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人所以有姓者何?所以崇恩愛，厚親親，遠禽獸，別婚姻也。故[紀]世別類，使 生相愛，死相哀，同姓不得相娶，皆為重人倫也。姓[者]、生也。人(所)稟天氣所 以生者也。《詩》云:"天生烝民。"《尚書》曰:" 平章百姓。" 姓所以有百(者) 何? 以為古者聖人吹律定姓，以記其族。人含五常而生，[正]聾有五音，宮、商、 角、徵、羽，轉而相雜，五五二十五，轉生四時。故百而異也· 氣殊音悉備，故殊 [姓有] 百也。
所以有氏者何? 所以貴功德，賤伎力。或氏其官，或氏其事，聞其氏即可知其[德 矣]，所以勉人為善也。或氏王父字 [者] 何? 所以別諸侯之後，為興滅國，繼絕世 也。[王者之子稱王子]，[王者之孫稱王孫]，諸侯之子稱公子，公子之子稱公孫, 公孫之子，各以其王父字為氏。故 [《春秋》有王子瑕]，[《論語》有王孫賈]， [又有衛公子荊、公孫朝]，魯有仲孫、[叔孫]、李[孫]。楚有昭、屈、(原) [景]，齊有高、國、崔。立氏三，以知其為子孫也。王者之後，(二)[亦]稱王 子，兄弟立而皆封也。或曰:王[者之]孫，(上)[亦]稱王孫也。[《刑德放》 曰]:" 堯知命，表稷、契，賜(生) [姓]子、(姓) [姬]。皋陶典刑，不表姓， 言天任德遠刑。"禹姓姒氏，祖[昌意]以(億)[薏][苡]生。殷姓子氏，祖以玄 鳥子[生]也。周姓姬氏，祖以履大人跡生也。
人必有名何?所以吐情自紀，尊事人者也。《論語》曰:"名不正則言不順。"三 月名之何?天道一時，物有變，人生三月，目煦亦能[咳]笑，與人相更荅，故因 其始有知而名之。故《禮服傅》曰:"子生三月，則父名之於祖廟。"於祖廟者，謂子 之親廟也。明當為宗詛主也。一說名之於燕寢。名者、幼(少)[小]卑賤之稱也。 (寡)[質]略，故於(無)[燕] 寢。《禮·內則》曰:" 子生，君沐浴朝服，夫人 亦如之,立于阼階西南，世婦抱子升自西階，君命之(士)，適子執其右手，庶子撫其 首。君曰:" 欽有(師)[帥]。"夫人曰:" 記有成。"告於四境。"四境者，所以 遏絕萌牙，禁備未然。故《曾子問》日:"世子生三月，以名告于祖瀰。"《內則 記》曰:"以名告于山川社稷四境。天子太子，使士負子於南郊。"以桑弧篷矢六射 者，何也? 此男子之事也。故先表其事，然後食其祿。必桑弧何? 桑者、相逢接之道 也。《保傅》曰:" (天)[太]子生，舉之以禮，使士負之。(者何)[有司]齋肅 端矮，[見]之[南]郊，見于天。"《韓詩內傳》曰:"太子生，以桑弧蓬矢六，射 上下四方。明當有事天地四方也。"殷以生日名子何? 殷家質，故直以生日名子也。以 《尚書》道殷家太甲、帝[乙]、武丁也。於臣民亦得以[甲乙]生日名子何? [不使] 亦不止也。以《尚書》道殷臣有巫咸，有祖己也。何以知諸侯不象王者以生日 名子也?以太王名亶甫，王季名歷，[此]殷之諸侯也。《易》曰"帝乙"，謂成湯。 [《書》曰] "帝乙"，謂六代孫也。湯生於夏世，何以用甲乙為名? 曰:湯王後乃 更變名,子孫法耳。本名履，故《論語》曰"予小子履"。履、湯名也。不以子丑[為 名] 何?曰: 甲乙者、幹也，子丑者、枝也。幹為本，本質，故以甲乙為名也。名或 兼或單何?示非一也。或聽其聲，以律定其名。或依 [其]事，旁其形。故名或兼或單 也。依其事者，若后稷是也。棄之，因名之為棄也。旁其形者，孔子首類魯國尼丘山， 故名為丘。或旁其名為之字者，聞名即知其字，聞字即知其名，若名賜字子貢， 名鯉字伯魚。《春秋》譏二名何?所以譏者，乃謂其無常者也。若乍為名，祿甫元言武 庚。名,不以日月山川為名者，少賤卑己之稱也。臣子當諱，為物示通，故避之也。 《曲禮》曰:"二名不偏諱。逮事父母則諱王父母，不逮父母則不諱王父母也。君 前不諱,《詩》《書》不諱，臨文不諱，郊廟中不諱。" 又曰:"君前臣名，父前子 名。"謂大夫名卿，弟名兄也。明不敢諱於尊者前也。太古之時所不諱者何?尚質 也。故臣子牙言其君父之名。故《禮記》曰:"朝日上(值)[質]不諱正天名 也。" 人所以十月而生者何? 人、天子之也。經天地之數五，故十月而備，乃成人 也。人生所以(位)[泣]何?本一幹而分，得氣異息，故泣，重離母之毅也。《尚 書》曰:"啟呱呱泣"也。人拜所以自名者何? 所以(泣)[立] 號自紀。禮、拜自 後,不自名何?備陰陽也。人所以相拜者何?所以表情見意，屈節卑體，尊事(之) [人]者也。拜之言服也。所以必再拜何?法陰陽也。《尚書》曰"再拜稽首"也。必 稽首何?敬之至也。頭至地，何以言首?謂頭也。《禮》曰"首有瘍則沐"。所以先拜 (首)[手]，後稽首何?名:順其文質也。《尚書》曰: "周公拜(首)[手]稽 首。"
