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國有三軍何? 所以戒非常，伐無道，尊宗廟，重社稷，安不忘危也。 何以言有三軍也? 《論語》曰:" 子行三軍則誰與?"《詩》云:" 周王于邁，六師及之。"
以為五人為伍，五伍為兩，四兩為卒， 五卒為旅，五旅為師，師、二千五百人，[二] 師為一軍，[三軍] 六師一萬五千人也。
《傳》曰: "一人必死，十人不能當; 百人必死，千人不能當; 千人必死，萬人不能當。萬人必死， 橫行天下。" 雖有萬人，猶謙讓自以為不足，故復加(五) [二]千人，因法月數。月者、群陰之長也。 十二 [月]足以窮盡陰陽，備物成功，[萬]二千人亦足以征伐不義，致[天下]太平也。
《穀粱傳》曰:"天子有六軍，諸侯上國三軍，次國二軍，下國一軍。" 諸侯所以一軍者何? 諸侯、蕃屏之臣也，任兵革之重，距一方之難，故得有一軍 [也]。
王者征伐，所以必皮弁素幘何? 伐者凶事，素服示有悽愴也。 伐者質，故衣古服。《禮》曰:"三王共皮弁素幘。" 服亦皮[弁]素幘。 又招虞人亦皮弁，知伐亦皮(弁)。
王者將出，辭於禰，還格祖禰者，言子辭面之禮，尊親之義也。 《王制》曰: "王者將出，類于上帝，宜于社，造于禰。"[獨見禰何]? [辭從卑]。 [不敢留尊者之命]，[至禰不嫌不至祖也]。《尚書》曰:"歸假于藝祖。"出所以告天， 至告祖無二元后廟後告者，示不敢留尊者之命也。
告天何? 示不敢自專[也]。 非出辭反面之道也。 與宗廟異義。 還不復告天者，天道質無內外，故不復告也。《尚書》言 "歸假于祖禰"，不見告於天，知不告也。
王者受命，質家先伐，文家先[改]正[朔]何? 質家之[言]天命己也，使己也誅無道，今誅得，為王，故先伐。 文家言天命已成，為王者乃得誅伐王者耳。 故先改正朔也。 又改正朔者，文代其質也。 文者先其文，質者先其質[也]。 故《論語》曰:"予小子履，[敢用玄牡]，敢昭告于皇天上帝。"此湯伐桀告天，用 (憂) [夏]家之(法)[牲]也。《詩》云: "命此文王，于周于京。"此言文王誅伐，故改號為周，易邑為京也。 明天著忠臣孝予之義也。湯親北面稱臣而事桀，不忍相誅也。《禮》曰:"湯放桀，武[王]伐紂時也。"
王法天誅者，天子自出者，以為王者乃天之所立，而欲謀危社稷，故自出， 重天命也。 犯王法，使方伯誅之。《尚書》曰:"(命)[今]予惟恭行天之罰。"此所以言開: 自出伐有扈也。《王制》曰:"賜之弓矢，乃得專征伐。"[謂誅] 犯王(誅) [法]者也。
大夫將兵出，必不。 御者，欲盛其威，使士卒一意繫心也。 故但聞將軍令，不聞君命也， 明進退 [在] 大夫也。《春秋傳》曰:"此受命于君，如伐齊則還何? 大其不伐喪也。" "大夫以君命出，進退在大夫也。"
天子遣將軍必於廟何? 示不敢自專也。獨於祖廟何? 制法度者、祖也。《王制》 曰:"受命于祖，受成於學。" 此言於祖廟命遣之[義]也。
王法年(此) [卅]。受兵何? 重不絕人嗣也。 師行 [不必反]，[戰]不必勝， 故須其有世嗣 [也]。
年六十歸兵者何? 不忍並****人父子也。《王制》曰:"六十不預服戎。"又 曰:"八十一子不從政，九十家不從政:父母之喪，三年不從政: 齊衰大功，三月不從 政；廢疾非人不養者，一人不從政。"
古者師出不踰時者，為怨思也。天道一時生，一時養。人者、天之貴物也，踰時則 內有怨女，外有曠夫。《詩》云:"昔我往矣，楊柳依依; 今我來思，雨雪霏霏。" 《春秋》曰:"宋人取長曷。"《傳》曰:"外取邑不書，此何以書? 久也。"
王者有三年之喪，夷狄有內侵，伐之者，重天誅，為宗廟社稷也。《春秋傳》曰: "天王居于狄泉。"《傳》曰:" 此未三年，其稱天王何? 著有天子也。"
X. The Three Hosts
82---General Remarks (II A. 9b-10b).
