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聖人未沒時，寧知其聖乎? 曰:知之。《論語》曰:"太宰問子貢曰:"夫子聖者 歟?"" 孔子曰:""太宰知我乎? "聖人亦自知聖乎? 曰:知之。孔子日:"文王既 沒，文不在茲乎?"
何以知帝王聖人也?《易》曰:"古者伏羲氏之王天下也"，"於是始作八卦。" 又曰:"聖人之作《易》也。"又曰:"伏羲氏沒，神農氏作。" "神農[氏]沒，黃 帝、堯、舜氏作。" 文俱言"作"，明皆聖人也。
《論語》曰:" 聖乎! 堯、舜其由病 諸。" 何以言禹、湯聖人? 《論語》曰:"巍巍乎舜、禹之有天下而不預焉。" 與舜比方巍巍，知禹、湯聖人。 《春秋傳》曰:" 湯以聖德故放桀。"
何以言文王、武王、周公皆聖人?《詩》曰:"文王受命。" 非聖不能受命。《易》曰:"湯、武革命，順乎天。" 湯、武與文王比方。 《孝經》曰:" 周公其人也。"下言 "夫聖人之德，又何以加於孝乎?"
《傅》曰:" 伏羲[日]祿衡連珠，(唯)大目 (鼻)[山准] 龍 (伏)[狀]。 作《易》八卦以應樞。"黃帝[龍]顏，得天匡陽，上法中宿，取象文昌。顓頊戴(午)[干]， 是謂清明，發節移度，蓋象招搖。帝嚳駢齒,上法月參,康度成紀，取理陰陽。堯眉八彩， 是謂通明，曆象日月，嫙璣玉衡。舜重瞳子，是謂玄景，上應攝提，以象三光。
《禮》曰: " 禹耳三漏，是謂大通，興利除害，決河踈江。皋陶(鳥) [馬]喙， 是謂至誠，決獄明白，察於人情。湯臂三肘,是謂柳、翼，攘去不義，萬民蕃息。文王四乳，是謂至仁， 天下所歸，百姓所親。武王望羊，是謂攝揚，盱目陳兵，天下富昌。周公背僂，是謂俊，成就周道， 輔於幼主。孔主反宇，是謂尼甫，立德澤所(與)[興]，藏元通流。"
161---General Remarks (III A. 18a).
a. What is meant by a 'Sage' shêng-jên? 1Shêng 'sage' means t'ung 'to be in communication with', tao 'the Way', shêng 'sound' 2. The way of a Sage is in communication with everything, his understanding illuminates everything, he knows the nature of everything the sound of which he hears.
b. "His spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven and Earth, his lustre is in harmony with [that of] the sun and the moon, his orderly procedure is in harmony with [that of] the four seasons, his relation to what is fortunate and what is calamitous is in harmony with the spirits" 3.
c. The Li pieh ming chi4 says: "[The best among] five men is called 'talented' mao, [the best among] ten men is called 'distinguished' hsüan; [the best among] a hundred men is called 'refined' tsun, [the best among] a thousand men is called 'excellent' ying, he who is worth two ying is called 'worthy' hsien, [the best among] ten thousand men is called 'hero' chieh, [the best among] ten thousand heroes is called 'Sage' shêng" 5.
162---The Recognition of a Sage (III A. 18b).
When a sage has not yet passed away how is it possible to recognize his sageness? It can be recognized. The Lun yü says: "The [great officer of Wu, P'i, who had the rank of] t'ai-tsai asked Tzŭ-kung, saying: Is not the Master a Sage? Confucius [hearing about it] said: Does the t'ai-tsai know me?" 6 Does a Sage himself know that he is a Sage? He knows. Confucius has said: "Since King Wên has died has not [the cause of] the Way descended upon me?" 7.
