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《書》曰:"成王崩。"天子(陳)[稱]崩何?別尊卑，異生死也。天子曰崩， 大尊像，崩之為言崩伏，天下撫擊失神明，黎庶殞涕，海內悲涼。諸侯曰薨。國 失陽,薨之言奄也，奄然亡也。，大夫曰卒。精熠終卒。卒之為言終於(國)[邦] 也。士曰不祿，失其忠節，不忠，終君之(綠)[祿]，(綠)[祿]之囂消也，身消 名彰，。庶人曰死。魂[魄)去亡 o死之為言澌，精氣窮也。崩薨紀於國何?以為有尊 卑之禮,謐唬之制即有矣。禮始於黃帝，至堯、舜而備。《易》言(復)[沒]者，據 (遂) [遠]也。《書》[言]殂落死者矣。各自見羲。堯皆僭痛之，舜見終各一 也。
喪者、何謂也?喪者、亡[也]。人死謂之喪[何]? 言其[喪]亡，不可復得見 也。不直言[死]，[稱]喪[者]何?為孝子[之]心不忍言[也)。《尚書》曰: "武王既喪。"《喪 [禮](終)[經]》曰: "死為適室。"知據死者稱喪也。生 者喪痛之亦稱喪。《禮》曰:"喪服斬衰。"《易》曰:"不封不樹，喪期無數。" 《孝經》曰:"孝子之喪親也。"是施生者也。天子下至庶人，俱書喪何?欲言身體髮 膚俱受之父母，其痛一也。
天子聞諸侯薨，哭之何?慘怛發中，泉痛之至也。使大夫(吊)[弔]之，追遠重終之羲也。故《禮·檀弓》曰:"天子哭諸侯，爵弁純衣。"又曰:"遣大夫(吊) [弔]， (謂)[詞]曰:"皇天降災，子遭離之難。鳴呼哀哉大王使臣某 (吊)[弔]。"
崩薨三日乃小斂何?奪孝子之恩以漸也。一日之時，屬續於口上以候絕氣。二日之時，尚冀其生。三日之時，魂氣不還，終不可宗何。故《禮·士喪經》曰:"御者四人皆坐，持禮屬繽，以候絕氣。"《禮》曰:"天子諸侯三日小斂，大夫士二日小斂。"屬繽於口者，孝子欲生其親也。人死必沐浴於中言何? 示潔淨反本也。《禮·檀弓》曰:"死於牖下，沐浴於中霤，販哈於牖下，小殮於戶內，大斂於咋階，殯於客位，祖於磨，葬於墓。所以即遠。"奪孝子之恩以漸也。所以有飯唅何? 緣生食，今死，不欲虛其口，故唅。 用珠寶物何也?有益死者形體。故天子飯以玉，諸侯以珠，大夫以(米)[璧]，士以貝也。
贈燧、何謂也?贈之為曾稱也，玩好曰贈。襚之為實遺也，衣被曰(曰)襚。知死者則贈褪，所以助生送死，追恩重極，副至意也。(贈)[賻]贈者、何謂也?(贈)[賻]者、助也，[賵者、赴也]，所以相[赴]佐給不足也。故(吊) [弔] 辭曰:"知生則賻 [贈]。"貨財日賻，車馬曰贈。
夏后氏殯於阼階，殷人殯於兩楹之問，周人殯於西階之上何?夏后氏教以忠，忠者、厚也。曰: 生、吾親也，死亦吾親也。主人宜在阼。殷人教以敬，曰:死者將去，又不敢容也。故置之兩楹之間，賓主共夾而敬之。周人教以文，曰:死者將去，不可又得。故賓客之也。《檀弓記》曰: "夏后氏殯於咋階，殷人殯於兩楹之間，周人殯於西階。"
《稽命徵》曰:"天子舟車殯何?為避水火災也。故棺在車上，車在舟中。" 臣子更執紼，畫夜常(百二十二)[千二百]人。紼者、所以(掌)[牽]持棺[者] 也。故《禮》曰:"天子舟車殯，諸侯串殯，大夫倚塗，士窟，尊卑之差也。"
所以有棺槨何?所以掩藏形惡也。不欲令孝子見其毀壞也。棺之為言之兒,所以藏尸令兒全也。槨之為言廓，所以開廓辟土，無令迫棺也。《禮·王制》曰: "天子棺槨九重，衣衾百二十稱。千領大度曰:公侯五重，衣衾九十稱。士再重。禮曰:大夫有大棺三重，衣衾五十稱。士無大棺二重，衣衾三十稱。單祫備為一稱。"《禮·檀弓》曰:"天子棺四重，水(光草)[兕革]棺被之，其厚三寸， (地)[牠] 棺一，梓棺二，柏檸以端長六尺。"有虞氏瓦棺，今以木何? 虞尚質，故用瓦。夏后氏益文, 故易之以堲周。謂堲木相周，無膠漆之(周)[用]也。殷人棺槨,有膠漆之用。周人浸文，牆置，加巧飾。喪葬之禮，緣生以事死，生時無，死亦不敢造。太古之時，穴居野處，(夜)[衣]皮帶革，故死，衣之以薪，內藏不飾。中古之時,有宮室衣服，故衣之幣帛，藏以棺檸，封樹識表，體以象生。夏殷彌文，齊之以器械，至周大文，緣夫婦生時同室，死同葬之。
崩薨別號,至墓同，何也?時臣子藏其君狄，安(曆)[厝]之義，實賤同。 葬之為言下藏之也。所以入地何? 人(時)[生]於陰，含陽光。死始入地，歸所與也。
天子七月而葬,諸侯五月而葬何?尊卑有差也。天子七月而葬，囿軌必至。諸侯五月而葬，同會必至。所以慎終重喪也。 《禮》曰:"(家)[冢]人(奉)[掌] [兆域之]圖，先(君)[王]之葬，君居以中。[以]昭穆為左右，群臣從葬，以貴賤序。"
葬於城郭外何? 死生別盧，終始異居。《易》曰"葬之中野"，所以絕孝子之思慕 也。《傅》曰:" 作樂於廟，不聞於墓。哭泣於墓，不聞於廟。"所以於北方何? 就陰也。《檀弓》曰:"孔子卒，所以受魯君之璜玉葬魯城北。"又曰:" 於邑 北，北首，三代之達禮也。"
封樹者、所以為識。故《檀弓》曰:"古也墓而不墳，今丘也，東西南北之小也， 不可以不識也，於是封之，崇四尺。"《春秋含文嘉》曰:"天子墳高三仞，樹以 松。諸侯半之，樹以柏。大夫八尺，樹以檗。士四尺，樹以槐。庶人無墳，樹以楊 柳。"
XLIII. The Passing Away of the Son of Heaven and of the Feudal Lord
290---The Terms Pêng and Hung (IV B. 10a-b).