人所以有字何?[所以]冠，德明功，敬成人也。故《禮·士冠經》曰:"賓北 面，字之曰伯某甫。"又曰:"冠而字之，敬其名也。"所以五十乃稱伯仲者，五十知 天命，思慮定也。能順四時長幼之序，故以伯仲號之。《禮·檀弓》曰:"幼名冠字, 五十乃稱伯仲。"《論語》日:"五十而知天命。"稱號所以有四何?法四時用事先 後，長幼兄弟之象也。故以時長幼蹺日伯仲叔李也。伯者、長也叫白者、子最長，迫 近父也。仲者、中也。叔者、少也。季者、幼也。適長稱伯，伯禽是也。庶長稱盂， 以魯大夫盂氏[是也]。男女異長，各自有伯仲，法陰陽各自有終始也。《春秋傅》 日:"伯姬者何?內女稱也。"婦人十五稱伯仲何?婦人(值)[質]少變，陰(陽) 道促蚤成，十五通乎織絰之事，思慮定，故許嫁，笄而字。故《禮經》曰:"女子十五 許嫁，笄。禮之稱字之。"婦姓以配字何?明不娶同姓也· 故《春秋》曰:"伯姬 歸于宋。" 姬者、姓也。(值字)[質家]所以[積]於仲(春)何?(值)[質]者 親[親]。故(近)[積]於仲。文(子)[家]尊尊，故[積]於[叔]。伯、仲之 時，物尚值:叔之時，物失之章，即如是。周有八士。《論語》曰: "伯達、伯遠，仲 突、仲忽，叔夜、叔夏，李隨、李騧。"[不]積於叔何?蓋以兩兩俱生故也。不積於 伯、季，明其無二也。文王十子，《詩傅》曰:"伯邑考，武王發，周公旦，管叔鮮， 蔡叔[度]，[曹叔振]繹，成叔處，霍叔武，康叔封，南李載(載)。"所以或上其 叔、[李]何也?管、蔡、[曹]、霍、成、康、南皆采也，故上置叔、[季]上。伯 邑(叔震)[考)也[何]以獨無乎?蓋以為大夫者不是采地也。
XXXIII. Clan-Names and Personal Names
203---Clan-Names (III B. 15b).
a.Why has a man a clan-name? To emphasize [the feelings of] affection, to enhance the love between his kindred, to differ from the beasts, and to distinguish the marriage [-groups]. Therefore, when in ordering the generations and distinguishing the species men are induced to love each other during their life and to mourn for each other in case of death, and they are forbidden to marry persons of the same clan-name, it is all to accentuate [the importance of] the human relationships. b.Hsing 'clan-name' means shêng 'to live' 1. Man receives life by the grace of Heaven's fluid. The Shih says: "Heaven gave birth to the multitudes of people" 2. c.The Shang shu says: "[Yao] appeased and made illustrious the Hundred Clans" 3. Why are there one hundred clan-names? Anciently the Sages by blowing the musical pitch-pipes fixed the clan-names, and thereby registered the [different kinds of] kindred. Man is born with the Five Constant [Virtues] in him. There are five principal tones: kung, shang, chüeh, chih, and yü, which, combining together five by five, make twenty-five [tones], and further give birth to the four seasons. With the [tour] different climates and the [twenty-five] various tones the completion is obtained. Therefore there are one hundred clan-names.
