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天子者，爵稱也。爵所以稱天子者何? 王者、父天母地，為天之子也。 故《援神契》曰:"天覆地戟，謂之天子，上法斗極。"《鉤命決》曰:"天子、爵稱也。"
帝王之德有優劣，所以俱稱天子者何? 以其俱[受]命於天，而(王) [主] 治五 千里內也。《尚書》曰: "天子作民父母，以為天下王。"
何以知帝亦稱天子也? 以法天下也。《中候》曰: "天子臣放勛。" 《書 ( 逸篇)曰: "厥兆天子爵。"
何以言皇亦稱天子也? 以其言天覆地載，俱王天下也。故《易》 曰:"伏羲氏之王天下也。"
爵有五等，以法五行也。或三等者，法三光也。或法三光，或法五行何? 質家者據天,故法三光。文家者據地，故法五行。《含文嘉》曰: "殷爵三等， 周爵(三) [五] 等。" 各有宜也。《王制》曰: "王者之制祿爵，凡五等。謂公、侯、伯、子、男。" 此[據]周制也。
所以名之為公、侯者何? 公者、通[也]。公正無私之意也。 (候)[侯]者、候也。 候逆順也。《春秋傳》曰: "王者之後稱公，其餘人皆千乘，象雷震百里所潤同。大國稱侯，小國稱伯、 子、男也。"《王制》曰: "公、侯田方百里，伯七十里，子、男五十里。" 伯者、(百)[長]也。 子者、孳也。孳孳無已也。男者、任也。人皆五十里。差次功德。
百里兩爵，公侯共之。七十里一爵。五十里 (複)[復]兩爵何? 公者、加尊二王之後，侯者、百里之正爵。(士)[土]上可有次，下可有第，中央故無二。 五十里有兩爵者，所以加勉進人也。小國下爵，猶有尊卑。亦以勸人也。
殷爵三等，謂公、侯、伯也。所以合子、男從伯者何? 王者受命，改文從質，無虛退人之義，故上就伯也。《尚書》曰: "侯甸任衛作國伯。" 謂殷也。《春秋傳》曰: "合伯、子、男以為一爵。" 或曰: 合從子，貴中也。以《春秋》名鄭忽，忽者、鄭伯也。此未踰年之君，當稱子，嫌為改赴。故名之也。
地有三等不變，至爵獨變何? 地比爵為質，故不變。(為質故不變)。 王者有改道之文，無改道之實。[殷]家所以令公居百里，侯居七十里，何也? 封賢極於百里。 其(政) [改]也，不可空退人，示優賢之義，欲褒尊而上之。何以知殷家侯 (人) 不過七十里 (者) 也? 曰: (士上)[土]有三等，有百里，有七十里，有五十里。其地半者其數倍， 制地之理體也，多少不相配。
公卿大夫者何謂也? 內爵稱也。曰: [為爵稱] 公卿大夫何? 爵者、盡也。各量其職，盡其才也。公之為曹公正無私也。卿之為言[章也]，章善明理也。 大夫之為言大 [扶]，扶進人者也。故《傳》曰:" 進賢達能，謂之大夫也。"
[《王制》云]:" [上大夫卿也]。"[故《禮辨名記》曰]:" 士者、事也，任事之稱也。" 故《傳》曰:" [通]古今，辯然否，謂之士。" [何以知士非爵]? 《禮》曰: "四十強而士。" 不言 " 爵為士。" 至五十爵為大夫。(何) (何以知士非爵 )。
何以知卿為爵也? 以大夫知卿亦爵也。何以知公為爵也? 《春秋傳》曰:" 諸侯四佾，諸公六佾。" 合而言之，以是知公卿為爵。
內爵所以三等何? 亦法三光也。所以不變質文何? 內者為本，故不改內也。
諸侯所以無公爵者，下天子也。故《王制》曰:" 上大夫，下大夫，上士，中士， 下士，凡五等。" 此謂諸侯臣也。
爵皆一字也，大夫獨兩字何?《春秋傳》曰:"大夫無遂事。" 以為大夫職在之適四方，受君之法，施之於民，故獨兩字下之。或曰: 大夫、爵之下者也。 稱大夫，明從大夫以上受下施，皆大自著也。
天子之士獨稱元士何? 士賤，不得體君之尊，故加元以別[於]諸侯之士也。 《禮經》曰:" 士見大夫。" 諸侯之士[也]。《王制》曰:" 王者八十一元士。"
天子爵連言天子。諸侯爵不連言王侯何? 即言王侯，以王者同稱，為衰弱僭差生篡弒，猶不能為天子也。故連言天子也。或曰: 王者天爵，王者不能(生)[王]諸侯， 故不言王侯。諸侯人事自著，故不著也。
王者太子亦稱士何? 舉從下升，以為人無生得貴者，莫不由士起。是以舜時稱為天子，必先試於士。《禮 · 士冠經》:"天子之元子，士也。"
婦人無爵何? 陰卑無外事。 是以有三從之羲: 末嫁從父，既嫁從夫，夫死從子。 故夫尊於朝，妻榮於室，隨夫之行。 故《禮 · 郊特牲》曰:" 婦人無爵，坐以夫之齒。" 《禮》曰:" 生無爵，死無謚。"《春秋》錄夫人皆有謚，(夫人) 何以知[夫人] 非爵也?《論語》曰:" 邦君之妻，君稱之曰夫人，國人稱之曰君夫人。" 即令是爵，君稱之與國人稱之不當異也。
庶人稱匹夫者，匹、偶也。與其妻為偶，陰陽相成之羲也。一夫一婦成一室。明君人者，不當使男女有過時無匹偶也。《論語》曰: " 匹夫匹婦之為諒也。"
爵人於朝者, 示不私人以官，與眾共之義也。封諸侯於廟者, 示不自專也。 明法度皆祖之制也，舉事必告焉。《王制》曰: " 爵人於朝，與眾共之也。"
《詩》云: "王命卿士，南仲太祖。"《禮 · 祭統》曰: 古者明君爵有德，必於太祖。君降立於阼階南面向，所命北向，(央) [史]由君右執策命之。
大夫功成未封而死，不得追爵賜之者，以其未當股肱也。《春秋 ( 穀梁傳)曰: " 道賜死者，非禮也。"《王制》曰: " 葬從死者，祭從生者。" 所以追孝繼養也。葬從死者何? 子無爵父之義也。《禮 · 中庸記》曰: " 父為大夫，子為士，葬以大夫，祭以士。子為大夫，父為士，祭以大夫，葬以士" 也。
父在稱世子何? 繫於君也。父沒稱子某者何? 屈於尸柩也。
既葬稱(小)子者。即尊之漸也。踰年稱公者，緣[臣]民之心不可一日無君也。 緣終始之義，一年不可有二君 (也)。 故踰年即位，所以繫民臣之心[也]。[三年]然後 [受]爵者， 緣孝子之心，未忍安吉 [也]。故《春秋》魯僖公三十三年十二月乙巳，[公]薨于小寢。 文公元年春王正月，公即位。 四月丁巳，葬我君僖公。《韓詩內傅》曰: " 諸侯世子三年喪畢， 上受爵命於天子。
何以知天子[之]子亦稱世子也?《春秋傳》曰: " 公會[王]世子于首止。[是也]。 或曰: [何以知] 天子之子[亦]稱太子。《尚書[傳]》曰: " 太子發升于舟" [是]也。
或曰:諸侯之[子]稱代子。則《[春秋]傅》曰: " 晉有天子申生。" "鄭有太子華。" "齊有太子光。" 由是觀之，周制: 太子、代子亦不定也。漢制: 天子稱皇帝。其嫡嗣稱皇太子， 諸侯王之嫡稱代子，後代咸因之。[《中候》曰]: " [廢考]， [立發為太子]。" [明文王時稱太子也]。
世子三年喪畢，必上受爵命於天子何? 明爵(土)者天子之[所]有也，臣無自爵之義。董子 [亦] 當受 (父) 爵命 [者], 使大夫就其國命之。明王者不與童子為禮也。以《春秋》魯成公幼少，與諸侯會, 公不見之，《經》不以[為]魯恥。明不與董子為禮也。世子上受爵命，衣士服何? 謙不敢自專也。 故《詩》曰"韎給有赩"，[謂] 世子始行也。
天子大斂之後稱壬者，明士不可一日無君也。故《尚書》曰: "王麻冕鯛裳。" 此斂之後也。何以知王從死後加王也? 以《尚書》言迎子 (劉) [釗]，不言迎王[也]。 王者既殯而即繼體之位何? 緣民臣之心不可一日無君[也]。故先君不可得見，則後君繼體矣。 [故]《尚書》曰: " [王]再拜興對"，"乃受銅"。明為繼體君也。
緣(始終) [終始]之義，一年不可有二君(也)。故《尚書》曰: "王釋冕喪服。" 吉冕[服]受銅，稱王以接諸侯。明己繼體為君也。 釋冕藏銅反喪 [服], 明未稱王以統事也。
不 [可] 曠年無君，故逾竿乃即位改元。(名元) [元以名]年,年以紀事, 君名其事矣，而未發號令也。何以(言) [知] 踰年即位 (謂) 改元(位) [也]?《春秋傅》 曰: "以諸侯踰年即位，亦知天子踰年即位也。" 《春秋》曰: "元年春王正月，公即位。" 改元位也。
王者改元年，即事天地。諸侯改元, 即事社稷。 《王制》曰: "夫喪三年不祭，唯祭天地社稷，為越紼而行事。"
《春秋傅》曰: " 天子三年然後稱王者， 謂稱王統事發號令也。"《尚書》 曰: "高宗諒陰三年。" 是也。 《論語》[曰]: " 君薨，百官摠己聽於冢宰三 年。" 緣孝子之心, 則三年不當也。 故三年除喪，乃即位統事，(即位) 踐祚為 主, 南面朝臣下,稱王以發號令也。 故天子諸侯凡三年即位，終始之義乃備，所以諒 陰三年,卒孝子之道。 故《論語》曰: " 古之人皆然，君薨，百官總己聽於冢宰三 年。"
所以聽於冢宰三年者何? 以為冢宰職在制國之用，是以由之也。 故《王制)曰: " 冢宰制國用。"
所以名之為冢宰何? 冢者、大也。宰者、制也。 大制事也。 故《王度記》曰：" 天子冢宰一人，爵祿如天子之大夫。" 或曰冢宰視卿，《周官》所云也。
1. 'Son of Heaven' is the Designation of a Rank. (1.1a-b; 1 上.1a-b; 1.1a-3b)
a. Tien-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven' is the designation of a rank. Why is this rank called Son of Heaven? The King has Heaven as his father, and Earth as his mother; he is the Son of Heaven 1. Therefore the Yüan shên ch'i2 says: "Heaven covers [him], and Earth carries [him] 3. He is called Son of Heaven, modelling himself above on the pole-star" 4. The Kou ming chiieh5 says: "Son of Heaven is the designation of a rank".
b. The spiritual power of the Emperors and of the Kings was [with the one] abundant and [with the other] deficient 6, why are they all called Son of Heaven? Because they are all Kings by the command of Heaven, to rule within [a territory of] five thousand li [square] 7. The Shang shu says: "The Son of Heaven acts as father and mother of the people, and in [that capacity] rules as King over all under Heaven" 8.
c. How do we know that the Emperors were also called Son of Heaven? Because they were the model for all under Heaven 9. The Chung hou says: "[I,] the Son of Heaven, thy servant Fanghsün" 10 The Shu i p'ien says: "He inaugurated the rank of Son of Heaven" 11.
d. Why is it said that the August Ones 12 were also called Son of Heaven? Because it is said of them that Heaven covered [them], and Earth carried [them], and that they all ruled as Kings over all under Heaven. Therefore the I says: "When Fu-hsi ruled as King over all under Heaven . . . ." 13.
