曰：「婿使人吊。如婿之父母死，則女之家亦使人吊。父喪稱父，母喪稱母。父母不在，則稱伯父世母。婿，已葬，婿之伯父致命女氏曰：『某之子有父母之喪，不得嗣為兄弟，使某致命。』女氏許諾，而弗敢嫁，禮也。婿，免喪，女之父母使人請，婿弗取，而後嫁之，禮也。女之父母死，婿亦如之。」

Zang-dze asked, 'According to the rules for marriages, the presents have been received and a fortunate day has been fixed;--if then the father or mother of the young lady die, what course should be adopted?' Confucius said, 'The son-in-law will send some one to condole; and if it be his father or mother that has died, the family of the lady will in the same way send some to present their condolences. If the father have died, (the messenger) will name the (other) father (as having sent him); if the mother, he will name the (other) mother. If both parents be dead (on both sides), he will name the oldest uncle and his wife. When the son-in-law has buried (his dead), his oldest uncle will offer a release from the engagement to the lady, saying, "My son, being occupied with the mourning for his father or mother, and not having obtained the right to be reckoned among your brethren, has employed me to offer a release from the engagement." (In this case) it is the rule for the lady to agree to the message and not presume to (insist on) the marriage (taking place immediately). When the son-in-law has concluded his mourning, the parents of the lady will send and request (the fulfilment of the engagement). The son-in-law will not (immediately come to) carry her (to his house), but afterwards she will be married to him; this is the rule. If it be the father or mother of the lady who died, the son-in-law will follow a similar course Is the final marriage of the lady to the original betrothed 'son-in-law,' or bridegroom as we should say; or to another, that she may not pass the proper time for her marrying? Khung Ying-tâ, and other old commentators, advocate the latter view. Others, and especially the Khien-lung editors, maintain the former; and I have indicated in the version my agreement with them. There are difficulties with the text; but Confucius would hardly have sanctioned the other course. .'

曾子問曰：「親迎，女在塗，而婿之父母死，如之何？」孔子曰：「女改服布深衣，縞總以趨喪。女在途，而女之父母死，則女反。」

Zang-dze asked, 'The son-in-law has met the lady in person, and she is on the way with him:--if (then) his father or mother die, what course should be adopted?' Confucius said, 'The lady will change her dress At the house of him who was now her husband.; and in the long linen robe This, called 'the deep garment,' had the body and skirt sown together. See Book XXXIV. , with the cincture of white silk round her hair, will hasten to be present at the mourning rites. If, while she is on the way, it be her own father or mother who dies, she will return This would be done, it is said, by Hsü Sze-zhang (Ming dynasty), to allow play to her filial piety, but she would live at the house of 'the son-in-law.'.'

「如婿親迎，女未至，而有齊衰大功之喪，則如之何？」孔子曰：「男不入，改服於外次；女入，改服於內次；然後即位而哭。」曾子問曰：「除喪則不復昏禮乎？」孔子曰：「祭，過時不祭，禮也；又何反於初？」

'If the son-in-law have met the lady in person, and before she has arrived at his house, there occur a death requiring the year's or the nine months' mourning, what course should be adopted?' Confucius said, 'Before the gentleman enters, he will change his dress in a place outside. The lady will enter and change her dress in a place inside. They will then go to the proper positions and wail.' Zang-dze asked, 'When the mourning is ended, will they not resume the marriage ceremonies?' Confucius said, 'It is the rule, that when the time of sacrifice has been allowed to pass by, it is not then offered. Why in this case should they go back to what must have taken place previously?'

孔子曰：「嫁女之家，三夜不息燭，思相離也。取婦之家，三日不舉樂，思嗣親也。三月而廟見，稱來婦也。擇日而祭於禰，成婦之義也。」

Confucius said, 'The family that has married a daughter away, does not extinguish its candles for three nights, thinking of the separation that has taken place. The family that has received the (new) wife for three days has no music; thinking her bridegroom is now in the place of his parents This and the statements that follow suppose that the bridegroom's parents are dead.. After three months she presents herself in the ancestral temple, and is styled "The new wife that has come." A day is chosen for her to sacrifice at the shrine of her father-in-law; expressing the idea of her being (now) the established wife.'

曾子問曰：「女未廟見而死，則如之何？」孔子曰：「不遷於祖，不祔於皇姑，婿不杖、不菲、不次，歸葬於女氏之黨，示未成婦也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If the lady die before she has presented herself in the ancestral temple, what course should be adopted?' Confucius said, '(Her coffin) should not be removed to the ancestral temple, nor should (her tablet) be placed next to that of her mother-in-law. The husband should not carry the staff; nor wear the shoes of straw; nor have a (special) place (for wailing). She should be taken back, and buried among her kindred of her own family;--showing that she had not become the established wife.'

曾子問曰：「取女，有吉日而女死，如之何？」孔子曰：「婿齊衰而吊，既葬而除之。夫死亦如之。」

Zang-dze asked, 'The fortunate day has been fixed for taking the lady (to her new home), and she dies (in the meantime):--what should be done?' Confucius said, 'The son-in-law will come to condole, wearing the one year's mourning, which he will lay aside when the interment has taken place. If it be the husband who dies, a similar course will be followed on the other side.'

曾子問曰：「喪有二孤，廟有二主，禮與？」孔子曰：「天無二日，土無二王，嘗禘郊社，尊無二上。未知其為禮也。昔者齊桓公亟舉兵，作偽主以行。及反，藏諸祖廟。廟有二主，自桓公始也。喪之二孤，則昔者衛靈公適魯，遭季桓子之喪，衛君請吊，哀公辭不得命，公為主，客人吊。康子立於門右，北面；公揖讓升自東階，西鄉；客升自西階吊。公拜，興，哭；康子拜稽顙於位，有司弗辯也。今之二孤，自季康子之過也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Is it according to rule that at the mourning rites there should be two (performing the part of) the orphan son (and heir, receiving visitors) The Chinese characters mean simply 'two orphans.' Neither Khang-hsî nor any English-Chinese dictionary explains the peculiar use of the term here; nor is Confucius' explanation satisfactory, or to the point. , or that at a temple-shrine there should be two spirit-tablets?' Confucius said, 'In heaven there are not two suns; in a country there are not two kings Compare paragraphs 5, 8, III, iii, pages 224-226. ; in the seasonal sacrifices, and those to Heaven and Earth See the 'Doctrine of the Mean,' 19, 6, Chinese Classics, vol. i., there are not two who occupy the highest place of honour. I do not know that what you ask about is according to rule. Formerly duke Hwan of Khî B.C. 685-643. , going frequently to war, made fictitious tablets and took them with him on his expeditions, depositing them on his return in the ancestral temple Literally 'the temple-shrine of his grandfather;' but I think the name must have the general meaning I have given.. The practice of having two tablets in a temple-shrine originated from duke Hwan. As to two (playing the part of the) orphan son, it may be thus explained:--Formerly, on occasion of a visit to Lû by duke Ling of Wei, the mourning rites of Kî Hwan-dze were in progress. The ruler of Wei requested leave to offer his condolences. Duke Âi (of Lû) It has been shown that the ruler of Wei here could not be duke Ling. He must have been duke Khû. But this error discredits the view of the statement having come from Confucius. declined (the ceremony), but could not enforce his refusal. He therefore acted as the principal (mourner), and the visitor came in to condole with him. Khang-dze stood on the right of the gate with his face to the north. The duke, after the usual bows and courtesies, ascended by the steps on the east with his face towards the west. The visitor ascended by those on the west, and paid his condolences. The duke bowed ceremoniously to him, and then rose up and wailed, while Khang-dze bowed with his forehead to the ground, in the position where he was. The superintending officers made no attempt to put the thing to rights. The having two now acting as the orphan son arose from the error of Kî Khang-dze.'

曾子問曰：「古者師行，必以遷廟主行乎？」孔子曰：「天子巡守，以遷廟主行，載于齊車，言必有尊也。今也取七廟之主以行，則失之矣。當七廟、五廟無虛主；虛主者，唯天子崩，諸侯薨與去其國，與祫祭於祖，為無主耳。吾聞諸老聃曰：天子崩，國君薨，則祝取群廟之主而藏諸祖廟，禮也。卒哭成事而後，主各反其廟。君去其國，大宰取群廟之主以從，禮也。祫祭於祖，則祝迎四廟之主。主，出廟入廟必蹕；老聃雲。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Anciently when an army went on an expedition, was it not first necessary to carry with it the spirit-tablets that had been removed from their shrines See note 2 and plan of the royal ancestral temple of Kau on pages 223-225. ?' Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven went on his tours of Inspection, he took (one of) those tablets along with him, conveying it in the carriage of Reverence, thus intimating how it was felt necessary to have with him that object of honour This, it is said, was the tablet of the royal ancestor which had been last removed from its shrine, and placed in the shrine-house for all such removed tablets. The carriage of Reverence was the 'metal-guilt' carriage of the king, second to that adorned with jade, in which he rode to sacrifice. Zottoli renders:--'Imperator perlustrans custodita, cum translatitii delubri tabella peragrabat, imposita super casti curru, significatum necessariam praesentiam superioris.'. The practice now-a-days of taking the tablets of the seven temple-shrines along with them on an expedition is an error. No shrine in all the seven (of the king), or in the five of the prince of a state, ought to be (left) empty. A shrine can only be so left without its tablet, when the son of Heaven has died, or the prince of a state deceased, or left his state, or when all the tablets are brought together at the united sacrifice, in the shrine-temple of the highest ancestor. I heard the following statement from Lâo Tan This was, most probably, Lâo-dze, though some of the commentators deny it. Kang says: 'Lâo Tan, the title of old for men of longevity, was a contemporary of Confucius;' and Khan Hâo quotes a note on this from Wang of Shih-liang, that 'This was not the author of the "Five thousand words,"' i.e. of the Tâo Teh King. :--"On the death of the son of Heaven, or of the prince of a state, it is the rule that the officer of prayer should take the tablets from all the other shrines and deposit them in that of the high ancestor While the special sacrifices and other funeral rites were going on, the other sacrifices, which belonged to a different category of rites, were suspended.. When the wailing was over, and the business (of placing the tablet of the deceased in its shrine) was completed, then every other tablet was restored to its shrine. When a ruler abandoned his state, it was the rule that the Grand minister should take the tablets from all the shrines and follow him. When there was the united sacrifice in the shrine of the high ancestor, the officer of prayer met (and received) the tablets from the four shrines. When they were taken from their shrines or carried back to them all were required to keep out of the way." So said Lâo Tan.'

曾子問曰：「古者師行，無遷主，則何主？」孔子曰：「主命。」問曰：「何謂也？」孔子曰：「天子、諸侯將出，必以幣帛皮圭告于祖禰，遂奉以出，載于齊車以行。每舍，奠焉而後就舍。反必告，設奠卒，斂幣玉，藏諸兩階之間，乃出。蓋貴命也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Anciently, when they marched on an expedition, and carried no displaced tablets with them, what did they make their chief consideration?' Confucius said, 'They made the instructions from the tablet their chief consideration Zottoli gives for this phrase simply 'adhaerebant numini,' subjoining no note on it. The parties spoken of put down their offerings before the shrines, announcing that they were about to undertake such an expedition; and taking it for granted that their progenitors approved of their object, proceeded to carry it out, as if they had received a charge from them to do so, carrying the offerings with them in token of that charge from the spirits in the tablets of the shrines. This view is distinctly set forth by Hwang Khan (end of early Sung dynasty) and others. .' 'What does that mean?' asked the other. Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven or the prince of a state was about to go forth, he would, with gifts of silk, skins, and jade-tokens, announce his purpose at the shrines of his grandfather and father. He then took those gifts with him, conveying them on the march in the carriage of Reverence. At every stage (of the march), he would place offerings of food by them, and afterwards occupy the station. On returning, they would make announcement (at the same shrines), and when they had set forth ( again) their offerings, they would collect the silk and jade, and bury them between the steps (leading) up to the fane of the high ancestor; after which they left the temple. This was how they made the instructions they received their chief consideration.'

子遊問曰：「喪慈母如母，禮與？」孔子曰：「非禮也。古者，男子外有傅，內有慈母，君命所使教子也，何服之有？昔者，魯昭公少喪其母，有慈母良，及其死也，公弗忍也，欲喪之，有司以聞，曰：『古之禮，慈母無服，今也君為之服，是逆古之禮而亂國法也；若終行之，則有司將書之以遺後世。無乃不可乎！』公曰：『古者天子練冠以燕居。』公弗忍也，遂練冠以喪慈母。喪慈母，自魯昭公始也。」

Dze-yû asked, 'Is it the rule to mourn for a foster-mother This foster-mother was not what we call 'a nurse;' but a lady of the harem to whom the care of an orphan boy was entrusted;--it may have been after he ceased to be suckled. The reasoning of Confucius goes on the assumption that mourning should be worn only in cases of consanguinity or affinity; and it may be inferred from this that concubinage was not the most ancient rule in China. as for a mother?' Confucius said, 'It is not the rule. Anciently, outside the palace, a boy had his master, and at home his foster-mother; they were those whom the ruler employed to teach his son;--what ground should these be for wearing mourning for them? Formerly duke Kâo of Lû having lost his mother when he was little, had a foster-mother, who was good; and when she died, he could not bear (not) to mourn for her, and wished to do so. The proper officer on hearing of it, said, "According to the ancient rule, there is no mourning for a foster-mother. If you wear this mourning, you will act contrary to that ancient rule, and introduce confusion into the laws of the state. If you will after all do it, then we will put it on record, and transmit the act to the future;--will not that be undesirable?" The duke said, "Anciently the son of Heaven, when unoccupied and at ease, wore the soft inner garment, assumed after the year's mourning and the cap." The duke could not bear not to wear mourning, and on this he mourned for his foster-mother in this garb. The mourning for a foster-mother originated with duke Kâo of Lû See the eleventh article in the forty-third chapter of the 'Narratives of the School,' where a similar, probably the same, conversation, with some variations, is found. The duke of Lû in it, however, is not Kâo, but Hâo; see paragraph 12, page 315..'

曾子問曰：「諸侯旅見天子，入門，不得終禮，廢者幾？」孔子曰：「四。」請問之。曰：「大廟火，日食，後之喪，雨沾服失容，則廢。如諸侯皆在而日食，則從天子救日，各以其方色與其兵。大廟火，則從天子救火，不以方色與兵。」

Zang-dze asked, 'The princes are assembled in a body to appear before the son of Heaven; they have entered the gate, but are not able to go through with the rites (of audience);--how many occurrences will make these be discontinued?' Confucius said, 'Four.' 'May I ask what they are?' said the other. The reply was:--'The grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; funeral rites of the queen; their robes all unsightly through soaking rain. If, when the princes are all there, an eclipse of the sun take place, they follow the son of Heaven to save it The phenomenon of an eclipse suggested the idea of some enemy or adverse influence devouring the sun's disk.; each one dressed in the colour of his quarter, and with the weapon proper to it The colour appropriate to the east was green, and the weapon the spear with two hooks; the colour of the south was red, and the weapon the spear with one hook and two points; the colour of the west was white, and the weapon the bow; the colour of the north was black, and the weapon the shield; the colour of the centre was yellow, and the weapon the drum.. If there be a fire in the grand ancestral temple, they follow him to extinguish it without those robes and weapons.'

曾子問曰：「諸侯相見，揖讓入門，不得終禮，廢者幾？」孔子曰：「六。」請問之。曰：「天子崩，大廟火，日食，後夫人之喪，雨沾服失容，則廢。」

Zang-dze said, 'Princes are visiting one another. (The strangers) have entered the gate after the customary bowings and courtesies, but they are not able to go through with the rites (of audience);--how many occurrences will make these be discontinued?' Confucius said, 'Six;' and, in answer to the question as to what they were, replied:--'The death of the son of Heaven; the grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; the funeral rites of the queen or of the princess of the state; and their robes all unsightly through soaking rain.'

曾子問曰：「天子嘗禘郊社五祀之祭，簠簋既陳，天子崩，後之喪，如之何？」孔子曰：「廢。」曾子問曰：「當祭而日食，太廟火，其祭也如之何？」孔子曰：「接祭而已矣。如牲至，未殺，則廢。」

Zang-dze said, 'At the seasonal sacrifices of the son of Heaven, at those to Heaven and Earth, and at (any of) the five sacrifices of the house, after the vessels, round and square, with their contents have been set forth, if there occur the death of the son of Heaven or mourning rites for the queen, what should be done?' Confucius, said, 'The sacrifice should be stopped.' The other asked, 'If, during the sacrifice, there occur an eclipse of the sun, or the grand ancestral temple take fire, what should be done?' The reply was, 'The steps of the sacrifice should be hurried on. If the victim have arrived, but has not yet been slain, the sacrifice should be discontinued.

天子崩，未殯，五祀之祭不行；既殯而祭，其祭也，屍入，三飯不侑，酳不酢而已矣。自啟至於反哭，五祀之祭不行；已葬而祭，祝畢獻而已。

'When the son of Heaven has died and is not yet coffined, the sacrifices of the house are not offered. When he is coffined, they are resumed; but at any one of them the representative of the dead takes (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and is not urged (to take more). He is then presented with a cup, but does not respond by presenting another, and there is an end (of the ceremony). From the removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial) and the subsequent wailing, those sacrifices (again) cease. After the burial they are offered, but when the officer of prayer has finished the cup presented to him, they stop.'

曾子問曰：「諸侯之祭社稷，俎豆既陳，聞天子崩、後之喪、君薨、夫人之喪，如之何？」孔子曰：「廢。自薨比至於殯，自啟至於反哭，奉帥天子。」

Zang-dze asked, 'At the sacrifices to the spirits of the land and grain proper to the feudal princes, if, after the stands and vessels, with their contents, have been arranged, news arrive of the death of the son of Heaven or of the mourning rites for his queen, or if the ruler die or there be mourning rites for his consort, what should be done?' Confucius said, 'The sacrifice should be discontinued. From the ruler's death to the coffining, and from the removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial) and the (subsequent) wailing, they will follow the example set by the son of Heaven As given in the preceding paragraphs. .'

曾子問曰：「大夫之祭，鼎俎既陳，籩豆既設，不得成禮，廢者幾？」孔子曰：「九。」請問之。曰：「天子崩、後之喪、君薨、夫人之喪、君之大廟火、日食、三年之喪、齊衰、大功，皆廢。外喪自齊衰以下，行也。其齊衰之祭也，屍入，三飯不侑，酳不酢而已矣；大功酢而已矣；小功、緦，室中之事而已矣。士之所以異者，緦不祭，所祭於死者無服則祭。」

Zang-dze asked, 'At the sacrifices of a Great officer In his ancestral temple., when the tripods and stands have been arranged, and the dishes of bamboo and wood, with their contents, have been set forth, but they are not able to go through with the rites, how many occurrences will cause them to be discontinued?' Confucius said, 'Nine;' and when asked what they were, he added:--'The death of the son of Heaven; funeral rites for his queen; the death of the ruler (of the state); funeral rites for his consort; the ruler's grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; (a call to) the three years' mourning; to that of one year; or to that of nine months. In all these cases the sacrifice should be given up. If the mourning be merely for relatives by affinity, from all degrees of it up to the twelve months, the sacrifice will go on. At one where the mourning is worn for twelve months, the representative of the dead, after entering, will take (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and not be urged to take (any more). He will be presented with a cup, but will not respond by presenting one in return, and there will be an end (of the ceremony). Where the mourning is for nine months, after he has presented the responsive cup, the thing will end. Where it is for five or for three months, it will not end till all the observances in the apartment are gone through. What distinguishes the proceedings of an ordinary officer is, that he does not sacrifice when wearing the three months' mourning. He sacrifices, however, if the dead to whom he does so had no relationship with him requiring him to wear mourning.'

曾子問曰：「三年之喪，吊乎？」孔子曰：「三年之喪，練，不群立，不旅行。君子禮以飾情，三年之喪而吊哭，不亦虛乎？」

Zang-dze asked, 'May one, wearing the three years' mourning for a parent, go to condole with others?' Confucius said, 'On the completion of the first of the three years, one should not be seen standing with others, or going along in a crowd. With a superior man the use of ceremonies is to give proper and elegant expression to the feelings. Would it not be an empty form How could he, occupied with his own sorrow, offer anything but an empty form of condolence to others? to go and condole and wail with others, while wearing the three years' mourning?'

曾子問曰：「大夫、士有私喪，可以除之矣，而有君服焉，其除之也如之何？」孔子曰：「有君喪服於身，不敢私服，又何除焉？於是乎有過時而弗除也。君之喪，服除而後殷祭，禮也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If a Great officer or ordinary officer be in mourning for a parent Literally 'private mourning,' as below; but evidently the master and disciple both had the mourning for a parent in mind. he may put it off On his having to go into mourning for his ruler.; and if he be in mourning for his ruler, under what conditions will he put that off?' Confucius said, 'If he have the mourning for his ruler on his person, he will not venture to wear any private mourning;--what putting off can there be? In this case, even if the time be passed (for any observances which the private mourning would require), he will not put it off. When the mourning for the ruler is put off, he will then perform the great sacrifices (of his private mourning) That is, the rightful son and heir may then perform the sacrifice marking the close of the first year's mourning for a parent, and that marking the close of the second year's mourning in the month after. But Khan Hâo argues that it was only the rightful son who could thus go back and offer the sacrifices proper to the mourning rites for parents, and that the other sons could not do so. This is the case underlying the next paragraph.. This is the rule.'

曾子問曰：「父母之喪，弗除可乎？」孔子曰：「先王制禮，過時弗舉，禮也；非弗能勿除也，患其過於制也，故君子過時不祭，禮也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'But is it allowable thus to give up all the mourning rites for a parent through this keeping on of the mourning (for a ruler)?' Confucius said, 'According to the ceremonies as determined by the ancient kings, it is the rule that when the time has passed (for the observance of any ceremony), there should be no attempt to perform it. It is not that one could not keep from not putting off the mourning; but the evil would be in his going beyond the definite statute. Therefore it is that a superior man does not offer a sacrifice, when the proper time for doing so has passed.'

曾子問曰：「君薨，既殯，而臣有父母之喪，則如之何？」孔子曰：「歸居於家，有殷事，則之君所，朝夕否。」

Zang-dze said, 'If, when the ruler has died, and is now lying in his coffin, the minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, what course will he pursue?' Confucius said, 'He should go home and remain there; going indeed to the ruler's for the great services (to the departed), but not for those of every morning and evening It has been seen that morning and evening offerings to the dead were placed near the coffin. On the first and fifteenth of the month these were on a great scale, and with special observances,--at the new and full moon. They were 'the great services.' The practice still continues..'

曰：「君既啟，而臣有父母之喪，則如之何？」孔子曰：「歸哭而反送君。」

(Zang-dze asked), 'If, when they have begun to remove the coffin, the minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, how should he do?' Confucius said, 'He should go home and wail, and then return and accompany the funeral of the ruler.'

曰：「君未殯，而臣有父母之喪，則如之何？」孔子曰：「歸殯，反於君所，有殷事則歸，朝夕否。大夫，室老行事；士，則子孫行事。大夫內子，有殷事，亦之君所，朝夕否。」

'If,' said (Zang-dze), 'before the ruler has been coffined, a minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, what should be his course?' Confucius said, 'He should go home, and have the deceased put into the coffin, returning (then) to the ruler's. On occasion of the great services, he will go home, but not for those of every morning and evening. In the case of a Great officer, the chief servant of the household will attend to matters; in the case of an ordinary officer, a son or grandson. When there are the great services at the ruler's, the wife of the Great officer will also go there, but not for those of every morning and evening.'

賤不誄貴，幼不誄長，禮也。唯天子，稱天以誄之。諸侯相誄，非禮也。

One in a low position should not pronounce the eulogy of another in a high, nor a younger man that of one older than himself. In the case of the son of Heaven, they refer to Heaven as giving his eulogy. It is not the rule for princes of states to deliver the eulogy of one another The eulogy has in China for more than a thousand years taken the form of inscriptions on tombs and sacrificial compositions; of which there are many elegant and eloquent specimens. It should be summed up in the honorary title. Truth, however, might require that that should be the reverse of eulogistic; and perhaps this led to its being conferred, as a rule, by one superior in rank and position. The honorary title of a deceased sovereign was first proclaimed at the great sacrifice to Heaven at the winter solstice; and hence it is referred to in the text as coming from Heaven! .

曾子問曰：「君出疆以三年之戒，以椑從。君薨，其入如之何？」孔子曰：「共殯服，則子麻，弁至，疏衰，菲，杖。入自闕，升自西階。如小斂，則子免而從柩，入自門，升自阼階。君大夫士一節也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'When a ruler goes across the boundary of his own state, he takes with him his inner coffin as a precaution for the preparations against the three years'(mourning rites) for him That is, I think, simply, 'as a precaution against his dying while abroad.' Zottoli renders:--'Regulus excedens confinia, ut in tres annos praecaveatur, habit sandapilam sequacem.'. If he die (abroad), what are the proceedings on his being brought back?' Confucius said, 'The clothes to be put on him after the coffining having been provided, the son in the linen cap, with the sackcloth band round it, wearing coarse sackcloth and the shoes of straw, and carrying a staff, will enter by the opening made in the wall of the apartment for the coffin, having ascended by the western steps. If the slighter dressing (preparatory to the coffining) have still (to be made), the son will follow the bier without a cap, enter by the gate, and ascend by the steps on the east. There is one and the same rule for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer.'

曾子問曰：「君之喪既引，聞父母之喪，如之何？」孔子曰：「遂。既封而歸，不俟子。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If one is occupied in drawing (the carriage with the bier on it) at the funeral rites of his ruler, and is then called to the funeral rites of his father or mother, what should he do?' Confucius said, 'He should complete what he is engaged in; and when the coffin has been let down into the grave, return home, without waiting for the departure of the (ruler's) son.'

曾子問曰：「父母之喪既引，及塗，聞君薨，如之何？」孔子曰：「遂。既封，改服而往。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If one, occupied with the funeral rites of a parent, has (assisted in) drawing the bier to the path (to the grave), and there hear of the death of his ruler, what should he do?' Confucius said, 'He should complete the burial; and, when the coffin has been let down, he should change his dress, and go to (the ruler's).'

曾子問曰：「宗子為士，庶子為大夫，其祭也如之何？」孔子曰：「以上牲祭於宗子之家。祝曰：『孝子某為介子某薦其常事。』

Zang-dze asked, 'If the eldest son by the proper wife be (only) an officer, and a son by a secondary wife be a Great officer, how will the latter proceed in his sacrificing?' Confucius said, 'He will sacrifice, with the victims belonging to his higher rank, in the house of the eldest son. The officer of prayer will say, "So and So, the filial son, in behalf of So and So, the attendant son, presents his regular offering Here two things were in collision. The oldest son by the proper wife was the representative of the father, and only he could preside at the service in the ancestral temple of the family. But here an inferior son has been advanced to a higher rank than his older brother. As a Great officer he is entitled to have three shrine temples; but it would be contrary to the solidarity of the family for him to erect an ancestral temple for himself. The difficulty is met in the way described, the sacrifice being ascribed to the elder brother, as head of the family.."'

若宗子有罪，居於他國，庶子為大夫，其祭也，祝曰：『孝子某使介子某執其常事。』攝主不厭祭，不旅，不假，不綏祭，不配。布奠於賓，賓奠而不舉，不歸肉。其辭於賓曰：『宗兄、宗弟、宗子在他國，使某辭。』

'If the eldest son, now the head of the family, be residing, in consequence of some charge of guilt, in another state, and a son by a secondary wife be a Great officer, when (the latter) is offering a sacrifice (for the other), the officer of prayer will say, "So and So, the filial son, employs the attendant son, So and So, to perform for him the regular service." (In this case, however), the principal in this vicarious service will not conduct the sacrifice so as to see that the spirit of the deceased is satisfied to the full; nor send the cup round among all who are present, nor receive the blessing (at the close); nor lay on the ground the portions of the sacrifice as thank-offerings; nor have with him (the wife of the elder brother) who should appear before the spirit-tablet of her mother-in-law, the wife of the deceased. He will put down the cup before the (principal) guests, but they will put it down (in another place), and not send it round. He will not send to them portions of the flesh. In his address to the guests (at the beginning of the service), he will say, "My honoured brother, the honoured son (of our father), being in another state, has employed me, So and So, to make announcement to you This paragraph continues the case in the preceding, with the additional circumstances that the head of the family is a fugitive from it, and that the sacrifice referred to in it is performed by the inferior brother remaining in the state, in lieu of him. It is difficult to translate without amplification so as to be intelligible, because of what may be called the technical terms in it. The five points in which the service was deficient, different from what it would have been, if performed by the proper brother, are given in the reverse order of their regular occurrence; whether designedly or not, we cannot tell. For that portion of the paragraph P. Zottoli gives:--'Sed vicarius dominus vacabit satisfactionis sacrificio; vacabit universali propinatione; vacabit benedictione; vacabit consternationis sacrificio; vacabit copulatione; appending a note to explain the terms.."'

曾子問曰：「宗子去在他國，庶子無爵而居者，可以祭乎？」孔子曰：「祭哉！」請問：「其祭如之何？」孔子曰：「望墓而為壇，以時祭。若宗子死，告於墓而後祭於家。宗子死，稱名不言孝，身沒而已。子遊之徒，有庶子祭者以此，若義也。今之祭者，不首其義，故誣於祭也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'If the eldest son have gone and is in another state, while a son by a secondary wife, and without rank, remains at home, may the latter offer the sacrifice?' Confucius said, 'Yes, certainly.' 'And how will he sacrifice?' 'He will rear an altar in front of the (family-)grave, and there he will sacrifice at the different seasons. If the oldest son die, he will announce the event at the grave, and afterwards sacrifice in the house, calling himself, however, only by his name, and abstaining from the epithet "filial." This abstinence will cease after his death.' The disciples of Dze-yû, in the case of sons by inferior wives sacrificing, held that this practice was in accordance with what was right. Those of them who sacrifice now-a-days do not ground their practice on this principle of right;--they have no truthful ground for their sacrifices These last two sentences evidently should not be ascribed to Confucius. It was only after his death that Dze-yû would have a school of his own. They must have been written moreover after the death of Dze-yû..

曾子問曰：「祭必有屍乎？若厭祭亦可乎？」孔子曰：「祭成喪者必有屍，屍必以孫。孫幼，則使人抱之。無孫，則取於同姓可也。祭殤必厭，蓋弗成也。祭成喪而無屍，是殤之也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Is it necessary that there should be a representative of the dead in sacrifice? or may he be dispensed with as when the satisfying offerings are made to the dead?' Confucius said, 'In sacrificing to a full-grown man for whom there have been the funeral rites, there must be such a representative, who should be a grandson; and if the grandson be too young, some one must be employed to carry him in his arms. If there be no grandson, some one of the same surname should be selected for the occasion. In sacrificing to one who has died prematurely, there are (only) the satisfying offerings, for he was not full-grown. To sacrifice to a full-grown man, for whom there have been the funeral rites without a representative, would be to treat him as if he had died prematurely.'

孔子曰：「有陰厭，有陽厭。」曾子問曰：「殤不祔祭，何謂陰厭、陽厭？」孔子曰：「宗子為殤而死，庶子弗為後也。其吉祭，特牲。祭殤不舉，無肵俎，無玄酒，不告利成，是謂陰厭。凡殤，與無後者，祭於宗子之家，當室之白，尊于東房，是謂陽厭。」

Confucius said, 'There is the offering of satisfaction made in the dark chamber, and that made in the brighter place.' Zang-dze answered with a question, 'But to one who has died prematurely there is not made a complete sacrifice; what do you mean by speaking of two satisfying offerings, the dark and the bright?' Confucius said, 'When the oldest son, who would take the father's place, dies prematurely, no brother by an inferior wife can be his successor. At the auspicious sacrifice to him The first auspicious sacrifice took place when the ceremony of wailing was over., there is a single bullock; but the service being to one who died prematurely, there is no presentation (of the lungs), no stand with the heart and tongue, no dark-coloured spirits A name for water, no announcement of the nourishment being completed. This is what is called the dark satisfying offering. In regard to all others who have died prematurely and have left no offspring, the sacrifice is offered to them in the house of the oldest son, where the apartment is most light, with the vases in the chamber on the east. This is what is called the bright satisfying offering.'

曾子問曰：「葬引至於堩，日有食之，則有變乎？且不乎？」孔子曰：「昔者吾從老聃助葬於巷黨，及堩，日有食之，老聃曰：『丘！止柩，就道右，止哭以聽變。』既明反而後行。曰：『禮也。』反葬，而丘問之曰：『夫柩不可以反者也，日有食之，不知其已之遲數，則豈如行哉？』老聃曰：『諸侯朝天子，見日而行，逮日而舍奠；大夫使，見日而行，逮日而舍。夫柩不早出，不暮宿。見星而行者，唯罪人與奔父母之喪者乎！日有食之，安知其不見星也？且君子行禮，不以人之親痁患。』吾聞諸老聃雲。」

Zang-dze asked, 'At a burial, when the bier has been drawn to the path (leading to the place), if there happen an eclipse of the sun, is any change made or not?' Confucius said, 'Formerly, along with Lâo Tan This was Lâo-dze, 'the old master.' It seems better to keep Lâo as if it had been the surname. See paragraph 24, p. 325., I was assisting at a burial in the village of Hsiang, and when we had got to the path, the sun was eclipsed. Lâo Tan said to me, "Khiû, let the bier be stopped on the left of the road The east of the road. Graves were north of the towns.; and then let us wail and wait till the eclipse pass away. When it is light again, we will proceed." He said that this was the rule. When we had returned and completed the burial, I said to him, "In the progress of a bier there should be no returning. When there is an eclipse of the sun, we do not know whether it will pass away quickly or not, would it not have been better to go on?" Lâo Tan said, "When the prince of a state is going to the court of the son of Heaven, he travels while he can see the sun. At sun-down he halts, and presents his offerings (to the spirit of the way). When a Great officer is on a mission, he travels while he can see the sun, and at sun-down he halts. Now a bier does not set forth in the early morning, nor does it rest anywhere at night; but those who travel by star-light are only criminals and those who are hastening to the funeral rites of a parent. When there is an eclipse of the sun, how do we know that we shall not see the stars? And moreover, a superior man, in his performance of rites, will not expose his relatives to the risk of distress or evil." This is what I heard from Lâo Tan.'

曾子問曰：「為君使而卒於舍，禮曰：公館複，私館不復。凡所使之國，有司所授舍，則公館已，何謂私館不復也？」孔子曰：「善乎問之也！自卿、大夫、士之家，曰私館；公館與公所為，曰公館。公館複，此之謂也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'In the case of one dying where he is stopping, when discharging a mission for his ruler, the rules say Where these rules are to be found I do not know. that, (if he die) in a government hotel his spirit shall be recalled; but not, (if he die) in a private one I use 'hotel' here in the French meaning of the term. We must suppose that 'the private hotel' about which Zang-dze asked was one to which the commissioner had gone without the instructions of the state; and, as the Khien-lung editors say, 'the rites were therefore so far diminished.'. But to whatever state a commissioner may be sent, the lodging which may be assigned to him by the proper officer becomes a public hotel;--what is the meaning of his spirit not being recalled, (if he die) in a private one?' Confucius said, 'You have asked well. The houses of a high minister, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer, may be called private hotels. The government hotel, and any other which the government may appoint, may be called a public hotel. In this you have the meaning of that saying that the spirit is recalled at a public hotel.'

曾子問曰：「下殤：土周葬於園，遂輿機而往，途邇故也。今墓遠，則其葬也如之何？」孔子曰：「吾聞諸老聃曰：昔者史佚有子而死，下殤也。墓遠，召公謂之曰：『何以不棺斂於宮中？』史佚曰：『吾敢乎哉？』召公言於周公，周公曰：『豈不可？』史佚行之。下殤用棺衣棺，自史佚始也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'Children dying prematurely, between eight and eleven, should be buried in the garden in a brick grave, and carried thither on a contrivance serving the purpose of a carriage, the place being near; but now if the grave is chosen at a distance, what do you say about their being buried there?' Confucius said, 'I have heard this account from Lâo Tan:--"Formerly," he said, "the recorder Yî had a son who died thus prematurely, and the grave was distant. The duke of Shâo said to him, 'Why not shroud and coffin him in your palace?' The recorder said, 'Dare I do so?' The duke of Shâo spoke about it to the duke of Kâu, who said, 'Why may it not be done?' and the recorder did it. The practice of coffins for boys who have died so prematurely, and shrouding them, began with the recorder Yî."'

