Notes
1.
報 告 之 義 也
. The Y. ed. has 教 instead of 報. Lu's
emendation. The Wu ching t'ung i by Liu Hsiang (quoted
by the T'ai p'ing yü lan, 536.1b; also in the
Yü han, 52.4b) says: "Mount T'ai is the chief of the
Five Mountains, and the Lord of the host of spirits ( 群 神 之 主; the Yü
han has 宗 instead of 主); therefore the fêng-sacrifice
is only performed on Mount T'ai; [at the sacrifice] announcement of the
[prevailing] general peace is made to Heaven, and thanks are returned for the
labours of the host of spirits" 告 太 平 於 天 報 群 神 之 功 . The same work, quoted in the
Tpyl, 39.6a (Yü han, 1.c.), says:
"[the King] returns thanks for the labours [of Heaven and Earth] and announces
his achievement" 報 功 告 成.
2.
日
. The Y. ed. has 时. Lu's
correction.
3. About the same is said by the
Fêng su t'ung i, ch. 正 失 (2.3a) where, however, the text is
faulty, and ch. 五 嶽 (10.1b) where the text reads: 王 者 受 命 易 姓 改 制 應 天 功 成 封 禪 以 告 天 地
"When the King has received the
mandate [of Heaven], he changes the name [of the previous Dynasty], and changes
its institutions. [Having acted] in response to [the will of] Heaven his
efforts have come to a successful end, [and now] he offers the
fêng- and shan-sacrifices to
announce it to Heaven and Earth".
4.
萬 物 之 始 交 代 之 處 也
. The Y. ed. has 所 instead of 之 始 . The
Fêng su t'ung i (10.1b) reads: 萬 物 之 始 陰 陽 交 代. The Wu ching i i (quoted in the Tpyl,
39.6a; Yü han, 52.4b): 東 方 萬 物 始 交 代 之 處 "The East is the place where the
ten thousand things originate and interchange". Mount T'ai 泰 山 is in the present
province of Shan-tung, the eastern part of China. The East is the place where
the sun rises, it is the origin of all life-engendering
forces.
5.
故 升 封 者 增 高 也 下 禪 梁 甫 之 基
(the Y. ed. has 山 基 ) 廣 厚 也 . Ch. 禮 器 of the
Li chi (chu suh, 24.8a; C.I. 563) contains the
statement: 因 天 事 天 因 地 事 地
"in conformity with Heaven a sacrifice is offered to Heaven; in
conformity with Earth a sacrifice is offered to Earth", explained by Chêng
Hsüan as meaning: 天 高 因 高 者 以 事 也 地 下 因 下 者 以 事 也 "Heaven is high, and in conformity with [the nature of] the
high it is served; Earth is low, and in conformity with [the nature of] the low
it is served", which is again explained by Lu Tê-ming in his 音 義 (o.c. 8b) as: 因 天 體 之 高 以 高 處 以 事 天 地 體 卑 下 因 卑 下 之
處 以 事 地 .
"in conformity with the height of Heaven's body Heaven is served on a high
place; Earth's body is low, and taking advantage of a low place Earth is
served". The Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a-b) says: 必 於 其 上 示 增 高 也 … 下 禪 梁 甫 禮 祠 地 主 … 示 增 廣 也. "[that the fêng-sacrifice] must be performed on the
top [of Mount T'ai] is to show that its height is increased . . . . at the base
[of the mountain] the shan-sacrifice takes place on [the
peak of] Liang-fu, where the Lord of Earth is ritually worshipped . . . to show
that the solidity [of Earth] is increased" (增 廣is probably an error for 增 厚, cf. the
增 厚 of the Po hu t'ung where 廣, used verbally, is synonymous
with 增). This statement by Ying Shao is quoted, with slight variations, in the
Commentary on the Ch'ien han shu, Annals of Wu-ti
(6.25b), and translated by Dubs (The History of the Former
Han Dynasty, II. 86. n. 25.1) as: "[The sacrifice] fêng [was performed] on top of it, to show [that the
Emperor] had increased in greatness. . . . [The Emperor] descended [the
mountain and performed the sacrifice] shan at [Mount]
Liang-fu. . . ., worshipping the Ruler of Earth, to show that he had increased
the breadth [of his territory]". Professor Dubs' rendering of 增 高 and 增 廣 is incorrect,
see infra and cf. his own note 16.3 (o.c. p. 66). Cf. moreover what Fu Ch'ien 服 虔
(quoted in the Commentary of the Hou han shu, 志, 7.6a)
says: 封 者 增 天 之 高 歸 功 於 天 "the fêng-sacrifice [is performed by] increasing
the height of Heaven, and giving [the honour of the achieved] merit to Heaven",
and the still clearer text of the Sui shu (quoted in the
Tpyl, 536.7b): "the fêng- and
shan-sacrifices are concerned with what is high and
what is solid. Heaven is honoured for its height, Earth owes its beneficent
qualities to its solidity. The height of Mount T'ai is increased to give
thank-offerings to Heaven; the base of [the peak of] Liang-fu is made more
solid to give thank-offerings to Earth". Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on
ch. 禮 器 of the Li chi (chu shu, 24.9b) the fêng-sacrifice took place on an elevated altar
t'an 壇, while for the shan-
sacrifice a 'level base' shan 墠 is made, for which earth
has been removed 除 地 為 墠 . The names of the altars have even led to the names of the
sacrifices. So the Commentary in the Hou han shu, Annals
of Kuang-wu-ti (1 下. 28b) says: 封 謂 聚 土 為 壇 墠 謂 除
地 而 祭 改 墠 為 禪 神 之 也"Fêng means that earth is
gathered [and heaped up] for an elevated altar; shan
means that earth is removed to [make the place of] sacrifice; [the word]
shan [indicating the level base] is changed into
shan [indicating the sacrifice], because it is imbued
with spiritual power". Cf. however the explanation of shan given by the Po hu t'ung, infra
n. 309. The difference between t'an and
shan is explained by Chêng Hsüan in his Comm. on ch. 祭 法 of
the Li chi (chu shu, 16.9b) in the same way as K'ung
Ying-ta. It seems that, in general, t'an and
shan are indiscriminately used for altar (Tz'ŭ hai, 丑. 196). The size of the altar for the
fêng-sacrifice is given with many variations: 50 feet
in diameter and 9 feet high (Le T'ai chan, 20), 120 feet
wide and 20 feet high (Ying Shao in the Comm. on the Ch'ien
han shu, 1.c.; the Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) wrongly
gives 120 feet wide and 3 feet high), 12 feet wide and 9 feet high (Ch'ien han shu, 25 上.37a; Ying Shao, in Comm.