204---Surnames (III B. 15b-16b).
a.What are the surnames 4 for? To honour efficacious spiritual power and discourage cunning force. Sometimes one's official position is taken as a surname, sometimes one's profession. Hearing the surname one's spiritual power can be known. Thereby man is encouraged to practise what is good. b.Why is sometimes the 'style' 5 of the grandfather taken as a surname? To distinguish between the descendants of the Feudal Lords, to revive an extinguished state, or to continue a cut-off generation. The son of the King is called 'King's son' wang-tzŭ6, the grand-son of a King is called 'King's grandson' wang-sun7. The son of a Feudal Lord is called 'Duke's son' kung-tzŭ8, the son of a Duke's son is called 'Duke's grandson' kung-sun9. The sons of a Duke's grandson each take the style of their grandfather as their surname. Therefore we have in the Ch'un ch'iu Wang-tzŭ Hsia 10, in the Lun-yü we have Wang-sun Chia 11, Wei kung-tzŭ Ching 12, and [Wei] kung-sun Ch'ao 13. In Lu we have [the surnames] Chung-sun, Shu-sun, and Chi-sun. 14 In Ch'u we have [the surnames] Chao, Ch'ü and Ching 昭, 屈, 景 15; In Ch'i we have Kao, Kuo, and Ts'ui. 16 Thus we know that they were descendants [bearing the style of their grandfathers as surnames]. c.The descendants of the Kings [of the previous Dynasties] are also called 'King's son' because all of them, elder and younger brothers, are established as fief-holders. d.Another opinion says: the descendants of the Kings [of the previous Dynasties] are also called 'King's grandson'. e.The Hsing tê fang17 says: "When Yao knew his end was coming he distinguished Chi and Hsieh 18 by conferring upon them the clan-names of Tzŭ and Chi 19, [but] Kao Yao, who had regulated the punishments, was not distinguished by a clan-name". This means that Heaven employs spiritual power, and avoids punishments. f.The clan-name of Yü was Ssŭ 20; [it was based on the fact that his] ancestor Ch'ang-i was born through [the mediation of] the i-i [plant] 21. The clan-name of the Yin was Tzŭ; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hsieh] was born through [the mediation of] a black bird 22. The clan-name of the Chou was Chi; [it was based on the fact that their] ancestor [Hou-chi] was born through [his mother] having trodden on the footprint of a giant 23.
205---Personal Names (III B. 16b-19a).
a.Why must a man have a [personal] name? To reveal his emotions, and in the reverential service of others to present himself. The Lun yü says: "if the names are not correct the words will not conform [with the facts]" 24. b.Why [is it that a child is] given its name three months [after its birth]? The Way of Heaven is that in a season [of three months] the things have their transformation, while three months after its birth a child acquires its eyesight, is also able to smile, and to come into communication with the people [of the outer world]. So, with the beginning of its consciousness, it is given a name. Therefore the Li fu chuan says: "Three months after its birth a child receives from the father its name before the shrine of the first ancestor" 25. [It takes place] before the shrine of the first ancestor, that is the ancestral temple of the child's parents; it means [that the name given] should be [announced to all] the shrines in the ancestral temple. c.Another opinion is: the name is given in the Small Apartment 26. The personal name is [only] an appellation of a young and unimportant [child], it is unpolished and indefinite, therefore [it is given] in the Small Apartment. d.The Li nei tsê says: "When a child [of a Feudal Lord] has been born [,and a name is to be given to it], the Lord washes his face and body, and puts on his court-robes; his Consort does the same. They take their stand to the south-west of the eastern steps; one of the secondary wives, with the child in her arms, ascends by the western steps; [then] the Lord gives the name" 27. If it is a child by the principal wife its right hand is taken; if it is a child by a secondary wife it is caressed on the head. The Lord says: Be careful in thy lead; his Consort says: Remember to become perfect 28. [Afterwards they] announce [the name] to the four frontiers. e.The announcement to the four frontiers is in order to nip in the bud and to prevent from the beginning [all possible disasters]. The Tsêng tzŭ wên says: "Three months after his birth the Generation-son is given his name, which [the child's father] announces to the shrines of his [first] ancestor