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帝王者何? 號也。 號者、功之表也。所以表功明德，號令臣下者也。
德合天地者稱帝,仁義合者稱王，別優劣也。《禮記 · 謚法》 曰:" 德象天地稱帝, 仁義所生稱 王。" 帝者、天號，王者、五行之稱也。
皇者何謂也? 亦號也。 皇、君也，美也, 大 也。 天[人]之摠，美大[之]稱也。時質，故摠[稱]之也。號之為皇者，煌煌人莫 違也。煩一夫，擾一士，以勞天下，不為皇也。不擾疋夫疋婦，故為皇。故黃金棄於 山，珠玉捐於淵。巖居穴處，衣皮毛，飲泉液，吮露英，虛無廖廓，與天地通靈也。
或稱天子，或稱帝王何? 以為接上稱天子[者]，明以爵事天也; 接下稱帝王者， (得) [明位] 號天下至尊 (言) [之] 稱，以號令臣下也。故《尚書》曰: " 諮 四岳。" 曰 " 裕汝眾"。
或(有) [稱]一人。王者自謂一人者，謙也。欲言 己材能當一人耳。故《論語》曰: " 百姓有過，在予一人。" 臣 [下] 謂之一人何? 亦 所以尊王者也。以天下之大，四海之內，所共尊者一人耳。 故《尚書》曰:"不施予一 人。"
或稱朕何? 亦王者之謙也。 朕、我也。或稱予者，予亦我也。不以尊稱自也。 但自我皆謙。
或稱君子何? 道德之稱也。君之為言群也。子者、丈夫之通稱也。故《孝經》 曰: " 君子之教以孝也，下言敬天下之為人父者也。" 何以 (言) 知其通稱也? 以 天子至於民。故《詩》云: " 凱弟君子，民之父母。"《論語》云: " 君子哉若人。" 此謂弟子，弟子者、民也。
三皇者、何謂也? 謂伏羲、神農、燧人也。或曰: 伏羲、神農、祝融也。《禮》 曰: "伏羲、神農、祝融，三皇也。"
謂之伏羲者何? 古之時，未有三綱六紀，民人但 知其母，不知其父。 能覆前而不能覆後。 臥之呿呿，起之吁吁。 飢即求食，飽即棄 餘，茹毛飲血，而衣皮葷。 於是伏羲仰觀象於天，俯察法於地，因夫婦，正五行，始定 人道。 畫八封以治下，(治)下伏而化之，故謂之伏羲也。
謂之神農何? 古之人民 皆食禽獸肉，至於神農，人民眾多，禽獸不足。於是神農因天之時，分地之利，制耒 耜，教民農作。 神而化之，使民宜之，故謂之神農也。
謂之 祝融何? 祝者屬也，融者, 續也。 言能屬續三皇之道而行之，故謂祝融也。
五帝 者何謂也?《禮》曰: "黃帝、顓頊、帝嚳、帝堯、帝舜，五帝也。"《易》曰: "黃帝、堯、舜氏作。"《書》曰:"帝堯"、"帝舜"。
黃(帝) [者]、中和之 色，自然之(姓) [性]，萬世不易。黃帝始作制度，得其中和，萬世常存。故稱黃帝 也。
謂之顓頊何? 顓者、專也。 頊者、正也。 能專正天人之道，故謂之顓頊也。謂之帝 嚳者何也? 嚳者極也。 言其能施行窮極道德也。
謂之堯者何? 堯猶曉曉也。 至高之貌。 清妙高遠，優遊博衍，眾聖之主，百王之長也。
謂之舜者何? 舜猶踳踳也。 言能推信堯道而行之。
三王者、何謂也? 夏、殷、周也。故 《禮 · 士冠經》曰: "周 弁、殷 (哻) [冔]、夏收，三王共皮弁" 也。 所以有夏、殷、周號何? 以為王者受 命，必立天下之美號以表功自克，明易姓為子孫制也。 夏、殷、周者，有天下之大號 也。 百王同天下，無以相別，改制天下之大禮號，以自別於前，所以表著己之功業 也。 必改號者，所以明天命已著，欲顯揚己於天下也。 己復襲先王之號，與繼體守文之 君無以異也。不顯不明，非天意也。 故受命王者，必擇天下美號，表著己之功業，明當 致施是也。 所以預自表克於前也。帝王者、居天下之尊號也，所以差優號令臣下。 謚者、行之跡也，所以別於後代，著善惡，垂無窮，無自推觀施後世，皆以勸善著戒 惡，明不勉也。
不以姓為號何? 姓者、一字之稱也，尊卑所同也。 諸侯各稱一國之 號，而有百姓矣，天子至尊，即備有天下之號而兼萬國矣。
夏者、大也，明當守持大 道。 殷者、中也，明當為中和之道也，聞也，見也，謂當道著見中和之為也。 周者、至 也，密也，道德周密，無所不至也。
何以知即政立號也?《詩》云: " 命此文王，于周 于京。" 此改號為周，易邑為京也。《春秋傳》曰: "王者受命而王，必擇天下之美號 以自號" 也。
五帝無有天下之號何? 五帝德大能禪，以民為子，成于天下，無為立號 也。
或曰: 唐、虞者號也。 唐、蕩蕩也。蕩蕩者、道德至大之貌也。虞者、樂也。言天 下有道，人皆樂也。 故《論語》曰: "唐、虞之際。" 帝嚳有天下，號[曰]高辛。顓 頊有天下，號曰高陽。 黃帝有天[下]，號曰 (自然) [有熊]。 [有熊]者、獨宏大 道德也。高陽者、陽猶明也，道德高明也。 高辛者、道德大信也。
五霸者、何謂也? 昆 吾氏、大彭氏、豕韋氏、齊桓公、晉文公也。 昔三王之道衰，而五霸存其政，率諸侯朝 天子，正天下之化，興復中國，攘除夷狄，故謂之霸也。昔昆吾氏，霸於夏者也。大彭 氏、豕韋氏，霸於殷者也: 齊桓、晉文，霸於周者也。
或曰: 五霸、謂齊桓公、晉文 公、秦穆公、楚莊王、吳王闔閭也。霸者、伯也，行方伯之職，會諸侯朝天子，不失人 臣之義。 故聖人與之。 非明王之張法。 霸猶迫也，把也。 迫脅諸侯, 把持其政。 《論語》曰: "管仲相桓公，霸諸侯。" 《舂秋》曰: "公朝于王所。" 於是 (時) [知]晉文之霸[也]。《尚畫》曰: "邦之榮懷，亦尚一人之慶。" 知秦穆之霸也。 楚勝鄭而不告，從而攻之，又令還師，而佚晉寇。 圍宋，宋因而與之平，引師而去。 知楚莊之霸也。蔡侯無罪，而拘於楚，吳有憂中國心，興師伐楚，諸侯莫敢不至。 知吳 之霸也。
或曰: 五霸、謂齊桓公、晉文公、秦穆公、宋襄公、楚莊王也。 宋襄伐齊 亂， 齊檀公不擒二毛，不鼓不成烈。《春秋傳》曰: " 雖文王之戰不是過。" 知其 霸也。
[侯]、伯、子、男臣子於其國中褒其君為公。 王者臣子，獨不得 (襄) [褒]其 君謂之為帝何? 以為諸侯有會聚之事，相朝聘之道，或稱公而尊，或稱伯、子、男而 卑,為交接之時不私其臣子之義，心俱欲尊其君父，故皆令臣子得稱其君為公也。 帝王 異時，無會同之羲，故無為同也。 何以[知]諸侯德[稱]公? [《舂秋》曰]: "[葬]齊 (侯) 桓公。" [齊、侯也]。《尚書》曰: "公曰嗟。" 豪伯也。 《詩》云: "覃公惟私。" 覃、子也。《春秋》曰: "葬 (皆)[許) 繆公。" 許、 男也。《禮.大射經》曰: " [公]則 (擇)[釋]獲。" 大射者、諸侯之醴也，伯、 子、男皆在也。
12. The Appellations of Huang, Ti, and Wang. (1.9a-b; 1 上.9b-10a; 2.1a-3a)
a. What do [the words] ti and wang signify? They are appellations hao1. An appellation is the outward sign of an [achieved] merit 2. Therewith the [achievement of the] merit is expressed and the [possession of] spiritual power is manifested, in order to command the [multitude of] subjects 3.
