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古者所以年十五入太學何? 以為八歲毀齒，始有識知，入學學書計。 七八十五， 陰陽備，故十五成童志明，入太學，學經術。 學之為言覺也。[以覺] 悟所不知也。 故學以治性，慮以變情。故玉不琢不成器，人不學不知道聱。子夏曰:" 百工居肆以 致其事, 君子學以致其遵。"故《 [曲] 禮》曰:" 十年曰幼，學。"《論語》曰: "吾十有五而志於學，三十而立。" 又 [曰]:" 生而知之者，上也; 學而知之者，次 也。" 是以雖有自然之性，必立師傅焉。《論語讖》曰:" 五帝立師，三王制之。" 《傳》曰:" 黃帝師力牧，帝顓頊師綠圖，帝嚳師赤松子，帝堯師務成子，帝舜師尹 壽，禹師國先生, 湯師伊尹，文王師呂望，武王師尚父，周公師虢叔，孔子師老聃。" 天子[之]太子，諸侯[之]世子，皆就師於外[者]。尊師重先生之遣也。[故] 《[曲]禮》曰:" [聞]有來學者，無往教者也。"《易》曰:" 匪我求童蒙，童蒙 求我。"《(主) [王]制》曰: " 小、學在公宮南之左，太學在郊。"又曰:"天子 太子，群后之太子，公卿大夫之元士嫡子，皆造焉。" [小學]、[經藝之宮 也]，[大學者]、[辟雍鄉射之宮]。
父所以不自教子何? 為(世) [渫]瀆也。又授之道當極說陰陽夫婦變化之事，不 可父子相教也。
師弟子之道有三。《論語》曰" 朋友自遠方來。" 朋友之道也。又曰:" 回也視予 猶父也。" 父子之道[也]。以君臣之義教之，君臣之道也。
天子立辟雍何?所以行禮樂、宣德化也。象璧圓又以法 天。(於)雍[者]、[雍之以]水，側象教化流行也。 辟之為言積也，積天下之道德也。雍之為言壅也，壅天下之殘賊，故謂之辟雍也。《王制》曰:" 天子曰辟雍，諸侯曰浮宮。" 外圓者、欲使觀之平均也。又欲言外圓內方，明德當圓，行當方也。不書圓辟何? 又圓於辟何? 以知其圓也，以其言辟也。 何以知有(外)[水] 也? 又《詩》云:"思樂浮水，薄采其符。"《詩訓》曰:" 水圓如璧。" 諸侯曰泮宮耆，半於天子宮也。明尊卑有差，所化少也。半者、象璜也，獨南面禮儀之方有水耳。其餘壅之言垣，宮名之別尊卑也。 明不得化四方也。不曰泮雍何? 嫌但半天子制度也。《詩》云:" 穆穆魯侯，克明其德，既作泮宮，淮夷攸服。"
鄉曰庠，里曰序。庠者、庠禮義也，序者、序長幼也。《禮 ·五帝記》曰:" 帝庠序之學，則父子有親，長幼有序，善如爾舍，明令必次外，然後前民者也。末見於仁，故立庠序以導之也。" [古之]教民者，[里]皆 [有師]，里中之老而有道德者為 [里] 右師，[其次為左師]，教里中之子弟以道藝、孝悌行義，立五帝之德。 朝則坐於里之門，弟子皆出就農而 (復) [後] 罷。[夕] (示) [亦]如之，皆入而 (復) [後]罷。其有出入不時，旱晏不節，有過，故使語之，言心無由生也。 若既收藏，皆入教學。立春而就事，其有賢才美質 (如) [知] 學者，足以聞其心。 頑鈍之民，亦足以別於禽獸而知人倫。 故無不教之民。 孔子曰:"以不教民戰，是謂棄之。" 明無不教民也。
天子所以有靈臺者何? 所以考天人之心，察陰陽之會，揆星 (度) [辰] 之證驗，為萬物獲福 [於] 無方之元。《詩》云:" 經始靈臺。" 天子立明堂者，所以通神靈, 感天地，正四時，出教化，宗有德，章有道，顯有能，褒有行者也。明堂上圓下方，八窗四闥，布政之宮，在國之陽。上圓法天，下方法地，八窗象八風，四闥法四時,九室法九州，十二(坐) [堂] 法十二月，三十六戶 [法] 三十六 (兩)[雨]，七十二牖法七十二風。
115---The Meaning of Entering the School and Respecting the Teacher (II B. 9a-b).