and of his father" 29. The Neitsê chi says: "When the name is to be announced to the hills and rivers, to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet, and to the four frontiers, in the case of the Heir of the Son of Heaven a common officer is ordered to carry the child to the southern suburb" 30. f.Why is it that [at the birth of a son] six arrows of [the wood of] the wild rubus 31 are launched from a bow of [the wood of] the mulberry-tree 32? This is [a reference to] the duties of a male. Therefore first his duties are indicated that he may later enjoy his official position. Why must it be [the wood of] the mulberry and of the rubus 33? The mulberry and the rubus express the idea of a mutual contact 34. The Pao fu says: "When an Heir is born he is treated with [the required] ceremonial; a common officer is ordered to carry him; the officer in charge, who has observed a stringent fast and is wearing his black ceremonial dress and bonnet, proceeds to the suburb to show [the child] to Heaven" 35. The Han shih nei chuan says: "When an Heir is born six arrows of [the wood of] the wild rubus from a bow of [the wood of] the mulberry-tree are shot upwards, downwards, and to the four quarters". It means that [the child] will have to serve Heaven, Earth, and the four quarters. g.Why is it that the Yin [Sovereigns] used the day of birth to name the child? The House of Yin belonged to [the adherents of the principle of] Substance, therefore they simply took the day of birth to name the child. Thus the Shang shu relates of T'ai-chia, Ti-i, and Wu-ting 36, who were Sovereigns of the House of Yin. h.Were the subjects among the people allowed to name the child after the days of birth [and use the signs of the celestial cycle] chia, i [,etc]? They were not urged to, but neither were they prevented. So the Shang shu mentions among the Ministers of the Yin one Wu-mou 37 and one Tsu-chi 38. i.How do we know that the Feudal Lords [did] not [wish to be] similar to the King by taking the day of birth to name their children? From [the fact that] T'ai-wang had as his personal name Tan-fu 39, and Wang Chi had as his personal name Li 40; they were Feudal Lords under the Yin. j.Where in the I mention is made of Ti-i, Ch'êng-t'ang is meant 41; where in the Shu mention is made of Ti-i, his descendant of the sixth generation is meant 42. As T'ang lived in the time of the Hsia, why did he use as his personal name [one of the signs of the cycle] chia, i [,etc.]? The reply is: The descendant-kings of T'ang have changed his personal name, and it was only [a case of] the rule of these sons and grandsons [being applied afterwards]. The original personal name [of T'ang] was Li. The Lun yü says: "I, the Little Child Li" 43. Li was T'ang's personal name. k.Why is it that [the signs in the terrestrial cycle] tzŭ, ch'ou [,etc.] were not used as personal names? The reply is: [The celestial cycle] chia, i [,etc.] represents the trunk; [the terrestrial cycle] tzŭ, ch'ou [,etc.] represents the branches. The trunk is the base; the base being the substantial, [the cycle] chia, i [,etc. is] used for personal names. l.Why is it that sometimes the personal names are double, sometimes single? To indicate that they do not express the same [idea]. Sometimes the name is fixed with the help of the musical pitch-pipe after hearing the cry [of the child] 44, sometimes [it is given] according to the circumstances [of the birth] or according to the appearance [of the child]. Therefore the personal names are either double or single. m.A case of a name given according to the circumstances is that of Hou-chi 45. He was abandoned [at this birth], and was accordingly named Ch'i 46. [A case of a name given] according to appearance is that of Confucius, whose head resembled the shape of the Ni-ch'iu mountain in the state of Lu, and therefore was named Ch'iu 47. n.Sometimes the personal name is extended to make a style, so that hearing the personal name one knows the style, and hearing the style one knows the personal name. So for the personal name Ssŭ there is the style Tzŭ-kung 'Child-bestowal' 48; for the personal name Li 'Carp' there is the style Po-yü 'Chief-fish' 49. o.Why does the Ch'un ch'iu condemn [the use of] two personal names? [To avoid] the difficulty of tabooing them 50. Others say 51: it is condemned because it[s use] is [a sign of] inconstancy, as when [the son of the last Sovereign of Yin] suddenly adopted the personal name of Lu-fu, whereas he was originally called Wu-kêng 