曾子問曰：「卿、大夫將為屍於公，受宿矣，而有齊衰內喪，則如之何？」孔子曰：「出，舍於公館以待事，禮也。」

Zang-dze asked, 'A minister or a Great officer is about to act the part of a personator of the dead for his ruler. If, when he has received (orders) to pass the night in solemn vigil, there occur in his own family an occasion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, what should he do?' Confucius said, 'The rule is for him to leave (his house) and lodge in a state hotel, and wait till (the ruler's) business is accomplished.'

孔子曰：「屍弁冕而出，卿、大夫、士皆下之，屍必式，必有前驅。」

Confucius said, 'When one who has represented the dead comes forth in the (officer's) leathern cap, or the (Great officer's) tasseled cap (which he has worn), ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all will descend from their carriages (when his passes). He will bow forward to them, and he will also have a forerunner (to notify his approach).'

子夏問曰：「三年之喪卒哭，金革之事無辟也者，禮與？初有司與？」孔子曰：「夏後氏三年之喪，既殯而致事，殷人既葬而致事。《記》曰：『君子不奪人之親，亦不可奪親也。』此之謂乎？」

Dze-hsiâ asked, 'There is such a thing as no longer declining military service, after the wailing in the three years' mourning has come to an end. Is this the rule? or was it at first required by the officers (of the state)?' Confucius said, 'Under the sovereigns of Hsiâ, as soon as the coffining in the three years' mourning was completed, they resigned all their public duties. Under Yin they did so as soon as the interment was over. Is not this the meaning of what we find in the record, that "the ruler does not take from men their affection to their parents, nor do men take from their parents their filial duty?"'

子夏曰：「金革之事無辟也者，非與？」孔子曰：「吾聞諸老聃曰：昔者魯公伯禽有為為之也。今以三年之喪，從其利者，吾弗知也！」

Dze-hsiâ asked, 'Is then not declining military service (during mourning) to be condemned?' Confucius said, 'I heard from Lâo Tan that duke Po-khin engaged once in such service, when there was occasion for it; but I do not know if I should allow it in those who seek (by it) their own advantage during the period of the three years' mourning Po-khin was the son of the duke of Kâu, and the first marquis of Lû. The time of his entering on the rule of that state was a very critical one in the kingdom; and though it was then, it would appear, the period of his mourning for his mother's death, he discharged his public duty in the time of his own grief..'

文王之為世子，朝於王季，日三。雞初鳴而衣服，至於寢門外，問內豎之禦者曰：「今日安否何如？」內豎曰：「安。」文王乃喜。及日中，又至，亦如之。及莫，又至，亦如之。其有不安節，則內豎以告文王，文王色憂，行不能正履。王季腹膳，然後亦複初。食上，必在，視寒暖之節，食下，問所膳；命膳宰曰：「末有原！」應曰：「諾。」然後退。

Thus did king Wan act when he was eldest son and heir:--Thrice a day he made a visit in due form to king Kî. When the cock first crowed he dressed himself, and going to the outside of the bedroom, asked one of the servants of the interior who was in attendance how the king was and if he were well. When told that he was well, the prince was glad. At midday he repeated the visit in the same way; and so he did again in the evening If was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day,--at morning and night. King Wan showed his filial duty by paying king Kî a third visit. . If the king were not so well as usual, the servant would tell the prince, and then his sorrow appeared in his countenance, and his walk was affected and disturbed. When king Kî took his food again, Wan recovered his former appearance. When the food went up (to the king), he would examine it and see if it were cold and hot as it ought to be According to the season. . When it came down, he asked of what dishes the king had eaten. He gave orders to the cook that none of the dishes should go up again, and withdrew on receiving the cook's assurance accordingly According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, king Wan was born in B.C. 1258, and named Khang (昌). King Ki died in 1185, when he was in his seventy-fourth year.

武王帥而行之，不敢有加焉。文王有疾，武王不脫冠帶而養。文王一飯，亦一飯；文王再飯，亦再飯。旬有二日乃間。文王謂武王曰：「女何夢矣？」武王對曰：「夢帝與我九齡。」文王曰：「女以為何也？」武王曰：「西方有九國焉，君王其終撫諸？」文王曰：「非也。古者謂年齡，齒亦齡也。我百爾九十，吾與爾三焉。」文王九十七乃終，武王九十三而終。

King Wû acted according to the example (of Wan), not presuming to go (in anything) beyond it. When king Wan was ill, Wû nursed him without taking off his cap or girdle. When king Wan took a meal, he also took a meal; and when king Wan took a second, he did the same. It was not till after twelve days that he intermitted his attentions. King Wan said to Wû, 'What have you been dreaming?' 'I dreamt,' was the reply, 'that God gave me nine ling?' 'And what do you think was the meaning?' King Wû said, 'There are nine states in the west;--may it not mean that you will yet bring them all under your happy sway?' Wan said, 'That was not the meaning. Anciently they called a year ling. The age is also called ling. I am 100; and you are 90. I give you three years.' King Wan was 97 when he died, and king Wû was 93 It is difficult to understand and interpret the latter half of this paragraph. The Khien-lung editors say that, according to the ordinary accounts, king Wû was born when wan was fifteen years old, and there was an elder son, Yî-khâo, who died prematurely; whereas king Wû died at 93, leaving his son Sung (king Khang) only seven years old. 'Wan,' they said, 'must have married very early, and Wû very late.' They say also that they cannot understand the text that Wan gave to his son 'three years,' &c., and suppose that some erroneous tradition has here been introduced. .

成王幼，不能蒞阼，周公相，踐阼而治。抗世子法於伯禽，欲令成王之知父子、君臣、長幼之道也；成王有過，則撻伯禽，所以示成王世子之道也。

King Khang, being quite young, could not perform his part at the eastern steps The king received his nobles at the top of the eastern steps. The phrase='in the government of the kingdom.'. The duke of Kâu acted as regent, trod those steps, and administered the government. He illustrated the rules for the behaviour of a young heir in his treatment of Po-khin, that king Khang might thereby know the courses to be pursued by father and son, ruler and minister, old and young. When he committed an error, the duke punished Po-khin. This was the way in which he showed king Khang his duty as the son and heir.

文王之為世子也。

So much on the way in which king Wan acted as son and heir.

凡學世子及學士，必時。春夏學干戈，秋冬學羽龠，皆於東序。小樂正學幹，大胥贊之。龠師學戈，龠師丞贊之。胥鼓南。春誦夏弦，大師詔之。瞽宗秋學禮，執禮者詔之；冬讀書，典書者詔之。禮在瞽宗，書在上庠。

In teaching the heir-sons (of the king and feudal princes), and young men (chosen from their aptitude) for learning These 'scholars' no doubt, were those of whose selection for the higher instruction we have an account in the fourth and other paragraphs of Section IV, Book III., the subjects were different at different seasons. In spring and summer they were taught the use of the shield and spear; in autumn and winter that of the feather and flute:--all in the eastern school. The inferior directors of Music These are mentioned in the 'Royal Regulations,' though the title does not occur in the Kâu Lî. They are supposed to be the same as its 'music masters' (Yo Sze, Book XXII). taught the use of the shield aided by the great assistants. The flute masters taught the use of the spear, aided by the subdirectors, while the assistants regulated by the drum (the chanting of) the Nan This clause about the 'drum' is perplexing to a translator. It destroys the symmetry of the paragraph. What we are to understand by the 'Nan' is also much disputed. I suppose the term should embrace the two Nan, or two first Books of the Shih, Part I. Compare the Shih II, vi,. In spring they recited (the pieces), and in summer they played on the guitar,--being taught by the grand master in the Hall of the Blind The names of these different schools are also very perplexing; and I here give a note about them by Liû Khang of our eleventh century. 'Under the Kau dynasty they had its own schools and those of the three former dynasties; four buildings, all erected in proximity to one another. Most in the centre was the Pî Yung of Kâu itself. On the north of it was the school of Shun (the lord Yü); on the east that of Hsiâ; and on the west that of Shang. Those who were learning the use (in dancing) of the shield and spear, and of the plume and flute, went to the eastern school; those who were learning ceremonies went to that of Shang; and those who were learning history, to that of Shun. In the Pî Yung the son of Heaven nourished the old, sent forth his armies, matured his plans, received prisoners, and practised archery. When he came to the Pî Yung, they came from all the other three schools, and stood round the encircling water to look at him. There were also schools on the plan of Shun--the hsiang (庠)--in the large districts (the 鄉, containing 12500 families); others on the plan of Hsiâ--the hsü ( 序)--in the Kâu, or smaller districts (the 州 , containing 2500 families); and others still on the plan of Shang--the hsiâo (校 )--in the Tang (黨), or those still smaller (containing 500 families). These were all schools for young boys. The most promising scholars (in the family schools) were removed to the hsiang; the best in the hsiang, again to the hsü; and the best in the hsü, to the hsiâo. The best in these were removed finally to the great school (or college) in the suburbs (of the capital).' Such is the account of Liû Khang. Other scholars differ from him in some points; but there is a general agreement as to the existence of a system of graduated training.. In autumn they learned ceremonies,--being instructed by the masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the book of History,--being instructed by the guardians of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the Blind; the book in the upper school.

凡祭與養老，乞言，合語之禮，皆小樂正詔之於東序。

All the rules about sacrificial offerings Probably, not sacrifices in general, but offerings to sages, distinguished old men, &c. and at the nourishing of the old begging them to speak (their wise counsels) This asking the old men to speak was a part of the festal nourishment of them. and the conversation at general reunions, were taught by the lower directors of Music in the eastern school.

大樂正學舞幹戚，語說，命乞言，皆大樂正授數，大司成論說在東序。

The Grand director of Music taught how to brandish the shield and axe. He also delivered the graduated rules relating to conversations and the charges about begging the old to speak. The Grand perfecter (of Instruction) I do not think this officer appears in the lists of the Kâu Lî. He seems to be named as giving the finishing touch to the training of the young princes. discussed all about (these matters) in the eastern school.

凡侍坐於大司成者，遠近間三席，可以問。終則負牆，列事未盡，不問。

Whenever a pupil was sitting with the Grand completer (of Instruction), there was required to be between them the width of three mats. He might put questions to him; and when he had finished, sit back on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he did not ask about another.

凡學，春官釋奠於其先師，秋冬亦如之。

In all the schools, the officer (in charge), in spring set forth offerings to the master who first taught (the subjects); and in autumn and winter he did the same No mention is made of summer; but, no doubt, there were then the same observances as in the other seasons,--a tribute to the merit of the past, and a stimulus to the students..

凡始立學者，必釋奠於先聖先師；及行事，必以幣。

In every case of the first establishment of a school the offerings must be set forth to the earlier sages and the earlier teachers; and in the doing of this, pieces of silk must be used.

凡釋奠者，必有合也，有國故則否。

In all the cases of setting forth the offerings, it was required to have the accompaniments (of dancing and singing). When there were any events of engrossing interest in a state (at the time), these were omitted.

凡大合樂，必遂養老。

When there was the accompaniment of music on a great scale, they proceeded immediately to feast the aged.

凡語於郊者，必取賢斂才焉。或以德進，或以事舉，或以言揚。曲藝皆誓之，以待又語。三而一有焉，乃進其等，以其序，謂之郊人，遠之。於成均以及取爵於上尊也。

At all examinations in the suburban schools, the rule was to select the best and mark out the most talented. The pupils might be advanced for their virtue, or commended for something they had accomplished, or distinguished for their eloquence See paragraphs 2-4, pp. 231-233. . Those who had studied minor arts were encouraged and told to expect a second examination These minor arts, it is understood, were such as medicine and divination. . If they (then) had one of the three things (above mentioned), they were advanced to a higher grade, according to their several orders, and were styled 'Men of the schools.' They were (still, however,) kept out of the royal college The name for this college here perhaps indicates that on reaching it, all from the other schools were 'on the same level.' The youths would appear to have passed into it with a festive ceremony. The 'suburban schools' were those in the note on p. 346, with the addition of the 'Eastern Kiâo' (東膠 ), which it is not easy to distinguish from 'the eastern school,' already mentioned., and could not receive the cup from the vase restricted to the superior students.

始立學者，既興器用幣，然後釋菜不舞不授器，乃退。儐於東序，一獻，無介語可也。

On the first establishment of schools (in any state), when the instruments of music were completed 'Were completed,' should be, according to Khang-khang, 'were consecrated.' For the character in the text he would substitute that which we find in Mencius, I, i, 7, 4, applied to the consecration of a bell. Compare vol. iii, p. 323. , offerings of silk were set forth; and afterwards those of vegetables The ordinary offerings (see above, paragraph 9); but now a sequel to the offerings of silk. These two offerings, it is understood, were in the school on the west (the hsiang), and thence the parties officiating adjourned to that on the east (the hsü).. But there was no dancing and (consequently) no giving out of the spears and other things used in it. They simply retired and received visitors in the eastern school. Only one cup was passed round. The ceremony might pass without (parade of) attendants or conversation.

教世子。

(All these things) belonged to the education of the young princes.

凡三王教世子必以禮樂。樂，所以修內也；禮，所以修外也。禮樂交錯於中，發形於外，是故其成也懌，恭敬而溫文。

In the education of the crown princes adopted by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects were the rules of propriety and music. Music served to give the interior cultivation; the rules to give the external. The two, operating reciprocally within, had their outward manifestation, and the result was a peaceful serenity,--reverence of inward feeling and mild elegance of manners.

立大傅、少傅以養之，欲其知父子、君臣之道也。大傅審父子、君臣之道以示之；少傅奉世子，以觀大傅之德行而審喻之。大傅在前，少傅在後；入則有保，出則有師，是以教喻而德成也。師也者，教之以事而喻諸德者也；保也者，慎其身以輔翼之而歸諸道者也。《記》曰：「虞、夏、商、周，有師保，有疑丞。」設四輔及三公。不必備，唯其人。語使能也。

The Grand tutor and the assistant tutor were appointed for their training, to make them acquainted with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and minister. The former made himself perfectly master of those duties in order to exhibit them; the latter guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of the other and fully instructed him about them. The Grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came after them. In the palace was the guardian, outside it was the master; and thus by this training and instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed. The master taught them by means of occurring things, and made them understand what was virtuous. The guardian watched over their persons, and was as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the right way. The history says, 'Under the dynasties of Yü, Hsiâ, Shang, and Kâu, there were the master, the guardian, the Î, and the Khang, and there were appointed the four aides and the three ducal ministers. That these offices should all be filled was not so necessary as that there should be the men for them;'--showing how the object was to employ the able The Khien-lung editors seem to say that 'the Grand tutor' and 'the assistant tutor,' who had the charge of the young prince from his infancy, must have been ladies of the harem; so that, in fact, the government of a ruler's household was regulated after the model of the government of the state in his maturer years. There are no materials to illustrate the duties of the ministers who are called 'the Î and the Khang.' .

君子曰德，德成而教尊，教尊而官正，官正而國治，君之謂也。

When we speak of 'a superior man' we intend chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instructions honoured; his instructions honoured and the (various) officers correct; the officers correct and order maintained in the state:--these things give the ideal of a ruler Wû Khang thinks that the first three characters here should be translated--'The superior man (Kün-dze) says;' a sequel to 'The history says' of the preceding paragraph. He then proposes to suppress one of the virtues (德) that follow. But the structure of the whole will not admit this way of dealing with it. There is a play on the characters rendered 'a superior man' and 'a ruler,'--Kün-dze (君子) and Kun (君); like our English 'a noble man' and 'a noble,' 'a princely man' and 'a prince.'.

仲尼曰：「昔者周公攝政，踐阼而治，抗世子法於伯禽，所以善成王也。聞之曰：為人臣者，殺其身有益於君則為之，況於其身以善其君乎？周公優為之！」

Kung-nî said, 'Formerly, when the duke of Kâu was administering the government, he did so while he (continued to) go up by the eastern steps. He (also) set forth the rules for a crown prince in (his dealing with) Po-khin, and it was thus that he secured the excellence of king Khang. I have heard it said, "A minister will sacrifice himself to benefit his ruler, and how much more will he swerve from the ordinary course to secure his excellence!" This was what the duke of Kâu did with ease and unconcern.

是故知為人子，然後可以為人父；知為人臣，然後可以為人君；知事人，然後能使人。 成王幼，不能蒞阼，以為世子，則無為也，是故抗世子法於伯禽，使之與成王居，欲令成王之知父子、君臣、長幼之義也。

'Therefore he who knows how to show himself what a son should be can afterwards show himself what a father should be; he who knows how to show himself what a minister should be can afterwards show himself what a ruler should be; he who knows how to serve others can afterwards employ them. King Khang, being quite young, could not discharge the duties of the government. He had no means of learning how to show himself what the crown prince should be His father being dead.. On this account the rules for a crown prince were exhibited in (the treatment of) Po-khin, and he was made to live with the young king that the latter might thus understand all that was right between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and youngers With reference to this paragraph, which, he thinks, appears here as from Confucius, Wû Khang says:--'When king Wû died, Khang was quite young. (His uncles of) Kwan and Zhâi sent their reports abroad, and the people of Yin planned their rebellion. Then the duke of Kâu left the capital, and dwelt in the east, and Po-khin went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the people of Hsü and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of Kâu returned, took the regency and made his expedition to the east,--it was impossible for Khang and Po-khin to be always together. Perhaps the duke made them keep so, while king Wû was alive; and the account in the text was an erroneous tradition.' To this the Khien-lung editors reply:--'Immediately on the death of king Wû, the duke of Kâu must have adopted the method described in the text. Thâi Kung was Grand master; the duke of Shâo, Grand guardian; and the duke of Kâu himself Grand tutor. They, no doubt, made Po-khin, Kün Khan, Lü Ki, Wang-sun Mâu, and others associate with the young king. In the winter of his first year, the duke removed to the eastern capital, while the other two continued in their places, and Po-khin was daily with Khang, and there was no change in the rules for a son and heir. Next year happened the storm which changed the king's views about the duke, who returned to the court. The third year saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Po-khin proceeded to his jurisdiction in Lû. But by this time king Khang's virtue and ability were matured. Wû's objections to the ordinary view of the text are without foundation.'.'

君之於世子也，親則父也，尊則君也。有父之親，有君之尊，然後兼天下而有之。是故，養世子不可不慎也。

Take the case of the sovereign and his son and heir. Looked at from the standpoint of affection, the former is father; from that of honour, he is ruler. If the son can give the affection due to the father, and the honour due to the ruler, hereafter he will (be fit to) be the lord of all under the sky. On this account the training of crown princes ought to be most carefully attended to.

行一物而三善皆得者，唯世子而已。其齒於學之謂也。故世子齒於學，國人觀之曰：「將君我而與我齒讓何也？」曰：「有父在則禮然，然而眾知父子之道矣。」其二曰：「將君我而與我齒讓何也？」曰：「有君在則禮然，然而眾著於君臣之義也。」 其三曰：「將君我而與我齒讓何也？」曰：「長長也，然而眾知長幼之節矣。」故父在斯為子，君在斯謂之臣，居子與臣之節，所以尊君親親也。故學之為父子焉，學之為君臣焉，學之為長幼焉，父子、君臣、長幼之道得，而國治。 語曰：「樂正司業，父師司成，一有元良，萬國以貞。」世子之謂也。

It is only in the case of the crown prince that by the doing of one thing three excellent things are realised; and it is with reference to his taking his place in the schools according to his age that this is spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in them in this way, the people observing it, one will say, 'He is to be our ruler, how is it that he gives place to us in the matter of years?' and it will be replied, 'While his father is alive, it is the rule that he should do so.' Thus all will understand the right course as between father and son. A second will make the same remark, and put the same question; and it will be replied, 'While the ruler is alive, it is the rule that he should do so;' and thus all will understand the righteousness that should obtain between ruler and minister. To a third putting the same question it will be said, 'He is giving to his elders what is due to their age;' and thus all will understand the observances that should rule between young and old. Therefore, while his father is alive, he is but a son; and, while his ruler is alive, he may be called merely a minister. Occupying aright the position of son and minister is the way in which he shows the honour due to a ruler and the affection due to a father. He is thus taught the duties between father and son, between ruler and minister, between old and young; and when he has become master of all these, the state will be well governed. The saying, 'Music's Director the foundation lays; The Master this doth to perfection raise. Let him but once the great and good be taught, And all the states are to correctness brought,' finds its application in the case of the heir-son.

周公踐阼。

So much for the duke of Kâu's going up by the eastern steps.

庶子之正於公族者，教之以孝弟、睦友、子愛，明父子之義、長幼之序。

The Shû-dze See Book XLIV, paragraph 1, and note. The Shû-dze or Kû-dze belonged to the department of the Sze-mâ. They were two,--Great officers of the third grade; and under them thirty assistants,--officers and employés. The superintendents of the Lists in nex paragraph belonged to the same department;--also two of the same rank as the Shû-dze, and under them sixty-eight others. The functions of both are described in the Kâu Lî, Book XXXI., who had the direction of the (other) members of the royal and princely families, inculcated on them filial piety and fraternal duty, harmony and friendship, and kindly consideration; illustrating the righteousness that should prevail between father and son, and the order to be observed between elders and juniors.

其朝於公：內朝，則東面北上；臣有貴者，以齒。其在外朝，則以官，司士為之。

When they appeared at court, if it were at a reception in the innermost (courtyard of the palace), they took their places, facing the east, those of the most honourable rank among them, as ministers, being to the north (of the others); but they were arranged according to their age. If it were a reception in the outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged according to their offices;--(as in the former case), by the superintendents of the official lists.

其在宗廟之中，則如外朝之位。宗人授事，以爵以官。其登餕獻受爵，則以上嗣。庶子治之，雖有三命，不逾父兄。

When they were in the ancestral temple, they took their places as at the reception in the outer (and second courtyard); and the superintendent of the temple See the Kâu Lî, Book XXVII. assigned his business to each according to rank and office. In their ascending (to the hall), partaking of what had been left (by the personator of the dead), presenting (the cup to him), and receiving it (from him) These ceremonies do not appear to be mentioned here in the order of their occurrence., the eldest son by the wife took the precedence. The proceedings were regulated by the Shû-dze. Although one might have received three of the gifts of distinction, he did not take precedence of an uncle or elder cousin.

其公大事，則以其喪服之精粗為序。雖於公族之喪亦如之，以次主人。

At the funeral rites for rulers, they were arranged according to the character of their mourning-dress in the fineness or coarseness of the material. In case of such rites among themselves, the same order was observed, the principal mourner, however, always taking precedence of all others.

若公與族燕，則異姓為賓，膳宰為主人，公與父兄齒。族食，世降一等。

If the ruler were feasting with his kindred, then all of a different kindred were received as guests. The cook acted as master of the ceremonies We have here an instance of the important part which the cook played in the establishments of the kings and princes of those days; see vol. iii, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was too dignified to drink with the guests.. The ruler took place among his uncles and cousins according to age. Each generation of kindred took a lower place as it was a degree removed from the parent-stem.

其在軍，則守於公禰。公若有出疆之政，庶子以公族之無事者守於公宮，正室守大廟，諸父守貴宮貴室，諸子諸孫守下宮下室。

When with the army, the kindred guarded the spirit-tablets that had been brought from their shrines. If any public duties called the ruler beyond the limits of the state, those officers of the kindred employed the members of it, who had not other duties, to guard the ancestral temple and the apartments of the palace, the eldest sons by the proper wives guarding the temple of the Grand ancestor; the various uncles, the most honoured temple-shrines and apartments; the other sons and grandsons, the inferior shrines and apartments.

五廟之孫，祖廟未毀，雖為庶人，冠，取妻，必告；死，必赴；練祥則告。族之相為也，宜吊不吊，宜免不免，有司罰之。至於賵賻承含，皆有正焉。

All descended from any of the five rulers to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, even those who were now classed among the common people, were required to announce the events of capping and marriage, so long as the temple-shrine of the (Grand ancestor) had not been removed. Their deaths had to be announced; and also their sacrifices during the period of mourning. In the relations of the kindred among themselves, the proper officers punished any neglect of the regulations for condoling and not condoling, leaving off and not leaving off the cap (in mourning). There were the correct rules for the mourning gifts of articles, money, robes, and jade to put into the mouth (of the deceased).

公族其有死罪，則磬於甸人。其刑罪，則纖剸，亦告於甸人。公族無宮刑。獄成，有司讞於公。其死罪，則曰「某之罪在大辟」；其刑罪，則曰「某之罪在小辟」。公曰：「宥之。」有司又曰：「在辟。」公又曰：「宥之。」有司又曰：「在辟。」及三宥，不對，走出，致刑於於甸人。公又使人追之曰：「雖然，必赦之。」有司對曰：「無及也！」反命於公，公素服不舉，為之變，如其倫之喪。無服，親哭之。

When one of the ruler's kindred was found guilty of a capital offence, he was hanged by some one of the foresters' department. If the punishment for his offence were corporal infliction or dismemberment, it was also handed over to the same department. No one of the ruler's kindred was punished with castration. When the trial was concluded, the proper officer reported the sentence to the ruler. If the penalty were death, he would say, 'The offence of So and So is a capital crime.' If the penalty were less, he would say, 'The offence of So and So has received a lighter sentence.' The ruler would say, 'Let the sentence be remitted for another;' and the officer would say, 'That is the sentence.' This was repeated till the third time, when the officer would make no answer, but hurry off and put the execution into the hands of the appointed forester. Still the ruler would send some one after him, and say, 'Yes, but grant forgiveness,' to which there would be the reply, 'It is too late.' When the execution was reported to the ruler, he put on white clothes, and did not have a full meal or music, thus changing his usual habits. Though the kinsman might be within the degree for which there should be mourning rites, the ruler did not wear mourning, but wailed for him himself (in some family of a different surname).

公族朝於內朝，內親也。雖有貴者以齒，明父子也。外朝以官，體異姓也。

That the rulers kindred appeared at the reception in the innermost (court) showed how (the ruler) would honour the relatives of his own surname. That they took places according to their age, even those among them of high rank, showed the relation to be maintained between father and son. That they took places at the reception in the outer court according to their offices, showed how (the ruler) would show that they formed one body with (the officers of) other surnames See paragraph 2, above. .

宗廟之中，以爵為位，崇德也。宗人授事以官，尊賢也。登餕受爵以上嗣，尊祖之道也。

Their taking their places in the ancestral temple according to rank served to exalt the sense of virtue. That the superintendent of the temple assigned to them their several services according to their offices was a tribute of honour to worth. That the eldest son by the proper wife was employed to ascend, take precedence in partaking of what had been left, and in receiving the cup, was to do honour to their ancestor See paragraph 3, above. .

喪紀以服之輕重為序，不奪人親也。

That the distinctions at the funeral rites were arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of their mourning robes was not to take from any one the degree of his relationship See paragraph 4, above. .

公與族燕則以齒，而孝弟之道達矣。其族食世降一等，親親之殺也。

The ruler, when feasting with his kindred, took his place among them according to age, and thus development was given to filial piety and fraternal duty. That each generation took a lower place as it was removed a degree from the parent-stem showed the graduation of affection among relatives See paragraph 5, above..

戰則守於公禰，孝愛之深也。正室守大廟，尊宗室，而君臣之道著矣。諸父諸兄守貴室，子弟守下室，而讓道達矣。

The guard maintained during war over the spirit-tablets in the army showed the deep sense of filial piety and love. When the eldest son by the proper wife guarded the temple of the Grand ancestor, honour was done to the temple by the most honoured, and the rule as between ruler and minister was exhibited. When the uncles guarded the most honoured shrines and apartments, and the cousins those that were inferior, the principles of subordination and deference were displayed See paragraph 6, above. .

五廟之孫，祖廟未毀，雖及庶人，冠，取妻必告，死必赴，不忘親也。親未絕而列於庶人，賤無能也。敬吊臨賻賵，睦友之道也。

That the descendants of the five rulers, to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, were required, so long as the shrine of the Grand ancestor had not been removed, to announce their cappings and marriages, and their death was also required to be announced, showed how kinship was to be kept in mind See paragraph 12, above.. While the kinship was yet maintained, that some were classed among the common people showed how mean position followed on want of ability. The reverent observance of condoling, wailing, and of presenting contributions to the funeral rites in articles and money, Was the way taken to maintain harmony and friendliness See paragraph 7, above. .

古者，庶子之官治，而邦國有倫；邦國有倫，而眾鄉方矣。

Anciently, when the duties of these officers of the royal or princely kindred were well discharged, there was a constant model for the regions and states; and when this model was maintained, all knew to what to direct their views and aims This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the next. Some of the critics endeavour very ingeniously to account for its having been designedly placed where it stands..

公族之罪，雖親不以犯有司，正術也，所以體百姓也。刑於隱者，不與國人慮兄弟也。弗吊，弗為服，哭於異姓之廟，為忝祖遠之也。 素服居外，不聽樂，私喪之也，骨肉之親無絕也。公族無宮刑，不翦其類也。

When any of the ruler's kindred were guilty of offences, notwithstanding their kinship, they were not allowed to transgress with impunity, but the proper officers had their methods of dealing with them:--this showed the regard cherished for the people. That the offender was punished in secret There is great difference of opinion about 'the three old' and 'the five experienced.' A common view is that the former name denotes the old men of 80, 90, and 100; which appears to have been first propounded by Tû Yü (A. D. 222-284). The Khien-lung editors speak contemptuously of it, and ask what analogous division is to be made of the five classes of the experienced. Callery has a note on the paragraph, to the effect that there were two old men, one called 'the san-lâo,' and the other 'the wû-kang.' The emperor of the Khien-lung period, he tells us, because of the great age at which he had himself arrived, wished to restore the ancient practices in honour of old age. His proposal, however, was so vigorously opposed in council, especially by a Chinese minister, that he was obliged to abandon it. 'Many volumes,' he says, 'have been written on the origin and meaning of the denominations in the text, but nothing certain is known on the subject.', and not associated with common people, showed (the ruler's) concern for his brethren. That he offered no condolence, wore no mourning, and wailed for the criminal in the temple of a different surname, showed how he kept aloof from him as having disgraced their ancestors. That he wore white, occupied a chamber outside, and did not listen to music, was a private mourning for him, and showed how the feeling of kinship was not extinguished. That one of the ruler's kindred was not subjected to castration, showed how he shrank from cutting off the perpetuation of their family.

天子視學，大昕鼓徵，所以警眾也。眾至，然後天子至。乃命有司行事。興秩節，祭先師先聖焉。有司卒事，反命。始之養也：

When the son of Heaven was about to visit the college, the drum was beaten at early dawn to arouse all (the students). When all were come together, the son of Heaven then arrived and ordered the proper officers to discharge their business, proceeding in the regular order, and sacrificing to the former masters and former sages. When they reported to him that everything had been done, he then began to go to the nourishing (of the aged).

適東序，釋奠於先老，遂設三老五更群老之席位焉。

Proceeding to the school on the east, he unfolded and set forth the offerings to the aged of former times, and immediately afterwards arranged the mats and places for the three (classes of the) old, and the five (classes of the) experienced, for all the aged (indeed who were present).

適饌省醴，養老之珍，具；遂發詠焉，退修之以孝養也。

He (then) went to look at the food and examine the liquor. When the delicacies for the nourishment of the aged were all ready, he caused the song to be raised (as a signal for the aged to come). After this he retired and thus it was that he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment.

反，登歌清廟，既歌而語，以成之也。言父子、君臣、長幼之道，合德音之致，禮之大者也。

When (the aged) had returned (to their seats after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up and sang the Khing Miâo 'Khing Miâo' is the name of the first of 'The Sacrificial Odes of Kâu;' see vol. iii, pp. 313, 314., after which there was conversation to bring out fully its meaning. They spoke of the duties between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and juniors. This union (of the conversation) with the highest description of virtue in the piece constituted the greatest feature of the ceremony.

下管《象》，舞《大武》。大合眾以事，達有神，興有德也。正君臣之位、貴賤之等焉，而上下之義行矣。

Below (in the court-yard), the flute-players played the tune of the Hsiang 'Hsiang' was the name of a piece of music played to the dance Tâ-wû, in memory of the kings wan and Wû. It is hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the piece or of the dance. , while the Tâ-wei was danced, all uniting in the grand concert according to their parts, giving full development to the spirit (of the music), and stimulating the sense of virtue. The positions of ruler and minister, and the gradations of noble and mean were correctly exhibited, and the respective duties of high and low took their proper course.

有司告以樂闋，王乃命公侯伯子男及群吏曰：「反！養老幼於東序。」終之以仁也。

The officers having announced that the music was over, the king then charged the dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons, with all the officers, saying, 'Return, and nourish the aged and the young 'The young' is supposed to be an interpolation. in your eastern schools.' Thus did he end (the ceremony) with (the manifestation of) benevolence.

是故，聖人之記事也，慮之以大，愛之以敬，行之以禮，修之以孝養，紀之以義，終之以仁。 是故古之人一舉事而眾皆知其德之備也。古之君子，舉大事，必慎其終始，而眾安得不喻焉？《兌命》曰：「念終始典於學。」

The above statements show how the sage (sovereign) bore in mind the various steps (of this ceremony) This sentence is difficult. Callery translates it:--'En vue de tout cela l'empereur vertueux repasse dans sa mémoire ce que (les anciens) ont fait (pour honorer la vieillesse, afin de les imiter).'. He anxiously thought of it as its greatness deserved; his love for the aged was blended with reverence; he carried the thing through with attention to propriety; he adorned it with his filial nourishing; he connected with it the exhibition of the legitimate distinctions (of rank); and concluded it with (the manifestation of) benevolence. In this way the ancients, in the exhibition of this one ceremony, made all know how complete was their virtue. Among them, when they undertook any great affair, they were sure to carry it through carefully from beginning to end, so that it was impossible for any not to understand them. As it is said in the Yüeh Ming See the 'Charge to Yueh,' in vol. iii, p. 117., 'The thoughts from first to last should be fixed on (this) learning.'

世子之記曰：朝夕至於大寢之門外，問於內豎曰：「今日安否何如？」內豎曰：「今日安。」世子乃有喜色。其有不安節，則內豎以告世子，世子色憂不滿容。內豎言「複初」，然後亦複初。朝夕之食上，世子必在，視寒暖之節。食下，問所膳羞。必知所進，以命膳宰，然後退。若內豎言「疾」，則世子親齊玄而養。膳宰之饌，必敬視之；疾之藥，必親嘗之。嘗饌善，則世子亦能食；嘗饌寡，世子亦不能飽；以至於複初，然後亦複初。

The Record of (king Wan's) son and heir says, 'Morning and evening he went to the outside of the door of the great chamber, and asked the attendant of the interior whether his father were well, and how he was. If told that he was well, his joy appeared in his countenance. If his father were not so well, the attendant would tell him so, and then his sorrow and anxiety appeared, and his demeanour was disturbed. When the attendant told him that his father was better, he resumed his former appearance. Morning and evening when the food went up, he would examine it and see if it were hot or cold as it ought to be. When it came down, he asked what his father had eaten. He made it a point to know what viands went in, and to give his orders to the cook; and then he retired. 'If the attendant reported that his father was ill, then he himself fasted and waited on him in his dark-coloured dress. He inspected with reverence the food prepared by the cook, and tasted himself the medicine for the patient. If his father ate well of the food, then he was able to eat. If his father ate but little, then he could not take a full meal. When his father had recovered, then he resumed his former ways This is evidently an unskilful reproduction of the first paragraph of Section i. We try in vain to discover why the compiler inserted it here..'