2. The Meaning of the Institution of Ranks in Three or in Five Grades. (1.1b-3a; 1 上.1b-3a; 1.4a-10b)
a. The ranks are in five grades, taking the Five Elements as their model; sometimes they are in three grades, taking the Three Luminary Bodies 14 as their model. Why do they take as their model now the Three Luminary Bodies, and now the Five Elements? The adherents of [the Principle of] Substance base themselves on Heaven, and therefore model themselves on the Three Luminary Bodies; the adherents of [the Principle of] Form base themselves on Earth, and therefore model themselves on the Five Elements 15. The Han Wên chia16 says: "The Yin [Dynasty] had ranks in three grades, the Chou [Dynasty] had ranks in five 17 grades. Either [system] was appropriate". The Wang chih says: "The ranks [, connected with] emoluments [accruing from holdings, which were] instituted by the King, were in five grades, namely kung 'Duke', hou 'Marquis', po 'Earl', tzŭ 'Viscount', and nan 'Baron'" 18. This [saying] is based on 19 the institutions of the Chou [Dynasty]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says 20: "The Three Ducal Ministers of the Son of Heaven are called 'Duke' 21, the descendants of the Kings [of the two previous Dynasties] are [also] called 'Duke'; for the rest 22 [holders of] large state [-fiefs] are called 'Marquis', [those of] small state [-fiefs] are called 'Earl', 'Viscount', and 'Baron' ". The Wang chih says: "The 'Duke' and the 'Marquis' hold territories of one hundred li, the 'Earl' of seventy li, the 'Viscount' and the 'Baron' of fifty li square" 23.
b. Why are they called kung24 'Duke' and hou25 'Marquis'? Kung means expansive t'ung26, public-spirited and upright, without selfish intentions 27. Hou28 means to be on the alert hou, on the alert as to [whether his acts will be] against or according to [the King's commands] 29. A Duke and a Marquis both [hold territories which can supply] one thousand war-chariots 30; [the size of these territories] symbolizes the one hundred li within which the sound of thunder [can be heard] 31. Po 'Earl' means clear po32. tzŭ 'Viscount' means diligent tzŭ; [a tzŭ] is extremely diligent without end 33. Nan 'Baron' means to be equal to a task jên34. A Viscount and a Baron 35 both [have territories of] fifty li [square]. There is [thus] variation and gradation [according to] merit and capacity.
c. Small [states] which are not fully [fifty li] are made sub-fiefs fu-yung. Sub-fiefs are added fu to a large state and presented [to the Son of Heaven] in its name 36.
d. Why is it that for [a territory of] one hundred li there are the two ranks of Duke and Marquis, for [a territory of] seventy li there is [only] one rank, and for [a territory of] fifty li there are again two ranks? [The rank of] Duke is given as a token of respect to the descendants of the Kings of the two [previous Dynasties; the rank of] Marquis is a real rank [connected with a fief] of one hundred li37. It is proper that for the higher [ranks] there should be gradation; it is the same for the lower, so that for the middle [there need] not [be] two [ranks]. The reason for there being two ranks for [a territory of] fifty li, is to stimulate efforts and to promote men; it is the same in the smaller states where the lesser dignities still have a distinction between high and low, [there,] likewise, [the reason is] to encourage men.
e. The Yin [Dynasty] had ranks in three grades, namely kung, hou, and po38. Why were [the ranks of] tzŭ and nan united, and brought together under po? When the King, having received the mandate [of Heaven], abolished [the Principle of] Form and followed [the Principle of] Substance, he had no right to degrade the men without reason, and therefore [the ranks of tzŭ and nan] were moved upwards, and amalgamated into po39. The Shang shu says: "[The Lords of] the hou, tien, jên, and wei [territories] were made po of [their] states" 40; this was said of the Yin [Dynasty]. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[The titles of] po, tzŭ, and nan were combined into one" 41. Some say: "They were combined and brought under tzŭ to honour the middle" 42, [and prove it] from the Ch'un ch'iu, which mentions Hu of Chêng by his personal name. Hu was po of Chêng. Here was [a case of a Prince who became] ruler when the year [of the mourning-term for his father] had not yet expired, and who should have been called tzŭ 'Child', [but] not wishing to change [the title of] po into tzŭ, was mentioned by his personal name 43.
f. Why is it that the three gradations [in the size] of the states have not been changed, and only [the gradation of] ranks has been changed? Land compared with ranks is substantial, and therefore [its gradation] has not undergone a change 44. The King changes the form of an institution, [but] not its substance 45.
g. Why is it that with the House of Yin 46 the kung were made to occupy [a territory of] one hundred li, and the hou [a territory of] seventy li [square]? The enfeoffing of the worthy was limited to [territories of] one hundred li. When [the institution was] changed 47, it would not be proper to set back the men in name [only, but it must be accompanied by a decrease in territory]. It [thus] expressed the idea of recompensing the worthy: there was the wish to reward and honour [the kung] by placing him above [the hou] 48.
h. How do we know that with the House of Yin [the territory of] a hou49 did not exceed seventy li50? The answer is: the states 51 were in three grades, [namely] one hundred, seventy, and fifty li. The territories which were half [the size of the larger estates] were twice [as many] in number 52. [Therefore,] the institution of land [-tenure], in its organization, still retained a proportional relation between the size and number [of its territories] 53.
3. Interior Ranks. (1.3a-4a; 1 上.3b-4b; 1.10b-13a)
a. What is meant by kung, ch'ing, and ta-fu? They are designations of the interior ranks 54. Why are they called kung55, ch'ing, and ta-fu56? Chüeh 'rank' means chin 'to exhaust' 57. Each [of the three] exhausts his capacities [in a way] commensurate with his task. Kung 'Ducal Minister' means public-spirited, upright, without selfishness. Ch'ing 'Minister' means chang 'illustrious' 58; [a Minister] makes his abilities illustrious and his principles brilliant 59. Ta-fu 'great officer' means ta-fu 'great aid': [a great officer] aids in the advancing of [capable] men 60. Therefore the Chuan says: "Those who advance the worthy and bring forward the able, are called ta-fu" 61.
b. Shih 'common officer' means shih 'to serve' 62; it is the designation of one who is in a position of service 63. Therefore the Chuan says: "He who combines [the knowledge of] antiquity and the present time, who distinguishes between right and wrong, is called a shih" 64. How do we know that shih 'common officer' is not a rank 65? The Li says: "At forty [a man is] in his vigour, and he becomes a shih" 66. It does not speak of obtaining the rank of shih. When [a man] has reached [the age of] fifty, he receives the rank of great officer 67.
c. How do we know that ch'ing 'Minister' is a rank? From [the fact that] ta-fu [is a rank], we know that ch'ing is a rank likewise. How do we know that kung 'Ducal Minister' is a rank? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The Feudal Lords have four rows of dancers, the Ducal Ministers have six" 68. [Feudal Lord and Ducal Minister are] mentioned together, from which we know that kung 'Ducal Minister' is a rank 69.
d. Why are the interior ranks in three grades? They, also, are modelled on the Three Luminary Bodies. Why are they not changed [according to the Principles of] Substance and Form? The internal [administration] constitutes the basis [of the state's organization], therefore the interior [ranks] are not changed.
e. The Feudal Lords have no [dignitaries with the] rank of Ducal Minister, because their position is beneath that of the Son of Heaven. Therefore, when the Wang chih says: "Great officers of the higher rank, great officers of the lower rank; common officers of the first rank, common officers of the second rank, common officers of the third rank; in all five grades" 70, it refers to the officers of the Feudal Lord 71.
f. Why is it that only with the great officers [is a distinction made between] higher and lower, whereas with the common officers [a distinction is made between] first, second, and third ranks 72? It indicates that the lower [officers] are more numerous.
g. All the ranks [are indicated by] one word; why does ta-fu alone consist of two words? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "A great officer has no business to act of his own accord" 73; it considers the ta-fu's task to consist in going to the four quarters and in transmitting to the people the rules he has received from his Lord. Therefore he is the only [officer whose rank is] indicated by two words 74. Another opinion says: Ta-fu is the lowest rank. [The great officer is] called ta-fu, because he receives [his orders] from those above him to transmit them to those below. In both [explanations the word] ta 'great' is naturally attached [to the title] 75.
h. Why is it that only the common officers of the Son of Heaven are called Yüan-shih76? The shih 'common officer' has a lowly [position], and he cannot have the dignity of being a representative of his Lord. Therefore [with the common officers of the Son of Heaven the word] Yüan is added to distinguish them from the common officers of the Feudal Lords. When the Li ching says: "When a common officer pays a visit to a great officer. . ." 77, the common officer of the Feudal Lord [is meant]. The Wang chih says: "The King has eighty-one Yüan-shih 'common officers' " 78.
4. The Difference between the Designations of the Ranks of the Son of Heaven and of the Feudal Lords. (1.4b; 1 上.4b; 1.13a)
The title of Son of Heaven is designated by a combination of [the two] words t'ien and tzŭ79; why is not the title of Feudal Lord [likewise] designated by a combination of [the two] words wang and hou80? If 81wang-hou were used [the Feudal Lord would have] the same designation as the King 82. And with a weak and feeble [King] he would [thus be tempted to] commit a crime and cherish [thoughts of] usurpation and regicide 83. Another opinion says: wang 'King' is a title [conferred] by Heaven, and the King cannot [give the title of] wang84 to the Feudal Lords. Therefore wang-hou is not used. [The title of] Feudal Lord is an affair of men, and is given by [the King] himself. Therefore [the word wang is] not attached [to the word hou] 85.
5. The King's Heir is Called Shih. (1.4b; 1 上.5a; 1.13b)
Why is the King's Heir also called shih 'common officer'? It expresses [the idea] that [everyone] rises from below, considering that no man is born noble, and everybody begins with being a common officer. Thus [though] Shun came in [the course of] time to be called Son of Heaven, he had first to be tried as a common officer 86. The Li shih kuan ching says: "The first son of the Son of Heaven is a common officer" 87.
6.The Wife has No Rank. (1.4b-5a; 1 上.5a; 1.13b-14a)
a. Why has the wife no rank? The yin is lowly, and [the woman being yin] has no business outside [her home]. For this reason it is her duty to follow, in three cases, [namely:] when she is not yet married she follows her father, when she is married she follows her husband, and when her husband has died she follows her son 88. So if the husband attains honour at court, the wife attains glory at home: she follows in the wake of her husband 89. Therefore the Li chiao t'ê shêng says: "The wife has no rank, she takes her seat according to the position that belongs to her husband" 90.
b. The Li says: "When one has no rank during one's life, one does not receive a title after one's death" 91. [But] the Ch'un ch'iu mentions the spouses fu-jên as all having posthumous titles; how do we know that fu-jên is not a rank? 92 The Lun yü says: "The wife of the Lord of a state is called 'fu-jên' by the Lord; the people of the state call her 'the Lord's fu-jên' " 93. If 94 [fu-jên] were a rank, there would be no difference between her designation by the Lord and that by the people of the state.
7. The Common Man is Called P'i Fu. (1.5a; 1 上.5b; 1.14a-b)
The common man is called p'i-fu; p'i means ou 'mate' 95; he is a mate to his wife. [Thus is expressed] the idea of the mutual completion of the yin and the yang. One [common] man and one [common] woman [should together] form one household. It means that the Lord of men ought not to allow a man and a woman to delay [getting married, and to remain] without a mate. Therefore the Lun yü speaks of "[the fidelity between] a common man and a common woman" 96.
8. Ranks are Conferred at Court, Feudal Lords are Enfeoffed in the Ancestral Temple. (1.5a-b; 1 .5b; 1.14b-15a)
a. Men have conferred upon them their [administrative] ranks at court, to express the idea that they are not employed by one man privately [,but that they are given their charges] with the parti- cipation of the multitude.
b. The Feudal Lords are enfeoffed in the ancestral temple, to show that [the King] does not act of his own accord. It means that the laws and ordinances are all institutions of the ancestors, and that for every act performed announcement must be made to them. The Wang chih says: "Ranks are conferred at court, with the participation of the multitude" 97. The Shih says: "The King appointed the minister Nan-chung [to be general] before the first ancestor [in the ancestral temple]" 98. The Li chi t'ung says: "Anciently, when the enlightened ruler conferred ranks upon the virtuous, it always took place before the first ancestor. The ruler descended, and stood south of the eastern steps, with his face to the south 99, while those who were to receive their appointments faced north. The recorder 100 was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets [on which the appointments were written], from which he read" 101.
9. The Posthumous Conferring of Ranks. (1.5b-6a; 1 .6a; 1.15a-16a)
A great officer, who has accomplished meritorious deeds, but dies without having been enfeoffed, does not posthumously receive a rank, because he is not yet considered to have sworn allegiance to his ruler 102. The Ch'un ch'iu ku liang chuan says: "To bestow posthumous [distinctions] is not according to the rites" 103. The Wang chih says: "The funeral [rites] accord with the [rank of the] dead, the sacrifices accord with the [rank of the] living" 104. Thus the son practises his filial duty even after the death [of his parent], continuing his care for him. Why is it that the funeral [rites] accord with [the rank of] the dead? The son has no right to give a rank to his father. The Li chung yung chi says: "If the father is a great officer and the son a common officer, the funeral [rites] are those due to a great officer, while the sacrifices are those due to a common officer. If the son is a great officer and the father a common officer, the sacrifices are those due to a great officer, while the funeral [rites] are those due to a common officer" 105.