Ch'ien han shu, 6.25b, says this was the altar erected
by Wu-ti). It was round, whereas the altar for the shan-sacrifice was square (Le T'ai
chan, 20-21). Mount T'ai is, for the rest, only 1545 metres high (ibid.,
4).
6.
皆 刻 石 紀 號 者 著 己 之 功 跡 以 自 効 也
. Lu's reading of the text, which in
the Y. ed. omits 皆, has 也 after 跡, and 效 放 in stead of 効. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on
ch. 禮 器 of the Li chi (chu shu, 24.9b), quoting this
statement of the Po hu t'ung, writes 勸 instead of 效 放. The
Fêng su t'ung i (2.3a) has 著 己 績, the T'ung
tien (54.310) 著 己 功 績 'to show his accomplishments'. Dubs (o.c. 86. n. 25.1)
translates 紀 號 occurring in Mêng K'ang's Comm. (Ch'ien han
shu, 6.25b) by 'recording his words', but K'ung Ying-ta (1.c.) paraphrases
it as: 紀 錄 當 代 號 謚 'to record in engraving the appellation [of the present ruler] and the
posthumous names [of the previous rulers] of the reigning Dynasty'. Ying Shao
(quoted in the Commentary of the Ch'ien han shu, 1.c.)
writes 紀 績, translated by Dubs as 'to record his achievements', but it is probably
a contamination, for the text in the Fêng su t'ung i
(2.3a) has: 紀 號 著 己 績 也'to record his appellation and therewith to show his
accomplishments'. The sentence 刻 石 紀 號 is acc. to Chêng Hsüan's Comm. (Li chi chu shu, 24.8a) from some Commentary on the
Hsiao ching 孝 經 說, acc. to K'ung Ying-ta an Apocryphal Work
on the Hsiao ching (o.c. 9b).
7.
以 報 天
. The Y. ed. has 放 instead of 報. Lu's
correction.
8. The Y. ed. has 天 地 instead of 天. Corr. by
Lu.
9.
功 成 事 就
. In the Y. ed. 遂 is written instead
of 就. Lu's corr.
10. The Fêng su t'ung
i (2.3a) has only 金 泥 銀 繩 印 之 璽 'a gold stamp with silver bindings and sealed with a
seal', which is evidently a contamination of the fuller Po
hu t'ung text. Mêng K'ang's Comm. in the Ch'ien han
shu, 1.c., reads in Dubs' translation (1.c.) "there was the sealing (feng) of a golden document on a stone envelop (han 函) with a golden mortar [seal] on a jade envelop top (chien 撿)". These brief descriptions gives us no clear idea of
what the sacrifice really was. According to Chavannes (Le
T'ai chan, 22-24) five jade tablets were inscribed and piled up one upon
the other. They were held together by jade slabs of the same size on the top
and at the bottom, then fastened with gold bindings. The whole was afterwards
put in a box of jade, and this again in a stone box consisting of three
rectangular pieces, which was then held together by ten stone laths and three
gold bindings. The stone box was finally secured by twelve stone beams of each
ten feet long, which in four layers of three beams pressed it on four sides.
This seems to have been the practice during the Han, and the second description
of the Po hu t'ung (stone stamp, gold bindings) roughly
corresponds with it. The first description (gold stamp, silver bindings)
applies, according to Ch'ên, to the custom during the Chou and before, which
hypothesis is, of course, not based on fact.
11.
故 孔 子 曰 升 泰 山 觀 易 姓 之 王 可 得 而 數 者 七 十 有 餘 君
. In the Y. ed. 君 is missing. This
legend has been repeatedly and variously told. The Shih
chi contains two statements. One (28.5a-b) reads in Chavannes' translation
(M.H. III. 423): "Dans l'antiquité, ceux qui ont fait le
sacrifice Jong sur le T'ai-chan
et le sacrifice chan sur le mont Leang-fou, ont étć au nombre de soixante-douze personnes,
mais ceux dont moi, I-ou, je me souviens, sont au nombre
de douze". The Shih chi seems to have copied this
passage from the Kuan tzŭ, ch. 封 禪, which has, however,
been lost since the beginning of the T'ang. See the 管 子 校 正 by Tai Wang 戴 望 1837-1873
(5.53). A similar statement is now found in ch. 地 數 of the Kuan
tzŭ (3.83): "The fêng-sacrifice is offered on Mount
T'ai, the shan-sacrifice on [the peak of] Liang-fu. The
Kings who have performed these fêng- and
shan-sacrifices [number] seventy-two Houses. The number
of those who have gained and lost [their empires] are comprised herein". This
chapter, acc. to Forke, Geschichte der alten Chinesischen
Philosophie, 75, belongs to the nineteen sections of which the character
is doubtful. Lo Kên-tsê includes it among the sections which he takes to have
been composed in the period between Emperors Wu and Chao (Ku shih pien, IV. 622). The other statement (28.7a) reads in
Chavannes' translation (o.c. 427): "K'ong-tse recensa et
transmit à la postérité les six ouvrages canoniques; un récit traditionnel dit
en abrégé que parmi ceux qui devinrent rois en fondant une dynastie de nom
nouveau, ceux qui firent le sacrifice jong sur le
T'ai-chan et le sacrifice chan
sur le mont Leang-fou furent au nombre de plus de
soixante-dix". The Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (7.21a-b) says:
"[The number of] those who performed the fêng-sacrifice
on the top of Mount T'ai and the shan-sacrifice at the
base [of the peak] of Liang-fu, having assumed kingship by changing the
[Dynasty's] name, and whose spiritual power was like [that of] Yao and Shun,
amounted to seventy-two". Ying Shao's Fêng su t'ung i
(2.2b) relates that "Confucius said that [the number of those who performed]
the fêng-sacrifice on Mount T'ai and the
shan-sacrifice on [the peak of] Liang-fu which could be
counted amounted to seventy-two". The same statement is repeated
verbatim in his Han kuan i, 下.13a
( 平 津 館 叢 書 ed.). Chang Hua 張 華 (232-300) in his 封 禪 議 (quoted in the Tpyl,
536.11b) says: "Those who have climbed Mount T'ai [number] seventy-four [Lords
of Dynastic] Houses, [the number of those] whose posthumous names and appel-
lations can be known amounts to fourteen". Finally the Han
shih wai chuan (quoted by Chang Shou-chieh's 正 義 on Shih
chi, 28.5b, and in an abbreviated form by Ssŭ-ma Chêng in his
supplementary chapter in the Shih chi, M.H. I. 20)
states the following: "When Confucius climbed Mount T'ai and made an inspection
of those who assumed kingship by changing the [former Dynasty's] name ( 觀 易 姓 而 王) [he
found that the number of] those who could be counted amounted to more than
seventy persons, [while the number of those] who could not be counted amounted
to tens of thousands".