昔者仲尼與於蠟賓，事畢，出遊於觀之上，喟然而歎。仲尼之歎，蓋歎魯也。言偃在側曰：「君子何歎？」孔子曰：「大道之行也，與三代之英，丘未之逮也，而有志焉。」

Formerly Kung-nî was present as one of the guests at the Kâ sacrifice Offered in the end of the year, in thanksgiving for all the crops that had been reaped. See in Book IX, ii, paragraphs 9, 10. ; and when it was over, he went out and walked backwards and forwards on the terrace over the gate of Proclamations The gateway where illustrated copies of the laws and punishments were suspended. It belonged of right only to the royal palace, but it was among the things which Lû had usurped, or was privileged to use., looking sad and sighing. What made him sigh was the state of Lû As usurping royal rites, and in disorder. . Yen Yen was by his side, and said to him, 'Master, what are you sighing about?' Confucius replied, 'I never saw the practice of the Grand course This sounds Tâoistic. It is explained of the time of the five Tîs. , and the eminent men of the three dynasties The founders of the Hsiâ, Shang, and Kâu, and their great ministers.; but I have my object (in harmony with theirs).

大道之行也，天下為公。選賢與能，講信修睦，故人不獨親其親，不獨子其子，使老有所終，壯有所用，幼有所長，矜寡孤獨廢疾者，皆有所養。男有分，女有歸。貨惡其棄於地也，不必藏於己；力惡其不出於身也，不必為己。是故謀閉而不興，盜竊亂賊而不作，故外戶而不閉，是謂大同。

'When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they chose 'They chose;' who are intended by the 'they?' Shall we find them in the 'all under the sky' of the preceding clause? Callery has:--'Sous le grand régne de la vertu, l'empire était la chose publique. On choisissait pour le gouverneur les hommes éminents,' &c. Khung Ying-tâ explains the clause by 'They made no hereditary princes.' Perhaps it would be well to translate passively,--'Men of virtue and ability were chosen (to govern).' The writer has before him the Tâoistic period of the primitive simplicity, when there was no necessity for organised government as in after ages. men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. (They accumulated) articles (of value), disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification. (They laboured) with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it (only) with a view to their own advantage It is rather difficult to construe and translate these two sentences. Callery gives for them, not very successfully:--'Quant aux objets matériels, ceux qu'on n'aimait pas, on les abandonnait (aux personnes qui en avaient besoin), sans les mettre en réserve pour soi. Les choses dont on était capable, on regardait comme fort mauvais de ne pas les faire, lors même que ce n'était pas pour soi.'. In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was (the period of) what we call the Grand Union.

今大道既隱，天下為家，各親其親，各子其子，貨力為己，大人世及以為禮。城郭溝池以為固，禮義以為紀；以正君臣，以篤父子，以睦兄弟，以和夫婦，以設制度，以立田裏，以賢勇知，以功為己。故謀用是作，而兵由此起。禹、湯、文、武、成王、周公，由此其選也。此六君子者，未有不謹於禮者也。以著其義，以考其信，著有過，刑仁講讓，示民有常。如有不由此者，在勢者去，眾以為殃，是謂小康。」

'Now that the Grand course has fallen into disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inheritance. Every one loves (above all others) his own parents and cherishes (as) children (only) his own sons. People accumulate articles and exert their strength for their own advantage. Great men imagine it is the rule that their states should descend in their own families. Their object is to make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong and their ditches and moats secure. The rules of propriety and of what is right are regarded as the threads by which they seek to maintain in its correctness the relation between ruler and minister; in its generous regard that between father and son; in its harmony that between elder brother and younger; and in a community of sentiment that between husband and wife; and in accordance with them they frame buildings and measures; lay out the fields and hamlets (for the dwellings of the husbandmen); adjudge the superiority to men of valour and knowledge; and regulate their achievements with a view to their own advantage. Thus it is that (selfish) schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their rise, and recourse is had to arms; and thus it was (also) that Yü, Thang, Wan and Wû, king Khang, and the duke of Kâu obtained their distinction. Of these six great men every one was very attentive to the rules of propriety, thus to secure the display of righteousness, the realisation of sincerity, the exhibition of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the normal virtues. Any rulers who did not follow this course were driven away by those who possessed power and position, and all regarded them as pests. This is the period of what we call Small Tranquillity The Tâoism in this and the preceding paragraph is evident, and we need not be surprised that Wang of Shih-liang should say that they ought not to be ascribed to Confucius. The Khien-lung editors try to weaken the force of his judgment by a theory of misplaced tablets and spurious additions to the text. .'

言偃複問曰：「如此乎禮之急也？」孔子曰：「夫禮，先王以承天之道，以治人之情。故失之者死，得之者生。《詩》曰：『相鼠有體，人而無禮；人而無禮，胡不遄死？』是故夫禮，必本於天，肴於地，列於鬼神，達於喪祭、射禦、冠昏、朝聘。故聖人以禮示之，故天下國家可得而正也。」

Yen Yen again asked, 'Are the rules of Propriety indeed of such urgent importance?' Confucius said, 'It was by those rules that the ancient kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven, and to regulate the feelings of men. Therefore he who neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as dead, and he who observes them, as alive. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "Look at a rat--how small its limbs and fine! Then mark the course that scorns the proper line. Propriety's neglect may well provoke A wish the man would quickly court death's stroke The Shih, I, iv, 8; metrical version, page 99.." Therefore those rules are rooted in heaven, have their correspondencies in earth, and are applicable to spiritual beings. They extend to funeral rites, sacrifices, archery, chariot-driving, capping, marriage, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus the sages made known these rules, and it became possible for the kingdom, with its states and clans, to reach its correct condition.'

偃複問曰：「夫子之極言禮也，可得而聞與？」孔子曰：「我欲觀夏道，是故之杞，而不足徵也；吾得《夏時》焉。我欲觀殷道，是故之宋，而不足徵也；吾得《坤乾》焉。《坤乾》之義，《夏時》之等，吾以是觀之。」

Yen Yen again asked, 'May I be allowed to hear, Master, the full account that you would give of these rules?' Confucius said, 'I wished to see the ways of Hsiâ, and for that purpose went to Khî. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there "The seasons of Hsiâ." I wished to see the ways of Yin, and for that purpose went to Sung. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there "The Khwan Khien." In this way I got to see the meanings in the Khwan Khien, and the different steps in the seasons of Hsiâ Compare with this paragraph the ninth in the third Book of the Analects. In that Confucius tells of his visits to Khî and Sung; but says nothing of his finding any book or fragment of a book in either, dwelling instead on the insufficiency of their records. 'The seasons of Hsia,' which it is said here 'he got in Khî,' is supposed to be the 'small calendar of Hsiâ,' preserved by the Greater Tai, and 'the Khwan Khien' to have been the 'Kwei Zhang Yî,' attributed by many to the Shang dynasty. But all this is very uncertain. .

「夫禮之初，始諸飲食，其燔黍捭豚，汙尊而抔飲，蕢桴而土鼓，猶若可以致其敬於鬼神。

'At the first use of ceremonies, they began with meat and drink. They roasted millet and pieces of pork In an unartificial manner, we are told, 'by placing them on heated stones.' It is only the last sentence of the paragraph which makes us think that the previous parts have anything to do with sacrifice or religion.; they excavated the ground in the form of a jar, and scooped the water from it with their two hands; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck with it an earthen drum. (Simple as these arrangements were), they yet seemed to be able to express by them their reverence for Spiritual Beings.

及其死也，升屋而號，告曰：「皋！某複。」然後飯腥而苴孰。故天望而地藏也，體魄則降，知氣在上，故死者北首，生者南鄉，皆從其初。」

'(By-and-by) Khung Ying-tâ thinks that this describes the practices of the period of 'the five Tîs.' The north is the quarter of darkness and decay, the south that of brightness and life. 'The paragraph teaches us,' says Hsu Shih-zang, 'that the burial and other mourning ceremonies were not inventions of later sages, but grew from the natural feelings and sorrow of the earliest men.', when one died, they went upon the housetop, and called out his name in a prolonged note, saying, "Come back, So and So." After this they filled the mouth (of the dead) with uncooked rice, and (set forth as offerings to him) packets of raw flesh. Thus they looked up to heaven (whither the spirit was gone), and buried (the body) in the earth. The body and the animal soul go downwards; and the intelligent spirit is on high. Thus (also) the dead are placed with their heads to the north, while the living look towards the south. In all these matters the earliest practice is followed.

「昔者先王，未有宮室，冬則居營窟，夏則居橧巢。未有火化，食草木之實、鳥獸之肉，飲其血，茹其毛。未有麻絲，衣其羽皮。」

'Formerly the ancient kings This was, says Kang, 'the time of the highest antiquity;' 'the time,' says Ying-tâ, 'before the five Tîs.' had no houses. In winter they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in summer in nests which they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and beasts, drinking their blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins.

『後聖有作，然後修火之利，范金合土，以為台榭、宮室、牖戶，以炮以燔，以亨以炙，以為醴酪；治其麻絲，以為布帛，以養生送死，以事鬼神上帝，皆從其朔。』

'The later sages then arose, and men (learned) to take advantage of the benefits of fire. They moulded the metals and fashioned clay, so as to rear towers with structures on them, and houses with windows and doors. They toasted, grilled, boiled, and roasted. They produced must and sauces. They dealt with the flax and silk so as to form linen and silken fabrics. They were thus able to nourish the living, and to make offerings to the dead; to serve the spirits of the departed and God According to Ying-tâ, 'this is descriptive of the times of Shan Nang in middle antiquity, of the five Tîs, and of the three kings.' This would extend it over a very long space of time. When it is said that men in their advancing civilisation were able to serve the spirits of the departed and God, the peculiarity of style by which those spirits (literally, the Kwei Shan) are placed before God (Shang Tî) does not fail to attract the notice of the student. The explanation of it was given ingeniously, and I believe correctly, by Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, page 78), who says, 'it was done, probably, in order to distinguish the one from the other, and to prevent the reader from imagining that the Kwei Shans belonged to the Shang Tî, which mistake might have occurred had the characters been differently arranged.' I translate the last sentence in the present tense, the, speaker having, I think, his own times in mind.. In all these things we follow the example of that early time.

『故玄酒在室，醴盞在戶，粢醍在堂，澄酒在下。陳其犧牲，備其鼎俎，列其琴瑟管磬鐘鼓，修其祝嘏，以降上神與其先祖。以正君臣，以篤父子，以睦兄弟，以齊上下，夫婦有所。是謂承天之祜。』

'Thus it is that the dark-coloured liquor is in the apartment (where the representative of the dead is entertained) The 'dark-coloured' liquor was water, which was employed in the earliest times, before there was any preparation of liquor made from grain, either by fermentation or distillation, and the use of it was continued in the subsequent times of which this paragraph speaks, in honour of the practice of antiquity; and is continued, probably, to the present day. The other liquors are mentioned in the order of their invention, following one another in the historical line of their discovery, the older always having a nearer and more honourable place.; that the vessel of must is near its (entrance) door; that the reddish liquor is in the hall; and the clear, in the (court) below. The victims (also) are displayed, and the tripods and stands are prepared. The lutes and citherns are put in their places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the representatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The object of all the ceremonies is to bring down the spirits from above, even their ancestors Dr. Medhurst rendered this--'to bring down the Shans of the upper world, together with the manes of their first ancestors.' In giving to the two phrases one and the same reference I am following Ying-tâ and others.; serving (also) to rectify the relations between ruler and ministers; to maintain the generous feeling between father and son, and the harmony between elder and younger brother; to adjust the relations between high and low; and to give their proper places to husband and wife. The whole may be said to secure the blessing of Heaven.

『作其祝號，玄酒以祭，薦其血毛，腥其俎，孰其肴，與其越席，疏布以冪，衣其浣帛，醴盞以獻，薦其燔炙，君與夫人交獻，以嘉魂魄，是謂合莫。』

'They proceed to their invocations, using in each the appropriate terms. The dark-coloured liquor is employed in (every) sacrifice. The blood with the hair and feathers (of the victim) is presented. The flesh, uncooked, is set forth on the stands The last three observances were in imitation of what was done in the earliest antiquity.. The bones with the flesh on them are sodden; and rush mats and coarse cloth are placed underneath and over the vases and cups. The robes of dyed silk are put on. The must and clarified liquor are presented. The flesh, roasted and grilled, is brought forward In these six things the ways of 'middle antiquity' were observed. The whole paragraph is descriptive of a sacrifice in the ancestral temple under Kâu, where an effort was made to reproduce all sacrificial customs from the earliest times.. The ruler and his wife take alternate parts in presenting these offerings, all being done to please the souls of the departed, and constituting a union (of the living) with the disembodied and unseen.

『然後退而合亨，體其犬豕牛羊，實其簠簋籩豆鉶羹。祝以孝告，嘏以慈告，是謂大祥。此禮之大成也。』

'These services having been completed, they retire, and cook again all that was insufficiently done. The dogs, pigs, bullocks, and sheep are dismembered. The shorter dishes (round and square), the taller ones of bamboo and wood, and the soup vessels are all filled. There are the prayers which express the filial piety (of the worshipper), and the benediction announcing the favour (of his ancestors). This may be called the greatest omen of prosperity; and in this the ceremony obtains its grand completion This last paragraph appears to me to give a very condensed account of the banquet to a ruler's kindred, with which a service in the ancestral temple concluded. Paragraphs 10, 11, 12 are all descriptive of the parts of such a service. Compare the accounts of it in the Shih II, vi, ode 5, and other pieces. .'

孔子曰：「於呼哀哉！我觀周道，幽、厲傷之，吾舍魯何適矣！魯之郊禘，非禮也，周公其衰矣！杞之郊也禹也，宋之郊也契也，是天子之事守也。故天子祭天地，諸侯祭社稷。」

Confucius said, 'Ah! Alas! I look at the ways of Kâu. (The kings) Yû B.C. 781-771. and Lî B.C. 878-828. corrupted them indeed, but if I leave Lû, where shall I go (to find them better)? The border sacrifice of Lû, (however,) and (the association with it of) the founder of the line (of Kâu) is contrary to propriety;--how have (the institutions of) the duke of Kâu fallen into decay

That the sacrificial ceremonies of Lû were in many things corrupted in Lû in the time of Confucius is plain to the reader of the Analects. How the corruption first began is a subject of endless controversy. It seems to be established that special privileges were granted in this respect to the duke of Kâu and his son, Po-khin. Guarded at first and innocent, encroachments were made by successive princes, as the vigour, of the royal authority declined; and by-and-by as those princes became themselves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake, and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services.

The commentators throw little light on the special corruption selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted it by the analogy of the cases of Khî and Sung. The lords of those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsiâ and Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the Kâu dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of Khî and Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsiâ and Shang. But the case was different with the lords of Lû, belonging to the time of Kâu, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning. Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the paragraph is a doubtful point.

祝嘏莫敢易其常古，是謂大假。

When no change is presumptuously made from the constant practice from the oldest times between the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the sacrifice) See paragraph 12 of the last section., and the benediction (at the end of it) See paragraph 12 of the last section., we have what might be called a great and happy service.

祝嘏辭說，藏於宗祝巫史，非禮也，是謂幽國。

For the words of prayer and blessing and those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of propriety. This may be called keeping a state in darkness In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into use, and the old forms were forgotten. The sorcerers; see page 172, paragraph 42..

盞斝及屍君，非禮也，是謂僭君。

(The use of) the kan cup (of Hsiâ) and the kiâ cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) between the representative of the dead and the ruler are contrary to propriety;--these things constitute 'a usurping ruler It would be of little use to give representations of those cups, as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Khî, Sung, and Lû could they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred to in these paragraphs they were used by other states; which was an act of usurpation. .'

冕弁兵革藏於私家，非禮也，是謂脅君。

(For ministers and Great officers to) keep the cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. To do so constitutes 'restraint of the ruler Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of course could not be used by inferiors. Others might be used by them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required. Sometimes they were conferred by special gift; but none could make them for themselves. .'

大夫具官，祭器不假，聲樂皆具，非禮也，是謂亂國。

For Great officers to maintain a full staff of employés, to have so many sacrificial vessels that they do not need to borrow any; and have singers and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to propriety. For them to do so leads to 'disorder in a state A Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward, to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission. .'

故仕於公曰臣，仕於家曰仆。三年之喪，與新有昏者，期不使。以衰裳入朝，與家仆雜居齊齒，非禮也，是謂君與臣同國。

Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5.. To enter court in decayed robes, or to live promiscuously with his servants, taking place among them according to age:--all these things are contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we have what is called 'ruler and minister sharing the state.'

故天子有田以處其子孫，諸侯有國以處其子孫，大夫有采以處其子孫，是謂制度。

Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain that he may settle there his sons and grandsons; and the feudal princes have their states; and Great officers their appanages that they may do the same for theirs. This constitutes 'the statutory arrangement.'

故天子適諸侯，必舍其祖朝，而不以禮籍入，是謂天子壞法亂紀。諸侯非問疾弔喪而入諸臣之家，是謂君臣為謔。

Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without having with him all the rules to be observed. If he act otherwise, we have an instance of 'The son of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the regulations into confusion.' A prince, unless it be to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner, does not enter the house of a minister. If he act otherwise, we have the case of 'ruler and minister playing with each other.'

是故，禮者君之大柄也，所以別嫌明微，儐鬼神，考制度，別仁義，所以治政安君也。

Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he resolves what is doubtful and brings to light what is abstruse; that he conducts his intercourse with spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements, and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness; it is by them, in short, that government is rightly ordered, and his own tranquillity secured.

故政不正，則君位危；君位危，則大臣倍，小臣竊。刑肅而俗敝，則法無常；法無常，而禮無列；禮無列，則士不事也。刑肅而俗敝，則民弗歸也，是謂疵國。

When government is not correct, the ruler's seat is insecure. When the ruler's seat is insecure, the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irregular, and the rules of ceremony uncertain. When these are uncertain, officers do not perform their duties; and when punishments become severe, and manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what is right). We have that condition which may be described as 'an infirm state.'

故政者君之所以藏身也。是故夫政必本於天，肴以降命。命降於社之謂肴地，降于祖廟之謂仁義，降於山川之謂興作，降於五祀之謂制度。此聖人所以藏身之固也。

In this way government is the means by which the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. This uses a variety of ways in sending down the intimations of Its will. As learned from the altars of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) imparted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, they are movement and activity. As learned from the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes (of their various spirits). It is in this way that the sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of their persons

On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note:--'Très difficile à comprendre dans nos idées, ce passage offre un sens tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre métaphysique va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les accidents divers des êtres, et les phénomènes rationnels ou psychologiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens que modernes, la société présente des inégalités dans ses classes d'individus, comme la terre présente à sa surface des montagnes et des vallées; telle loi provoque l'action et le mouvement, comme les rivières pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de forêts sont des foyers de vie et de développement; telle autre loi impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent la piété filiale envers les ancêtres, ou le respect envers les Dieux. Ces analogies sont quelquefois poussées jusqu'au dernier ridicule; mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais forcées, et semblent faire très peu de cas de la logique Européenne, qui ne les admire pas.'

The Khien-lung editors say on it:--'Hsiâo (殽) gives the idea of distribution. All the principles under the sky are simply expressive of the mind of the one Heaven. Heaven is everywhere, and its distributions from which we see its ordinations are also everywhere. Khien ( 乾 ) 'great and originating,' contains all the meaning belonging to the name Heaven. Earth (坤) obediently receives the influences of heaven. Consequently, when we see how earth supports all things, we know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on it. Heaven is the author of all things. It produced men, and men go on to produce one another, in succession. From this we see that every man has his ancestor, and know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on the ancestral temple. Hills and streams are also the productions of Heaven, but every one of them is also able to produce other things; and when we see their productiveness, we know that the ordination of Heaven to that effect has descended on them. The productive power of Heaven is distributed in the five elements, and their results, which are most important to men, are exhibited in the five sacrifices of the house, so that we see those results in these, and know that the ordination of Heaven has descended on them. Now the ancestral temples, the hills and streams, and those five altars of the house, are all distributed on the earth, but in reality have their root in Heaven. And so it is that the sages after the pattern of Heaven made their ordinations; and their filial piety and righteousness, and all the duties enjoined by them, effective, though unseen, secure the issues of government.'

故聖人參於天地，並於鬼神，以治政也。處其所存，禮之序也；玩其所樂，民之治也。

Hence the sage forms a ternion with Heaven and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual beings, in order to the right ordering of government. Taking his place on the ground of the principles inherent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order; calling them to the happy exercise of that in which they find pleasure, he secured the success of the government of the people.

故天生時而地生財，人其父生而師教之：四者，君以正用之，故君者立於無過之地也。

Heaven produces the seasons. Earth produces all the sources of wealth. Man is begotten by his father, and instructed by his teacher. The ruler correctly uses these four agencies, and therefore he stands in the place where there is no error 'If the ruler,' says Khung Ying-tâ, 'were to undertake to do all the work of these agencies himself, he would commit many errors. Employing them according to the natural operation of each, the work is easily performed, and without error.'.

故君者所明也，非明人者也。君者所養也，非養人者也。君者所事也，非事人者也。故君明人則有過，養人則不足，事人則失位。故百姓則君以自治也，養君以自安也，事君以自顯也。故禮達而分定，人皆愛其死而患其生。

Hence the ruler is he to whose brightness men look; he does not seek to brighten men. It is he whom men support; he does not seek to support men. It is he whom men serve; he does not seek to serve men. If the ruler were to seek to brighten men, he would fall into errors. If he were to seek to nourish men, he would be unequal to the task. If he were to seek to serve men, he would be giving up his position. Therefore the people imitate the ruler, and we have their self-government; they nourish their ruler, and they find their security in doing so; they serve the ruler, and find their distinction in doing so. Thus it is by the universal application of the rules of propriety, that the lot and duty (of different classes) are fixed; thus it is that men, (acting contrary to those rules,) would all have to account death a boon, and life an evil.

故用人之知去其詐，用人之勇去其怒，用人之仁去其貪。

Therefore (the ruler), making use of the wisdom of others, will put away the cunning to which that wisdom might lead him; using their courage, he will (in the same way) put away passion; and using their benevolence, he will put away covetousness I have here followed the Khien-lung editors in preference to Kang Khang-khang and others. The latter consider that the cunning, passion, and covetousness are those of the men whom the ruler employs,--vices generally found, along with the good qualities belonging to them. .

故國有患，君死社稷謂之義，大夫死宗廟謂之變。

Therefore, when calamity comes on a state, for the ruler to die for its altars is to be regarded as right; but for a Great officer to die for the ancestral temple is to be regarded as a change (of the duty required from him) It is not easy to see the ground of the reprehension of the devotion of a Great officer which is here implied. 'The care of the state is a trust committed to the ruler by the sovereign,--he should die in maintaining it. An officer has services to discharge, and not trusts to maintain. When the services can no longer be discharged, he may leave them and save himself'(?)..

故聖人耐以天下為一家，以中國為一人者，非意之也，必知其情，辟於其義，明於其利，達於其患，然後能為之。

Therefore when it is said that (the ruler being) a sage can look on all under the sky as one family, and on all in the Middle states as one man, this does not mean that he will do so on premeditation and purpose. He must know men's feelings, lay open to them what they consider right, show clearly to them what is advantageous, and comprehend what are their calamities. Being so furnished, he is then able to effect the thing.

何謂人情？喜怒哀懼愛惡欲七者，弗學而能。何謂人義？父慈、子孝、兄良、弟弟、夫義、婦聽、長惠、幼順、君仁、臣忠十者，謂之人義。講信修睦，謂之人利。爭奪相殺，謂之人患。故聖人所以治人七情，修十義，講信修睦，尚辭讓，去爭奪，舍禮何以治之？

What are the feelings of men? They are joy, anger, sadness, fear, love, disliking, and liking. These seven feelings belong to men without their learning them. What are 'the things which men consider right?' Kindness on the part of the father, and filial duty on that of the son; gentleness on the part of the elder brother, and obedience on that of the younger; righteousness on the part of the husband, and submission on that of the wife; kindness on the part of elders, and deference on that of juniors; with benevolence on the part of the ruler, and loyalty on that of the minister;--these ten are the things which men consider to be right. Truthfulness in speech and the cultivation of harmony constitute what are called 'the things advantageous to men.' Quarrels, plundering, and murders are 'the things disastrous to men.' Hence, when a sage (ruler) would regulate the seven feelings of men, cultivate the ten virtues that are right; promote truthfulness of speech, and the maintenance of harmony; show his value for kindly consideration and complaisant courtesy; and put away quarrelling and plundering, if he neglect the rules of propriety, how shall he succeed?

飲食男女，人之大欲存焉；死亡貧苦，人之大惡存焉。故欲惡者，心之大端也。人藏其心，不可測度也；美惡皆在其心，不見其色也，欲一以窮之，舍禮何以哉？

The things which men greatly desire are comprehended in meat and drink and sexual pleasure; those which they greatly dislike are comprehended in death, exile, poverty, and suffering. Thus liking and disliking are the great elements in men's minds. But men keep them hidden in their minds, where they cannot be fathomed or measured. The good and the bad of them being in their minds, and no outward manifestation of them being visible, if it be wished to determine these qualities in one uniform way, how can it be done without the use of the rules of propriety (implied in the ceremonial usages)?

故人者，其天地之德，陰陽之交，鬼神之會，五行之秀氣也。

Man is (the product of) the attributes of Heaven and Earth, (by) the interaction of the dual forces of nature, the union of the animal and intelligent (souls), and the finest subtile matter of the five elements Callery's translation of this paragraph is the following:--'L'homme émane, (pour le moral), de la vertu du Ciel et de la Terre; (pour le physique il émane) de la combinaison des (deux principes) Yin et Yang; (pour la partie spirituelle, il émane) de la réunion des esprits et des Dieux; et pour la forme qui lui est propre, il émane de l'essence la plus subtile des cinq éléments.' To this he subjoins the following note:--'Il m'est difficile de croire que les Chinois eux-mêmes aient jamais rien compris à ces théories androgénésiques, dont tout le mérite gît dans le vague de l'énoncé.' The Khien-lung editors say:--'The characteristic attributes of Heaven and Earth are blended and hid in the two forces of nature; and this is called the truth that is unlimited. If we speak of those forces in their fundamental character, we call them the Yin and Yang. If we speak of them as they develop their power, we call them Kwei and Shan. If we speak of them as they become substantial, we call them the five elements. And this is what is called the essence of what is meant by the second and fifth lines of the Khien hexagram,' &c. &c. .

故天秉陽，垂日星；地秉陰，竅於山川。播五行於四時，和而後月生也。是以三五而盈，三五而闕。

Heaven exercises the control of the strong and light force, and hangs out the sun and stars. Earth exercises the control of the dark and weaker force, and gives vent to it in the hills and streams. The five elements are distributed through the four seasons, and it is by their harmonious action that the moon is produced, which therefore keeps waxing for fifteen days and waning for fifteen Callery says here:--'C'est toujours l'application de la théorie des affinités naturelles dont nous avons parlé (see note, p. 281) et dont il importe de bien se pénétrer lorsqu'on veut comprendre quelque chose aux dissertations philosophiques des Chinois.' But after the student has done his best to get hold of the theory, he will often be baffled in trying to follow the applications of it. For example, I cannot get hold of what is said here about the genesis of the moon. Much of the next four paragraphs is very obscure. A little light seems to flash on them from parts of different sections of Book IV, but it is neither bright nor steady..

五行之動，迭相竭也，五行、四時、十二月，還相為本也；

The five elements in their movements alternately displace and exhaust one another. Each one of them, in the revolving course of the twelve months of the four seasons, comes to be in its turn the fundamental one for the time.

五聲、六律、、十二管，還相為宮也；

The five notes of harmony, with their six upper musical accords, and the twelve pitch-tubes, come each, in their revolutions among themselves, to be the first note of the scale.

五味、六和、、十二食，還相為質也；

The five flavours, with the six condiments, and the twelve articles of diet, come each one, in their revolutions (in the course of the year), to give its character to the food.

五色、六章、十二衣，還相為質也。

The five colours, with the six elegant figures, which they form on the two robes, come each one, in their revolutions among themselves, to give the character of the dress that is worn.

故人者，天地之心也，五行之端也，食味別聲被色而生者也。

Therefore Man is the heart and mind of Heaven and Earth, and the visible embodiment of the five elements. He lives in the enjoyment of all flavours, the discriminating of all notes (of harmony), and the enrobing of all colours For this paragraph M. Callery gives:--'L'homme est donc le coeur du Ciel et de la Terre, la fine essence des cinq éléments, et vit en mangeant des choses sapides, en distinguant les sons, et en s'habillant de différentes couleurs (contrairement à la brute, dont les goûts sont grossiers, et les instincts sans raison).' Of course the first predicate about man, and, we might almost say, the second also, are metaphorical. 'La fine essence' is not a correct translation of the text in the second predicate, the Chinese character so rendered is different from the two characters in paragraph 1. On the former predicate Hsiang An-shih (Sung dynasty) says:--'The heart of Heaven and Earth is simply benevolence. The perfect benevolence of Heaven and Earth is lodged in man. Given the human body, and forthwith there is the benevolent heart. Hence it is said (Mencius VII, ii, 16), "Man is benevolence;" "Benevolence is the heart of man." Moreover, the heart of Heaven and Earth is seen in the very idea of life, so that the heart (or kernel) of all fruits is called Zan (仁) or benevolence, which is again a name for man (仁者人也).'.

故聖人作則，必以天地為本，以陰陽為端，以四時為柄，以日星為紀，月以為量，鬼神以為徒，五行以為質，禮義以為器，人情以為田，四靈以為畜。

Thus it was that when the sages would make rules (for men), they felt it necessary to find the origin (of all things) in heaven and earth; to make the two forces (of nature) the commencement (of all); to use the four seasons as the handle (of their arrangements); to adopt the sun and stars as the recorders (of time), the moon as the measurer (of work to be done), the spirits breathing (in nature) as associates Callery has for this:--'Les Esprits et les Dieux pour compagnons;' Medhurst, 'the Kwei Shins, as the associates.' Kang and Khung say that by Kwei Shan are to be understood 'the hills and streams of last section,' paragraph 12, for 'those help the respiration of the earth.' , the five elements as giving substance (to things), rules of propriety and righteousness as (their) instruments, the feelings of men as the field (to be cultivated), and the four intelligent creatures as domestic animals (to be reared) See paragraph 10..

以天地為本，故物可舉也；以陰陽為端，故情可睹也；以四時為柄，故事可勸也；以日星為紀，故事可列也；月以為量，故功有藝也；鬼神以為徒，故事有守也；五行以為質，故事可複也；禮義以為器，故事行有考也；人情以為田，故人以為奧也；四靈以為畜，故飲食有由也。

The origin of all things being found in heaven and earth, they could be taken in hand, one after the other. The commencement of these being found in the two forces (of nature), their character and tendencies could be observed. The four seasons being used as a handle, (the people) could be stimulated to the business (of each). The sun and stars being constituted the measures of time, that business could be laid out in order. The moon being taken as the measure (of work to be done), that work could be accomplished successfully. The spirits breathing (in nature) being considered as associates, what is done will be maintained permanently. The five elements being considered as giving substance (to things), what has been done could be repeated. Rules of propriety and righteousness being viewed as the instruments, whatever was done would be completed. The feelings of men being the field to be cultivated, men would look up (to the sages) as to their lords. The four intelligent creatures being made to become domestic animals, there would be constant sources of food and drink.

何謂四靈？麟鳳龜龍，謂之四靈。故龍以為畜，故魚鮪不淰；鳳以為畜，故鳥不獝；麟以為畜，故獸不狘；龜以為畜，故人情不失。

What were the four intelligent creatures Callery calls these four creatures 'le cerf, l'aigle, la tortue, et le dragon;' and says:--'D'après la mythologie historique des Chinois, ces quatre animaux ne se montrent sur la terre que sous le règne des empereurs d'une vertu extraordinaire. Alors, la plus grande paix règne dans l'univers; tous les hommes sont heureux; personne ne manque de rien:--C'est l'âge d'or, moins les idées poétiques des Grecs et des Latins.' All the four excepting the tortoise are fabulous animals, and even Confucius believed in them (Ana. IX, 8). The lesson drawn from the text by many is that men's goodness is the pledge of, and the way to, all prosperity.? They were the Khî-lin, the phoenix, the tortoise, and the dragon. When the dragon becomes a domestic animal, (all other) fishes and the sturgeon do not lie hidden from men (in the mud). When the phoenix becomes so, the birds do not fly from them in terror. When the Khî-lin does so, the beasts do not scamper away. When the tortoise does so, the feelings of men take no erroneous course.

故先王秉蓍龜，列祭祀，瘞繒，宣祝嘏辭說，設制度，故國有禮，官有禦，事有職，禮有序。

The ancient kings made use of the stalks and the tortoise-shell; arranged their sacrifices; buried their offerings of silk; recited their words of supplication and benediction; and made their statutes and measures. In this way arose the ceremonial usages of the states, the official departments with their administrators, each separate business with its own duties, and the rules of ceremony in their orderly arrangements.

故先王患禮之不達於下也。故祭帝於郊，所以定天位也；祀社於國，所以列地利也；祖廟所以本仁也，山川所以儐鬼神也，五祀所以本事也。故宗祝在廟，三公在朝，三老在學。王，前巫而後史，蔔筮瞽侑皆在左右，王中心無為也，以守至正。

Thus it was that the ancient kings were troubled lest the ceremonial usages should not be generally understood by all below them. They therefore sacrificed to God in the suburb (of the capital), and thus the place of heaven was established. They sacrificed at the altar of the earth inside the capital, and thus they intimated the benefits derived from the earth. Their sacrifices in the ancestral temple gave their fundamental place to the sentiments of humanity. Those at the altars of the hills and streams served to mark their intercourse with the spirits breathing (in nature). Their five sacrifices (of the house) were a recognition of the various business which was to be done. For the same reason, there are the officers of prayer in the ancestral temple; the three ducal ministers in the court; and the three classes of old men in the college. In front of the king there were the sorcerers, and behind him the recorders; the diviners by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks, the blind musicians and their helpers were all on his left and right. He himself was in the centre. His mind had nothing to do, but to maintain what was entirely correct.

故禮行於郊，而百神受職焉，禮行於社，而百貨可極焉，禮行於祖廟而孝慈服焉，禮行於五祀而正法則焉。故自郊社、祖廟、山川、五祀，義之修而禮之藏也。

By means of the ceremonies performed in the suburb, all the spirits receive their offices. By means of those performed at the altar of the earth, all the things yielded (by the earth) receive their fullest development. By means of those in the ancestral temple, the services of filial duty and of kindly affection come to be discharged. By means of those at the five sacrifices of the house, the laws and rules of life are correctly exhibited. Hence when the ideas in these sacrifices in the suburb, at the altar of the earth, in the ancestral temple, at the altars of the hills and streams, and of the five sacrifices of the house are fully apprehended, the ceremonies used are found to be lodged in them Kang explains 'all the spirits' in the first sentence of this paragraph by 'all the constellations.' Khung agrees with him. Khan Hâo (Yüan dynasty) explains it of 'wind, rain, cold, and heat.' The Khien-lung editors say that the two explanations must be united. But why are these phenomena described as all or 'the hundred spirits?' Is it by personification? or a kind of pantheism? .