b. When his spiritual power [harmoniously] combines [that of] Heaven and Earth [the Sovereign] is called ti 'Emperor' 4. When [his spiritual power is the harmonious] combination of consideration for others and sense of the right principles he is called wang 'King' 5. [Thus] a distinction is made between abundance and scarcity [in the possession of spiritual power]. The Li chi shih fa6 says: "When his spiritual power resembles [that of] Heaven and Earth [the Sovereign] is called ti; he from whom consideration for others and sense of the right principles proceed is called wang" 7. Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven; wang is a designation [which is connected with the succession of the spiritual power] of the Five Elements 8.
c. What is the meaning of huang? It is also an appellation 9. Huang means chün 'lord' 10, mei 'beautiful' 11, ta 'great' 12. It was the designation for the combination of what was beautiful and august in Heaven 13. Owing to the primitivity of the time [Heaven's beauty and augustness] were generally designated [by this term]. He was called huang who shed forth a resplendence huang-huang which none could escape 14. If in his labours for all under Heaven one great officer were troubled or one common officer were distressed [a Sovereign] would not be [called] huang. He did not distress the common man nor the common woman, and thus it was that he was [called] huang 'the August One'. Therefore [the August Ones] disregarded the gold that lay hid in the mountains and suffered the pearls and jade to be lost in the deep 15; they dwelt on mountain-peaks or housed in caves 16; they were clad in hide and fur 17; they drank the freshness of the well and supped of the radiance of the dew 18; empty and absent, vast and void [was their mind] 19; they were in communication with the spirituality of Heaven and Earth 20.
d. Why is the [Sovereign's] appellation sometimes ti Emperor? Ti means ti 'to examine' 21. He symbolizes what may be transmitted [to later generations] 22.
e. Wang 'King' means wang 'to go to'. [A King is he] whom all under Heaven turn to 23. The Kou ming chüeh says: "The Three August Ones walked leisurely, the Five Emperors walked hurriedly, the Three Kings ran, the Five Hegemons galloped" 24.
13. The Different Designations for the King. (1.9b-10a; 1 上. 10a-b; 2.3a-4a)
a. Why is [the Sovereign] sometimes called Son of Heaven, sometimes Emperor or King? When, connecting him above [with Heaven], he is called Son of Heaven, it means that he serves Heaven by [the virtue of] his rank; when, connecting him below [with Earth], he is called Emperor or King, it means that his position and appellation, being the most exalted in all under Heaven, [entitle him] to command [all his] subjects 25. Therefore the Shang shu says: "The Emperor [Yao] said, Oh! Chiefs of the Four Mountains" 26. [Again it says]: "The King said, Come, all of you" 27.
b. Sometimes he calls himself The One Man 28. The King calls himself The One Man out of modesty, wishing to express [thereby] that his ability only stands for that of one man 29. Therefore the Lun yü says: "If the people have sinned let [the blame] be laid upon me, The One Man 30. Why do the subjects 31 speak of him as The One Man? To honour the King therewith. Within the wideness of all under Heaven and within the confines of the Four Seas there is only one man whom they honour in unison 32. Therefore the Shang shu says: "You do not extend [your goodwill] to Our One Man [,The Son of Heaven]" 33.
c. Why does [the King] call [himself] chên? It also [indicates] the King's modesty. Chên means wo 'We' 34. Sometimes he calls [himself] yü. Yü also means wo 'We' 35. That he does not call himself with honourable [words], but only [calls] himself [with words meaning] 'We' [testifies to] his modesty in every case.
14. Chün-Tzŭ is a General Designation. (1.10a-b; 1 上.10b; 2.4a-b)
Why is [the King] sometimes called chün-tzŭ 'Noble Man'? It is the designation of [one who has obtained] the spiritual power [which proceeds from the possession] of the Way. Chün means ch'ün 'to flock' 36. Tzŭ is the common designation of an adult man 37. Therefore the Hsiao ching says: "The teaching of the Noble Man consists in filial piety, therewith to induce the fathers in all under Heaven to be reverenced [by their sons]" 38. How do we know 39 that 'Noble Man' is a common designation? Because [the expression is employed] for the Son of Heaven down to the [common] people. The Shih says: "A gay and affable Noble Man is the father and mother of his people" 40. The Lun yü says: "A Noble Man indeed is such a man" 41; this was said [by Confucius] of his disciple, who was a man of the people.
15. The Three August Ones, The Five Emperors, The Three Kings, and the Five Hegemons. 42. (1.10b-14b; 1 上.11a-14a; 2.5a-15a)
a. Who were the Three August Ones? They were said to be Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Sui-jên. Others say: [they were] Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Chu-jung 43. The Li says: "Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Chu-jung were the Three August Ones" 44.
b. Why is Fu-hsi so called 45? Anciently [the rules for] the Three Major and the Six Minor Relationships were not yet [in practise] 46. The people only knew their mothers, but not their fathers 47. They knew how to cover the front [part of their bodies], but not how to cover the back [part]. They slept snoring and awoke puffing and screaming 48. When they were hungry they hunted for food, when satiated they threw away what was left. They swallowed the hair and feathers [with the flesh of the beasts they ate], drank [their] blood, and clothed themselves in hide and rushes 49. Thereupon Fu-hsi appeared and, looking up, contemplated the forms [exhibited] in the sky; looking down, he surveyed the patterns [shown] on the earth 50. He regulated [the union between] husband and wife, put right [the order of] the Five Elements, and gave a beginning of a regulation of human behaviour 51. He drew up the Eight Trigrams in order to rule all under Heaven 52. When [all under Heaven had been] subjugated 53, he civilized them. Therefore he is called Fu-hsi 'the Subjugator Hsi' 54.
c. Why is shên-nung so called? The people of antiquity ate the [raw] flesh of birds and quadrupeds. At the time of shên-nung [the numbe: of] people increased, and the [quantity of] birds and quadrupeds did not suffice. Thereupon shên-nung, following the seasons of Heaven, made a [proper] division of the uses of the land 55, instituted ploughing and weeding, and taught the people husbandry. He exerted such a spirit-like transformation, that the people felt constrained to approve [his ordinances] as right 56. Therefore he is called shên-nung 'the Spiritual Husbandman'.
d. Why is Sui-jên so called? He drilled [a piece of] wood, [so that] it burned and fire [could be] taken out of it 57. He taught people to cook their food, he stimulated their instinct for taking advantage [of the circumstances 58, he instructed them] to avoid odours and drive out poison, and is [therefore] called Sui-jên 'the Fire-drilling Man' 59.
e. Why is Chu-jung so called? Chu means chu 'to connect to' 60. Jung means hsü 'to continue' 61. It means that [Chu-jung] was able to connect himself to and continue the way of the Three August Ones and put it into practise. Therefore he is called Chu-jung 'the Connecter and Continuer' 62.
f. Who were the Five Emperors? The Li says: "Huang-ti, Chuan-hsü, Ti-k'u, Ti-yao, and Ti-shun were the Five Emperors" 63. The I says: "Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun appeared and exercised their influence" 64. The Shu speaks of Ti-yao and Ti-shun 65.
g. Huang 'yellow' is the colour of equilibrium and harmony 66. [Huang-ti has] the nature of spontaneity, [his institutions] do not change for ten thousand generations 67. Huang-ti was the first to introduce institutions and regulations, by which he attained the state of equilibrium and harmony 68, to be continually preserved during ten thousand generations. Therefore he is called Huang-ti 'the Yellow Emperor'.
h. Why is Chuan-hsü so called? Chuan means chuan 'special' 69. Hsü means chêng 'to correct' 70. He was able [to apply himself] especially to correct the Way of Heaven and man 71. Therefore he is called Chuan-hsü 'the Special Corrector'.
i. Why is Ti-k'u so called? K'u means chi 'the utmost' 72. It means that he was able to put into practise and to exhaust to the utmost the spiritual power [emanating from the possession] of the [right] Way 73.
j. Why is Yao so called? Yao means yao-yao 'high and eminent' 74. He had the appearance of extreme height. [His spiritual power was] pure and subtle, high and far-reaching, abundant and extensive, vast and overflowing. He was the chief of the multitudinous Sages, the first of the Hundred Kings.
k. Why is Shun so called? Shun means ch'uan-ch'uan 'to match' 75. It means that he was able to pursue and follow the way of Yao and put it into practise 76.
l. Who were the Three Kings? They were [the Kings of the Dynasties of] Hsia, Yin, and Chou 77.
