Notes
1. Cf. the following parallels: Ho
Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b): "Son of Heaven is the
designation of a rank. All the Sages who received the mandate [of Heaven] were
born of Heaven, therefore they are spoken of as the Son of Heaven"; the
Kan ching fu, an Apocryphal Book on the
Ch'un ch'iu (Yü han, 54.63a):
"The Lord of men has Heaven as his father, Earth as his mother, the sun as his
elder brother, and the moon as his younger sister"; the Tu
tuan (上 .7a): "The Son of Heaven serves Heaven as his father and Earth as
his mother; he serves the sun as his elder brother, and the moon as his younger
sister".
2. An Apocryphal Book on the
Hsiao ching.
3. The Shuo
yüan, ch. 修 文 (19.2b), quoting the 傳, says: "He whom Heaven covers and Earth
carries is called the Son of Heaven".
4. 上 法 斗 極 . In another place the
Yüan shên ch'i (Yü han, 58.6a) says: "When the King's
spiritual power reaches Heaven the Pole-star is brilliant", which passage also
occurs in ch. 封 禪 of .the Po hu t'ung (XVIII. 127). The
Ch'un ch'iu tso chu ch'i 春 秋 佐 助 期, quoted in the
T'ai p'ing yü lan, 76.3b, says: "The Son of Heaven
models himself on the Pole-star, the Feudal Lords conform to the
Constellations".
5. Another Apocryphal Book on the
Hsiao ching.
6. See the chapter on Appellations 號 (II.
1) for the difference in spiritual power between the Emperors and the
Kings.
7. The question as to whether ancient
China covered a territory of 5,000 or 10,000 li square,
is one of those academic problems which have stirred Chinese scholars to
never-ending discussions. Cf. the Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing
ching chieh, 1250.3b), and the Shang shu chin ku wên chu
shu, 2.83; 3.52.
8. Ch. 洪 範
of the Book of
History (Shang shu chu shu, 11.16b; L.
333).
9. 以 法 天 下. Probably 法 is an error for 治. Thus
the translation would be: Because they ruled all under Heaven.
10.
中 候 曰 天 子 臣 放 勛
. The Chung
hou or Shang shu chung hou is an Apocryphal
Book of History. The full passage as it is quoted by Ma
Kuo-han reads as follows (Yü han, 53.28a, where the
quotation is said to be taken from section 運 衡 [of the Chung
hou]; the T'ai p'ing yü lan, which appears to have
been the source for this quotation in the Yü han, writes
運 行 (80.4b), which is evidently an error, for in the Sub-comm. of the
Ch'ü li (Li chi chu shu, 1.13b)
another quotation is given as originating from the 中 候 運 衡): "Emperor Yao cut a
pi [tablet], (and leading his Ministers) eastwards, sank
it in the Lo [-river]; the words written on the tablet (said): [I,] the Son of
Heaven, thy servant Fang-hsün, am thinly [endowed with] spiritual power in the
practising of which [,moreover, I] fall short" 帝 堯 刻 璧 ( 率 群 臣 ) 東 沈
于 雒 書 (曰) 天 子 臣 放 勛 德 薄 施 行 不 元
(the words between round
brackets occur additionally in the T'ai p'ing yü lan).
Fang-hsün (the Shu ching writes 放 勳) was the personal name
of Yao, one of the Emperors.
11.
書 逸 篇 曰 厥 兆 天 子 爵
. Both Lu and Ch'ên write 書 亡 (囚) 逸, which
would make us think that it refers to ch. 無 逸 of the Shu
ching ( 無is sometimes written 毋 or 亡; instead of 逸 sometimes 佚 or 劮 is used, see
the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.99). It is not to
be found there (Lu and Ch'ên say that the statement has wrongly been introduced
into Tung Fêng-yuan's 董 豐 垣 ed. of the Shang shu ta chuan, ch.無 佚
; it is also entered in the Huang shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu
ta chuan chu, 101b). The Y. ed. thus seems to give the correct reading:
the quotation is from an untransmitted chapter 逸 篇 of the Shu
ching (逸, acc. to Ch'ên, is the term used to denote the additional chapters
in old script of the Shu ching, supposed to have been
found in the walls of Confucius' house, of which there was no transmitted
interpretation). The translation of the quotation, not showing the context, is
given tentatively. Chao 兆 is evidently used for chao 肇'to begin', 'to inaugurate',
'to initiate'. In ch. of the Li chi there is a quotation
from the Shih: 詩 曰 后 稷 兆 祀 'Hou-chi initiated the sacrifice' (Li chi chu shu, 54.31a; C. 11. 512). It is from Ode 245:生 民
(Mao shih chu shu, 24.23a; L. 472; K. 17.72), where,
however, 肇 (explained by Mao's 傳 as meaning 始'to begin': Mao shih
chu shu, 24.17a) is written instead of 兆. Only, Chêng Hsüan gives the word 肇
quite a different interpretation (cf. the discussion by Karlgren in K. 18.65),
which in the case of this particular passage, however, is
unnecessary.
12.
皇
huang. See
ch. II, referred to in note 6.
13. Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ 下
of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a; L. 382). Fu-hsi
was one of the August Ones.
14.
三 光
, i.e. sun, moon, and the stars. See
封 公 侯 ch. (VII. 53).
15. This statement corresponds with Ho
Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.14a): "The adherents of [the Principle
of] Substance have ranks in three grades, because they take as their model
Heaven with its Three Luminary Bodies; the adherents of [the Principle of] Form
have ranks in five grades, because they take as their model Earth with its Five
Elements". The theory of the Principle of Substance chih-chia 質 家 and that of Form wên-chia
文 家 was popular during the Han period, especially in the so-called Apocryphal
Books. Chavannes (M.H. V. 395, note) translates
chih and wên by 'fond' and
'forme', which translation has been adopted by Woo Kang in his
Les trois théories politiques du Tch'ouen ts'ieou
(1932). According to this theory the Yin Dynasty had adhered to the first
Principle, the Chou to the second, and the following Dynasty should then again
revert to the first. The Principle of Substance stands for simplicity, the
Principle of Form for cultural refinement. The former basing itself upon
Heaven, which is simple, with regard to ranks, takes as its model the Three
Luminary Bodies, whereas the latter basing itself upon Earth, which is
'adorned' with all sorts of things, takes as its model the Five Elements, which
produce these things (Woo Kang, 160, n. 8; 141, n. 3; 142, n. 1). Cf. also ch.三 軍
(X), ch. 三 正 (XXVII), and ch. 嫁 娶 (XL) of the Po hu
t'ung.
16. An Apocryphal Book on the
Li chi. Ma Kuo-han gives in his reconstructed edition of
the Han wên chia (Yü han, 54.16b)
the following quotation from the Sub-comm. of the Li
chi, ch. 王 制: "The Yin had ranks in three grades; the Yin was upright and
honoured [the colour] white; white [symbolizes] the combination of uprightness
and steadfastness 白 者 兼 正 中, therefore [the Yin ranks were in] three grades. The Hsia
honoured [the colour] black, and also followed the gradation in three. (The
Chou had ranks in five grades. Each [of the three systems] was appropriate)".
The words in round brackets do not occur in the Li chi
Sub-comm. (see Li chi chu shu, 11.6a), from which Ma
says he has taken his quotation!
17.
五
. The Y. ed. has wrongly
.
18. Li chi chu
shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263. The text of the Li chi
reads: "The ranks [,connected with] emoluments [accruing from holdings, which
were] instituted by the King were kung, hou, po, tzŭ,
and nan: in all five grades".
19.
據
, missing in the Y. ed., and
supplemented by Lu following the T'ai p'ing yü
lan.
20. Kung yang
chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu,
3.4b).
21.
天 子 三 公 稱 公
, missing in the Y.
ed.
22. Hereafter follows in the Y. ed.: 人 皆 千 乘 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 同,
which passage is, following Lu, transferred to infra, paragraph b.
23. Li chi chu
shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264. In the Y. ed. the whole paragraph has been
misplaced. Restored by Lu.
24.
公
.
25.
侯
.
26.
通
.
27. The Yüan ming
pao, quoted in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi (chu
shu, 11.2a) says: "Kung means impartial; [a
kung is] impartial and upright" 公 者 為 言 平 也 公 平 正 直.
28. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 候 in stead
of 侯.
29. The Tu tuan
(上. 17b) has the same. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says:
侯 者 候 也 候 王 順 逆.
30. See n. 22. Acc. to Lu, who is
followed, 公 侯 should be read instead of 人.