a.The Shang shu says: "King Ch'êng 'died'". 1 Why is the term pêng used to denote [the death of] the Son of Heaven [whereas different terms are used for all other persons]? It is to distinguish between the high and the lowly, to differentiate [their status in] life [as well as after] death. Pêng used for the Son of Heaven is the expression of something great and exalted. Pêng means that the Son of Heaven like a collapsing mountain lies prostrate, so that all under Heaven are struck and lose their wits, which means that the people weep in distress, and grief and sadness prevail throughout all within the seas 2. b.The term for [the death of] a Feudal Lord is hung, [which means that] the state has lost its yang. Hung means yen 'suddenly', [that is] suddenly to pass away 3. c.The term for [the death of] a great officer is tsu; the essential and sparkling [stuff] has come to an end. Tsu indicates that he is finished for the state 4. d.The term for [the death of] a common officer is pu-lu5; he does not continue to the end the service to his Lord. Lu means hsiao 'to consume' 6; while he consumes his body [in the service of his Lord] his name attains glory 7. e.The term for [the death of] the comman man is ssŭ; his spirit and soul escape and disappear. Ssŭ means ssŭ 'exhausted'; the essential [stuff and the] breath have exhausted themselves 8. f.Why is it that the death of the Son of Heaven and that of a Feudal Lord are recorded in [the annals of] the states? 9 Because there are rites for the high and the lowly, and regulations for posthumous names and appellations; therefore there are [records of them]. The [institution of] rites began with Huang-ti, and was completed under Yao and Sun. In the I [death is] denoted as mo10 because [the statement was] based on [the tradition of] distant antiquity. The Shu speaks of tsu-lao [for the death of Yao] 11, and ssŭ [for the death of Shun] 12; for both the meaning is self-evident. With Yao [the meaning is to be] seen from [the point of view of] grief and sorrow, with Shun it is to be seen from [the point of view of] his ending [his life], but both [convey the] same [sense].
291---The Term Sang is Used for the Son of Heaven Down to the Common Man (IV B. 10b-11a).
a.What does sang mean? Sang means wang 'to disappear' 13. Why is sang used to denote the death of a man? It expresses the idea that he has disappeared, and is not seen again 14. Why is it not just said that he has 'died' ssŭ, but is the term sang used [instead]? The feelings [of love] of the filial son prevent him from using the word [ssŭ 'die']. The Shang shu says: "When King Wu had 'passed away' sang...." 15. The Sang li ching says: "The dead lies in an apartment of the principal hall" 16. We know [by this] that the dead is spoken of as 'to have passed away' sang. b.Grief and mourning of the living are also denoted by the term sang. The Li speaks [in the chapter] 'Mourning Garments' Sang fu of 'the unhemmed sackcloth" 17. The I says: "They did not raise mounds neither did they plant trees [on their graves] nor had they any fixed period of mourning" 18. The Hsiao ching says: "The mourning of a filial son for his parent" 19. These [are all instances where the term sang] applies to the living. c.Why is the term sang used [indiscriminately] for the Son of Heaven down to the common man? It expresses the idea that all men have received their bodies, their hair, and their skin from their parents, and that their suffering is the same.
292---The Death of the Son of Heaven is Announced to the Feudal Lords (IV B. 11a).
Why is it that the death of the Son of Heaven is announced to the Feudal Lords? Because when the subjects and sons have lost their Lord their grief and mourning are so overwhelming that they cannot but communicate them to others. It is desirable that the Feudal Lords be informed of [the death], so that they can use the produce of their lands to contribute to the mourning sacrifices. Therefore the Li says: "When the Son of Heaven dies an envoy is sent to announce [the death] to the Feudal Lords" 20.
293---The Feudal Lords Hasten to the Place of Mourning. (IV B. 11a-b).
a.Why is it that at the death of the King the Feudal Lords hasten to the [place of] mourning? Being [the King's] subjects and sons they are so much afflicted by grief and sorrow that none of them does not wish to see their Lord-and-father's coffin [at the side of which] they may exhaust their [feelings of] woe 21. b.[However,] the frontiers they have to guard for the Son of Heaven cannot be left undefended. Therefore they divide themselves into three groups: there are those who immediately after the death hasten [to the palace of the Son of Heaven]; there are those who delay 22 their coming until the middle [of the period at which time they can] exhaust their [feelings of] grief; there are those who wait 23 until the gathering of the mourners who are to escort the Lord [to his grave]. Within the period of seven months [in this way] there have been among the Feudal Lords those who in the capital personally assisted in the [first] sacrifices [incumbent] on a subject and son; there have been those who gave vent to their [feelings of] sorrow by wailing along the roads while they hastened [to the capital], and there have been those who stayed in their states wailing and mourning, and reverently exerted themselves to devise means by which to contribute to the funeral sacrifices. c.Within the four seas all are immersed in grief: it means that [all] the subjects are mourning [for the Son of Heaven] as they would have done for their fathers and mothers. d.At the funeral there is a gathering [of Feudal Lords, that is:] near and distant relatives, and [those whose abodes are] far and near have come in their entirety; it is the expression of the principle of loving the relative. e.Why is it that a Feudal Lord who, being a youth, is not required to go to court is in duty bound to hasten to the funeral? It means that the relation between the subject and son and the Lord and father is not [altered] by old age or youth. Also [it is allowed to such a Feudal Lord to] follow the substance of the mourning [ceremony] without observing the elaborate 24 rites; he is only required to exhaust his [feelings of] sorrow.