12.
封 者 廣 也
. Mêng K'ang (I.c.) explains
fêng by ch'ung 崇 'to elevate' (Dubs
1.c.). Mao's Chuan (Mao shih chu shu, 26.12a) explains
fêng by ta 大 'great', so also K'ung
An-kuo's Chuan (Shang shu chu shu, 2.15b) and Tu Yü's
Commentary (Tso chuan chu shu, 52.28b). For further
examples see Juan Yüan's Ching chi chuan ku, p. 22. The
Commentary of Wei Chao (197-278) on the Kuo yü (Chin yü, 14.6b) explains
fêng as hou 厚 'to privilege'.
Kuang, ch'ung, ta, hou (literally 'thick, to make
thick') all convey the idea of 'aggrandizement'.
13.
言 禪 者 明 以 成 功 相 傳 也
. The explanation of 禪 as 傳 'to
transmit' is also given by Kao Yu's Commentary on the Huai
nan tzŭ (10.10b). In the Books of Mencius, ch. 萬 章 上(Mêng tzŭ
chu shu, 9 下. 5a; L. 361)禪is likewise used in this sense. The
Po hu t'ung thus disagrees with the explanation of in
the Commentary on the Hou han shu (which also occurs in
the Commentary on ch. 保 傳 of the Ta tai li chi, 3.10b), cf.
n. 301.
14.
正 於 梁 甫 何
. Acc. to Ch'ên 正 is
superfluous.
15.
明 已 成 功 而 去 有 德 者 居 之
. The Sub-comm. on ch. of the
Li chi (1.c.), quoting the Po hu
t'ung, says: 禪 於 有 德 者 而 居 之 無 窮 已"[The three August Ones] performed the shan-sacrifice on the powerful [mountain] and stayed there
without end", which reading is undoubtedly inferior to that of the
Po hu t'ung.
16.
繹 繹 者 無 窮 之 意 也
. Mount I-i is probably the same as
Mount I 嶧 in present Shan-tung, which in 219 B.C. was climbed by Ch'in Shih
huang-ti, who had an inscription made on stone (Shih
chi, 6.14b; M.H. II. 140). It was probably a range
of mountains, which could suggest the idea of never-ending heights. The
Fêng su t'ung i (2.3b) explains I-i differently: 繹 繹 者 無 所 指 斥 也
I-i means
irreproachable".
17.
五 帝 禪 於 亭 亭 之 山
. The last four words are missing in
the Y. ed.
18.
亭 亭 者 制 度 審 諟 道 德 著 明 也
. The Y. ed. omits 道. Instead of 諟 the
Sub-comm. on ch.禮 器( Li chi chu shu, 1.c.) writes 諦. The
Comm. on the Ta tai li chi, ch. 保 傳 (3.10b), quoting the
Po hu t'ung, says that t'ing-t'ing means that "the rules for virtuous [conduct]
have been examined and made known" 德 法 審 著.
19. (in the Y. ed. order is reversed) 信 也.
The identification is probably through the homophony of 梁 and 良, both pronounced
liang (*1 iang, Gr. Ser. 735a and
738a). The two words are sometimes used interchangeably, so the name of the
famous charioteer Wang Liang is written 王 良 in the Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 6 上.2a; L. 262) and 王 梁 in ch 正 論 of the
Hsün tzŭ (18.72). Liang 良 'good' is
often used in the meaning of nsin 信'sincere' (see for
examples the Ching chi chuan ku, p. 311).
20.
甫 者
(the Y. ed. omits 者)輔 也. The
Fêng su t'ung i (2.3b) writes 梁 父, and explains it by 信 父 ,
i.e., that the words exchanged between father and son should be
sincere.
21.
信
(missing in the Y. ed.) 輔 天 地 之 道 而 行 之 也. Ch. 封 禪 of the
Shih chi (28.5a-b; M.H. III.
423-424) contains a statement, according to which all the twelve Sovereigns
whom Kuan Chung or Kuan I-wu could remember and enumerate, performed the
shan-sacrifice at Mount Yün-yün 云 云 (which may be
identified with Mount I-i), with the exception of Huang-ti, who used Mount
T'ing-t'ing, Yü 禹, who used Mount Kuei-chi 會 稽, and King Ch'êng, 成 who used Mount
Shê-shou 社 首(for Kuei-chi see M.H. I. 162. n. 4; for
Shê-shou M.H. III. 424. n. 5 and Le
T'ai chan, 21).
22. A pun on the words tai 岱 in Tai-tsung 岱 宗 and tai 代 meaning 'to
replace, change'. The Fêng su t'ung i (10.1b) explains
岱 by 長 chang 'chief'. "Tai-tsung is [only another name for]
Mount T'ai" Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien explains in his quotation from the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 2.10a; L. 35;
Shih chi, 28.1b; M.H. I. 62; III.
415). Mount T'ai or Tai-tsung is one of the Five Sacred
Mountains.
23.
燎 祭 天
. The Shu
ching (1.c.) uses 柴 chai instead of 燎 liao. Acc. to Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 31, the liao 'burnt offering' consisted
of seven parts of the victims (少 牢, i.e. a pig and a sheep), which were burnt
together with the precious jade kuei 珪(Kung yang cha shu, 12.28b).
24. The sacrifices to the mountains,
rivers, etc. are all offered at the same time (K'ung An-kuo's Chuan in Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b),
namely on the occasion of a 'Tour of Inspection' hsün-shou 巡 守. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. 禮 器(Li chi chu shu, 24.9a) the Jêng- and
shan-sacrifices must be performed on this Tour of
Inspection, but only when general peace prevails. Otherwise it is omitted. The
passage from the Shu ching referred to in n. 321, and
the quotations from the Shih ching infra (see n. 322 and
323) describe such a Tour of Inspection, but the Po hu
t'ung makes the latter refer to the performance of the fêng- and shan-sacrifices
also.
25.
望 祭 山 川 祀 群 神 也
. Cf. the almost similar passage in
the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b; L. 34). The
望 wang-sacrifice was offered to 'the famous mountains and
great streams of the nine provinces, namely the Five Sacred Peaks and the Four
Rivers (the Chiang 江, the Ho 河, the Huai 淮, and the Chi 此 字 为 “水” 字 旁 加 “齊”, which all open to the
sea)', see K'ung An-kuo's Chuan and K'ung Ying-ta's
Sub-comm. in Shang shu chu shu, 1.c. and 9a. The
Ch'un ch'iu, Hsi 31, mentions the 三 望, which Tu Yü holds to
be the sacrifice to 'certain stars, with the mountains of Lu and its rivers'
(Tso chuan chu shu, 16.9a; L. 219). Kung-yang sees in it
the sacrifice to Mount T'ai, the Ho and the sea (Kung yang
chu shu, 12.28a). The Chou li, ch. 大 宗 伯 (Chou li chu shu, 18.36b; B. I. 439) speaks of the 四 望,
explained as meaning the sacrifice to the sun, the moon, the stars, and the
sea, or the sacrifice to the Five Mountains, the Four Peaks, and the Four
Rivers opening to the sea. Out of the various conflicting opinions Sun I-jang
states his own: "Wang is the general name for the
sacrifice to the mountains and rivers; ssŭ-wang stands
for the sacrifice performed on and at the highest and greatest of these
mountains and rivers, and embracing the sacrifices to all of them" (Li chi chêng i, quoted in the Tz'ŭ
hai, 丑.126).