31. The text has: 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 同
. In ch. 封 公 侯 (VII. 57a),
however, we read: 諸 侯 封 不 過 百 里 象 雷 震 百 里 所 潤 雲 雨 同 也, whereas the Sub-comm. of the Li chi
(chu shu, 11.4a) gives the following quotation from the
Yüan shên ch'i: 王 者 之 後 稱 公 大 國 稱 侯 皆千 乘 象 雷 震 百 里. It is clear that the sentence consists
of two parts. The first 象 雷 震 百 里 goes back to the I ching,震
hexagram, where it is stated: 震 驚 百 里 "The crash [of thunder] terrifies [all within] a
hundred li" (Chou i chu shu,
9.1a; L. 173). The Sub-comm. explains: "The sound emanating from thunder is
heard within a hundred li 雷 之 發 聲 聞 乎 百 里, therefore, when anciently
the Emperors and Kings instituted [the division of] the country [in fiefs], the
territories of the Dukes and Marquises were one hundred li square". The second part of the sentence contains the
word 同 t'ung, which occurs in the meaning of 'a territory
of 100 li square' in the Tso
chuan, Chao 23 (Tso chuan chu shu, 50.31b), and in
ch. 小 司 徒 of the Chou li (chu shu,
11.8a). Chia Kung-yen's Sub-comm. on the latter says: "It is called
t'ung, because it symbolizes [the sound]
t'ung of the crash of thunder which can be heard within
a hundred li" 謂 之 爲 同 者 取 象 雷 震 百 里 所 聞 同. The last eight words are identical with
the Po hu t'ung passage, except that 聞 is written in stead
of 潤, which is apparently a mistake. And once jun 'to
moisten', 'to fertilize', had been written, the need was felt to explain it
further by 雲 雨 "the rains from the clouds [which moisten the earth within a 100
li]". (Cf. further the Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 31, Kung yang chu shu, 12.28a:
"Mountains and rivers have [the capacity] to moisten [a territory of] 100
li" 山 川 有 能 潤 于 百 里 者 ; and the Shuo yüan, 18.6a:
"Why are mountains and rivers likened to the Viscounts and Barons? They can
produce things, they can moisten and fertilize things, they can produce clouds
and rains, their boons are many" 山 川 何 以 視 子 男 也 能 出 物 焉 能 潤 澤 物 焉
能 生 雲 雨 為 恩 多). It is significant that the
T'ai p'ing yü lan gives the quotation from the
Yüan shên ch'i as: 二 王 之 後 稱 公 大 國 侯 皆 千 乘 象 雷 百 里 所 潤 雲 雨 同(198.5a); it differs from the
quotation given in the Sub-comm. of the Li chi, which is
definitely better. The passage in the Po hu t'ung seems
to be, in the present chapter, a contamination of the I
ching text (as it is paraphrased in the Yüan shên
ch'i) on the one hand, and Chia Kungyen's explanation of t'ung on the other; in ch. 封 公 侯 the same is the case, with an
additional explanation of the wrong word 潤, as it also happens in the
T'ai p'ing yü lan. In the translation 所 潤 同, or 所 潤 雲 雨 同, which is
grammatically incomprehensible, has been dropped, so that it conforms to the
reading of the Yüan shên ch'i (as it is quoted in the
Sub-comm. of the Li chi).
32.
伯 者 白 也
. The Y. ed. wrongly has 百 in stead of
白. The Yüan ming pao (l.c.) says: Po means clear; it means clear with respect to his spiritual
power 伯 之 為 言 白 也 明 白 於 德 也. The same in the Tu tuan, l.c. Sun I-jang in his
Cha i (10.la) suggests the reading 長 'chief' instead of 百 in
the Y. ed. or 白 in Lu's, but Liu (72.1a) agrees with Lu.
33.
子 者 孳 也 孳 丨 無 己 也
. The Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 13 下 . 3b) contain the passage 孳丨 為 善 者 …孳丨 為 利 者
in
Legge's translation (L. 464): "he who addresses himself earnestly to the
practice of virtue . . . . he who addresses himself earnesty to the pursuit of
gain". In the Shih chi (4.8b) we find the expression 孳丨無 怠,
which Chavannes (M.H. I. 227) translates as: "Courage!
courage! N'ayons aucune mollesse!" (cf. also his note on the same page). I
think that the translation of 孳丨 in this context by 'diligent' is warranted. But
tzŭ 子'child' has an etymological connection with
tzŭ 滋'to overflow', 'to increase', and tzŭ 孳'to copulate', 'to breed' (cf. Duyvendak in
T'oung Pao, XXXVIII, 337). Therefore the definition in
ch. XXIX, 193b (三 綱 六 紀), of 子= child, though exactly the same as the definition of =
Viscount, is to be translated as: "Tzŭ 'child' means
tzŭ 'to engender'; to engender without end". So also in
ch. IX, 78d (五 行): "Tzŭ 子 means tzŭ 孳'to engender"; although
the context does not give any indication here as to what is really meant. The
Tu tuan (l.c.) says: 子 者 滋 也 奉 天 王 之 恩 德. "Tzŭ means
tzŭ 'to overflow', [a tzŭ] has
received his spiritual power by the favour of the King [by the grace] of
Heaven". This meaning of 'overflow' should probably also be taken in the
definition of the Yüan ming pao (l.c.), which seems to
be a corrupt repetition of the passage in the Tu tuan:子 者 奉 恩 宣 德
"A tzŭ [is one who] having received the favour [of the
King can] display (i.e., make overflow) his spiritual power". The
Ta tai li chi, ch.本 命 (13.5a, 5b), without further
explanation, says: 子 孳 也, but 子is here the second part of the compounds 男 子 and 女 子
.
34. The Yüan ming
pao (l.c.) reads: "A nan is one who is equal to the
task of establishing an enterprise" 男 者 任 功 立 業 . The Tu tuan
(l.c.): "Nan means to be equal to a task; [a
nan] establishes a meritorious enterprise by which to
reform the people" 男 者 任 也 立 功 業 以 化 民.
35. The Y. text has 人. Lu suggests the
reading 子 男 instead.
36.
小 者 不 滿 為 附 庸 附 庸者 附 大 國 以 名 通 也
. See ch. 王 制 of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.2b; C. I. 264), where the text reads:
"[Those states which] cannot [reach] fifty li, do not
join in the audiences to the Son Heaven 不 合 於 天 子 (in Mencius 達 is written instead of 合,
Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 10 上.5b; L. 374), they are attached to
the other Feudal Lords, and called fu-yung". Chêng Hsüan
says in his Comm. on this passage (Li chi chu shu,
11.3a): "The fu-yung are, with respect to the affairs of
their states, attached to larger states, and cannot be presented to the Son of
Heaven in their [own] names" 未 能 以 其 名 通. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. (o.c. 4a) elucidates:
"they cannot present themselves [to the Son of Heaven]" 不 能 自 通. Finally Chao Ch'i in
his Comm. on the passage in the Books of Mencius explains: "A small state
cannot independently have an audience with the Son of Heaven, it follows the
larger states in order to be presented in their names" 因 大 國 以 名 通 .
37. The Y. ed. has 士 after 爵; superfluous
and dropped in the translation. Ho Hsiu says that, although kung 'Duke' is the highest of the five ranks, Dukes and
Marquises are actually of the same standing; but the 'empty' title of
kung is given to the descendants of the two previous
Dynasties as a sign of honour (Kung yang chu shu, Yin 1,
1.13a).
38. This is also Chêng Hsüan's opinion
in his Comm. on the Li chi (chu shu,
11.3a).
39. It would seem that the Hsia,
adherents of the Principle of Form, had a gradation of ranks in five. Such is
K'ung Ying-ta's opinion (Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi
chu shu, 11.6a), and that of Ch'ên, who takes the statement of the
Wang chih concerning the five grades to refer to the
institutions of the Hsia. Chêng Hsüan, however, says that the Yin followed the
Hsia in having three ranks (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a). The
same is said by the Han wên chia (see n.
16).
40.
侯 甸 任 衛 作 國 伯
. The text of the present
Shu ching, ch. 酒 誥(Shang shu chu
shu, 13.22b) reads: 侯 甸 男 衛 邦 伯. 任 and 男 are phonetically related (cf. Grammata Serica, nos. 667f and 649a), 國 is synonymous with 邦.
The word 作 has, acc. to Lu, deliberately been introduced to make the quotation a
proof that the titles po, tzŭ, and nan were combined in po. Legge (L.