163---The Ancient Sages (III A. 18b-19a).
a. How do we know that the [ancient] Emperors and Kings were Sages? The I says: "Anciently, when Fu-hsi ruled all under Heaven he began by creating the Eight Trigrams" 8. It further says: "When the Sages created the I" 9. Again it says: "On the death of Fu-hsi Shên-nung continued the work of creation, on the death of Shên-nung Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun proceeded with the work of creation" 10. In all these statements the word 'to create' is used, meaning in every case [to refer to] a Sage 11. The Lun yü says: "Sages indeed were Yao and Shun; still, how solicitous they were about [their sageness]" 12.
b. Why is it said that Yü 13 was a Sage? The Lun yü says: "How majestic was the manner in which Shun and Yü held possession of all under Heaven, without having striven for it" 14. Yü 15 is [here] compared with Shun 16. How 17 do we know that T'ang 18 was a Sage? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "T'ang by his sage spiritual power was able to conquer Chieh" 19.
c. Why are King Wên, King Wu, and the Duke of Chou said to have been Sages? The Shih says: "King Wên received the mandate [from Heaven]" 20. Were he not a Sage, he could not have received the mandate [from Heaven]. The I says: "T'ang and Wu deprived [Chieh and Chou] of their mandates, in accordance with [the will of] Heaven" 21. T'ang and Wu are [thus] compared with King Wên. The Hsiao ching says: "The Duke of Chou was the man [who first associated the father with Heaven in the sacri- fices]" 22. [Further] below it says: "In the spiritual power of the Sages what was there besides greater than filial piety?" 23
d. Why is it said that Kao-yao was a Sage? Because the Mu p'ien [says]: "Ah, he who has examined [and followed] antiquity". [This refers to] Kao Yao, who was a Sage, and, in the service of Shun, was able to display the Way 24. [He said:] "My words are reasonable, and may be put into practise" 25. [Kao Yao] had on all sides applied the punishments by images with enlightenment 26.
164---The Different Appearances of the Sages (III A. 19a-20a).
a. Further, the Sages all had different [ways] of displaying [their sageness].
b. The Chuan27 says: "Fu-hsi had on his forehead a protuberance like a string of pearls 28; he had large eyes, a nose like a mountain 29, and a dragon-like countenance; he created the Eight Trigrams of the I to correspond with the Polestar 30. Huang-ti had the face of a dragon; he had obtained the light of the [constellation] T'ien-k'uang 31; above he modelled himself on the middle [of the twenty-eight zodiacal] mansions, taking his example from [the constellation] Wên-ch'ang 32. Chuan-hsü had a shield [-like protuberance] on his head 33, meaning that he was pure and enlightened; he emitted [an air of] chastity and decorum, for he represented [the star] Chao-yao 34. Ti-k'u had a double set of teeth; above he modelled himself on the moon and [the constellation] Ts'an 35, he invigorated the measures and perfected the norms, he regulated [the interactions of] the yin and the yang. Yao had eyebrows in eight colours, indicating his penetrating intelligence; he calculated and delineated the movements and phases of the sun, the moon 36, and [the stars] hsüan-chi and Yü-hêng 37. Shun had double pupils in his eyes, indicating his charity and benevolence; above he corresponded to [the planet] Shê-t'i 38, [in his lustre] he resembled the Three Luminary Bodies".
c. The Li shuo39 says: "Yü had ears with three orifices, indicating his great understanding; he promoted welfare and removed misery, he dammed the [river] Ho and widened the [river] Chiang 40. Kao Yao had a horse's mouth, indicating his perfect sincerity 41; in deciding lawsuits he was intelligent in his examination of the nature of man. T'ang had arms with three elbows 42, indicating [his capacity to] shelter like a willow-tree; the unprincipled he expulsed, to the myriads of people he gave protection and rest. King Wên had four nipples, indicating his utmost consideration for others; he was the resort of all under Heaven, the [object of] love of the Hundred Clans. King Wu had the appearance of a sheep gazing into the distance 43, meaning that his deportment was imposing and proud; his eyes were dilated, and when he marshalled his army all under Heaven was to attain prosperity and glory. The back of the Duke of Chou was bent, indicating his strength and heroism; he accomplished the Way of the Chou, acting as the support of young King [Ch'êng. The head of] Confucius was like a vault upside down 44, therefore he was called Muddy Hill 45; he made the spiritual power which had descended 46 upon him flourish, and caused the hidden sources to stream again."
d. The reason why Sages alone can look into the future is that they share the essence of the spiritual beings, in fact they are begotten of Heaven 47.