52. p.A personal name is not made after the sun, the moon, mountains, and rivers 53, because a personal name is a belittling and self-depreciatory appellation. A subject ought to taboo [the names of his superiors, which would be difficult if they were formed after] things of general use; so they are avoided. q.The Ch'ü li says: "It is not necessary to taboo both [names in a double] personal name. He who has reached [the age to be able] to serve his parents taboos [the names of] his grand-parents; he who has not yet reached [the age to be able] to serve his parents does not taboo [the names of] his grand-parents. In the presence of the Lord [the names of the parents are] not avoided, neither in reciting the Shih and the Shu nor in writing an [official] composition nor [at the sacrifice] in the suburb or in the ancestral temple" 54. Further it says: "In the presence of the Lord the sub- ject calls himself by his personal name, in the presence of the father the son calls himself by his personal name" 55. That is to say that [likewise] a great officer calls himself by his personal name in the presence of the Minister, and the younger brother does so in the presence of his elder brother. It means that one dares not taboo [one's name] in the presence of one's superior. r.Why is it that in the earliest antiquity there was no [rule of] tabooing [names]? They esteemed simplicity, so that the subject and son were allowed to pronounce 56 the names of the Lord and father. Therefore the Li chi says: "In former days simplicity was esteemed, and there was no tabooing [of names]; the name [which had been announced to] Heaven was properly used" 57. s.Why is man born ten months [after the conception]? Man is begotten of Heaven, and passes through the numbers of Heaven and Earth, [each being] five 58. Therefore in ten months [the em- bryo is] complete and becomes a human being 59. t.Why does a child cry when it is born? It detaches itself from [the mother with whom] originally [it formed] one trunk. When it gets air and breathes separately it cries, which means that the separation from the mother is a crucial event. The Shang shu says: "Ch'i was wailing and weeping" 60. u.Why does one in saluting mention one's personal name? To define one's appellation and to indicate oneself. Why is it that according to the rites one subordinates oneself in the salutation and does not mention one's personal name [first]? To conform oneself to [the relation of] the yin and the yang 61. v.Why do people salute each other? To manifest their emotions, to show their intentions, to humble themselves, and to incline their bodies in order reverently to be at the disposal of others. Pai 'to salute' means fu 'to submit to' 62. w.Why is it necessary to salute twice? To model oneself on the yin and the yang. The Shang shu says: "[The Feudal Lords] saluted twice and inclined their heads [till they touched the ground]" 63. Why is it necessary to touch the ground with the head? 64 It is an expression of the highest reverence. Why must the crown 65 touch the ground? Shou66 'head' is said, [by which] the crown is meant. The Li says: "If on the head there is an ulcer then it is washed" 67. x.Why is it that first the salutation with the hands is made, and then the inclining of the head? [The order of] each 68 follows the Principles of Form and Substance. The Shang shu says: "The Duke of Chou [adhering to the Principle of Form] saluted with his hands and inclined his head [to the ground]" 69.
206---The Style (III B. 19a-20b).
a.Why must a man have a style 70? To crown his spiritual power, to show his merits, and to honour the [new] adult. Therefore the Li shih kuan ching says: "The guest, facing north, gives the style, saying: Eldest son So-and-so fu" 71. It further says: "The giving of the style after the capping is to maintain the honour of the personal name [which the young man has received from his parents]." 