407) translates: "the princes of the States of the How, Teen, Nan and Wei, with
their chiefs" apparently identifying 邦 伯 as 方 伯, which, acc. to Sun Hsing-yen, is
inadmissible (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 16.59). The
Po hu t'ang quotation is held to be from the New Text
version of the Chiu kao. Of this chapter it is said that
"when Liu Hsiang compared the Palace Old Text [of the Book of
History] with the Classics of the three schools of Ou-yang, the Elder and
the Younger Hsia-hou, he found that that of the Chiu kao
had one slip missing" (Ch'ien han shu, 30.8a). Ch'ên
now, referring to a quotation from the Chiu kao in the
Shang shu ta chuan: 王 曰 封 惟 曰 若 圭 璧 (2.28a; also entered in the
Han shih i shu k'ao, Shang shu ta chuan chu, 87b), which
does not occur in the present Book of History, and which
presumably is from the missing slip (this suggestion was already made by Wang
Ying-lin in his K'un hsüeh chi wên, 2.19a), suggests
that the quotation in the Po hu t'ung might be an
analogous case 亦 此 類. However, his argumentation would only hold if the missing slip
was from the Old Text version of the Chiu kao, not from
the New Text version, and although the statement of the Han
shu is not explicit on this point, it is not to be doubted that the slip
was missing from the New Text version of Ou-yang, the Elder and the Younger
Hsia-hou. Wu Pi 吳 祕 (Sung Dynasty) says in his Comm. on Yang Hsiung's
Fa yen, where it is said that the 十 子 全 書 Chiu
kao was defective 俄 空, that it was only the Old Text version which was
complete 古 文 獨 存(Yang tzŭ fa yen, 4.4a of the ed.). Both
Chavannes (Journal Asiatique, Jan. Feb. 1905, p. 36) and
Pelliot (Le Chou king en caractères anciens, p. 133)
have made this c ear in their translations of the Han
shu text; likewise Shên Ch'in-han, quoted by Wang Hsien-ch'ien in his
Sub-comm. on the incriminated passage of the Han shu,
says that the statement of the missing slip refers to the New Text version. And
on this very ground he criticizes Wang Ying-lin's explanation for the quotation
occurring in the Shang shu ta chuan, which criticism
thus applies to Ch'ên also. (If the latter had said that the missing slip of
the New Text version could incidentally have contained the quotation in
question with its different reading, then its improbability might not have been
so great.) Liu (72.1a) takes a bold step. He suggests leaving out the words
作 (which he thinks superfluous) and 伯 (which he thinks was interpolated)
altogether; unfortunately his argumentation is too brief and unclear. Ch'ên now
proceeds to another point. The passage in the Chiu kao,
from which the quotation has been taken, contains a description of the Yin by
King Ch'êng of Chou. But the names hou, tien, jên (nan),
wei are names of the institutions of the Chou; they are part of those
mentioned in the Chou li, ch. 大 司 馬 and 職 方 氏 (Chou li chl1 shu, 29.6a; 33.17b; B. II. 167; 276), where the
ten domains are described (the King's + the nine domains of the Feudal Lords),
into which the country is supposed to have been divided in Chou times (the
Chou li, besides, belongs to the Old Text books which
the adherents of the New Text School did not like to acknowledge as reliable).
How is this curious co-incidence to be explained? Wang Ming-sheng in his
Shang shu hou an offers two solutions: either Chou
designations were used to denote the Yin institutions, or the Chou names had
been derived from the Yin (Huang ch'ing ching chieh,
419.9b). Ch'ên seems to favour the first explanation, taking over Wang's sound
statement that the territory of the Yin was too small to have been divided into
ten domains. Legge apparently inclines to the second, saying cautiously: "It
would appear that an arrangement of the 'domains', akin to that which obtained
under the Chow dynasty, had come, during the dynasty of Yin to supersede the
older one introduced by Yu" (note on p. 407 of his Shu
ching translation). We are left to mere speculation here, unless the
oracle-bones can provide us with the names of the 'domains'. But what seems not
to have occurred to Ch'ên and the other commentators is, that, putting aside
the question of the origin of the names, the enumeration of hou, tien, jên,, wei would constitute, with the King's
domain, the five domains 五 服 into which the Chinese country was divided according
to the views of the New Text School, and against the Chou
li, a book of the Old Text, which gives an enumeration of nine domains,
the King's excepted. As the names of the are generally given as 侯 甸 绥 要 荒, excluding the
King's domain (see the iz'ŭ hai, 子.142), I am well aware
of my divergence from current Chinese tradition. Read, however, the conflicting
speculative theories on the subject in the Shang shu chin ku
wên, chu shu 2.83-85. The enumeration of hou, tien, nan,
wei is, besides, repeated in the same ch. Chiu kao
a few pages later (Shang shu chu shu, 13.25b; L. 410);
it again deals with the Yin. In the beginning of ch. 康 誥, however, which describes
the interest shown by the people in the building of the new Chou capital, the
enumeration is hou, tien, nan, ts'ai 采, wei (Shang shu chu shu, 13.2a; L. 381), which, in an
abbreviated form, is exactly the enumeration in the Chou
li. To sum up: the quotation from the Chiu kao, as
it is written in the Po hu t'ung, does not fit in the
context of the Shu ching. Though the Classics are mostly
so equivocal as to permit their passages being quoted to all sorts of ends,
this particular quotation forms an integral part of a lengthy paragraph, and
altered and interpreted as it is in the Po hu t'ung
would disturb the context seriously. 作
is thus decidedly an interpolation.
However, Liu's suggesting the omission of 伯 and 作, so that the quotation would
read: "The hou, tien, jên and wei
states', would make the Po hu t'ung context
unintelligible, while the omission of is unnecessary in order to make the
Shu ching text comprehensible. Considering the
fragmentary character of the Po hu t'ung, as we know it,
and the defective form of the Y. ed., we may now draw the following inference:
in all probability the quotation, in the reading of the present
Shu ching, was originally meant as a proof for a passage
which is now missing, something like: Under the Yin Dynasty the country was
divided into five domains, comprising five thousand li
square (cf. n. 7). When this passage was dropped, another had to be found to
which the quotation could be made to refer, and the statement that under the
Yin the ranks of po, tzŭ, and nan
were combined in po proved to be most suitable. To
render the proof more conclusive the word 作 was then inserted into the
quotation.
41.
合 伯 子 男 以 爲 一 爵
. Kung yang
chuan, Huan 11 (Kung yang chu shu, 5.13b), where
the text reads 春 秋 伯 子 男 一 也 . The quotation in the Po hu t'ung
corresponds with Ho Hsiu's Comm. except for the words 以 and 爵 which are missing in
the latter.
42.
合 從 子 貴 中 也
. This opinion is held by Ho Hsiu.
In his Comm. on the Kung-yang passage he says: "The
uniting of the three [ranks] into tzŭ was instituted
[proceeding] from the middle" 合 三 從 子 者 制 由 中 也 .
43. Cf. the Kung yang
chuan, l.c. The rule was that when a Feudal Lord had died, his successor
during the first year of mourning should call himself 'Child' 子 followed by his
personal name when the deceased had not yet been buried, and 'Child' without
his personal name when the burial had taken place (see trsl., par. 10). Now Hu
should have been called 子 without a personal name, as his father had already been
buried. This would, however, have caused some misunderstanding. According to Ho
Hsiu, the Ch'un ch'iu, which followed the Principle of
Substance as had done the Yin, had the three titles of po,
tzŭ, and nan united into one, tzŭ 子, so that Hu, though originally a po, was also called tzŭ without any
depreciatory meaning. But to call him tzŭ 'Child' would
be insufficient for the purpose of humbling himself by omitting his title,
which was also tzŭ, during the first year of mourning.
To avoid the difficulty his personal name was used (cf. also the
Kung yang i shu, 15.12a-13a). The Y. ed. has 嫌 爲 改 赴 故 名 之 也
. Lu has
changed 赴 into 伯 從 子, which is followed in the translation. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) thinks the correction unnecessary,
and interprets: the announcement of his father's death had been made by Hu in
his capacity as po of Chêng; if he should be called
tzŭ, it would be a change of the text of this
announcement of death.
44.
故 不 變
. The Y. ed. has before this the
superfluous words 故 不 變 爲 質. The Yin had a gradation of domains in three, and also a
gradation of ranks in three. The Chou had a gradation of domains in three, but
a gradation of ranks in five. Under the Yin a kung had a
territory of 100 li square, a hou
of 70 li, and a po of 50
li (see the Comm. and Sub-comm. on the Wang chih, Li chi chu shu, 11.3b-5b). It need not be said
that these statements lack historical evidence. Creel doubts the very existence
of a feudal system with the Yin (The Birth of China, p.
135; Studies in Early Chinese Culture, pp. 54, 103);
Franke, more cautious, does not altogether deny the possibility that the Shang
(or Yin) Dynasty had some kind of feudalism (Zur Beurteilung
des chinesischen Lehenswesens, p. 361). Chinese scholars, on the whole,
though emphasizing the fundamental differences between the social organizations
of the Yin and the Chou, seem tacitly to accept the existence of a feudal
system under the Yin (e.g. Wang Kuo-wei in 殷 周 制 度 論 , ch. 10 of sect.
觀 堂 集 林 of his Collected
Writings).
45. Cf. what is said by Tung Chung-shu: 故 王 者 有 改 制 之 名 亡 變 道 之 實
"Anciently, the Kings changed the name of an institution, but they did not
alter the substance of its nature" (in his Biography, Ch'ien
han shu, 56.16a). See also ch. 三 正(XXVII, 180), and the Yen
t'ieh lun, ch. 遵 道(5.45).
46. The Y. ed. omits the word 殷
.
47.
其 改 也
. The Y. ed. has 政 instead of 改,
corrected by Lu.
48. The wording of the passage is
strange. I have followed the interpretation of Ch'ên, who, however, declares
himself puzzled (he assumes that the statement deals with the change from the
institutions of the Hsia, which had ranks in five grades, into that of the Yin,
which had ranks in three grades). Liu (72. 1b) offers the following solution,
which sounds more probable: the passage refers to the institutions of the Chou,
and is an explanation analogous to what has been said about the titles of
po, tzŭ, and nan being
amalgamated into po (see trsl., par. 2e). A passage to
this effect was probably dropped and should be re-inserted, so that the whole
would read: "Why is it that with the House of Yin the kung were made to occupy [a territory of] one hundred
li, and the hoa [a territory of]
seventy li [square, whereas with the
Chou the kung and the hou had each a territory of one hundred li]? The
enfeoffing of the worthy was limited to [territories of] one hundred
li. When [the institution] was changed, it would not be
proper to set back the men without reason. [That the hou
now were enfeoffed with territories of one hundred li]
expressed the idea of recompensing the worthy, and of the wish to reward and
honour them by moving them upwards".