26.
於 皇 时 周 徙 其 高 山
. Ode 296: 般(Mao
shih chu shu, 28.31b). The Y. ed. has 明 instead of 时. I have followed Chêng
Hsüan's explanation of the words, except for 皇 which he explains by 君 'Lord, he who
is Lord of', but should better be taken in the original, adjectival, sense. 高 山 is
understood by Mao as referring to the four Sacred Mountains (the fifth, and
central, mountain not being sacrificed to; Mao's opinion here runs counter to
K'ung An-kuo's and K'ung Ying-ta's, see n. 321), but the context of the
Po hu t'ung requires it to be rendered in the singular.
Though sacrifices are offered to all the Sacred Mountains, it is only on Mount
T'ai that the fêng- and shan-sacrifices take place (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on Ode
273: 时 邁, Mao shih chu shu, 26.23b). The translations by
Legge (L. 609), Waley (Wa. 238), and Karlgren (K. 17.94) of the
Shih ching passage quoted give no sense in the
Po hu t'ung text.
27.
墮 山 喬 嶽 允 猶 翕 河
. Ibid. In this case, too, Chêng
Hsüan's explanation of the words is followed in order to make the
Po hu t'ung context intelligible.
28.
百 神 來 歸
. Probably this expression is an
extension and elucidation of the 群 神 in the Shu ching
(l.c.), which, acc. to K'ung An-kuo, comprise 'the spirits of hills, hillocks,
mounds, mountain-slopes, and of the ancient Sages and the worthy' 丘 陵 墳 衍 古 之 聖
賢 (Shang shu chu shu, 2.5b).
29. This paragraph coming close after
the treatise on the fêng- and the shan-sacrifices seems to be irrelevant. The connection,
however, becomes clear when we read in the Shih chi (ch.
封 禪, 28.5a-b) that, according to Kuan Chung's expostulation with Duke Huan of
Ch'i, the fêng- and the shan-sacrifices could only be performed when general peace
prevailed in all under Heaven, while the fact that general peace prevailed
should be attested by the appearance of lucky omens. The Po
hu t'ung only deals with a part of the considerable number of strange
phenomena, taking its material chiefly from the Yüan shên
ch'i. For a fuller enumeration I may refer to the Jui
ying t'u 瑞 應 圖 by Sun Jou-chih 孫 柔 之 of the Liang Dynasty (502-556) and edited by Ma
Kuo-han in the Yü han shan fang chi i shu, vol. 77; to
the Sung shu by Shên Yo 沈 約 (441-513), which devotes three
lengthy chapters to the subject (符 瑞, 上, 中, 下, ch. 27-29), giving the dates on which the
omens appeared from antiquity to the end of the 5th century; and to the
Lun hêng by Wang Ch'ung (27-97), which contains ample
discussion on lucky omens.
30.
承 天 統 理 調 和 陰 陽
. The Y. ed. omits 天. The
I wên lei chü (98.1b), quoting the Po
hu t'ung, writes 顺 instead of 統. The Jui ying t'u
(77.2a) says: 王 者 承 天 德 理. . . . "When the King assists Heaven in its regulation by
spiritual power. . . .".
31. This conforms with a statement of
the Yüan shên ch'i as it is quoted in the Sub-comm. on
ch.禮 運 of the Li chi (chu shu, 22.28b). Ma Kuo-han's ed. of
the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.21a) gives a slight
addition: "When the King's spiritual power affects Heaven, then it envelops and
carries the sun 日 抱 戴 etc". For the Sweet Dew see infra, n. 357.
32.
德 至 地 則 嘉 禾 生 蓂 莢 起 秬 鬯 出 華 苹 盛
. For the last three words the Y.
ed. has 太 平 感, corrected, foll. the T'ai p'ing yü lan, by
Ch'ên who is supported by Liu (73.4a). The Yüan shên ch'i (Li
chi chu shu, l.c.) omits these words, Ma Kuo-han (Yü
han, 58.21b) writes . For the Auspicious Grain and the ming-chieh see infra, n. 360 華 苹 感 and n. 351, for the
chü-ch'ang 秬 鬯 see ch. XX, 改 黜of the Po hu
t'ung. The hua-p'ing is, acc. to the description in
the Sung shu (29.43b; occurring also in the
Hsiang jui t'u 祥 瑞 圖, quoted in the Tpyl, 873.6a), a plant of which "the branches are straight
and horizontal; if the King displays 'virtue' it grows; if his 'virtue' is
strong [the branches] turn upwards; if it is weak they turn down-
wards".
33.
德 至 八 表 則 景 星 見 五 緯 順 軌
. The Y. ed. writes 文 instead of 八,
corrected by Ch'ên. The Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.) only has 德 至 八 極 則 景 星 見. 八 表
and 八 極 probably mean the same
as 八 荒 , which occurs in the Shih chi (6.42b, where Chia I
says of Ch'in Shih huang-ti that he had 'the intention of swallowing up the
eight barbarian regions' 并 吞 八 荒 之 心 ), and is translated by Chavannes as 'les huit
contrées sauvages' (M.H. II. 225). The Shuo yüan (18.4a) says that "within the eight barbarian
regions 八 荒 are the four seas 四 海 , within the four seas are the nine provinces 九 州; the
Son of Heaven dwells in the central province whence he rules the eight
directions" 八 方. For the Luminous Star see infra, n. 356. 五 緯 is the same as 五 星'the Five
Planets' (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch. 大 宗 伯, Chou li chu shu,
18.2b). Chia Kung-yen's Sub-comm. gives a further explanation: they are called
wei 緯, because the 28 mansions follow Heaven in their
revolving leftward, forming the warp ching 經, whereas the
five planets in their revolving rightward form the woof wei (o.c. 3a). The names of these Five Planets are:
sui-hsing 歲 星 Jupiter, jung-huo 熒 惑 Mars,
chêng-hsing 鎮 星 or 填 星 Saturn, t'ai-po 太 白
Venus, and ch'ên-hsing 辰 星 Mercury (Shuo
yüan, 18.2b; Yang Shih-hsün's Sub-comm. in Ku liang chu
shu, Preface, 3a; Schlegel, Uranographie
chinoise, 614 ff.). They correspond with the Five Elements wood, fire,
metal, water, and earth, and with the east, the south, the west, the north, and
the centre respectively (cf. ch. 天 文 志 of the Ch'ien han shu,
26.19a-26a; ch. 天 文 訓 of the Huai nan tzŭ, 3.5b-6b). The
K'ao ling yao 考 靈 耀 (an Apocryphal Book of
History, quoted in the Tpyl, 5.3a) says that "when
Jupiter has its right course the Five Grains will grow abundantly, when Mars
has its right course sweet rain will fall in the proper time, when Saturn has
its right course the earth will have no calamities, when Venus has its right
course the Five Grains will develop and ripen and the people will be happy".