So the Li shih kuan ching says: "[The cap used by the] Chou [was called] pien, [that used by the] Yin [was called] hsü, [that used by the] Hsia [was called] shou. With all the three Dynasties the cap [worn] was [always] of white deer-skin" 78.
Why is it that we have the appellations Hsia, Yin, and Chou? When a King has received the mandate [from Heaven], he must create a beautiful appellation [expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, in order thereby to express his achievements and make himself illustrious 79. It means that he has changed the clan-name 80 [of the former Dynasty], and [has established new] institutions for his sons and grandsons [to continue]. Hsia, Yin, and Chou were the great appellations of [the Dynasties possessing] all under Heaven. The Hundred Kings had in common the possession of all under Heaven, so that there was nothing [with which] to distinguish them from each other. [So] they changed the institutions and created a great appellation 81 [expressing their possession] of all under Heaven to distinguish themselves [therewith] from the past, so that their meritorious achievement might be expressed and displayed. That they considered it necessary to change the appellation was in order to show that Heaven's decree had already manifested itself, and that [Heaven] desired that [the new Dynasty] be exalted in the face of all under Heaven. If [the new Dynasty] should adopt and continue the appellation of the previous King, it would not be different from [the case of] a Lord who succeeds to the government of the body [politic] and preserves its cultural [institutions]. Not to manifest the lustre [meant by Heaven] is against Heaven's intention 82. Therefore a King who has received the mandate [from Heaven] must choose a beautiful appellation [denoting his possession] of all under Heaven, which expresses his meritorious achievement; it means that he is [now] in the position to display and exercise [his spiritual influence]. By it he will have prepared his own lustre against the past 83.
m. Why is not the clan-name 84 taken as the appellation? A clan-name is a designation by one word which is shared by high and low 85. The Feudal Lords, as rulers of the Hundred Clans, are each designated by the name of [their] one state. The Son of Heaven, as the most exalted, now assumes an appellation [expressing] the possession of all under Heaven and the union of the ten thousand states.
n. Hsia means ta 'great' 86. It means [that the Dynasty was] equal to the task of preserving and holding fast the great principle ta-tao. Yin means chung 'equilibrium' 87. It means [that the Dynasty was] equal to [the task of maintaining] the way of equilibrium and harmony 88. Chou means chih 'to reach', mi 'perfect' 89. The spiritual power [proceeding from the possession] of the [right] Way [exercised by the Dynasty] was complete and perfect, and there was nothing which it did not reach.
o. How do we know that [a King], after having assumed his reign, establishes a [new] appellation? The Shih says: "[Heaven] gave the appointment to King Wên, in Chou, in his capital" 90; this refers to the changing of the appellation [of Yin] into Chou, and to the conversion of its town into the capital. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "When a King, after receiving the mandate [of Heaven], assumes his kingship, he must choose a beautiful appellation [expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, to denominate his own [Dynasty] therewith" 91.
p. Why is it that the Five Emperors had no appellation [denoting their possession] of all under Heaven? The spiritual power of the Five Emperors was great, and they were able to cede [their thrones in behalf of others] 92; they regarded the people as their children, and they achieved perfection in all under Heaven without the need of establishing an appellation.
q. Another opinion is: T'ang and Yü were appellations [of Yao and Shun] 93. T'ang means t'ang-t'ang 'vast and distant' 94. Vast and distant is the bearing of one whose spiritual power [, proceeding from the possession] of the [right] Way, has reached its apex of greatness. Yü means lo 'joy' 95. It means that, when all under Heaven [in the reign of Shun] walked in the right Way, all the people rejoiced. Therefore the Lun yü speaks of: "the turn of [the reigns of] T'ang and Yü" 96.
Ti-k'u had an appellation [,expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, called Kao-hsin 97. Chuan-hsü had an appellation [,expressing his possession] of all under Heaven, called Kao-yang 98. Huang-ti had an appellation [,expressing] his possession of all under Heaven, called Yu-hsiung 99. Yu-hsiung means [that he possessed] a special abundance of spiritual power [proceeding from his keeping] the Way 100. Yang of Kao-yang means ming 'bright' 101. The spiritual power [emanating from his possession] of the [right] Way was high and bright. Kao-hsin means that the spiritual power [proceeding from his possession] of the [right] Way was great and sincere 102.
r. Who were the Five Hegemons? They were K'un-wu, Ta-p'êng, Shih-wei, Duke Huan of Ch'i, and Duke Wên of Chin 103. Anciently, when the way of the Three Kings deteriorated, the Five Hegemons preserved the government; they led the Feudal Lords in presenting themselves [regularly] at the court of the Son of Heaven; they kept the development of all under Heaven in the right track; they revived the Middle State and repulsed the barbarians; therefore they were called pa 'Hegemon'. Formerly K'un-wu was Hegemon under the Hsia, Ta-p'êng and Shih-wei were Hegemons under the Yin, [Duke] Huan of Ch'i and [Duke] Wên of Chin were Hegemons under the Chou 104.
s. Another opinion is: "the Five Hegemons were Duke Huan of Ch'i, Duke Wên of Chin, Duke Mu of Ch'in, King Chuang of Ch'u, and King Ho-lü of Wu" 105. Pa means po 'chief' 106. [The Hegemons] executed the task of the fang-po107, they assembled the Feudal Lords at the court of the Son of Heaven, [and caused them] not to neglect their duty as subjects. Therefore the Sage justified them [and in doing so] condemned [the circumstance] that the laws of the enlightened Kings could not be put into practise 108. Pa also means po 'to compel', pa 'to take' 109. The Hegemons compelled the Feudal Lords [to do their duties], and took into their hands the [execution of the royal] government. The Lun yü says: "Kuan Chung acted as Minister for Duke Huan [of Ch'i], and made him Hegemon over the Feudal Lords" 110. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "The Duke [of Lu] paid a court-visit in the place where the King was" 111; by this we know that [Duke] Wên of Chin [at that time] was Hegemon 112. The Shang shu says: "The glory and tranquillity of the state also have their cause in [my,] the One Man's felicity" 113; [by this] we know that [Duke] Mu of Ch'in was [at that time] Hegemon. Ch'u conquered Chêng, but did not [keep its territory. When the Earl of Chêng] announced his submission it forgave him 114. It also ordered its army to return, and [thus] suffered [the remaining forces of] the brigands of Chin to escape 115. [When Ch'u] laid siege to Sung, and Sung yielded, [Ch'u] granted it peace and led its army away 116. [By this] we know that Chuang of Ch'u was Hegemon 117. The Marquis of Ts'ai without guilt was seized [and detained] by Ch'u. [King Ho-lü of] Wu [although a barbarian] cherished feelings of concern for the [affairs in the] Middle State; he raised an army and attacked Ch'u; none of the Feudal Lords dared not to come [at his summons for the expedition 118. By this] we know that [Ho-lü of] Wu was Hegemon.
t. Some say: "The Five Hegemons were Duke Huan of Ch'i, Duke Wên of Chin, Duke Mu of Ch'in, Duke Hsiang of Sung, King Chuang of Ch'u" 119. When Duke [Hsiang of] Sung was at war with Ch'u at Hung, he did not beat the drum [for the attack] before [the army of Ch'u] had been ranged [in battle-array] 120. The Ch'un ch'iu chuan says: "Even the battle of King Wên did not surpass this [display of generosity" 121; by this] we know [that Hsiang of Sung] was Hegemon.