a. Why has a [Feudal] State [an army of] three hosts? 1 It is in order to guard against extraordinary [events], to punish those who do not follow the Way, to honour the ancestral temple, to hold the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet in reverence, and in [times of] peace not to forget that there is [always] danger. Why is it said that there is [an army of] three hosts? The Lun yü says: "[Tzŭ-lu asked Confucius:] If you had the command of [an army of] three hosts, whom would you have [to act] with you?" 2 The Shih says: "The King of Chou marched on, followed by his [army of] six hosts" 3.
b. What do the three hosts model themselves on? They model themselves on Heaven, Earth, and Man.
c. [A unit of] five men is called a wu ; five wu form a liang; four liang form a tsu; five tsu form a lü; five lü form a shih; five shih form a chün4. Two thousand five hundred men constitute a shih, twelve thousand five hundred men constitute a chün, and [an army of] three chün consists of thirty-seven thousand five hundred men 5.
d. The Chuan says: "If one man decides [to fight to the] death one thousand men cannot oppose them; if one thousand men decide [to fight to the] death ten thousand men cannot oppose them; and if one thousand men decide [to fight to the] death there is disorder throughout all under Heaven" 6. [In this case, even] though [the government has] ten thousand men [at its disposal], it will have to surrender, and consider itself unable [to cope with the situation]. Therefore two thousand men are added to accord with the number of the moons [in a year]. The moon is the head of the accumulated forces of the yin. [A period of] twelve moons suffices to terminate [the interaction of] the yin and the yang, and to bring the development of things to completion. Twelve thousand men should likewise be sufficient to quell rebellions and restore peace in all under Heaven 7.
e. The Ku liang chuan says: "The Son of Heaven has [an army of] six hosts; (a Feudal Lord [an army of] one host" 8. Another opinion is: According to the Royal Regulation 9 "the Son of Heaven has [an army of] six hosts,) 10 a Feudal State of the first rank has [an army of] three hosts, a Feudal State of the second rank [an army of] two hosts, a Feudal State of the third rank [an army of] one host". Why has a Feudal Lord [only an army of] one host? A Feudal Lord is a servant who has the guarding [of the frontiers as his task]. The importance of his military task is limited to the exigencies of one quarter. Therefore he is [only] allowed to have [an army of] one host.
83---What the King Wears on a War-Expedition (II A. 10b).
Why is it that when the King sets out on a punitive expedition he must wear a cap of white deer-skin [together with] white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist 11? A punitive expedition is an inauspicious affair, and the plain dress shows that there will be grief and sorrow. The slaying [associated with it] is a rough [action], therefore the ancient dress is used. The Li says: "With the three Dynasties [Hsia, Yin, and Chou] the cap worn was [always] of white deer-skin, and [used with] white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist" 12. The dress [of a Feudal Lord listening to the notification of the first day of the month] 13 also consists of a cap of white deerskin and white silk nether-garments gathered at the waist. Likewise the cap is used in summoning a forester [when killing the game during the hunt] 14. Thus we know that the cap is also used on punitive expeditions.
84---The Meaning of the Announcement to Heaven and to the Forefathers (II A. 10b-11a).
a. When the King is about to leave [his domain] he announces it to the shrine of his deceased father 15; when he returns he proceeds to the shrines of his first ancestor and his deceased father 16. This means that as a son he has to observe the rule of taking leave and presenting himself [after his return, which is the expression of] his duty to honour his parents. The Wang chih says: "When the King is about to set out [on a Tour of Inspection] he offers the lei-sacrifice to the Lord on High, the i-sacrifice to the God of the Earth, and the ts'ao-sacrifice to the shrine of his deceased father" 17. Why [is it] only [said that he] visits his father's shrine? The taking of leave begins with the lower [-placed ancestor. Still] he dares not neglect the command of the exalted [first ancestor. But as it has already been said that] he visits his father's shrine there is no objection to his not [mentioning his] visit to the shrine of the first ancestor. The Shang shu says: "At his return [from his tours of inspection Shun] went to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father" 18.
b. Why must [the King also] announce his departure to Heaven? To show that he dares not act of his own accord. It is [, however,] not the procedure of taking leave at his departure and presenting himself at his return, it is different from [the announcement to] the ancestral temple. When he returns he does not again inform Heaven because Heaven's Way has no outside and inside. Therefore he does not again inform [Heaven of his return]. The Shangshu [only] speaks of "At his return [Shun] went to the shrines of his first ancestor and his father", and [the statement of] his announcement to Heaven does not occur. Thus we know that [the King's return is] not announced to Heaven.