是故夫禮，必本於大一，分而為天地，轉而為陰陽，變而為四時，列而為鬼神。其降曰命，其官於天也。

From all this it follows that rules of ceremony must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity

Medhurst translated this name by 'the Supreme One;' Callery, as I do, by 'la Grande Unité,' adding in parentheses, 'principe de toutes choses.' Does the name denote what we are to consider an Immaterial Being, acting with wisdom, intention, and goodness? Medhurst came to this conclusion. He says:--'Thâi Yî (太一) must mean the Supreme One, or the infinitely great and undivided one. Bearing in mind also that this paragraph follows another in which Tî (帝), the ruling Power, is honoured with the highest adoration, and that this ruling Power is the same with the being here called the Supreme One, there can be no doubt that the reference in the whole passage is to the Almighty One who rules over all things' (Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese, p. 85). He goes on to say that 'the Critical Commentary makes this still more plain by saying that this Supreme One is the source of all others, and that he existed before the powers of nature were divided, and before the myriad things were produced, the one only being. The operations ascribed to him of dividing heaven and earth, of revolving light and darkness, of changing the four seasons, and of appointing the various Kwei Shins to their several offices, are all indicative of that omnipotent power which must be ascribed to him alone.' But the operations referred to in this last sentence are mentioned in the text, not as performed by the Supreme One, but as undergone by the Grand Unity. And, moreover, 'the Critical Commentary' yields a testimony different from what Dr. Medhurst supposed. Khung Ying-tâ says:--'The name Thâi Yî means the original vapoury matter of chaos, before the separation of heaven and earth ( 太一謂天地未分,混沌之元氣);' and there is nothing in any of the other commentators contrary to this. But the concluding sentence of the paragraph, that 'The law and authority (of all the lessons in the rules of ceremony) is in Heaven,' seems to me to imply 'a recognition (indistinct it may be) of a Power or Being anterior to and independent of the Grand Unity.' Wû Khang says:--'The character Thien (Heaven) is used to cover the five things--the Grand Unity, heaven and earth, the (dual force of) Yin and Yang, the four seasons, and the Kwei Shan.' The attempt, apparent in the whole treatise, to give Tâoistic views a place in the old philosophy of the nation, is prominent here. Medhurst is not correct in saying that the Tî (帝) in paragraph 2 is the same as the Thâi Yî in this paragraph, but It, or rather He, is the same as the Thien (天) with which it concludes. The earliest Chinese adopted Thien or Heaven as the name for the supreme Power, which arose in their minds on the contemplation of the order of nature, and the principles of love and righteousness developed in the constitution of man and the course of providence, and proceeded to devise the personal name of Tî or God, as the appellation of this; and neither Tâoism, nor any other form of materialistic philosophising, has succeeded in eradicating the precious inheritance of those two terms from the mind of peasant or scholar.

Callery has misconstrued the paragraph by making 'Les Rites,' or the 'toutes choses' of his gloss, the subject of all the predicates in it:--'Les rites ont pour origine essentielle la Grande Unité (principe de toutes choses). Ils se divisent ensuite, les uns pour le Ciel, les autres pour la Terre,' &c.

夫禮必本於天，動而之地，列而之事，變而從時，協於分藝，其居人也曰養，其行之以貨力、辭讓：飲食、冠昏、喪祭、射禦、朝聘。

While the rules of ceremony have their origin in heaven, the movement of them reaches to earth. The distribution of them extends to all the business (of life). They change with the seasons; they agree in reference to the (variations of) lot and condition. In regard to man, they serve to nurture (his nature). They are practised by means of offerings, acts of strength, words and postures of courtesy, in eating and drinking, in the observances of capping, marriage, mourning, sacrificing, archery, chariot-driving, audiences, and friendly missions.

故禮義也者，人之大端也，所以講信修睦而固人之肌膚之會、筋骸之束也。所以養生送死事鬼神之大端也。所以達天道順人情之大竇也。故唯聖人為知禮之不可以已也，故壞國、喪家、亡人，必先去其禮。

Thus propriety and righteousness are the great elements for man's (character); it is by means of them that his speech is the expression of truth and his intercourse (with others) the promotion of harmony; they are (like) the union of the cuticle and cutis, and the binding together of the muscles and bones in strengthening (the body). They constitute the great methods by which we nourish the living, bury the dead, and serve the spirits of the departed. They supply the channels by which we can apprehend the ways of Heaven and act as the feelings of men require. It was on this account that the sages knew that the rules of ceremony could not be dispensed with, while the ruin of states, the destruction of families, and the perishing of individuals are always preceded by their abandonment of the rules of propriety,

故禮之於人也，猶酒之有蘖也，君子以厚，小人以薄。

Therefore the rules of propriety are for man what the yeast is for liquor On this comparison Callery says:--'Ce que les Chinois appellent du vin (酒) n'étant une autre chose qu'une eau de vie de grains obtenue par la distillation, plus il y a de ferment dans la macération primitive, plus la fermentation vineuse est forte, et plus il y a d'alcool quand on la passe par l'alambic. De là cette comparaison entre le degré d'urbanité chez le sage et le degré de force dans le vin.'. The superior man by (his use of them) becomes better and greater. The small man by his neglect of them becomes meaner and worse.

故聖王修義之柄、禮之序，以治人情。故人情者，聖王之田也。修禮以耕之，陳義以種之，講學以耨之，本仁以聚之，播樂以安之。

Therefore the sage kings cultivated and fashioned the lever of righteousness and the ordering of ceremonial usages, in order to regulate the feelings of men. Those feelings were the field (to be cultivated by) the sage kings. They fashioned the rules of ceremony to plough it. They set forth the principles of righteousness with which to plant it. They instituted the lessons of the school to weed it. They made love the fundamental subject by which to gather all its fruits, and they employed the training in music to give repose (to the minds of learners).

故禮也者，義之實也。協諸義而協，則禮雖先王未之有，可以義起也。

Thus, rules of ceremony are the embodied expression of what is right. If an observance stand the test of being judged by the standard of what is right, although it may not have been among the usages of the ancient kings, it may be adopted on the ground of its being right.

義者藝之分、仁之節也，協於藝，講於仁，得之者強。

(The idea of) right makes the distinction between things, and serves to regulate (the manifestation of) humanity. When it is found in anything and its relation to humanity has been discussed, the possessor of it will be strong.

仁者，義之本也，順之體也，得之者尊。

Humanity is the root of right, and the embodying of deferential consideration. The possessor of it is honoured.

故治國不以禮，猶無耜而耕也；為禮不本於義，猶耕而弗種也；為義而不講之以學，猶種而弗耨也；講之於學而不合之以仁，猶耨而弗獲也；合之以仁而不安之以樂，猶獲而弗食也；安之以樂而不達於順，猶食而弗肥也。

Therefore to govern a state without the rules of propriety would be to plough a field without a share. To make those rules without laying their foundation in right would be to plough the ground and not sow the seed. To think to practise the right without enforcing it in the school would be to sow the seed and not weed the plants. To enforce the lessons in the schools, and insist on their agreement with humanity, would be to weed and not to reap. To insist on the agreement of the lessons with humanity, and not give repose to (the minds of) the learners by music, would be to reap, and not eat (the product). To supply the repose of music and not proceed to the result of deferential consideration would be to eat the product and get no fattening from it.

四體既正，膚革充盈，人之肥也。父子篤，兄弟睦，夫婦和，家之肥也。大臣法，小臣廉，官職相序，君臣相正，國之肥也。天子以德為車、以樂為禦，諸侯以禮相與，大夫以法相序，士以信相考，百姓以睦相守，天下之肥也。是謂大順。

When the four limbs are all well proportioned, and the skin is smooth and full, the individual is in good condition. When there is generous affection between father and son, harmony between brothers, and happy union between husband and wife, the family is in good condition. When the great ministers are observant of the laws, the smaller ministers pure, officers and their duties kept in their regular relations and the ruler and his ministers are correctly helpful to one another, the state is in good condition. When the son of Heaven moves in his virtue as a chariot, with music as his driver, while all the princes conduct their mutual intercourse according to the rules of propriety, the Great officers maintain the order between them according to the laws, inferior officers complete one another by their good faith, and the common people guard one another with a spirit of harmony, all under the sky is in good condition. All this produces what we call (the state of) great mutual consideration (and harmony).

大順者，所以養生送死、事鬼神之常也。故事大積焉而不苑，並行而不繆，細行而不失。深而通，茂而有間。連而不相及也，動而不相害也，此順之至也。

This great mutual consideration and harmony would ensure the constant nourishment of the living, the burial of the dead, and the service of the spirits (of the departed). However greatly things might accumulate, there would be no entanglement among them. They would move on together without error, and the smallest matters would proceed without failure. However deep some might be, they would be comprehended. However thick and close their array, there would be spaces between them. They would follow one another without coming into contact. They would move about without doing any hurt to one another. This would be the perfection of such a state of mutual harmony.

故明於順，然後能守危也。故禮之不同也，不豐也，不殺也，所以持情而合危也。

Therefore the clear understanding of this state will lead to the securing of safety in the midst of danger. Hence the different usages of ceremony, and the maintenance of them in their relative proportions as many or few, are means of keeping hold of the feelings of men, and of uniting (high and low, and saving them from) peril.

故聖王所以順，山者不使居川，不使渚者居中原，而弗敝也。用水火金木，飲食必時。合男女，頒爵位，必當年德。用民必順。故無水旱昆蟲之災，民無凶饑妖孽之疾。故天不愛其道，地不愛其寶，人不愛其情。故天降膏露，地出醴泉，山出器車，河出馬圖，鳳凰麒麟皆在郊棷，龜龍在宮沼，其餘鳥獸之卵胎，皆可俯而窺也。則是無故，先王能修禮以達義，體信以達順，故此順之實也。

The sage kings showed their sense of this state of harmony in the following way:--They did not make the occupants of the hills (remove and) live by the streams, nor the occupants of the islands (remove and live) in the plains; and thus the (people) complained of no hardship. They used water, fire, metal, wood, and the different articles of food and drink, each in its proper season. They promoted the marriages of men and women, and distributed rank and office, according to the years and virtues of the parties. They employed the people with due regard to their duties and wishes. Thus it was that there were no plagues of flood, drought, or insects, and the people did not suffer from bad grass or famine, from untimely deaths or irregular births. On account of all this heaven did not grudge its methods; earth did not grudge its treasures; men did not grudge (the regulation of) their feelings. Heaven sent down its fattening dews Kâo Yî in his Filial Miscellanies, Book III, art. 9, contends that these are only different names for the same phenomenon. Few readers will agree with him, though the language means no more than that 'the dews were abundant, and the water of the springs delicious.'; earth sent forth its springs of sweet wine Kâo Yî in his Filial Miscellanies, Book III, art. 9, contends that these are only different names for the same phenomenon. Few readers will agree with him, though the language means no more than that 'the dews were abundant, and the water of the springs delicious.' ; hills produced implements and chariots There must have been some legend which would have explained this language, but I have not succeeded in finding any trace of it.; the Ho sent forth the horse with the map (on, his back) The famous 'River Map' from which, it has been fabled, Fû-hsî fashioned his eight trigrams. See vol. xvi, pp. 14-16.. Phoenixes and Khî-lins were among the trees of the suburbs, tortoises and dragons in the ponds of the palaces, while the other birds and beasts could be seen at a glance in their nests and breeding places. All this resulted from no other cause but that the ancient kings were able to fashion their ceremonial usages so as to convey the underlying ideas of right, and embody their truthfulness so as to secure the universal and mutual harmony. This was the realisation of it.

禮器是故大備。大備，盛德也。禮釋回，增美質；措則正，施則行。其在人也，如竹箭之有筠也；如松柏之有心也。二者居天下之大端矣。故貫四時而不改柯易葉。故君子有禮，則外諧而內無怨，故物無不懷仁，鬼神饗德。

The rules of propriety serve as instruments to form men's characters, and they are therefore prepared on a great scale. Being so, the value of them is very high. They remove from a man all perversity, and increase what is beautiful in his nature. They make him correct, when employed in the ordering of himself; they ensure for him free course, when employed towards others. They are to him what their outer coating is to bamboos, and what its heart is to a pine or cypress The author evidently knew the different conditions of their structure on which the growth and vigour of Endogens (the monocotyledonous plants) and Exogens (dicotyledons) respectively depend.. These two are the best of all the productions of the (vegetable) world. They endure through all the four seasons, without altering a branch or changing a leaf. The superior man observes these rules of propriety, so that all in a wider circle are harmonious with him, and those in his narrower circle have no dissatisfactions with him. Men acknowledge and are affected by his goodness, and spirits enjoy his virtue.

先王之立禮也，有本有文。忠信，禮之本也；義理，禮之文也。無本不正，無文不行。

The rules as instituted by the ancient kings had their radical element and their outward and elegant form. A true heart and good faith are their radical element. The characteristics of each according to the idea of what is right in it are its outward and elegant form. Without the radical element, they could not have been established; without the elegant form, they could not have been put in practice Callery gives for this short paragraph--'Les rites établis par les anciens rois ont leur essence intimé et leur dehors; la droiture est l'essence des rites; leur accord patent avec la raison en est le dehors. Sans essence, ils ne peuvent exister; sans dehors ils ne peuvent fonctionner.' He appends a long note on the difficulty of translation occasioned by the character 文 (wan), which he renders by 'le dehors,' and I by 'the outward, elegant form;' and concludes by saying, 'Traduise mieux qui pourra.' I can only say that I have done the best I could (at the time) with this and every other paragraph. .

禮也者，合於天時，設於地財，順於鬼神，合於人心，理萬物者也。是故天時有生也，地理有宜也，人官有能也，物曲有利也。故天不生，地不養，君子不以為禮，鬼神弗饗也。居山以魚鱉為禮，居澤以鹿豕為禮，君子謂之不知禮。

(The things used in performing) the rites should be suitable to the season, taken from the resources supplied by the ground, in accordance with (the requirements of) the spirits Khung Ying-tâ says here that 'the spirits were men who, when alive, had done good service, and were therefore sacrificed to when dead. From which it follows that what was agreeable to the minds of men would be in accordance with (the requirements of) the spirits.', and agreeable to the minds of men;--according to the characteristics of all things. Thus each season has its productions, each soil its appropriate produce, each sense its peculiar power, and each thing its advantageousness. Therefore what any season does not produce, what any soil does not nourish, will not be used by a superior man in performing his rites, nor be enjoyed by the spirits. If mountaineers were to (seek to) use fish and turtles in their rites, or the dwellers near lakes, deer and pigs, the superior man would say of them that they did not know (the nature of) those usages.

故必舉其定國之數，以為禮之大經，禮之大倫。以地廣狹，禮之薄厚，與年之上下。是故年雖大殺，眾不匡懼。則上之制禮也節矣。

Therefore it is necessary to take the established revenues of a state as the great rule for its ceremonial (expenditure). Important for the determination of this is the size of its territory. The amount of the offerings (also) should have regard to the character of the year as good or bad. In this way, though the harvest of a year may be very defective, the masses will not be afraid, and the ceremonies as appointed by the superiors will be economically regulated.

禮，時為大，順次之，體次之，宜次之，稱次之。堯授舜，舜授禹；湯放桀，武王伐紂，時也。《詩》雲：「匪革其猶，聿追來孝。」天地之祭，宗廟之事，父子之道，君臣之義，倫也。社稷山川之事，鬼神之祭，體也。喪祭之用，賓客之交，義也。羔豚而祭，百官皆足；大牢而祭，不必有餘，此之謂稱也。

In (judging of) rites the time 'The time' comes about by the ordering of heaven. The instances given of it are all great events in the changing of dynasties. But such changes can hardly be regarded as rites. Perhaps the writer thought that the abdication in some cases, and the violent dethroning in others, were precedents, which might be regarded as having that character. For the quotation from the Shih, which is not very happy, see Part III, ode 10, 2. should be the great consideration. (Their relation to) natural duties, their material substance, their appropriateness to circumstances, and their proportioning are all secondary. Yâo's resignation of the throne to Shun, and Shun's resignation of it to Yü; Thang's dethronement of Kieh; and the overthrow of Kâu by Wan and Wû:--all these are to be judged of by the time. As the Book of Poetry says, 'It was not that he was in haste to gratify his wishes; It was to show the filial duty that had come down to him.' The sacrifices to heaven and earth; the services of the ancestral temple; the courses for father and son; and the righteousness between ruler and minister:--these are to be judged of as natural duties. The services at the altars of the land and grain and of the hills and streams; and the sacrifices to spirits:--these are to be judged of by the material substance of the offerings. The use of the funeral rites and sacrifices; and the reciprocities of host and guest:--these are to be judged of by their appropriateness to circumstances. Sacrificing with a lamb and a sucking pig, by the multitude of officers, when yet there was enough; and sacrificing with an ox, a ram, and a boar, when yet there was nothing to spare:--in these we have an instance of the proportioning.

諸侯以龜為寶，以圭為瑞。家不寶龜，不藏圭，不台門，言有稱也。

The princes set great store by the tortoise, and consider their jade-tokens as the insignia of their rank, while the (chiefs of) clans have not the tortoises that are so precious, nor the jade-tokens to keep (by themselves), nor the towered gateways:--these (also) are instances of the proportioning.

禮，有以多為貴者：天子七廟，諸侯五，大夫三，士一。天子之豆二十有六，諸公十有六，諸侯十有二，上大夫八，下大夫六。諸侯七介七牢，大夫五介五牢。天子之席五重，諸侯之席三重，大夫再重。天子崩，七月而葬，五重八翣；諸侯五月而葬，三重六翣；大夫三月而葬，再重四翣。此以多為貴也。

In some ceremonial usages the multitude of things formed the mark of distinction. The son of Heaven had 7 shrines in his ancestral temple; the prince of a state, 5; Great officers, 3; and other officers, 1. The dishes of the son of Heaven on stands were 26; of a duke, 16; of another prince, 12; of a Great officer of the upper class, 8; of one of the lower class, 6. To a prince there were given 7 attendants and 7 oxen; and to a Great officer, 5 of each, The son of Heaven sat on 5 mats placed over one another; a prince, on 3; and a Great officer, on 2. When the son of Heaven died, he was buried after 7 months, in a fivefold coffin, with 8 plumes; a prince was buried after 5 months, in a threefold coffin, with 6 plumes; a Great officer after 3 months, in a twofold coffin, with 4 Plumes. In these cases, the multitude of things was the mark of distinction The different views in attempting to verify all the numbers and other points in the specifications here are endless. .

有以少為貴者：天子無介；祭天特牲；天子適諸侯，諸侯膳以犢；諸侯相朝，灌用鬱鬯，無籩豆之薦；大夫聘禮以脯醢；天子一食，諸侯再，大夫、士三，食力無數；大路繁纓一就，次路繁纓七就；圭璋特，琥璜爵；鬼神之祭單席。諸侯視朝，大夫特，士旅之。此以少為貴也。

In other usages, the paucity of things formed the mark of distinction. To the son of Heaven there were given no attendants The attendants waited on the visitors. But the son of Heaven was lord of all under the sky. He was at home everywhere; and could not be received as a visitor., and he sacrificed to Heaven with a single victim; when he visited the princes (on his tours of inspection), he was feasted with a single bullock. When princes went to the courts of one another, fragrant spirits were used in libations, and there were no dishes on stands, either of wood or bamboo. At friendly missions by Great officers, the ceremonial offerings were slices of dried meat and pickles. The son of Heaven declared himself satisfied after 1 dish; a prince, after 2; a Great officer and other officers, after 3; while no limit was set to the eating of people who lived by their labour. (The horses of) the Great carriage had 1 ornamental tassel at their breast-bands; those of the other carriages had 7 (pieces of) jade for rank-tokens; and libation cups were presented singly; as also the tiger-shaped and yellow cups. In sacrificing to spirits a single mat was used; when princes were giving audience to their ministers, they (bowed to) the Great officers one by one, but to all the other officers together. In these cases the fewness of the things formed the mark of distinction.

有以大為貴者：宮室之量，器皿之度，棺槨之厚，丘封之大。此以大為貴也。

In others, greatness of size formed the mark. The dimensions of palaces and apartments; the measurements of dishes and (other) articles; the thickness of the inner and outer coffins; the greatness of eminences and mounds Both these names refer, probably, to mounds raised over the dead. Those over the emperors of the Ming dynasty, about midway between Peking and the Great Wall, and that over Confucius at Khü-fû in Shan-tung, are the best specimens of these which I have seen.:--these were cases in which the greatness of size was the mark.

有以小為貴者：宗廟之祭，貴者獻以爵，賤者獻以散，尊者舉觶，卑者舉角；五獻之尊，門外缶，門內壺，君尊瓦甒。此以小為貴也。

In others, smallness of size formed the mark. At the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, the highest in rank presented a cup (of spirits to the representative of the dead), and the low, a san (containing five times as much): (at some other sacrifices), the honourable took a khih (containing 3 cups), and the low a horn (containing 4). (At the feasts of viscounts and barons), when the vase went round 5 times, outside the door was the earthenware fâu (of supply), and inside, the hû; while the ruler's vase was an earthenware wu:--these were cases in which the smallness of size was the mark of distinction It is difficult to explain fully and verify all the statements in this paragraph, for want of evidence. The unit in them is the shang (升), or 'pint,' now = 1.031 litre; the cup, (zio, 爵) contained one shang; the khih (觶), three; the kio (角), four; and the san (散), five. The hû (壺) contained one 'stone' (石), = 10.310 litre; and the wû (甒) 51.55. The size of the fâu (缶) is unknown..

有以高為貴者：天子之堂九尺，諸侯七尺，大夫五尺，士三尺；天子、諸侯台門。此以高為貴也。

In others, the height formed the mark of distinction. The hall of the son of Heaven was ascended by 9 steps This literally is 'nine cubits;' each step, it is said, was a cubit high. ; that of a prince, by 7; that of a Great officer, by 5; and that of an ordinary officer, by 3. The son of Heaven and the princes had (also) the towered gateway. In these cases height was the mark.

有以下為貴者：至敬不壇，掃地而祭。天子諸侯之尊廢禁，大夫、士棜禁。此以下為貴也。

In others, the lowness formed the mark. In sacrificing, the highest reverence was not shown on the raised altar, but on the ground beneath, which had been swept. The vases of the son of Heaven and the princes were set on a tray without feet This tray was four cubits long, two cubits four inches wide, and five inches deep.; those of Great and other officers on one with feet (3 inches high). In these cases the lowness was the mark of distinction.

禮有以文為貴者：天子龍袞，諸侯黼，大夫黻，士玄衣纁裳；天子之冕，朱綠藻十有二旒，諸侯九，上大夫七，下大夫五，士三。此以文為貴也。

In others, ornament formed the mark. The son of Heaven wore his upper robe with the dragons figured on it; princes, the lower robe with the axes embroidered on it; Great officers, their lower robe with the symbol of distinction; and other officers, the dark-coloured upper robe, and the lower one red. The cap of the soil of Heaven had 12 pendents of jade beads set on strings hanging down of red and green silk; that of princes, 9; that of Great officers of the highest grade, 7; and if they were of the lowest grade, 5; and that of other officers, 3. In these cases the ornament was the mark of distinction.

有以素為貴者：至敬無文，父党無容，大圭不琢，大羹不和，大路素而越席，犧尊疏布冪，樿杓。此以素為貴也。

In others, plainness formed the mark. Acts of the greatest reverence admit of no ornament. The relatives of a father do not put themselves into postures (like other visitors). The Grand jade-token has no engraving on it. The Grand soup has no condiments. The Grand carriage is plain, and the mats in it are of rushes. The goblet with the victim-ox carved on it is covered with a plain white cloth. The ladle is made of white-veined wood. These are cases in which plainness is the mark.

孔子曰：「禮，不可不省也。」禮不同，不豐、不殺，此之謂也。蓋言稱也。

Confucius said, 'Ceremonial usages should be most carefully considered.' This is the meaning of the remark that 'while usages are different, the relations between them as many or few should be maintained See page 392, paragraph 15. We may conclude that the Lî Yun was compiled and published before the Lî Khî; or it may be that the sentences common to them both had long been in use..' His words had reference to the proportioning of rites.

禮之以多為貴者，以其外心者也；德發揚，詡萬物，大理物博，如此，則得不以多為貴乎？故君子樂其發也。禮之以少為貴者，以其內心者也。德產之致也精微，觀天子之物無可以稱其德者，如此則得不以少為貴乎？是故君子慎其獨也。

That in the (instituting of) rites the multitude of things was considered a mark of distinction, arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed outwards. The energy (of nature) shoots forth and is displayed everywhere in all things, with a great discriminating control over their vast multitude. In such a case, how could they keep from making multitude a mark of distinction in rites? Hence the superior men, (the framers), rejoiced in displaying (their discrimination). But that in (the instituting of) rites the paucity of things was (also) considered a mark of distinction, arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed inwards. Extreme as is the energy (of nature) in production, it is exquisite and minute. When we look at all the things under the sky, they do not seem to be in proportion to that energy. In such a case, how could they keep from considering paucity a mark of distinction? Hence the superior men, (the framers), watched carefully over the solitude (of their own thoughts) Callery thinks that the theory about rites underlying this paragraph is 'éminemment obscure.' One difficulty with me is to discover any connection between its parts and what is said in paragraphs 7 and 8 about the 'multitude and paucity of rites.' .

古之聖人，內之為尊，外之為樂，少之為貴，多之為美。是故先生之制禮也，不可多也，不可寡也，唯其稱也。

The ancient sages (thus) gave honour to what was internal, and sought pleasure in what was external; found a mark of distinction in paucity, and one of what was admirable in multitude; and therefore in the ceremonial usages instituted by the ancient kings we should look neither for multitude nor for paucity, but for the due relative proportion.

是故，君子大牢而祭，謂之禮；匹士大牢而祭，謂之攘。

Therefore, when a man of rank uses a large victim in sacrifice, we say he acts according to propriety, but when an ordinary officer does so, we say he commits an act of usurpation.

管仲鏤簋朱紘，山節藻梲，君子以為濫矣。

Kwan Kung had his sacrificial dishes of grain carved, and red bands to his cap; fashioned hills on the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the small pillars above the beams See the Analects, V, xvii, and the note there. In that passage the extravagance is charged on the Zang Wan-kung of paragraph 23. :--the superior man considered it wild extravagance.

晏平仲祀其先人，豚肩不揜豆；浣衣濯冠以朝，君子以為隘矣。

An Phing-kung, in sacrificing to his father, used a sucking-pig which did not fill the dish, and went to court in an (old) washed robe and cap:--the superior man considered it was niggardliness An Phing-kung was a Great officer of Khî, and ought not to have been so niggardly..

是故君子之行禮也，不可不慎也；眾之紀也，紀散而眾亂。孔子曰：「我戰則克，祭則受福。」蓋得其道矣。

Therefore the superior man thinks it necessary to use the utmost care in his practice of ceremonies. They are the bond that holds the multitudes together; and if the bond be removed, those multitudes fall into confusion. Confucius said, 'If I fight, I overcome; when I sacrifice, I receive blessing It is understood that the 'I' is not used by Confucius of himself, but as personating one who knew the true nature of ceremonial usages. See the language again in the next Book, Sect. i, 22; it is found also in the 'Narratives of the School.' .' He said so, because he had the right way (of doing everything).

君子曰：祭祀不祈，不麾蚤，不樂葆大，不善嘉事，牲不及肥大，薦不美多品。」

A superior man will say Khan Hâo remarks that the compiler of the Book intends himself by 'the superior man.' Thus the compiler delivers his own judgment in an indirect way. Most of what he says will be admitted. It is to the general effect that simple offerings and sincere worship are acceptable, more acceptable than rich offerings and a formal service. But is he right in saying that in sacrificing we should not 'pray?' So long as men feel their own weakness and needs, they will not fail to pray at their religious services. So it has been in China in all the past as much as elsewhere. , 'The object in sacrifices is not to pray; the time of them should not be hastened on; a great apparatus is not required at them; ornamental matters are not to be approved; the victims need not be fat and large; a profusion of the other offerings is not to be admired.'

孔子曰：「臧文仲安知禮！夏父弗綦逆祀，而弗止也。燔柴於奧，夫奧者，老婦之祭也，盛於盆，尊於瓶。

Confucius said, 'How can it be said that Zang Wan-kung was acquainted with the rules of propriety? When Hsiâ Fû-khî went right in the teeth of sacrificial order Hsiâ Fû-khî was the keeper, or minister in charge, of the ancestral temple of Lû, and contemporary with Zang Wan-kung during the marquisates of Kwang, Wan, and Hsî. He introduced at least one great irregularity in the ancestral temple, placing the tablet of Hsî above that of Wan; and Wan-kung made no protest. Of the other irregularity mentioned in the text we have not much information; and I need not try to explain it. It seems to me that it must have been greater than the other., he did not stop him, (nor could he prevent) his burning a pile of firewood in sacrificing to the spirit of the furnace. Now that sacrifice is paid to an old wife. The materials for it might be contained in a tub, and the vase is the (common) wine-jar.'

禮也者，猶體也。體不備，君子謂之不成人。設之不當，猶不備也。禮有大有小，有顯有微。大者不可損，小者不可益，顯者不可掩，微者不可大也。故《經禮》三百，《曲禮》三千，其致一也。未有入室而不由戶者。

The rules of propriety may be compared to the human body. When the parts of one's body are not complete, the beholder The text has here 'the superior man,' for which Callery has 'au dire du sage.' will call him 'An imperfect man;' and so a rule which has been made unsuitably may be denominated 'incomplete.' Some ceremonies are great, and some small; some are manifest, and some minute. The great should not be diminished, nor the small increased. The manifest should not be hidden, nor the minute made great. But while the important rules are 300, and the smaller rules 3000, the result to which they all lead is one and the same See Book XXVIII, ii, paragraph 38. What the 300 and 3000 rules are is very much disputed. The 'one and the same result' is, according to most, 'reverence and sincerity;' according to some, 'suitability.'. No one can enter an apartment but by the door.

君子之於禮也，有所竭情盡慎，致其敬而誠若，有美而文而誠若。

A superior man in his observance of the rules, where he does his utmost and uses the greatest care, is extreme in his reverence and the manifestation of sincerity. Where they excite admiration and an elegant attractiveness, there is (still) that manifestation of sincerity.

君子之於禮也，有直而行也，有曲而殺也，有經而等也，有順而討也，有摭而播也，有推而進也，有放而文也，有放而不致也，有順而摭也。

A superior man, in his consideration of the rules, finds those which are carried directly into practice; those in which one has to bend and make some modification; those which are regular and the same for all classes; those which are diminished in a certain order; those in which (a kind of) transplantation takes place, and (the ceremony) is distributed; those in which individuals are pushed forward and take part in the rules of a higher grade; those in which there are ornamental imitations (of natural objects); those in which the ornamental imitations are not carried out so fully; and those where appropriation (of higher observances) is not deemed usurpation Nine peculiarities in ceremonial usages are here indicated. It would be possible to illustrate them fully after the most approved commentators; but there would be little advantage in thus recalling the past which has for the most part passed away,--even in China. .

三代之禮一也，民共由之。或素或青，夏造殷因。

The usages of the three dynasties had one and the same object, and the people all observed them. In such matters as colour, whether it should be white or dark, Hsiâ instituted and Yin adopted (its choice, or did not do So) Callery takes a different view of the second sentence in this paragraph, and translates it:--'(Si quelque chose a subi des modifications, ce n'a été que) la couleur blanche ou la couleur verte (caractéristique de telle ou telle autre dynastie; en dehors de ces choses peu importantes, pour tout ce qui est essentiel) la dynastie des Yin s'est scrupuleusement conformée à ce qui a été établi par les Hsiâ.' His view of the whole paragraph, however, comes to much the same as mine..

周坐屍，詔侑武方；其禮亦然，其道一也；夏立屍而卒祭；殷坐屍。周旅酬六屍，曾子曰：「周禮其猶醵與！」

Under the Kâu dynasty the representatives of the dead sat. Their monitors and cup-suppliers observed no regular rules, The usages were the same (as those of Yin), and the underlying principle was one. Under the Hsiâ dynasty, the personators had stood till the sacrifice was ended, (whereas) under Yin they sat. Under Kâu, when the cup went round among all, there were six personators This would be on occasion of the united sacrifice to all the ancestors; the personator of Hâu Kî being left out of the enumeration, as more honourable than the others. . Zang-dze said, 'The usages of Kâu might be compared to those of a subscription club That is, all stand equally as if each had paid his contribution to the expenses. .'

君子曰：禮之近人情者，非其至者也。郊血，大饗腥，三獻爓，一獻孰。

A superior man will say, 'The usages of ceremony that come closest to our human feelings are not those of the highest sacrifices; (as may be seen in) the blood of the border sacrifice; the raw flesh in the great offering (to all the royal ancestors) of the ancestral temple; the sodden flesh, where the spirits are presented thrice; and the roast meat, where they are presented once The greatest of all sacrifices was that to Heaven in a suburb of the capital; the next was the great triennial or quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple; the third was that at the altars of the land and grain, and of the hills and rivers, which is supposed to be described here as that at which 'the cup' was thrice presented; and the last in order and importance were small sacrifices to individual spirits. The four offerings in the text were presented at the first three; but not in the same order. That to Heaven began with blood; that in the ancestral temple with raw flesh. Those farthest from our human feelings had the place of honour in the greatest services. We must seek for a higher and deeper origin of them than our ordinary feelings..'

是故君子之於禮也，非作而致其情也，此有由始也。是故七介以相見也，不然則已愨。三辭三讓而至，不然則已蹙。故魯人將有事於上帝，必先有事於頖宮；晉人將有事於河，必先有事於惡池；齊人將有事於泰山，必先有事於配林。三月系，七日戒，三日宿，慎之至也。故禮有擯詔，樂有相步，溫之至也。

And so those usages were not devised by superior men in order to give expression to their feelings. There was a beginning of them from (the oldest times); as when (two princes) have an interview, there are seven attendants to wait on them and direct them. Without these the interview would be too plain and dull. They reach (the ancestral temple) after the visitor has thrice declined the welcome of the host, and the host has thrice tried to give precedence to the other. Without these courtesies the interview would be too hurried and abrupt. In the same way, when in Lû they were about to perform the service to God (in the suburb), they felt it necessary first to have a service in the college with its semicircular pool. When they were about in Zin to sacrifice to the Ho, they would first do so to the pool of Wû. When in Khî they were about to sacrifice to mount Thâi, they would do so first in the forest of Phei. Moreover, the keeping the victims (for the altar of Heaven) for three months (in the stable); the abstinence (of the worshippers) for seven days; and the vigil of three days:--all showed the extreme degree of (preparatory) care (for the service). The ritual arrangements, further, of the reception (of guests) and communication between them and the host, and for assisting and guiding the steps of the (blind) musicians, showed the extreme degree of kindly (provision)

It is not easy to construe this paragraph, nor to discover and indicate the connexion between its different parts. Generally we may say that it illustrates the previous statement about the rites as not simply the expression of natural feeling, but of that feeling wisely guided and embodied so as to be most beneficial to the individual and society, The auxiliary services in the first part of it were all preparatory to the great services that followed. That in the great college of Lû was concerned with Hâu Kî, the ancestor of the House of Kâu and all its branches, and preliminary to the place he was to occupy at the great sacrifice to Heaven.

The remaining two paragraphs show how the natural feeling was quietly nourished, guided, and modified.

禮也者，反本修古，不忘其初者也。故凶事不詔，朝事以樂。醴酒之用，玄酒之尚。割刀之用，鸞刀之貴。莞簟之安，而稿鞂之設。是故，先王之制禮也，必有主也，故可述而多學也。

In ceremonial usages we should go back to the root of them (in the mind), and maintain the old (arrangements of them), not forgetting what they were at first. Hence there is no (need to be) calling attention to the demonstrations expressive of grief Yet much is said in the Than Kung about those demonstrations of grief in the mourning rites.; and those which (more particularly) belong to the court are accompanied by music. There is the use of sweet spirits, and the value set on water; there is the use of the (ordinary) knife, and the honour expressed by that furnished with (small) bells; there is the comfort afforded by the rush and fine bamboo mats, and the (special) employment of those which are made of straw. Therefore the ancient kings in their institution of the rules of propriety had a ruling idea, and thus it is that they were capable of being transmitted, and might be learned, however many they were.

君子曰：無節於內者，觀物弗之察矣。欲察物而不由禮，弗之得矣。故作事不以禮，弗之敬矣。出言不以禮，弗之信矣。故曰：「禮也者，物之致也。」

The superior man will say, 'If a man do not have in himself the distinctions (embodied in ceremonies), he will contemplate that embodiment without any intelligent discrimination; if he wish to exercise that discrimination, and not follow the guidance of the rules, he will not succeed in his object. Hence if his practice of ceremonies be not according to the rules, men will not respect them; and if his words be not according to those rules, men will not believe them. Accordingly it is said, "The rules of ceremony are the highest expression of (the truth of) things."'