16. Earls, Viscounts, and Barons are Called Dukes in their Own States. (1.14b-15a; 1 上.14a-b; 2.15b-16a)
Since the subjects of Earls, Viscounts, and Barons laudatively call their Lords kung 'Duke' in their own states, why is it that only the subjects of the King are not allowed to call their Sovereign by the laudative 122 title of ti 'Emperor'? Because the Feudal Lords have the duty of assembling and the custom of paying visits to each other. [Now in the Ch'un ch'iu the Feudal Lords are] sometimes called kung 'Duke' to honour them, sometimes they are called [by their proper titles Marquis,] Earl, Viscount, or Baron to disparage them 123. [But] on the occasion of a meeting between the Feudal Lords the subjects are not required to observe the [strict ritual rules appertaining to the] status [of their Lords. These subjects] may wish to exalt their lordly fathers [above the other rulers], and so in general it is allowed to the subjects to call their own Lords kung 'Duke' 124. The Emperors and Kings [,however,] lived in [mutually separate and] different times, so that there was no occasion for them to meet as equals. Therefore there is none who could be considered as their peer [above whom they should be exalted]. How do we know that the Feudal Lords may be called kung 'Duke' 125? The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[We] buried Duke Huan of Ch'i"; Ch'i was only a marquisate" 126. The Shang shu says: "The Duke [of Ch'in] said, Ah! [my officers]" 127; Ch'in was an earldom. The Shih says: "The Duke of T'an was her brother-in-law" 128; T'an was a viscounty. The Ch'un ch'iu says: "[We] buried Duke Miu of Hsü" 129; Hsü was a barony. The Li ta shê ching says: "[If the arrow hits the stay of the target and hangs from it, or ricochets into the target, or rebounds from the target without piercing it, only] in the case of the Duke will it be scored" 130. The Great Archery [Meeting] belongs to the ritual [meetings to be held] by the Feudal Lords 131. Earls, Viscounts, and Barons are [then] all present 132.
1. 號 , as distinct from 天 子t'ien-tzŭ 'Son of Heaven', which is a rank 爵. See Ho Hsiu's Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (Kung yang chu shu, 17.20b).
2. 號 者 功 之 表 也 . The same is said in ch.諡 法 解 Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.22b), and in the Shuo t'i tzŭ, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu (I wên lei chü, 40.9a; Yü han, 56.44b).
3. 所 以 表 功 明 德 號 令 臣 下 . The Wu ching t'ung i (T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12a) says: "An appellation now is to express the achievement of merit and [the possession of] spiritual power [wherewith] to command all under Heaven" 號 者 亦 所 以 表 功 德 號 令 天 下 也.
4. This is in conformity with what is said in the 帝 王 世 紀 Ti wang shih chi by 皇 甫 謐 Huang-fu Mi (215-282; quoted in the Tpyl, 76.4b; I wên lei chü, 11.2b). The Tpyl, 76.4a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, drops 地, so that the passage would read: "When his spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven, he is called ti". This omission of 地 also occurs in other texts, as in Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan (l.c.), and in the 七 經 義 綱 Ch'i ching i kang by 樊 深 Fan Shên (10th cent. A.D.; Yü han, 53.18b). Hsü Yen in his Sub-comm. on the Kung yang chuan comments on Ho Hsiu as follows: "Heaven is the designation after the division and dispersion of the two first modes (二 儀); therefore he whose spiritual power is in harmony with [that of] Heaven is called ti". Thus the reading without 地 in the Tpyl, which usually quotes inexactly, is in this case not necessarily an error. Cf. also ch. 謐, III. 18a. of the Po hu t'ung: "In later ages those whose spiritual power is like to [that of] Heaven are also called ti". On the other hand we must suppose a mistake when we read in the Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇, 48.9b) 聖 人 與 天 地 合 其 德 者 也 "A Sage is [a being] whose spiritual power [harmoniously] combines [that of] Heaven and Earth", but at another place (ibid., 37.1a) 聖 人 與 天 合 德. "A Sage [pos- sesses] spiritual power which is in harmony with [that of] Heaven". For the rendering of ti by 'Emperor' see n. 188.
5. The same is said by the I chou shu (l.c.), by Ho Hsiu's Comm. (Kung yang chu shu, l.c.), by Huang-fu Mi (o.c.), and by Fan Shên (o.c.). The words 仁 jên and 義 i are not easy to translate adequately. According to Waley jén人originally means freemen, men of the tribe; jên means 'good' in the most general sense of the word, that is to say 'possessing the qualities of one's tribe'. Confucius' use of the term (in the Lun yü) stands in close relation to the primitive meaning; with him it means 'good' in an extremely wide and general sense (The Analects, 27-28). I 義 denotes the correct relation between persons of different status, as is most evident in the expression 君 臣 之 義 (e.g. in ch. 微 子 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 18.68); L. 336); in this sense cf. also 尊 卑 長 幼 之 義 in. par. 112 of the Po hu t'ung. In Han time the terms jén and i have, however, decidedly obtained an ethical value, more or less independent from the naturalistic view of life. In the Ch'ien tso tu (上. 8b) we still have a kind of naturalism where we read: "When Heaven in its activity exercises [its influence] we speak of jên; when Earth in its passivity regulates [the 10,000 things] we speak of i; jên maturing goes upward, i maturing goes downward" 天 動 而 施 曰 仁 地 靜 而 理 曰 義 仁 成 而 上 義 成 而 下 . In ch. 表 記 of the Li chi (chu shu, 54.5a-b; C. II. 486) the ethical colour is sometimes more visible; e.g. when we read: "Jên [represents] the right, Tao [represents] the left; jên means jên 'man', Tao means i; abundance of jên with a scarcity of i [causes one to be] loved but not revered; abundance of i with a scarcity of 'jên [causes one to be] revered but not loved". Tung Chung-shu seems, however, to take jên and i as purely ethical conceptions. In ch. 仁 義 發 of his Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (8.11b) he defines jên as the feeling towards others, while i applies to oneself 仁 之 為 言 人 也 義 之 為 言 我 也 ; "the method of jên lies in loving others. . . the method of i lies in correcting oneself" 仁 之 法 在 愛 人 … 義 之 法 在 正 我. . . . (in ch. 五 行 相 勝, 仁 者 愛 人 義 者 尊 老) , 13.8b, however, he says: "Jên means to love others, i means to revere the old" ). It is curious that even in the Huai nan tzŭ, in which we should expect a naturalistic and mystical exposition, we find this ethical explanation, so in ch. 泰 族 訓 (20.26b): "What is called jên is the love of others" 所 謂 仁 者 愛 仁 也; in ch. 繆 稱 訓 (10.1b): "Jên is the visible proof of accumulated benevolence' 仁 者 績 恩 之 見 證 也, "i [is an attitude which] observes consideration towards the feelings of others, adapting it to all [things one's mind] is set on" 義 者 比 於 人 心 而 合 於 眾 適 者 也. Cf. Lun yü, IV. 10 (L. 168). In this respect jên and i in the passage of the Po hu t'ung had perhaps better be rendered by 'love and duty' than by 'consideration for others and sense of the right principles'.
6. 禮 記 諡 法 , one of the untransmitted books of the treatises on rites.
7. 德 象 天 地 稱 帝 仁 義 所 生 稱 王 . Ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.22b-23a) contains the same statement, but writes 在 instead of 生; thus "he in whom jên and i are located is called wong". In the Comm. on the Wên hsüan (1.1b) the Chi yao chia, an Apocryphal Book of Music, is quoted, in which the passage occurs in the reading of the Po hu t'ung, i.e. with 生(see also Yü han, 54.50a). Liu (72.2b) takes 在 as the correct reading. The Han kuan i (下.1a) also contains the statement 帝 者 德 象 天 地 "A ti is he whose spiritual power resembles [that of] Heaven and Earth". The qualities of the ti are thus conceived as either a combination of those of Heaven and Earth, or a harmony with those of Heaven, or a resemblance with those of Heaven and Earth. This resemblance is, however, not to be taken as a similarity between two unconnected entities, but more as a kind of mystical identity.