a.Why is it that anciently a boy enters the Great College 1 at the age of fifteen? Because at the age of eight he loses his [milk-] teeth, and his [capacity for] apperception begins; he enters [the Junior] School to study writing and arithmetic. Seven and eight make fifteen, [which represents] the completion of [the interaction of] the yin and the yang. Therefore at fifteen [the child] becomes an adolescent, and his understanding becomes clear; he enters the Great College to study the Classical Disciplines 2. b.Hsüeh 'to study' means chüeh 'to awake' 3; to awake to what one did not know. Therefore one studies in order to regulate one's nature, concerned [as he is] to transform his emotions; for "an uncut jade will not form a vessel for use, and an uninstructed man will not know the Way" 4. Tzŭ-hsia says: "The craftsmen dwell in their workshops to accomplish their art, a Noble Man studies to accomplish his Way" 5. Therefore the Ch'ü li says: "At the age of ten one is said to be tender; he is at school" 6. The Lun yü says: "At fifteen I had my mind bent on learning; at thirty I stood firm" 7. Again: "Highest are those who are born wise, next are those who become wise by learning" 8. c.For this reason a man, even if he has a natural aptitude [for wisdom], must always have a teacher. The Lun yü ch'an says: "The Five Emperors [each] appointed a teacher [for themselves], the Three Kings made [of learning] an institution". d.The Chuan says: "Huang-ti had Li Mu as teacher, Chuan-hsü had Lu T'u as teacher, Ti-k'u had Ch'ih-sung-tzŭ as teacher, Ti-yao had Wu-ch'êng-tzŭ as teacher, Ti-shun had Yin Shou as teacher, Yü had Master Kuo as teacher, T'ang had I Yin as teacher, King Wên had Lü Wang as teacher, King Wu had Shang Fu as teacher, the Duke of Chou had Kuo-shu as teacher, Confucius had Lao Tan as teacher" 9. e.The Heir of the Son of Heaven and that of a Feudal Lord go out to their teacher as a sign of respect to him, and to honour the Way of the Ancient Kings. The Ch'ü li says: "I have heard that one comes to learn, not that one goes out to teach" 10. The I says: "It is not I who seeks the young and stupid [to teach them], the young and stupid seek me [to instruct them]" 11. The Wang chih says: "The Junior School was on the south of the Duke's palace to the left of it, the Great College was in the suburb" 12. Further it says: "The Heir of the King, his [other] sons, the Heirs of the Feudal Lords, the principal sons of the Ducal Ministers, of the Ministers, of the great officers, and of the common officers, all go [to the Junior School and the Great College]" 13. f.The Junior School is the building where the 'Classical Arts' 14 are taught, the Great College is the building where the pi-yung [is situated] and the district archery [is held].
116---A Father does not Teach His Son (II B. 9b-10a).
Why does a father not teach his son himself? Because it would be too intimate [a relation]. In the instruction 15 of the Way he would have to explain to him minutely such things as the interaction of the yin and the yang, [and connected therewith] that of husband and wife, which are things that ought not be to explained by a father to his son 16.
117---The Three Kinds of Relationship Between Teacher and Pupil (II B. 10a).
There are three kinds of relationship between teacher and pupil. What is said in the Lun yü: "[Is it not a case for joy when] friends come from distant quarters" 17 refers to the relation [between teacher and pupil] as friends. When further the Lun yü says: "[Yen] Hui behaved towards me as his father" 18 [this refers to] the relation [between teacher and pupil] as [if they were] father and son. [Lastly when the pupil] receives his instruction according to the principles between Lord and subject there is [between teacher and pupil] this relation of Lord and subject.