是故昔先王之制禮也，因其財物而致其義焉爾。故作大事，必順天時，為朝夕必放於日月，為高必因丘陵，為下必因川澤。是故天時雨澤，君子達亹亹焉。

Hence it was that in old times, when the ancient kings instituted ceremonies, they conveyed their idea by means of the qualities of the articles and observances which they employed. In their great undertakings, they were sure to act in accordance with the seasons; in their doings morning and evening, they imitated the sun and moon; in what required a high situation, they took advantage of mounds and hillocks, and in what required a low situation, of the (banks of the) rivers and lakes. Hence each season has its rains and benefits, and those wise men sought to make use of them with intelligence with all the earnestness they could command See Callery's translation of this paragraph. He says on it:--'Cette période offre, par son incohérence, des difficultés sérieuses qui me font supposer une grave altération du texte primitif;' and justifies his own version by the remark, 'Je me suis dit qu'après tout il vaut mieux embellir que défigurer.' He takes the whole, like Kang, as referring to the ceremonies of different sacrifices. Ying Yung (Sung dynasty; earlier than Kû Hsî) understood it more generally of other royal and imperial doings. The Khien-lung editors say that the two views must be united. They remark on the last sentence that, as 'every season has its appropriate productions and every situation its own suitabilities, we must examine them in order to use things appropriately.'.

是故昔先王尚有德、尊有道、任有能；舉賢而置之，聚眾而誓之。

The ancient kings valued (men's) possession of virtue, honoured those who pursued the right course, and employed those who displayed ability. They selected men of talents and virtue, and appointed them. They assembled the whole of them and solemnly addressed them The 'selection' here, it is understood, was of the functionaries to take part in the sacrificial ceremonies, and the solemn address was on the duties they had to perform. .

是故因天事天，因地事地，因名山升中於天，因吉土以饗帝於郊。升中於天，而鳳凰降、龜龍假；饗帝於郊，而風雨節、寒暑時。是故聖人南面而立，而天下大治。

Then in accordance with (the height of) heaven they did service to Heaven, in accordance with (the lower position of) earth they did service to Earth; taking advantage of the famous hills they ascended them, and announced to Heaven the good government (of the princes). When thus at the felicitous spot (chosen for their capitals) they presented their offerings to God in the suburb and announced to Heaven (the general good government from the famous hills), the phoenix descended, and tortoises and dragons made their appearance See pp. 392, 393, paragraph 16.. When they presented their offerings to God in the suburb the winds and rains were duly regulated, and the cold and heat came each in its proper time, so that the sage (king) had only to stand with his face to the south, and order prevailed all under the sky.

天道至教，聖人至德。廟堂之上，罍尊在阼，犧尊在西。廟堂之下，縣鼓在西，應鼓在東。君在阼，夫人在房。大明生於東，月生於西，此陰陽之分、夫婦之位也。君西酌犧象，夫人東酌罍尊。禮交動乎上，樂交應乎下，和之至也。

The courses of the heavenly (bodies) supply the most perfect lessons, and the sages possessed the highest degree of virtue. Above, in the hall of the ancestral temple, there was the jar, with clouds and hills represented on it on the east, and that with the victim represented on it on the west. Below the hall the larger drums were suspended on the west, and the smaller drums answering to them on the east. The ruler appeared at the (top of the) steps on the east; his wife was in the apartment on the west. The great luminary makes his appearance in the east; the moon makes her appearance in the west. Such are the different ways in which the processes of darkness and light are distributed in nature, and such are the arrangements for the positions (corresponding thereto) of husband and wife. The ruler fills his cup from the jar with an elephant represented on it; his wife fills hers from that with clouds and hills. With such reciprocation do the ceremonies proceed above, while the music responds in the same way below;--there is the perfection of harmony.

禮也者，反其所自生；樂也者，樂其所自成。是故先王之制禮也以節事，修樂以道志。故觀其禮樂，而治亂可知也。蘧伯玉曰：「君子之人達，故觀其器，而知其工之巧；觀其發，而知其人之知。」故曰：「君子慎其所以與人者。」

It is the object of ceremonies to go back to the circumstances from which they sprang, and of music to express pleasure in the results which first gave occasion to it. Thus it was that the ancient kings, in their institution of ceremonies, sought to express their regulation of circumstances, and, in their cultivation of music, to express the aims they had in mind. Hence by an examination of their ceremonies and music, the conditions of order and disorder in which they originated can be known. Kü Po-yü A friend, and perhaps a disciple of Confucius, an officer of the state of Wei. He is mentioned in the Confucian Analects and in Mencius. said, 'A wise man, by his intelligence, from the sight of any article, knows the skill of the artificer, and from the contemplation of an action knows the wisdom of its performer.' Hence there is the saying, 'The superior man watches over the manner in which he maintains his intercourse with other men.'

太廟之內敬矣！君親牽牲，大夫贊幣而從。君親制祭，夫人薦盎。君親割牲，夫人薦酒。卿、大夫從君，命婦從夫人。洞洞乎其敬也，屬屬乎其忠也，勿勿乎其欲其饗之也。納牲詔於庭，血毛詔於室，羹定詔於堂，三詔皆不同位，蓋道求而未之得也。設祭於堂，為祊乎外，故曰：「於彼乎？於此乎？」

Within the ancestral temple reverence prevailed. The ruler himself led the victim forward, while the Great officers assisted and followed, bearing the offerings of silk. The ruler himself cut out (the liver) for (the preliminary) offering, while his wife bore the dish in which it should be presented. The ruler himself cut up the victim, while his wife presented the spirits. The high ministers and Great officers followed the ruler; their wives followed his wife. How grave and still was their reverence! How were they absorbed in their sincerity! How earnest was their wish that their offerings should be accepted! The arrival of the victim was announced (to the spirits) in the courtyard; on the presentation of the blood and the flesh with the hair on it, announcement was made in the chamber; on the presentation of the soup and boiled meat, in the hall. The announcement was made thrice, each time in a different place; indicating how they were seeking for the spirits, and had not yet found them. When the sacrifice was set forth in the hall, it was repeated next day outside (the gate of the temple); and hence arose the saying, 'Are they there? Are they here?'

一獻質，三獻文，五獻察，七獻神。

One offering of the cup showed the simplicity of the service; three offerings served to ornament it; five, to mark discriminating care; and seven, to show (the reverence for) the spirits The sacrifices where only one cup was presented were, it is said, the smallest; three cups belonged to the altars of the land and grain; five, to those of the hills and rivers; and seven, to those in the ancestral temple. All this is quite uncertain..

大饗其王事與！三牲魚臘，四海九州之美味也；籩豆之薦，四時之和氣也。內金，示和也。束帛加璧，尊德也。龜為前列，先知也。金次之，見情也。丹漆絲纊竹箭，與眾共財也。其餘無常貨，各以其國之所有，則致遠物也。其出也，肆夏而送之，蓋重禮也。

Was not the great quinquennial sacrifice a service belonging to the king? The three animal victims, the fish, and flesh, were the richest tributes for the palate from all within the four seas and the nine provinces. The fruits and grain presented in the high dishes of wood and bamboo were the product of the harmonious influences of the four seasons, The tribute of metal showed the harmonious submission (of the princes). The rolls of silk with the round pieces of jade placed on them showed the honour they rendered to virtue. The tortoise was placed in front of all the other offerings, because of its knowledge of the future; the tribute of metal succeeded to it, showing the (hold it has on) human feelings. The vermilion, the varnish, the silk, the floss, the large bamboos and the smaller for arrows--the articles which all the states contribute; with the other uncommon articles, which each state contributed according to its resources, even to those from the remote regions:--(these followed the former). When the Visitors left they were escorted with the music of the Sze Hsiâ We are told in the Kâu Lî, Book XXIII, art. 32, that the bell master, with bells and drums, performed the nine Hsiâ pieces, on the occasions appropriate to them. The second of them was 'the Sze Hsiâ,' as here, but the occasion for it in the text would be inappropriate. The eighth, or Kâi Hsiâ, would be appropriate here, and hence Kang said that sze was a mistake for kâi (陔).. All these things showed how important was the sacrifice.

祀帝於郊，敬之至也。宗廟之祭，仁之至也。喪禮，忠之至也。備服器，仁之至也。賓客之用幣，義之至也。故君子欲觀仁義之道，禮其本也。

In the sacrifice to God in the suburb, we have the utmost expression of reverence. In the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, we have the utmost expression of humanity. In the rites of mourning, we have the utmost expression of leal-heartedness. In the preparation of the robes and vessels for the dead, we have the utmost expression of affection. In the use of gifts and offerings between host and guest, we have the utmost expression of what is right. Therefore when the superior man would see the ways of humanity and righteousness, he finds them rooted in these ceremonial usages.

君子曰：甘受和，白受采；忠信之人，可以學禮。苟無忠信之人，則禮不虛道。是以得其人之為貴也。」

A superior man has said, 'What is sweet may be tempered; what is white may be coloured. So the man who is right in heart and sincere can learn the (meaning of the) rites.' The rites should not be perfunctorily performed by the man who is not right in heart and sincere. Hence it is all important (in the performance of them) to get the proper men.

孔子曰：「誦《詩》三百，不足以一獻。一獻之禮，不足以大饗。大饗之禮，不足以大旅。大旅具矣，不足以饗帝。毋輕議禮！」

Confucius said, 'One may repeat the three hundred odes, and not be fit to offer the sacrifice where there is (but) one offering of the cup. He may offer that sacrifice, and not be fit to join in a great sacrifice. He may join in such a sacrifice, and not be fit to offer a great sacrifice to the hills. He may perform that fully, and yet not be able to join in the sacrifice to God. Let no one lightly discuss the subject of rites It is not easy to trace satisfactorily the progress of thought here from one sacrificial service to another. 'The great sacrifice' is understood to be the triennial or quinquennial sacrifice to all the ancestors of the ruling House. It is a great step to that from a small sacrifice where only one cup was presented. What 'the great sacrifice to the hills was' is uncertain. It is in the text Tâ Lü (大旅). The meaning of Lü as a sacrifice to the spirit of a hill is well established from the Analects III, 6. Once the phrase Tâ Lü appears as used in the Kâu Lî, Book V, 91, of the royal sacrifice to God ('Lorsque 1'empereur offre un grand sacrifice au Seigneur Suprême,' Biot); but it cannot have that meaning here, because the text goes on to speak of that sacrifice as superior to this. Kang Hsüan made Tâ Lü to be the sacrifice to the 'five Tîs,' or the five Planetary Gods, which view, as the Khien-lung editors point out, cannot be adopted. And how any sacrifice to the hills, however great, could be represented as greater than the quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple, I cannot understand. I must leave the paragraph in the obscurity that belongs to it..'

子路為季氏宰。季氏祭，逮暗而祭，日不足，繼之以燭。雖有強力之容、肅敬之心，皆倦怠矣。有司跛倚以臨祭，其為不敬大矣。他日祭，子路與，室事交乎戶，堂事交乎階，質明而始行事，晏朝而退。孔子聞之曰：「誰謂由也而不知禮乎？」

When Dze-lû was steward to the House of Kî, its chief had been accustomed to commence his sacrifices before it was light, and when the day was insufficient for them, to continue them by torchlight. All engaged in them, however strong they might appear, and however reverent they might be, were worn out and tired. The officers limped and leaned, wherever they could, in performing their parts, and the want of reverence was great. Afterwards, when Dze-lû took the direction of them, the sacrifices proceeded differently. For the services in the chamber, he had parties communicating outside and inside the door; and for those in the hall, he had parties communicating at the steps. As soon as it was light, the services began, and by the time of the evening audience all were ready to retire. When Confucius heard of this management, he said, 'Who will say that this Yû does not understand ceremonies The Khien-lung editors say:--'Dze-lû was a leal-hearted and sincere man, and the Book ends with this account of him. From the mention of the preparation of the rites on a great scale and of their high value at the beginning of the Book down to this tribute to Dze-lû as understanding ceremonies, its whole contents show that what is valuable in the rites is the combination of the idea of what is right with the elegant and outward form as sufficient to remove from a man all perversity and increase what is good in his nature, without a multiplicity of forms which would injure the natural goodness and sincerity, and lead their practiser to a crooked perversity. Deep and far-reaching is the idea of it!'?'

郊特牲，而社稷大牢。天子適諸侯，諸侯膳用犢；諸侯適天子，天子賜之禮大牢；貴誠之義也。故天子牲孕弗食也，祭帝弗用也。

At the border sacrifices a single victim was used, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land and grain there was (the full complement of) three victims The object of the statements here and some other paragraphs is to show that the degree of honour was expressed by the 'paucity' of the articles; compare last Book, Sect. i, paragraph 8. Perhaps the name Kiâo (郊) in the title should be translated in the plural as the name for all the border sacrifices, or those offered in the suburbs of the capital. There were several of them, of which the greatest was that at the winter solstice, on the round hillock in the southern suburb. Besides this, there was in the first month the border sacrifice for 'grain,'--to pray for the blessing of Heaven on the agricultural labours of the year, in which Hâu Kî, the father of the line of Kâu, and its 'Father of Husbandry,' was associated by that dynasty. There were also the five seasonal border sacrifices, of which we have mention in the different parts of Book IV, though, so far as what is said in them goes, the idea of Heaven falls into the background, and the five deified ancient sovereigns come forward as so many Tîs. In the first month of summer there was, further, a great border sacrifice for rain, and in the last month of autumn a great border sacrifice of thanksgiving. 'Of all these border sacrifices,' say the Khien-lung editors, there is clear evidence in classical texts.' Into the discussions growing out of them about 'one Heaven,' or 'five Heavens,' and about their origin, it is not necessary that I should enter; it would be foreign, indeed, to my object in this translation to do so. The border sacrifices were the greatest religious or ceremonial services of the ancient Chinese; and the fact to which our attention is called in this Book, is that at them there was used only a single victim.. When the son of Heaven went on his inspecting tours to the princes, the viands of the feast to him were composed of a (single) calf; and when they visited him, the rites with which he received them showed the three regular animals. (The feasting of him in such a manner) was to do honour to the idea of sincerity Why 'a calf?' 'Because of its guileless simplicity,' says Kâu Hsü of our eleventh century; earlier than Kû Hsî, who adopted his explanation. The calf, whether male or female, has not yet felt the appetency of sex, and is unconscious of any 'dissipation.' This is a refinement on the Hebrew idea of the victim lamb, 'without blemish.'. Therefore if the animal happened to be pregnant, the son of Heaven did not eat of it, nor did he use such a victim in sacrificing to God This might be referred to his unwillingness to take life unnecessarily, but for what has just been said about the calf. .

大路繁纓一就，先路三就，次路五就。郊血，大饗腥，三獻爓，一獻熟；至敬不饗味而貴氣臭也。諸侯為賓，灌用鬱鬯。灌用臭也，大饗，尚腶修而已矣。

The horses of the Grand carriage had one ornamental tassel at the breast; those of the carriages that preceded had three; and those of the carriages that followed had five See last Book, Sect. i, 8; and Sect. ii, 6. . There were the blood at the border sacrifice; the raw flesh in the great offering of the ancestral temple; the sodden flesh where spirits are presented thrice; and the roast meat where they are presented once See last Book, Sect. i, 8; and Sect. ii, 6.:--these were expressive of the greatest reverence, but the taste was not valued; what was held in honour was the scent of the air Little is said on the meaning of this statement, which appears to say that the most subtle and ethereal thing in sacrifices, the 'sweet savour' of the offerings, was the most important, and should excite the worshippers to add to their sincerity and reverence all other graces of character. The same lesson was given to the feudal princes when they were entertained as visitors at the royal court.. When the princes appeared as guests, they were presented with herb-flavoured spirits, because of their fragrance; at the great entertainment to them the value was given to (the preliminary) pieces of flesh prepared with cinnamon and nothing more.

大饗，君三重席而酢焉。三獻之介，君專席而酢焉。此降尊以就卑也。

At a great feast (to the ruler of another state), the ruler (who was the host) received the cup seated on his three mats. (On occasion of a visit through a minister or Great officer) when the cup was thrice presented, the ruler received it on a single mat:--so did he descend from the privilege of his more honourable rank, and assume the lower distinction (of his visitor).

饗禘有樂，而食嘗無樂，陰陽之義也。凡飲，養陽氣也；凡食，養陰氣也。故春禘而秋嘗；春饗孤子，秋食耆老，其義一也。而食嘗無樂。飲，養陽氣也，故有樂；食，養陰氣也，故無聲。凡聲，陽也。

In feasting (the orphaned young in spring) and at the vernal sacrifice in the ancestral temple they had music; but in feeding (the aged) and at the autumnal sacrifice they had no music:--these were based in the developing and receding influences (prevalent in nature). All drinking serves to nourish the developing influence; all eating to nourish the receding influence. Hence came the different character of the vernal and autumnal sacrifices; the feasting the orphaned young in spring, and the feeding the aged in autumn:--the idea was the same. But in the feeding and at the autumnal sacrifice there was no music. Drinking serves to nourish the developing influence and therefore is accompanied with music. Eating serves to nourish the receding influence, and therefore is not accompanied with music. All modulation of sound partakes of the character of development.

鼎俎奇而籩豆偶，陰陽之義也。籩豆之實，水土之品也。不敢用褻味而貴多品，所以交於旦明之義也。

The number of tripods and meat-stands was odd, and that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was even Every Chinese scholar knows that odd numbers all belong to the category of Yang (---------), and even numbers to that of Yin (---- ----). ; this also was based in the numbers belonging to the developing and receding influences. The stands were filled with the products of the water and the land. They did not dare to use for them things of extraordinary flavours The meaning of this clause is uncertain, and I have not found it anywhere sufficiently explained, considering what the characters are (褻味). or to attach a value to the multitude and variety of their contents, and it was thus that they maintained their intercourse with spiritual intelligences.

賓入大門而奏《肆夏》，示易以敬也。卒爵而樂闋，孔子屢歎之。奠酬而工升歌，發德也。歌者在上，匏竹在下，貴人聲也。樂由陽來者也，禮由陰作者也，陰陽和而萬物得。

When the guests had entered the great door This paragraph and the next describe ceremonies on occasion of the king's reception of the great nobles, when they appeared in great force at court. With this the expurgated Lî Kî begins., the music struck up the Sze Hsiâ See note 1, page 413., showing the blended ease and respect (of the king). (While feasting), at the end of (every) cup the music stopped (for a moment), a practice of which Confucius often indicated his admiration. When the last cup had been put down, the performers ascended the hall, and sang;--exhibiting the virtues (of host and guests). The singers were (in the hall) above, and the organists were (in the court) below;--the honour being thus given to the human voice. Music comes from the expanding influence (that operates in nature); ceremonies from the contracting. When the two are in harmony, all things obtain (their full development).

旅幣無方，所以別土地之宜而節遠邇之期也。龜為前列，先知也，以鍾次之，以和居參之也。虎豹之皮，示服猛也。束帛加璧，往德也。

There were no fixed rules for the various articles of tribute. They were the different products of the different territories according to their several suitabilities, and were regulated by their distances (from the royal domain). The tortoises were placed in front of all the other offerings;--because (the shell) gave the knowledge of the future. The bells succeeded to them;--because of their harmony, they were a symbol of the union of feeling that should prevail As we have no account anywhere of bells, made, being sent as tribute, many understand the name as merely = 'metal.' . Then there were the skins of tigers and leopards;--emblems of the fierce energy with which insubordination would be repressed; and there were the bundles of silks with disks of jade on them, showing how (the princes) came to (admire and experience) the virtue (of the king).

庭燎之百，由齊桓公始也。大夫之奏《肆夏》也，由趙文子始也。

(The use of) a hundred torches in his courtyard began with duke Hwan of Khî. The playing of the Sze Hsiâ (at receptions) of Great officers began with Kâo Wan-dze This and the five paragraphs that follow seem the work of another hand, and are not in the expurgated Kî. Duke Hwan was the first and greatest of 'the five presiding princes' of the Khun Khiû period. He died B.C. 643. Kâo Wan-dze was a Great officer and chief minister of Zin about a century after. The king alone might have a hundred torches in his courtyard..

朝覲，大夫之私覿，非禮也。大夫執圭而使，所以申信也；不敢私覿，所以致敬也；而庭實私覿，何為乎諸侯之庭？為人臣者，無外交，不敢貳君也。

When appearing at another court, for a Great officer to have a private audience was contrary to propriety. If he were there as a commissioner, bearing his own prince's token of rank, this served as his credentials. That he did not dare to seek a private audience showed the reverence of his loyalty. What had he to do with the tribute-offerings in the court of the other prince that he should seek a private audience? The minister of a prince had no intercourse outside his own state, thereby showing how he did not dare to serve two rulers.

大夫而饗君，非禮也。大夫強而君殺之，義也；由三桓始也。天子無客禮，莫敢為主焉。君適其臣，升自阼階，不敢有其室也。覲禮，天子不下堂而見諸侯。下堂而見諸侯，天子之失禮也，由夷王以下。

For a Great officer to receive his ruler to an entertainment was contrary to propriety. For a ruler to put to death a Great officer who had violently exercised his power was (held) an act of righteousness; and it was first seen in the case of the three Hwan The 'three Hwan' intended here were three sons of duke Hwan' of Lû, known as Khing-fû, Yâ, and Kî-yû; see the Zo Kwan, and Kung-yang, on the last year of duke Kwang. Instances of the execution of strong and insubordinate officers in different states, more to the point, had occurred before; but the writer had in mind only the history of Lû. . The son of Heaven did not observe any of the rules for a visitor or guest;--no one could presume to be his host. When a ruler visited one of his ministers, he went up to the hall by the steps proper to the master;--the minister did not presume in such a case to consider the house to be his own. According to the rules for audiences, the son of Heaven did not go down from the hall and meet the princes. To descend from the hall and meet the princes, was an error on the part of the son of Heaven, which began with king Î I was the ninth of the sovereigns of Kâu (B.C. 894-879); with him appeared the first symptoms of decline in the dynasty., and was afterwards observed.

諸侯之宮縣，而祭以白牡，擊玉磬，朱幹設錫，冕而舞《大武》，乘大路，諸侯之僭禮也。台門而旅樹，反坫，繡黼，丹朱中衣，大夫之僭禮也。故天子微，諸侯僭；大夫強，諸侯脅。於此相貴以等，相覿以貨，相賂以利，而天下之禮亂矣。諸侯不敢祖天子，大夫不敢祖諸侯。而公廟之設於私家，非禮也，由三桓始也。

For the princes to suspend (their drums and bells) in four rows like the walls of an apartment (after the fashion of the king), and to use a white bull in sacrificing That a white bull was used in Lû in sacrificing to the duke of Kâu, appears from the fourth of the Praise Odes of Lû. See vol. iii, p. 343.; to strike the sonorous jade; to use the red shields with their metal fronts and the cap with descending tassels in dancing the Tâ-wû; and to ride in the grand chariot:--these were usages which they usurped. The towered gateway with the screen across the path, and the stand to receive the emptied cups; the axes embroidered on the inner garment with its vermilion colour:--these were usurpations of the Great officers. Thus, when the son of Heaven was small and weak, the princes pushed their usurpations; and when the Great officers were strong, the princes were oppressed by them. In this state (those officers) gave honour to one another as if they had been of (high) degree; had interviews with one another and made offerings; and bribed one another for their individual benefit: and thus all usages of ceremony were thrown into disorder. It was not lawful for the princes to sacrifice to the king to whom they traced their ancestry, nor for the Great officers to do so to the rulers from whom they sprang. The practice of having a temple to such rulers in their private families, was contrary to propriety. It originated with the three Hwan These must be the three families of Lû, so powerful in the time of Confucius, all descended from duke Hwan. The expression in this (state) shows that the writer was a man of Lû..

天子存二代之後，猶尊賢也，尊賢不過二代。

The son of Heaven We must think of this 'son of Heaven' as the founder of a new dynasty. Thus it was that king Wû of Kâu enfeoffed the duke of Sung as representing the kings of Shang, and the rulers of Kü as representing those of Hsiâ. preserved the descendants of (the sovereigns of) the two (previous) dynasties, still honouring the worth (of their founders). But this honouring the (ancient) worthies did not extend beyond the two dynasties.

諸侯不臣寓公。故古者寓公不繼世。

Princes did not employ as ministers refugee rulers Rulers expelled from their own state. But the princes might employ their sons as ministers, who ceased to be named from their former dignity. . Hence anciently refugee rulers left no son who continued their title.

君之南鄉，答陽之義也。臣之北面，答君也。大夫之臣不稽首，非尊家臣，以辟君也。

A ruler stood with his face towards the south, to show that he would be (in his sphere) what the influence of light and heat was (in nature). His ministers stood with their faces to the north, in response to him. The minister of a Great officer did not bow his face to the ground before him, not from any honour paid to the minister, but that the officer might avoid receiving the homage which he had paid himself to the ruler.

大夫有獻弗親，君有賜不面拜，為君之答己也。

When a Great officer was presenting (anything to his ruler), he did not do so in his own person; when the ruler was making him a gift, he did not go to bow in acknowledgment to him:--that the ruler might not (have the trouble of) responding to him.

鄉人禓，孔子朝服立於阼，存室神也。

When the villagers were driving away pestilential influences, Confucius would stand at the top of his eastern steps, in his court robes, to keep the spirits (of his departed) undisturbed in their shrines See the Confucian Analects X, 10, 2, and note. Dr. Williams (on 禓) says that the ceremony is now performed by the Board of Rites ten days before the new year..

孔子曰：「射之以樂也，何以聽，何以射？」孔子曰：「士，使之射，不能，則辭以疾。縣弧之義也。」

Confucius said, 'The practice of archery to the notes of music (is difficult). How shall the archer listen, and how shall he shoot, (that the two things shall be in harmony)?' Confucius said, 'When an officer is required to shoot, if he be not able, he declines on the ground of being ill, with reference to the bow suspended at the left of the door (at his birth) Every gentleman was supposed to learn archery as one of the six liberal arts;' and a bow was suspended near the door on the birth of a boy in recognition of this. The excuse in the paragraph is a lame one. See the 'Narratives of the School,' article 28; and Book XLIII, 19. .'

孔子曰：「三日齊，一日用之，猶恐不敬；二日伐鼓，何居？」

Confucius said, 'There are three days' fasting on hand. If one fast for the first day, he should still be afraid of not being (sufficiently) reverent. What are we to think of it, if on the second day he beat his drums 'Narratives of the School,' XLIV, 9. ?'

孔子曰：「繹之於庫門內，祊之於東方，朝市之於西方，失之矣。」

Confucius said, 'The repetition of the sacrifice next day inside the Khû gate; the searching for the spirits in the eastern quarter; and the holding the market in the morning in the western quarter:--these all are errors.'

社祭土而主陰氣也。君南鄉於北墉下，答陰之義也。日用甲，用日之始也。天子大社必受霜露風雨，以達天地之氣也。是故喪國之社屋之，不受天陽也。薄社北牖，使陰明也。

At the She, they sacrificed to (the spirits of) the land, and on the tablet rested the power of the darker and retiring influence of nature. The ruler stands (in sacrificing) with his face to the south at the foot of the wall on the north, responding to the idea of that influence as coming from the north. A kiâ day is used (for the sacrifice),--to employ a commencing day (in the Cycle) There are of course six decades of days in the Cycle, each beginning with a kiâ day.. The great Shê altar of the son of Heaven was open to receive the hoarfrost, dew, wind, and rain, and allow the influences of heaven and earth to have full development upon it. For this reason the Shê altar of a state that had perished was roofed in, so that it was not touched by the brightness and warmth of Heaven. The altar (of Yin) at Po Po had been the capital of the Shang dynasty. The site was in the present Ho-nan; changed more than once, but always retaining the name. We have the Northern, the Southern, and the Western Po. had an opening in the wall on the north, so that the dim and cold (moon) might shine into it.

社所以神地之道也。地載萬物，天垂象。取財於地，取法於天，是以尊天而親地也，故教民美報焉。家主中溜而國主社，示本也。唯為社事，單出裏。唯為社田，國人畢作。唯社，丘乘共粢盛，所以報本反始也。

In the sacrifice at the Shê altars they dealt with the earth as if it were a spirit. The earth supported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant signs. They derived their material resources from the earth; they derived rules (for their courses of labour) from the heavens. Thus they were led to give honour to heaven and their affection to the earth, and therefore they taught the people to render a good return (to the earth). (The Heads of) families provided (for the sacrifice to it) at the altar in the open court (of their houses); in the kingdom and the states they did so at the Shê altars; showing how it was the source (of their prosperity). When there was a sacrifice at the Shê altar of a village See page 259, paragraph 7., some one went out to it from every house. When there was such a sacrifice in preparation for a hunt, the men of the state all engaged in it. When there was such a sacrifice, from the towns, small and large, they contributed their vessels of rice, thereby expressing their gratitude to the source (of their prosperity) and going back in their thoughts to the beginning (of all being).

季春出火，為焚也。然後簡其車賦，而曆其卒伍，而君親誓社，以習軍旅。左之右之，坐之起之，以觀其習變也；而流示之禽，而鹽諸利，以觀其不犯命也。求服其志，不貪其得，故以戰則克，以祭則受福。

In the last month of spring Perhaps 'the last month' should be 'the second month.' There is much contention on the point. , the fire star having appeared, they set fire to (the grass and brushwood). When this was done, they reviewed the chariots and men, numbering the companies of a hundred and of five. Then the ruler in person addressed them in front of the Shê altar, and proceeded to exercise their squadrons, now wheeling to the left, now wheeling to the right, now making them lie down, now making them rise up; and observing how they practised these evolutions. When the game came in sight and the desire of capturing it was exerted, (he watched) to see that (the hunters) did not break any of the rules (for their proceedings). It was thus sought to bring their wills into subjection, and make them not pursue the animals (in an irregular way). In this way such men conquered in fight, and such sacrificing obtained blessing.

天子適四方，先柴。

The son of Heaven, in his tours (of Inspection) to the four quarters (of the kingdom), as the first thing (on his arrival at each) reared the pile of wood (and set fire to it) This paragraph is not in the expurgated Lî. It does seem out of place, for the book goes on to speak of the border or suburban sacrifices presented in the vicinity of the capital, and having nothing to do with the tours of Inspection, of which we first read in the Canon of Shun, in the Shû. Those tours, however, were understood to be under the direction of Heaven, and the lighting of the pile of wood, on reaching the mountain of each quarter, is taken as having been an announcement to Heaven of the king's arrival..

郊之祭也，迎長日之至也，大報天而主日也。兆於南郊，就陽位也。掃地而祭，於其質也。器用陶匏，以象天地之性也。於郊，故謂之郊。牲用騂，尚赤也；用犢，貴誠也。

At the (Great) border sacrifice, he welcomed the arrival of the longest day. It was a great act of thanksgiving to Heaven, and the sun was the chief object considered in it

P. Callery has here the following note:--'Il résulte de ce passage et de plusieurs autres des chapitres suivants, que dès les temps les plus anciens, les Chinois rendaient au soleil un véritable culte, sans même y supposer un esprit ou génie dont il fût la demeure, ainsi qu'ils le faisaient pour les montagnes, les rivières et tous les autres lieux auxquels ils offraient des sacrifices. De nos jours encore on sacrifie au soleil et a la lune; mais c'est plutôt un acte officiel de la part des autorités, qu'une pratique de conviction, car le peuple Chinois n'a pas, comme les Japonais, une grande dévotion pour l'astre du jour. Voyez la fin du chapitre XVIII.'

The text conveys no idea to me of such an ancient worship, but I call the attention of the reader to Callery's view. The other passages to which he refers will be noticed as they occur. For my, 'and the sun was the principal object regarded in it,' he says, 'C'est le soleil qui est le principal objet (des adorations).' The original text is simply 而主日. I let my translation stand as I first made it; but on a prolonged consideration, I think, it would be more accurate to say, 'and the sun was considered (for the occasion) as the residence of (the spirit of) Heaven.' Such an acceptation of 主 is quite legitimate. The sun became for the time the 'spirit-tablet (神主)' of Heaven. Fang Küeh says:--'(The Son of Heaven) was welcoming the arrival of the longest day, and therefore he regarded the sun as the residence (for the time) of the spirit of Heaven. That spirit could not be seen; what could be looked up to and beheld were only the sun, moon, and stars.'

郊之用辛也，周之始郊日以至。

For (all) sacrifices in the border they used a hsin day The mention of the 'hsin day' requires that we should understand kiâo (郊) here of other sacrifices so called, and not merely of the great one at the winter solstice. The Khien-lung editors say:--'The border sacrifices for which they used the hsin days were those at which they prayed for a good year. They used such a day, because when king Wû offered his great sacrifice after the battle of Mû-yêh, and announced the completion of his enterprise, the day was hsin-hâi, and from it dated Kâu's possession of the kingdom, and the hsin days became sacred days for the dynasty.' There were of course three hsin days in every month. ; because when Kâu first offered the border sacrifice, it was the longest day, and its name began with hsin.

卜郊，受命于祖廟，作龜于禰宮，尊祖親考之義也。卜之日，王立於澤，親聽誓命，受教諫之義也。獻命庫門之內，戒百官也。大廟之命，戒百姓也。

When divining about the border sacrifice, (the king) received the reply in the fane of his (great) ancestor, and the tortoise-shell was operated on in that of his father;--honour being thus done to his ancestor, and affection shown to his father. On the day of divination, he stood by the lake The 'lake' here must be a name for the royal college with the water round it. So Lû Tien and others explain it (澤蓋學官辟雍) and Yüan Yüan's dictionary with reference to this paragraph, defines it as 'the place where they practised ceremonies.', and listened himself to the declarations and orders which were delivered By the officers as the result of the divination. ,--showing an example of receiving lessons and reproof. (The officers) having communicated to him the orders (to be issued), he gives warning notice of them to all the officers (of a different surname from himself), inside the Khû gate (of the palace), and to those of the same surname, in the Grand temple.

祭之日，王皮弁以聽祭報，示民嚴上也。喪者不哭，不敢凶服，汜掃反道，鄉為田燭。弗命而民聽上。

On the day of the sacrifice, the king in his skin cap waits for the news that all is ready,--showing the people how they ought to venerate their superiors. Those who were engaged in mourning rites did not wail nor venture to put on their mourning dress. (The people) watered and swept the road, and turned it up afresh with the spade; at (the top of) the fields in the neighbourhood they kept torches burning,--thus without special orders complying with (the wish of) the king It was an established custom that they should do so. .

祭之日，王被袞以象天，戴冕，璪十有二旒，則天數也。乘素車，貴其質也。旗十有二旒，龍章而設日月，以象天也。天垂象，聖人則之。郊所以明天道也。

On that day, the king assumed the robe with the ascending dragons on it as an emblem of the heavens 'The robe with the dragons on it,'--Kwan (袞),--is thus described in the dictionary. But there must have been also some emblazonry of the heavenly figures on it also; otherwise it would not have emblemed the heavens. But I have not been able to find this in any dictionary. . He wore the cap with the pendants of jade-pearls, to the number of twelve Having now changed the skin cap mentioned in the preceding paragraph., which is the number of heaven 'The heavenly number;'--with reference, I suppose, to the twelve months of the year. . He rode in the plain carriage, because of its simplicity. From the flag hung twelve pendants, and on it was the emblazonry of dragons, and the figures of the sun and moon, in imitation of the heavens. Heaven hangs out its brilliant figures, and the sages imitated them. This border sacrifice is the illustration of the way of Heaven.

帝牛不吉，以為稷牛。帝牛必在滌三月，稷牛唯具。所以別事天神與人鬼也。

If there appeared anything infelicitous about the victim intended for God, it was used for that intended for Kî Kî, better known as Hâu Kî, the prince, the minister of agriculture,' appears in the Shû as Shun's minister of agriculture (Khî棄, vol. iii, pp. 42, 43), and one of the principal assistants of Yü, in his more than Herculean achievement (vol. iii, pp. 56-58); and in the Shih as the father of agriculture (vol. iii, pp. 396-399). To him the kings of Kâu traced their lineage, and they associated him with God at the Great border sacrifice. See the ode to him, so associated, vol. iii, p. 320. In that service there was thus the expression of reverence for God and of filial piety, the second virtue coming in as the complement of the other. It would seem to be implied that they used the ox for Kî for the blemished one. . That intended for God required to be kept in its clean stall for three months. That intended for Kî simply required to be perfect in its parts. This was the way in which they made a distinction between the spirits of Heaven and the manes of a man By 'spirit' and 'manes' I have endeavoured to come as near as I could to the different significance of the characters shan (神) and kwei (鬼)..