8. 帝 者 天 號 王 者 五 行 之 稱 也 . In ch. 諡, III. 18d we also read: 帝 者 天 號 也. The Hsing tê fang, an Apocryphal Book of History, says: "Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven, wang is a designation [applying] to man" 帝 者 天 號 也 王 者 人 稱 也 (I wên lei chü, 11.1a; Yü han, 53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a quotes it as from the Shang shu wei). The Tpyl, 76.1a, further quotes the I wei, which says: "Ti is an appellation [connected with] Heaven; he whose spiritual power is equal to [that of] Heaven and Earth, he who does not turn his public position to his personal profit, is called ti" 帝 者 天 號 也 德 配 天 地 不 私 公 位 稱 之 曰 帝. But, though the difference between ti and wang is formally maintained, their qualities often overlap. So the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu says: "Wang is [an appellation] conferred by Heaven" 王 者 天 之 所 予 也 (7.21b), and "[The appellation of] wang 王 is bestowed by Heaven only" 王 者 唯 天 之 施 (11.8a). Further we have the well-known, but unwarranted, definition of the character for wang : three horizontal strokes connected by one vertical line, i.e. the King connects the 'ways' of Heaven, Earth, and Man (ibid., 11.7b; cf. Shuo wên, 1 上 .35). In Tung Chung-shu's system the distinction between wang and ti (and huang) is only a matter of shifting up in time: wang applies to the Sovereign of the reigning Dynasty, and to those of the two previous ones; ti applies to the Sovereigns of the five Dynasties preceding the wang; huang applies to the Sovereigns of the nine Dynasties preceding the ti; the Sovereigns preceding the huang are called min 民; after a new Dynasty has been established the first of the three wang becomes ti, the first of the five ti becomes huang, the first of the nine huang becomes min (cf. Woo Kang, 114 ff.; acc. to the San huang k'ao, ch. 7, the nine huang 九 皇 refers to one person). Instead of 王 者 五 行 之 稱 Ch'ên suggests reading 王 者 美 行 之 稱 "wang is the designation for a beautiful conduct", which statement occurs in the Ch'ien tso tu (上.9b). K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Li chi also quotes the Expositions on the I by Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang 孟 [ 喜 ] 京 [房] 說 易, which says: "Ti is a designation [connected with] Heaven . . . wang is a beautiful designation" 帝 天 號 … 王 美 稱 (Li chi chu shu, 4.21b). The Five Elements, however, together with the Three Reigns san-t'ung三 統, have been connected with the succession of Sovereigns (for which see Ku Chieh-kang's study in the Ku shih pien, V. 404 ff., popularly told in his Han tai hsüeh shu shih lüeh, ch. 1; cf. further Woo Kang, 142 ff.; Ch'un ch'iu fan lu, 7.5b ff.; Shang shu ta chuan, 3.8a ff.; Fêng su t'ung i, 1.6a; Chia yü, 6.1a; Tu tuan, 下.la ff.). Ch'ên now rightly remarks that the relation between the Five Elements and the succession of Sovereigns not only applies to the wang, but also to the ti and the huang, but he does not take into account that there is no rigid demarcation between the spheres of the huang, the ti, and the wang, and what is said of the one also applies mutatis mutandis to the others. Interesting is the expression 帝 者 天 號 (天 稱 ), which in apposition to what is said of the wang can only be understood as I have translated. Ti, however, did mean Heaven originally (cf. Hu Shih, in Ku shih pien, I. 199), and even as late as the 8th century A.D. Ssŭ-ma Chêng comments on the word ti in the Shih chi (3.5a; M.H. I. 187) as: 帝 天 也. Thus we could, with even more right, translate 帝 者 天 號 as "Ti is an appellation of Heaven". The ambiguity of expressions like this often compels us to leap both ways, even after very hard looking. And when, as needs must be, we take the more obvious leap, it is with a feeling of regret at having to forego the more beautiful one.
9. This is probably based on what is implied by Ho Hsiu's statement in his Comm. on Kung yang chuan, Ch'êng 8 (l.c.), where, though only wang is said to be an appellation, the qualities of the huang, the ti, and the wang are explained in the same breath. The Wu ching i i (Huang ch'ing ching chieh, 1250.12b) records the opinion of Mêng Hsi and Ching Fang, corroborating with that expressed in the Ch'ien tso tu, 上 .9b, according to which the Lord of men had five appellations, namely ti, wang, t'ien-tzŭ (which is a 爵 號 !), ta-chün 大 君 , and ta-jên大 人; huang is not among them. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on ch. Ch'ü li 下(Li chi chu shu, 4.21a), however, contains the statement: 皇 號 尊 大 也 "The appellation of huang [indicates what] is honourable and great".
10. 皇 君 也 . The same is said by Mao's Chuan on Ode 192: 正 月 ( 有 皇 上 帝 Mao shih chu shu, 19.15a). Mao, acc. to Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 4.82) goes back to ch. 釋 詁 of the Erh ya, where 皇, together with 林, 烝, 天, 帝, 王, 后, 辟, 公, and 侯, is ex plained as meaning chün 'Lord' (Erh ya chu shu, 1.2b). Likewise the Tu tuan ( 上 .1a) explains: 皇 帝 皇 王 后 帝 皆 君 也"Huang-ti, huang, wang, hou, ti, all mean chün 'Lord'. There is, however, no reason for explaining 皇 in this Ode as Lord. Legge (L. 316) and Karlgren (K. 16.235) translate it adjectivally as 'great' and 'august'. In the Shu ching, huang is used as an adjective throughout; it is only in ch. 洪 範 (which is a rather late product, see Liu Chieh 劉 節 in Ku shih pien, V. 402-403) that huang is used substantivally in the sense of Lord (Shang shu chu shu, 11.12a-b. 13b. 16a; L. 328-9.330.332; cf. Shih chi, 38.4b. 5a. 5b; M.H. IV. 221.222.223). It is interesting to see that the expression 皇 極 之 敷 言 of the Hung fan (o.c. 16a) is written 王 極 之 傳 言 in the Shih chi (o.c. 5b; Chavannes, o.c. 223, translates: 'Que le roi réalise la perfection et qu'on en répande l'enseignement'; cf. also his criticism on the same page of Legge's translation which takes huang as an adjective). The Ch'ien han shu, ch. 五 行 志 (27 下, 上. 10b) first quotes the [Shang shu ta] chuan as 皇 之 不 極 是 謂 不 建 ; the text of the Shang shu ta chuan, however, reads 王 之 不 極 etc.(2.10a.). It further (11a) explains huang as 'Lord'皇 君 也. In ch. 呂 刑of the Shu ching the expression 皇 帝 occurs twice (Shang shu chu shu, 18.21b. 24a; see for the meaning of this expression Ku shih pien, VII. 上.195, 198-199; 215, 242-243, 314, 396). K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as 君 帝. But it is especially Chêng Hsüan who seems to have a predilection for the explanation of huang as chün; even in the expressions 皇 尸, 皇 考, 皇 祖, 皇 王 , where huang can only be taken adjectivally, it is identified with chün (Mao shih chu shu, 20.47a. 54a; 28.2a. 4a; 29. 26a).
11. 美 也 . Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 269: 烈 文 (Mao shih chu shu, 26.12a) and to Ode 274: 執 競 (ibid., 26.27b). K'ung Ying-ta (in his Sub-comm., o.c., 13b) and Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 7.8) both say that Mao goes back to the 釋 詁; here, however, huang is explained as meaning 美 in the expression 皇 皇(Erh ya chu shu, 1.17b).
12. 大 也 . Cf. Mao's Chuan on Ode 209: 楚 茨 (Mao shih chu shu, 20.39b. 47a), on Ode 241: 皇 矣 (ibid., 23.65b), on Ode 244: 文 王 有 聲(ibid., 23.98a). We have the same explanation in the Han kuan i ( 下.1a; Tpyl, 76.4b), and by K'ung An-kuo quoted in Ho Yen's Comm. on the expression 皇 皇 后 帝 in ch. 堯 曰 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1a; L. 350).
13. 天 之 總 美 大 稱 也 . The Tpyl, 76.4a, quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes 天 人 之 總 美 大 之 稱 也 . Lu and Ch'ên adopt this reading with 人, which seems to be the general one (we find it e.g. in the Ch'u hsüeh chi, 9.1a; in Ch'ên Shou-ch'i's Comm. on the Wu ching i i, 250.13a; in Juan Yüan's Ching chi chuan ku, 305), only in Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on the Erh ya (chu shu, 1.2b) the same reading as in the Y. ed. is given. Huang was originally only used adjectivally to denote the 'augustness' of Heaven, of human beings already dead (forefathers), and human beings possessing superhuman qualities (as Kings; see San huang k'ao, ch. 2); it was not employed with respect to man in general. Probably the editors of the Y. ed. corrected an error, by mistake.