1. 聖 人 .
2. t'ung 通, tao道, shêng 聲.
3. Apparently taken from the Chou i (chu shu, Ch'ien kua, Wên yen, 1. 24a; L. 417).
4. I.e. the Pien ming chi, cf. Vol. I, p. 187, note.
5. mao 茂, hsüan 選 , tsun 俊, ying 英, hsien 賢, chieh 傑. The Pien ming chi, quoted in the sub-comm. on the Tso chuan, hsüan 15 (Tso chuan chu shu, 24. 11b) and in the sub-comm. of ch. Li yün of the Li chi (chu shu, 21. 3a) gives a different statement: the best among two men is called mao 戎(= 茂 ), the best among ten men is called hsüan, the best among twenty tsun 雋, the best among a thousand ying, the best among two thousand hsien, the best among ten thousand chieh 桀, he who is worth two chieh is called shêng.
6. Ch. IX. 6, Lun yü chu shu, 9. 4a; L. 218. For the identification of the t'ai-tsai (probably not 'Grand Administrator', but a great officer of minor rank, cf. Vol. 1, p. 290, n. 164) as P'i of the state of Wu see Liu Pao-nan's Lun yü chêng i, 10. 87-88. The quotation is here taken out of its original context.
7. Ch. IX. 5, Lun yü chu shu, 9. 3a; L. 217. For 文 wên taken in the sense of 'Way' tao, see Liu Pao-nan, o.c. 10. 86.
8. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.5a; L. 382.
9. Ibid., Shuo kua, 13.1a; L. 422.
10. Ibid., Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.6a-b; L. 383.
11. Cf. what is said in ch. Yüeh chi of the Li chi (C. II. 60): "those who 'created' 作 tso are called Sages". See also Hsing Ping's sub-comm. on the opening words of ch. Shu êrh of the Lun yü (chu shu, 7.1a).
12. Ch. VI. 28, Lun yü chu shu, 6.13a; L. 194. The quotation has been taken out of its original context, and the punctuation therefore deviates from the usual one.
13. 湯 is superfluous (Liu, 73.5a).
14. Ch. VIII. 18, Lun yü chu shu, 8.7b; L. 213. For my translation I have followed Ho Yen's comm.
15. 禹 supplied by Liu, l.c.
16. 巍 巍 is dropped by Liu.
17. 何 以 supplied by Liu.
18. 禹 is dropped by Liu.
19. Chieh was the last Sovereign of the Hsia. I have not been able to identify the quotation.
20. Ode 244: Mao shih chu shu, 23.96a; L. 461; K. 17.70.
21. Chou i chu shu, K ê kua, T'uan, 8.22a; L. 254.
22. Hsiao ching chu shu, shêng chih, 5.1a; L. 476.
23. Ibid., 5.2b; L. 478. The two quotations 'prove', first that the Duke of Chou was filial, second that his filial piety was the best part of his sageness.
24. By Mu p'ien is meant the opening words of the Kao yao mo (Shang shu chu shu, 3.18b; L. 68), viz.: 曰 若 稽 古 皐 陶 曰 yüeh jo chi ku kao yao yüeh, etc. The question how to read this sentence is complicated (cf. Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 2.57 and 1.2; and K. 20.44-45). Karlgren, quoting this Po hu t'ung passage (faultily), punctuates after Kao yao, so does Lu in his Po hu t'ung ed. The passage, however, should be punctuated after ku, the quotation from the Shang shu ending with it ("yüeh-jo chi-ku"), and the Po hu t'ung text continuing with "Kao-yao shêng-jên", etc. Yüeh-jo is an exclamation, chi-ku is a phrase indicating a man who models himself on Heaven, and thus is a Sage.