萬物本乎天，人本乎祖，此所以配上帝也。郊之祭也，大報本反始也。

All things originate from Heaven; man originates from his (great) ancestor. This is the reason why Kî was associated with God (at this sacrifice). In the sacrifices at the border there was an expression of gratitude to the source (of their prosperity and a going back in their thoughts to the beginning of (all being).

天子大蠟八。伊耆氏始為蠟，蠟也者，索也。歲十二月，合聚萬物而索饗之也。

The great kâ sacrifice of the son of Heaven consisted of eight (sacrifices). This sacrifice was first instituted by Yin Khî Who this Yin Khî was is unknown. Kang thought he was an ancient sovereign. The Khien-lung editors seem to prove in opposition to him and others that he was the minister of some ancient sovereign. His descendants were subordinate ministers under Kau, having to do with sacrifice. They are mentioned at the end of the 37th Book of the Kâu Lî.. (The word) kâ expresses the idea of searching out. In the twelfth month of a year, they brought together (some of) all the productions (of the harvest), and sought out (the authors of them) to present them to them as offerings.

蠟之祭也：主先嗇，而祭司嗇也。祭百種以報嗇也。饗農及郵表畷，禽獸，仁之至、義之盡也。古之君子，使之必報之。迎貓，為其食田鼠也；迎虎，為其食田豕也，迎而祭之也。祭坊與水庸，事也。

In the kâ sacrifice, the principal object contemplated was the Father of Husbandry. They also presented offerings to (ancient) superintendents of husbandry, and to the (discoverers of the) various grains, to express thanks for the crops which had been reaped. They presented offerings (also) to the (representatives of the ancient inventors of the overseers of the) husbandmen, and of the buildings marking out the boundaries of the fields, and of the birds and beasts. The service showed the highest sentiments of benevolence and of righteousness. The ancient wise men had appointed all these agencies, and it was felt necessary to make this return to them. They met the (representatives of the) cats, because they devoured the rats and mice (which injured the fruits) of the fields, and (those of) the tigers, because they devoured the (wild) boars (which destroyed them). They met them and made offerings to them. They offered also to (the ancient Inventors of) the dykes and water-channels;--(all these were) provisions for the husbandry This and the other paragraphs down to 13 about the kâ sacrifice are not in the expurgated copies. It is difficult to understand what it really was. What is said of it leads us to think of it as a Chinese Saturnalia at the end of the year, when all the crops had been gathered in, and the people abandoned themselves to license and revel under the form of sacrificial services. 'The Father of Husbandry' was probably Shan Nang, the successor of Fû-hsî; see vol. iii, pp. 371, 372. 'The Superintendents of Husbandry' would be Hâu Kî and others, though Hâu Kî appears in the Shih as really the father of agriculture. 'The overseer' occurs in the Shih (vol. iii, p. 371 et al.) as 'the surveyor of the fields.' The commentators, so far as I have read, are very chary of giving us any information about the offerings to 'the cats and tigers.' Kiang Kâo-hsî says, 'They met the cats and tigers, that is, their spirits (迎貓虎,即其神也).'.

曰「土反其宅」，水歸其壑，昆蟲毋作，草木歸其澤。皮弁素服而祭。素服，以送終也。葛帶榛杖，喪殺也。蠟之祭，仁之至、義之盡也。黃衣黃冠而祭，息田夫也。野夫黃冠；黃冠，草服也。

They said,-- 'May the ground no sliding show, Water in its channels flow, Insects to keep quiet know; Only in the fens weeds grow!' They presented their offerings in skin caps and white robes;--in white robes to escort the closing year (to its grave). They wore sashes of dolychos cloth, and carried staffs of hazel,--as being reduced forms of mourning. In the kâ were expressed the highest sentiments of benevolence and righteousness. (After this) This seems to introduce another service, following that of the kâ. It is understood to be the lâ sacrifice of Khin, described on page 300, paragraph 19. they proceeded to sacrifice in yellow robes and yellow caps,--releasing the field-labourers from the toils (of the year). Countrymen wore yellow hats, which were made of straw.

大羅氏，天子之掌鳥獸者也，諸侯貢屬焉。草笠而至，尊野服也。羅氏致鹿與女，而詔客告也。以戒諸侯曰：「好田好女者亡其國。」天子樹瓜華，不斂藏之種也。

The Great Netter We find 'the Netter' called Lo as if Lo (羅氏), had become the surname of the family in which the office was hereditary, as the last but one of the departments described in the 30th Book of the Kâu Lî. was the officer who had the management for the son of Heaven of his birds and (captured) beasts, and to his department belonged (all such creatures) sent by the princes as tribute. (Those who brought them) Those would be 'Great officers' from the various states, personating for the occasion hunters or labouring men. wore hats of straw or bamboo splints, appearing, by way of honour to it, in that country dress. The Netter declined the deer and women (which they brought) The 'deer' would be taken in the chase; the 'women,' attractive captives, taken in war. But they would not have such to present from year to year. We can say nothing more about this article of tribute. , and announced to the visitors the message (of the king) to this effect, that they might warn the princes with it:-- 'He who loves hunting and women, Brings his state to ruin.' The son of Heaven planted gourds and flowering plants; not such things as might be reaped and stored Many take this concluding sentence as part of the king's message. The Khien-lung editors decide against that view; its meaning is that the king never farmed for his own gain..

八蠟以記四方。四方年不順成，八蠟不通，以謹民財也。順成之方，其蠟乃通，以移民也。既蠟而收，民息已。故既蠟，君子不興功。

The kâ with its eight sacrifices served to record (the condition of the people) throughout all the quarters (of the country). If in any quarter the year had not been good, it did not contribute to those services,--out of a careful regard to the resources of the people. Where the labours of a good year had been successfully completed, they took part in them,--to give them pleasure and satisfaction. All the harvest having by this time been gathered, the people had nothing to do but to rest, and therefore after the kâ wise (rulers) commenced no new work This paragraph treats of the kâ as celebrated in the states. .

恒豆之菹，水草之和氣也；其醢，陸產之物也。加豆，陸產也；其醢，水物也。籩豆之薦，水土之品也，不敢用常褻味而貴多品，所以交於神明之義也，非食味之道也。

The pickled contents of the ordinary dishes were water-plants produced by the harmonious powers (of nature); the brine used with them was from productions of the land. The additional dishes contained productions of the land with the brine from productions of the water. The things in the dishes on stands were from both the water and land. They did not venture to use in them the flavours of ordinary domestic use, but variety was considered admirable. It was in this way that they sought to have communion with the spirits; it was not intended to imitate the flavours of food The conclusion of this paragraph leads us to take all the dishes spoken of in it as containing sacrificial offerings. It would take too long to discuss all that is said about the 'regular' and the 'additional' dishes in the first part..

先王之薦，可食也而不可耆也。 卷冕路車，可陳也而不可好也。武壯，而不可樂也。宗廟之威，而不可安也。宗廟之器，可用也而不可便其利也，所以交於神明者，不可以同於所安樂之義也。

The things set before the ancient kings served as food, but did not minister to the pleasures of the palate. The dragon-robe, the tasseled cap, and the great carriage served for display, but did not awaken a fondness for their use. The various dances displayed the gravity of the performers, but did not awaken the emotion of delight. The ancestral temple produced the impression of majesty, but did not dispose one to rest in it. Its vessels might be employed (for their purposes in it), but could not be conveniently used for any other. The idea which leads to intercourse with spiritual Beings is not interchangeable with that which finds its realisation in rest and pleasure.

酒醴之美，玄酒明水之尚，貴五味之本也。 黼黻文繡之美，疏布之尚，反女功之始也。莞簟之安，而蒲越稿鞂之尚，明之也。大羹不和，貴其質也。大圭不琢，美其質也。丹漆雕幾之美，素車之乘，尊其樸也，貴其質而已矣。所以交於神明者，不可同於所安褻之甚也。 如是而後宜。

Admirable as are the spirits and sweet spirits, a higher value is attached to the dark spirit and the bright water We have seen, before, that 'the dark spirit' is water. Was there a difference between this and 'the bright water?' The Khien-lung editors think so, and refer to the functions of the Sze Hsüan officer (司烜氏, Kâu Lî, Book XXXVII, 41-44), who by means of a mirror drew the bright water from the moon. How he did so, I do not understand. The object of the writer in this part of the section is to exhibit the value of simple sincerity in all religious services.,--in order to honour that which is the source of the five flavours. Beautiful as is the elegant embroidery of robes, a higher value is set on plain, coarse cloth,--going back to the commencement of woman's work. Inviting as is the rest afforded by the mats of fine rushes and bamboos, the preference is given to the coarse ones of reeds and straw,--distinguishing the (character of the service in which they were employed). The Grand soup is unseasoned,--in honour of its simplicity. The Grand symbols of jade have no engraving on them,--in admiration of their simple plainness. There is the beauty of the red varnish and carved border (of a carriage), but (the king) rides in a plain one,--doing honour to its plainness. In all these things it is simply the idea of the simplicity that is the occasion of the preference and honour. In maintaining intercourse with spiritual and intelligent Beings, there should be nothing like an extreme desire for rest and ease in our personal gratification. It is this which makes the above usages suitable for their purpose.

鼎俎奇而籩豆偶，陰陽之義也。黃目，鬱氣之上尊也。黃者中也；目者氣之清明者也。言酌於中而清明於外也，

The number of the tripods and meat-stands was odd, but that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was even,--having regard to the numbers belonging to the developing and receding influences of nature See the fifth paragraph of Section i, and the note. It may be added here, after Khung Ying-tâ, that 'the tripod and stand contained the body of the victim, which, as belonging to an animal that moved, was of the category of Yang, but the dishes contained the products of trees and vegetables,--which were of the category of Yin.' . The vase with the yellow eyes In pictures, this vase was figured with two eyes. They were carved on the substance of the vessel and then gilt, so as to appear yellow. was the most valued of all, and contained the spirit with the fragrant herbs. Yellow is the colour (of earth) which occupies the central places On the central place assigned to the element of earth and its yellow colour, see the supplementary section appended to Book IV, Section ii, Part iii.. In the eye the energy (of nature) appears most purely and brilliantly. Thus the spirit to be poured out is in that cup, the (emblem of the) centre, and (the symbol of) what is most pure and bright appears outside P. Callery characterises the reasoning of this paragraph as 'puéril et grotesque;' and concludes a long note on it with the sentence:--'Je laisse à ceux qui peuvent suivre ce logogriphe dans le texte Chinois, le soin d'en saisir toutes les finesses; car, mon sens, ce n'est qu'une ineptie.'.

祭天，掃地而祭焉，於其質而已矣。醯醢之美，而煎鹽之尚，貴天產也。割刀之用，而鸞刀之貴，貴其義也。聲和而後斷也。

When sacrificing to Heaven, the earth is swept, and the sacrifice presented on the ground,--from a regard to the simplicity of such an unartificial altar. Admirable as are the vinegar and pickles, suet boiled and produced through evaporation is preferred,--to do honour to the natural product of heaven. An ordinary knife might be employed (to kill the victim), but that fitted with bells is preferred,--giving honour to the idea thereby indicated; there is the harmony of sound, and then the cutting work is done.

冠義：始冠之，緇布之冠也。大古冠布，齊則緇之。其緌也，孔子曰：「吾未之聞也。冠而敝之可也。」

(As to) the meaning of (the ceremony of) capping These paragraphs about capping are not in the expurgated copy of the Lî, and many commentators, especially Wang of Shih-liang, would relegate them to Book XI. And they are not all easy to be understood. The capping was thrice repeated, and each time with a different cap. So much is clear. The names and forms of the caps in paragraph 3 have given rise to much speculation, from which I purposely abstain; nor do I clearly comprehend its relation to the threefold capping in the ceremony.:--The cap used for the first act of the service was of black cloth,--the cap of the highest antiquity. It was originally of (white) cloth, but the colour when it was used in fasting was dyed black. As to its strings, Confucius said, 'I have not heard anything about them.' This cap, after it had been once put upon (the young man), might be disused.

適子冠於阼，以著代也。醮於客位，加有成也。三加彌尊，喻其志也。冠而字之，敬其名也。

The son by the wife proper was capped by the eastern stairs (appropriate to the use of the master), to show how he was in their line of succession to him. The father handed him a cup in the guests' place (without receiving one in return). The capping showed that he had reached maturity. The using of three caps was to give greater importance (to the ceremony), and show its object more clearly. The giving the name of maturity in connexion with the ceremony was to show the reverence due to that name.

委貌，周道也。章甫，殷道也。毋追，夏後氏之道也。周弁，殷冔，夏收。三王共皮弁素積。

The wei-mâo was the fashion of Kâu; the kang-fû, that of Yin; and the mâu-tui, that of the sovereigns of Hsiâ. Kâu used the pien; Yin, the hsü; and Hsiâ, the shâu. The three dynasties all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of-white gathered up at the waist.

無大夫冠禮，而有其昏禮。古者，五十而後爵，何大夫冠禮之有？諸侯之有冠禮，夏之末造也。

There were no observances peculiar to the capping (in the families) of Great officers, though there were (peculiar) marriage ceremonies. Anciently a man was fifty when he took the rank of a Great officer; how should there have been peculiar ceremonies at his cappings? The peculiar ceremonies at the cappings as used by the princes arose in the end of the Hsiâ dynasty.

天子之元子，士也。天下無生而貴者也。繼世以立諸侯，象賢也。以官爵人，德之殺也。死而諡，今也；古者生無爵，死無諡。

The eldest son of the son of Heaven by his proper queen (was capped only as) an ordinary officer. There was nowhere such a thing as being born noble. Princes received their appointments on the hereditary principle, (to teach them) to imitate the virtue of their predecessors. Men received office and rank according to the degree of their virtue. There was the conferring of an honourable designation after death; but that is a modern institution. Anciently, there was no rank on birth, and no honorary title after death.

禮之所尊，尊其義也。失其義，陳其數，祝史之事也。故其數可陳也，其義難知也。知其義而敬守之，天子之所以治天下也。

That which is most important in ceremonies is to understand the idea intended in them. While the idea is missed, the number of things and observances in them may be correctly exhibited, as that is the business of the officers of prayer and the recorders. Hence that may all be exhibited, but it is difficult to know the idea. The knowledge of that idea, and the reverent maintenance of it was the way by which the sons of Heaven secured the good government of the kingdom.

天地合而後萬物興焉。夫昏禮，萬世之始也。取於異姓，所以附遠厚別也。幣必誠，辭無不腆。告之以直信；信，事人也；信，婦德也。壹與之齊，終身不改。故夫死不嫁。

By the united action of heaven and earth all things spring up. Thus the ceremony of marriage is the beginning of a (line that shall last for a) myriad ages. The parties are of different surnames; thus those who are distant are brought together, and the separation (to be maintained between those who are of the same surname) is emphasised I do not see how Callery translates here:--'On rapproche ce qui était éloigné, et on unit ce qui était distinct.' He says, however, in a note:--'Ceci se rapporte à l'antique loi, encore en vigueur, qui interdit le mariage entre personnes d'un même nom, parce que lors même qu'il n'existe entre elles aucune trace de parenté, il est possible qu'elles proviennent de la même souche, et se trouvent ainsi sur la ligne directe, où les Chinois admettent une parenté sans fin.'. There must be sincerity in the marriage presents; and all communications (to the woman) must be good. She should be admonished to be upright and sincere. Faithfulness is requisite in all service of others, and faithfulness is (specially) the virtue of a wife. Once mated with her husband, all her life she will not change (her feeling of duty to him) and hence, when the husband dies she will not marry (again) This brief sentence about a woman not marrying again is not in the expurgated copies. Callery, however, says upon it:--'Dans certains textes du Lî Kî, on trouve à la suite de ce passage une phrase qui restreint à la femme cette immutabilité perpétuelle dans le mariage. En effet, les lois Chinoises ont de tout temps permis à l'homme de se remarier après la mort de sa première femme, tandis que pour les veuves, les secondes noces ont toujours été plus ou moins flétries, ou par la loi, ou par l'usage.'.

男子親迎，男先於女，剛柔之義也。天先乎地，君先乎臣，其義一也。

The gentleman went in person to meet the bride, the man taking the initiative and not the woman, according to the idea that regulates the relation between the strong and the weak (in all nature). It is according to this same idea that heaven takes precedence of earth, and the ruler of the subject.

執摯以相見，敬章別也。男女有別，然後父子親，父子親然後義生，義生然後禮作，禮作然後萬物安。無別無義，禽獸之道也。

Presents are interchanged before (the parties) see each other Callery has for this:--'Les présents que porte l'époux dans ses visites.' But the young people did not see each other till the day of the marriage.;--this reverence serving to illustrate the distinction (that should be observed between man and woman). When this distinction (between husband and wife) is exhibited, affection comes to prevail between father and son. When there is this affection, the idea of righteousness arises in the mind, and to this idea of righteousness succeeds (the observance of) ceremonies. Through those ceremonies there ensues universal repose. The absence of such distinction and righteousness is characteristic of the way of beasts.

婿親禦授綏，親之也。親之也者，親之也。敬而親之，先王之所以得天下也。出乎大門而先，男帥女，女從男，夫婦之義由此始也。婦人，從人者也；幼從父兄，嫁從夫，夫死從子。夫也者，夫也；夫也者，以知帥人者也。

The bridegroom himself stands by (the carriage of the bride), and hands to her the strap (to assist her in mounting On the 'strap' to help in mounting the carriage, see p. 45, et al. Callery has here 'les rênes.' The text would seem to say that the bridegroom was himself driving, and handed the strap to help the other up; but that would have been contrary to all etiquette; and they appear immediately, not sitting together, but following each other.),--showing his affection. Having that affection, he seeks to bring her near to him. It was by such reverence and affection for their wives that the ancient kings obtained the kingdom. In passing out from the great gate (of her father's house), he precedes, and she follows, and with this the right relation between husband and wife commences. The woman follows (and obeys) the man:--in her youth, she follows her father and elder brother; when married, she follows her husband; when her husband is dead, she follows her son. 'Man' denotes supporter. A man by his wisdom should (be able to) lead others.

玄冕齋戒，鬼神陰陽也。 將以為社稷主，為先祖後，而可以不致敬乎？共牢而食，同尊卑也。故婦人無爵，從夫之爵，坐以夫之齒。

The dark-coloured cap, and the (preceding) fasting and vigil, (with which the bridegroom meets the bride, makes the ceremony like the service of) spiritual beings, and (the meeting of) the bright and developing and receding influences (in nature). The result of it will be to give the lord for the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, and the successors of the forefathers of the past;--is not the utmost reverence appropriate in it? Husband and wife ate together of the same victim,--thus declaring that they were of the same rank. Hence while the wife had (herself) no rank, she was held to be of the rank of her husband, and she took her seat according to the position belonging to him It is exceedingly difficult to construe this sentence, nor do the commentators give a translator much help. Rendering ad verbum, all that we have is this:--'The dark-coloured cap, self-purification (and) abstinence; spiritual beings, Yin (and) Yang.' Kang s explanation is very brief:--'The dark-coloured cap (was) the dress in sacrificing: Yin (and) Yang mean husband and wife.' I have tried to catch and indicate the ideas in the mind of the writer. Taken as I have done, the passage is a most emphatic declaration of the religious meaning which was attached to marriage. Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, pp. 88, 89) has translated the greater part of the paragraph, but not very successfully, thus:--'A black crown, with fasting and watching, is the way to serve the Kwei Shins, as well as the male and female principle of nature. The same is the case also (with regard to marriages which are contracted) with the view of obtaining some one to perpetuate the lares domestici (社稷); and principally respect obtaining successors for our ancestors:--can they therefore be conducted without reverence?'.

器用陶匏，尚禮然也。三王作牢用陶匏。厥明，婦盥饋。舅姑卒食，婦餕餘，私之也。舅姑降自西階，婦降自阼階，授之室也。

The old rule at sacrifices was to have the vessels (only) of earthenware and gourds; and when the kings of the three dynasties instituted the (partaking of the) victim, those were the vessels employed. On the day after the marriage, the wife, having washed her hands, prepared and presented (a sucking-pig) to her husband's parents; and when they had done eating, she ate what was left,--as a mark of their special regard. They descended from the hall by the steps on the west, while she did so by those on the east;--so was she established in the wife's (or mistress's) place.

昏禮不用樂，幽陰之義也。樂，陽氣也。昏禮不賀，人之序也。

At the marriage ceremony, they did not employ music,--having reference to the feeling of solitariness and darkness (natural to the separation from parents). Music expresses the energy of the bright and expanding influence. There was no congratulation on marriage;--it indicates how (one generation of) men succeeds to another See p. 322, paragraph 20; where Confucius says that in a certain case the bridegroom's family has no music for three days, on the ground that the bridegroom had lost his parents, and sorrow was more suitable than mirth as he thought of their being gone. This statement was generalised by the writer; but in the Shih, as in ordinary life, music is an accompaniment of in marriage. See the paraphrase of the 'Amplification of the fourth of the Khang-hsî precepts.'.

有虞氏之祭也，尚用氣；血腥爓祭，用氣也。

At the sacrifices in the time of the lord of Yü the smell was thought most important. There were the offerings of blood, of raw flesh, and of sodden flesh;--all these were employed for the sake of the smell.

殷人尚聲，臭味未成，滌蕩其聲；樂三闋，然後出迎牲。聲音之號，所以詔告於天地之間也。

Under the Yin, sound was thought most important. Before there was any smell or flavour, the music was made to resound clearly. It was not till there had been three performances of it that they went out to meet (and bring in) the victim. The noise of the music was a summons addressed to all between heaven and earth.

周人尚臭，灌用鬯臭，鬱合鬯；臭，陰達於淵泉。灌以圭璋，用玉氣也。既灌，然後迎牲，致陰氣也。蕭合黍稷；臭，陽達於牆屋。故既奠，然後蓻 蕭合膻薌。

Under the Kâu, a pungent odour was thought most important. In libations they employed the smell of millet-spirits in which fragrant herbs had been infused. The fragrance, partaking of the nature of the receding influence, penetrates to the deep springs below. The libations were poured from cups with long handles of jade, (as if) to employ (also) the smell of the mineral. After the liquor was poured, they met (and brought in) the victim, having first diffused the smell into the unseen realm. Artemisia along with millet and rice having then been burned (with the fat of the victim), the fragrance penetrates through all the building. It was for this reason that, after the cup had been put down, they burnt the fat with the southernwood and millet and rice.

凡祭，慎諸此。魂氣歸於天，形魄歸於地。故祭，求諸陰陽之義也。殷人先求諸陽，周人先求諸陰。

So careful were they on all occasions of sacrifice. The intelligent spirit returns to heaven the body and the animal soul return to the earth; and hence arose the idea of seeking (for the deceased) in sacrifice in the unseen darkness and in the bright region above. Under the Yin, they first sought for them in the bright region; under Kâu, they first sought for them in the dark.

詔祝於室，坐屍於堂，用牲於庭，升首於室。直祭，祝於主；索祭，祝於祊。不知神之所在，於彼乎？於此乎？或諸遠人乎？祭于祊，尚曰求諸遠者與？

They informed the officer of prayer in the apartment; they seated the representative of the departed in the hall; they killed the victim in the courtyard. The head of the victim was taken up to the apartment. This was at the regular sacrifice, when the officer of prayer addressed himself to the spirit-tablet of the departed. If it were (merely) the offering of search, the minister of prayer takes his place at the inside of the gate of the temple. They knew not whether the spirit were here, or whether it were there, or far off, away from all men. Might not that offering inside the gate be said to be a searching for the spirit in its distant place?

祊之為言倞也，肵之為言敬也。富也者福也，首也者，直也。相，饗之也。嘏，長也，大也。屍，陳也。

That service at the gate was expressive of the energy of the search. The stand with the heart and tongue of the victim (set forth before the personator) was expressive of reverence. (The wish of the principal) for wealth (to those assisting him) included all happiness. The (presentation of the) head was (intended as) a direct (communication with the departed). The presence (of the representative) was that the spirit might enjoy (the offerings). The blessing (pronounced by him) was for long continuance, and comprehensive. The personator (seemed) to display (the departed).

毛血，告幽全之物也。告幽全之物者，貴純之道也。血祭，盛氣也。祭肺肝心，貴氣主也。

The (examination of the) hair and the (taking of the) blood was an announcement that the victim was complete within and without. This announcement showed the value set on its being perfect From the middle of paragraph 10 to 18 inclusive is not in the expurgated edition, which closes with the nineteenth paragraph and the half of the twenty-first. I need not quote Callery's translation of this portion, but he says on it:--'Ce passage est un de ceux qui se refusent le plus à la traduction, et qui renferment, au fond, le moins d'idées claires et raisonnables. L'auteur a voulu, ce me semble, dormer une explication mystique à des mots et à des coutumes, qui n'en étaient point susceptibles, et il lui est arrivé, comme à certains commentateurs bibliques du moyen age, de faire un galimatias, auquel lui même, sans doute, ne comprenait rien.'--On what the author says about the hair and blood, compare vol. iii, page 370.. The offering of the blood was because of the breath which is contained in it. They offered (specially) the lungs, the liver, and the heart, doing honour to those parts as the home of the breath.

祭黍稷加肺，祭齊加明水，報陰也。取燔燎燔燎，升首，報陽也。

In offering the millet and the glutinous millet, they presented the lungs along with it. In offering the various prepared liquors, they presented the bright water;--in both cases acknowledging their obligations to the dark and receding influence (in nature). In taking the fat of the inwards and burning it, and in taking the head up (to the hall), they made their acknowledgments to the bright and active influence.

明水說齊，貴新也。凡兌，新之也。其謂之明水也，由主人之絜著此水也。

In the bright water and the clear liquor the thing valued was their newness. All clarifying is a sort of making new. The water was called 'bright' because the principal in the service had purified it.

君再拜稽首，肉袒親割，敬之至也。敬之至也，服也。拜，服也；稽首，服之甚也；肉袒，服之盡也。

When the ruler bowed twice with his head to the ground, and, with breast bared, himself applied the knife, this expressed his extreme reverence. Yes, his extreme reverence, for there was submission in it. The bowing showed his submission; the laying the head on the ground did that emphatically; and the baring his breast was the greatest (outward) exhibition of the feeling.

祭稱孝孫孝子，以其義稱也；稱曾孫某，謂國家也。祭祀之相，主人自致其敬，盡其嘉，而無與讓也。

When the sacrificer styled himself 'the filial son,' or 'the filial grandson,' he did so (in all cases) according to the meaning of the name. When he styled himself 'So and So, the distant descendant,' that style was used of (the ruler of) a state or (the Head of) a clan. (Though) there were the assistants at the service, the principal himself gave every demonstration of reverence and performed all his admirable service without yielding anything to any one.

腥肆爓腍祭，豈知神之所饗也？主人自盡其敬而已矣。

The flesh of the victim might be presented raw and as a whole, or cut up in pieces, or sodden, or thoroughly cooked; but how could they know whether the spirit enjoyed it? The sacrificer simply showed his reverence to the utmost of his power.

舉斝角，詔妥屍。古者，屍無事則立，有事而後坐也。屍，神象也。祝，將命也。

(When the representative of the departed) had made the libation with the kiâ cup, or the horn, (the sacrificer) was told (to bow to him) and put him at ease. Anciently, the representative stood when nothing was being done; when anything was being done, he sat. He personated the spirit; the officer of prayer was the medium of communication between him and the sacrificer.

縮酌用茅，明酌也。盞酒兌於清，汁獻兌於盞酒；猶明清與盞酒於舊澤之酒也。

In straining (the new liquor) for the cup, they used the white (mâo) grass and obtained a clear cup. The liquor beginning to clear itself was further clarified by means of pure liquor. The juice obtained by boiling aromatics (with the extract of millet) was clarified by mingling with it the liquor which had begun to clear itself:--in the same way as old and strong spirits are qualified by the brilliantly pure liquor or that which has begun to clear itself

He would be a bold man who would say that he had given a translation of this paragraph, which he was sure represented exactly the mind of the author. The interpretation given of it even by Kang Hsüan is now called in question in a variety of points by most scholars; and the Khien-lung editors refrain from concluding the many pages of various commentators, which they adduce on it, with a summary and exposition of their own judgment. Until some sinologist has made himself acquainted with all the processes in the preparation of their drinks at the present day by the Chinese, and has thereby, and from his own knowledge of the general subject, attained to a knowledge of the similar preparations of antiquity, a translator can only do the best in his power with such a passage, without being sure that it is the best that might be done.

In the Kâu Li, Book V, 23-36, we have an account of the duties of the Director of Wines (酒正; Biot, 'Intendant des Vins'). Mention is made of 'the three wines (三酒 ),' which were employed as common beverages, and called shih kiû (事酒), hsî kiû (昔酒), and khing kiû (清酒); in Biot, 'vin d'affaire, vin âgé, and vin clair.' Consul Gingell, in his useful translation of 'The Institutes of the Kau Dynasty Strung as Pearls' (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1852), calls them--'wine made specially for any particular occasion; wine which has become ripe; and old, clear, and fine wine.'

In addition to these three kiû, the Director had to do with the five kî (五齊; Biot, 'les cinque sorts de vins sacrés'), and called fan kî (泛齊), li ki (醴齊), ang kî (盎齊), thî kî (緹齊), and khan kî(沈齊)in Biot, after Kang Hsüan, 'vin surnageant, vin doux, vin qui se clarifie, vin substantiel, vin reposé;' in Gingell, 'rice-water which has undergone fermentation, wine in which dregs have formed, wine in which the dregs have risen to the surface, wine in which the dregs have congealed, and of which the colour has become reddish, and pure clear wine in which the dregs are subsiding.' Whether Biot be correct or not in translating kî (perhaps should be read kâi, = 齋) 'vin sacré,' the five preparations so called were for use at sacrifices. 'They were' say the Khien-lung editors, 'for use at sacrifices, and not as ordinary drinks.' 'They were all thin, and unpalatable; for the cup, and not for the mouth.'

祭有祈焉，有報焉，有由辟焉。

Sacrifices were for the purpose of prayer, or of thanksgiving, or of deprecation.

齊之玄也，以陰幽思也。故君子三日齊，必見其所祭者。

The dark-coloured robes worn during vigil and purification had reference to the occupation of the thoughts with the dark and unseen. Hence after the three days of purification, the superior man was sure (to seem) to see those to whom his sacrifice was to be offered

The Khien-lung editors say that from paragraph 14 to this, the compiler mentions promiscuously a great many particulars about the ancient sacrifices, the different places in which the services at them were performed, the things used in them, &c., showing how sincere and earnest those engaged in them must be to attain to the result mentioned in this last paragraph; and that this is the fundamental object of the whole treatise.

I have called attention to this promiscuous nature of the contents of many of the Books towards the end of them, in the introduction, page 34, as a characteristic of the collection.

後王命塚宰，降德於眾兆民。

The sovereign and king orders the chief minister to send down his (lessons of) virtue to the millions of the people.

子事父母，雞初鳴，鹹盥漱，櫛縰笄總，拂髦冠緌纓，端縪紳，搢笏。左右佩用，左佩紛帨、刀、礪、小觿、金燧，右佩玦、捍、管、 遰、大觿、木燧，逼，屨著綦。

Sons The 'sons' here are young gentlemen of good families, shih (士), who might be employed as ordinary officers., in serving their parents, on the first crowing of the cock, should all wash their hands and rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, bind the hair at the roots with the fillet, brush the dust from that which is left free, and then put on their caps, leaving the ends of the strings hanging down. They should then put on their squarely made black jackets, knee-covers, and girdles, fixing in the last their tablets. From the left and right of the girdle they should hang their articles for use:--on the left side, the duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal speculum for getting fire from the sun; on the right, the archer's thimble for the thumb and the armlet, the tube for writing instruments, the knife-case, the larger spike, and the borer for getting fire from wood. They should put on their leggings, and adjust their shoe-strings.

婦事舅姑，如事父母。雞初鳴，鹹盥漱，櫛． 縰，笄總，衣紳。左佩紛帨、刀、礪、小觿、金燧，右佩箴、管、線、纊，施縏帙，大觿、木燧、衿纓，綦屨。

(Sons') wives should serve their parents-in-law as they served their own. At the first crowing of the cock, they should wash their hands, and rinse their mouths; comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, and tie the hair at the roots with the fillet. They should then put on the jacket, and over it the sash. On the left side they should hang the duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal speculum to get fire with; and on the right, the needle-case, thread, and floss, all bestowed in the satchel, the great spike, and the borer to get fire with from wood. They will also fasten on their necklaces 'Necklaces' is only a guess at the meaning. Khan Hâo and others make the character to mean 'scent bags.' But this also is only a guess. There is nothing in its form to suggest such a meaning; and as many other critics point out, it is inconsistent with the usage in paragraph 5. These acknowledge that they do not understand the phrase衿纓. See I, i, 3, 34, but the use of ying there is considered inappropriate here., and adjust their shoe-strings.

以適父母舅姑之所，及所，下氣怡聲，問衣燠寒，疾痛苛癢，而敬抑搔之。出入，則或先或後，而敬扶持之。進盥，少者奉盤，長者奉水，請沃盥，盥卒授巾。問所欲而敬進之，柔色以溫之，． 饘酏、酒醴、芼羹、菽麥、蕡稻、黍粱、秫唯所欲，棗、栗、飴、蜜以甘之，堇、荁、枌、榆免槁滫瀡以滑之，脂膏以膏之，父母舅姑必嘗之而後退。

Thus dressed, they should go to their parents and parents-in-law. On getting to where they are, with bated breath and gentle voice, they should ask if their clothes are (too) warm or (too) cold, whether they are ill or pained, or uncomfortable in any part; and if they be so, they should proceed reverently to stroke and scratch the place. They should in the same way, going before or following after, help and support their parents in quitting or entering (the apartment). In bringing in the basin for them to wash, the younger will carry the stand and the elder the water; they will beg to be allowed to pour out the water, and when the washing is concluded, they Will hand the towel. They will ask whether they want anything, and then respectfully bring it. All this they will do with an appearance of pleasure to make their parents feel at ease. (They should bring) gruel, thick or thin, spirits or must, soup with vegetables, beans, wheat, spinach, rice, millet, maize, and glutinous millet,--whatever they wish, in fact; with dates, chestnuts, sugar and honey, to sweeten their dishes; with the ordinary or the large-leaved violets, leaves of elm-trees, fresh or dry, and the most soothing rice-water to lubricate them; and with fat and oil to enrich them. The parents will be sure to taste them, and when they have done so, the young people should withdraw The structure of this and the preceding sentences is easy enough, but it is not easy for a translator to assure himself that he is rendering every Chinese character by its correct equivalent in his own language. .

男女未冠笄者，雞初鳴，鹹盥漱，櫛縰，拂髦總角，衿纓，皆佩容臭，昧爽而朝，問何食飲矣。若已食則退，若未食則佐長者視具。

Youths who have not yet been capped, and maidens who have not yet assumed the hair-pin, at the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands, rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, brush the dust from that which is left free, bind it up in the shape of a horn, and put on their necklaces. They should all bang at their girdles They hang on these instead of the useful appendages mentioned in paragraphs 2 and 3, as being too young to employ these. This determines the meaning of 長者in the last clause as I have given it. Zottoli's rendering is:--'Si nondum comederint, tunc adjuturi majores inspectabunt praeparata.' the ornamental (bags of) perfume; and as soon as it is daybreak, they should (go to) pay their respects (to their parents) and ask what they will eat and drink. If they have eaten already, they should retire; if they have not eaten, they will (remain to) assist their elder (brothers and sisters) and see what has been prepared.