The Pao p'u tzŭ (內 篇, 15.3a) contains the following recipe:
In order to attain long life one should "in spring turn towards the east and
drink the green fluid of Jupiter, letting it enter the liver; in summer submit
to the red fluid of Mars, letting it enter the heart; in the last month of each
of the four seasons drink the yellow fluid of Saturn, letting it enter the
spleen; in autumn drink the white fluid of Venus, letting it enter the lungs;
in winter submit to the black fluid of Mercury, letting it enter the kidneys".
The expression 順 軌 is probably derived from the fuller expression 月 五 星 順 入 軌 道
, occurring in
the Ch'ien han shu (26.10b), meaning (acc. to Wang
Hsien-ch'ien's Comm.) "the moon and the Five Planets follow the constant way of
declining to the west". The same chapter (26.35a) also contains the passage 天 下 太 平 五 星 循 度
"When general peace prevails in all under Heaven the Five Planets follow their
regular [courses]". The Huai nan tzŭ. (8.1b) writes: 五 星 循 軌 而 不 失 其 行;
Kao Yu's Commentary explains 軌 as 道 and 循 as 順.
34.
德 至 草 木 朱 草 生 木 連 理
. The same is said by the
Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu,
1.c.; Yü han, 58.23a). For the Vermilion Grass see
infra, n. 358. The Jui ying t'u (77.43b) says: "When a
tree has different roots and the same trunk they are said to have intertwined
lien-li 連 理. When through the King's spiritual power the
[peoples of the] eight directions are converted and appeased and united into
one nation the trees intertwine "木 連 理. Acc. to Ts'ao Chih 曹 植(192-232), quoted in the
Tpyl, 873.13a, lien-li refers to
trees 'with different trunks but the same branches'. The Sung
shu (29.37a ff.) gives instances of all sorts of trees which have inter-
twined, representing lucky omens.
35. The Yüan shên
ch'i (Li chi chu shu, l.c.) has: "When his spiritual
power affects the birds and quadrupeds, then the fêng-huang comes, the lüan-bird
dances, the ch'i-lin arrives, the White Tiger moves
about, and there appear the Nine-tailed Fox and the Pheasant with a White
Head". Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the same work (58.23b) adds: "the White Crow
descends, the White Deer is visible". For the fêng-huang
see infra, under t, and for the Nine-tailed Fox see n. 355. The
lüan-bird 鸞 鳥 is acc. to the Shuo wên
(4 上.77-78) "the essence of the spirit of [the colour] red; its colour is
deep-red with five shades, in its song the five tones [are comprised], it comes
when [the people are so thankful that] songs of praise are produced [by them
for their benevolent ruler]". The Shan hai ching (2.12a)
relates that "in the Girl's Couch-mountains there is a bird' whose form is like
that of a pheasant and is adorned with five colours. It is called the
lüan-bird. When it is visible [it is a sign that] all
under Heaven is peaceful and tranquil". The Jui ying t'u
(77.46a), evidently elaborating the Shuo wên statement,
says: "The lüan-bird is the essence of the spirit of
[the colour] red. It is the companion of the fêng-huang.
Inshape it resembles the pheasant, and it is five-coloured. It has the body of
a hen, its feathers are adorned with five shades. Its natural song, which
comprises the five tones, sounds like su-su yung-yung.
When it is pleased it sings and dances". The lüan is
nearly always mentioned together with the fêng-huang in
the Shan hai ching (7.4b; 11.5a-b; 15.3b; 16.3a, 4a). On
the ch'i-lin many pages could be written. Chinese
literature abounds with allusions to this strange creature. It is an animal
representing consideration for others jên 仁. The male
is called ch'i 麒, the female lin 麟.
It has the body of a stag, the tail of a cow, and the forehead of a wolf. It
has one horn, is yellow-coloured, and possesses horses' hoofs. It does not
tread on living insects, nor does it break living grass. It lives to 10,000
years (culled at random from the Tpyl, 889.6a-9a; cf.
also the Lun hêng, ch. 50, Forke I. 359 ff.; for further
literature see T'oung Pao, XXXVI, 399). Though it is an
auspicious beast, when it appears while its time has not yet come, it is the
presage of a calamity (Shuo yüan, 18.10b-11a;
Chia yü, 4.16b-17a). In the 15th century the giraffe
made from Bengal its first appearance in China, and was, not inappropriately,
identified with the ch'i-lin (Duyvendak in
T'oungPao, l.c.). Acc. to the
Jui ying t'u the White Crow appears when the ancestral
temples receive reverent attendance (77.45b), the White Deer is to be seen when
the King never forgets to continue the laws and ordinances of the ancient Sages
(49b), and the White Tiger, which possesses consideration for others
jên and does not harm men, comes when the King does not
commit cruel deeds (52b). The White Tiger is called kan甝
acc. to Erh ya chu shu, 11.4a, and Hao Ihsing's Comm.
on the Shan hai ching, 2.21b.
36. So far the passage corresponds with
the Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu
shu, l.c.). The same work (ed. in Yü han, 58.22a)
says: "When his spiritual power affects the mountains, rivers, hillocks, and
hills, then the Luminous Cloud appears". The Luminous Cloud ching-yün 景 雲 is, acc. to the Jui ying
t'u, 77.32a, also called Felicitous Cloud ch'ing-yün 慶 雲; it is neither vapour nor smoke, and it has a
mixture of five colours.
37.
芝 實 茂
. The chih-plant usually comes out in the sixth month; in spring
it is green, in summer purple, in autumn white, in winter black; it can
protract man's life; it grows when the King treats the old with kindness and
reverence (Jui ying t'u, 77.43a). The Lun hêng (19.13a; Forke, 11.215) mentions
chih-plants of which the longest measured one foot and
four to five inches, and the shortest seven to eight inches; stalks and leaves
were of a purple colour.
38.
陵 出 黑 丹
. The Y. ed. writes 異 instead of 黑.