85---What was Done First by the Shang and Chou Dynasties: Change the First Month of the Year or Destroy the Dynasty (II A. 11a-b).
Why is it that when a King has received the command [from Heaven to found a new Dynasty] the first thing he does is to destroy [the reigning Dynasty] when he is an adherent of [the Principle of] Substance, whereas when he is an adherent of [the Principle of] Form the first thing he does is to change the first month of the year [as a sign of the new reign] 19? An adherent of [the Principle of] Substance says: "Since Heaven has mandated me, and ordered me to slay him who does not follow the Way, I am now slaying him that I may be King". Therefore the slaying is put first. An adherent of [the Principle of] Form says: "Heaven has mandated me to accomplish my kingship before I have the right to slay the King"; therefore the changing of the first month of the year is put first. Besides, by the change of the first month of the year [the Principle of] Substance is substituted for [that of] Form. [The Principle of] Form puts form first, [the Principle of] Substance puts substance first. Thus the Lun yü says: "[T'ang said:] I, the Little Child Li, venture to use a black male animal, and venture clearly to announce it to August Heaven, the Lord on High" 20. This [refers to] T'ang [,the founder of the Shang Dynasty], who, when going to slay Chieh [,the last Sovereign of the Hsia Dynasty], announced it to Heaven, using a victim [which was prescribed by the rites] of the House of Hsia 21. The Shih says: "[Heaven] gave the appointment to this King Wên, in Chou, in the capital" 22. This refers to King Wên, who, when preparing his punitive expedition [against the Yin], changed the Dynasty's name into Chou, and his residence into a capital 23. [In both cases] it means that Heaven made prominent its faithful servant and filial son. T'ang, in person, facing north, called himself servant and served Chieh, whom he [at first] could not bear to punish. The Li says: "The banishment of Chieh by T'ang, and the slaying of Chou by King Wu were [appropriate to the occasion in their] times" 24.
86---The Meaning of the Son of Heaven Going Himself on a Punative Expedition or Sending His Regional Chief. (II A. 11b).
The King [in the case of] punishing [a rebel] models himself on Heaven, and as Son of Heaven goes in person [with the expedition] because as King he has been set up by Heaven, and [here is one who] plans to endanger the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. Therefore his going in person is [a sign of his] reverence for Heaven's mandate. [But in the case of a] violation of the King's laws [one of] the Regional Chiefs is sent to punish [the culprit].
The Shang shu says: "[Heaven] has commanded me to execute reverently the punishment [determined] by Heaven" 25. This refers to [King] Ch'i, who went himself to punish the Lord of Hu 26. The Wang chih says: "[When a Feudal Lord is] endowed with bows and arrows he has the right to start a punitive expedition of his own accord" 27, meaning [that he has the right] to punish a violation of the King's laws.
87---The Army is Not Directed From Within. (II A. 12a).
A great officer having marched out at the head of an army no [longer] follows the instructions of the palace 28 because it is desirable that his authority be complete, and his officers and soldiers attach themselves to him in heart and mind. Therefore they only listen to the commands of the army's leader, and not to the orders of their Lord. It means that [the decision] to advance or retreat is with the great officer. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says [on the entry: Shih K'a of Chin led a force to invade Ch'i, and had arrived at Ku, when he heard of the death of the Marquis of Ch'i, upon which he returned]: "This [was a case in which Shih K'a] had received the order of his Sovereign to 29 invade [the state of] Ch'i; why [is it said that he] returned? [It is an expression of praise. In which way is it an expression of praise?] It praises his not attacking [the Lord of a state who was] in mourning. [Though] the great officer had set out [on the expedition] at the command of his Sovereign [the decision] to advance or retreat was with the great officer [himself]" 30.