72 b.It is only when a man has reached his fiftieth year that he is called po 'elder uncle' or chung 'younger uncle', because at fifty he knows Heaven's destiny, and his thoughts are careful and firm; he knows how to adapt himself to the orderly succession of the four seasons and of the old and the young; therefore he received the appellation po or chung. The T'an kung says: "In his youth he has his personal name, at the capping he receives his style, when he is fifty he is called po or chung" 73. The Lun yü says: "At fifty I knew the destiny of Heaven" 74. c.Why is it that there are four [distinguishing] appellations? They model themselves on the positional domination of [each of] the four seasons, which symbolize [the order of] the first and the later, the senior and the junior, the elder and the younger. Therefore, in conformity with the older and younger of the seasons the appel- lations are po, chung, shu, and chi75. d.Po means chang76 'senior'. A po is the son who is the senior [in years] and approaches 77 [the age of] the father. Chung means chung78 'the middle'. Shu means shao 少'young'. Chi means yu 幼'junior' 79. e.The eldest son of the principal wife is called po; Po-ch'in is an example 80. The eldest son of a secondary wife is called mêng; the great officer Mêng of Lu is an example 81. f."Sons and daughters are distinguished by their ages," [that is,] each naturally have [the distinguishing names of] po, chung [,etc.], 82 and model themselves on the yin and the yang, both of which naturally have their beginning and end. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Who was Po-chi? It is the denomination of a girl of the same clan-name as the King" 83. g.Why is a woman [already] called po or chung when she is fifteen? A woman's stuff is such that she quickly [reaches her age of] transformation: the way of the yin soon attains completion. At fifteen [a woman is] versed in the arts of weaving, while her thoughts are careful and firm. Therefore, when she is promised in marriage, she receives a hairpin and her style. So the Li ching says: "At fifteen a girl is promised in marriage; she receives a hairpin, is given presents, and is called by her style" 84. h.Why is the clan-name of a woman a correlate of her style? To make it clear that one does not take a wife of the same clan-name. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "Po-chi was married to Sung" 85. Chi was her clan-name. i.Why is it that with the adherents of the Principle of Substance [the younger sons are all] gathered together in [the appellation] chung? [The Principle of] Substance is to love the relatives, therefore [the younger sons are] gathered together in chung. The adherents of the Principle of Form honour the honourable, therefore [the younger sons are] gathered together in [the appellation] shu86. If that be so, why is it that the Lun yü says: "Chou had eight officers: Po-ta, Po-kua, Chung-t'u, Chung-hu, Shu-yeh, Shu-hsia, Chi-sui, and Chi-kua" 87, [thus] not gathering together [the younger brothers] in [the appellation] shu? Because [the brothers were] born two by two 88. [Usually, however, the sons are] never gathered together in [either the appellations] po or chi, meaning that there are never two [eldest or youngest sons]. j.King Wên had ten sons. The Shih chuan says [they were]: "Po I-K'ao, Wu-wang Fa, Chou-kung Tan, Kuan Shu-hsien, Ts'ai Shu-tu, Ts'ao Shu-Chên-to, Ch'êng Shu-ch'u, Ho Shu-wu, K'ang Shu-fêng, Nan Chi-tsai" 89. Why is it that with some of them shu and chi are preceded [by another name]? Kuan, Ts'ai, Ts'ao, Ho, Ch'êng, K'ang, and Nan were all [names of] fiefs, and were therefore put before shu and chi. Why is it only in the case of Po I-K'ao that there is no [preceding name]? He was [made] a great officer, [and his case is] not connected with a fief 90.
1. 姓, 生 .
2. Ode 260: Mao shih chu shu, 25.62a; L. 541; K. 17.83.
3. Shang shu chu shu, Yao tien, 1.5b; L. 17.
4. 氏 shih. For the difference between hsing and shih cf. M.H. 1.3, n. 3. Legge (p. 26 of his Tso chuan translation) renders hsing as 'surnames' and shih as 'clan-names'.
5. 字 tzŭ.
6. 王 子 .
7. 王 孫 .
8. 公 子 .
9. 公 孫 .
10. 王 子 瑕 , see under Hsiang 30.
11. 王 孫 賈 , see ch. III. 13 and XIV. 20.
12. [衛] 公 孫 朝 , ch. XIII. 8.
13. , ch. XIX. 22.
14. 仲 孫, 叔 丨, 季 丨 , cf. M. H. IV. 111. n. 4.
15. 高, 國, 崔 For people of Ch'u with the surnames of Ch'ü and Ching, see M.H. IV. 382.397.
16. . For people of Ch'i with the surnames of Kao and Kuo see ibid. 47.
17. An Apocryphal Book of History.
18. Chi or Hou-chi 后 稷 was the ancestor of the Chou; Hsieh 契 was the ancestor of the Yin, cf. M.H. I. 79, n. 5 and 6.
19. 姒 I.e., Hsieh received the clan-name Tzŭ 子, and (Hou-) Chi the clan-name Chi 姬, see M.H. 1.94.
20. , cf. M.H. 1.94.
21. This is apparently against the current tradition, according to which it was Yü himself who was born after his mother Hsiu-chi 修 己 had eaten of the i-i 意 苡 plant (see Ssŭ-ma Chêng's So yin on Shih chi 1.30a; for i-i cf. Botanicon Sinicum, III. 382); Ch'ang-i 昌 意 was Yu's great-great-grandfather (M.H. 1.98). Lu (Pu i, 9b) suggests omitting 'Ch'ang-i'.
