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孔子所以定五經者何? 以為孔子居周之末世，王道凌遲，禮羲廢壞，強陵弱，眾暴 寡, 天子不敢誅,方伯不敢伐，閔道德之不行，故周流應聘，冀行其聖德。自衛反 魯,自知不用,故迫定五經以行其道。故孔子曰:"《書》曰:"孝乎惟孝，友于兄 弟，施於有政，是以為政" 也。" 孔子末定五經如何?周寰道失，綱散紀亂，五教廢 壞，故五常之經咸失其所，象《易》失理，則陰陽萬物失其性而乖，設法謗之言，並作 書三千篇，作《詩》三百篇，而歌謠怨誹也。
已作《春秋》，(後) [復]作《孝經》何? 欲專制正。於《孝經》何? 夫孝者、 自天子下至庶人，上下通《孝經》者。夫制作禮樂，仁之本，聖人道德已備，弟子所以 復記《論語》何?見夫子遭事異變，出之號令(失) [足]法。
文王所以演《易》何?(文) [商]王受(王)不率仁義之道，失為人法矣。己之 調和陰陽尚微，故演《易》，使我得卒至于太平日月之光明，則如《易》矣。
伏羲作八卦何?伏羲始王天下，未有前聖法度，故仰則觀象於天，俯則察法於地。 觀鳥獸之文, 與地之宜，近取諸[身]，[遠取諸]物，於是始作八卦，以通神明之 德，以象萬物之情也。
經所以有五何? 經、常也。有五常之道，故曰五經。《樂》仁，《書》義，《禮》 禮，《易》智，《詩》信也。人情有五性，懷五常，不能自成，是以聖人象(矣) [天] 五常之道而明之，以教人成其德也。
五經何謂? 謂《易》、《尚書》、《詩》、《禮》、《春秋》也。《禮·[經] 解》曰:"溫柔寬厚，《詩》教也。鍊通知遠，《書》教也。廣博易良，《樂》教也。 潔淨精微，《易》教也。恭儉莊敬，《禮》教也。屬辭比事，《春秋》教也。"
《春秋》何?常也，則黃帝已來。何以言之?《易》曰:"上古結繩以治，後世 聖人易之以書契，百官以理，萬民以察。"後世聖人者謂五(常)[帝]也。《傳》 曰:" 三王百世計神元書，五帝之[世]受錄圖(世)，史記從政錄帝魁已來，除禮 樂之書三千二百四十篇也。"
XXXIX. The Five Canons
228---Confucius Fixed the Five Canons (IV A. 7b).
a.Why did Confucius fix the Five Canons? Confucius lived in the late period of the Chou; the Kingly Way had deteriorated and the ritual rules had been neglected; the strong oppressed the weak and the many behaved cruelly towards the few; the Son of Heaven dared not inflict punishments and the Regional Chiefs 1 dared not begin punitive expeditions. [Confucius,] deploring that the spiritual power [which proceeds from the possession] of the Way was not being practised, began to travel about and to accept invitations [to enter the service of one Feudal Lord after the other], hoping that [in that way] the spiritual power [proceeding from the pos- session] of the Way might be put into practise. [But when at last he had to] return from [the state of] Wei to [his home-state] Lu he knew that it was of no avail. Therefore he recalled [antiquity] and fixed the Five Canons, [hoping therewith to be able] to apply the Way 2. Thus Confucius said: "The Shu says: Be filial, only be filial, and friendly to your brothers; to impress this upon those who are in government, also means to hold a government's office" 3. b.Before Confucius had fixed the Five Canons, how [was the condition of the country]? The [House of] Chou had declined, the Way was lost, the Major Relationships were dispersed, the Minor Relationships were in confusion 4, and the Five Instructions 5 were neglected. So the canons for the Five Constant [Virtues] completely lost [the meaning of] their representations, the I lost its regulating norms, the yin and the yang and the ten thousand things, abandoning their nature, went wrong. [Confucius] established the words of strict admonition, and, collecting them, he composed the Shu in three thousand p'ien6, and out of the songs of resentment the Shih in three hundred p'ien.
229---The Hsiao Ching and the Lun Yü (IV A. 8a).
Since the Ch'un ch'iu had already been composed, why was again the Hsiao ching produced? [Confucius] wished especially [by this book] to establish the correct [norms]. Why [should he wish to do so] by means of the Hsiao ching? Filial piety is shared by superior and inferior alike, from the Son of Heaven down to the common man. The Hsiao ching ..... 7 The fashioning of rites and the creation of music are the basis of consideration for others; the Sage's spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the Way is completed thereby. Why did his disciples note down again his 'selected conversations' 8? To show how the precepts issued by the Master when he met with difficulties and extraordinary events rose to the correct standards.
230---King Wên Extended the I (IV A. 8a).
Why did King Wên extend [the meaning of] the I? King Shou 9 of the Shang [Dynasty] did not follow the Way of consideration for others and sense of the right principles, and had lost all norms in his treatment of men. When he came to an end there was only little left of the harmony between the yin and the yang. Therefore [King Wên] extended [the meaning of] the I10, and caused our [Chou Dynasty] to obtain the supremacy, finally reaching general peace and the brilliance of the sun and the moon. It means that [under the Chou] for the rules the I was followed.
231---Fu-Hsi Made the Eight Trigrams (IV A. 8a-b).
Why did Fu-hsi make the Eight Trigrams? When Fu-hsi began his kingship over all under Heaven there were not yet laws and measures made by the former Sages. Therefore, "looking up, he contemplated the forms in the sky, and looking down, he examined the patterns on the earth. He contemplated the ornaments on birds and beasts and the suitabilities of the soil. Near at hand, he found [things for consideration] in his own person; at a distance, he found [the same] in things [in general]. On this he divised the Eight Trigrams to be in communication with the power of the spirit- ual and intelligent [beings], and to give form to the natures of the ten thousand things" 11.