294---The Subject Gives Announcement to the Lord (IV B. 11b).
Why is it that the death of a subject is announced to his Lord? Because 25 the Lord should feel sorrow and grief for his subject and son [who has died]. He wishes to be informed of it that he may fulfill the rites of giving presents for the funeral 26. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu says: "K'ao-fu, Marquis of Ts'ai, dies". The Chuan says: "The death [of a Feudal Lord] is announced [to the Son of Heaven], but not the funeral" 27.
295---The Death of a Feudal Lord is Announced to the Neighbour States (IV B. 11b-12a).
Why is it that the death of a Feudal Lord is announced to the neighbour states? Because these states may wish to take part in the [funeral] rites. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The death of the mother of Duke Huan was announced to the [other] Feudal Lords" 28. Duke Huan's mother was of a lowly position 29, still [her death was] announced to the [other] Feudal Lords; it is clear that the death of a Feudal Lord is [certainly] announced to the neighbour states.
296---The Death of the Spouse of a Feudal Lord is Announced to the Son of Heaven (IV B. 12a).
The death of the Spouse of a Feudal Lord is announced to the Son of Heaven because [the Feudal Lord] dares not of his own accord abstain himself from his ruler's duties. Moreover, the Son of Heaven may wish to be informed of it that he may contribute to the [funeral] rites. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The King [mandated] by Heaven sent the administrator Hsüan to come and present a carriage and horses for the funeral of Duke Hui ['s wife] Chung-tzŭ" 30. [The Ch'un ch'iu] blames [the fact that the presents were sent] too late. As Chung-tzŭ was [only] the favourite concubine of the Lord of Lu 31, how much more would it be so with [a Feudal Lord's] Spouse.
297---The Feudal Lord Returns the Auspicious Jade Tablet (IV B. 12a).
When a Feudal Lord dies, why is his Minister sent to return his Auspicious Jade Tablet to the Son of Heaven? The Feudal Lord was given the Jade Tablet as [a symbol of his] good faith. Now he has died, and his successor will have to spend three years in the mourning shed before he can again be invested with [his father's] dignities. Therefore the returning [of the Jade Tablet rests upon] the principle of relinquishment and cession. The Li says: "When a Feudal Lord dies his Minister is sent to return his Auspicious Jade Tablet to the Son of Heaven" 32.
298---The Son of Heaven Mourns for the Feudal Lord (IV B. 12a-b).
Why is it that when the Son of Heaven is informed of the death of a Feudal Lord he wails for him? It is the manifestation of his [feelings of] sadness, for he suffers the deepest sorrow. He then charges a great officer to pay a visit of condolence, so as to keep the remembrance of the distant [Lord], and to attach importance to the [fact of] death. Therefore the Li t'an kung says: "When the Son of Heaven wails for a [deceased] Feudal Lord he puts on the [cap] chüeh-pien and silk garments" 33. It also says: "The Son of Heaven sends a great officer to pay a visit of condolence; his words are: August Heaven has sent down this calamity, into which you [,my Lord,] have by destiny been thrown, alas! The King [mandated] by Heaven has sent his servant, So-and-So, to condole with you" 34.
299---The Lord Condoles With his Officer (IV B. 12b-13a).
a.Why is it that at the death of his officer the Lord goes to pay a visit of condolence? He was in close relation [with the deceased] in the governing together 35 of the people; his affection is deep and the relationship weighs heavy, so that he wishes to see him personally. Therefore the Li tsa chi says: "When the Lord pays a visit of condolence to his officer the host waits outside the gate. When he sees the heads of the horses [of the carriage of the Lord] he stops his weeping. When the Lord arrives the host first enters [the house]; the Lord ascends by the eastern steps, faces west, and weeps. The host, standing in the middle of the hall, joins in the weeping" 36. b.It also says: 37 'When a great officer is ill his Lord inquires about him continually; when a common officer is ill he only inquires about him once" 38. c.At the death of a great officer "when the time has come for the burial [the Lord does] not taste meat; when the time has come for the wailing to be stopped he does not have music performed [at his meals]. In the case of [the death of] a common officer, when the time has come to put him into the coffin, [the Lord] abstains from having music performed" 39. d.One must not wear a black cap when paying a visit of condolence because one should not approach people in distress in one's auspicious dress 40; it means that one should aid [in the assuaging of] grief. The Lun yü says: "[The Noble Man does] not wear lamb's fur or a black cap on a visit of condolence" 41.