14. 號 之 爲 皇 者 煌 煌 人 莫 違 也 . The explanation of huang by huang-huang also occurs in the Hsing tê fang (I wên lei chü, 11.1a; Yü han, 53.63a; Tpyl, 76.1a, where the source is indicated as Shang shu wei), in the Yüan ming pao (Tpyl, 76.3a; Ma Kuo-han, Yü han, 57.7a, writes 天 道 煌 煌 也), in Mao's Chuan on Ode 163: 皇 皇 者 華, on Ode 178: 采 芑, on Ode 189: 斯 干(Mao shih chu shu, 16.10a; 17.31b; 18.30a). The Tu tuan ( 上 .1b) says: "Huang 煌 means huang 'respondent', the accomplished spiritual power has a resplendence which shines on everyone and everything" 盛 德 煌 煌 無 所 不 照 ; the Han kuan i (下. 1a; Tpyl, 76.4b): "Huang means ta 'great', it indicates his resplendence and consummate beauty" 言 其 煌 煌 盛 美. In the Fêng su t'ung i 1.1b) the Yün tou shu, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu, is quoted, which says: "Huang means Heaven (this is also said by Mao's Chuan on Ode 235: 文 王 , Mao shih chu shu, 23.10b; cf. also n. 172: Ti means Heaven); Heaven does not speak, but the four seasons go [their courses], while the hundred things grow; the Three August Ones with robes hanging down and folded hands did not act but established words, but [none of] the people escaped [their influence]; the spiritual power [proceeding from their possession] of the [right] Way was profound and quiet, resembling August Heaven, and therefore they were called huang; huang means chung 'harmonious', kuang 'radiant', hung 'vast'; they contained in themselves the vast and trod [the path of] harmony, they opened the soft and unrolled the hard; above they were in harmony with the August Pole, shedding their radiant light; pointing to Heaven they drew patterns on the Earth; their spiritual reforming [influence] secretly penetrated [everything], resplendent and of consummate beauty they were immeasurable" 皇 者 天 天 不 言 四 时 行 焉 百 物 生 焉 三 皇 垂 拱 無 爲 設 言 而 民 不 達 道 德 玄 泊 有 似 皇 天 故 稱 皇 皇 者 中 也 光 也 弘 也(Yü han, 55.22a has 宏 ) 含 弘 覆 中 開 陰 陽 布 剛 (Yü han omits 陽, which is justified by the rhythm, but writes 綱, which is hardly an improvement) 上 含 (Yü han 合, which is better) 皇 極 其 施 光 明 指 天 書 地 神 化 潛 通 煌 煌 盛 美 不 可 勝 量. For the expression 垂 拱 cf. Shu ching, ch. 武 成 and 畢 命, L. 316, 573; and Kuan tzŭ, ch. 任 法 45.89. Between 無 爲 and 設 言I think 不 should be inserted, thus meaning "they neither acted nor established words", though the sentence 三 皇 設 言 民 不 違 in the Kou ming chüeh (Yü han, 58.30a) would induce us to take the former sense, as also does Sung Chung in his Commentary on the passage, viz. that "the Three August Ones established words which the people did not transgress". This would, however, run counter to the general 'Taoistic' idea of the Yün tou shu text. Cf. what is said in the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 原 道 訓(1.13b): 當 此 之 时 口 不 設 言 手 不 指 麾 "In this period [the Five Emperors] did not produce words by their mouths, neither did their hands make sign or gesture", and in the 黃 石 公 三 略 Huang shih kung san lüeh, quoted in Tpyl, 77.6b; 夫 三 皇 無 言 化 流 四 海 故 天 下 無 所 不 (not in the text but must necessarily be inserted) 歸 功 帝 者 體 天 則 地 有 言 有 令 而 天 下 太 平 群 臣 讓 功 四 海 化 行 "The Three August Ones without the use of words reformed and affected the four seas, so that there was none in all under Heaven whose achievement was not due to them; the Emperors identified themselves with Heaven and modelled themselves on Earth, they made use of words and commands, so that all under Heaven enjoyed general peace, the multitude of subjects yielded to one another [the merit of] their achievements, and in the four seas [the process of] reform went its [unimpeded] way". The Huang shih kung san lüeh is mentioned in the Sui shu ching chi chih (3.12a), in three chüan; it has been preserved and is described in the Ssŭ k'u ch'üan shu tsung mu, 99.2b. The work is ascribed to Huang-shih-kung 'the Old Gentleman of the Yellow Stone', who figures in the Biography of Chang Liang 張 良 (Shih chi, 55.2a ff.; Ch'ien han shu, 40.2b ff.).
15. 故 黃 金 弁 于 山 珠 玉 捐 于 淵 . Cf. ch. 天 地 篇 of the Chuang tzŭ (12.65; L. 309), where we read: 藏 金 于 山 藏 珠 于 淵 (Chuang tzŭ gives the 'Taoist' view of the golden age of innocence), and the Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇 , 36.3b): 唐 虞 捐 金 而 抵 璧"Yao and Shun disdained gold and rejected jade".
16. 巖 居 穴 處 . Cf. the Hsi tz'ŭ 下 (Chou i chu shu, 12.9a), 上 古 穴 居 而 野 處 in Legge's translation (L. 385): "In the highest antiquity they made their homes in caves and dwelt in the open country", and ch. 原 道 訓 of the Huai nan tzŭ (1.20a): 古 之 人 有 居 巖 穴 而 神 不 遺 者 "Of the men of antiquity there were those who dwelt on moun- tain-peaks and in caves, and never did they lose their [human] spirit".
17. 衣 皮 毛 . Cf. ch. 禮 運 of the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I.504; L. I. 369), where we read (in Legge's translation): "Formerly the ancient kings had no houses. In winter they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in summer in nests which they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and breasts, drinking their blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins" 衣 其 羽 皮 .
18. 飲 泉 液 露 英 . Cf. the 古 史 考Ku shih k'ao by 譙 周 Ch'iao Chou (201-270), where we read (1.11b): 古 之 初 人 吹 露 精 食 草 木 實 穴 居 野 處 山 居 則 食 鳥 獸 衣 其 羽 皮 飲 血 茹 毛 近 水 則 食 魚 鱉 螺 蛤 未 有 火 化 … 于是 有 圣 人 以 火 德 王 "The men of early antiquity drank the essence of dew and ate the fruits of plants, they lived in caves or dwelt upon the plains; those who lived in the mountains ate the flesh of birds and quadrupeds, clothing themselves in their fur and hide, drinking their blood and swallowing the feathers; those who lived by the water ate fish and molluscs; they did not know the use of fire. . . . thereupon there appeared a Sage who became King by [his knowledge of] the power of fire".
19. 虛 無 廖 廓 . The expression 虛 無 occurs in the Shih chi (63.8a), Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's Eulogy on Lao-tzŭ:老 子 所 貴 道 虛 無 因 應 變 化 于 無 爲 "What Lao-tzŭ esteemed in Tao was its emptiness, its [property of spontaneous] change from non-activity". In the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 精 神 訓 (7.1b) we read: 虛 無 者 道 之 所 居 也"The empty is the abode of Tao"; and in ch. 原 道 訓 (1.17b): 虛 無 恬 愉 者 萬 物 之 用 也"The empty, the easy-goingness, therein lies the utility of the ten thousand things".
20. The whole passage seems to be a mixture of 'Taoist' and 'Confucian' ideas. The idea of a perfect society in the past was undoubtedly common to both (indeed to all Chinese thinkers in the turbulent years of war during the Chankuo period, not excepting the philosophers of the School of Law), the projection of wishful thinking as an escape from the present. But, whereas the 'Taoists', having the conceptions they had of the blissful past, were consistent in condemning everything which tended to an artificial regulation of life, the 'Confucians' seemed to vacillate between a hankering after a simple life and an acknowledgement of the importance of social achievements. In the I thing (Hsi tz'ŭ 下 ) Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, Huang-ti, Yao, and Shun are represented as culture-heroes giving civilization in successive stages to an uncivilized world. In the Li yün (see n. 181) the age of savagery is ended by the introduction of fire, but the 'savages' are here indicated by the term 'Ancient Kings'. Hence the earliest Sages, the Three August Ones, are on the one hand regarded as the representatives of an unsophisticated and innocent society, on the other hand as the inaugurators of a new era which reaches sudden perfection. A kind of compromise may be seen in the statement of the Ku shih k'ao, even though it lacks clarity. The age of bliss is here accompanied (or followed) by a period of savagery, after which gradually the culture-heroes make their appearance. Their civilizing effect, of course, never attained the perfection of the primeval state: the Garden of Eden had been lost for ever!