118---The Pi-Yung and the P'an-Kung (II B. 10a-b).
a.Why does the Son of Heaven erect a pi-yung19? [It is the place where] rites and music are practised, and whence his spiritual influence is proclaimed. b.Pi means pi20 'jade disk'; it imitates the roundness of the jade disk, which models itself on Heaven. Yung means that it is 'dammed up' yung21 with water; it represents [the King's] reforming influence flowing forth. c.Pi [also] means chi22 'to accumulate'; to accumulate the spiritual power [proceeding from the prevalence] of the Way in all under Heaven. Yung means yung 'to dam'; to dam the vices and evil 23 in all under Heaven. Therefore it is called pi-yung. d.The Wang chih says: "The Son of Heaven [has a building] called pi-yung, the Feudal Lords [have a building] called p'an-kung" 24. e.On the outside [the pi-yung is] round, so that visitors have the same view of it [from all sides]. Being round outside and square inside it also expresses the idea that one's spiritual power should be [perfect] as a circle, and one's conduct should be square. f.Why is it not called yüan 'round' [-yung], but pi [-yung] 25? It takes its example from the jade disk, which is charged with spiritual power 26. How do we know that it is round? Because it is called pi [-yung]. How do we know that there is water [surrounding it]? The Shih says: "How pleasant is the water of the p'an [-kung], let us gather the cress about it" 27. The Shih hsün says: "[The moat containing] the water is round like a jade disk" 28. g.With the Feudal Lords we speak of p'an-kung because [its size is] half that of the [pi-yung] palace of the Son of Heaven. It means that there should be distinction between the high and the lowly, and that the scope of the reforming influence of a Feudal Lord is smaller. The semi [-circular shape of the p'an-kung] resembles the 'semi-circular jade' huang29. There is only water on the southern side, the region [towards which the subject is to perform his] ritual duties 30. The other [sides] are provided with a dam, called 'dike' yüan31. The name of the building indicates the distinction between the high and the lowly; it means [that a Feudal Lord is] not competent to exercise his reforming influence upon all the four quarters. h.Why is it not called p'an-yung? To avoid [the statement] that it simply [represents] half of the measures of the institutions of the Son of Heaven. The Shih says: "Admirable is the Marquis of Lu, making his spiritual power illustrious. When he has built his p'an-kung the Huai barbarians submit to him" 32.
119---The Hsiang and the Hsü (II B. 11a-b).
a.In a district [the school is] called hsiang, in a hamlet [it is] called hsü33. In the hsiang the meaning of the ritual is studied 'minutely' hsiang34; in the hsü [emphasis is laid on] the 'ranking' hsü35 of old and young. The Li wu ti chi says: "If you, Emperor, [pay attention to] the teaching in the hsiang and the hsü there will be affection between father and son, and distinction between old and young. The orders for enlightenment which you have so beautifully decided upon must [,however,] be followed by [a realization] outwards, so that afterwards [their results] can be placed before the people" 36. [Men by their own knowledge are] not acquainted with [the duty of having] consideration for others, therefore the hsiang and the hsü are erected to give them guidance. b.With regard to the teaching of the people in ancient times, in every hamlet there was a teacher. Those elders in the hamlet who possessed the spiritual power [proceeding from their possession] of the Way were the hamlet's Teachers of the Right 37. Those who followed upon them were the Teachers of the Left 38. They taught the pupils of the hamlet the Way, the disciplines, filial piety, fraternal love, consideration for others, and social duties c.At the beginning of spring 39 [everybody] has to attend to his duties. In the morning [the elders] sit down at the gate of the hamlet; when the younger men 40 all have gone out to their work of husbandry they retire; in the evening the same thing happens: when all have returned they retire 41. When there are those who do not start out and return in time, or are not [otherwise] regular in the morning and in the evening, they [are considered to] have committed a fault. Therefore [the elders are] employed to admonish them with words 42 [because otherwise] their hearts would not have anything to rouse them. d.When the crop has been reaped all [the younger men] enter school. Those who possess ability, are of good stuff, and know how to learn, are worth having their hearts opened; even the blunt and stupid people must be distinguished from the beasts, so that they may have knowledge of human relationships. Therefore there are no uninstructed people. Confucius said: "To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them away" 43. It means that there are no people left uninstructed.