10. The Inheritance of the Feudal Rank. (1.6a-7a; 1 上.6a-7b; 1.16b-21a)
a. Why is it that, when the father is still alive, [the Heir of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord] is called shih-tzŭ 'Generation-[continuing] son'? 106 It is to attach him to [his father,] the ruler.
b. When the father has died, [the son] calls himself 'the Child So-and-so', because [he is still] in the presence of the corpse in the coffin, [before which] he humbles himself 107. When [the father has been] buried, [the son] calls himself 'Child' 108; he then gradually assumes [his position of] honour. When the year [in which his father has died] is past, he is called kung 'Duke' [by his subjects] 109, because in response to the wish of his people there should not be a single day without a ruler 110. According to the principle of succession there could not be two rulers in one [and the same]year 111. Therefore [only] after the year [of his father's death] has expired should he ascend the throne, that he may bind the hearts of his people and subjects. And only after three years 112 does he receive [his official] dignity, because his feelings, as a filial son, would not [till then] have been able to bear [the thought of] rest and happiness 113. Therefore the Ch'un ch'iu [records]: "Duke Hsi of Lu, in the thirty-third year [of his reign], on [the day] i-ssŭ of the twelfth month, died in the small chamber" 114; [further:] "in the first year of Duke Wên, in spring, the King's first month, the Duke ascended the [ducal] throne"; [finally:] "in the fourth month, on [the day] ting-ssŭ, we buried our Lord, Duke Hs!" 115. The Han shih nei chuan says: "The Generation-son of a Feudal Lord, after the end of his three years' mourning, goes [to the King's court] to receive his rank [the emblems of which have been returned at his father's death] and be invested by the Son of Heaven" 116.
c. Why is he called Generation-son? It expresses the wish that [his line] may not be severed for generations 117.
d. How do we know that the son of the Son of Heaven is also called Generation-son? The Ch'un chiu chuan says: "The Duke [of Lu and some other Feudal Lords] had a meeting with the [King's] Generation-son at Shou-chih" 118.
e. Another opinion is: the son of the Son of Heaven is called t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son'. The Shang shu says: "The 'Eldest Son' Fa ascended into the boat" 119. The Chung hou says: "[King Wên] put aside [his eldest son Po-i] K'ao, and set up Fa as t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son"'. This shows that in the time of King Wên [the Heir] was called tai-tzŭ120.
f. Why is it that the Generation-son [of a Feudal Lord], after the end of his three years' mourning, must 121 go [to court] to receive [again] his rank and be invested by the Son of Heaven? It means that [the bestowal of] rank and land 122 belongs to [the prerogatives of] the Son of Heaven 123, and that a subject has no right to take a rank upon himself. When a youth [who is not yet capped] is to receive his father's 124 rank and be invested, [the Son of Heaven] sends a great officer to his state to invest him [therewith]. It means that the King need not observe the rites towards a youth. The Ch'un ch'iu relates that Duke Ch'êng of Lu in his youth had a meeting with the Feudal Lords, [but the Marquis of Chin] did not see him 125. The Classic [,however,] does not regard it as [bringing] shame on Lu. It indicates that towards a youth the rites need not be observed 126. When the Generation-son of a Feudal Lord goes 127 [to court] to receive his rank and be invested, why does he wear the dress of a common officer? [He does so] out of modesty, not daring [in anticipation] to assume [his rank] by himself. Thus the Shih says: "Red are his dyed leather kneecovers" 128; this was said of the Generation-son [of a Feudal Lord] setting out on his way [to the King's court].
11. The Son of Heaven Begins his Own Chronology at his Accession. (1.7a-8b; 1 上.7b-9b; 1.21b-26a)
a. That, after the Greater Dressing 129 of the [deceased] Son of Heaven, [his Heir] is called King, indicates that his people and subjects 130 cannot be without a ruler [even] for one day. Therefore the Shang shu says: "The King was dressed in a hempen cap and a variously adorned skirt" 131; this was after [the event of] the Greater 132 Dressing 133. How do we know that it is not [immediately] after the death that [the title of] King is given [to the Heir]? 134 Because [the Shang shu] previously speaks of "meeting the Child Ch'ao", and not of "meeting the [new] King" 135. Why is it that as soon as the [deceased] King has been encoffined, [his Heir] assumes the position of continuing the body [politic] 136? Because, in response to the wish of his people and subjects, they should not be without a ruler [even] for one day. Therefore, no sooner is the former ruler invisible than the succeeding ruler continues the body [politic]. The Shang shu says: "The [new] King twice bowed low, and then arose and replied . . .; he thereupon received the [royal] seal" 137; this signifies that he had become the ruler who continued the body [politic].
b. According to the principle of succession 138 there could not be two rulers in one [and the same] year. Therefore the Shang shu says: "The King put off his cap, and resumed his mourning-dress" 139. He had donned his auspicious cap and garments 140, he had received the seal, and he had been called King so that [in that capacity] he could receive the Feudal Lords [in audience]. It means that he had become ruler by [having accepted] the continuance of the body [politic. Then] he put off his [auspicious] cap [and garments], he had the seal stored away, and resumed the mourning [-dress]. This means that he had not yet been called King to govern [state-] affairs.
c. It is not proper that there should be no ruler for one whole year 141. And so, when the year [of the ruler's death] has expired, [his successor] ascends the throne, and begins his own chronology kai-Yüan142. Yüan is used to name the year [of accession 143; the use of] nien 'year' [implies,that the] affairs [that have taken place] have been chronicled 144. The ruler has by now taken the government of affairs into his hands 145, though he does not yet promulgate orders [himself]. How do we know that after the elapse of the year [in which the King died, his Heir] ascends the throne and begins his own chronology 146? The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "[From the fact that] the Feudal Lords ascend the throne after the year [of death] is past, we know that it is also the case with the Son of Heaven" 147. And the Ch'un ch'iu [repeatedly] speaks of "in the beginning of the year, spring, the King's first month, [our] Duke ascends the throne" 148, [which means that the Duke has] attained to the position of beginning his own chronology.
d. When the King begins his own chronology 149, he sacrifices to Heaven and Earth; when a Feudal Lord begins his own chronology, he sacrifices to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet 150. The Wang chih says: "During the three years of mourning the sacrifices are stopped, except those offered to Heaven and Earth, and to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet. For the execution [of these sacrifices the mourner even] steps over the cords of the funeral car" 151.
e. When the Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "The Son of Heaven calls himself King after three years [of mourning] 152", it means that he is called King [in so far as] the government of the affairs [of state] and the issuing of orders [are concerned]. And when the Shang shu says: "Kao-tsung remained in the mourning-shed for three years" 153, [it also means] this. The Lun yü says: 154 "When the Lord dies, all the officials, for the attendance of their several duties, take their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years" 155. Giving way to his feelings of a filial son [the new King] for three years cannot bear to assume [his position of actual ruler] 156. Therefore only after three years does he take off his mourning[-dress], and does he ascend the throne to administer the affairs [of state] 157; he [then] mounts the eastern steps 158 in the capacity of Master [of the house], and facing south he gives audience to his Ministers and subjects, calling himself King [, being now in the position] to issue orders[ himself]. Thus, only when the Son of Heaven or a Feudal Lord after three years ascends the throne, [may it be said that] the principle of succession has been completely carried out. To spend three years in the mourning-shed means to continue in the way of a filial son to the very end. Therefore the Lun yü says: "All the men of old behaved likewise 159: when the Lord died, all the officials, for the attendence of their several duties, took their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years" 160.
f. Why do they take their orders from the Grand Administrator for three years? It is [one of] the tasks of the Grand Administrator to determine the expenditure of the state, so that it is through him [that the officials receive their orders]. Therefore the Wang chih says: "The Grand Administrator determines the expenditure of the state" 161.
g. Why is the Grand Administrator called chung-tsai? Chung means ta 'great'; tsai means chih 'to regulate' 162. He is the great regulator of the affairs [of state]. So the Wang tu chi163 says: "The Son of Heaven has one Grand Administrator, whose rank and emoluments are like those of his great officer". Another opinion says: the Grand Administrator ranks as a ch'ing 'Minister'. This is what the Chou kuan says 164.
1. Cf. the following parallels: Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b): "Son of Heaven is the designation of a rank. All the Sages who received the mandate [of Heaven] were born of Heaven, therefore they are spoken of as the Son of Heaven"; the Kan ching fu, an Apocryphal Book on the Ch'un ch'iu (Yü han, 54.63a): "The Lord of men has Heaven as his father, Earth as his mother, the sun as his elder brother, and the moon as his younger sister"; the Tu tuan (上 .7a): "The Son of Heaven serves Heaven as his father and Earth as his mother; he serves the sun as his elder brother, and the moon as his younger sister".
2. An Apocryphal Book on the Hsiao ching.
3. The Shuo yüan, ch. 修 文 (19.2b), quoting the 傳, says: "He whom Heaven covers and Earth carries is called the Son of Heaven".
4. 上 法 斗 極 . In another place the Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.6a) says: "When the King's spiritual power reaches Heaven the Pole-star is brilliant", which passage also occurs in ch. 封 禪 of .the Po hu t'ung (XVIII. 127). The Ch'un ch'iu tso chu ch'i 春 秋 佐 助 期, quoted in the T'ai p'ing yü lan, 76.3b, says: "The Son of Heaven models himself on the Pole-star, the Feudal Lords conform to the Constellations".
5. Another Apocryphal Book on the Hsiao ching.
6. See the chapter on Appellations 號 (II. 1) for the difference in spiritual power between the Emperors and the Kings.
7. The question as to whether ancient China covered a territory of 5,000 or 10,000 li square, is one of those academic problems which have stirred Chinese scholars to never-ending discussions. Cf. the Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1250.3b), and the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 2.83; 3.52.
8. Ch. 洪 範 of the Book of History (Shang shu chu shu, 11.16b; L. 333).
9. 以 法 天 下. Probably 法 is an error for 治. Thus the translation would be: Because they ruled all under Heaven.
10. 中 候 曰 天 子 臣 放 勛 . The Chung hou or Shang shu chung hou is an Apocryphal Book of History. The full passage as it is quoted by Ma Kuo-han reads as follows (Yü han, 53.28a, where the quotation is said to be taken from section 運 衡 [of the Chung hou]; the T'ai p'ing yü lan, which appears to have been the source for this quotation in the Yü han, writes 運 行 (80.4b), which is evidently an error, for in the Sub-comm. of the Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 1.13b) another quotation is given as originating from the 中 候 運 衡): "Emperor Yao cut a pi [tablet], (and leading his Ministers) eastwards, sank it in the Lo [-river]; the words written on the tablet (said): [I,] the Son of Heaven, thy servant Fang-hsün, am thinly [endowed with] spiritual power in the practising of which [,moreover, I] fall short" 帝 堯 刻 璧 ( 率 群 臣 ) 東 沈 于 雒 書 (曰) 天 子 臣 放 勛 德 薄 施 行 不 元 (the words between round brackets occur additionally in the T'ai p'ing yü lan). Fang-hsün (the Shu ching writes 放 勳) was the personal name of Yao, one of the Emperors.
11. 書 逸 篇 曰 厥 兆 天 子 爵 . Both Lu and Ch'ên write 書 亡 (囚) 逸, which would make us think that it refers to ch. 無 逸 of the Shu ching ( 無is sometimes written 毋 or 亡; instead of 逸 sometimes 佚 or 劮 is used, see the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.99). It is not to be found there (Lu and Ch'ên say that the statement has wrongly been introduced into Tung Fêng-yuan's 董 豐 垣 ed. of the Shang shu ta chuan, ch.無 佚 ; it is also entered in the Huang shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu ta chuan chu, 101b). The Y. ed. thus seems to give the correct reading: the quotation is from an untransmitted chapter 逸 篇 of the Shu ching (逸, acc. to Ch'ên, is the term used to denote the additional chapters in old script of the Shu ching, supposed to have been found in the walls of Confucius' house, of which there was no transmitted interpretation). The translation of the quotation, not showing the context, is given tentatively. Chao 兆 is evidently used for chao 肇'to begin', 'to inaugurate', 'to initiate'. In ch. of the Li chi there is a quotation from the Shih: 詩 曰 后 稷 兆 祀 'Hou-chi initiated the sacrifice' (Li chi chu shu, 54.31a; C. 11. 512). It is from Ode 245:生 民 (Mao shih chu shu, 24.23a; L. 472; K. 17.72), where, however, 肇 (explained by Mao's 傳 as meaning 始'to begin': Mao shih chu shu, 24.17a) is written instead of 兆. Only, Chêng Hsüan gives the word 肇 quite a different interpretation (cf. the discussion by Karlgren in K. 18.65), which in the case of this particular passage, however, is unnecessary.
12. 皇 huang. See ch. II, referred to in note 6.
13. Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ 下 of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a; L. 382). Fu-hsi was one of the August Ones.
14. 三 光 , i.e. sun, moon, and the stars. See 封 公 侯 ch. (VII. 53).
15. This statement corresponds with Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.14a): "The adherents of [the Principle of] Substance have ranks in three grades, because they take as their model Heaven with its Three Luminary Bodies; the adherents of [the Principle of] Form have ranks in five grades, because they take as their model Earth with its Five Elements". The theory of the Principle of Substance chih-chia 質 家 and that of Form wên-chia 文 家 was popular during the Han period, especially in the so-called Apocryphal Books. Chavannes (M.H. V. 395, note) translates chih and wên by 'fond' and 'forme', which translation has been adopted by Woo Kang in his Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou (1932). According to this theory the Yin Dynasty had adhered to the first Principle, the Chou to the second, and the following Dynasty should then again revert to the first. The Principle of Substance stands for simplicity, the Principle of Form for cultural refinement. The former basing itself upon Heaven, which is simple, with regard to ranks, takes as its model the Three Luminary Bodies, whereas the latter basing itself upon Earth, which is 'adorned' with all sorts of things, takes as its model the Five Elements, which produce these things (Woo Kang, 160, n. 8; 141, n. 3; 142, n. 1). Cf. also ch.三 軍 (X), ch. 三 正 (XXVII), and ch. 嫁 娶 (XL) of the Po hu t'ung.
16. An Apocryphal Book on the Li chi. Ma Kuo-han gives in his reconstructed edition of the Han wên chia (Yü han, 54.16b) the following quotation from the Sub-comm. of the Li chi, ch. 王 制: "The Yin had ranks in three grades; the Yin was upright and honoured [the colour] white; white [symbolizes] the combination of uprightness and steadfastness 白 者 兼 正 中, therefore [the Yin ranks were in] three grades. The Hsia honoured [the colour] black, and also followed the gradation in three. (The Chou had ranks in five grades. Each [of the three systems] was appropriate)". The words in round brackets do not occur in the Li chi Sub-comm. (see Li chi chu shu, 11.6a), from which Ma says he has taken his quotation!
17. 五 . The Y. ed. has wrongly .
18. Li chi chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263. The text of the Li chi reads: "The ranks [,connected with] emoluments [accruing from holdings, which were] instituted by the King were kung, hou, po, tzŭ, and nan: in all five grades".
19. 據 , missing in the Y. ed., and supplemented by Lu following the T'ai p'ing yü lan.
20. Kung yang chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3.4b).
21. 天 子 三 公 稱 公 , missing in the Y. ed.
22. Hereafter follows in the Y. ed.: 人 皆 千 乘 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 同, which passage is, following Lu, transferred to infra, paragraph b.
23. Li chi chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264. In the Y. ed. the whole paragraph has been misplaced. Restored by Lu.
24. 公 .
25. 侯 .
26. 通 .
27. The Yüan ming pao, quoted in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2a) says: "Kung means impartial; [a kung is] impartial and upright" 公 者 為 言 平 也 公 平 正 直.
28. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 候 in stead of 侯.
29. The Tu tuan (上. 17b) has the same. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says: 侯 者 候 也 候 王 順 逆.
30. See n. 22. Acc. to Lu, who is followed, 公 侯 should be read instead of 人.
31. The text has: 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 同 . In ch. 封 公 侯 (VII. 57a), however, we read: 諸 侯 封 不 過 百 里 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 雲 雨 同 也, whereas the Sub-comm. of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.4a) gives the following quotation from the Yüan shên ch'i: 王 者 之 後 稱 公 大 國 稱 侯 皆千 乘 象 雷 震 百 里. It is clear that the sentence consists of two parts. The first 象 雷 震 百 里 goes back to the I ching,震 hexagram, where it is stated: 震 驚 百 里 "The crash [of thunder] terrifies [all within] a hundred li" (Chou i chu shu, 9.1a; L. 173). The Sub-comm. explains: "The sound emanating from thunder is heard within a hundred li 雷 之 發 聲 聞 乎 百 里, therefore, when anciently the Emperors and Kings instituted [the division of] the country [in fiefs], the territories of the Dukes and Marquises were one hundred li square". The second part of the sentence contains the word 同 t'ung, which occurs in the meaning of 'a territory of 100 li square' in the Tso chuan, Chao 23 (Tso chuan chu shu, 50.31b), and in ch. 小 司 徒 of the Chou li (chu shu, 11.8a). Chia Kung-yen's Sub-comm. on the latter says: "It is called t'ung, because it symbolizes [the sound] t'ung of the crash of thunder which can be heard within a hundred li" 謂 之 爲 同 者 取 象 雷 震 百 里 所 聞 同. The last eight words are identical with the Po hu t'ung passage, except that 聞 is written in stead of 潤, which is apparently a mistake. And once jun 'to moisten', 'to fertilize', had been written, the need was felt to explain it further by 雲 雨 "the rains from the clouds [which moisten the earth within a 100 li]". (Cf. further the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 31, Kung yang chu shu, 12.28a: "Mountains and rivers have [the capacity] to moisten [a territory of] 100 li" 山 川 有 能 潤 于 百 里 者 ; and the Shuo yüan, 18.6a: "Why are mountains and rivers likened to the Viscounts and Barons? They can produce things, they can moisten and fertilize things, they can produce clouds and rains, their boons are many" 山 川 何 以 視 子 男 也 能 出 物 焉 能 潤 澤 物 焉 能 生 雲 雨 為 恩 多). It is significant that the T'ai p'ing yü lan gives the quotation from the Yüan shên ch'i as: 二 王 之 後 稱 公 大 國 侯 皆 千 乘 象 雷 百 里 所 潤 雲 雨 同(198.5a); it differs from the quotation given in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi, which is definitely better. The passage in the Po hu t'ung seems to be, in the present chapter, a contamination of the I ching text (as it is paraphrased in the Yüan shên ch'i) on the one hand, and Chia Kungyen's explanation of t'ung on the other; in ch. 封 公 侯 the same is the case, with an additional explanation of the wrong word 潤, as it also happens in the T'ai p'ing yü lan. In the translation 所 潤 同, or 所 潤 雲 雨 同, which is grammatically incomprehensible, has been dropped, so that it conforms to the reading of the Yüan shên ch'i (as it is quoted in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi).
32. 伯 者 白 也 . The Y. ed. wrongly has 百 in stead of 白. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says: Po means clear; it means clear with respect to his spiritual power 伯 之 為 言 白 也 明 白 於 德 也. The same in the Tu tuan, l.c. Sun I-jang in his Cha i (10.la) suggests the reading 長 'chief' instead of 百 in the Y. ed. or 白 in Lu's, but Liu (72.1a) agrees with Lu.
33. 子 者 孳 也 孳 丨 無 己 也 . The Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 13 下 . 3b) contain the passage 孳丨 為 善 者 …孳丨 為 利 者 in Legge's translation (L. 464): "he who addresses himself earnestly to the practice of virtue . . . . he who addresses himself earnesty to the pursuit of gain". In the Shih chi (4.8b) we find the expression 孳丨無 怠, which Chavannes (M.H. I. 227) translates as: "Courage! courage! N'ayons aucune mollesse!" (cf. also his note on the same page). I think that the translation of 孳丨 in this context by 'diligent' is warranted. But tzŭ 子'child' has an etymological connection with tzŭ 滋'to overflow', 'to increase', and tzŭ 孳'to copulate', 'to breed' (cf. Duyvendak in T'oung Pao, XXXVIII, 337). Therefore the definition in ch. XXIX, 193b (三 綱 六 紀), of 子= child, though exactly the same as the definition of = Viscount, is to be translated as: "Tzŭ 'child' means tzŭ 'to engender'; to engender without end". So also in ch. IX, 78d (五 行): "Tzŭ 子 means tzŭ 孳'to engender"; although the context does not give any indication here as to what is really meant. The Tu tuan (l.c.) says: 子 者 滋 也 奉 天 王 之 恩 德. "Tzŭ means tzŭ 'to overflow', [a tzŭ] has received his spiritual power by the favour of the King [by the grace] of Heaven". This meaning of 'overflow' should probably also be taken in the definition of the Yüan ming pao (l.c.), which seems to be a corrupt repetition of the passage in the Tu tuan:子 者 奉 恩 宣 德 "A tzŭ [is one who] having received the favour [of the King can] display (i.e., make overflow) his spiritual power". The Ta tai li chi, ch.本 命 (13.5a, 5b), without further explanation, says: 子 孳 也, but 子is here the second part of the compounds 男 子 and 女 子 .
34. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) reads: "A nan is one who is equal to the task of establishing an enterprise" 男 者 任 功 立 業 . The Tu tuan (l.c.): "Nan means to be equal to a task; [a nan] establishes a meritorious enterprise by which to reform the people" 男 者 任 也 立 功 業 以 化 民.
35. The Y. text has 人. Lu suggests the reading 子 男 instead.
36. 小 者 不 滿 為 附 庸 附 庸者 附 大 國 以 名 通 也 . See ch. 王 制 of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264), where the text reads: "[Those states which] cannot [reach] fifty li, do not join in the audiences to the Son Heaven 不 合 於 天 子 (in Mencius 達 is written instead of 合, Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 10 上.5b; L. 374), they are attached to the other Feudal Lords, and called fu-yung". Chêng Hsüan says in his Comm. on this passage (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a): "The fu-yung are, with respect to the affairs of their states, attached to larger states, and cannot be presented to the Son of Heaven in their [own] names" 未 能 以 其 名 通. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. (o.c. 4a) elucidates: "they cannot present themselves [to the Son of Heaven]" 不 能 自 通. Finally Chao Ch'i in his Comm. on the passage in the Books of Mencius explains: "A small state cannot independently have an audience with the Son of Heaven, it follows the larger states in order to be presented in their names" 因 大 國 以 名 通 .
37. The Y. ed. has 士 after 爵; superfluous and dropped in the translation. Ho Hsiu says that, although kung 'Duke' is the highest of the five ranks, Dukes and Marquises are actually of the same standing; but the 'empty' title of kung is given to the descendants of the two previous Dynasties as a sign of honour (Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1, 1.13a).
38. This is also Chêng Hsüan's opinion in his Comm. on the Li chi (chu shu, 11.3a).
39. It would seem that the Hsia, adherents of the Principle of Form, had a gradation of ranks in five. Such is K'ung Ying-ta's opinion (Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi chu shu, 11.6a), and that of Ch'ên, who takes the statement of the Wang chih concerning the five grades to refer to the institutions of the Hsia. Chêng Hsüan, however, says that the Yin followed the Hsia in having three ranks (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a). The same is said by the Han wên chia (see n. 16).