21. 帝 者 諦 也 . The same is said by the Yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.7a; Typyl, 76.3a), by the Tu tuan ( 上 .1b), by the Yün tou shu (Yü han, 55.22b). The Fêngsu t'ung i (1.3a), quoting the Shang shu ta chuan, says: "Heaven has set up the Five Emperors to act as its aids; as the four seasons dispose of life [and death], so [according to] laws and measures they clearly examine [the cases of men], bestowing rewards in spring and summer, and meting out punishments in autumn and winter . . . . that they were able to put into practise the way of Heaven, was because they raised and discharged, having made a careful examination". 天 立 五 帝 以 爲 相 四 时 施 生 法 度 明 察 春 夏 慶 賞 秋 冬 刑 罰 … 其 能 行 天 道 舉 錯 審 諦 也.
22. 象 可 承 也 .
23. 王 者 往 也 天 下 所 歸 往 . This common explanation of wang is found in various other texts, e.g. in ch. 正 論 of the Hsün tzŭ (18.63) 天 下 歸 之 之 謂 王: "He whom all under Heaven turn to is called wang"; in the Ku liang chuan, Chuang 3: 其 曰 王 者 民 之 所 歸 往 也 "He is called wang, because it is he to whom the people turn" (Ku liang chu shu, 5.9b); in the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 下 賢 (15.9b; Wi. 214):帝 也 者 天 下 之 適 也 王 也 者 天 下 之 往 也 'A ti is he whom all under Heaven regard as master (ti; Kao Yu's Comm. explains 適 as 主, but perhaps it is better to understand it in the meaning of 'to go to' shih), a wang is he to whom all under Heaven go'; in the Han shih wai chuan (5.12a): 天 下 往 之 謂 之 王"He to whom all under Heaven go is called wang; in the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (5.1a): 王 者 民 之 所 往"A wang is he to whom the people go"; in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.4b-5a): 王 者 往 也 爲 天 下 所 歸 往 也 , "Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he to whom all under Heaven turn"; in the Wên yao kou, an Apocryphal work on the Ch'un ch'iu (Yü han, 55.6b): 王 者 往 也 神 所 向 往 人 所 樂 歸"Wang means wang 'to go to', it is he towards whom the spirits go, to whom man joyously turns"; in the Ch'ien tso tu ( 上 .9b): 王 者 天 下 所 歸 往; in the Yüan ming pao (Yü han, 57.7a): 明 王 獨 見 天 下 歸 往"It is only an enlightened King whom all under Heaven turn to"; in the Ch'ien han shu, ch. 刑 法 志 (23.1b):歸 而 往 之 是 爲 王 矣 "Whom the people turn and go to, he is wang indeed".
24. 三 皇 步 五 帝 趨 三 王 馳 五 霸 鶩 (the last word is an error for 鶩; Yü han, 58.29a; Tpyl, 76.3b). The Pao p'u tzŭ (外 篇 ; 14.5b) says: 三 皇 步 而 五 帝 驟 霸 王 以 來 載 馳 載 鶩"The Three August Ones walked leisurely, while the Five Emperors ran; since the Hegemons [the pace grew] quicker and quicker". The meaning of the Po hu t'ung passage is explained by Sung Chung (in his Comm. on the Kou ming chüeh, Yü han l.c.) as follows: "When the [Sovereign's] spiritual power was abundant and his way perfect the sun and moon [seemed to] go slowly; the more auxious [he became to attend] to the daily affairs the more sun and moon [seemed to] hurry, and when in his diligence he could not stop his thoughts [of his duties] the sun and moon [seemed to] gallop". In the Lun yü, chuan k'ao ch'an (ed. Han shih i shu k'ao, 1b; Tpyl, 76.3b) it is Yao, Shun, Yü, and T'ang instead of the three huang, the five ti, the three wang, and the five pa, who differed from each other in this respect. The difference between huang, ti, wang and pa is expressed in other ways, all indicating the decline in spiritual power. The Kuan tzŭ, ch. 兵 法 (17.79) says: 明 一 者 皇 察 道 者 帝 通 德 者 王"He who understands the one [undivided life-essence] is [called] huang, he who has examined the Way is [called] ti, he who has penetrated into its spiritual power is [called] wang"; the Huai nan tzŭ, ch. 人 閒 訓(18.25b): 古 者 五 帝 貴 德 三 王 用 義 五 霸 任 力 "Anciently the Five Emperors esteemed 'virtue', the Three Kings used 'righteousness', the Five Hegemons employed force"; ibid., ch.汜 論 訓 (13.6b): 昔 者 神 農 無 制 令 而 民 從 唐 虞 有 制 令 而 無 刑 罰 夏 后 氏 不 負 言 殷 人 誓 周 人 盟. "Anciently, Shên-nung made no use of ordinances and commandments, but the people obeyed; Yao and Shun had ordinances and commandments, but no penal laws; the Hsia Dynasty did not go back on their word; the Yin exhorted; the Chou made covenants"; ibid., ch. 泰 族 訓 (20.12a):故 同 氣 者 帝 同 義 者 王 同 力 者 霸"He who identified himself with the primeval essence is [called] ti, he who identifies himself with 'righteousness' is [called] wang, he who identifies himself with force is [called] pa", which is more or less in conformity with the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 應 同(13.6b; Wi. 162): 帝 者 同 氣 王 者 同 力 霸 者 同 義; the Fêng su t'ung i (2.4b): 五 帝 聖 焉 死 三 王 仁 焉 死 五 霸 智 焉 "The Five Emperors [practised] sageness, after their death the Three Kings [practised] consideration for others, after their death the Five Hegemons [practised] knowledge"; the Lun yü chê ch'ien shêng (Tpyl, 76.3b): 帝 不 先 義 任 道 德 王 不 先 力 尚 仁 義 霸 不 先 正 尚 武 力 "The Emperors did not put first 'righteousness', but employed the spiritual power [which proceeds from their possession] of the Way, the Kings did not put first force, but esteemed consideration for others and 'righteousness', the Hegemons did not put first justice, but esteemed military force"; the Tou wei i (Tpyl, 76.2a): 帝 者 得 其 英 華 王 者 得 其 根 核 霸 者 得 其 附 支"The Emperors have obtained the blossoms and flowers, the Kings have obtained the root and stem, the Hegemons have obtained the appended branches" (Ma Kuo-han's ed., Yü han, 54.31a, says that the Emperors have obtained the root and stem, whereas the Kings have obtained the blossoms and flowers); the T'ung k'ao lun by 阮 籍 Juan Chi (210-263), quoted in Tpyl, 77.7b: 三 皇 依 道 五 帝 仗 德 三 王 施 仁 五 霸 行 義 "The Three August Ones based themselves on the Way, the Five Emperors took their support from their spiritual power, the Three Kings practised consideration for others, the Five Hegemons exercised 'righteousness' ".--In translating 帝 by Emperor I disagree with Professor Dubs, who condemns the use of this term (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 65.26-27), considering it an anachronism because it is only after 211 B.C. that we can really speak of an 'empire' and an 'emperor'. But Dubs does not take into account, 1. that according to the hierarchy of Sovereigns (san-huang, wu-ti, san-wang, wu-pa the wang ranks as inferior to the ti, requiring a term which should distinctly mark the difference; 2. that the superiority of the one to the other is a matter of 德, not of the size of the territory over which they rule; 3. that the etymology of the word 'Emperor' (from imperator) very happily gives to it just this sense of sacredness.
25. The Y. ed. has 得 號 天 下 至 尊 言 稱 instead of 明 位 號 天 下 至 尊 之 稱 . Lu's correction foll. the I wên lei chü (11.2a). The Tpyl, 76.3b, quoting the Kou ming chüeh, gives about the same statement.
26. 帝 曰 諮 四 岳 . Ch. 堯 典of the Sim ching (Shang shu chu shu, 1.19a; L. 24). The text of the Shu ching has 咨 instead of 諮. The Shih chi (1.13b) has: 堯 又 曰 嘘 四 嶽 . For 四 岳or see 四 嶽M. H. 1.50, n. 1, and Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 1.19. The Y. ed. omits 帝 曰.