88---The Charge for the Expedition is Received in the Ancestral Temple (II A. 12a).
When the Son of Heaven is sending out a general, why must [he announce it] to the ancestral temple? It indicates that he dares not act of his own accord. Why [is it] only [said that he announces it] to the shrine of the first ancestor? It is the first ancestor who has established the laws and measures. The Wangchih says: "He receives his charge [for the expedition] from the first ancestor, and he completes [the plans for its execution] in the College" 31. It means that it is before the shrine of the first ancestor that the order for sending out [the army] is given.
89---Entering and Leaving the Military Service (II A. 12a-b).
a. Why is it that according to the laws promulgated by the King [a man should] take up arms at thirty? To emphasize the importance of not 32 cutting off the generation of the men. As a marching army is never sure to return, neither is a battle always a victory, it is necessary [that the soldiers should have descendants] to continue their line.
b. Why [does a man] leave the army at sixty? To avoid [the chance] that father and son might fight against each other. The Wangchih says: "At sixty a man is exempt from military service" 33 Further it says: "[In a family where there is a man of] eighty one son is exempt from government-service. [Where there is a man of] ninety the [whole] family is exempt from government-service. At the death of his father or mother [the son is] exempt from government-service for three years. He who is in mourning for one year or nine months is exempt for three months. One man is exempt from government-service in those families where [otherwise] a weak or sick [parent] could not be nursed" 34.
90---An Expedition is Not Allowed to Exceed a Season (II A. 12b).
Anciently, when an army set out [the expedition did] not exceed a season because it would [otherwise] cause resentment and solicitude. It is Heaven's Way to let one season grow and another season nourish. Man is Heaven's cherished object. If [an expedition] exceeds a season there will be resentful wives at home and lonely husbands in the field. The Shih says: "In the beginning when we set out, the willows were fresh and green; now that we are returning, rain and snow fall in clouds" 35. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The people of Sung took Ch'ang-ko" 36. The Chuan says: "The taking of a city [by a state] outside [Lu] is [generally] not recorded; why is this [case] recorded? [It is a reproof because the siege lasted] too long" 37.
91---Rebellions During a Time of Great Mourning (II A. 12b-13a).
When during the time that the King is observing his three years' mourning the barbarians invade the country, he launches an expedition against them, in order to emphasize that Heaven [wishes him to] punish them for the sake of the ancestral temple and the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. The Ch'un ch'iu38 says: "The King [appointed] by Heaven resided at Ti-ch'üan". The Chuan says: "This is [a case where the period of the] three years' [mourning has] not yet [expired], why is he called King [appointed] by Heaven? To indicate that there is a Son of Heaven" 39.
1. 三 軍 san-chün.
2. Ch. VII. 10, Lun yü chu shu, 7.4a; L. 198.
3. Ode 238: Mao shih chu shu, 23.48b; L. 443; K. 17.67. The quotation has 六 師liu-shih, which also occurs in Ode 213 (L. 382) and Ode 263 (L. 556), and is identified by Mao (Mao shih chu shu, l.c.) with the 六 軍 liu-chün of the Son of Heaven mentioned in the Chou li (chu shu, 28.2a; B. II. 142). See also n. 9.
4. wu 伍, liang 兩, tsu 卒, lü 旅, shih 師, chün 軍.
5. This corresponds with the account in the Chou li, l.c. The Kuo yü (6.6b) says: "Five men form a wu, fifty men a hsiao-jung 小 戎, two hundred a tsu, two thousand a lü, ten thousand a chün".
6. A similar passage occurs in the Shuo yüan (15.4b) and the Hou han shu, Biography of Chang Tsung (28.1b).
7. This statement is a contradiction of the following quotation.
8. Ku liang chu shu, Hsiang 11, 15.5a.
9. Cf. the Chou li (l.c., see n. 3).
10. The words between round brackets are supplied by Liu (73.2b).
11. 皮 弁 素 ?(此字為“巾”字旁加 “責”) (= 積) p'i-pien su-chi. See Vol. I, p. 314, n. 242.
12. I li chu shu, Shih kuan li, Chi, 1.46b; C. 23.
13. Insertion suggested by Lu. Cf. Li chi chu shu, Yü tsao, 29.7a; C. I. 679.
14. The Mêng tzŭ, Va. 7 (L. 390) contains a passage where the forester is summoned with a skin cap 皮 冠 p'i-kuan, but Chiao Hsün (Mêng tzŭ chêng i, 10.53) objects against its identification with the p'i-pien, which is a ceremonial cap. Cf. also XLI, n. 23.