49. The Y. ed. has after
hou the word 人 , now dropped by Lu.
50. In the Y. ed. the sentence ends with
者 也. dropped in Lu's and Ch'ên's ed.
51.
士
. The Y. ed. wrongly has
士 上.
52.
其 地 半 者 其 數 倍
. Lu suggests the reading 其 附 庸 數 倍, but the
emendation seems unnecessary. Ch. Wang chih (Li chi chu
shu, 11.9b; C. I. 268) tells us that (under the Yin) the country was
divided into nine provinces chou 州, while each province
contained 30 states of 100 li sq. (i.e. 10,000 sq.
li), 60 states of 70 li sq. (i.e.
4,900 sq. li), and 120 states of 50 li sq. (i.e. 2,500 sq. li). Thus the
last territories were, approximately, half the size of the second, but double
the number, and the second were half the size of the first, but again double
the number. The total size of the country would then be 8,046,000 sq.
li which were divided into fiefs. The rest, containing
mountains and marshes, was not given in fief.
53. The text of the Y. ed. reads 多 少 不 相 配
. Lu
suggests the reading 亦 instead of 不, which reading is followed in the translation.
The 'proof' does not strike us as very convincing.
54. I.e. the ranks of the administrative
officers within the King's domain and the domains of the Feudal
Lords.
55. Kung 'Ducal
Minister' is here to be distinguished from kung 'Duke',
the feudal rank.
56.
曰 公 卿 大 夫 何
. Lu and Ch'ên write: 內 爵 稱 … 何"Why
are the interior ranks called kung, ch'ing, and
ta-fu"?
57.
爵 者 盡 也
. Chüeh
originally means 'a cup for libations or feasts, sacrificial cup, the dignity
(which entitles one to use such a cup)'. The same word with the radical for
wine means 'to drain a goblet, to empty a cup' chiao 釂
(Analytic Dictionary, 1126; Gr.
Ser., 1121h); it occurs in ch. Ch'ü li 上 of the
Li chi (chu shu, 2.27a: C. 1. 38)長 者 舉 未 釂 小 者 不 敢 飲 "When the elder has
lifted but not yet emptied his cup, the younger dares not drink his". The idea
of emptying, exhausting then seems to have been extended to chüeh 爵 'cup, dignity', which thus is understood as meaning
chin 'to exhaust'. Ch'ên suggests that the
identification may have been prompted by the fact that chüeh and 盡 chin are alliterative 雙 聲. The
ancient pronunciations, however, were respectively *tsiok and *dz'ĕin(Gr.Ser., 1121a and 381 a).
58.
卿 之 爲 言 章 也
. The last two words are missing in
the Y. ed.
59.
章 善 明 理 也
. The Sub-comm. to ch.
Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu,
11.2a) quotes the Po hu t'ung differently: 卿 之 言 嚮 也 為 人 所 歸 嚮 "Ch'ing means hsiang 'towards', he is
the one towards whom the people turn".
60.
大 夫 者 達 人 謂 扶 達 於 人
(the last word is missing in the Y.
ed.) . The Sub-comm. on the Wang chih (l.c.) has: "a
great officer gives men a start, it means that he aids in giving men a
start".
61.
故 傳 曰 進 賢 達 能 謂 之 大 夫
(Lu and Ch'ên have erroneously 卿
before 大 夫 ). The Chuan is, acc. to Ch'ên, some Commentary
on the Shu ching. The Shang shu ta
chuan does not contain the quotation, but it occurs in ch. 修 文 of the
Shuo yüan (19.2b), where it is also introduced with the
words 傳 曰. After this Lu and Ch'ên have 王 制 曰 上 大 夫 卿
, which, being irrelevant, is left out in
the translation.
62.
士 者 事 也
. The same is said by the
Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (10.2a).
63. Acc. to Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.1a-b) the passage is a quotation from the
Pien ming chi 辨 名 記, a not preserved chapter of the
collections of ritesbooks.
64.
通
(left out in the Y. ed.) 古 今 辨 然 否 謂 之 士 .
The
Shuo yüan (l.c.) gives the same quotation, with the
omission of 否 and a reversal of the order of words.
65.
何 以 知 士 非 爵
. In the Y. ed. this sentence has
been displaced. Restored by Lu.
66.
四 十 強 而 士
. Ch. Ch'ü li 上
(Li chi chu shu, 1.12a; C. I. 9) says: 四 十 曰 強 而 仕 "At forty a man
is said to be in his vigour, and he is employed as a common
officer".
67.
至 五 十 爵 爲 大 夫
. In the Y. ed. the sentence wrongly
ends with 何. Cf. ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the
Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604), where we read:
古 者 五 十 而 後 爵 'Anciently [a man did] not obtain his rank [as great officer] before his
fiftieth year'. As the Li chi text then proceeds with a
sentence beginning with 何, probably the Y. ed. of the Po hu
t'ung in its meaningless insertion of this word has been misled by it.
After this comes, in the Y. ed., the sentence which has been transferred to
supra (see n. 65).
68. Kung yang
chuan, Yin 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 3.4b), where the
text reads: 天 子 八 佾 諸 公 六 諸 侯 四 "The Son of Heaven has eight rows of dancers, the Ducal Ministers
have six, the Feudal Lords four".
69. The Y. ed. has 公 卿, so have Lu and
Ch'ên. 卿 is better dropped.
70.
上 大 夫 下 大 夫 上 士 中 下 士 凡 五 等 . The text of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.1a; C. I. 263) has: 諸 侯 之 上 大 夫 卿 下 大 夫 etc. Acc. to Chêng
Hsüan's Comm. the 上 大 夫 'great officer of the higher rank' is the same as (what is
called) 卿, which statement leads Ch'ên to suppose that the Li
chi text, as it was known in the time of Chêng Hsüan (127-200), did not
contain the word 卿. Chiang Jung 江 永 (1681-1762) says in his 鄉 黨 圖 考 (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 270.3b) that the 卿 and the 大 夫 were
together called 大 夫 in the Ch'un ch'iu; when a distinction
had to be made the 卿 was called 上 大 夫 'great officer of the higher rank', and the was
called 下 大 夫 'great officer of the lower rank'. It is to be observed that in this
passage the 士 is listed as one of the five ranks, contrary to what has been said
above under b. Acc. to K'ung Ying-ta it was under the Chou that the 士 began to be
considered as a rank (Li chi chu shu,
11.2b).
71. The Son of Heaven had for his
administration the 公 'Ducal Ministers', the 'Ministers', the 大 夫 'great officers',
and the 元 士'common officers' (Li chi chu shu, 11.2b-3a).
See also n. 78.
72. The second part of the question 士 有 上 中 下
,
omitted in the Y. ed., is supplied by Lu.
73.
大 夫 無 遂 事
. Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 30 (Kung yang chu shu, 12. 24b). In the
Sub-comm. the statement is explained as 無 自 專 之 道 "he has no right to act of his own
accord". In Kung yang chuan, Hsiang 12, the same
expression occurs (Kung yang chu shu, 20.2b), and is
explained in the Sub-comm. as 遂 者 專 事 之 辭 "sui is the expression for
an act of one's own volition". In the Tso chuan 遂 seems to
denote 'the going on from the accomplishment of one thing to another not
originally contemplated' (Legge's transl. of the Tso
chuan, 455, note to par. 1 and 2).
74.
故 獨 兩 字 言 之
. The Y. ed. has 下 in stead of 言
.
75.
皆 大 自 著
(the Y. ed. writes 着). or is to be
taken in the meaning of 'to put on, to attach, to assume' (cf. infra, n.
85).
76.
元 士
.
77. Ch. 士 相 見 禮 of the I li
(chu shu, 3.6 a; C. 61), where the text has 士 見 於 大 夫.
78. Li chi chu
shu, 11.20a; C. I. 271. The Li chi text reads: "The
Son of Heaven has three Ducal Ministers, nine Ministers, twenty-seven great
officers, and eighty-one yüan-shih". Acc. to Chêng Hsüan
it represents an institution of the Hsia Dynasty. At another place 元
is explained
by Chêng Hsüan as 善 'excellent' (Li chi chu shu, 11.3a; in
this sense cf. the expression 元 元 = the people, see Tz'ŭ
hai,子.284); he says that yüan-shih means 命 士
ming-shih 'an officer who has received a certificate'.