40. 侯 甸 任 衛 作 國 伯 . The text of the present Shu ching, ch. 酒 誥(Shang shu chu shu, 13.22b) reads: 侯 甸 男 衛 邦 伯. 任 and 男 are phonetically related (cf. Grammata Serica, nos. 667f and 649a), 國 is synonymous with 邦. The word 作 has, acc. to Lu, deliberately been introduced to make the quotation a proof that the titles po, tzŭ, and nan were combined in po. Legge (L. 407) translates: "the princes of the States of the How, Teen, Nan and Wei, with their chiefs" apparently identifying 邦 伯 as 方 伯, which, acc. to Sun Hsing-yen, is inadmissible (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 16.59). The Po hu t'ang quotation is held to be from the New Text version of the Chiu kao. Of this chapter it is said that "when Liu Hsiang compared the Palace Old Text [of the Book of History] with the Classics of the three schools of Ou-yang, the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou, he found that that of the Chiu kao had one slip missing" (Ch'ien han shu, 30.8a). Ch'ên now, referring to a quotation from the Chiu kao in the Shang shu ta chuan: 王 曰 封 惟 曰 若 圭 璧 (2.28a; also entered in the Han shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu ta chuan chu, 87b), which does not occur in the present Book of History, and which presumably is from the missing slip (this suggestion was already made by Wang Ying-lin in his K'un hsüeh chi wên, 2.19a), suggests that the quotation in the Po hu t'ung might be an analogous case 亦 此 類. However, his argumentation would only hold if the missing slip was from the Old Text version of the Chiu kao, not from the New Text version, and although the statement of the Han shu is not explicit on this point, it is not to be doubted that the slip was missing from the New Text version of Ou-yang, the Elder and the Younger Hsia-hou. Wu Pi 吳 祕 (Sung Dynasty) says in his Comm. on Yang Hsiung's Fa yen, where it is said that the 十 子 全 書 Chiu kao was defective 俄 空, that it was only the Old Text version which was complete 古 文 獨 存(Yang tzŭ fa yen, 4.4a of the ed.). Both Chavannes (Journal Asiatique, Jan. Feb. 1905, p. 36) and Pelliot (Le Chou king en caractères anciens, p. 133) have made this c ear in their translations of the Han shu text; likewise Shên Ch'in-han, quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in his Sub-comm. on the incriminated passage of the Han shu, says that the statement of the missing slip refers to the New Text version. And on this very ground he criticizes Wang Ying-lin's explanation for the quotation occurring in the Shang shu ta chuan, which criticism thus applies to Ch'ên also. (If the latter had said that the missing slip of the New Text version could incidentally have contained the quotation in question with its different reading, then its improbability might not have been so great.) Liu (72.1a) takes a bold step. He suggests leaving out the words 作 (which he thinks superfluous) and 伯 (which he thinks was interpolated) altogether; unfortunately his argumentation is too brief and unclear. Ch'ên now proceeds to another point. The passage in the Chiu kao, from which the quotation has been taken, contains a description of the Yin by King Ch'êng of Chou. But the names hou, tien, jên (nan), wei are names of the institutions of the Chou; they are part of those mentioned in the Chou li, ch. 大 司 馬 and 職 方 氏 (Chou li chl1 shu, 29.6a; 33.17b; B. II. 167; 276), where the ten domains are described (the King's + the nine domains of the Feudal Lords), into which the country is supposed to have been divided in Chou times (the Chou li, besides, belongs to the Old Text books which the adherents of the New Text School did not like to acknowledge as reliable). How is this curious co-incidence to be explained? Wang Ming-sheng in his Shang shu hou an offers two solutions: either Chou designations were used to denote the Yin institutions, or the Chou names had been derived from the Yin (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 419.9b). Ch'ên seems to favour the first explanation, taking over Wang's sound statement that the territory of the Yin was too small to have been divided into ten domains. Legge apparently inclines to the second, saying cautiously: "It would appear that an arrangement of the 'domains', akin to that which obtained under the Chow dynasty, had come, during the dynasty of Yin to supersede the older one introduced by Yu" (note on p. 407 of his Shu ching translation). We are left to mere speculation here, unless the oracle-bones can provide us with the names of the 'domains'. But what seems not to have occurred to Ch'ên and the other commentators is, that, putting aside the question of the origin of the names, the enumeration of hou, tien, jên,, wei would constitute, with the King's domain, the five domains 五 服 into which the Chinese country was divided according to the views of the New Text School, and against the Chou li, a book of the Old Text, which gives an enumeration of nine domains, the King's excepted. As the names of the are generally given as 侯 甸 绥 要 荒, excluding the King's domain (see the iz'ŭ hai, 子.142), I am well aware of my divergence from current Chinese tradition. Read, however, the conflicting speculative theories on the subject in the Shang shu chin ku wên, chu shu 2.83-85. The enumeration of hou, tien, nan, wei is, besides, repeated in the same ch. Chiu kao a few pages later (Shang shu chu shu, 13.25b; L. 410); it again deals with the Yin. In the beginning of ch. 康 誥, however, which describes the interest shown by the people in the building of the new Chou capital, the enumeration is hou, tien, nan, ts'ai 采, wei (Shang shu chu shu, 13.2a; L. 381), which, in an abbreviated form, is exactly the enumeration in the Chou li. To sum up: the quotation from the Chiu kao, as it is written in the Po hu t'ung, does not fit in the context of the Shu ching. Though the Classics are mostly so equivocal as to permit their passages being quoted to all sorts of ends, this particular quotation forms an integral part of a lengthy paragraph, and altered and interpreted as it is in the Po hu t'ung would disturb the context seriously. 作 is thus decidedly an interpolation. However, Liu's suggesting the omission of 伯 and 作, so that the quotation would read: "The hou, tien, jên and wei states', would make the Po hu t'ung context unintelligible, while the omission of is unnecessary in order to make the Shu ching text comprehensible. Considering the fragmentary character of the Po hu t'ung, as we know it, and the defective form of the Y. ed., we may now draw the following inference: in all probability the quotation, in the reading of the present Shu ching, was originally meant as a proof for a passage which is now missing, something like: Under the Yin Dynasty the country was divided into five domains, comprising five thousand li square (cf. n. 7). When this passage was dropped, another had to be found to which the quotation could be made to refer, and the statement that under the Yin the ranks of po, tzŭ, and nan were combined in po proved to be most suitable. To render the proof more conclusive the word 作 was then inserted into the quotation.
41. 合 伯 子 男 以 爲 一 爵 . Kung yang chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.13b), where the text reads 春 秋 伯 子 男 一 也 . The quotation in the Po hu t'ung corresponds with Ho Hsiu's Comm. except for the words 以 and 爵 which are missing in the latter.
42. 合 從 子 貴 中 也 . This opinion is held by Ho Hsiu. In his Comm. on the Kung-yang passage he says: "The uniting of the three [ranks] into tzŭ was instituted [proceeding] from the middle" 合 三 從 子 者 制 由 中 也 .
43. Cf. the Kung yang chuan, l.c. The rule was that when a Feudal Lord had died, his successor during the first year of mourning should call himself 'Child' 子 followed by his personal name when the deceased had not yet been buried, and 'Child' without his personal name when the burial had taken place (see trsl., par. 10). Now Hu should have been called 子 without a personal name, as his father had already been buried. This would, however, have caused some misunderstanding. According to Ho Hsiu, the Ch'un ch'iu, which followed the Principle of Substance as had done the Yin, had the three titles of po, tzŭ, and nan united into one, tzŭ 子, so that Hu, though originally a po, was also called tzŭ without any depreciatory meaning. But to call him tzŭ 'Child' would be insufficient for the purpose of humbling himself by omitting his title, which was also tzŭ, during the first year of mourning. To avoid the difficulty his personal name was used (cf. also the Kung yang i shu, 15.12a-13a). The Y. ed. has 嫌 爲 改 赴 故 名 之 也 . Lu has changed 赴 into 伯 從 子, which is followed in the translation. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) thinks the correction unnecessary, and interprets: the announcement of his father's death had been made by Hu in his capacity as po of Chêng; if he should be called tzŭ, it would be a change of the text of this announcement of death.
44. 故 不 變 . The Y. ed. has before this the superfluous words 故 不 變 爲 質. The Yin had a gradation of domains in three, and also a gradation of ranks in three. The Chou had a gradation of domains in three, but a gradation of ranks in five. Under the Yin a kung had a territory of 100 li square, a hou of 70 li, and a po of 50 li (see the Comm. and Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi chu shu, 11.3b-5b). It need not be said that these statements lack historical evidence. Creel doubts the very existence of a feudal system with the Yin (The Birth of China, p. 135; Studies in Early Chinese Culture, pp. 54, 103); Franke, more cautious, does not altogether deny the possibility that the Shang (or Yin) Dynasty had some kind of feudalism (Zur Beurteilung des chinesischen Lehenswesens, p. 361). Chinese scholars, on the whole, though emphasizing the fundamental differences between the social organizations of the Yin and the Chou, seem tacitly to accept the existence of a feudal system under the Yin (e.g. Wang Kuo-wei in 殷 周 制 度 論 , ch. 10 of sect. 觀 堂 集 林 of his Collected Writings).
45. Cf. what is said by Tung Chung-shu: 故 王 者 有 改 制 之 名 亡 變 道 之 實 "Anciently, the Kings changed the name of an institution, but they did not alter the substance of its nature" (in his Biography, Ch'ien han shu, 56.16a). See also ch. 三 正(XXVII, 180), and the Yen t'ieh lun, ch. 遵 道(5.45).
46. The Y. ed. omits the word 殷 .
47. 其 改 也 . The Y. ed. has 政 instead of 改, corrected by Lu.
48. The wording of the passage is strange. I have followed the interpretation of Ch'ên, who, however, declares himself puzzled (he assumes that the statement deals with the change from the institutions of the Hsia, which had ranks in five grades, into that of the Yin, which had ranks in three grades). Liu (72. 1b) offers the following solution, which sounds more probable: the passage refers to the institutions of the Chou, and is an explanation analogous to what has been said about the titles of po, tzŭ, and nan being amalgamated into po (see trsl., par. 2e). A passage to this effect was probably dropped and should be re-inserted, so that the whole would read: "Why is it that with the House of Yin the kung were made to occupy [a territory of] one hundred li, and the hoa [a territory of] seventy li [square, whereas with the Chou the kung and the hou had each a territory of one hundred li]? The enfeoffing of the worthy was limited to [territories of] one hundred li. When [the institution] was changed, it would not be proper to set back the men without reason. [That the hou now were enfeoffed with territories of one hundred li] expressed the idea of recompensing the worthy, and of the wish to reward and honour them by moving them upwards".
49. The Y. ed. has after hou the word 人 , now dropped by Lu.
50. In the Y. ed. the sentence ends with 者 也. dropped in Lu's and Ch'ên's ed.
51. 士 . The Y. ed. wrongly has 士 上.
52. 其 地 半 者 其 數 倍 . Lu suggests the reading 其 附 庸 數 倍, but the emendation seems unnecessary. Ch. Wang chih (Li chi chu shu, 11.9b; C. I. 268) tells us that (under the Yin) the country was divided into nine provinces chou 州, while each province contained 30 states of 100 li sq. (i.e. 10,000 sq. li), 60 states of 70 li sq. (i.e. 4,900 sq. li), and 120 states of 50 li sq. (i.e. 2,500 sq. li). Thus the last territories were, approximately, half the size of the second, but double the number, and the second were half the size of the first, but again double the number. The total size of the country would then be 8,046,000 sq. li which were divided into fiefs. The rest, containing mountains and marshes, was not given in fief.
53. The text of the Y. ed. reads 多 少 不 相 配 . Lu suggests the reading 亦 instead of 不, which reading is followed in the translation. The 'proof' does not strike us as very convincing.
54. I.e. the ranks of the administrative officers within the King's domain and the domains of the Feudal Lords.
55. Kung 'Ducal Minister' is here to be distinguished from kung 'Duke', the feudal rank.
56. 曰 公 卿 大 夫 何 . Lu and Ch'ên write: 內 爵 稱 … 何"Why are the interior ranks called kung, ch'ing, and ta-fu"?
57. 爵 者 盡 也 . Chüeh originally means 'a cup for libations or feasts, sacrificial cup, the dignity (which entitles one to use such a cup)'. The same word with the radical for wine means 'to drain a goblet, to empty a cup' chiao 釂 (Analytic Dictionary, 1126; Gr. Ser., 1121h); it occurs in ch. Ch'ü li 上 of the Li chi (chu shu, 2.27a: C. 1. 38)長 者 舉 未 釂 小 者 不 敢 飲 "When the elder has lifted but not yet emptied his cup, the younger dares not drink his". The idea of emptying, exhausting then seems to have been extended to chüeh 爵 'cup, dignity', which thus is understood as meaning chin 'to exhaust'. Ch'ên suggests that the identification may have been prompted by the fact that chüeh and 盡 chin are alliterative 雙 聲. The ancient pronunciations, however, were respectively *tsiok and *dz'ĕin(Gr.Ser., 1121a and 381 a).
58. 卿 之 爲 言 章 也 . The last two words are missing in the Y. ed.
59. 章 善 明 理 也 . The Sub-comm. to ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2a) quotes the Po hu t'ung differently: 卿 之 言 嚮 也 為 人 所 歸 嚮 "Ch'ing means hsiang 'towards', he is the one towards whom the people turn".
60. 大 夫 者 達 人 謂 扶 達 於 人 (the last word is missing in the Y. ed.) . The Sub-comm. on the Wang chih (l.c.) has: "a great officer gives men a start, it means that he aids in giving men a start".
61. 故 傳 曰 進 賢 達 能 謂 之 大 夫 (Lu and Ch'ên have erroneously 卿 before 大 夫 ). The Chuan is, acc. to Ch'ên, some Commentary on the Shu ching. The Shang shu ta chuan does not contain the quotation, but it occurs in ch. 修 文 of the Shuo yüan (19.2b), where it is also introduced with the words 傳 曰. After this Lu and Ch'ên have 王 制 曰 上 大 夫 卿 , which, being irrelevant, is left out in the translation.
62. 士 者 事 也 . The same is said by the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (10.2a).
63. Acc. to Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.1a-b) the passage is a quotation from the Pien ming chi 辨 名 記, a not preserved chapter of the collections of ritesbooks.
64. 通 (left out in the Y. ed.) 古 今 辨 然 否 謂 之 士 . The Shuo yüan (l.c.) gives the same quotation, with the omission of 否 and a reversal of the order of words.
65. 何 以 知 士 非 爵 . In the Y. ed. this sentence has been displaced. Restored by Lu.