凡內外，雞初鳴，鹹盥漱，衣服，斂枕簟，灑掃室堂及庭，布席，各從其事。孺子蚤寢晏起，唯所欲，食無時。

All charged with the care of the inner and outer parts (of the house), at the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands and mouths, gather up their pillows and fine mats, sprinkle and sweep out the apartments, hall, and courtyard, and spread the mats, each doing his proper work. The children go earlier to bed, and get up later, according to their pleasure. There is no fixed time for their meals.

由命士以上，父子皆異宮。昧爽而朝，慈以旨甘，日出而退，各從其事，日入而夕，慈以旨甘。

From the time that sons receive an official appointment, they and their father occupy different parts of their residence. But at the dawn, the son will pay his respects, and express his affection by (the offer of) pleasant delicacies. At sunrise he will retire, and he and his father will attend to their different duties. At sundown, the son will pay his evening visit in the same way.

父母舅姑將坐，奉席請何鄉；將衽，長者奉席請何趾。少者執床與坐，禦者舉幾，斂席與簟，縣衾篋枕，斂簟而襡之。

When the parents wish to sit (anywhere), the sons and their wives should carry their mats, and ask in what direction they shall lay them. When they wish to lie down, the eldest among them should carry the mats, and ask where they wish to place their feet, while the youngest will carry a (small) bench for them to lean on while they stretch out their legs. (At the same time) an attendant will place a stool by them. They should take up the mat on which they had been lying and the fine mat over it, hang up the coverlet, put the pillow in its case, and roll up the fine mat and put it in its cover.

父母舅姑之衣衾簟席枕幾不傳，杖屨只敬之，勿敢近。敦牟卮匜，非餕莫敢用；與恒食飲，非餕，莫之敢飲食。

(Sons and their wives) should not move the clothes, coverlets, fine mats, or undermats, pillows, and stools of their parents That is, the parents of the husband, and parents-in-law of the wife. ; they should reverently regard their staffs and shoes, but not presume to approach them; they should not presume to use their vessels for grain, liquor, and water, unless some of the contents be left in them; nor to eat or drink any of their ordinary food or drink, unless in the same case.

父母在，朝夕恒食，子婦佐餕，既食恒餕，父沒母存，塚子禦食，群子婦佐餕如初，旨甘柔滑，孺子餕。

While the parents are both alive, at their regular meals, morning and evening, the (eldest) son and his wife will encourage them to eat everything, and what is left after all, they will themselves eat 'That nothing,' says Khung Ying-tâ, 'may be served up again.'. When the father is dead, and the mother still alive, the eldest son should wait upon her at her meals; and the wives of the other sons will do with what is left as in the former case. The children should have the sweet, soft, and unctuous things that are left.

在父母舅姑之所，有命之，應唯敬對。進退周旋慎齊，升降出入揖遊，不敢噦噫、嚏咳、欠伸、跛倚、睇視，不敢唾洟；寒不敢襲，癢不敢搔；不有敬事，不敢袒裼，不涉不撅，褻衣衾不見裏。父母唾洟不見，冠帶垢，和灰請漱；衣裳垢，和灰請浣；衣裳綻裂，紉箴請補綴。五日，則燂湯請浴，三日具沐，其間面垢，燂潘請（面貴）；足垢，燂湯請洗。少事長，賤事貴，共帥時。

When with their parents, (sons and their wives), when ordered to do anything, should immediately respond and reverently proceed to do it, In going forwards or backwards, or turning round, they should be careful and grave; while going out or coming in, while bowing or walking, they should not presume to eructate, sneeze, or cough, to yawn or stretch themselves, to stand on one foot, or to lean against anything, or to look askance. They should not dare to spit or snivel, nor, if it be cold, to put on more clothes, nor, if they itch anywhere, to scratch themselves. Unless for reverent attention to something As for archery. The meaning is, I suppose, that none of the things mentioned should be seen or known, while they are waiting on their parents. , they should not presume to unbare their shoulders or chest. Unless it be in wading, they should not hold up their clothes. Of their private dress and coverlet, they should not display the inside. They should not allow the spittle or snivel of their parents to be seen But instantly wipe it off, according to Khan Hâo.. They should ask leave to rinse away any dirt on their caps or girdles, and to wash their clothes that are dirty with lye that has been prepared for the purpose; and to stitch together, with needle and thread, any rent. Every five days they should prepare tepid water, and ask them to take a bath, and every three days prepare water for them to wash their heads. If in the meantime their faces appear dirty, they should heat the water in which the rice has been cleaned, and ask them to wash with it; if their feet be dirty, they should prepare hot water, and ask them to wash them with it. Elders in serving their youngers, and the low in serving the noble, should all observe these rules.

男不言內，女不言外。非祭非喪，不相授器。其相授，則女受以篚，其無篚則皆坐奠之而後取之。外內不共井，不共湢浴，不通寢席，不通乞假，男女不通衣裳，內言不出，外言不入。 男子入內，不嘯不指，夜行以燭，無燭則止。女子出門，必擁蔽其面，夜行以燭，無燭則止。道路：男子由右，女子由左。

The men should not speak of what belongs to the inside (of the house), nor the women of what belongs to the outside. Except at sacrifices and funeral rites, they should not hand vessels to one another. In all other cases when they have occasion to give and receive anything, the woman should receive it in a basket. If she have no basket, they should both sit down, and the other put the thing on the ground, and she then take it up. Outside or inside Zottoli has for this--'viri mulieresque.' The writer is speaking of men and women, indeed; but the characters have reference to place, and = 'out of the house or in it.' , they should not go to the same well, nor to the same bathing-house. They should not share the same mat in lying down; they should not ask or borrow anything from one another; they should not wear similar upper or lower garments. Things spoken inside should not go out, words spoken outside should not come in. When a man goes into the interior of the house, he should not whistle nor point. If he have occasion to move in the night, he should use a light; and if he have no light, he should not stir. When a woman goes out at the door, she must keep her face covered. She should walk at night (only) with a light; and if she have no light, she should not stir. On the road, a man should take the right side, and a woman the left.

子婦孝者、敬者，父母舅姑之命，勿逆勿怠。若飲食之，雖不耆，必嘗而待；加之衣服，雖不欲，必服而待；加之事，人待之，己雖弗欲，姑與之，而姑使之，而後複之。

Sons and sons' wives, who are filial and reverential, when they receive an order from their parents should not refuse, nor be dilatory, to execute it That is, they will not presume on any indulgence which they might expect from the impression made by their general character and behaviour. . When (their parents) give them anything to eat or drink, which they do not like, they will notwithstanding taste it and wait (for their further orders); when they give them clothes, which are not to their mind, they will put them on, and wait (in the same way) 'Orders,' consequent on their parents' seeing that the food or garment is not to their mind.. If (their parents) give them anything to do, and then employ another to take their place, although they do not like the arrangement, they will in the meantime give it into his hands and let him do it, doing it again, if it be not done well.

子婦有勤勞之事，雖甚愛之，姑縱之，而寧數休之。 子婦未孝未敬，勿庸疾怨，姑教之；若不可教，而後怒之；不可怒，子放婦出，而不表禮焉。

When the sons and their wives are engaged with laborious tasks, although (their parents) very much love them, yet they should let them go on with them for the time;--it is better that they take other occasions frequently to give them ease. When sons and their wives have not been filial and reverential, (the parents) should not be angry and resentful with them, but endeavour to instruct them. If they will not receive instruction, they should then be angry with them. If that anger do no good, they can then drive out the son, and send the wife away, yet not publicly showing why they have so treated them This last sentence is enigmatical in the original text. Zottoli says:--'Si non possint coerceri, filium ejice nurum exclude, quin tamen patefacius agendi morem;' adding as an explanation of that 'agendi morem,' 'siquidem eos haud certe in finem sic ejectos voles.' Different views of the Chinese have been given by different critics; and it would not be difficult to add to their number..

父母有過，下氣怡色，柔聲以諫。諫若不入，起敬起孝，說則複諫；不說，與其得罪於鄉黨州閭，寧孰諫。父母怒、不說，而撻之流血，不敢疾怨，起敬起孝。

If a parent have a fault, (the son) should with bated breath, and bland aspect, and gentle voice, admonish him. If the admonition do not take effect, he will be the more reverential and the more filial; and when the father seems pleased, he will repeat the admonition. If he should be displeased with this, rather than allow him to commit an offence against any one in the neighbourhood or countryside, (the son) should strongly remonstrate. If the parent be angry and (more) displeased, and beat him till the blood flows, he should not presume to be angry and resentful, but be (still) more reverential and more filial.

父母有婢子若庶子、庶孫，甚愛之，雖父母沒，沒身敬之不衰。子有二妾，父母愛一人焉，子愛一人焉，由衣服飲食，由執事，毋敢視父母所愛，雖父母沒不衰。子甚宜其妻，父母不說，出；子不宜其妻，父母曰：「是善事我。」子行夫婦之禮焉，沒身不衰。

If parents have a boy born (to the father) by a handmaid, or the son or grandson of one of his concubines, of whom they are very fond, their sons should after their death, not allow their regard for him to decay so long as they live. If a son have two concubines, one of whom is loved by his parents, while he himself loves the other, yet he should not dare to make this one equal to the former whom his parents love, in dress, or food, or the duties which she discharges, nor should he lessen his attentions to her after their death. If he very much approves of his wife, and his parents do not like her, he should divorce her Khan Hâo quotes here from the Lî of the elder Tâi (Book XIII, chapter 26) the 'seven grounds of divorce,' the first of them being the wife's 'want of accordance with her husband's parents.' . If he do not approve of his wife, and his parents say, 'she serves us well,' he should behave to her in all respects as his wife,--without fail even to the end of her life.

父母雖沒，將為善，思貽父母令名，必果；將為不善，思貽父母羞辱，必不果。

Although his parents be dead, when a son is inclined to do what is good, he should think that he will thereby transmit the good name of his parents, and carry his wish into effect. When he is inclined to do what is not good, he should think that he will thereby bring disgrace on the name of his parents, and in no wise carry his wish into effect.

舅沒則姑老，塚婦所祭祀、賓客，每事必請於姑，介婦請於塚婦。舅姑使塚婦，毋怠，不友無禮於介婦。舅姑若使介婦，毋敢敵耦於塚婦，不敢並行，不敢並命，不敢並坐。

When her father-in-law is dead, her mother-in-law takes the place of the old lady Who now retires from the open headship of the family.; but the wife of the eldest son, on all occasions of sacrificing and receiving guests must ask her directions in everything, while the other sons' wives must ask directions from her. When her parents-in-law employ the eldest son's wife, she should not be dilatory, unfriendly, or unpolite to the wives of his brothers (for their not helping her). When the parents-in-law employ any of them, they should not presume to consider themselves on an equality with the other; walking side by side with her, or giving their orders in the same way, or sitting in the same position as she.

凡婦，不命適私室，不敢退。婦將有事，大小必請於舅姑。子婦無私貨，無私畜，無私器，不敢私假，不敢私與。婦或賜之飲食、衣服、布帛、佩帨、茞 蘭，則受而獻諸舅姑，舅姑受之則喜，如新受賜，若反賜之則辭，不得命，如更受賜，藏以待乏。婦若有私親兄弟將與之，則必複請其故，賜而後與之。

No daughter-in-law, without being told to go to her own apartment, should venture to withdraw from that (of her parents-in-law). Whatever she is about to do, she should ask leave from them. A son and his wife should have no private goods, nor animals, nor vessels; they should not presume to borrow from, or give anything to, another person. If any one give the wife an article of food or dress, a piece of cloth or silk, a handkerchief for her girdle, an iris or orchid, she should receive and offer it to her parents-in-law. If they accept it, she will be glad as if she were receiving it afresh. If they return it to her, she should decline it, and if they do not allow her to do so, she will take it as if it were a second gift, and lay it by to wait till they may want it. If she want to give it to some of her own cousins, she must ask leave to do so, and that being granted, she will give it.

適子庶子只事宗子宗婦。雖貴富，不敢以貴富入宗子之家，雖眾車徒舍於外，以寡約入。子弟猶歸器衣服裘衾車馬，則必獻其上，而後敢服用其次也；若非所獻，則不敢以入於宗子之門，不敢以貴富加於父兄宗族。若富，則具二牲，獻其賢者於宗子，夫婦皆齊而宗敬焉，終事而後敢私祭。

Eldest cousins in the legitimate line of descent and their brothers should do reverent service to the son, who is the representative chief of the family and his wife These are all legitimate members of the same surname or clan, but the honoured cousin is the chief of it in the direct line. He is the chieftain of the clan. They are heads of subordinate branches of it. They may have become more wealthy and attained to higher rank in the service of their common ruler, but within the limits of the clan, he is their superior, and has duties of sacrifice to the ancestors of it, with which they cannot of themselves intermeddle.. Though they may be richer and higher in official rank than he, they should not presume to enter his house with (the demonstrations of) their wealth and dignity. Although they may have in attendance many chariots and footmen, these should stop outside, and they enter it in more simple style with a few followers. If to any of the younger cousins there have been given vessels, robes, furs, coverlets, carriages and horses, he must offer the best of them (to his chief), and then use those that are inferior to this himself. If what he should thus offer be not proper for the chief, he will not presume to enter with it at his gate, not daring to appear with his wealth and dignity, to be above him who is the head of all the clan with its uncles and elder cousins. A wealthy cousin should prepare two victims, and present the better of them to his chief. He and his wife should together, after self-purification, reverently assist at his sacrifice in the ancestral temple. When the business of that is over, they may venture to offer their own private sacrifice.

飯：黍，稷，稻，粱，白黍，黃粱，稰 ．穛。膳：膷 ．臐，膮,醢，牛炙。醢，牛胾，醢，牛膾。羊炙，羊胾，醢，豕炙。醢，豕胾，芥醬，魚膾。雉，兔，鶉，鷃。

Of grain food, there were millet, the glutinous rice, rice, maize, the white millet, and the yellow maize, cut when ripe, or when green. Of prepared meats, there were beef soup, mutton soup, pork soup, and roast beef; pickle, slices of beef, pickle and minced beef; roast mutton, slices of mutton, pickle, and roast pork; pickle, slices of pork, mustard sauce, and minced fish; pheasant, hare, quail, and partridge In all, four rows of prepared meats, consisting of four dishes each. .

飲：重醴，稻醴清糟，黍醴清糟，粱醴清糟，或以酏為醴，黍酏，漿，水，醷，濫。酒：清、白。羞：糗，餌，粉，酏。

Of drinks, there was must in two vessels, one strained, the other unstrained, made of rice, of millet, or of maize. In some cases, thin preparations were used as beverages, as millet gruel, pickle, with water syrup of prunes, and of steeped rice; clear wine and white Both the old wine and occasional wine, mentioned in the note on page 447, were 'white.' The kiû here, probably, were the three kiû there.. Of confections, there were dried cakes, and rice-flour scones.

食：蝸醢而菰食，雉羹；麥食，脯羹，雞羹；析稌，犬羹，兔羹；和糝不蓼。濡豚，包苦實蓼；濡雞，醢醬實蓼；濡魚，卵醬實蓼；濡鱉，醢醬實蓼。腶修，蚳醢，脯羹，兔醢，糜膚，魚醢，魚膾，芥醬，麋腥，醢，醬，桃諸，梅諸，卵鹽。

For relishes, snail-juice and a condiment of the broad-leaved water-squash were used with pheasant soup; a condiment of wheat with soups of dried slices and of fowl; broken glutinous rice with dog soup and hare soup; the rice-balls mixed with these soups had no smart-weed in them. A sucking-pig was stewed, wrapped up in sonchus leaves and stuffed with smart-weed; a fowl, with the same stuffing, and along with pickle sauce; a fish, with the same stuffing and egg sauce; a tortoise, with the same stuffing and pickle sauce. For meat spiced and dried they placed the brine of ants; for soup made of sliced meat, that of hare; for a ragout of elk, that of fish; for minced fish, mustard sauce; for raw elk flesh, pickle sauce; for preserved peaches and plums, egg-like suet.

凡食齊視春時，羹齊視夏時，醬齊視秋時，飲齊視冬時。凡和，春多酸，夏多苦，秋多辛，冬多鹹，調以滑甘。牛宜稌，羊宜黍，豕宜稷，犬宜粱，雁宜麥，魚宜菰。

All condiments for grain food were of a character corresponding to the spring; for soup, to the summer; for sauces, to the autumn; and for beverages, to the winter. In all attempering ingredients, sour predominated in the spring; bitter, in the summer; acrid, in the autumn; and salt, in the winter:--with the due proportioning of the unctuous and sweet. The glutinous rice (was thought) to suit beef; millet, to suit mutton; glutinous millet, to suit pork; maize, to suit dog; wheat, to suit goose; and the broad-leaved squash, to suit fish.

春宜羔豚膳膏薌，夏宜腒鱐膳膏臊，秋宜犢麛,膳膏腥，冬宜鮮羽膳膏膻。

Lamb and sucking-pig were (thought to be) good in spring, fried with odorous (beef) suet; dried pheasant and fish, in summer, fried with the strong-smelling suet (of dog); veal and fawn, in autumn, fried with strong suet (of fowl); fresh fish and goose, in winter, fried with the frouzy suet (of goat).

牛修，鹿脯，田豕脯，糜脯，麇脯，麋、鹿、田豕、麇，皆有軒，雉兔皆有芼。爵，鷃，蜩，範，芝,栭，菱，椇，棗，栗，榛，柿，瓜，桃，李，梅，杏，楂，梨，姜，桂。

There were dried beef, and dried stalks of deer's flesh, of wild pig's, of elk's, and of the muntjac's. Elk's flesh, deer's, wild pig's, and muntjac's, was (also eaten uncooked; and) cut in large leaflike slices. Pheasants and hares were (made into soup) with the duckweed. There were sparrows and finches, partridges, cicadas, bees, lichens, small chestnuts, the water-caltrops, the hovenia dulcis, the zizyphus, chestnuts, hazel-nuts, persimmons, cucumbers, peaches, plums, ballaces, almonds, haws, pears, ginger, and cinnamon In this there are the names of more than thirty condiments or relishes, which, according to most commentators, were, or might be, served up at the meals of the rulers of states. But from paragraph 21 we have a list of viands, drinks, and their accompaniments with no information as to when and by whom they were used. To descend to further particulars about them would be troublesome..

大夫燕食，有膾無脯，有脯無膾。士不貳羹胾，庶人耆老不徒食。

If a Great officer, at his ordinary meals, had mince, he did not have, at the same time, dried slices of meat; and if he had the latter, he did not have the former. An ordinary officer did not have two kinds of soup, or sliced flesh. (But) old men of the common people, did not eat their meat alone without accompaniments.

膾：春用蔥，秋用芥、豚；春用韭，秋用蓼。脂用蔥，膏用薤，三牲用藙，和用醯，獸用梅。鶉羹、雞羹、鴽，釀之蓼。魴鱮烝，雛燒，雉，薌無蓼。

Mince was made in spring, with onions; in autumn, with the mustard plant. Sucking-pig was used in spring, with scallions; in autumn, with smartweed. With lard they used onions; with fat, chives. With the three victim-animals they used pepper, and employed pickle as an accompaniment. For wild animals' flesh they used plums. In quail soup, fowl soup, and with the curlew, the condiment was smartweed. Bream and tench were steamed; pullets, roasted; and pheasants, (boiled), with fragrant herbs and no smart-weed.

不食雛鱉，狼去腸，狗去腎，狸去正脊，兔去尻，狐去首，豚去腦，魚去乙，鱉去醜。

Things not eaten were the turtle, when hatching; the intestines of the wolf, which were removed, as also the kidneys of the dog; the straight spine of the wild cat; the rump of the hare; the head of the fox; the brains of the sucking-pig; the yî-like bowels of fish It is uncertain what some of these forbidden articles really were.; and the perforated openings of the turtle 乙.It is uncertain what some of these forbidden articles really were..

肉曰脫之，魚曰作之，棗曰新之，栗曰撰之，桃曰膽之，柤梨曰攢之。

(Bones and sinews) were taken from the flesh; the scales were scraped from fish; dates were made to appear as new; chestnuts were selected; peaches were made smooth; kâ and pears had the insects drilled out of them The explanation of these brief notes is also perplexing. Zottoli makes the kâ to have been a kind of medlar (azarolus). Medhurst calls it, after the Khang-hsî dictionary, 'a kind of pear.' Williams, explaining it under a synonym (of the same sound), 'a sour red fruit of the size of a cherry, a kind of hawthorn.' .

牛夜鳴則庮，羊泠毛而毳、膻，狗赤股而躁、臊，鳥皫色而沙鳴、鬱，豕望視而交睫、腥，馬黑脊而般臂、漏，雛尾不盈握弗食，舒雁翠，鵠鴞胖，舒鳧翠，雞肝，雁腎，鴇奧，鹿胃。

When an ox lowed at night, its flesh was (considered) to be rank; that of a sheep, whose long hair showed a tendency to, get matted to be frouzy; that of a dog which was uneasy and with (the inside of) its thighs red, to be coarse; that of birds when moulting and with their voices hoarse, to be fetid; that of pigs, when they looked upwards and closed their eyes, to be measly; that of a horse, black along the spine and with piebald fore-legs, to smell unpleasantly. A pullet, whose tail could not be grasped by the hand, was not eaten, nor the rump of a tame goose, nor the ribs of a swan or owl, nor the rump of a tame duck, nor the liver of a fowl, nor the kidneys of a wild goose, nor the gizzard of the wild goose without the hind-toe, nor the stomach of the deer.

肉腥細者為膾，大者為軒；或曰麋鹿魚為菹，麇為辟雞，野豕為軒，兔為宛脾，切蔥若薤，實諸醯以柔之。

Flesh cut small was made into mince; cut into slices it was made into hash. Some say that the flesh of elks, deer, and fish was pickled; that of muntjacs also, being cut in small pieces; that of fowls and wild pigs, in larger pieces; of hares, the stomach was pickled. Onions and scallions were mixed with the brine to soften the meat The manner of these preparations has not been definitely explained. The meaning is uncertain. So also is what is said of the cupboards in the next paragraph..

羹食，自諸侯以下至於庶人無等。大夫無秩膳，大夫七十而有閣，天子之閣。左達五，右達五，公侯伯於房中五，大夫於閣三，士於坫一。

Soup and boiled grain were used by all, from the princes down to the common people, without distinction of degree. Great officers did not regularly have savoury meat, but when seventy they had their cupboards. The cupboards of the son of Heaven were five on the right (of the dining hall), and five on the left; those of dukes, marquises, and earls were five, all in one room; those of Great officers three (in a side chamber), and other officers had one on their buffet.

凡養老：有虞氏以燕禮，夏後氏以饗禮，殷人以食禮，周人修而兼用之。凡五十養於鄉，六十養於國，七十養於學，達於諸侯。八十拜君命，一坐再至，瞽亦如之，九十者使人受。五十異粻，六十宿肉，七十二膳，八十常珍，九十飲食不違寢，膳飲從於遊可也。六十歲制，七十時制，八十月制，九十日修，唯絞紟衾冒，死而後制。五十始衰，六十非肉不飽，七十非帛不暖，八十非人不暖，九十雖得人不暖矣。五十杖於家，六十杖於鄉，七十杖於國，八十杖於朝，九十者天子欲有問焉，則就其室以珍從。七十不俟朝，八十月告存，九十日有秩。五十不從力政，六十不與服戎，七十不與賓客之事，八十齊喪之事弗及也。五十而爵，六十不親學，七十致政；凡自七十以上，唯衰麻為喪。凡三王養老皆引年，八十者一子不從政，九十者其家不從政；瞽亦如之。凡父母在，子雖老不坐。有虞氏養國老於上庠，養庶老於下庠；夏後氏養國老於東序，養庶老於西序；殷人養國老於右學，養庶老於左學；周人養國老於東膠，養庶老於虞庠，虞庠在國之西郊。有虞氏皇而祭，深衣而養老；夏後氏收而祭，燕衣而養老；殷人冔而祭，縞衣而養老；周人冕而祭，玄衣而養老。

In nourishing the aged Khan Hâo says:--The nourishment of the aged took place in four cases: 1st, in the case of the three classes of ancients; 2nd, in that of the father and grandfather of one who had died in the service of the country; 3rd, in that of officers who had retired from age; and 4th, in that of the aged of the common people. On seven occasions of the year it was done formally., (Shun), the lord of Yü, used the ceremonies of a drinking entertainment; the sovereigns of Hsiâ, those (at entertainments after) a reverent sacrifice or offering; the men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast; and the men of Kâu cultivated and used all the three On the different designations of the dynasties, see on Confucian Analects, III, 21.. Those of fifty years were entertained in the schools of the districts; those of sixty, in the school of the capital; and those of seventy, in the college. This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's invitation by kneeling once and bringing his head to the ground twice. The blind did the same. An old man of ninety employed another to receive (the message and gift for him). For those of fifty, the grain was (fine and) different (from that used by younger men). For those of sixty, there was meat kept in store (from the day before). For those of seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat. Those of eighty were supplied regularly with delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink were never out of their chambers; wherever they wandered, it was deemed right that savoury meat and drink should follow them. After sixty (the coffin and other things for the funeral) were seen to be in readiness (once) a year; after seventy, once a season; after eighty, once a month; and after ninety, they were every day kept in good repair. The bandages, however, the sheet, the larger coverlets, and the cases were prepared after death The sheet was for the slighter dressing of the corpse immediately after death; the coverlets for the fuller dressing at the coffining; the cases were for the upper part of the corpse and for the legs.. At fifty, one was supposed to begin to decay; at sixty, not to feel satisfied unless he had flesh to eat. At seventy, he was thought to require silk in order to make him feel warm; at eighty, to need some one (to sleep) with him, to keep him warm; and at ninety, not to feel warm even with that. At fifty, one kept his staff in his hand in the family; at sixty, in his district; at seventy, in the city; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an officer of) ninety, he went to his house, and had rich food carried after him. At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court was over (before he retired). At eighty, he reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that he was still alive; at ninety, he had (delicate food) sent to him regularly every day. At fifty, one was not employed in services requiring strength; at sixty, he was discharged from bearing arms along with others; at seventy, he was exempted from the business of receiving guests and visitors; at eighty, he was free from the abstinences and other rites of mourning. When one received at fifty the rank (of a Great officer), at sixty he did not go in person to the school Does this intimate, that if he had learned better at school, when young, he might have become a Great officer earlier? He was now too old to learn.. At seventy he resigned office; and then and afterwards, in mourning he used only the unhemmed dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations of the mourning rites) Does this intimate, that if he had learned better at school, when young, he might have become a Great officer earlier? He was now too old to learn.. The kings of the three dynasties, in nourishing the old, always caused the members of families who were advanced in years to be brought to their notice The government could not attend to all the aged; but it wished to hear of all cases of remarkable age, and would then do what it could for them.. Where an officer was eighty, one of his friends was free from all service of government; where he was ninety, all the members of his family were exempted from them. So also it was in the case of the blind. (Shun), the lord of Yü, entertained the aged (who had retired from the service) of the state in (the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of the common people in (the school called) the lower hsiang. The sovereigns of the line of Hsiâ entertained the former in (the school called) the hsü on the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsü on the west. The men of Yin entertained the former in the School of the Right, and the latter in that of the Left. The men of Kâu entertained the former in the kiâo on the east, and the latter in the Yü hsiang. This was in the suburb of the capital on the west. The lord of Yu wore the hwang cap in sacrificing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes in entertaining the aged. The sovereigns of Hsiâ sacrificed in the shan cap, and entertained the aged in the dark garments of undress. Those of Yin sacrificed in the hsü cap, and entertained in the garments of white thin silk. Those of Kâu sacrificed in the mien cap, and entertained the aged in the dark upper garment (and the lower white one) The above long paragraph constitutes, with very little difference, the first twelve paragraphs of Section V of Book III. Kû Hsî says that in this Book we have 'old text,' whereas Book III is a compilation of the Han dynasty; and that the authors of it incorporated this passage. I am willing to allow that they did so; but it may be doubted if this Book in its present form be older than the time of Han..

曾子曰：「孝子之養老也，樂其心不違其志，樂其耳目，安其寢處，以其飲食忠養之孝子之身終，終身也者，非終父母之身，終其身也；是故父母之所愛亦愛之，父母之所敬亦敬之，至於犬馬盡然，而況於人乎！」

Zang-dze said, 'A filial son, in nourishing his aged, (seeks to) make their hearts glad, and not to go against their wishes; to promote their comfort in their bed-chambers and the whole house; and with leal heart to supply them with their food and drink:--such is the filial son to the end of life. By "the end of life," I mean not the end of parents' lives, but the end of his own life. Thus what his parents loved he will love, and what they reverenced he will reverence. He will do so even in regard to all their dogs and horses, and how much more in regard to the men (whom they valued)!'

凡養老，五帝憲，三王有乞言。五帝憲，養氣體而不乞言，有善則記之為敦史。三王亦憲，既養老而後乞言，亦微其禮，皆有敦史。

In all their nourishment of the aged, (the object of) the five Tîs was to imitate (their virtue), while the kings of the three dynasties also begged them to speak (their lessons). The five Tîs taking them as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigour, and did not beg them to speak; but what good lessons they did speak were taken down by the faithful recorders. The three (lines of) kings also took them as models, and after nourishing their age begged them to speak. If they (seemed to) diminish the ceremonies (of entertainment), they all had their faithful recorders as well (to narrate their virtue).

淳熬：煎醢，加于陸稻上，沃之以膏曰淳熬。

For the Rich Fry, they put the pickled meat fried over rice that had been grown on a dry soil, and then enriched it with melted fat. This was called the Rich Fry.

淳毋煎醢，加於黍食上，沃之以膏曰淳毋。

For the Similar Fry, they put the pickled meat fried over the millet grains, and enriched it with melted fat. This was called the Similar Fry.

炮：取豚若將，刲之刳之，實棗於其腹中，編萑以苴之，塗之以謹塗，炮之，塗皆乾，擘之，濯手以摩之，去其皽，為稻粉糔溲之以為酏，以付豚煎諸膏，膏必滅之，钜鑊湯以小鼎薌脯於其中，使其湯毋滅鼎，三日三夜毋絕火，而後調之以醯醢。

For the Bake, they took a sucking-pig or a (young) ram, and having cut it open and removed the entrails, filled the belly with dates. They then wrapped it round with straw and reeds, which they plastered with clay, and baked it. When the clay was all dry, they broke it off. Having washed their hands for the manipulation, they removed the crackling and macerated it along With rice-flour, so as to form a kind of gruel which they added to the pig. They then fried the whole in such a quantity of melted fat as to cover it. Having prepared a large pan of hot water, they placed in it a small tripod, which was filled with fragrant herbs, and the slices of the creature which was being prepared. They took care that the hot water did not cover this tripod, but kept up the fire without intermission for three days and nights. After this, the whole was served up with the addition of pickled meat and vinegar.

搗珍：取牛羊麋鹿麇之肉必（月灰），每物與牛若一捶，反側之，去其餌，熟出之，去其餌，柔其肉。

For the Pounded Delicacy, they took the flesh of ox, sheep, elk, deer and muntjac, a part of that which lay along the spine, the same in quantity of each, and beat it now as it lay flat, and then turning it on its side; after that they extracted all the nerves. (Next), when it was sufficiently cooked, they brought it (from the pan), took away the outside crust, and softened the meat (by the addition of pickle and vinegar).

漬：取牛肉必新殺者，薄切之，必絕其理；湛諸美酒，期朝而食之以醢若醯醷。

For the Steeped Delicacy, they took the beef, which was required to be that of a newly killed animal, and cut it into small pieces, taking care to obliterate all the lines in it. It was then steeped from one morning to the next in good wine, when it was eaten with pickle, vinegar, or the juice of prunes.

為熬：捶之，去其皽，編萑布牛肉焉，屑桂與姜以灑諸上而鹽之，乾而食之。施羊亦如之，施麋、施鹿、施麇皆如牛羊。欲濡肉則釋而煎之以醢，欲乾肉則捶而食之。

To make the Grill, they beat the beef and removed the skinny parts. They then laid it on a frame of reeds, sprinkled on it pieces of cinnamon and ginger, and added salt. It could be eaten thus when dried. Mutton was treated in the same way as beef, and also the flesh of elk, deer, and muntjac. If they wished the flesh wet, they added water and fried it with pickled meat. If they wished it dry, they ate it as eaten (at first).

糝：取牛羊豕之肉，三如一小切之，與稻米；稻米二肉一，合以為餌煎之。

For the (Soup) Balls, they took equal quantities of beef, mutton and pork, and cut them small. Then they took grains of rice, which they mixed with the finely cut meat, two parts of rice to one of meat, and formed cakes or balls, which they fried.

肝膋：取狗肝一，蒙之，以其膋濡炙之，舉焦，其膋不蓼；

For the Liver and Fat, they took a dog's liver, and wrapped it round with its own fat. They then wet it and roasted it, and took it in this condition and scorched it. No smartweed was mixed with the fat.

取稻米舉糔溲之，小切狼臅膏，以與稻米為酏。

They took the grains of rice and steeped them in prepared rice-water. They then cut small the fat from a wolf's breast, and with it and the grains of rice made a fry This and the other paragraphs from 4 are understood to describe the 'eight delicacies (八珍),' which were specially prepared for the old. See the Kâu Lî, Book IV, par. 18..

禮，始於謹夫婦，為宮室，辨外內。男子居外，女子居內，深宮固門，閽寺守之。男不入，女不出。

The observances of propriety commence with a careful attention to the relations between husband and wife. They built the mansion and its apartments, distinguishing between the exterior and interior parts. The men occupied the exterior; the women the interior. The mansion was deep, and the doors were strong, guarded by porter and eunuch. The men did not enter the interior; the women did not come out into the exterior.

男女不同椸枷，不敢懸於夫之楎椸，不敢藏於夫之篋笥，不敢共楅浴。夫不在，斂枕篋簟席、襡器而藏之。少事長，賤事貴，鹹如之。

Males and females did not use the same stand or rack for their clothes. The wife did not presume to hang up anything on the pegs or stand of her husband; nor to put anything in his boxes or satchels; nor to share his bathing-house. When her husband had gone out (from their apartment), she put his pillow in its case, rolled up his upper and under mats, put them in their covers, and laid them away in their proper receptacles. The young served the old; the low served the noble;--also in this way.

夫婦之禮，唯及七十，同藏無間。故妾雖老，年未滿五十，必與五日之禦。將禦者，齊，漱浣，慎衣服，櫛縰笄，總角，拂髦，衿纓綦屨。雖婢妾，衣服飲食必後長者。妻不在，妾禦莫敢當夕。

As between husband and wife, it was not until they were seventy, that they deposited these things in the same place without separation. Hence though a concubine were old, until she had completed her fiftieth year, it was the rule that she should be with the husband (once) in five days. When she was to do so, she purified herself, rinsed her mouth and washed, carefully adjusted her dress, combed her hair, drew over it the covering of silk, fixed her hair-pins, tied up the hair in the shape of a horn, brushed the dust from the rest of her hair, put on her necklace, and adjusted her shoe-strings. Even a favourite concubine was required in dress and diet to come after her superior. If the wife were not with the husband, a concubine waiting on him, would not venture to remain the whole night This paragraph has given rise to a great deal of discussion and writing among the commentators, into which it is not desirable to enter. .

妻將生子，及月辰，居側室，夫使人日再問之，作而自問之，妻不敢見，使姆衣服而對，至於子生，夫複使人日再問之，夫齊則不入側室之門。子生，男子設弧於門左，女子設帨於門右。三日，始負子，男射女否。

When a wife was about to have a child, and the month of her confinement had arrived, she occupied one of the side apartments, where her husband sent twice a day to ask for her. If he were moved and came himself to ask about her The first character in this clause occasions difficulty to a translator. Zottoli has:--'Negotiisque ipsemet interrogabit illam.' Wang Tâo understands it as I have done., she did not presume to see him, but made her governess dress herself and reply to him. When the child was born, the husband again sent twice a day to inquire for her. He fasted now, and did not enter the door of the side apartment. If the child were a boy, a bow was placed on the left of the door; and if a girl, a handkerchief on the right of it. After three days the child began to be carried, and some archery was practised for a boy, but not for a girl.