The word means 'a document issued by the King to mark the ranks of his
officers' 王 遷 秩 羣 臣 之 書 (Chou li chu shu, 17.5b). Under the Chou the
common officers of the Son of Heaven were of three ranks (the same as with the
Feudal Lords, see supra under e): the common officer of the first rank had
three certificates, that of the second rank two, that of the third rank one;
the 卿 'Minister' had six certificates, the 大 夫 'great officer' four (Chou li chu shu, 1.5b: B. I. 3). Biot translates
ming by 'brevet' (l.c. and B. II. 1). It seems, however,
more likely, that 元 should be taken in the meaning of 'chief', cf. 元 子 'first son',
infra n. 87. Duyvendak takes 元 to be a ritual word for 首, occurring as a formative
element e.g. in the character 冠(T'oung Pao, XXXV,
1939,374).
79.
天 子
.
80.
王 侯
.
81.
即
, supposed by Ch'ên to be an error,
is taken by Liu (72.2a) in the meaning of 若 'if' (cf. also the Tz'ŭ hai, 子.493, which gives a quotation from the
Tso chuan in this meaning). 即 令 seems likewise to be used in
the same sense, see n. 94.
82.
以 王 者 同 稱
. Lu suggests reading 以 as 興. By the
same designation is meant that the Feudal Lord would then have the word
wang 'King' in their title.
83. Then follows in the text: 猶 不 能 爲 天 子 也 故 運 言 天 子 也, which,
acc. to Lu and Ch'ên, is faulty and incomprehensible, and is here left
untranslated. Liu (l.c.) does not agree. He thinks that there are some missing
words in the beginning, and interprets the whole passage as follows: "If the
title 天 子 諸 侯 t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou were used, the names [t'ien and hou] would be sufficiently
separated from each other, which would not be the case with the title 王 侯
wang-hou. Therefore one may speak of t'ien-tzŭ chu-hou, but not of wang-hou". Even then, however, the untranslated sentence,
declared by Liu to be correct, remains unintelligible.
84.
王
. The Y. ed. has 生.
85.
諸 侯 人 事 自 著
(in the Y. ed. written 着 ) 故 不 著 (ibid.) 也.
Lu suggests adding 王 after the last 著. The meaning is not very clear. For cf.
supra, n. 75.
86. For the account of 舜 Shun's trials see
the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.24a-b; L. 26) and
the Shih chi (1.14a-b; M.H. I. 52
ff).
87. Ch. 士 冠 禮 of the I li
(chu shu, 1.48a; C. 24). The quotation is from the 'Notes' 記, and it reads in full: 天 子 之 元 子 猶 士 也 天
下 無 生 而 貴 者 也 "The son of the Son of Heaven
is like any common officer; in all under Heaven there is none who is born
noble". Ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605)
contains the same passage, but without 猶.
88. Cf. ch. 喪 服 of the I
li (chu shu, 11.36b; C. 400), and ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi (chu
shu, 26.22a; C. I. 608).
89. The T'ung
tien (104.549), quoting the Wu ching t'ung i (Ch'ên
writes Wu ching i i), says: "The wife's duty is to
follow and to conform; the husband attains honour at court, the wife attains
honour at home, therefore she is fav oured by receiving her husband's
posthumous title".
90. Li chi chu
shu, 26.22a; C. I. 610.
91. Ch. 郊 特 牲 of the Li chi
(chu shu, 26.18a; C. I. 605), and ch. 冠 禮, 'Notes' 記 of
the I li (chu shu, 1.48b; C. 24).
92.
何 以 知 夫 人 非 禮
. In the Y. ed. the sentence begins
with . Corrected by Lu.
93. Quoted in an abbreviated form from
ch. 季 氏 (Lun yû chu shu, 16.12a; L. 316).
94.
即 令
. Cf. n. 81.
95.
庶 人 稱 匹 夫 者 匹 偶 也.
.
96.
匹 夫 匹 婦 [ 之 爲 諒 也 ].
]. Ch. 憲 問 (Lun yü chu
shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Hsing Ping's Comm. explains that the common man has
no concubines, but only knows the mutual fidelity between himself and his
wife.
97. Li chi chu
shu, 11.29b; C. I. 274, where the text has 士 'the common officers', instead
of 眾 'the multitude'. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. says that it refers to the custom
of the Yin. Under the Chou the Son of Heaven conferred the ranks by himself in
the ancestral temple, cf. the quotations from the Shih
and the Chi t'ung infra. This quotation from the
Wang chih should be placed under a, supra.
98. Ode 263: 常 武 (Mao shih
chu shu, 25.91b; L. 555; K. 17.85; 18.135). See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 459-460.
99. The Y. ed. wrongly has 靣 向 in stead of
南 向.
100.
史
. The Y. ed. has 央.
101. Li chi chu
shu, 19.14b; C. II. 337; L. II. 247. The Li chi
text reads in full: "Anciently, when the enlightened ruler conferred ranks upon
the virtuous or emoluments upon the meritorious, the conferring had always to
take place in the ancestral temple, to show that he dared not act of his own
accord. Therefore on the day of the sacrifice, after the first presenting [of
the cup to the representative of the ancestor], the ruler descended and stood
south of the eastern steps, with his face to the south, while those who were to
receive their appointments faced north. The recorder was on the right of the
ruler, holding the tablets [on which the appointments were written], from which
he read. [The appointed] prostrated himself twice, knocking his head against
the ground. He received the writing, and returned [to his home], where he
presented it in his ancestral temple. Such was the bestowing of ranks and
rewards".
102.
以 其 未 當 股 耾 也
, literally "he is not yet
considered to have been the thighs and arms of his ruler". The opposite of
股 耾 kukung = 臣 'subject' is 元 首 yüan-shou = 君
'ruler'. Lu suggests the reading 以 其 生 未 嘗 服 死 亦 不 當 服 也 "because in his life he has never received
distinctions, so after his death he cannot claim them either". For the meaning
of 服 as 'distinctions, symbols or emblems on the clothes', see Kung yang chu shu, 6.6b.
103.
追 賜 死 者 非 禮 也
. The quotation, in this form, does
not occur in the Ku liang chuan. There is, however, an
entry in the Ch'un ch'iu, Chuang 1, which reads: "The
King sent Shu of Jung [to Lu] to confer on Duke Huan [certain] symbols of his
favour" (Legge's transl. L. 72). The Ku liang chuan, (Ku
liang chu shu, 5.5a-b) observes, with respect to this passage, that not
only the conferring of distinctions should take place in the King's court, but
that the posthumous bestowing of them is against all rites. "If one had
distinctions during one's life, it is according to the rites that at one's
death [appropriate honours] are given to one; if one had no distinctions during
one's life, it is extremely improper to bestow them posthumously" 生 服 之 死 行
之 禮 也 生 不 服 死 追 錫 之 不 正 甚 矣 (cf. aslo the
Ku liang pu chu, 5.7b-8a). The Kung
yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 6.7a-b) says: "Why is Duke Huan mentioned
[by his posthumous name]? Because he had been posthumously granted
distinctions". Ho Hsiu's Comm. then explains: "the use of the posthumous name
indicates that distinctions have been given to the deceased. According to the
rites, when one had good conduct in life, one receives a beautiful cognomen
after one's death. [But] it is not proper to add more distinctions [to
that]".
104. Li chi chu
shu, 12.12a; C. I. 287, where 喪 'mourning [-rites]' is written in stead of
葬 'funeral [rites]'.
105. Ch.中 庸 of the Li chi
(chu shu, 52.16b; C. II. 445). The second part of the quotation differs
from the Li chi text, where the order of words is
reversed.
106. The Kung yang
chuan, Hsi 5 (Kung yang chu shu, 10.22a) explains
世 子
as 世 世 子'a son who continues the generation'. Cf. infra, n. 117. Ch. 喪 服 小 記
Li chi (chu shu, 32.13b; C. I. 749) contains the
expression 世 子, which is said by Chêng Hsüan to apply to the son of the principal
wife of the Son of Heaven or of a Feudal Lord. Legge (p. 144, note, of his
Ch'un ch'iu translation) wishes to distinguish between
世 子 and 太 子 in the translation, and offers the term 'heir-son' for the
first.
107. I.e. he calls himself 'Chiid' plus
his personal name, as if he, as a subject, were still in the presence of the
ruler. Cf. Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32
(Kung yang chu shu, 9.13b).
108. The Y. ed. wrongly has 小 子 'Little
Child', which is reserved for the Son of Heaven in similar circumstances. See
ch. Ch'ü li 下 (Li chi chu shu,
4.24a; C. I. 86).
109. But he keeps calling himself 'Child'
during the three years of mourning (Kung yang i shu,
26.17b).
110.
緣 民 之 心 不 可 一 日 無 君 也.
. The statement occurs also in
Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu
shu, 13.22b), where 民 臣 is written instead of 民.
111.
緣 終 始 之 義 一 年 不 可 有 二 君 也
. Ibid. The Kung
yang text omits 可 有 . For 終 始 in the meaning of 'succession' see M.H. II. 128, n. 5.
112. The Y. ed. omits 三 年. Supplied by
Lu.
113.
緣 孝 子 之 心 未 忍 安 吉
. The Kung yang
chuan (l.c.) has 緣 孝 子 之 心 則 三 年 不 忍 當 也 "Giving way to his feelings as a filial son for three
years he cannot bear [the thought of] occupying [his father's seat]". The rules
described in this paragraph are those expounded by the Kung
yang chuan (see Chuang 32, Kung yang chu shu, 9.