66. 四 十 強 而 士 . Ch. Ch'ü li 上 (Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 9) says: 四 十 曰 強 而 仕 "At forty a man is said to be in his vigour, and he is employed as a common officer".
67. 至 五 十 爵 爲 大 夫 . In the Y. ed. the sentence wrongly ends with 何. Cf. ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604), where we read: 古 者 五 十 而 後 爵 'Anciently [a man did] not obtain his rank [as great officer] before his fiftieth year'. As the Li chi text then proceeds with a sentence beginning with 何, probably the Y. ed. of the Po hu t'ung in its meaningless insertion of this word has been misled by it. After this comes, in the Y. ed., the sentence which has been transferred to supra (see n. 65).
68. Kung yang chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3.4b), where the text reads: 天 子 八 佾 諸 公 六 諸 侯 四 "The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers, the Ducal Ministers have six, the Feudal Lords four".
69. The Y. ed. has 公 卿, so have Lu and Ch'ên. 卿 is better dropped.
70. 上 大 夫 下 大 夫 上 士 中 下 士 凡 五 等 . The text of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263) has: 諸 侯 之 上 大 夫 卿 下 大 夫 etc. Acc. to Chêng Hsüan's Comm. the 上 大 夫 'great officer of the higher rank' is the same as (what is called) 卿, which statement leads Ch'ên to suppose that the Li chi text, as it was known in the time of Chêng Hsüan (127-200), did not contain the word 卿. Chiang Jung 江 永 (1681-1762) says in his 鄉 黨 圖 考 (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 270.3b) that the 卿 and the 大 夫 were together called 大 夫 in the Ch'un ch'iu; when a distinction had to be made the 卿 was called 上 大 夫 'great officer of the higher rank', and the was called 下 大 夫 'great officer of the lower rank'. It is to be observed that in this passage the 士 is listed as one of the five ranks, contrary to what has been said above under b. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta it was under the Chou that the 士 began to be considered as a rank (Li chi chu shu, 11.2b).
71. The Son of Heaven had for his administration the 公 'Ducal Ministers', the 'Ministers', the 大 夫 'great officers', and the 元 士'common officers' (Li chi chu shu, 11.2b-3a). See also n. 78.
72. The second part of the question 士 有 上 中 下 , omitted in the Y. ed., is supplied by Lu.
73. 大 夫 無 遂 事 . Kung yang chuan, Hsi 30 (Kung yang chu shu, 12. 24b). In the Sub-comm. the statement is explained as 無 自 專 之 道 "he has no right to act of his own accord". In Kung yang chuan, Hsiang 12, the same expression occurs (Kung yang chu shu, 20.2b), and is explained in the Sub-comm. as 遂 者 專 事 之 辭 "sui is the expression for an act of one's own volition". In the Tso chuan 遂 seems to denote 'the going on from the accomplishment of one thing to another not originally contemplated' (Legge's transl. of the Tso chuan, 455, note to par. 1 and 2).
74. 故 獨 兩 字 言 之 . The Y. ed. has 下 in stead of 言 .
75. 皆 大 自 著 (the Y. ed. writes 着). or is to be taken in the meaning of 'to put on, to attach, to assume' (cf. infra, n. 85).
76. 元 士 .
77. Ch. 士 相 見 禮 of the I li (chu shu, 3.6 a; C. 61), where the text has 士 見 於 大 夫.
78. Li chi chu shu, 11.20a; C. I. 271. The Li chi text reads: "The Son of Heaven has three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, twenty-seven great officers, and eighty-one yüan-shih". Acc. to Chêng Hsüan it represents an institution of the Hsia Dynasty. At another place 元 is explained by Chêng Hsüan as 善 'excellent' (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a; in this sense cf. the expression 元 元 = the people, see Tz'ŭ hai,子.284); he says that yüan-shih means 命 士 ming-shih 'an officer who has received a certificate'. The word means 'a document issued by the King to mark the ranks of his officers' 王 遷 秩 羣 臣 之 書 (Chou li chu shu, 17.5b). Under the Chou the common officers of the Son of Heaven were of three ranks (the same as with the Feudal Lords, see supra under e): the common officer of the first rank had three certificates, that of the second rank two, that of the third rank one; the 卿 'Minister' had six certificates, the 大 夫 'great officer' four (Chou li chu shu, 1.5b: B. I. 3). Biot translates ming by 'brevet' (l.c. and B. II. 1). It seems, however, more likely, that 元 should be taken in the meaning of 'chief', cf. 元 子 'first son', infra n. 87. Duyvendak takes 元 to be a ritual word for 首, occurring as a formative element e.g. in the character 冠(T'oung Pao, XXXV, 1939,374).
79. 天 子 .
80. 王 侯 .
81. 即 , supposed by Ch'ên to be an error, is taken by Liu (72.2a) in the meaning of 若 'if' (cf. also the Tz'ŭ hai, 子.493, which gives a quotation from the Tso chuan in this meaning). 即 令 seems likewise to be used in the same sense, see n. 94.
82. 以 王 者 同 稱 . Lu suggests reading 以 as 興. By the same designation is meant that the Feudal Lord would then have the word wang 'King' in their title.
83. Then follows in the text: 猶 不 能 爲 天 子 也 故 運 言 天 子 也, which, acc. to Lu and Ch'ên, is faulty and incomprehensible, and is here left untranslated. Liu (l.c.) does not agree. He thinks that there are some missing words in the beginning, and interprets the whole passage as follows: "If the title 天 子 諸 侯 t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou were used, the names [t'ien and hou] would be sufficiently separated from each other, which would not be the case with the title 王 侯 wang-hou. Therefore one may speak of t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou, but not of wang-hou". Even then, however, the untranslated sentence, declared by Liu to be correct, remains unintelligible.
84. 王 . The Y. ed. has 生.
85. 諸 侯 人 事 自 著 (in the Y. ed. written 着 ) 故 不 著 (ibid.) 也. Lu suggests adding 王 after the last 著. The meaning is not very clear. For cf. supra, n. 75.
86. For the account of 舜 Shun's trials see the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.24a-b; L. 26) and the Shih chi (1.14a-b; M.H. I. 52 ff).
87. Ch. 士 冠 禮 of the I li (chu shu, 1.48a; C. 24). The quotation is from the 'Notes' 記, and it reads in full: 天 子 之 元 子 猶 士 也 天 下 無 生 而 貴 者 也 "The son of the Son of Heaven is like any common officer; in all under Heaven there is none who is born noble". Ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605) contains the same passage, but without 猶.
88. Cf. ch. 喪 服 of the I li (chu shu, 11.36b; C. 400), and ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.22a; C. I. 608).
89. The T'ung tien (104.549), quoting the Wu ching t'ung i (Ch'ên writes Wu ching i i), says: "The wife's duty is to follow and to conform; the husband attains honour at court, the wife attains honour at home, therefore she is fav oured by receiving her husband's posthumous title".
90. Li chi chu shu, 26.22a; C. I. 610.
91. Ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605), and ch. 冠 禮, 'Notes' 記 of the I li (chu shu, 1.48b; C. 24).
92. 何 以 知 夫 人 非 禮 . In the Y. ed. the sentence begins with . Corrected by Lu.
93. Quoted in an abbreviated form from ch. 季 氏 (Lun yû chu shu, 16.12a; L. 316).
94. 即 令 . Cf. n. 81.
95. 庶 人 稱 匹 夫 者 匹 偶 也. .
96. 匹 夫 匹 婦 [ 之 爲 諒 也 ]. ]. Ch. 憲 問 (Lun yü chu shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Hsing Ping's Comm. explains that the common man has no concubines, but only knows the mutual fidelity between himself and his wife.
97. Li chi chu shu, 11.29b; C. I. 274, where the text has 士 'the common officers', instead of 眾 'the multitude'. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. says that it refers to the custom of the Yin. Under the Chou the Son of Heaven conferred the ranks by himself in the ancestral temple, cf. the quotations from the Shih and the Chi t'ung infra. This quotation from the Wang chih should be placed under a, supra.
98. Ode 263: 常 武 (Mao shih chu shu, 25.91b; L. 555; K. 17.85; 18.135). See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 459-460.
99. The Y. ed. wrongly has 靣 向 in stead of 南 向.
100. 史 . The Y. ed. has 央.
101. Li chi chu shu, 19.14b; C. II. 337; L. II. 247. The Li chi text reads in full: "Anciently, when the enlightened ruler conferred ranks upon the virtuous or emoluments upon the meritorious, the conferring had always to take place in the ancestral temple, to show that he dared not act of his own accord. Therefore on the day of the sacrifice, after the first presenting [of the cup to the representative of the ancestor], the ruler descended and stood south of the eastern steps, with his face to the south, while those who were to receive their appointments faced north. The recorder was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets [on which the appointments were written], from which he read. [The appointed] prostrated himself twice, knocking his head against the ground. He received the writing, and returned [to his home], where he presented it in his ancestral temple. Such was the bestowing of ranks and rewards".
102. 以 其 未 當 股 耾 也 , literally "he is not yet considered to have been the thighs and arms of his ruler". The opposite of 股 耾 kukung = 臣 'subject' is 元 首 yüan-shou = 君 'ruler'. Lu suggests the reading 以 其 生 未 嘗 服 死 亦 不 當 服 也 "because in his life he has never received distinctions, so after his death he cannot claim them either". For the meaning of 服 as 'distinctions, symbols or emblems on the clothes', see Kung yang chu shu, 6.6b.
103. 追 賜 死 者 非 禮 也 . The quotation, in this form, does not occur in the Ku liang chuan. There is, however, an entry in the Ch'un ch'iu, Chuang 1, which reads: "The King sent Shu of Jung [to Lu] to confer on Duke Huan [certain] symbols of his favour" (Legge's transl. L. 72). The Ku liang chuan, (Ku liang chu shu, 5.5a-b) observes, with respect to this passage, that not only the conferring of distinctions should take place in the King's court, but that the posthumous bestowing of them is against all rites. "If one had distinctions during one's life, it is according to the rites that at one's death [appropriate honours] are given to one; if one had no distinctions during one's life, it is extremely improper to bestow them posthumously" 生 服 之 死 行 之 禮 也 生 不 服 死 追 錫 之 不 正 甚 矣 (cf. aslo the Ku liang pu chu, 5.7b-8a). The Kung yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 6.7a-b) says: "Why is Duke Huan mentioned [by his posthumous name]? Because he had been posthumously granted distinctions". Ho Hsiu's Comm. then explains: "the use of the posthumous name indicates that distinctions have been given to the deceased. According to the rites, when one had good conduct in life, one receives a beautiful cognomen after one's death. [But] it is not proper to add more distinctions [to that]".
104. Li chi chu shu, 12.12a; C. I. 287, where 喪 'mourning [-rites]' is written in stead of 葬 'funeral [rites]'.
105. Ch.中 庸 of the Li chi (chu shu, 52.16b; C. II. 445). The second part of the quotation differs from the Li chi text, where the order of words is reversed.
106. The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 10.22a) explains 世 子 as 世 世 子'a son who continues the generation'. Cf. infra, n. 117. Ch. 喪 服 小 記 Li chi (chu shu, 32.13b; C. I. 749) contains the expression 世 子, which is said by Chêng Hsüan to apply to the son of the principal wife of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord. Legge (p. 144, note, of his Ch'un ch'iu translation) wishes to distinguish between 世 子 and 太 子 in the translation, and offers the term 'heir-son' for the first.
107. I.e. he calls himself 'Chiid' plus his personal name, as if he, as a subject, were still in the presence of the ruler. Cf. Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13b).
108. The Y. ed. wrongly has 小 子 'Little Child', which is reserved for the Son of Heaven in similar circumstances. See ch. Ch'ü li 下 (Li chi chu shu, 4.24a; C. I. 86).
109. But he keeps calling himself 'Child' during the three years of mourning (Kung yang i shu, 26.17b).
110. 緣 民 之 心 不 可 一 日 無 君 也. . The statement occurs also in Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22b), where 民 臣 is written instead of 民.
111. 緣 終 始 之 義 一 年 不 可 有 二 君 也 . Ibid. The Kung yang text omits 可 有 . For 終 始 in the meaning of 'succession' see M.H. II. 128, n. 5.
112. The Y. ed. omits 三 年. Supplied by Lu.
113. 緣 孝 子 之 心 未 忍 安 吉 . The Kung yang chuan (l.c.) has 緣 孝 子 之 心 則 三 年 不 忍 當 也 "Giving way to his feelings as a filial son for three years he cannot bear [the thought of] occupying [his father's seat]". The rules described in this paragraph are those expounded by the Kung yang chuan (see Chuang 32, Kung yang chu shu, 9. 13b-14a). The Tso chuan seems to give a different rule: before the burial the son calls himself 'Child', after the burial he calls himself by his rank without waiting for the termination of the year of death (Kung yang i shu, 26.17a).