25. Shang shu chu shu, Kao yao mo, 3.26b; L. 75.
26. Ibid., 4.15b; L. 86 (in the present Book of History it is ch. I chi). The Shang shu text has 方 instead of 旁. For 'punishment by images' see ch. XXXVIII, par. 226d.
27. By Chuan probably is meant one of the Apocrypha. The Ch'un ch'iu wei yen k'ung t'u, the Yüan ming pao, and the Hsiao ching wei yüan shên ch'i all contain descriptions of this kind (see the Yü han, 56.48a; 57.8b-11a; 58.14a.15a). Cf. also the Lun hêng, ch. Ku hsiang; Forke, I. 304.
28. 日 祿 衡 連 珠 . Yü han, 54.14a has 日 角 衡 而 連 珠. I have followed Sung Chung's comm. for the translation.
29. 山 准 (also written 準).
30. 樞 天 丨 , which probably is the , see Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, p. 503.
31. 天 匡 , for which the Yü han, 57.9a gives 丨 庭, see Schlegel, o.c. p. 450.
32. 文 昌 , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 530.
33. 戴 干 . The Yüan ta-t ê ed. wrongly has 午, so has the Lun hêng, which induced Forke, l.c., to translate: "Chuan Hsü was marked with the character Wu on his brow".
34. 招 搖 , a star of the double-star at the end of the tail of Ursa Major; it is also called mao 矛 'lance', the other is called tun 盾 'shield' or t'ien-fêng 天 鋒, see Schlegel, o.c. p. 513; M.H. III. 343.
35. 參 , i.e. the ts'an-fa 丨伐 , acc. to Sung Chung's comm. in Yü han, 57.9b; see Schlegel, o.c. p. 393. The star represents a man who is loyal, brave, filial, and respectful.
36. 歷 象 日 月 , cf. the Book of History, L. 18, where the statement is followed by the words 星 辰 .
37. 璇 璣 玉 衡 , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 503. For hsüan-chi and yü-hêng as names of astronomical instruments see Book of History, L. 33; M.H. I. 58; III. 341; Maspero, Les instruments astronomiques des chinois au temps des Han, in Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, VI. 293, n. 1; 332 ff.
38. 攝 提 , see Schlegel, o.c. p. 499-500; M.H. III. 364, n. 1.
39. Probably the Li wei han wên chia, in Yü han, 54.13a-b.
40. The same statement occurs in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. Hsiu wu hsün, 19.9a; only there the text reads: "he widened the Ho and dammed the Chiang".
41. The Huai nan tzü, l.c., reads 至 信 instead of 丨 誠 .
42. The Yüan ming pao, Yü han, 57.10a, gives four elbows, the Lun hêng (Forke, I. 304) gives double elbows.
43. 望 羊 wang-yang. Cf. the Biography of Confucius in the Shih chi, 47.16a (M.H. V. 351), and the Chia yü, ch. Pien yüeh, 8.6b. The Lun hêng (l.c.) writes wang-yang 丨 陽 ; Forke translates; "Wu Wang's spine was curbed backwards."
44. 反 宇 fan-yü. The Lun hêng writes 丨 羽 , and Forke, l.c., translates: "Confucius' arms were turned backwards (like the wings of a bird)."
45. 尼 丘 Ni-ch'iu, also written 泥 邱 , i.e. a hill the top of which is indented, so that water can accumulate in it. Cf. M.H. V. 290, n. 1, and Vol. I, p. 113, n. 387.
46. 降 instead of 澤(Ch'ên, 7.26a).
47. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 317, n. 256.
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