120---The Ling-T'ai and the Ming-T'ang (II B. 11b-12a).
a.Why has the Son of Heaven a ling-t'ai44? It is [the place where] to investigate the nature of Heaven and Man, to observe the unison of the yin and the yang, to study the evidences of the stars and planets, and to gather for the ten thousand things the bounties from 45 the limitless primeval [sources]. The Shih says: "[King Wên] plans the commencement of [the building of] the ling-t'ai" 46. b.The Son of Heaven erects the ming-t'ang47, that he may enter into communication with the spiritual forces, undergo [the influences of] Heaven and Earth, keep the four seasons in the right track, put forth his reforming teachings, honour those who have spiritual power, give due weight to those who walk in the right Way, make illustrious the capable, and reward those who practise good conduct. c.The ming-t'ang is round at the top and square at the bottom. It has eight windows and four doors. It is the building whence the orders of the state proceed, and it is situated south of the capital. d.The top is round in imitation of Heaven, the bottom is square in imitation of Earth. The eight windows represent the Eight Winds, the four doors the Four Seasons; the nine compartments the Nine Provinces, the twelve seats the Twelve Months, the thirty-six single doors the Thirty-six Rains, the seventy-two window-openings the Seventy-two Winds 48.
1. 太 學 t'ai-hsüeh.
2. 經 術 ching-shu, cf. n. 14. The statement of the ages for entering the two schools corresponds with that given in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Hsi 10, 11.8a, the Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.9a (only for the 8 years), Hou han shu, Biogr. of Yang Chung, 48(38). 4b. The Shang shu ta chuan (2.37b, 38b) gives 13 and 20 years (15 and 18 in Chêng Hsüan's quotation in Li chi chu shu, 13.2a-b).
3. 學, 覺 . See Gr. Ser. nos. 1038a and f.
4. From ch. Yüeh chi of the Li chi (C. II. 28; L. II. 82).
5. Ch. XIX. 7 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 19.3a; L. 341).
6. Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 8.
7. Ch. II. 4, Lun yü chu shu, 2.2a; L. 146.
8. Ch. XVI. 9, ibid., 16.9b; L. 313; Wa. 206 (his translation here followed).
9. Li Mu 力 牧, Lu T'u 緣 圖, Ch'ih-sung-tzŭ 赤 松 子 , Wu-ch'êng-tzŭ 務 成 子, Yin Shou 尹 壽, Kuo 國, I Yin 伊 尹, Lü Wang 呂 望, Shang Fu 尚 父, Kuo-shu 虢 叔, Lao Tan 老 聃. The quotation cannot be identified, but more or less similar lists are to be found in Han shih wai chuan, 5.11a, Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, 4.5a (Wi. 46), Ch'ien fu lun, 1. 1a-b, Hsin hsü, 5.1a. Cf. also for Li Mu: M.H. I. 32, n. 3, for Wu-ch'êng-tzŭ: Hsün tzŭ, 27.66, where further Kuo is called Hsi-wang Kuo 西 王 國 (so also in Han shih wai chuan and Hsin hsü), for I Yin: M.H. I. 177ff., 187ff., for Lü Wang and Shang Fu: M.H. I. 222, n. 4; 225, n. 3; IV. 34ff., for Lao Tan: Waley, The Way and Its Power, 106-108).
10. Li chi chu shu, 1.6b; C. I. 4, where the passage reads: "The rites, as I have heard, [require that] one come to learn; I have not heard that one goes out to teach".