300---The Filling of the Mouth and the Dressing (IV B. 13a-b).
a.Why is it that [not until] three days after the death of the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord [is the corpse subjected to] the Smaller Dressing 42? It is in order that the grief of the filial son may be diminished by degrees. On the first day of death a piece of floss-silk is put upon the mouth to watch for the cessation of the breath; on the second day it is still hoped that [the deceased] may return to life; on the third day [it is certain that] the vital fluid will not come back, and death is irrevocable. Therefore the Li shih sang ching says: "Four attendants sit [by the deceased], prop up his body, and put a piece of floss-silk [on his mouth] to watch for the cessation of his breath" 43. The Li says: "For the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord the Smaller Dressing takes place three days [after the death], for a great officer or a common officer two days. A piece of floss-silk is put upon the mouth because the filial son wishes [to see] his parent come to life [again]" 44. b.Why is it that the corpse must be washed under the impluvium 45? It indicates that the purification takes places according to the original rites 46. The Li t'an kung says: "The dying person lies below the window, the washing [of the corpse] takes place under the impluvium, the filling of the mouth below the window, the Smaller Dressing inside the door, the Greater Dressing at the eastern steps, the encoffining on the guest's seat 47, the sacrifice of departure 48 in the courtyard, the interment in the grave; in this way the corpse is moved farther and farther away, and the filial son's grief is diminished by degrees" 49. c.Why is the mouth 'filled' 50? As a living being he has eaten, and now that he is dead his mouth should not be left empty; therefore it is 'filled' 51. d.Why are pearls and [other] precious things used [to put into the mouth of the deceased]? To add to [the adornment of] the bodily form of the deceased. Therefore for the Son of Heaven jade is used to put into the mouth 52, for a Feudal Lord pearls, for a great officer a pi, for a common officer a shell 53.
301---The Giving of Funeral Clothes and of a Carriage and Horses (IV B. 14a-b).
a.What does tsêng-sui 'to present funeral clothes' mean? Tsêng means ch'êng 'to complete'; [the presentation of] what is beautiful and loveable is called tsêng54. Sui means i 'to endow'; clothes and covers are called sui55. When one had friendly relations with the deceased one presents funeral clothes in order to aid the living [son] when he supplies them to the dead 56. It is a reminder of affection, [a token of] recognition of the death, and a correlate of one's deepest feelings. b.What does fu-fêng mean? Fu means chu 'to aid' 57; therewith one aids and gives to him who has not enough. Fêng means fu 'to hasten'; therewith one hastens to aid the other 58. Therefore we say with respect to [the presents at] the condolence: when one has friendly relations with the living [son the presentation is called] fu59. [The presentation of] goods and money is called fu, [the presentation of] a carriage and horses is called fêng60.
302---The Day of the Encoffining (IV B. 14a).
The Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days [after his death], a Feudal Lord five days; the [two] events are different as to their import, and the sacrifices are not of the same class. Therefore the Wang chih says: "The Son of Heaven is encoffined seven days, a Feudal Lord five days, a Minister or great officer three days [after their deaths]" 61.
303---The Rites of Encoffining During the Three Dynasties (IV B. 14a-b).
Why is it that under the Hsia Dynasty the encoffining took place at [the top of] the eastern steps, under the Yin between the two pillars [of the steps], and under the Chou at the top of the western steps? The Hsia instructed by 'loyalty'. Loyalty chung means hou 'gratitude' 62; [this was what] they said: "In life our father, in death still our father"; the host [such as he still was] should be at [the top of] the eastern steps. The Yin instructed by reverence; [this was what] they said: "The deceased is about to depart, still we dare not treat him as a guest"; therefore they placed him [in the coffin] between the two pillars [of the steps], where he was honoured as combining the positions of host and guest. The Chou instructed by culture; [this was what] they said: "The deceased is about to depart, and we cannot detain him"; therefore they treated him as a guest [,whose place was the western steps]. The T'an kung chi says: "Under the Hsia the encoffining took place at [the top of] the eastern steps, under the Yin between the two pillars [of the steps], under the Chou at the top of the western steps" 63.
304---The Boat-Carriage Catafalque of the Son of Heaven (IV B. 14b).
The Chi ming chêng64 says: "Why is the corpse of the Son of Heaven placed in a boat-carriage catafalque? To guard it against flood or fire. Therefore the coffin is placed upon a carriage, and the carriage is placed in a boat. Servants, to the number of twelve hundred men, constantly taking turns, hold the ropes during the day and night 65. These ropes are to keep the coffin in its place and to pull it". Therefore the Li says: "The Son of Heaven has a boat-carriage catafalque, a Feudal Lord a carriage catafalque, and a great officer a pallissaded and plastered [coffin]" 66; a common officer is simply buried 67 [in an ordinary coffin]" 68. This is to distinguish between the high and the lowly.
305---The Sacrifice of Departure (IV B. 14b-15a).
Why does the 'sacrifice of departure' tsu take place in the courtyard? [This is the opportunity for] the filial son to exhaust his feelings of affection. Tsu means shih 'to begin' 69; the beginning is made of the placing [of the coffin] in the carriage in the courtyard 70. [Another opinion is:] With the coffin placed on a bier leave is taken from the 'first ancestor and the deceased father' tsu-ni; therefore [the sacrifice is] named tsu-tsai71. Therefore the Li says: "The sacrifice of departure takes place in the courtyard, the interment in the grave" 72. It also says: "When they proceed to the ancestors [with the coffin] they ascend by the western steps" 73.
306---The Rules for the Thickness of the Coffin (IV B. 15a-16a).