22. Cf. M.H. 1.173. Hsieh's mother, Chien-ti 簡 狄 , became pregnant after having swallowed the egg of a black bird.
23. Cf. M.H. 1.210, and ch. VIII, n. 6. Hou-chi's mother was Chiang-yüan 姜 原. The three clan-names Ssŭ, Tzŭ, and Chi are somehow related to the circumstances of the birth of their first bearers (see Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, San tai kai chih, 7.15b-16b; cf. also Tso chuan chu shu, Yin 8, 3.13b): so Tzŭ means tzŭ 茲'to engender', Chi means pên 本'origin' (cf. M.H. III. 9-10). I have not found the explanation of Ssŭ.
24. Ch. XIII. 3, Lun yü chu shu, 13.2a; L. 263.
25. I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.52a; C. 412, where the text lacks the words "before the shrine of the first ancestor".
26. 燕 寢 yen-ch'in, i.e. the hsiao-ch'in, cf. Vol. 1, p. 282, n. 114, and Couvreur's note in his Li chi translation, I. 667.
27. Li chi chu shu, 28.17b; C. 1.668.
28. Cf. ibid., 28.16a; C. 1.667.
29. This quotation does not occur in the present Tsêng tzŭ wên of the Li chi, which, in its opening paragraphs, describes the rites for a child born after his father's decease.
30. Not in the present Nei tsê; for the last part of the quotation, however, cf. n. 35.
31. 蓬 p'êng, see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 254.
32. 桑 sang. Cf. Li chi, Nei tsê, C. 1.663.
33. 必 桑 蓬 何 (Liu's reading, 74.1b).
34. 桑 蓬 者 相 逢 接 之 道 . A pun on sang 'mulberry' and 相 hsiang 'mutual', p'êng 'rubus' and 逢 fêng 'contact'.
35. Ta tai li chi, 3.1a; Wi. 216.
36. 太 甲 (Book of History, L. 199), 帝 乙 (ibid. 406), 武 丁(ibid. 478).
37. 巫 戊 . The text has Wu-hsien丨 咸, which also occurs in the Book of History (L. 478; cf. M.H. 1.191). The correction is acc. to the Ching i shu wên by Wang Yin-chih (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1183.13a).
38. 祖 己 , see Book of History, L. 264.
39. 太 王, 亶 甫 , see M.H. 1.214, n. 2.
40. 王 季, 歷 , see ibid. 215-216.
41. Chou i chu shu, T'ai kua, 3.22a; L. 82; Kuei mei, 9.16a; L. 182.
42. Book of History, To shih, L. 456; To fang, L. 498.
43. 履 . Ch. XX. 1, Lun yü chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350.
44. Cf. Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.8b; Wi. 225.
45. See n. 18.
46. 棄 , which means 'to abandon', cf. M.H. 1.210.
47. 尼 丘 Ni-ch'iu, 丘 Ch'iu, cf. ch. XXIII, n. 45.
48. Tzŭ-kung 子 贛 was one of Confucius' disciples. Kung is synonymous with Ssŭ 賜, meaning 'bestowal'. It it usually, but not quite correctly, written 貢 (as in this quotation), cf. Lun yü chêng i, 1.18.
49. Li 鯉 was Confucius' son, styled 伯 魚, see M.H. V. 430 (Chavannes translates Po-yü by 'l'ainé Poisson').
50. 為 其 難 諱 也 , supplied by Ch'ên (9.8a). This statement is based on the Kung yang chuan, Ting 6, 26.1b (and Ho Hsiu's comm.), and Ai 13, 28.7b.
51. 或 曰 supplied by Ch'ên (l.c.).
52. 祿 甫, 武 庚 , cf. M.H. 1.207, n. 4; further ch. XI, n. 34, ch. XII, n. 55, ch. XX, n. 37.
53. Cf. ch. Ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. 1.32) and Tso chuan, Huan 6 (L. 50), where the list is longer. See also Ta tai li chi, Pao fu, 3.8b.
54. Li chi chu shu, 3.14a-b; C. 1.58, where the wording of the last part is slightly different.
55. Ibid., 2.20a; C. 1.33.
56. 得 (instead of 不 言) (Lu, who in his Pu i, 9b also mentions the reading 斥 for 不).
57. Ta tai li chi, Yü tai tê, 9.14b, where the text is slightly different.
58. Cf. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 11.24b-25a.
59. Cf. Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, Yang tsun yin pi, 11.4b; Huai nan tzŭ, Ching sh ên hsün, 7.1b-2a.