232---The Five Canons Represent the Five Constant Virtues (IV A. 8b).
Why are there five Canons? Ching 'canon' means ch'ang 'con- stant'. As there is the way of the Five Constant [Virtues], so we speak of the Five Canons. The Yüeh '[Canon of] Music' [represents] consideration for others; the Shu '[Canon of] History' [represents] sense of the correct principles; the Li '[Canon of] Rites' [represents] ceremonial behaviour; the I '[Canon of] Changes' [represents] wisdom; the Shih '[Canon of] Poetry [represents] trustworthiness. Man 12 has five instincts comprising the Five Constant [Virtues, which, however, he] cannot develop by himself. Therefore the Sage, in imitation of the Way of the Five Constant [Virtues instituted] by Heaven, clarified them in order to teach man to perfect his spiritual power.
233---What the Canons Teach (IV A. 8b-9a).
What are the Five Canons? They are the I, the Shang shu, the Shih, the Li, and the Ch'un ch'iu13. The Li ching chieh says: "Affability and liberality are what the Shih teaches; wide knowledge and penetrating wisdom are what the Shu teaches; extensiveness and spontaneity are what the Yüeh teaches; purity and minuteness are what the I teaches; reverence and dignity are what the Li teaches; appropriateness in expression and com- parison of things are what the Ch'un ch'iu teaches" 14.
234---The Inaugurators of Written Characters and Documents (IV A. 9a).
a.What constant [value] does the Ch'un ch'iu represent? It has provided the rules from [the times of] Huang-ti onwards. b.What do we mean by saying this? The I says: "In the highest antiquity government was carried on by means of knotted cords; the Sages of later generations substituted for these written characters and documents; therewith the hundred officials were regulated, and the myriads of people examined" 15. By the Sages of later generations the Five Emperors are meant. The Chuan says: "The Three August Ones during a hundred generations observed the spiritual and primeval documents [of nature] 16; in the period of the Five Emperors. the books and charts 17 were received; [later,] historical records on governmental [affairs] were inscribed 18. Since Ti-k'uei the documents on rites and music in three thousand two hundred and forty p'ien had been set aside" 19.
1. fang-po, cf. ch. VII, par. 55d.
2. Cf. M.H. V. 397, Lun yü, IX. 14 (L. 221).
3. Ch. II. 21 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 2.9a; L. 153). Cf. Book of History (L. 535). The Yüan ta-tê ed. (8.18b) reads 以 instead of 亦 'also.'
4. For Major and Minor Relationships see ch. XXIX.
5. 五 教 wu-chiao, i.e. 'the duties belonging to the five relations of society', cf. Tso chuan, Wên 18, L. 283, and Book of History, Shun tien, L. 44.
6. The usual tradition gives 100 or 102 p'ien, see Legge's Prolegomena to the Book of History, p. 7, and Lun h êng, Forke, I. 447.
7. Some passage is missing here.
8. 論 語 lun-yü.
9. 受 , i.e. 紂 Chou; cf. M.H. I. 242, n. 4.
10. I.e., out of the eight trigrams he made the sixty-four hexagrams, see M.H. I.221, and Han shu, Wu hsing chih, 27A. 2a. Cf. also Wang Hsien-ch'ien's comm. on the section of the I in the I wên chih (Han shu, 30.4b).
11. Cf. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ü, 12.5a (L. 382), where some different characters are used.
12. 情 probably is superfluous.
13. Instead of the Ch'un ch'iu probably the Yüeh has to be enumerated (Lu).
14. Li chi chu shu, 50.1a; C. II. 353. The inclusion of the Ch'un ch'iu in this quotation perhaps serves as a proof for 'another opinion", which adopts six instead of five Canons (Lu).
15. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.9b; L. 385.
16. 計 神 元 畫 . The translation is tentative. The Three August Ones (see Vol. 1, p. 232, par. 15a-e) were supposed to be more 'virtuous' than the later Sovereigns, and to have no need for written 'wisdom'. The Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.44a; the statement, without the source being mentioned, also occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm., Kung yang chu shu, Ch'êng 8, 17.20b) says: "Confucius says: The August Ones took their example from the primeval [fluid]; in a natural way they practised the art [of governing], without [making use of] written documents."
17. 錄 圖 lu-t'u, also written 緣 丨, i.e. the Books of the Lo and the Charts of the Ho, cf. Vol. 1, p. 337, n. 339. According to the Wu hsing chih it was to Fu-hsi (an 'August One') that the Charts of the Ho were given, while Yü (a 'King') received the Books of the Lo (Han shu, 27A.la). For the 'Five Emperors' cf. Vol. I, p. 233, par. 15f.
18. 史 記 從 政 錄 . The translation is again tentative. Perhaps the meaning is that under the 'Three Kings' (see Vol. 1, p. 234, par. 15l) the need for administration and records began.
19. The Chuan, from which this quotation is taken, seems to be the Shang shuwei hsüan chi ch'ien. K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the Preface of the Shang shu (chu shu, 序. 10b) quotes the Shang shu wei saying that Confucius in his search for documents obtained those of Huang-ti's great-great-grandson Ti-k'uei 帝 魁 which, reaching to the time of Duke Mu of Ch'in (659-621), comprised 3240 p'ien; of this material Confucius only preserved 120 p'ien: 102 p'ien formed the Shang shu, 18 p'ien the (Shang shu) chung hou; 3120 p'ien were set aside. Ma Kuo-han's ed. of the Hsüan chi ch'ien (Yü han, 53.47a-49b, from a quotation in the comm. on the Shih chi) gives the same story, but mentions 3330 instead of 3240 p'ien.
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