16. 祖 禰 tsu-ni. The Tsêng tzŭ wên (Li chi chu shu, 18.6b-7a; C. I. 416-417) contains about the same passages but referring to a Feudal Lord going for a visit to another Feudal Lord.
17. 類 lei , i 宜 , ts'ao 造. Li chi chu shu, 12.1a; C. I. 278. Cf. also ch. XIX, par 131.
18. Shang shu chu shu, Shun tien, 2.10b; L. 37. Cf. Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 465---467.
19. For the Principles of Substance and Form, see Vol. I, p. 267, n. 15. Cf. this paragraph also with ch. XXVII, par. 175.
20. Ch. XX. 1, Lun yü chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350. For 'August Heaven, the Lord on High' the text writes huang-t'ien shang-ti 皇 天 上 帝; the Lun yü has huang-huang hou 后-ti; the Book of History (L. 187) has shang-t'ien shênhou; the Mo tzŭ (4.79; Y. P. Mei, p. 93) has shang-t'ien-hou. For huang-t'ienshang-ti cf. Schindler in Asia Major, Introd. Vol., p. 353, and Maspero, La Chineantique, p. 162, n. 1.
21. The Hsia Dynasty used black, the Yin white, and the Chou red victims (cf. the Li chi, C. I. 735). T'ang of the Yin Dynasty, adhering to the Principle of Substance, used a black Hsia victim when he was going to slay the Hsia Sovereign, thereby showing that in doing so he was still a subject of Hsia.
22. Ode 236: Mao shih chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66.
23. King Wên of the Chou Dynasty, adhering to the Principle of Form, proclaimed himself the new King before slaying the Yin Sovereign.
24. Li chi chu shu, Li ch'i, 23.4a; C. I. 541. King Wu is named instead of Wên, because the latter did not live to see the end of the Yin Dynasty.
25. Shang shu chu shu, Kan shih, 6.2a; L. 153. Instead of 命 ming 'commanded' the Shu ching text writes 今(the previous sentence in the Shu ching ends in ming!).
26. Instead of 啟ch'i the text writes k'ai開, because ch'i was the tabooed name of Han Ching-ti (Lu). The Prince of Hu 'wildly wastes and despises the five elements, and has idly abandoned the three acknowledged commencements of the year" (Legge, l.c.). Cf. also M.H. I. 164, n. 4.
27. Li chi chu shu, 12.2a; C. I. 280.
28. 中 御 chung-yü, synonymous with nei 內 -yü 'inner instructions' as opposed to 外 治wai-chih 'outer management', i.e. the management from the capital as opposed to that in the battle-fields (see Chia Lin's comm. on the Sun tzŭ, 3.21b).
29. 而 inst. of 如.
30. Kung yang chu shu, Hsiang 19, 20.14a.
31. Li chi chu shu, 12.4b; C. I. 281.
32. 不 should be inserted.
33. Li chi chu shu, 13.30b; C. I. 315.
34. Ibid., 13.23b; C. I. 317.
35. Ode 167 (Mao shih chu shu, 16.39a; L. 261; K. 16.224), the stanzas of which "deal with or mention the campaigns of the Chou people against the fierce Hsien-yün tribes" (Waley, Book of Songs, p. 122).
36. Yin 6.
37. Kung yang chu shu, 3.11a. The siege of Ch'ang-ko began in the 12th month of the 5th regnal year of Duke Yin (Legge's transl. of the Tso chuan, p. 17), the city was taken in the 12th month of the next year. Ho Hsiu's comm. says: "Anciently, when an army set out it should not exceed a season. In this case Sung, taking the city [of Ch'ang-ko], exceeds a year, [thus] exposing the army to hardships too long and causing misery to multitudes staying out in the open".
38. Chao 23. The word 傳 in the text is superfluous.
39. Kung yang chu shu, Chao 23, 24.4b. By the King is meant Ching 敬of the Chou Dynasty, who reigned from 519 to 478 B.C. At his enthronement there were still disturbances caused by his rival (see M.H. I. 298), but the Ch'un ch'iu takes his side by calling him 'King appointed by Heaven'.
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