60. Shang shu chu shu, I chi, 4.12a; L. 85. Ch'i 啟 was Yü's son and successor (M.H. 1.158).
61. The meaning of this paragraph is not quite clear.
62. 拜, 服 . Cf. ch. Chiao t' ê shêng of the Li chi (C. 1.616).
63. Shang shu chu shu, K'ang wang chih kao, 18.1b; L. 562.
64. 稽 首 chi-shou, cf. Couvreur's Li chi transl., I. 112, note.
65. 頭 t'ou.
66. 首 .
67. Ch. Tsa chi (Li chi chu shu, 42.17b; C. II. 176) contains this quotation, but with ch'uang 創 instead of yang瘍. The same sentence as in the Tsa chi, but with 頭 instead of 首, occurs in ch. Ch'ü li (ibid. 3.4a; C. 1.48). The quotation probably means that shou is used synonymously with t'ou.
68. 各 instead of 名 (Ch'ên, 9.10a).
69. Shang shu chu shu, Lo kao, 14.17a; L. 434. The paragraph seems to be incomplete. The meaning is that, according to the usual rites, the Yin (adherents of the Principle of Substance) first inclined the head and then saluted with the hands; the Chou (adherents of the Principle of Form) did the reverse. During mourning, however, the Yin first saluted with the hands and then inclined the head; the Chou did the reverse (cf. Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 6.5b, and Ch êng Hsüan's comm. on it; Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 19.76).
70. Tzŭ, see n. 5.
71. 甫 In this form the quotation does not occur in ch. Shih kuan li of the I li. It is a combination of several statements (chu shu, 1.29a; C. 13; 1.42a; C. 21). The 'So-and-so fu' represents the style.
72. Ibid. 1.45a; C. 23.
73. Li chi chu shu, 7.26b; C. 1.156. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta (sub-comm. I li chu shu, Shih hun li, 1.42b) the Yin used po, chung, etc. at the same time as when the style was adopted. Under the Chou the style was dropped at fifty, and po, chung, etc. was used instead. Cf. also ch. XXI, n. 31 and 34.
74. Ch. II. 4, Lun yü chu shu, 2.2b; L. 146.
75. 伯, 仲, 叔, 季
77. 迫 近 po-chin.
79. shao , yu .
80. For Po-ch'in 伯 含, the eldest son of the Duke of Chou, see M.H. IV, 100ff. Cf. also ch. VII, n. 71 and ch. XI, n. 35.
81. 孟 氏 , see Tso chuan, Wên 16 (Legge's transl. p. 271).
82. This corresponds with the statement in ch. Ch'ü li and Chêng Hsüan's comm. (Li chi chu shu, 2.20a), only Chêng Hsüan says "po, chi, [etc.]" instead of "po, chung [, etc.]". Cf. n. 86.
83. Kung yang chu shu, Yin 2, 2.6a. 'Po-chi' means the Eldest of the clan Chi, cf. n. 85. The expression for a girl of the same clan-name as the King is nei-nü 內 女 .
84. I li chu shu, Shih hun li, Chi, 2.33b; C. 45.
85. Ch'êng 9. As Chi was her clan-name, so Po was her style, cf. Chung-tzŭ 仲 子, in which Chung was the style, and Tzŭ the clan-name (Ho Hsiu on Yin 1, Kung yang chu shu, 1.17a). There seems to be a confusion of the terms 'style' and 'appellation' hao (supra, under c, po, chung, shu, and chi are called appellations; shu, however, is called a style by Ho Hsiu, see n. 86), cf. Vol. 1, p. 318, n. 262.
86. This opinion is also expressed by the Li wei han wên chia (quoted in K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm., Li chi chu shu, Ch'ü li, 2.20a) and Ho Hsiu's comm. on Ch'êng 15 (Kung yang chu shu, 18.5a).
87. Ch. XVIII. 11, Lun yü chu shu, 18.9b; L. 338.
88. I.e., they were four twins. It is not known to which time they belong, but as the Po hu t'ung, by its question, expects the term shu to be used, according to it they lived during the Chou (Principle of Form), not, however, in the Ch'un-ch'iu period (Principle of Substance!, cf. Ho Hsiu in Kung yang chu shu, 18.5a).
89. The Shih chi (M.H. IV. 152-153) gives a slightly different order of these ten sons.
90. Po I-k'ao 伯 邑 考 , though being the eldest son, did not succeed his father because he lacked the required capacities (M.H. IV. 153).
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