Tan means cinnabar, but it is also used in the meaning
of 'red'. So the Shan hai ching (2.6a) has 丹 水, which is
explained by Hao I-hsing as 赤 水. The Comm. of Sung Chung on the Yüan shên ch'i explains the use of tan in 黑 丹 as: 'responding to the Five Canons of Rules
tan completes the five colours' 應 五 典 備 五 色 也
(Yü
han, 58.22b). Kuo P'o in his Comm. on the Shan hai
ching (16.4a) says that besides tan indicating its
own colour (red) "black, white, and yellow are also called tan" 黑 白 黃 皆 云 丹 也. In the Wên hsüan (3.8a) the
expression occurs 黑 丹 石 錙. The Comm. of Hsieh Tsung 薛 綜 (d. 243 A.D.) explains it as 'black
stone many-coloured'. 黑 石 雜 色 也. The Comm. of Liu Liang 劉 良 (T'ang Dynasty) says: "Chih is black; it means red and black minerals mixed up
together" 錙 黑 也 言 丹 黑 土 石 相 雜. The Shan hai ching further contains the
expression 櫨 丹, which is explained by Hao I-hsing as 黑 丹 (5.18a).
39.
阜 出 萐 莆
. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 連 甫. For
the sha-fu see infra, n. 345. The Erh
ya chu shu (6.9b) says: "A high plain is called lu.
An extensive lu is called fu"
高 平 曰 陸 大 陸 曰 阜.
40. . This expression also occurs in ch.禮 運
of the Li chi (chu shu, 22.27a), and translated by
Couvreur as 'des ustensils et des chars tout faits' (C. I. 536), by Legge as
'implements and chariots' (L. I. 392), probably following Chêng Hsüan, who in
his Commentary explains 器 as indicating 'silver goblets and red vases' 銀 甕 丹 甑. K'ung
Ying-ta in his Sub-comm. (o.c. 28a) quotes the Tou wei i 斗 威 儀
(an Apocryphal Book of Rites) which speaks of 山 車 垂 鉤,
explained by Sung Chung's Comm. as meaning a natural carriage (not made by man)
with wheels curved round without being bent by man. 器 車 had better be understood as
one compound, synonymous with 山 車 'mountain carriage', 木 根 車 'tree-root carriage',
金 車 'metal carriage', or 象 車 'model carriage', which names occur in Sung Chung's Comm.
on the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.22a-b).
41.
澤 出 神 鼎
. The Spiritual Tripod is, acc. to
the Jui ying t'u (77.35b), the essence of substance and
form; it has knowledge of luck and disaster, of gain and loss; it can be light
and it can be heavy; it rests quiet and it moves; its contents boil without
being heated; it is always full without being refilled; whatever is in it will
comprise the Five Tastes.
42. The Y. ed. has 通 ; the
Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu,
22.28b) 湧; Ma Kuo-han (Yü han, 58.23a) 涌, followed by Lu and
Ch'ên.
43. So far it corresponds with the
Yüan shên ch'i (Li chi chu shu,
l.c.). The Yellow Dragon 黃 龍 is the chief of the four dragons, [its colour is] the
right colour of the four quarters (i.e. yellow occupies the central position),
[it represents] the spiritual essence, it can assume a large and a small shape,
it can be visible and invisible, it can shorten and lenghten itself. Sometimes
it is there, then it disappears. . . . . it does not go in crowds, neither does
it live gregariously, it waits for the wind and the rain before it floats in
the midst of the spring-breeze, it roams in the wastes beyond the [visible]
Heavens, whence it comes and whither it goes in response to the command [of
Heaven], it descends and ascends according to [the condition of] the time: if a
Sage appears it is to be seen, if not it hides (Jui ying
t'u, 77.54b). For the Source of Fragrant Wine see infra, n. 359. For the
Dragon Chart lung-t'u 龍 圖, also called ho-t'u 河 圖 'the Chart of the [river] Ho', and the Turtle Book
kuei-shu 龜 書, also called lo-shu洛 書
'the Book of the [river] Lo', see Granet, La pensée
chinoise, 177 ff., and what is said in the Shang shu
chung hou (Yü han, 53.22a ff.). The
Lun hêng (22.12a; Forke, I. 238) says that "the Chart of
the [river] Ho and the Book of the [river] Lo indicate the rise and fall, the
progress and the decline, and the opportunities of Emperors and
Kings".
44.
江 出 大 貝 海 出 明 珠
. The Jui ying
t'u (77.39b) says that the Great Shell appears when the King does not
covet riches and treasures; its size can fill a carriage. The Brilliant Pearl
is also called Brilliant Moon Pearl 明 月 珠. It appears when "the tax on fish and salt
is just and only amounts to one tenth [of the produce]" (ibid.,
39a).
45.
德 至 八 方 則 祥 風 至
. This corresponds with the
Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.22a).
The eight directions are the four quarters and their four corners. The
Erh ya (chu shu, 5.13a) speaks of the 景 風
, which acc. to
the Sub-comm. of Hsing Ping 刑 昺 (932-1010) is the same as 祥 風.
46. I.e. for the east the I 夷, for the
south the Man 蠻, for the west the Jung 戎, and for the north the Ti 狄.
47.
越 裳
. The Yüan shên
ch'i (Yü han, 58.44a) relates that "in the time of
King Ch'êng the Yüeh-shang offered a white pheasant". This story also occurs in
the Shang shu ta chuan (2.24b), in the Shuo yüan (18.13a), and in the Lun
hêng (8.8a; Forke, I. 505). Elsewhere the Lun hêng
(5.4a, Forke, II. 166; 16.18a; Forke, I. 367; 19.5b, Forke, II. 199; 19.19b,
Forke, II. 208) writes 越 常 Yüeh-ch'ang instead of Yüeh-shang. In the
Sung shu (29.44b) it is told that "in the time of the
Duke of Chou the Yüeh-ch'ang came to offer a white pheasant and ivory". The
Yüeh-shang or Yüeh-ch'ang were a tribe residing in the region between Yün-nan,
Birma and Annam (Eberhard, Kultur und Siedlung der Rand-
völker Chinas, 341). In 1 A.D. Wang Mang, when still being Commander in
Chief, used the tribute of a white pheasant as a device to be likened to the
Duke of Chou (Ch'ien han shu, 99 上.5a-b).
48.
孝 道 至 則 萐 莆 生 庖 廚
. Lu's reading of the faulty text of
the Y. ed.
49. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 莲 甫. The
Jui ying t'u (77.41a; Tpyl,
873.5b-6a) says that the sha-fu grows when the King does
not overdo his relishes, and his table does not exceed the capacity of his
kitchen. It is also called i-shan 倚 扇, or shih-lü 實 閭, or i-sha 倚萐. Its branches
interlace, it has many leaves but few roots, the latter resemble silk threads.