a.Why are an inner coffin and an outer coffin used? To conceal the hideous [sight of the dead] body. It is not desirable that the filial son should witness the [process of] decay. b.Kuan 'inner coffin' means wan 'to conserve' 74. It confines the corpse and conserves it. c.Kuo 'outer coffin' means k'uo 'to enlarge' 75. It enlarges [the inner coffin], and prevents the earth from penetrating into the inner coffin. d.The Li wang chih says: "The coffin of the Son of Heaven has nine layers and his funeral garments consist of one hundred and twenty ch'êng; [the coffin of] a Feudal Lord has five layers and his funeral garments consist of ninety ch'êng; a great officer has a large inner coffin with three layers and his funeral garments consist of fifty ch'êng; [the coffin of] a common officer has two layers, but there is no large inner coffin while his funeral garments consist of thirty ch'êng. The inner and outer garments together constitute a ch'êng" 76. The Li t'an kung [,however,] says: "The inner coffin of the Son of Heaven has four layers; the hides of a water-buffaloo and a rhinoceros, overlapping each other and each being three inches thick, serve as [the first layer of the] coffin; [then] there is one coffin [of the wood] of the white poplar 77 [,forming the second layer,] and two coffins of the catalpa 78 [wood, forming the third and fourth layers]; the outer coffin is made of boards of cypress wood, [in pieces of] six feet long" 79. e.Why is it that whereas [in the time of Shun of] Yü earthenware coffins were used wood is now employed? Yü adhered to the Principle of Substance, and therefore earthenware was used. The Hsia [,adherents of the Principle of Form,] added [some] refinements; therefore they effected a change by surrounding it with an enclosure of brick, that is to say: brick and wood enclosed [the coffin] without the use of glue or varnish. The Yin had inner and outer coffins, and made use of glue and varnish. The Chou, advancing in refinement, added surrounding curtains and feathery ornaments by applying their skill in adornment 80. f.The rites for mourning and burial are: to serve the dead in accordance with [his state when] alive. What he had not in his lifetime should not be created after his death 81. g.In the time of the highest antiquity [the people] lived in caves or dwelt on the plains; they were clothed in skins and wore girdles of hide. So, when they died they were covered with faggots, under which they were stowed away without any adornments. In the times of middle antiquity there came buildings and garments. Therefore [the corpses were] clad in silk, and buried in coffins. A tumulus was raised and trees were planted [on the grave] to make it recognizable [as such]. They treated the [dead] body as if it were alive. The Hsia and the Yin were more advanced in refinement, and completed [the funeral rites] by [providing] vessels and implements. When it came to the Chou refinement became great; [they introduced the principle that] since husband and wife during their life had the same habitation after death they should be buried together 82.
307---The Corpse (IV B. 16a).
What do [the words for 'corpse'] shih and chiu mean? Shih means ch'ên 'to stretch out' 83; when the breath has stopped and the spirit has left it is only the bodily form that lies stretched out. Chiu means chiu 'final', chiu 'forever' 84; the dead body will never be removed. The ch'ü li says: "[The corpse lying] in the bed is called shih; in the coffin it is called chiu" 85.
308---The Burial (IV B. 16a).
a.Since a distinction is made in the denotation [of the death of the high and the lowly, such as] by the use of [the words] pêng and hung, why is it the same [for all] when it comes to [the burial in] the grave? In all times the subject and son has the duty of laying his Lord and father to rest, and [this duty] applies to the high as well as to the lowly. Tsang 'to bury' means hsia-ts'ang 'to put out of sight' 86. b.Why [are the dead buried] in the earth? Man is born of the yin, though he contains a charge 87 of the yang. When he dies 88 he is buried in the earth that he may return to her who has given him [life].
309---The Burial-Grounds (IV B. 16b).
Why is it that the Son of Heaven is buried seven months, and a Feudal Lord five months [after their deaths]? To distinguish between the high and the lowly 89. "The Son of Heaven is buried seven months [after his death] by which time all his subjects were expected to be present; a Feudal Lord is buried five months [after his death] by which time all his allies were expected to be present." 90
Thus do they express their [feelings of] solicitude for the deceased and the mourner. The Li says: "The officer for the graves is charged with the plans for the burial-grounds. The grave of the first King occupies the middle position with the graves of his son and grandson to his left and right" 91. All his subjects for the burial follow this order of [distinguishing between] the high and the lowly.
310---The Joint Burial (IV B. 16b).
Why are [husband and wife] buried together? To complete the union of husband and wife. Therefore the Shih says: "Living they occupy different apartments, dead they share the same hole" 92. And the Li t'an kung says: "[Confucius said:] The burying together [of husband and wife] is not an ancient custom; it dates from [the time of] the Duke of Chou, and has not been changed since" 93.
311---Man is Buried with His Head Turned to the North (IV B. 16b-17a) 94.
a.Why [is it that man is] buried outside the city walls? The dead and the living should have different dwellings, the end and the beginning should occupy different places. The I says: "[In ancient times the dead were] buried in the open country" 95. In this way an end was made to the reverential thoughts [which had constantly been cherished] by the filial son. The Chuan says: "Music is performed in the ancestral temple, but it should not be heard at the grave. The wailing takes place at the grave, but it should not be heard in the ancestral temple" 96. b.Why [are the dead buried] to the north [of the city]? They go to the yin [-region]. The T'an kung says: "To bury to the north [of the city] and with the head [of the dead] turned to the north was the common practise of the Three Dynasties" 97. When Confucius died he was buried, [together] with the huang jade he had received from the ruler of Lu, to the north of the capital of Lu 98.
312---The Grave-Mound (IV B. 17a-b).
a.A tumulus is made and trees are planted [on the grave] that it may be recognized [as such]. Therefore the T'an kung says: "[Confucius said:] In antiquity no mounds were raised over the graves; now [I,] Ch'iu, am a man [who is always travelling] east, west, south, and north, and it would not do if I could not recognize [my parents' grave]. Thereupon he raised a tumulus over it four feet high" 99. b.The Han wên chia100 says: "The grave-mound of the Son of Heaven is thirty feet high with a pine-tree planted on it; that of a Feudal Lord is half that height with a cypress planted on it; that of a great officer is eight feet high with a luan-tree 101 planted on it; that of a common officer four feet with an accacia planted on it; the common man has no grave-mound, but a willow is planted [on the grave]".
1. 崩 pêng, Shang shu chu shu, Ku ming, 17.20a; L. 549, where the text reads: "On the next day, i-ch'ou, the King died."
2. "The people weep, etc." also occurs in the Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.45a). Sung Chung explains 凉 'sadness' as 愁.
3. hung 薨 , yen 奄. The same explanation is given by the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Han shih i shu k'ao, 47.17b).
4. 卒 . Cf. Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c.
5. 不 祿 .
6. 消 .
7. "While he consumes, etc." also occurs in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c.