114. 小 寢 . The Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32 (Kung yang chu shu, 9.13a) says that the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords all have three chambers in their palaces: 1. the kao-ch'in 高 寢, in which the Lord dwells; 2. the lu-ch'in 路 寢, the dwelling for the son; 3. the hsiao-ch'in 小 寢 , where the wife and her daughters live. For an architectural description of the ch'in see a study by Wang Kuo-wei, translated by Jonny Hefter in Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, 1931, 79 ff.
115. Duke Wên's accession to the throne took place before the burial of his predecessor. Nevertheless, after the year of death had expired, he was allowed to inaugurate his own reign with the necessary rites. The Ch'un ch'iu enters the event with the words 即 位 'he ascended the throne', because the succession was normal, Duke Hsi, Wên's predecessor, having died a natural death (see Kung yang i shu, 38.1a ff; Ku Hang chu shu, l0.la). The quotation seems to have no clear bearing upon the preceding paragraph.
116. 韓 詩 內 傳 , a work long lost. With the Han shih wai chuan, which still exists, it formed an 'inner' and an 'outer' Commentary on the Book of Poetry. Both are attributed to Han Ying 韓 嬰 (2d cent. B.C.).
117. 所 以 名 之 爲 世 子 何 言 欲 其 世 世 不 绝 也 . The Comm. on the Wên hsüan (21.3b), quoting the Han shih nei chuan, says: 所 以 爲 世 子 何 言 世 世 不 絕 "Why is he [called] shih-tzŭ? It means that [his line] will not be severed for generations". This sentence had better follow that under a, supra.
118. An entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Hsi 5, not of any of the three Commentaries. Instead of Shou-chih 首 止 , which is the reading in the Tso chuan, the Kung yang chuan and the Ku Hang chuan have Shou-tai 首 戴 .
119. 太 子 發 升 于 舟 也 . It does not occur in the Present Shu ching, as it is edited in the Shih san ching chu shu, but it appears in the New Text version of ch. 泰 誓 , edited by Sun Hsing-yen (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 10.100; Cf. the Appendix to the Great Declaration, p. 238 of Legge's Shu ching translation). The Shih chi (4.8a; M.H. I. 226) also contains the passage, and it is quoted by the I wên lei chü (16.la) as originating from the Shang shu. The Tai p'ing yü lan (146.1b) gives it as a quotation from the Shang shu ta chuan, but in quoting the Po hu t'ung (147.4a) it gives the same passage as coming from the Shang shu. Lu and Ch'ên have 尚 書 傳. The text reads in full: 太 子 發 升 于 舟 (Shih chi: ) (Shih chi: 武 王 渡 河) 中 流 白 魚 入 (Shih chi: 躍 入 ) 舟 中 I.w.l.ch. and T.p.y.l. without 中) 王 跪 取 (Shih chi: 王 舟 中) (not in Shih chi; I.w.l. ch. and T.p.y.l.: 俟）以 燎 (Shih chi: 武 王 俯 取 ) 出 涘 以 祭) 羣 公 咸 曰 休 哉 (not in Shih chi) "The Eldest son Fa ascended into the boat; in the middle of the stream a white fish leapt into the boat. The King knelt and took it; [then] he went on the bank [of the river] to burn it [as a sacrifice]. All the Dukes said: It is auspicious". Fa 發 was the personal name of King Wu. The Shih chi (4.7b) says that "King Wu called himself the 'Eldest Son' Fa, which means that he had received the order of King Wên to attack fa 伐, but that he did not dare to act on his own authority" (cf. Chavannes' translation in M.H. I. 224).
120. 中 侯 曰 廢 考 立 發 爲 太 子 明 文 王 时 稱 太 子 也 . The whole sentence is missing in the Y. ed. Supplied by Lu, from the T'ai p'ing yü lan (147.4a). Po-i K'ao is mentioned in ch. 橝 弓 of the Li chi (chu shu, 6.1b; C. I. 108): 昔 者 文 王 舍 伯 邑 考 而 立 武 王 "Anciently, King Wên put aside Po-i K'ao, and set up King Wu". After the quotation from the Shang shu, discussed in the previous note, the Y. ed. contains the following passage: "Some say: [The son of] a Feudal Lord is called 'Generation-son' 代 子, but the Commentary [on the Ch'un ch'iu] speaks of the t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son' Shên-shêng of Chin, the t'ai-tzŭ Hua of Chêng, and the t'ai-tzŭ Kuang of Ch'i. Considering these [cases it would appear that] under the Chou there were not yet fixed rules [with respect to the use] of t'aitzŭ 'Eldest Son' or 代 子 'Generation-son'. According to the rules [current] under the Han the Son of Heaven was called huang-ti 'August Emperor', the Heir by his principal wife was called huang fai-tzŭ 'August Eldest Son', [the Heir by] the principal wife of a Feudal King was called 代 子 'Generationson'. The subsequent Dynasties all followed this [use]". The occurrence at three places of 代 子 instead of 世 子 has given occasion to Lu to doubt the genuineness of the passage. is the character used in the T'ang for the tabooed word , which appears in the personal name of T'ai-tsung: Li Shih-min 李 世 民 (cf. Ch'ên Yüan in Yen ching hsüeh pao, 1928, 635). The Ch'u hsüeh chi by Hsü Chien 徐 堅 (659-729) contains, with slight differences in the wording, the whole statement which in the translation is brought under d and e (without the quotation from the Chung hou, which is also missing in the Y. ed.). Lu now thinks that the passage with 代 子 is from the hand of Hsü Chien (in the present 古 香 齊 袖 珍 十 種 ed. of 1746 of the Ch'u hsüeh chi (10.13a-b), as well as in the 歙 縣 鮑 氏 ed. of 1807 of the T'ai p'ing yü lan (147.4a) which also includes the quotation, has already been corrected into ). It is curious that the T'ung tien by Tu Yu (735-812; the microfilmed 明 ed. as well as the movable type ed. of the Commercial Press, 93.503), which contains, with many errors, the whole of paragraph 10, while consistently writing 代 子 instead of 世 子, omits our crucial passage. We may safely say that by its 'informative' character it must indeed be a later interpolation.
121. 必 . Lu, following the T'ung tien, suggests dropping it.
122. 爵 士 . Lu suggests dropping .
123. 天 子 之 所 有 . The Y. ed. has 天 子 之 有 也. Lu's emendation.
124. 父 . Lu suggests dropping it.
125. The Y. ed. has 公 不 見 instead of 不 見 公 . Lu, correcting the error, writes 不 見 公 見 之! Probably the confusion is caused by the explanation in the Kung yang chuan (see next note): 不 見 公 者 何 公 不 見 見 也 "Why did he not see the Duke? The Duke was not asked for an audience". Cf. the congestion of 見 in the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch. 祭 義 (16.12b): 祭 然 後 能 見 不 見 見 不 見 之 見 者 然 後 知 天 命 鬼 神 "By a sacrifice one will see the unseen; he who sees by seeing the unseen will understand Heaven's destiny and the spirits".
126. See the Ch'un ch'iu, Ch'êng 16. The argumentation is from the Kung yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 18.12b). In the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 4 (chu shu, 26.8a; L. 354) it is related that the Duke of Lu went to Chin 晉, and was disrespectfully treated, whereupon he contemplated an alliance with Ch'u 楚, and was only stopped in his intentions by the remonstrations of his Minister. Lu, referring to this story, thinks that Duke Ch'êng in his sixteenth regnal year could no longer be young, so that Kung-yang's opinion is not to be trusted. (Legge, p. 337 of his Ch'un ch'iu translation says that Ch'êng was about seventeen years old when he came to the throne). Ch'ên, on the other hand, sides with the Kung yang chuan, saying that according to the Tso chuan, Hsiang 9 (Tso chuan chu shu, 30.37b; L. 441) the ruler of a state may have a child in his fifteenth year, and should be capped before the child is born, so that he may marry in his fourteenth or fifteenth year; Duke Ch'êng was only betrothed in his fourteenth regnal year, so he must have been one or two years old at his accession, and sixteen or seventeen when the incriminated meeting took place in his sixteenth regnal year, so that he may be said to be in his youth. Ch'ên reproaches Lu for bringing forward the unreliable Tso chuan for disputing the Kung yang chuan, while he uses the same source for his own purpose!
127. 上 . Liu (72.2a) wants to change 上 into 未; the sentence would then read: When the Generation-son has not yet received his rank and [has not yet been] invested. . . .
128. 韎 ？(此字为 “韋”加 “令”) 有 赩 . Ode 213: 瞻 彼 洛 矣 (Mao shih chu shu, 21.22a). Legge and Waley translate 韎？(此字为 “韋”加 “令”)mei-chia by 'madder-dyed knee covers' and 'madder kneecaps' respectively (L. 382; Wa. 195), following Mao's and Chêng Hsüan's interpretation of 韎 meaning 'madder-dye' 茅 蒐 梁. Chêng Hsüan even regards 茅 蒐 mao-sou 'madder' and 韎? (此字为 “韋”加 “令”)mei-chia as homophonous, hence his identification. Ch'ên Huan, however, thinks that Mao's original Commentary has been tampered with, and contaminated with Chêng Hsüan's later explanations. He believes 韎 simply to mean 'dyed leather' 梁 韋 (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.37). Karlgren (K. 16.249) translates: "the knee-covers of dyed leather are red". In stead of 赩 Shih ching writes 奭. Chêng Hsüan, as well as the Po hu t'ung, takes these knee-covers to form part of the common officer's apparel which is worn by the Heir of a Feudal Lord, when he goes to court to receive his dignity after his three years of mourning. Ch'èn Huan (I.c.) points to the same statement by the Han shihnet chuan (see supra, under b), and supposes that the interpretation of the Shih ching quotation is that of the School of Han 韓.
129. 大斂 ta-lien. The corpse was first subjected to the Smaller Dressing 小 斂 hsiao-lien; after a few days, varying according to the rank of the deceased, it received the Greater Dressing, and was then placed in the coffin. Cf. Couvreur's note in his translation of the Li chi (C.I. 151).
130. 民 臣 . The Y. ed. has instead 士. Lu's emendation.
131. Ch. 顧 命 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 17.29b; L. 557).
132. The Y. ed. omits the word 大.
133. Namely on the day 癸 酉 kuei-yu. The death occurred on the day 乙 丑i-ch'ou. The rites required the encoffining (and therewith the Greater Dressing) to take place seven days after the death, the day of death not included (with those below the rank of great officer the day of death was included in the reckoning), in this case on the day 壬 申 jên-shên. The day kuei-yu was the day after the Greater Dressing; the Heir, as new King, in his 'auspicious clothes' ( 吉 服, see K'ung Ying-ta's 傳 in Shang shu chu shu, 17.24b), then assumed the succession, and for the first time received the obeisance of his subjects (cf. the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 23.23).
134. 何 以 知 不 從 死 後 加 王 也 . The Y. ed. has for 不 the word 王. Lu's emendation, which is also adopted by Ch'ên. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) wishes to retain the original reading ( instead of ), and sees the passage as two sentences: "How do we know that he is King? Because after the death [of the former King the title of] King is added [to the name of the Heir]". He apparently takes it to refer to the preceding statement, though according to him there should be a distinction between 'after death' and 'after the Greater Dressing'. The connection with the following statement would then not be clear, however. Lu's emendation seems to be warranted, even if he himself declares his dissatisfaction with it.
135. 迎 子 釗 . Ch. 顧 命(Shang shu chu shu, 17.20b; L. 549). Legge translates 子 by 'prince', which does not adequately express its meaning. Immediately after the death of the King the Heir was brought to take his position as chief mourner. He was then called, according to the rule, 'Child' with his personal name. The Y. ed. writes 劉 in stead of 釗.
136. 即 繼 體 之 位 . The Kung yang chuan, Chuang 4, contains the statement: 國 君 以 國 爲 體 … 故 國 君 爲 一 體 也"The ruler of a state regards the state as his body . . . . so state and ruler are one body" (Kung yang chu shu, 6.14b). Cf. Milton's: The king is a body politick, for that a body politique never dieth (quoted by the Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. Body).