When it turns the wind arises. It guards the food and drinks, keeping them
fresh and cool, and driving away and killing the insects. The Lun hêng (17.7b; Forke, II. 316 gives the name 'meat-fan')
and the Sung shu (27.4a) write 萐 脯.
50.
繼 嗣 平
. The Y. ed. superfluously has 明 after
平. Dropped by Lu.
51. The Y. ed. has 在 instead of 生. The
Tpyl (873.13b), quoting the Po hu
t'ung, writes 賔 連 闊 達 pin-lien-k'uo-ta instead of
賓 連 pin-lien. The Jui ying t'u
(77.43b) says: "When the King observes the [proper] distinction between
principal wife and concubines, when there is [proper] discrimination between
men and women, then the pin-lien-yüeh 賓 連 閱 grows at [the
doors of] his chambers. Another name is pin-lien-ta 賓 連 達 ,
another pin-lien-k'uo 賓 連 闊 . It grows at [the doors of] his
chambers to symbolize that in his visits to his concubines he observes
regularity".
52.
蓂 莢
. The Y. ed. superfluously has 以
between the two words.
53.
月 一 日 一 莢 生
. The Y. ed. has 月 一 日 生 一 莢. Lu's
emendation.
54.
一 莢 去
. The Y. ed. has 去 莢. Lu's
correction.
55.
以 明 日 月 也
. The Y. ed. has 似 instead of 以 明. Acc.
to the Jui ying t'u (77.41a-b; Tpyl, 873.7b) "the ming-chieh has
round leaves and is five-coloured. Another name is li-chieh . Its fifteen leaves grow at the rate of one a day,
from the first day of the moon until the full moon; on the sixteenth day the
leaves begin to fall off at the rate of one a day until the last day of the
moon. If the [lunar-]moon is short, then one leaf shrinks up but does not fall
off". Sung Chung's Comm. on the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.21b) says:
"In the time of Yao the ming-chieh grew at both sides of
the steps; it registered the first day of the moon. . . . its taste was sour.
The King used it to harmonize the taste [of food], later it was replaced by
vinegar". See also the Lun hêng, 17.8a; Forke, 11.317,
who translates ming-chieh by 'monthly
plant'.
56.
王 者 使 賢 不 肖
. The first three words are missing
in the Y. ed. and supplied by Lu. Hsiao 肖 is probably
cognate with hsiao 削 meaning 'to scrape off, to cut off;
thus 'to fall short of, to be unlike (the original)'. The negative
pu-hsiao in this way means 'not to fall short of, to be
similar to, to imitate (an example)'. But usually the expression
pu-hsiao is used to convey the meaning of 'not to be
similar to', and hsiao then comes to bear the positive
meaning of 'to be similar to', and cognate to hsiao
孝.
57. P'ing-lu 平 路 is
written in the 平 露 Jui ying t'u (77.44a; Tpyl, 873.13b) and the Sung shu
(29.43b). The Jui ying t'u says of it that it is "like a
dais; it grows in the court-yard, and symbolizes the just government of the
four quarters. If the King does not use favourites as officers, then the
government of the four quarters will be just. If the eastern quarter is not
governed justly, then the [leaves on the] west will droop; if the northern
quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves on the] south will droop; if
the western quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves on the] east will
droop; if the southern quarter is not governed justly, then the [leaves in the]
north will droop. If the four quarters are not governed justly, then the roots
will be like threads of silk. [The plant is also] called p'ing-liang 平 兩".
58.
檀 弓
Ch. of the Li chi
(chu shu, 7.1a; C. 1. 131) also contains this passage about the dying fox
turning its head towards the hill; it is there taken as an example of
faithfulness to one's home. The same is said by the Huai nan
tzŭ, ch. 說 林 訓 (17.1b), where it is told that birds fly back to their native
regions, hares return to their holes, dying foxes turn their heads towards the
hills, and the han-chiang 寒 將 (either an aquatic bird or a
kind of cicada) flies back to the water.
59. The Jui ying
t'u (77.51a) says: "The Nine-tailed Fox 九 尾 狐
is a spirit animal. In appearance
it is red-coloured; it has four feet and nine tails. It comes from the country
of the Green Hills. Its sound resembles [the cry of] a baby. Those who eat [its
flesh] will be impervious to magical and evil influences, to [the bites of]
poisonous insects and the like. When Heaven, Earth, and the four quarters are
ruled [according to] one [principle] the Nine-tailed Fox appears. Others say:
it comes when the King does not incline to debauchery". The Shan hai ching, sect. 大 荒 東 經 (14.4b) also mentions the Nine-tailed
Fox as an inhabitant of the country of the Green Hills. It further appears at
three other places in the same work (1.4b; 4.6b; 9.2b), but here we have not to
deal with lucky omens: the creatures described in the first two cases are
man-eaters.
60. The Luminous Star ching-hsing 景 星 is described in the Shih
chi (27.33a) as "a star possessing spiritual power ; its shape is not
constant 其 狀 無 常 ; it appears in a country where the [right] Way is [followed]". The
Ch'ien han shu (26.38a) has adopted this description,
but mistakenly writes 常 常. Chavannes (M.H. III. 392) translates ching-hsing by 'l'étoile resplendissante". Chang
Shou-chieh in his 正 義 on the Shih chi passage says that "its
shape is like the crescent moon; it arises in the time between the dis-
appearance of the moon and its reappearance; it assists the moon's light; when
it is visible [it is a sign that] the Lord of men is virtuous, and has
felicitously acquired enlightenment and sagenesss". See also the
Lun hêng, 17.11b-12a; Forke, II.
323-334.
61. The Sweet Dew kan-lu 甘 露 is, acc. to the Jui ying t'u
(77.32b) "a beneficent dew, the essence of spirituality, the auspicious sign of
[Heaven's] favour for consideration for others [displayed]. When it congeals it
is like fat; it is sweet like sugar. Another name is kao-lu 膏 露 'Fat Dew', another t'ien-chiu
天 酒 'Heavenly Wine'. Its colour is dark. [Because of] its sweetness it is called
Sweet Dew . . . . The taste of the Sweet Dew is fresh and sweet . . . Drunk it
gives man long life".
62. The Tpyl,
873.7a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, has 朱 草 赤 色 也 可 以 梁 絳 別 (=則) 成 黼 黻 之 服 列 為 尊 卑 之 差
"The Vermilion
Grass is of a deep-red colour; it may be used to paint the clothes red with the
fu-fu [ornament], in order to mark the distinction
between high and low" (for the fu-fu ornament see
Couvreur's translation of the Li chi, C. I. 368, note).