8. 死, 澌 . Cf. Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c. For all these different terms to denote death see also ch. ch'ü li of the Li chi (C. I. 102), and the Kung yang chuan, Yin 3, 2.10a.
9. E.g. in the Ch'un ch'iu, the annals of the state of Lu.
10. 沒 , used for Fu-hsi and Shên-nung in ch. Hsi tz'ŭ of the Chou i (chu shu, 12.6a-b).
11. 殂 落 , see Book of History, Yao tien, L. 40.
12. 死 , ibid., Shun tien, L. 51.
13. 喪, 亡 .
14. 復 得 is superfluous acc. to Liu, 74.5a.
15. Shang shu chu shu, Chin t'êng, 12.12a; L. 357. Chêng Hsüan understands sang as meaning 'mourning', thus "When the mourning for King Wu had expired" (Sun Hsing-yen in Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 13.23).
16. I li chu shu, Shih sang li, 12.1a; C. 439. The 適 室 ti-shih is an apartment of the 正 寢 chêng-ch'in, which is the same as the lu-ch'in (Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the I li passage, l.c. and Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32, 9.13a). Cf. also Vol. I, p. 282, n. 114. Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on the I li (l.c.) says that what is called the lu-ch'in of the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords, is the ti-shih of a Minister, great officer and common officer. On a passage in ch. Sang ta chi (Li chi chu shu, 44.2b) Chêng Hsüan's comm. says that what the lu-ch'in is for the Lord the ti-ch'in is for a great officer and the ti-shih for a common officer, while ch'in and shih mean the same. K'ung Ying-ta further explains: chêng-ch'in means 'proper apartment', i.e. the chief apartment in contradistinction to the smaller apartments. The context in the Po hu t'ung passage is not clear as the I li quotation contains the word ssŭ for 'the dead'.
17. I li chu shu, Sang fu, 11.1a; C. 384. The unhemmed sackcloth is the dress worn for the deepest mourning of three years.
18. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.9b; L. 385. Cf. ch. XLII, par. 277a.
19. Hsiao ching chu shu, Sang ch'in, 9.1a; L. 487.
20. The quotation cannot be identified.
21. Cf. ch. XLII, par. 286b.
22. 待 instead of 得 (Liu, 74.5a).
24. 般 旋 p'an-hsüan, literally 'twisting and turning'.
25. 此 should be 以 (Liu, 74.5a).
26. fu-fêng, see infra, par. 301b.
27. Kung yang chu shu, Yin 8, 3.18a.
28. Ibid., Yin 1, 1.19a.
29. See infra, n. 31.
30. Yin 1. She was Duke Huan's mother, cf. n. 28. For the present of a carriage and horses see par. 301b.
31. Cf. Legge's note in his Tso chuan translation, p. 3.
32. The quotation cannot be identified. For the Auspicious Jade Tablets cf. ch. XXVI, n. 2.
33. Li chi chu shu, 8.26a; C. I. 185; L. I. 159. The Li chi text has after "chüeh-pien" also the word 絰 緇 tieh, and for 'silk garments' ?(此字為“絲”字旁加“才”) 衣 instead of 純 丨 in the Po hu t'ung quotation. Chêng Hsüan's comm. considers tieh superfluous, a contamination with the expression 弁 丨pien-tieh, occurring in the Chou li, and there explained by Chêng Hsüan as a kind of chüeh-pien (for which see ch. XLI, par. 273), which, however, is of white silk 素 (Chou li chu shu, Ssŭ fu, 21.12a). ?(此字為 “絲” 字旁加 “才”)is also written 純 , is the same as (Lu Tê-ming's Yin i, Li chi chu shu, 8.26b), and means 絲 (K'ung Ying-ta, l.c.).
34. The T'an kung text (o.c. 26b) reads: "One opinion says that [the Son of Heaven] sends one of his officers to wail for him." Chêng Hsüan's comment is that this opinion cannot be right. The Po hu t'ung seems to give quite a different interpretation, first by the statement "He then charges a great officer, etc." (before the quotation from the Li t'an kung), then by changing the opening words of the second sentence in the T'an kung ("One opinion says") into "It also says", and lastly by twisting the whole passage and supplementing it with its own words. The question whether the Son of Heaven ought or ought not to mourn for a Feudal Lord was a much debated one (cf. the Wu ching i i, 1250.47a).
35. 其 should be 共 (reading of the Yüan ta-tê ed., 10.13a).
36. Not in the present Tsa chi, but a more or less similar statement occurs in ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi (C. II. 244 and 246).
37. The text reads: "Another opinion says", which is probably an error as there is no question of difference of opinions.
38. Li chi chu shu, Tsa chi, 43.4b; C. II. 185, where the wording is slightly different. Acc. to ch. Sang ta chi, 45.16a; C. II. 246, the Lord only inquires thrice when a great officer is ill.
39. From ch. Tsa chi (43.4b; C. II. 185).
40. chi-fu, cf. Vol. I, p. 286, n. 133.
41. Ch. X. 6, Lun yü chu shu, 10.7a; L. 231.
42. hsiao-lien, Cf. Vol. I, p. 285, n. 129.
43. I li chu shu, Chi hsi, Chi, 13.39b; C. 500 (ch. Chi hsi originally was the second part of ch. Shih sang li, see Chêng Hsüan's Yüan mu, I li chu shu, 11b). Cf. also the shorter statement in Li chi chu shu, Sang ta chi, 44.1b; C. II. 202.
44. The quotation cannot be identified, but cf. ch. Wên sang of the Li chi (chu shu, 56.17a; C. II. 556), where the text speaks of "the Dressing three days after the death". K'ung Ying-ta (19a) explains that the Smaller Dressing is here
45. 中 霤 chung-liu.
46. Literally: "reverting to the origin." Acc. to the T'an kung this was the custom of the Yin (Li chi, C. I. 157; L. I. 144).