13b-14a). The Tso chuan seems to give a different rule:
before the burial the son calls himself 'Child', after the burial he calls
himself by his rank without waiting for the termination of the year of death
(Kung yang i shu, 26.17a).
114.
小 寢
. The Kung yang chuan, Chuang 32
(Kung yang chu shu, 9.13a) says that the Son of Heaven
and the Feudal Lords all have three chambers in their palaces: 1. the
kao-ch'in 高 寢, in which the Lord dwells; 2. the
lu-ch'in 路 寢, the dwelling for the son; 3. the
hsiao-ch'in 小 寢 , where the wife and her daughters live. For
an architectural description of the ch'in see a study by
Wang Kuo-wei, translated by Jonny Hefter in Ostasiatische
Zeitschrift, 1931, 79 ff.
115. Duke Wên's accession to the throne
took place before the burial of his predecessor. Nevertheless, after the year
of death had expired, he was allowed to inaugurate his own reign with the
necessary rites. The Ch'un ch'iu enters the event with
the words 即 位 'he ascended the throne', because the succession was normal, Duke
Hsi, Wên's predecessor, having died a natural death (see Kung
yang i shu, 38.1a ff; Ku Hang chu shu, l0.la). The
quotation seems to have no clear bearing upon the preceding
paragraph.
116.
韓 詩 內 傳
, a work long lost. With the
Han shih wai chuan, which still exists, it formed an
'inner' and an 'outer' Commentary on the Book of Poetry.
Both are attributed to Han Ying 韓 嬰 (2d cent. B.C.).
117.
所 以 名 之 爲 世 子 何 言 欲 其 世 世 不 绝 也
. The Comm. on the Wên hsüan (21.3b), quoting the Han shih
nei chuan, says: 所 以 爲 世 子 何 言 世 世 不 絕 "Why is he [called] shih-tzŭ? It
means that [his line] will not be severed for generations". This sentence had
better follow that under a, supra.
118. An entry of the Ch'un ch'iu, Hsi 5, not of any of the three Commentaries.
Instead of Shou-chih 首 止 , which is the reading in the Tso
chuan, the Kung yang chuan and the
Ku Hang chuan have Shou-tai 首 戴 .
119.
太 子 發 升 于 舟 也
. It does not occur in the Present
Shu ching, as it is edited in the Shih
san ching chu shu, but it appears in the New Text version of ch.
泰 誓 , edited
by Sun Hsing-yen (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 10.100;
Cf. the Appendix to the Great Declaration, p. 238 of Legge's Shu ching translation). The Shih chi
(4.8a; M.H. I. 226) also contains the passage, and it is
quoted by the I wên lei chü (16.la) as originating from
the Shang shu. The Tai p'ing yü
lan (146.1b) gives it as a quotation from the Shang shu
ta chuan, but in quoting the Po hu t'ung (147.4a)
it gives the same passage as coming from the Shang shu.
Lu and Ch'ên have 尚 書 傳. The text reads in full: 太 子 發 升 于 舟 (Shih chi: )
(Shih chi: 武 王 渡 河) 中 流 白 魚 入
(Shih chi: 躍 入 ) 舟 中
I.w.l.ch. and T.p.y.l. without 中) 王 跪 取
(Shih chi: 王 舟 中) (not in Shih chi; I.w.l.
ch. and T.p.y.l.: 俟)以 燎 (Shih chi: 武 王 俯 取 ) 出 涘
以 祭) 羣 公 咸 曰 休 哉 (not in Shih chi) "The Eldest son Fa ascended into the
boat; in the middle of the stream a white fish leapt into the boat. The King
knelt and took it; [then] he went on the bank [of the river] to burn it [as a
sacrifice]. All the Dukes said: It is auspicious". Fa 發 was the personal name of
King Wu. The Shih chi (4.7b) says that "King Wu called
himself the 'Eldest Son' Fa, which means that he had received the order of King
Wên to attack fa 伐, but that he did not dare to act on
his own authority" (cf. Chavannes' translation in M.H.
I. 224).
120.
中 侯 曰 廢 考 立 發 爲 太 子 明 文 王 时 稱 太 子 也
. The whole sentence is missing in
the Y. ed. Supplied by Lu, from the T'ai p'ing yü lan
(147.4a). Po-i K'ao is mentioned in ch. 橝 弓 of the Li chi (chu
shu, 6.1b; C. I. 108): 昔 者 文 王 舍 伯 邑 考 而 立 武 王 "Anciently, King Wên put aside Po-i K'ao, and set
up King Wu". After the quotation from the Shang shu,
discussed in the previous note, the Y. ed. contains the following passage:
"Some say: [The son of] a Feudal Lord is called 'Generation-son' 代 子, but the
Commentary [on the Ch'un ch'iu] speaks of the
t'ai-tzŭ 'Eldest Son' Shên-shêng of Chin, the
t'ai-tzŭ Hua of Chêng, and the t'ai-tzŭ Kuang of Ch'i. Considering these [cases it would
appear that] under the Chou there were not yet fixed rules [with respect to the
use] of t'aitzŭ 'Eldest Son' or 代 子 'Generation-son'.
According to the rules [current] under the Han the Son of Heaven was called
huang-ti 'August Emperor', the Heir by his principal
wife was called huang fai-tzŭ 'August Eldest Son', [the
Heir by] the principal wife of a Feudal King was called 代 子 'Generationson'. The
subsequent Dynasties all followed this [use]". The occurrence at three places
of 代 子 instead of 世 子 has given occasion to Lu to doubt the genuineness of the passage.
is the character used in the T'ang for the tabooed word , which appears in the
personal name of T'ai-tsung: Li Shih-min 李 世 民 (cf. Ch'ên Yüan in Yen ching hsüeh pao, 1928, 635). The Ch'u
hsüeh chi by Hsü Chien 徐 堅 (659-729) contains, with slight differences in the
wording, the whole statement which in the translation is brought under d and e
(without the quotation from the Chung hou, which is also
missing in the Y. ed.). Lu now thinks that the passage with 代 子 is from the hand of
Hsü Chien (in the present 古 香 齊 袖 珍 十 種 ed. of 1746 of the Ch'u hsüeh
chi (10.13a-b), as well as in the 歙 縣 鮑 氏 ed. of 1807 of the T'ai p'ing yü lan (147.4a) which also includes the
quotation, has already been corrected into ). It is curious that the
T'ung tien by Tu Yu (735-812; the microfilmed 明 ed. as
well as the movable type ed. of the Commercial Press, 93.503), which contains,
with many errors, the whole of paragraph 10, while consistently writing 代 子 instead
of 世 子, omits our crucial passage. We may safely say that by its 'informative'
character it must indeed be a later interpolation.
121.
必
. Lu, following the
T'ung tien, suggests dropping it.
122.
爵 士
. Lu suggests dropping
.
123.
天 子 之 所 有
. The Y. ed. has 天 子 之 有 也. Lu's
emendation.
124.
父
. Lu suggests dropping
it.
125. The Y. ed. has 公 不 見 instead of 不 見 公 . Lu,
correcting the error, writes 不 見 公 見 之! Probably the confusion is caused by the
explanation in the Kung yang chuan (see next note): 不 見 公 者 何 公 不 見 見 也 "Why
did he not see the Duke? The Duke was not asked for an audience". Cf. the
congestion of 見 in the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch. 祭 義 (16.12b):
祭 然 後 能 見 不 見 見 不 見 之 見 者 然 後 知 天 命 鬼 神 "By a sacrifice one will see the unseen; he who sees by seeing the unseen will
understand Heaven's destiny and the spirits".
126. See the Ch'un
ch'iu, Ch'êng 16. The argumentation is from the Kung
yang chuan (Kung yang chu shu, 18.12b). In the Tso
chuan, Ch'êng 4 (chu shu, 26.8a; L. 354) it is
related that the Duke of Lu went to Chin 晉, and was disrespectfully treated,
whereupon he contemplated an alliance with Ch'u 楚, and was only stopped in his
intentions by the remonstrations of his Minister. Lu, referring to this story,
thinks that Duke Ch'êng in his sixteenth regnal year could no longer be young,
so that Kung-yang's opinion is not to be trusted. (Legge, p. 337 of his
Ch'un ch'iu translation says that Ch'êng was about
seventeen years old when he came to the throne). Ch'ên, on the other hand,
sides with the Kung yang chuan, saying that according to
the Tso chuan, Hsiang 9 (Tso chuan chu
shu, 30.37b; L. 441) the ruler of a state may have a child in his
fifteenth year, and should be capped before the child is born, so that he may
marry in his fourteenth or fifteenth year; Duke Ch'êng was only betrothed in
his fourteenth regnal year, so he must have been one or two years old at his
accession, and sixteen or seventeen when the incriminated meeting took place in
his sixteenth regnal year, so that he may be said to be in his youth. Ch'ên
reproaches Lu for bringing forward the unreliable Tso
chuan for disputing the Kung yang chuan, while he
uses the same source for his own purpose!