137. 再 拜 興 對 … 乃 受 銅. Ch. 顧 命 (Shang shu chu shu, 17.32a; L. 559). The Shu ching text has 答 曰 in stead of 對 , and 同 瑁 instead of 銅. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu Is'ung lu, 16.15a) and Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.15) both say that 同 and 銅 are used indiscriminately. Lu, first having followed the Shu ching reading of 同 瑁 in his text, appears to prefer the Y. ed. reading of 銅 without 瑁 in his 校 勘 補 遺. Ch'ên, wishing to retain , adds and takes the expression to refer to two separate things. Liu (72.2a) is of the opinion that should be dropped. is used by the New Text School, in the sense of 'double seal' 副 璽 (for 璽 mi 'seal', which was first the general name for all sorts of seals, but was used to denote the Imperial Seal exclusively after Ch'in Shih huang-ti, cf. the interesting remarks in M.H. II. 108. n. 5). The Old Text School uses 同, and either takes it to mean 'wine-cup' 酒 杯 (Chêng Hsüan), or interprets as referring to one object, namely the King's tally which covers mao the tokens of investiture of the Feudal Lords, the King's spiritual power thus covering 覆 all under Heaven, making of it one great whole ta-t'ung 大 同 (Ma Jung). See the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 25.31-32. The event recorded in the quotation took place after the Greater Dressing, when the deceased had been encoffined. The new King replied to the announcement of his predecessor's testamentary charge in self-depreciatory terms, and accepted the responsibility for government. He thus assumed the task of continuing the rule over the body politic as soon as the former ruler, alive or dead, was no longer to be seen.
138. 緣 終 始 之 義 . The Y. ed. wrongly has 終 始. See supra n. 111.
139. 王 釋 冕 反 喪 服. Ch. 康 王 之 誥 (Shang shu chu shu, 18.6a; L. 568). The Y. ed., following the New Text reading, omits 反. The new King assumed his mourning-dress again, as soon as the ceremony of his acceptance of continuing the rule of the body politic had ended with his address to the Nobles and Ministers. Chêng Hsüan adds that the latter also put on again their mourning-garments, according to the rule that Ministers should wear mourning for their ruler, and Feudal Lords for the Son of Heaven (quoted in K'ung Yingta's Sub-comm. on the passage).
140. 吉 冕 服 . The Y ed. omits 服. Supplied by Lu, foll, the T'ung tien.
141. 不 可 曠 年 無 君 . The Y. ed. omits 可 . The statement also occurs in Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22b).
142. 改 元 literally 'to change the beginning [year]', i.e. he does not continue the counting of the years of the former ruler, but starts with the first year yüan-nien 元 年 of his own rule.
143. 元 以 名 年 . The Y. ed. has 名 元 年, corrected by Lu.
144. 年 以 紀 事 . The Kung yang chuan, Yin 1, explains yüan-nien by 'the first year of the Lord ['s reign]' 君 之 始 年 (Kung yang chu shu, 1.1b). Ho Hsiu gives a mystical explanation of the word 元, identifying it with 'the first essence' ch'i 氣, which, starting from the shapeless, divided itself after assuming shape, and is the beginning of Heaven and Earth. Cf. also Legge's note on page 4 of his translation of the Tso chuan.
145. The Y. ed. has 君 名 其 事 矣. Lu corrects: 君 統 事 見 矣. Liu (72.2a) reads: 君 統 其 事 矣, followed in the translation.
146. 何 以 知 踰 年 即 位 改 元 也 , according to Lu's reading. The Y. ed. has 言 instead of 知, and 謂 改 元 位 instead of 改 元 也 .
147. 147 Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22a).
148. 元 年 春 正 月 公 即 位 . This entry occurs in the first years of the Dukes Huan, Wên, Hsüan, Ch'êng, Hsiang, Ch'ao, and Ai.
149. The Y. ed. has the superfluous word 年 after 改 元.
150. According to the Tso chuan the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords equally had the right to change their chronologies at the beginning of their reigns, and to employ the expression yüan-nien. The Kung yang chuan, however, is of the opinion that only the King possessed this right. The Ch'un ch'iu, chron- icling the vicissitudes of the feudal state of Lu, nevertheless uses the term yüan-nien throughout. This is, says Kung-yang, because the Ch'un ch'iu considers the kingship of the Chou Dynasty to have been delegated to Lu (Kung yang chu shu, 1.1b; cf. for the 'kingdom' of Lu, Woo Kang, 107 ff). The statement in the Po hu t'ung thus runs counter to the doctrine expounded by Kung-yang. Ch'ên now thinks that, since Kung-yang sees the Ch'un ch'iu as a canon of rules (cf. Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, 36-56), this canon need not correspond with the facts. According to him the Feudal Lords had no right to change the chronology; indeed, they had not done so before 841 B.C., when King Li 厲 of the Chou Dynasty moved to the east. Only after that date did the usurpation of the royal right by the Feudal Lords com- mence, the authority of the Chou then beginning to decline. But though it seems to be a fact that 841 B.C. is the first date given by the Shih chi, with which also the chronologies of thirteen feudal states appear (Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, I. 101; M.H, III. 29-46), it is not impossible that before 841 B.C. there were already independent chronologies of the Feudal Lords.
151. Li chi chu shu, 12.9b; C. I. 284. The 紼 were the cords which connected the coffin to the funeral-car ch'un 輴 to guard it against the danger of fire. As the importance of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and to the Gods of the Earth and of the Millet (which had to be performed outside) exceeded that of the King's loss, so he even quitted his position of mourner, stepped over the cords of the funeral-car, and went out to fulfill his duty (K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm., o.c. 12.11a).
152. Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22a).
153. 高 宗 諒 陰 三 年 . Ch. 無 逸(Shang shu chu shu, 15.12a), where however, the text reads: 其 在 高 宗 时 舊 勞 于 外 爰 暨 小 人 即 位 乃 或 亮 陰 三 年 不 言 其 惟 不 言 言 乃 雍 ; in Legge's translation (L. 466): "If we come to the time of Kao Tsung, he toiled at first away from the court, and was among the inferior people. When he came to the throne, it may be said that, while he was in the mourning shed, for three years he did not speak. Afterwards he was still inclined not to speak; but when he did speak, his words were full of harmonious wisdom". This story of the filial Kao-tsung (i.e. King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty) has been repeatedly and variously quoted: Lun yü, ch. 憲 問 (Lun yü chu shu, 14.20a; L. 291): 書 云 高 宗 諒 陰 三 年 不 言 "The Shu says: Kao-tsung remained in the mourning-shed for three years and did not speak"; Shang shu ta chuan (2.36b); 書 曰 高 宗 梁 闇 三 年 不 言 ; ch. 坊 記 of the Li chi (chu shu, 51.18b; C. II . 410):高 宗 云 三 年 其 惟 不 言 言 乃 讙"Of Kao-tsung it is told that he did not speak for three years. When he spoke his subjects rejoiced"; ch. 喪 服 四 制 (Li chi chu shu, 63.16a; C. II. 706): 書 曰 高 宗 諒 闇 三 年 不 言 Shih chi, 3.8b: 武 丁 即 位 思 復 興 殷 而 未 得 其 佐 三 年 不 言 政 事 決 定 於 冡 宰 以 觀 國 風 , in Chavannes' translation (M.H. I. 195): "Quand l'empereur Ou-ting eut revêtu cette dignité, il pensa à faire de nouveau prospérer les Yn; mais il n'avait pas encore trouvé celui qui était capable de l'aider. Pendant trois années il ne parla pas; toutes les affaires du gouvernement étaient décidées par le premier ministre; il en profita pour observer les moeurs du royaume"; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch.竹 林 (2.11b): 詩 (!) 云 高 宗 諒 陰 三 年 不 言Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 泰 族 訓(20.1b): 高 宗 諒 闇 三 年 不 言; Chia yü, ch. 正 論 解(9.26b): 書 曰 高 宗 三 年 不 言 言 乃 雍"The Shu says: Kao-tsung did not speak for three years; when he spoke [his words] were full [of wisdom]". 亮 陰 is also written 諒闇or 梁闇; it is explained by Chêng Hsüan as meaning 倚 廬 or 凶 廬'mourning-shed' (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.102; Lun yü chêng i, 17.139-140). The meaning of the quotation is that Kao-tsung, who was subsequently praised for his filial piety, did not want to discuss the affairs of state during the three years of mourning, and only after that assumed his kingship in its fullest sense.
154. 曰 is omitted in the Y. ed.
155. 君 薨 百 官 總 已 聽 於 冢 宰 . Ch. 憲 問 l.c., where the text has 以 before 聽. The statement is paraphrased in the Comm. on the Hou han shu (4.2b) as follows: 古 者 君 在 諒 闇 百 官 揔 已 之 職 事 以 聽 於 冢 宰 "Anciently, when the Lord was in his mourning-shed, all the officials, for the attendance of their several duties, took their orders from the Grand Administrater". The use of 薨 is strange. The word is used to denote the death of a Feudal Lord. For the Son of Heaven 崩 is employed. Acc. to Liu Pao-nan (Lun yü chêng i, 17.141) "for the higher it is allowed at the same time to use [the denotation of] the lower" 上 得 兼 下.
156. 三 年 不 忍 當 . The Y. ed. omits 忍
157. The Y. ed. has hereafter the superfluous words 即 位. Dropped by Lu.
158. 踐 chien-tsu. The Y. ed. writes 阼. Tsu denotes the steps to the east of the hall in the palace by which the Son of Heaven ascends (see note in Couvreur's translation of the Li chi, C. I. 20), in general the steps for the master of the house (Sub-comm. on ch. Ch'ü li 下, Li chi chu shu, 4.22a). The expression chien-tsu 'to mount the eastern steps' has then come to be used for a Lord who succeeds to the throne (C. I. 467, note).
159. I.e., they remained in the mourning-shed for three years. Kao-tsung's was not the only case.
160. For the source of the quotation see n. 155.
161. 冢 宰 制 國 用 . Li chi chu shu, 12.9a; C. 1.284. The Y. ed. wrongly has the word 大 before 冢 宰.
162. 塚 者 大 也 宰 者 制 也 .
163. 王 度 記 , one of the lost chapters of the collection of rites-books.
164. The Chou li or Chou kuan places chung-tsai at the head of the first department t'ien-kuan 天 官 . His task was a double one. 'He was the chief of his subordinates for the administration of the country, and he supported the King in the regulation of the principalities' 帥 其 屬 而 掌 邦 治 以 佐 王 均 邦 國 . His subordinates comprised all the officials of the six departments (t'ien-kuan, ti-kuan, ch'un-kuan, hsia-kuan, ch'iu-kuan, and tung-kuan). In the function of head of all the departments he was called chung-tsai. As actual head of the t'ien-kuan, having his special task, he was called ta-tsai. He was then ranked as any of the other five heads of departments, namely as 'Minister' ch'ing 卿(Chou li chu shu, 1.5a-b). This description given by the Chou li applies to the, supposed, institutions of the Chou Dynasty; it also occurs in ch. 周 官 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 17.4b-5a; L. 528-530), where the six Ministers are called chung-tsai (for the t'ien-kuan), ssŭ-t'u 司 徒 (for the ti-kuan), tsung-po 宗 伯 (for the ch'un- kuan), ssŭ-ma 司 馬(for the hsia-kuan), ssŭ-k'ou 司 寇(for the ch'iu-kuan), and ssŭ-k'ung 司 空 (for the tung-kuan). The statement of the Wang tu chi seems to refer to the institutions of the Yin. Acc. to ch. Ch'ü li 下 (Li chi chu shu, 4.26b-27a; C. I. 87-88), which describes the Yin institutions (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. l.c.), there were the 'Six Grandees' liu-ta or liu-t'ai 六 大 belonging to the t'ien-kuan, namely the ta-tsai 大 宰, the ta-tsung 大 宗, the ta-shih 大 史, the ta-chu 大 祝, the ta-shih 大 士, and the ta-pu 大 卜 . Besides there were the 'Five Administrative Officers' wu-kuan 五 官 , namely the ssŭ-t'u 司 徒, the ssŭ-ma 司 馬, the ssŭ-k'ung 司 空, the ssŭ-shih 司 士, and the ssŭ-k'ou 司 寇. The Yin institutions were, under the Chou, more or less continued by the feudal state of Sung 宋. In the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 15 (Tso chuan chu shu, 27.26a-b; L. 388), where the officers of Sung are described, the following names are enumerated: yu-shih 右 師, tso-shih 左 師, ssŭ-ma司 馬, ssŭ-t'u 司 徒, ssŭ-ch'êng 司 城, ta-ssŭ-k'ou 大 司 寇, hsiao-ssŭ-k'ou 小 司 寇, ta-tsai 大 宰, and hsiao-tsai 小 宰. Ch'ên now supposes that the fact of the ta-tsai being here mentioned after so many other ranks indicates that his position was not so high with the state of Sung, and therefore with the Yin neither. He may thus have been ranked as great officer ta-fu simply. The Chou li is one of the Old Text books, while chapter Chou kuan belongs to the Old Text of the Shu ching. Its quotation by the Po hu t'ung is remarkable.
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