47. Cf. infra, par. 303.
48. 祖 tsu, see infra, par. 305.
49. Li chi chu shu, 7.22a; C. I. 150 (also ch. Fang chi, Li chi chu shu, 51.23a; C. II. 416). Both these texts differ from the Po hu t'ung quotation: e.g. they do not contain the statements on the position of the dying man (for which see ch. Sang ta chi of the Li chi, C. II. 202; L. II. 173) and the washing (for which see ibid., C. II. 219; L. II. 181).
50. 飯 唅 fan-han.
51. han. Ch. T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 9.13a; C. I. 200; L. I. 168) says that the mouth is 'filled' fan with uncooked grains of corn 米 mi, and shells (which is the use for common officers, acc. to Chia Kung-yen's sub-comm. on ch. Shih sang li, I li chu shu, 12.17b). Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta's sub-comm. on the T'an kung passage these grains have been put before in the water for the washing. Different kinds of grains are used according to the status of the deceased (Sang ta chi, 44.23a; C. II. 220). For the way of 'filling' see Shih sang li, I li chu shu, 12.22b-23a; C. 449.
53. Ho Hsiu's comm. on Wên 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.13b; also in the Ch'un ch'iu wei shuo t'i tz'ŭ, Yü han, 56.45b) gives the same statement, but has pearls for the Son of Heaven, jade for the Feudal Lords (for the pi see ch. XXVI, n. 9). The custom, acc. to the Chou li (Tien jui, 20.29b; B. I. 492), was to put fragments of jade with grains of corn into the mouth and also to place jade objects with the dead (共 飯 玉 唅 玉 ; I have followed Chêng Hsüan's ex- planation). The Li wei chi ming chêng says: "The mouth of the Son of Heaven is 'filled' fan with pearls and a jade object is 'given with him' han; the mouth of a Feudal Lord is filled with pearls and a pi is given with him; the mouth of a Minister or a great officer is filled with pearls and shells are given with them" (Yü han, 54.27b; this is apparently Ho Hsiu's source). The terms fan and han seem to be used indiscriminately by the Po hu t'ung, but probably a distinction should be made between fan 'the filling of the mouth' and han 含 or 唅'the giving of objects with the deceased'.
54. tsêng 贈 , ch'êng 稱. The same explanation occurs in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.45b-46a). As the context does not show in which meaning ch'êng is to be taken I have decided on 'to complete', relating it to the special sense given to the word in par. 306d (n. 76).
55. sui 禭 , i 遺. See Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c. The statement "clothes and covers are called sui" also occurs in the Kung yang chuan, Yin 1; "sui means i" occurs in Ho Hsiu's comm. on it (Kung yang chu shu, 1.18b).
56. The point of this statement is the use of tsêng, which in such a case means 'to give presents to the deceased friend'. See ch. Chi hsi (I li chu shu, 13.23b; C. 491-492), and Ho Hsiu, l.c. (see n. 55). Cf. also n. 59.
57. 賻, 助 . Hereafter follows in Lu's ed. 賵 者 覆 也 , which should be omitted acc. to Sun I-jang, Cha i, 10.6a, and Liu, 74.5b.
58. 賵之 為 言 赴 也 所 以 相 赴 佐 也 . Supplemented by Sun I-jang and Liu (l.c.).
59. Lu corrects the Yüan ta-tê ed. (10.14b), which has only fu, by supplying fêng, thus: fu-fêng (following the Shuo yüan, Hsiu wên, 19.13a; Ho Hsiu' comm. (see n. 55) writes f êng-fu). I think the original reading with fu alone is correct, cf. ch. Chi hsi (see n. 56). Hsü Yen's sub-comm. in Kung yang chu shu, 1.19a explains that tsêng is used with respect to the dead, fu with respect to the living, while f êng may be used for both cases.
60. This corresponds with Ho Hsiu's comm., l.c.
61. Li chi chu shu, 12.11b; C. I. 286, which includes common officers and common men into the rule of three days, and also says that the interment takes place seven months, five months, and three months (for great officers, common officers and common men) respectively after the death. For great officers and those above them the day and month of death are not included in the calculation. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 286, n. 133.
62. 忠, 厚 . Cf. for the 'Instructions' ch. XXVIII.
63. Li chi chu shu, 7.14b; C. I. 144, where the quoted text is fuller, containing the statement about being 'host', 'host-and-guest', and 'guest' (see also Kung yang chu shu, Chuang 4, 6.16b, Ho Hsiu's comm.). In the Li chi text for 'eastern steps' the term tung-chieh is used instead of tsu-chieh in the Po hu t'ung and Ho Hsiu's comm. (for tsu cf. Vol. I, p. 290, n. 158).
64. An Apocryphal Book of the Ch'un ch'iu.
65. Acc. to Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, Sui jên, 15.22a) the number of men pulling the ropes is one thousand. The Tsa chi (Li chi chu shu, 43.4b; C. II. 186) gives as the number for a Feudal Lord 500, for a great officer 300.
66. 欑 塗 ts'an-t'u. Ts'an (also written ?(此字為 “草”字頭加 “取”) ) means 'to surround the funeral-car with beams of wood' (Chêng Hsüan in Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 8.26b, and Sang ta chi, 45.21a). The coffin of a great officer, however, is only pallissaded on three sides and not plastered all over (Sang ta chi, l.c.; C. II. 251; L. II. 197).
67. 瘞 i. Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the Sang ta chi, l.c. says: "[the coffin of] a common officer is not pallissaded; a hole is dug in the earth into which the coffin is lowered."
68. The quotation cannot be identified.
69. 祖, 始 . From the numerous passages explaining the word tsu I may only quote Chêng Hsüan's comm. on ch. Chi hsi (I li chu shu, 13.9b): "The pledging of wine [at the sacrifice] for the departure [of the funeral procession] is called tsu; tsu means shih 'to begin"'.