127.
上
. Liu (72.2a) wants to change 上 into 未;
the sentence would then read: When the Generation-son has not yet received his
rank and [has not yet been] invested. . . .
128.
韎 ?(此字为 “韋”加 “令”) 有 赩
. Ode 213: 瞻 彼 洛 矣 (Mao
shih chu shu, 21.22a). Legge and Waley translate 韎?(此字为 “韋”加 “令”)mei-chia by 'madder-dyed knee covers' and 'madder kneecaps'
respectively (L. 382; Wa. 195), following Mao's and Chêng Hsüan's
interpretation of 韎 meaning 'madder-dye' 茅 蒐 梁. Chêng Hsüan even regards 茅 蒐
mao-sou 'madder' and 韎? (此字为 “韋”加 “令”)mei-chia as
homophonous, hence his identification. Ch'ên Huan, however, thinks that Mao's
original Commentary has been tampered with, and contaminated with Chêng Hsüan's
later explanations. He believes 韎 simply to mean 'dyed leather' 梁 韋 (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.37). Karlgren (K. 16.249)
translates: "the knee-covers of dyed leather are red". In stead of
赩 Shih ching writes 奭. Chêng Hsüan, as well as the
Po hu t'ung, takes these knee-covers to form part of the
common officer's apparel which is worn by the Heir of a Feudal Lord, when he
goes to court to receive his dignity after his three years of mourning. Ch'èn
Huan (I.c.) points to the same statement by the Han shihnet chuan (see supra, under b), and supposes that the
interpretation of the Shih ching quotation is that of
the School of Han 韓.
129.
大斂
ta-lien. The
corpse was first subjected to the Smaller Dressing 小 斂 hsiao-lien; after a few days, varying according to the rank
of the deceased, it received the Greater Dressing, and was then placed in the
coffin. Cf. Couvreur's note in his translation of the Li
chi (C.I. 151).
130.
民 臣
. The Y. ed. has instead 士. Lu's
emendation.
131. Ch. 顧 命 of the Shu
ching (Shang shu chu shu, 17.29b; L. 557).
132. The Y. ed. omits the word
大.
133. Namely on the day 癸 酉 kuei-yu. The death occurred on the day 乙 丑i-ch'ou. The rites required the encoffining (and therewith
the Greater Dressing) to take place seven days after the death, the day of
death not included (with those below the rank of great officer the day of death
was included in the reckoning), in this case on the day 壬 申
jên-shên. The day kuei-yu was the day
after the Greater Dressing; the Heir, as new King, in his 'auspicious clothes'
( 吉 服, see K'ung Ying-ta's 傳 in Shang shu chu shu, 17.24b),
then assumed the succession, and for the first time received the obeisance of
his subjects (cf. the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu,
23.23).
134.
何 以 知 不 從 死 後 加 王 也
. The Y. ed. has for 不 the word 王. Lu's
emendation, which is also adopted by Ch'ên. Hung I-hsüan (Tu
shu ts'ung lu, 16.14b) wishes to retain the original reading ( instead of
), and sees the passage as two sentences: "How do we know that he is King?
Because after the death [of the former King the title of] King is added [to the
name of the Heir]". He apparently takes it to refer to the preceding statement,
though according to him there should be a distinction between 'after death' and
'after the Greater Dressing'. The connection with the following statement would
then not be clear, however. Lu's emendation seems to be warranted, even if he
himself declares his dissatisfaction with it.
135.
迎 子 釗
. Ch. 顧 命(Shang shu
chu shu, 17.20b; L. 549). Legge translates 子
by 'prince', which does not
adequately express its meaning. Immediately after the death of the King the
Heir was brought to take his position as chief mourner. He was then called,
according to the rule, 'Child' with his personal name. The Y. ed. writes 劉 in
stead of 釗.
136.
即 繼 體 之 位
. The Kung yang
chuan, Chuang 4, contains the statement: 國 君 以 國 爲 體 … 故 國 君 爲 一 體 也"The ruler of a state
regards the state as his body . . . . so state and ruler are one body" (Kung yang chu shu, 6.14b). Cf. Milton's: The king is a body
politick, for that a body politique never dieth (quoted by the
Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. Body).
137. 再 拜 興 對 … 乃 受 銅. Ch. 顧 命 (Shang
shu chu shu, 17.32a; L. 559). The Shu ching text
has 答 曰 in stead of 對 , and 同 瑁 instead of 銅. Hung I-hsüan (Tu shu
Is'ung lu, 16.15a) and Sun I-jang (Cha i, 10.15)
both say that 同 and 銅 are used indiscriminately. Lu, first having followed the
Shu ching reading of 同 瑁 in his text, appears to prefer the
Y. ed. reading of 銅 without 瑁 in his 校 勘 補 遺. Ch'ên, wishing to retain , adds and takes
the expression to refer to two separate things. Liu (72.2a) is of the opinion
that should be dropped. is used by the New Text School, in the sense of 'double
seal' 副 璽 (for 璽 mi 'seal', which was first the general name
for all sorts of seals, but was used to denote the Imperial Seal exclusively
after Ch'in Shih huang-ti, cf. the interesting remarks in M.H. II. 108. n. 5). The Old Text School uses 同, and either
takes it to mean 'wine-cup' 酒 杯 (Chêng Hsüan), or interprets as referring to one
object, namely the King's tally which covers mao the
tokens of investiture of the Feudal Lords, the King's spiritual power thus
covering 覆 all under Heaven, making of it one great whole ta-t'ung 大 同 (Ma Jung). See the Shang shu chin
ku wên chu shu, 25.31-32. The event recorded in the quotation took place
after the Greater Dressing, when the deceased had been encoffined. The new King
replied to the announcement of his predecessor's testamentary charge in
self-depreciatory terms, and accepted the responsibility for government. He
thus assumed the task of continuing the rule over the body politic as soon as
the former ruler, alive or dead, was no longer to be seen.
138.
緣 終 始 之 義
. The Y. ed. wrongly has 終 始. See supra
n. 111.
139.
王 釋 冕 反 喪 服. Ch. 康 王 之 誥
(Shang shu chu
shu, 18.6a; L. 568). The Y. ed., following the New Text reading, omits 反.
The new King assumed his mourning-dress again, as soon as the ceremony of his
acceptance of continuing the rule of the body politic had ended with his
address to the Nobles and Ministers. Chêng Hsüan adds that the latter also put
on again their mourning-garments, according to the rule that Ministers should
wear mourning for their ruler, and Feudal Lords for the Son of Heaven (quoted
in K'ung Yingta's Sub-comm. on the passage).
140.
吉 冕 服
. The Y ed. omits 服. Supplied by Lu,
foll, the T'ung tien.
141.
不 可 曠 年 無 君
. The Y. ed. omits 可 . The statement
also occurs in Kung yang chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu, 13.22b).
142.
改 元
literally 'to change the beginning
[year]', i.e. he does not continue the counting of the years of the former
ruler, but starts with the first year yüan-nien 元 年 of his
own rule.
143.
元 以 名 年
. The Y. ed. has 名 元 年, corrected by
Lu.
144.
年 以 紀 事
. The Kung yang
chuan, Yin 1, explains yüan-nien by 'the first year
of the Lord ['s reign]' 君 之 始 年 (Kung yang chu shu, 1.1b). Ho
Hsiu gives a mystical explanation of the word 元, identifying it with 'the first
essence' ch'i 氣, which, starting from the shapeless,
divided itself after assuming shape, and is the beginning of Heaven and Earth.
Cf. also Legge's note on page 4 of his translation of the Tso
chuan.
145. The Y. ed. has 君 名 其 事 矣. Lu corrects: 君 統 事 見 矣. Liu
(72.2a) reads: 君 統 其 事 矣, followed in the translation.
146.
何 以 知 踰 年 即 位 改 元 也
, according to Lu's reading. The Y.
ed. has 言 instead of 知, and 謂 改 元 位 instead of 改 元 也 .
147. 147 Kung yang
chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu,
13.22a).
148.
元 年 春 正 月 公 即 位
. This entry occurs in the first
years of the Dukes Huan, Wên, Hsüan, Ch'êng, Hsiang, Ch'ao, and
Ai.
149. The Y. ed. has the superfluous word
年 after 改 元.
150. According to the Tso chuan the Son of Heaven and the Feudal Lords equally had
the right to change their chronologies at the beginning of their reigns, and to
employ the expression yüan-nien. The Kung yang chuan, however, is of the opinion that only the
King possessed this right. The Ch'un ch'iu, chron-
icling the vicissitudes of the feudal state of Lu, nevertheless uses the term
yüan-nien throughout. This is, says Kung-yang, because
the Ch'un ch'iu considers the kingship of the Chou
Dynasty to have been delegated to Lu (Kung yang chu shu,
1.1b; cf. for the 'kingdom' of Lu, Woo Kang, 107 ff). The statement in the
Po hu t'ung thus runs counter to the doctrine expounded
by Kung-yang. Ch'ên now thinks that, since Kung-yang sees the Ch'un ch'iu as a canon of rules (cf. Franke,
Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas,
36-56), this canon need not correspond with the facts. According to him the
Feudal Lords had no right to change the chronology; indeed, they had not done
so before 841 B.C., when King Li 厲 of the Chou Dynasty moved to the east. Only
after that date did the usurpation of the royal right by the Feudal Lords com-
mence, the authority of the Chou then beginning to decline. But though it seems
to be a fact that 841 B.C. is the first date given by the Shih chi, with which also the chronologies of thirteen
feudal states appear (Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen
Reiches, I. 101; M.H, III. 29-46), it is not
impossible that before 841 B.C. there were already independent chronologies of
the Feudal Lords.