The Jui ying t'u (77.40b) says: "The Vermilion Grass is
also called chu-ying 朱 英 'Vermillion Bloom'. It is the
essence of the hundred species of grasses". The Tpyl
(873.6b), quoting the Kan ching fu 感 精 符 (an Apocryphal Work
on the Ch'un ch'iu), says: "When it is eaten it causes
man not to grow old". The Lun hêng (3.12b; Forke, I.
132): "The stalk of the Vermilion Grass is like a needle".
63. The Jui ying
t'u (77.34b) says of the Source of Fragrant Wine 醴 泉 that it is "the essence
of the liquids; its taste is sweet like the unfermented wine li 醴; if [the fluid] comes out of its source and reaches the
plants, they bloom; if drunk it gives man long life".
64. "The stem of the Auspicious Grain is
five feet long, and it has thirty-five ears" (Shang shu chung
hou, quoted in Tpyl, 873.8a). "One ear has two
grains; in a country where the government [follows the Principle of] Substance
the same root produces different ears; in a country where the government [fol-
lows the Principle of] Form the same ear arises from different roots"
(Chin chêng hsiang shuo 晉 徵 祥 說, quoted in the
Tpyl, 873.9a; the Chin chêng hsiang
shuo is also called Chin chung hsing shu chêng hsiang
shuo 晉 中 興 書 祥 說, it was written by Ho Fa-shêng 何 法 盛, beginning 5th cent. A.D.). "It has
three roots, one stalk, and nine ears; it is by one to two feet higher than a
common blade of grain" (Lun hêng, 2.23a; Forke. I. 180).
"The Auspicious Grain is the chief among the Five Species of Grain; it is the
essence of consummated virtue; [in a time when the Principle of] Form [is
adhered to] it has one root and the same blossom; [in a time when the Principle
of] Substance [is adhered to] it has different roots and the same blossom. This
refers to the Auspicious Grain of the times of the Hsia and the Yin[Dynasties];
in the time of the Chou the Auspicious Grain has three roots and one and the
same ear, it pierces the mulberry-tree as it grows, the ear is [as large as] to
fill a carriage-box . . ." (Jui ying t'u, 77.41b). "In
the Chou [there was the Auspicious Grain with] three sprouts and one ear; in
the Shang it had one root and different ears; in the Hsia different roots and
one blossom" (Sung shu, 29.1a). "In the time of King
Ch'êng there were three stalks piercing the mulberry-tree and growing into one
panicle; it was almost large enough to fill a carriage; the people took it and
presented it to King Ch'êng; King Ch'êng asked the Duke of Chou what it was;
the Duke of Chou said: Three sprouts having the same panicle! Can it mean that
all under Heaven will be harmoniously united?" (Shuo
yüan, 18.13a). Chia-ho 嘉 禾 'Auspicious Grain' is also
the title of a book of the Shu ching that has not
survived, composed by the Duke of Chou on the occasion of the appearance of
this omen (see Shang shu ta chuan, 2.24a; the Preface 序 to
the Shu ching, Shang shu chu shu, 12.31b; L. Preface,
9).
65.
召
. The Y. ed. writes 訪. Lu's corr.
foll. the I wên lei chü. The Shang shu
ta chuan (l.c.) also has , the Shüo yuan (l.c.)
成 王 問 周 公 此 何 也.
66.
後
. The Y. ed. has 以 昰.
67. See n. 343.
68.
重 九 譯
, literally 'to repeat by nine
translations'. This expression also occurs in the Biography of Chang Ch'ien 張 騫 of
the Ch'ien han shu (61.3b). The Shuo
yüan (18.13a) writes 越 裳 氏 重 譯 而 朝, and explains further: "as the roads [they had
travelled] were difficult and long, while the mountains and streams [they had
had to traverse] were steep and deep, it was feared that through one
interpreter they would not be understood. Therefore when they came to court
their words had to be repeated by three different interpreters' 故 重 三 譯 而 來 朝 也. The
Shang shu ta chuan (2.24b) gives the same explanation
but only writes 故 重 譯 而 朝. The term seems to be the common one. It occurs, besides in
the Shuo yüan and the Shang shu ta
chuan, l.c., also in the Shang shu ta chuan, 1.33b,
34a; in the Han shih wai chuan, 5.6a, 8.9b; and in the
Biography of Wang Mang (Ch'ien han shu, 99 上.6b, 24a).
The Shang shu ta chuan, 1.32b, however, also gives the
expression 八 譯 來 朝 , while the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 4.2b, writes:
傳 譯 而 朝 .
69. The whole of the following passage
is missing in the Y. ed. and Lu's. It is supplied by Ch'ên from quotations in
the Sub-commentaries on the Shih ching and the
Tso chuan, and from entries in the Tpyl. For the fêng-huang see also
Yoshihiko Izushi, A Study of the Origin of the Ch'i-lin and
the Feng-huang, in Memoirs of the Research Department of
the ToyoBunko, No.9, 1937, p. 79-109. Cf. also the Lun
hêng, ch. 50 (Forke, I. 359 ff.), and the Shuo
yüan, 18.12a.
70.
廣 都 之 野
. The Shan hai
ching, sect. 海 內 經 (18.2b) gives a description of a region, which is considered
as the burial-place of Hou-chi 后 稷, and where the lüan-bird
and the fêng-huang lived. It is called the Wilds of
Tu-kuang 都 廣 之 野. Tu-kuang also occurs
in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 墬 形 訓(4.4b), which is said in Kao
Yu's Comm. to be the name of a mountain in the southern region (cf. Erkes,
Das Weltbild des Huai-nan-tze, n. 110. 127, 273). The
Comm. of P'ei Yin 裴 駰 (450 A.D.) on the Shih chi (4.2a)
quotes the passage of the Shan hai ching, but wrongly
says it to be from sect. 大 荒 經, while it further writes 廣 都 之 野 'the Wilds of
Kuang-tu' instead of Tu-kuang.
71.
食 常 竹 實 栖 常 梧 桐
. The Shuo
yüan has in both places 帝 instead of 常, and 梧 樹 instead of 梧 桐 wu-t'ung. The Erh ya (chu shu, 9.9a)
mentions the 襯 梧 ch'ên-wu, which Kuo P'o's Comm. iden-
tifies as the wu-t'ung. It further mentions the 榮
jung, saying that it indicates the 桐 木, which Kuo P'o again
identifies as the wu-t'ung. A distinction should,
however, be made between wu and t'ung . The wu is the
wu-t'ung or the ch'ên-wu and
belongs to the Sterculia platanifolia; the
t'ung, also called jung, belongs
to the Paulownia (Bretschneider, Botanicon Sinicum, II. nos. 283, 309, 515,
516).