70. I.e. the vehicle which carries the coffin to the grave. For the many names for it see Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the Chi hsi, Chi (I li chu shu, 13.60b).
71. The opinion that the tsu sacrifice is connected with tsu 'first ancestor' is also recorded by Chêng Ssŭ-nung (died 83 A.D.) in Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the Chou li (chu shu, Sang chu, 26.3a), but not endorsed by the latter. The word here rendered by 'bier' is 軸chu; it has the shape of a large bed on rollers (Chêng Hsüan in Chi hsi, 13.4b); it is not the carriage for the transportation of the coffin to the grave. For tsu-ni see ch. X, par. 84a and ch. XIX, par. 131b. The name tsu-tsai 祖 載 is, as far as I have been able to investigate, not mentioned in the Classics. Cf. also ch. III, n. 9.
72. See n. 49.
73. I li chu shu, Chi hsi, 13.5b; C. 483; St. II. 79. The I li text reads: "For the transportation [of the coffin] to [the temple of] the ancestors ........ they ascend by the western steps." Chêng Hsüan explains: "they go the way a son has to take."
74. 棺, 完 .
75. 槨, 廓 . Chêng Hsüan's comm. on the T'an kung (Li chi chu shu, 6.12a) explains kuo as ta 'large'.
76. Not in the present ch. Wang chih of the Li chi. The text of the last part of the quotation reads 單 祫 備 為 一 稱 tan-chia pei-wei i-ch'êng. For the translation I have followed Tu Yü's explanation of ch'êng in his comm. on Min 2 (Tso chuan chu shu, 10.12b): 衣 單 複 具 曰 稱; cf. also Li chi, Sang ta chi, 45.3a; C. II. 230; L. II. 187. Tan 'single' is usually written 禫tan in this context, and means the 'personal purification garments' 明 衣ming-i (I li, Shih sang li, 12.12a, comm.). These, being inner garments, should be completed by outer garments, for which no special name seems to be given elsewhere, but are here called chia by the Po hu t'ung. Most of the 'complete garments' are probably only put in the coffin, not on the corpse. For the 'large inner coffin' see n. 79.
77. 杝 i, see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 380.
78. 梓 tzŭ, ibid. 342.
79. Li chi chu shu, 8.24b-25a; C. I. 184-185; L. I. 158-159. The Po hu t'ung quotation omits some other statements of the Li chi passage. Probably this quotation serves to substantiate an opinion differing from that expressed in the first (see n. 76). Chêng Hsüan's comm. says that the second layer of the inner coffin is called p'i-kuan 椑 棺, the third chu 屬 , the fourth ta-kuan 大 丨 'large inner coffin'. K'ung Ying-ta says that for a Duke the water-buffalo hide is left out, for the other Feudal ranks also the rhinoceros hide, for a great officer also the second layer, and for a common officer also the third (so that he has only the 'large inner coffin').
80. Cf. for the whole paragraph Li chi chu shu, T'an kung, 6.11b-12a; C. I. 118; L. I. 125.
81. Cf. ibid., 8.6a; C. I. 163; L. I. 148. See also ch. XXVIII, par. 188b.
82. Cf. infra, par. 310.
83. 尸, 陳 .
84. 柩, 究, 久 .
85. Li chi chu shu, 5.24a; C.I. 102. K'ung Ying-ta, however, says that the words shih and chiu are used indiscriminately.
86. 葬, 下 藏 .
87. 充 , which occurs in a corresponding statement in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Han shih i shu k'ao, 18b) instead of 光 in the Po hu t'ung.
88. 始 probably is superfluous; it does not occur in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ, l.c.
89. Cf. n. 61.
90. This is apparently taken from the Tso chuan, Yin 1 (Tso chuan chu shu, 1.24a; L. 7; also in Ho Hsiu's comm. on Yin 3, Kung yang chu shu, 2.13b), which continues: "a great officer is buried three months [after his death] by which time [all his colleagues of] the same rank are expected to be present; a common officer is buried in the month following [that of his death] by which time all his affinal relatives are expected to be present." The expression 同 軌 t'ung-kuei, here rendered as 'all his subjects' and translated by Legge as 'all the feudal princes', literally means '[all those who use] the same axle-width', i.e. all the people who are subject to the regulations instituted by the Son of Heaven, the barbarians being exempted (Tu Yü's comm. on the Tso chuan, l.c.). Cf. also ch. XXI, par. 142 d.
91. Chou li chu shu, Chung jên, 21.24b; B. II. 20, where the text of the first sentence is a little different. The expression, here translated as 'son and grandson', is 昭 穆 chao-mu, in which chao stands for the father, mu for the son; father and son occupy positions opposite to each other, in the ancestral temple as well as in the burial-ground (cf. ch. Hsiao tsung po, Chou li chu shu, 19.3a, comm. and sub-comm.).
92. Ode 73: Mao shih chu shu, 6.18b; L. 121; K. 16.195.
93. Li chi chu shu, 6.4b; C. I. 110.
94. The title of this paragraph is Ch' ên's (11.36a).
95. Chou i chu shu, Hsi tz'ŭ, 12.9b; L. 385.
96. The quotation cannot be identified.
97. Li chi chu shu, 9.18b; C. I. 204; L. I. 170. The statement in the Li chi text is followed by 之 幽 之 故 也 "it is because [the dead] go to the dark [region]"; the Po hu t'ung statement before the quotation (就 陰 也) is thus a paraphrase of it.
98. Cf. an almost similar passage in the Shuo t'i tz'ŭ (Yü han, 56.46a). For the huang cf. ch. XXVI, par. 168h.
99. Li chi chu shu, 6.7b; C. I. 113-114; L. I. 123.
100. An Apocryphal Book of Rites.
101. 欒 , see Botanicon Sinicum, II. 381.
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