151. Li chi chu
shu, 12.9b; C. I. 284. The 紼 were the cords which connected the coffin to
the funeral-car ch'un 輴 to guard it against the danger of
fire. As the importance of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and to the Gods
of the Earth and of the Millet (which had to be performed outside) exceeded
that of the King's loss, so he even quitted his position of mourner, stepped
over the cords of the funeral-car, and went out to fulfill his duty (K'ung
Ying-ta's Sub-comm., o.c. 12.11a).
152. Kung yang
chuan, Wên 9 (Kung yang chu shu,
13.22a).
153.
高 宗 諒 陰 三 年
. Ch. 無 逸(Shang shu
chu shu, 15.12a), where however, the text reads: 其 在 高 宗 时 舊 勞 于 外 爰 暨 小 人 即 位 乃 或 亮 陰 三 年 不 言 其 惟
不 言 言 乃 雍 ; in Legge's translation
(L. 466): "If we come to the time of Kao Tsung, he toiled at first away from
the court, and was among the inferior people. When he came to the throne, it
may be said that, while he was in the mourning shed, for three years he did not
speak. Afterwards he was still
inclined not to speak; but when he did speak, his words were full of
harmonious wisdom". This story of the filial Kao-tsung
(i.e. King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty) has been repeatedly and variously
quoted: Lun yü, ch. 憲 問 (Lun yü chu
shu, 14.20a; L. 291): 書 云 高 宗 諒 陰 三 年 不 言 "The Shu says: Kao-tsung
remained in the mourning-shed for three years and did not speak";
Shang shu ta chuan (2.36b); 書 曰 高 宗 梁 闇 三 年 不 言 ; ch. 坊 記 of the
Li chi (chu shu, 51.18b; C. II . 410):高 宗 云 三 年 其 惟 不 言 言 乃 讙"Of Kao-tsung it
is told that he did not speak for three years. When he spoke his subjects
rejoiced"; ch. 喪 服 四 制 (Li chi chu shu, 63.16a; C. II. 706):
書 曰 高 宗 諒 闇 三 年 不 言 Shih chi, 3.8b: 武 丁 即 位 思 復 興 殷 而 未 得
其 佐 三 年 不 言 政 事 決 定 於 冡 宰 以 觀 國 風 , in Chavannes' translation (M.H. I. 195): "Quand l'empereur Ou-ting eut revêtu cette dignité, il pensa à faire de
nouveau prospérer les Yn; mais il n'avait pas encore
trouvé celui qui était capable de l'aider. Pendant trois années il ne parla
pas; toutes les affaires du gouvernement étaient décidées par le premier
ministre; il en profita pour observer les moeurs du royaume"; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, ch.竹 林 (2.11b): 詩 (!) 云 高 宗 諒 陰 三 年 不 言Huai nan
tzŭ, ch. 泰 族 訓(20.1b): 高 宗 諒 闇 三 年 不 言; Chia yü, ch. 正 論 解(9.26b): 書 曰 高 宗 三 年 不 言 言 乃 雍"The
Shu says: Kao-tsung did not speak for three years; when
he spoke [his words] were full [of wisdom]". 亮 陰 is also written 諒闇or 梁闇; it is
explained by Chêng Hsüan as meaning 倚 廬 or 凶 廬'mourning-shed' (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 21.102; Lun
yü chêng i, 17.139-140). The meaning of the quotation is that Kao-tsung,
who was subsequently praised for his filial piety, did not want to discuss the
affairs of state during the three years of mourning, and only after that
assumed his kingship in its fullest sense.
154.
曰
is omitted in the Y.
ed.
155.
君 薨 百 官 總 已 聽 於 冢 宰
. Ch. 憲 問 l.c., where the text has 以
before 聽. The statement is paraphrased in the Comm. on the Hou han shu (4.2b) as
follows: 古 者 君 在 諒 闇 百 官 揔 已 之 職 事 以 聽 於 冢 宰
"Anciently, when the Lord was in his mourning-shed, all the officials,
for the attendance of their several duties, took their orders from the Grand
Administrater". The use of 薨 is strange. The word is used to denote the death of
a Feudal Lord. For the Son of Heaven 崩 is employed. Acc. to Liu Pao-nan (Lun
yü chêng i, 17.141) "for the higher it is allowed at the same time to use
[the denotation of] the lower" 上 得 兼 下.
156.
三 年 不 忍 當
. The Y. ed. omits 忍
157. The Y. ed. has hereafter the
superfluous words 即 位. Dropped by Lu.
158.
踐
chien-tsu. The Y. ed. writes 阼. Tsu
denotes the steps to the east of the hall in the palace by which the Son of
Heaven ascends (see note in Couvreur's translation of the Li chi, C. I. 20), in
general the steps for the master of the house (Sub-comm. on ch.
Ch'ü li 下, Li chi chu shu, 4.22a).
The expression chien-tsu 'to mount the eastern steps'
has then come to be used for a Lord who succeeds to the throne (C. I. 467,
note).
159. I.e., they remained in the
mourning-shed for three years. Kao-tsung's was not the only case.
160. For the source of the quotation see
n. 155.
161.
冢 宰 制 國 用
. Li chi chu
shu, 12.9a; C. 1.284. The Y. ed. wrongly has the word 大 before
冢 宰.
162.
塚 者 大 也 宰 者 制 也
.
163.
王 度 記
, one of the lost chapters of the
collection of rites-books.
164. The Chou li
or Chou kuan places chung-tsai at
the head of the first department t'ien-kuan 天 官 . His task
was a double one. 'He was the chief of his subordinates for the administration
of the country, and he supported the King in the regulation of the
principalities' 帥 其 屬 而 掌 邦 治 以 佐 王 均 邦 國
. His subordinates comprised all the officials of the six
departments (t'ien-kuan, ti-kuan, ch'un-kuan, hsia-kuan,
ch'iu-kuan, and tung-kuan). In the function of head
of all the departments he was called chung-tsai. As actual head of the
t'ien-kuan, having his special task, he was called
ta-tsai. He was then ranked as any of the other five
heads of departments, namely as 'Minister' ch'ing 卿(Chou li chu shu, 1.5a-b). This description given by the
Chou li applies to the, supposed, institutions of the
Chou Dynasty; it also occurs in ch. 周 官 of the Shu ching (Shang
shu chu shu, 17.4b-5a; L. 528-530), where the six Ministers are called
chung-tsai (for the t'ien-kuan),
ssŭ-t'u 司 徒 (for the ti-kuan), tsung-po 宗 伯 (for the ch'un-
kuan), ssŭ-ma 司 馬(for the hsia-kuan),
ssŭ-k'ou 司 寇(for the ch'iu-kuan),
and ssŭ-k'ung 司 空 (for the tung-kuan). The statement of the Wang tu
chi seems to refer to the institutions of the Yin. Acc. to ch.
Ch'ü li 下
(Li chi chu shu,
4.26b-27a; C. I. 87-88), which describes the Yin institutions (Chêng Hsüan's
Comm. l.c.), there were the 'Six Grandees' liu-ta or
liu-t'ai 六 大 belonging to the t'ien-kuan, namely the ta-tsai 大 宰, the
ta-tsung 大 宗, the ta-shih 大 史, the
ta-chu 大 祝, the ta-shih 大 士, and the
ta-pu 大 卜 . Besides there were the 'Five Administrative
Officers' wu-kuan 五 官 , namely the ssŭ-t'u 司 徒, the ssŭ-ma 司 馬, the
ssŭ-k'ung 司 空, the ssŭ-shih 司 士, and
the ssŭ-k'ou 司 寇. The Yin institutions were, under the
Chou, more or less continued by the feudal state of Sung 宋. In the
Tso chuan, Ch'êng 15 (Tso chuan chu
shu, 27.26a-b; L. 388), where the officers of Sung are described, the
following names are enumerated: yu-shih 右 師,
tso-shih 左 師, ssŭ-ma司 馬,
ssŭ-t'u 司 徒, ssŭ-ch'êng 司 城,
ta-ssŭ-k'ou 大 司 寇, hsiao-ssŭ-k'ou 小 司 寇,
ta-tsai 大 宰, and hsiao-tsai 小 宰. Ch'ên
now supposes that the fact of the ta-tsai being here
mentioned after so many other ranks indicates that his position was not so high
with the state of Sung, and therefore with the Yin neither. He may thus have
been ranked as great officer ta-fu simply. The
Chou li is one of the Old Text books, while chapter
Chou kuan belongs to the Old Text of the
Shu ching. Its quotation by the Po hu
t'ung is remarkable.