11. Chou i chu shu, M êng kua, 2.15a; L. 64.
12. Li chi chu shu, 12.3b; C. I. 281. The quotation is to prove that the students went out of their homes to study!
13. Ibid., 13.2b; C. I. 301.
14. 經 藝 ching-i, which probably is the same as ching-shu (see n. 2.), and taught in both schools. The Wang chih speaks of the Four Arts 四 術 ssŭ-shu, i.e. poetry, history, rites, music (Li chi chu shu, 13.2a, C. I. 300). The Chou li (chu shu, Pao shih, 14.5b-6a, B. I. 297) speaks of the Six Disciplines liu-i, which comprise the five rites, the six sorts of music, the five kinds of archery, the five kinds of charioteering, the six ways of writing, and the nine arithmetical operations.
15. Lu's reading: 授 受 inst. of 又 授.
16. Cf. the Mêng tzŭ, IVa. 18, where a different reason is given for a father not instructing his son.
17. Ch. I. 1 (Lun yü chu shu, 1.1b; L. 137). The text writes 朋 友 inst. of 有 朋 in the Lun yü.
18. Ch. XI, 10 (ibid., 11.4b; L. 240).
19. 辟 雍 .
20. 璧 , ch. ch. XXVI, n. 9.
21. 雍 .
22. 積 .
23. I prefer the original reading of the Yüan ta-tê ed. (4.19a) 殘 賊 to Lu's 儀 則.
24. Li chi chu shu, 12.3b; C. I. 281, where yung is written 癰, and p'an-kung (in our text 泮 宮) is written 頖丨. Karlgren sees 雍 as a corrupted variant of 雝 and the character yung given by the Li chi as the usual one in the combination pi-yung (Gr. Ser. nos. 1184h and j).
25. 不 言 圓 言 辟 何 (Lu's suggested reading).
26. 取 辟 (=璧) 有 德 (ibid.).
27. Ode 299: Mao shih chu shu, 29.10b; L. 616; K. 17.95; Wa. 267. For 'cress' the text has 荇 hsing inst. of 芹 ch'in (cf. Botanicon Sinicum, II. 183) in the Shih ching. Waley seems to take p'an as a proper name ('P'an'); Ch'ên Huan, however, says that the Shih ching uses p'an or p'an-kung indiscriminately in the same sense (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 29.53).
28. For Shih hsün see Vol. I, p. 68, n. 239.
29. 璜 , cf. Laufer, Jade, 169ff, and ch. XXVI, n. 10.
30. Cf. Chêng Hsüan's view in his comm. on Ode 299 (see Vol. I, p. 54). K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. (Mao shih chu shu, 29.12b) says: "To practise the rites one should face south, whereas to behold [the view the visitor] should face north". Ch'ên Huan in his Shih mao shih chuan shu 29.53 quotes the Shuo wên and the Shui ching chu, which state that there is water on the west and south of the p'an-kung, while on the east and north there is a wall.
31. 垣 .
32. Ode 299: Mao shih chu shu, 29.15b; L. 618; K. 17.95.
33. 庠, 序 . Cf. the Mêng tzŭ, IIIa.3; L. 242.
34. 庠 (=詳) .
35. 序 .
36. The text, acc. to both Lu and Ch'ên (6.8a), is corrupt, and the translation is given tentatively. The quotation is from an untransmitted chapter of the collection of rites.
37. 右 帥 yu-shih.
38. 左 帥 tso-shih.
39. 立 春 i.e. the first fifteen days after the beginning of the spring.
40. 餘 子 yü-tzŭ.
41. Cf. the more or less corresponding statement in the Ch'ien han shu, 24.5a (Nancy Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, p. 128).
42. The text is corrupt.
43. Ch. XIII. 30, Lun yü chu shu, 13.13a; L. 275. Cf. also ch. XXVIII, n. 18.
44. 靈 臺 .
45. 於 , supplied by Liu (73.3b).
46. Ode 242: Mao shih chu shu, 23.87b; L. 456; K. 17.70.
47. 明 堂 . Cf. Jonny Hefter's transl. of Wang Kuo-wei's study in Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, 1931, p. 17-35, 70-86.
48. This corresponds with a statement in Huan T'an's Hsin lun (beginning 1st. cent. A.D.), as it is quoted in the comm. on the Hsü han chih, 8.1b. Cf. also Ts'ai Yung, Ming t'ang yüeh ling lun (see Vol. I, p. 49).
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