國君世子生，告於君，接以大牢，宰掌具。三日，蔔士負之，吉者宿齊朝服寢門外，詩負之，射人以桑弧蓬矢六。射天地四方，保受乃負之，宰醴負子，賜之束帛，卜士之妻、大夫之妾，使食子。

When a son and heir to the ruler of a state was born, and information of the fact was carried to him, he made arrangements to receive him at a feast where the three animals should all be provided; and the cook took in hand the (necessary) preparations. On the third day the tortoise-shell was consulted for a good man to carry the child; and he who was the lucky choice, kept a vigil over night, and then in his court robes, received him in his arms outside the chamber. The master of the archers then took a bow of mulberry wood, and six arrows of the wild rubus, and shot towards heaven, earth, and the four cardinal points. After this the nurse received the child and carried it in her arms. The cook (at the same time) gave (a cup of) sweet wine to the man who had carried the child, and presented him with a bundle of silks, and the tortoise-shell was again employed to determine the wife of an officer, or the concubine of a Great officer, who should be nurse.

凡接子，擇日，塚子則大牢，庶人特豚，士特豕，大夫少牢，國君世子大牢，其非塚子，則皆降一等。

In all cases of receiving a son, a day was chosen; and if it were the eldest son of the king, the three animals were killed (for the occasion). For the son of a common man, a sucking-pig was killed; for the son of an officer, a single pig; for the son of a Great officer, the two smaller animals; and for the son of the ruler of a state, all the three. If it were not the eldest son, the provision was diminished in every case one degree.

異為孺子室於宮中，擇於諸母與可者，必求其寬裕慈惠、溫良恭敬、慎而寡言者，使為子師，其次為慈母，其次為保母，皆居子室，他人無事不往。

A special apartment was prepared in the palace for the child, and from all the concubines and other likely individuals there was sought one distinguished for her generosity of mind, her gentle kindness, her mild integrity, her respectful bearing, her carefulness and freedom from talkativeness, who should be appointed the boy's teacher; one was next chosen who should be his indulgent mother, and a third who should be his guardian mother. These all lived in his apartment, which others did not enter unless on some (special) business.

三月之末，擇日剪發為鬌，男角女羈，否則男左女右。是日也，妻以子見於父，貴人則為衣服，由命士以下，皆漱浣，男女夙興，沐浴衣服，具視朔食，夫入門，升自阼階。立於阼西鄉，妻抱子出自房，當楣立東面。

At the end of the third month a day was chosen for shaving off the hair of the child, excepting certain portions,--the horn-like tufts of a boy, and the circlet on the crown of a girl. If another fashion were adopted, a portion was left on the left of the boy's head, and on the right of the girl's. On that day the wife with the son appeared before the father. If they were of noble families, they were both in full dress. From the commissioned officer downwards, all rinsed their mouths and washed their heads. Husband and wife rose early, bathed and dressed as for the feast of the first day of the month. The husband entered the door, going up by the steps on the east, and stood at the top of them with his face to the west. The wife with the boy in her arms came forth from her room and stood beneath the lintel with her face to the east.

姆先，相曰：「母某敢用時日只見孺子。」夫對曰：「欽有帥。」父執子之右手，咳而名之。妻對曰：「記有成。」遂左還，授師，子師辯告諸婦諸母名，妻遂適寢。

The governess then went forward and said for the lady, 'The mother, So and So, ventures to-day reverently to present to you the child!' The husband replied, 'Reverently (teach him to) follow the right way.' He then took hold of the right hand of his son, and named him with the smile and voice of a child. The wife responded, 'We will remember. May your words be fulfilled!' She then turned to the left, and delivered the child to his teacher, who on her part told the name all round to the wives of the relatives of all ranks who were present. The wife forthwith proceeded to the (festal) chamber.

夫告宰名，宰辯告諸男名，書曰：「某年某月某日某生。」而藏之，宰告閭史，閭史書為二，其一藏諸閭府，其一獻諸州史；州史獻諸州伯，州伯命藏諸州府。夫入食如養禮。

The husband informed his principal officer of the name, and he in turn informed all the (young) males (of the same surname) of it. A record was made to the effect--'In such a year, in such a month, on such a day, So and So was born,' and deposited. The officer also informed the secretaries of the hamlets, who made out two copies of it. One of these was deposited in the office of the village, and the other was presented to the secretary of the larger circuit, who showed it to the chief of the circuit; he again ordered it to be deposited in the office of the circuit. The husband meanwhile had gone into (the festal chamber), and a feast was celebrated with the ceremonies of that with which a wife first entertains her parents-in-law.

世子生，則君沐浴朝服，夫人亦如之，皆立於阼階西鄉，世婦抱子升自西階，君名之，乃降。

When an heir-son has been born, the ruler washed his head and whole body, and put on his court robes. His wife did the same, and then they both took their station at the top of the stairs on the east with their faces towards the west. One of the ladies of quality, with the child in her arms, ascended by the steps on the west. The ruler then named the child; and (the lady) went down with it.

適子庶子見於外寢，撫其首咳而名之，禮帥初，無辭。

A (second) son or any other son by the wife proper was presented in the outer chamber It seems plain that the sons in this paragraph were all by the proper wife or chief lady of the harem, for it is not till paragraph 26 that sons by inferior members of it are spoken of. The Khien-lung editors clearly establish this point. Kang Hsüan took a different view, saying that '"the (second) son" was a brother of the heir-son (in paragraph 23), and "any other son" a son by a concubine,' and P. Zottoli adopts this view:--'Reguli haeres (世子), ejus germanus frater (適子), a subnuba filius (庶子);' adding, 'Regulus excipiebat primum in praecipua diaeta (路寢); secundum in postica diaeta (蒸寢),quae hic exterior dicitur relate ad adjacentes aedes, quibus nobilis puerpera morari solebat; tertium excipiebat in adjacentibus aedibus (側室).' But these 'side apartments' are not mentioned till paragraph 27., when (the ruler) laid his hand on its head, and with gentle voice named it. The other observances were as before, but without any words.

凡名子，不以日月，不以國，不以隱疾；大夫、士之子，不敢與世子同名。

In naming a son, the name should not be that of a day or a month or of any state, or of any hidden ailment See page 78, paragraph 42.. Sons of Great and other officers must not be called by the same name as the heir-son of the ruler.

妾將生子，及月辰，夫使人日一問之。子生三月之末，漱浣夙齊，見於內寢，禮之如始入室；君已食，徹焉，使之特餕，遂入禦。

When a concubine was about to have a child, and the month of her confinement had arrived, the husband sent once a day to ask for her. When the son was born, at the end of three months, she washed her mouth and feet, adjusted herself early in the morning and appeared in the inner chamber (belonging to the wife proper). There she was received with the ceremonies of her first entrance into the harem. When the husband had eaten, a special portion of what was left was given to her by herself; and forthwith she entered on her duties of attendance.

公庶子生，就側室。三月之末，其母沐浴朝服見於君，擯者以其子見，君所有賜，君名之。眾子，則使有司名之。

When the child of an inferior member of the ruler's harem was about to be born, the mother went to one of the side apartments, and at the end of three months, having washed her head and person, and put on her court robes, she appeared before the ruler. (One of) her waiting women (also) appeared with the child in her arms. If (the mother) was one to whom the ruler had given special favours, he himself named the son. In the case of such children generally, an officer was employed to name them.

庶人無側室者，及月辰，夫出居群室，其問之也，與子見父之禮，無以異也。

Among the common people who had no side chambers, when the month of confinement was come, the husband left his bed-chamber, and occupied a common apartment. In his inquiries for his wife, however, and on his son's being presented to him, there was no difference (from the observances that have been detailed).

凡父在，孫見於祖，祖亦名之，禮如子見父，無辭。

In all cases though the father is alive, the grandson is presented to the grandfather, who also names him. The ceremonies are the same as when the son is presented to the father; but there is no (interchange of) words (between the mother and him).

食子者，三年而出，見於公宮則劬。大夫之子有食母，士之妻自養其子。

The nurse of the ruler's boy See above, par. 17. quitted the palace after three years, and, when she appeared before the ruler, was rewarded for her toilsome work. The son of a Great officer had a nurse. The wife of an ordinary officer nourished her child herself.

由命士以上及大夫之子，旬而見。塚子未食而見，必執其右手，適子庶子已食而見，必循其首。

The son of a commissioned officer and others above him on to the Great officer was presented (to the father once) in ten days. The eldest son of a ruler was presented to him before he had eaten, when he took him by the right hand; his second or any other son by the wife proper See above, par. 24. was presented after he had eaten, when he laid his hand on his head.

子能食食，教以右手。能言，男唯女俞。男鞶革，女鞶絲。

When the child was able to take its own food, it was taught to use the right hand. When it was able to speak, a boy (was taught to) respond boldly and clearly; a girl, submissively and low. The former was fitted with a girdle of leather; the latter, with one of silk

The account which follows this of the teaching and training of the brothers and sisters is interesting; and we may compare it with what is said in volume iii, p. 350, of the different reception given to sons and daughters in the royal family, though the distinction between them is not accentuated here so strongly. The passage treats of the children in a family of the higher classes, but those of the common people would be dealt with in a corresponding manner according to their circumstances. And even in the early feudal times the way was open for talent and character to rise from the lower ranks in the social scale, and be admitted to official employment. The system of competitive examinations was even then casting a shadow before. To number the days was, and is, a more complicated affair in China than with us, requiring an acquaintance with all the terms of the cycle of sixty, as well as the more compendious method by decades for each month. The education of a boy, it will be seen, comprehended much more than what we call the three R s. The conclusion of paragraph 33 gives the translator some difficulty. Zottoli has--'et petet exerceri lectionibus sermonisque veritate,' and my own first draft was--'he would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in truthful speaking.' But it is making too much of the boys of ancient China to represent them as anxious to be taught to speak the truth. The meaning of the concluding characters, as given in the text, is that assigned to them by Kang Hsüan.

There is nothing in what is said of the daughters to indicate that they received any literary training. They were taught simply the household duties that would devolve on them in their state of society; though among them, be it observed, were the forms and provision for sacrifice and worship. It will be observed, also, at how early an age all close intercourse between them and their brothers came to an end, and that at ten they ceased to go out from the women's apartments. On what is said about the young men marrying at the age of thirty I have spoken in a note on page 65.

六年教之數與方名。七年男女不同席，不共食。八年出入門戶及即席飲食，必後長者，始教之讓。九年教之數日。十年出就外傅，居宿於外，學書計，衣不帛襦褲，禮帥初，朝夕學幼儀，請肄簡諒。

At six years, they were taught the numbers and the names of the cardinal points; at the age of seven, boys and girls did not occupy the same mat nor eat together; at eight, when going out or coming in at a gate or door, and going to their mats to eat and drink, they were required to follow their elders:--the teaching of yielding to others was now begun; at nine, they were taught how to number the days. At ten, (the boy) went to a master outside, and stayed with him (even) over the night. He learned the (different classes of) characters and calculation; he did not wear his jacket or trousers of silk; in his manners he followed his early lessons; morning and evening he learned the behaviour of a youth; he would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in the forms of polite conversation.

十有三年學樂，誦《詩》，舞《勺》，成童舞《象》，學射禦。二十而冠，始學禮，可以衣裘帛，舞《大夏》，敦行孝弟，博學不教，內而不出。

At thirteen, he learned music, and to repeat the odes, and to dance the ko (of the duke of Kâu) It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil and military. The ko was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances, ascribed to the duke of Kâu (vol. iii, p. 334); and the hsiang, the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined in the tâ hsiâ.]. When a full-grown lad, he danced the hsiang (of king Wû) It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil and military. The ko was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances, ascribed to the duke of Kâu (vol. iii, p. 334); and the hsiang, the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined in the tâ hsiâ.]. He learned archery and chariot-driving. At twenty, he was capped, and first learned the (different classes of) ceremonies, and might wear furs and silk. He danced the tâ hsiâ (of Yü) It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil and military. The ko was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances, ascribed to the duke of Kâu (vol. iii, p. 334); and the hsiang, the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined in the tâ hsiâ.], and attended sedulously to filial and fraternal duties. He might become very learned, but did not teach others;--(his object being still) to receive and not to give out.

三十而有室，始理男事，博學無方，孫友視志。四十始仕，方物出謀發慮，道合則服從，不可則去。五十命為大夫，服官政。七十致事。凡男拜，尚左手。

At thirty, he had a wife, and began to attend to the business proper to a man. He extended his learning without confining it to particular subjects. He was deferential to his friends, having regard to the aims (which they displayed). At forty, he was first appointed to office; and according to the business of it brought out his plans and communicated his thoughts. If the ways (which he proposed) were suitable, he followed them out; if they were not, he abandoned them. At fifty, he was appointed a Great officer, and laboured in the administration of his department. At seventy, he retired from his duties. In all salutations of males, the upper place was given to the left hand.

女子十年不出，姆教婉娩聽從，執麻枲，治絲繭，織紝組紃，學女事以共衣服，觀於祭祀，納酒漿、、籩豆、菹醢，禮相助奠。

A girl at the age of ten ceased to go out (from the women's apartments). Her governess taught her (the arts of pleasing speech and manners, to be docile and obedient, to handle the hempen fibres, to deal with the cocoons, to weave silks and form fillets, to learn (all) woman's work, how to furnish garments, to watch the sacrifices, to supply the liquors and sauces, to fill the various stands and dishes with pickles and brine, and to assist in setting forth the appurtenances for the ceremonies.

十有五年而笄，二十而嫁；有故，二十三年而嫁。聘則為妻，奔則為妾。凡女拜尚右手。

At fifteen, she assumed the hair-pin; at twenty, she was married, or, if there were occasion (for the delay), at twenty-three. If there were the betrothal rites, she became a wife; and if she went without these, a concubine. In all salutations of females, the upper place was given to the right hand.

天子玉藻，十有二旒，前後邃延，龍卷以祭。

The son of Heaven, when sacrificing Probably, to Heaven; Kang thought it was to the former kings. Many try to unite both views. , wore (the cap) with the twelve long pendants of beads of jade hanging down from its top before and behind, and the robe embroidered with dragons.

玄端而朝日於東門之外，聽朔於南門之外，

When saluting the appearance of the sun At the vernal equinox. Callery has 'Quand de bon matin il sacrifie au soleil.' Probably there was a sacrifice on the occasion; but the text does not say so. The character 朝(khiâo) means 'to appear at audience.' outside the eastern gate Probably, of the city; many say, of the Hall of Distinction. , he wore the dark-coloured square-cut robes; and (also) when listening to the notification of the first day of the month This announcement was to the spirits of his royal ancestors in the first place. Compare Analects III, 16. outside the southern gate.

閏月則闔門左扉，立於其中。

If the month were intercalary, he caused the left leaf of the door to be shut, and stood in the middle of that (which remained open) This is not easy to understand, nor easy to make intelligible. An intercalary month was an irregular arrangement of the year. It and the previous month formed one double month. The shutting half the door showed that one half of the time was passed. There remained the other leaf to be given--in the temple or in the palace--to the king for all the ceremonies or acts of government appropriate in such a position for the whole intercalary month. Something like this is sketched out as the meaning by the Khien-lung editors. .

皮弁以日視朝，遂以食，日中而餕，奏而食。日少牢，朔月大牢；五飲：上水、漿、酒、醴、酏。

He wore the skin cap at the daily audience in the court, after which he proceeded to take the morning meal in it. At midday he partook of what was left in the morning. He had music at his meals. Every day a sheep and a pig were killed and cooked; and on the first day of the month an ox in addition. There were five beverages:--water, which was the principal; rice-water, spirits, must, and millet-water.

卒食，玄端而居。動則左史書之，言則右史書之，禦瞽幾聲之上下。

When he had done eating, he remained at ease in the dark-coloured square-cut robes These were so named from the form in which they were made, the cloth being cut straight and square. . His actions were written down by the recorder of the Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the Right. The blind musician in attendance judged whether the music were too high or too low And judged, it is said, of the character of the measures of government; but this is being 'over-exquisite' to account for the custom..

年不順成，則天子素服，乘素車，食無樂。

If the year were not good and fruitful, the son of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at his meals.

諸侯玄端以祭，裨冕以朝，皮弁以聽朔於大廟，朝服以日視朝於內朝。

The princes of states, in sacrificing, wore their dark-coloured square-cut robes. At court-audiences (of the king), they wore the cap of the next inferior degree of rank to their own So it seems to be said; but why it was done so, does not clearly appear. . They wore the skin-cap, when listening to the notification of the first day of the month in the Grand temples; and their court robes when holding their daily audience in the inner court-yard.

朝，辨色始入。君日出而視之，退適路寢，聽政，使人視大夫，大夫退，然後適小寢寢，釋服。

(Their ministers and officers) entered (the palace) as soon as they could distinguish the dawning light Several pieces in the Shih allude to this early attendance at court. See Book II, ii, 8; iii, 8, et al. , and the ruler came out daily (to the first court, inside the Khû gate), and received them. (After this audience), he retired, and went to the great chamber, there to listen to their proposals about the measures of government. He employed men to see whether the Great officers (were all withdrawn) They sat or waited, not inside the chamber, but outside. Some Great officer might wish to bring a matter before the ruler which he had not ventured to mention in public. The ruler, therefore, would give him a private audience; and did not feel himself free from business till all had withdrawn.; and when they had left, he repaired to the smaller chamber, and put off his (court) robes.

又朝服以食，特牲三俎祭肺，夕深衣，祭牢肉，朔月少牢，五俎四簋，子卯稷食菜羹，夫人與君同庖。

He resumed his court robes, when he was about to eat. There was a single animal, with three (other) dishes of meat, the lungs forming the sacrificial offering. In the evening he wore the long robe in one piece, and offered some of the flesh of the animal. On the first day of the moon, a sheep and a pig were killed, and there were five (other) dishes of meat, and four of grain. On Dze and Mâo days See vol. xxvii, p. 180. there were only the glutinous rice and vegetable soup. His wife used the same kitchen as the ruler That is, the wife was supplied with what was left from the ruler's meals. .

君無故不殺牛，大夫無故不殺羊，士無故不殺犬、豕。君子遠庖廚，凡有血氣之類，弗身踐也。

Without some cause for it, a ruler did not kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor a lower officer a pig or a dog. A superior man had his shambles and kitchen at a distance (from the) house; he did not tread wherever there was such a thing as blood or (tainted) air Lû Tien says, 'He would not tread on ants.' The Khien-lung editors characterise this as 'a womanish remark.' .

至於八月不雨，君不舉。年不順成，君衣布搢本，關梁不租，山澤列而不賦，土功不興，大夫不得造車馬。

When the eighth month came without rain, the ruler did not have full meals nor music. If the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer A ruler's tablet was of ivory; an officer's only of bamboo, tipt with ivory. . Duties were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams; the prohibitions of the hills and meres were enforced, but no contributions were required (from hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were undertaken, and Great officers did not make (any new) carriages for themselves.

"chinese" n="12">卜人定龜，史定墨，君定體。

The officer of divination by the tortoise-shell fixed the shell (to be used); the recorder applied the ink; and the ruler determined the figures (produced by the fire) See the Kâu Li, Book XXII, 25. The Khien-lung editors say that the methods of this divination are lost..

君羔幦虎犆；大夫齊車，鹿幦豹犆，朝車；士齊車，鹿幦豹犆。

(The cross-board in front of) the ruler was covered with lambskin, edged with tiger's fur; for his sacred carriage and court-carriage a Great officer had a covering of deer skin, edged with leopard's fur; as also had an ordinary officer for his sacred carriage 'The sacred carriage' was one used for going in to some temple service that required previous fasting. The paragraph is strangely constructed. It is supposed that the ruler's carriage at the beginning of it was also a sacred one. .

君子之居恒當戶，寢恒東首。若有疾風迅雷甚雨，則必變，雖夜必興，衣服冠而坐。

The regular place for a gentleman was exactly opposite the door, (facing the light). He slept with his head to the east. When there came violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he changed (countenance). It was the rule for him then, even in the night, to get up, dress himself, put on his cap, and take his seat.

日五盥，沐稷而面貴粱，櫛用樿櫛，發曦用象櫛，進禨進羞，工乃升歌。浴用二巾，上絺下綌，出杅，履蒯席，連用湯，履蒲席，衣布曦身，乃屨進飲。

He washed his hands five times a day. He used millet-water in washing his head, and maize-water in washing his face. For his hair (when wet) he used a comb of white-grained wood, and an ivory comb for it when dry. (After his toilet), there were brought to him the (usual) cup and some delicacy; and the musicians came up Came up on the raised hall, that is. and sang. In bathing he used two towels; a fine one for the upper part (of his body), and a coarser for the lower part. When he got out of the tub, he stepped on a straw mat; and having next washed his feet with hot water, he stepped on the rush one. Then in his (bathing) robe of cloth, he dried his body (again), and put on his shoes; and a drink was then brought into him.

將適公所，宿齊戒，居外寢，沐浴，史進象笏，書思對命；既服，習容觀玉聲，乃出，揖私朝，輝如也，登車則有光矣。

When he had arranged to go to the ruler's, he passed the night in vigil and fasting, occupying an apartment outside his usual one. After he had washed his head and bathed, his secretary brought him the ivory tablet, on which were written his thoughts (which he should communicate to the ruler), and how he should respond to orders (that he might receive). When he was dressed he practised deportment and listened to the sounds of the gems (at his girdle pendant). When he went forth, he bowed to all in his own private court elegantly, and proceeded to mount his carriage (to go to the ruler's) in brilliant style.

天子搢挺，方正於天下也，諸侯荼，前詘後直，讓於天子也，大夫前詘後詘，無所不讓也。

The son of Heaven carried in his girdle the thing tablet, showing how exact and correct he should be in his relations with all under heaven. The feudal lords had the shû, rounded at the top and straight at the bottom, showing how they should give place to the son of Heaven. The tablet of the Great officers was rounded both at the top and the bottom; showing how they should be prepared to give place in all positions It is not clear what the tablets of this paragraph were, and whether they were carried in the hand or inserted in the girdle. The character 搢(Zin) seems to imply the latter. .

侍坐，則必退席；不退，則必引而去君之黨。登席不由前，為躐席。徒坐不盡席尺，讀書，食，則齊，豆去席尺。

When (a minister) is sitting in attendance on his ruler, the rule was that he should occupy a mat somewhat behind him on one side. If he did not occupy such a mat, he had to draw the one assigned to him back and keep aloof from the ruler's kindred who were near him The Khien-lung editors say that after these two sentences; the subject of the rest of the paragraph is a student before his teacher.. One did not take his place on his mat from the front, to avoid seeming to step over it. When seated and unoccupied he did not take up the whole of the mat by at least a cubit. If he were to read any writings or to eat, he sat forward to the edge. The dishes were put down a cubit from the mat And also any tablets or other things to be referred to. .

若賜之食而君客之，則命之祭，然後祭；先飯辯嘗羞，飲而俟。若有嘗羞者，則俟君之食，然後食，飯，飲而俟。

If food were given (to a visitor), and the ruler proceeded to treat him as a guest, he would order him to present the offering, and the visitor would do so. If he took the precedence in eating, he would take a little of all the viands, drink a mouthful, and wait (for the ruler to eat) Tasting the things before the ruler to see that they were good and safe. . If there were one in attendance to taste the viands, he would wait till the ruler ate, and then eat himself. After this eating, he would drink (a mouthful), and wait (again).

君命之羞，羞近者，命之品嘗之，然後唯所欲。凡嘗遠食，必順近食。君未覆手，不敢飧；君既食，又飯飧，飯飧者，三飯也。君既徹，執飯與醬，乃出授從者。

If the ruler ordered him to partake of the delicacies, he took of that which was nearest to him. If he were told to take of all, he took of whatever he liked. In all cases, in tasting of what was some way off, they began with what was near. (The visitor) did not dare to add the liquid to his rice till the ruler had touched the corners of his mouth with his hands and put them down That is, touched those parts with his fingers to see that no grains were sticking to them.. When the ruler had done eating, he also took of the rice in this fashion, repeating the process three times. When the ruler had the things removed, he took his rice and sauces, and went out and gave them to his attendants.

凡侑食，不盡食；食於人不飽。唯水漿不祭，若祭為已儕卑。

Whenever pressed (by his host) to eat, one should not eat largely; when eating at another's. one should not eat to satiety. It was only of the water and sauces that some was not put down as an offering;--they were accounted too trivial for such a purpose.

君若賜之爵，則越席再拜稽首受，登席祭之，飲卒爵而俟君卒爵，然後授虛爵。君子之飲酒也，受一爵而色灑如也，二爵而言言斯，禮已三爵而油油以退，退則坐取屨，隱辟而後屨，坐左納右，坐右納左。

If the ruler gave a cup (of drink) to an officer, he crossed over from his mat, bowed twice, laid his head to the ground and received it. Resuming his place, he poured a portion of it as an offering, drank it off, and waited. When the ruler had finished his cup, he then returned his empty. The rule for a superior man in drinking (with the ruler) was this:--When he received the first cup, he wore a grave look; when he received the second, he looked pleased and respectful. With this the ceremony stopped. At the third cup, he looked self-possessed and prepared to withdraw. Having withdrawn, he knelt down and took his shoes, retired out of the ruler's (sight) and put them on. Kneeling on his left knee, he put on the right shoe; kneeling on the right knee, he put on the left one The subject in the two parts of this paragraph does not appear to be the same. The officer in the former was merely an attendant we may suppose; in the latter, one of a superior rank. The cup in the one case was of special favour; in the second the cups were such as were drunk with the ruler at certain times, but were always confined to three. .

凡尊必上玄酒，唯君面尊，唯饗野人皆酒，大夫側尊用棜，士側尊用禁。

(At festive entertainments), of all the vases that with the dark-coloured liquor (of water) was considered the most honourable 'Mindful,' says Kang, 'of the ways of antiquity.' See Book VII, i, 10, 11, et al. on the honour paid to water at sacrifices and feasts, and the reasons for it.; and only the ruler sat with his face towards it. For the uncultivated people in the country districts, the vases all contained prepared liquors The gratification of their taste was the principal thing at festive entertainments of the common people. . Great officers had the vase on one side of them upon a tray without feet; other officers had it in a similar position on a tray with feet On the two trays mentioned here,--the yü (composed of 木, and 於 on the right of it) and the kin (禁 ),--see Book VIII, i, 12. .

始冠，緇布冠，自諸侯下達，冠而敝之可也。

At the ceremony of capping, the first cap put on was one of black linen. The use of this extended from the feudal lords downwards. It might, after having been thus employed, be put away or disused Such a cap had been used anciently; and it was used in the ceremony, though subsequently disused, out of respect to the ancient custom. .

玄冠朱組纓，天子之冠也。緇布冠繢緌，諸侯之冠也。玄冠丹組纓，諸侯之齊冠也。玄冠綦組纓，士之齊冠也。

The dark-coloured cap, with red strings and tassels descending to the breast, was used at the capping of the son of Heaven. The cap of black linen, with strings and tassels of various colours, was used at the capping of a feudal prince. A dark-coloured cap with scarlet strings an,] tassels was worn by a feudal lord, when fasting. A dark-coloured cap with gray strings and tassels was worn by officers when similarly engaged.

縞冠玄武，子姓之冠也。縞冠素紕，既祥之冠也。垂緌五寸，惰遊之士也，玄冠縞武，不齒之服也。

A cap of white silk with the border or roll of a dark colour was worn (? at his capping) by a son or grandson (when in a certain stage of mourning) When his grandfather was dead, and his father (still alive) was in deep mourning for him.. A similar cap with a plain white edging, was worn after the sacrifice at the end of the year's mourning. (The same cap) with strings hanging down five inches, served to mark the idle and listless officer By way of punishment or disgrace. . A dark-coloured cap with the roll round it of white silk was worn by one excluded from the ranks of his compeers Also in punishment. See Book III, iv, 2-5. .

居冠屬武，自天子下達，有事然後緌。

The cap worn in private, with the roll or border attached to it, was used by all from the son of Heaven downwards. When business called them, the strings were tied and their ends allowed to hang down.

五十不散送，親沒不髦，大帛不緌。衣冠紫緌，自魯桓公始也。

At fifty, one did not accompany a funeral with his sackcloth hanging loose. When his parents were dead, (a son) did not have his hair dressed in tufts (any more). With the large white (cap) they did not use strings hanging down. The purple strings with the dark-coloured cap began with duke Hwan of Lû B.C. 711-694. .

朝玄端，夕深衣。深衣三祛，縫齊倍要，衽當旁，袂可以回肘。

In the morning they wore the dark-coloured square-cut dress; in the evening, the long dress in one piece. That dress at the waist was thrice the width of the sleeve; and at the bottom twice as wide as at the waist. It was gathered in at each side (of the body). The sleeve could be turned back to the elbow.

長中繼掩尺。袷二寸，祛尺二寸，緣廣寸半。以帛裹布，非禮也。

The outer or under garment joined on to the sleeve and covered a cubit of it If we could see one dressed as in those early days, we should understand this better than we do. . The collar was 2 inches wide; the cuff, a cubit and 2 inches long; the border, 1½ inch broad. To wear silk under or inside linen was contrary to rule.

士不衣織，無君者不貳采。衣正色，裳間色。

An (ordinary) officer did not wear anything woven of silk that had been first dyed Because of its expensiveness.. One who had left the service of his ruler wore no two articles of different colours. If the upper garment were of one of the correct colours, the lower garment was of the (corresponding) intermediate one The five 'correct' colours were azure (青; of varying shade), scarlet (赤; carnation, the colour of the flesh), white, black, and yellow. The 'intermediate' were green (緣), red (紅), jade-green (碧), purple (紫) and bay-yellow (駵黃). .

非列采不入公門，振絺 綌不入公門，表裘不入公門，襲裘不入公門。

One did not enter the ruler's gate without the proper colours in his dress; nor in a single robe of grass-cloth, fine or coarse; nor with his fur robe either displayed outside, or entirely covered.

纊為繭，纊為袍，襌為絅，帛為褶。

A garment wadded with new floss was called kien; with old, phâo. One unlined was called kiung; one lined, but not wadded, tieh.

朝服之以縞也，自季康子始也。孔子曰：「朝服而朝，卒朔然後服之。」曰：「國家未道，則不充其服焉。」

The use of thin white silk in court-robes began with Kî Khang-dze. Confucius said, 'For the audience they use the (regular) court-robes, which are put on after the announcement of the first day of the month (in the temple).' He (also) said, 'When good order does not prevail in the states and clans, (the officers) should not use the full dress (as prescribed) See the concluding article in the 'Narratives of the School.' The words of Confucius are understood to intimate a condemnation of Ki Khang-dze. .'

唯君有黼裘以誓省，大裘非古也。

Only a ruler wore the chequered fur robe Made of black lamb's fur and white fox-fur. in addressing (his troops or the multitudes), and at the autumnal hunts Or, according to many, in giving charges about agriculture. , (For him) to wear the Great fur robe was contrary to ancient practice.

君衣狐白裘，錦衣以裼之。君之右虎裘，厥左狼裘。士不衣狐白。

When a ruler wore the robe of white fox-fur, he wore one of embroidered silk over it to display it Of one colour, worn by the king, at a border sacrifice.. When (the guards on) the right of the ruler wore tigers' fur, those on the left wore wolves' fur. An (ordinary) officer did not wear the fur of the white fox.

君子狐青裘豹褎，玄綃衣以裼之；麛裘青豻 褎，絞衣以裼之；羔裘豹飾，緇衣以裼之；狐裘，黃衣以裼之。錦衣狐裘，諸侯之服也。

(Great and other) officers wore the fur of the blue fox, with sleeves of leopard's fur, and over it a jacket of dark-coloured silk to display it; with fawn's fur they used cuffs of the black wild dog Or foreign dog. An animal like the tapir or rhinoceros is called by the same name, but cannot be meant here., with a jacket of bluish yellow silk, to display it; with lamb's fur, ornaments of leopard's fur, and a jacket of black silk to display it; with fox-fur, a jacket of yellow silk to display it. A jacket of embroidered silk with fox-fur was worn by the feudal lords.

犬羊之裘不裼，不文飾也不裼。裘之裼也，見美也。吊則襲，不盡飾也；君在則裼，盡飾也。服之襲也，充美也，是故屍襲，執玉龜襲，無事則裼，弗敢充也。

With dog's fur or sheep's fur 'The dress,' says Kang, 'worn by the common people.' , they did not wear any jacket of silk over it. Where there was no ornamentation, they did not use the jacket. The wearing the jacket was to show its beauty. When condoling, they kept the jacket covered, and did not show all its ornamental character; in the presence of the ruler, they showed all this. The covering of the dress was to hide its beauty. Hence, personators of the deceased covered their jackets of silk. Officers holding a piece of jade or a tortoise-shell (to present it) covered it; but if they had no (such official) business in hand, they displayed the silken garment, and did not presume to cover it.

笏：天子以球玉；諸侯以象；大夫以魚須文竹；士竹本，象可也。

For his memorandum-tablet, the son of Heaven used a piece of sonorous jade; the prince of a state, a piece of ivory; a Great officer, a piece of bamboo, ornamented with fishbone The bone seems to be specified; 須 read pan. What bone and of what fish, I do not know.; ordinary officers might use bamboo, adorned with ivory at the bottom.

見於天子與射，無說笏，入大廟說笏，非古也。小功不說笏，當事免則說之。既搢必盥，雖有執於朝，弗有盥矣。凡有指畫於君前，用笏造，受命於君前，則書於笏，笏畢用也，因飾焉。

When appearing before the son of Heaven, and at trials of archery, there was no such thing as being without this tablet. It was contrary to rule to enter the Grand temple without it. During the five months' mourning, it was not laid aside. When engaged in the performance of some business, and wearing the cincture, one laid it aside. When he had put it in his girdle, the bearer of it was required to wash his hands; but afterwards, though he had something to do in the court, he did not wash them (again). When one had occasion to point to or draw anything before the ruler, he used the tablet. When he went before him and received a charge, he wrote it down on it. For all these purposes the tablet was used, and therefore it was ornamental.

笏度二尺有六寸，其中博三寸，其殺六分而去一。

The tablet was 2 cubits and 6 inches long. Its width at the middle was 3 inches; and it tapered away to 2½ inches (at the ends).

而素帶終辟，大夫素帶辟垂，士練帶率下辟，居士錦帶，弟子縞帶。

(A ruler) wore a plain white girdle of silk, with ornamented ends; a Great officer, a similar girdle, with the ends hanging down; an ordinary officer, one of dyed silk, with the edges tucked in, and the ends hanging down; a scholar waiting to be employed, one of embroidered silk; and young lads, one of white silk From this paragraph to the end of the part, the text is in great confusion; with characters missing here and there, and sentences thrown together without natural connexion. Khan Hâo has endeavoured to readjust them; but I have preferred to follow the order of the imperial and other editions. The Khien-lung editors advise the reader to do so, and make the best he can of them by means of Kang Hsüan's notes. Khan Hâo's order is paragraphs--25, 19, 20, 27, 23, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29. By this arrangement something like a train of thought can be made out..

並紐約，用組。

For all these the buttons and loops were made of silk cords.

革畢：君朱，大夫素，士爵韋。圜殺直，天子直，公侯前後方，大夫前方後挫角，士前後正。

The knee-covers of a ruler were of vermilion colour; those of a Great officer, white; and of another officer, purple:--all of leather; and might be rounded, slanting, and straight. Those of the son of Heaven were straight (and pointed at all the corners); of the prince of a state, square both at bottom and top; of a Great officer, square at the bottom, with the corners at the top rounded off; and of another officer, straight both at bottom and top.

革畢下廣二尺，上廣一尺，長三尺，其頸五寸，肩革帶博二寸。

The width of these covers was 2 cubits at bottom, and 1 at top. Their length was 3 cubits. On each side of (what was called) the neck were 5 inches, reaching to the shoulders or corners. From the shoulders to the leathern band were 2 inches

The knee-covers of the prince of a state are represented thus--