27. 王 曰 裕 汝 眾 . Probably from ch. 盤 庚 上 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 8.5b; L. 225), where, however, the text reads: 王 若 曰 格 汝 眾. By the King generally is meant P'an-kêng of the Shang Dynasty (14th cent. B.C.), who moved his capital to Yin, hence the change of the Dynasty's name from this time onward (cf. M.H. I. 193, n. 4). Chêng Hsüan, however, says that it was 陽 甲 Yang-chia, P'an-kêng's predecessor, who is indicated (Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.66; cf. also n. 197). The Y. ed. omits 王.
28. 或 稱 一 人 -- . The Y. ed. has 有 instead of 稱 .
29. Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on ch. 天 子 章 of the Hsiao ching (chu shu, 1.8a) says: "The Son of Heaven in designating himself says yü i-jên 予 一 人-- , yü means wo 我 'We'; he means [to say thereby]: although We actually assume the highest position, still We are only one among men, and not different from men. This is [a sign of] modesty".
30. 百 姓 有 過 在 予 一 人 -- . Ch. 堯 曰(Lun yü chu shu, 20.1b: L. 351). In this context the sentence represents a 'scape-goat formula' (Waley, Analects, 231, n. 5), which is not brought out in Legge's translation ("The people are throwing blame upon me, the One man"). The statement occurs also in ch. 泰 誓 中of the Shu ching (Old Text version, Shang shu chu shu, 10.11b; L. 292); in the Han shih wai chuan (3.6a); in the Shuo yüan, ch. 貴 德 (5.4b). It refers to the words spoken by King Wu at his attack on the Yin Dynasty. Approximately the same statement was made by T'ang, the founder of the Shang Dynasty, who is also called King Wu 武 王! (See Shih chi, 3.4b; M.H. 1.184. n. 1). It is found in ch. 湯 誥 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 7.14a-b): 其 爾 萬 方 有 罪 在 予 一 人 予 一 人 有 罪 無 以 萬 方 萬 方 有 罪 罪 在 朕 躬, in Legge's translation (L. 189): "When guilt is found anywhere in you who occupy the myriad regions, it must rest on me. When guilt is found in me, the one man, it will not attach to you who occupy the myriad regions"; in ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 20.1b): in Legge's translation (L. 350): "If, in my person, I commit offences, they are not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest on my person"; in ch. 兼 愛 下 of the Mo tzŭ (4.8): 萬 方 有 罪 即 當 朕 身 朕 身 有 罪 無 及 萬 方 in Mei's translation (94): "If there is sin anywhere hold me responsible for it; if I myself am guilty may the rest be spared"; in the Lu shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 順 民 (9.4b): 余 一人 有 罪 無 及 萬 夫 萬 有 罪 在 余 一 人, in Wilhelm's translation (Wi. 107): "Wenn ich, der Herrscher, gesündigt habe, so moge die Strafe nicht über das Volk kommen; wenn aber das Volk gesündigt hat, so möge die Strafe allein auf mir ruhen". In his translations Legge wishes to distinguish the first series (with 過 ) from the second (with 罪), see his note on p. 292 of his Shu ching translation. But the sentence in the Lun yü 雖 有 周 親 不 如 仁 人 百 姓 有 過 在 予 一 人 (l.c.) is written 雖 有 周 親 不 若 仁 人 萬 方 有 罪 維 予 一 人 in the Mo tzŭ, ch. 兼 愛 中(4.73; Mei, 86), so that the purport of both statements is the same. 予 一 人, or 我 一 人 for the rest, is the term which is also used by the Son of Heaven in speaking of himself in ordinary statements, see the Shu ching, passim, esp. ch. 盤 庚 and 湯 誥 .
31. 臣 下 The Y. ed. omits 下. Supplied by Lu.
32. Hsing Ping's Sub-comm. on the Hsiao ching (l.c.) reads: "When the subjects speak [of the Son of Heaven] they only say 'the One Man', meaning that within the four seas there is only one man whom they speak of reverently".
33. 不 施 予 一 人 . This is very probably a quotation from ch. 盤 庚 上 (Shang shu chu shu, 8.6a; L. 226) where, however, we find: [惟 汝 含 德 ] 不 惕 予 一 人 in Legge's translation: "you conceal the goodness of my intentions, not standing in awe of me, the one man". There are two questions to consider: 1. the meaning of 施 (惕) 2. the value of the quotation in the Po hu t'ung context. 1. Almost everyone agrees that 施 and 惕 have the same meaning. Lu supposes that may have been changed into by the way its pronunciation has been indicated, viz. by 他 計 切 Ch'ên thinks the change of t'i 惕 into shih 施 to be possible through sound-analogy, and further says the quotation may be from the Shang shu ta chuan (the ancient pronunciations of 惕 and 施 are *t'iek/t'iek and *dia/ie resp., Gr.Ser. nos. 850i and 4l1). Huang I-hsüan (Tu shu ts'ung lu, 16.15a) says that 惕 should be read 易, in the meaning of 'to bestow'. Liu (72.2b) proves with many quotations that 施 and 易 are often interchangeable, but makes a distinction between 施 and 惕. Yü Yüeh (Ch'ün ching p'ing i 群 經 平 議 , 4.10a) says that is the correct writing, whereas is a loan-word; it is in opposition to and supplements the word 含 'to contain, to hide', which occurs in the preceding sentence. Finally Ku Chieh-kang (Ku shih pien, II. 59.62), following Yü Yüeh's explanation, paraphrases: [只 因 你 們 匿 去 了 好 意] 而 不 給 與 我, 所 以 使 我 如 此 "It is only because you have concealed your good intentions which you do not want to extend to me, that I have become what I am". This rendering differs considerably from Legge's, as well as from that suggested by Sun Hsing-yen, who takes 惕 in the meaning of 悅 'to rejoice', thus "You do not rejoice [to follow me], the One Man [in removing the capital]". 2. The quotation is used by the Po hu t'ung to prove that 一 人 is the expression employed by the subjects in speaking of the King. Now, if the quotation represents the words spoken by P'an-kêng, it would be meaningless in the context, because 一 人is then his self-designation. But are they P'an-kêng's own words? I may refer to Ku Chieh-kang's study in the Ku shih pien, II. 51-57 for a discussion of the problem whether the exhortations occurring in the first section of the P'an kêng were delivered by P'an-kêng himself or by one of his Ministers (on page 52 Ku says that the posing of this problem only dates from the Ch'ing scholars onward, before them P'an-kêng was generally held to be the speaker; he ought, however, to have mentioned Chêng Hsüan, who already distinguished between P'an-kêng the subject (when his father was alive) and P'an-kêng the King, and according to whom the first section of the chapter represents his words when a subject, see the Shang shu chin ku wên chu shu, 6.64.66; cf. also n. 191). The question is too complicated to be dealt with here. But in order not to disturb the context of the Po hu t'ung I have followed Ch'ên, who, on the authority of Chêng Hsüan's previously mentioned opinion, interprets 予 一 人 in the quotation as 我 天 子 ;'Our Son of Heaven'. On the other hand I have accepted Yü Yüeh's (and Ku Chieh-kang's) interpretation of .
34. 朕 我 也 . Chên 上 was formerly used irrespective of one's position in the meaning of 'I' (Tu tuan, .2a), and it was only with Ch'in Shih huang-ti that the term was reserved for the Son of Heaven (Bodde, China's First Unifier, 44. n. 2; 93-94; M.H. II. 127. n. 1).
35. 予 亦 我 也 . The use of 予 was not, however, the sole prerogative of the Son of Heaven, which only seems to have been the case with the expression 予 小 子 yü hsiao-tzŭ (Shu ching, passim).
36. 君 之 爲 言 羣 也 The Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (10.3b-4a) says the same: 君 者 羣 也 ; in another place (5.1a) we read: 君 不 失 其 所 羣 者 也"A chün does not forsake those who have flocked [to him]". Ch. 君 通 of the Hsün tzŭ (12.5) says: "What does chün mean? He who can [make people] flock [to him] 能 羣 也. What is meant by: who can [make people] flock [to him]? He who knows how to give living and nourishment to men, who knows how to treat and govern men, who knows how to distinguish and use men, who knows how to protect and enrich men"; ch. Shih fa chieh of the I chou shu (6.23a): 從 之 成 群 曰 君"he whom the people, forming flocks, follow, is called chün", a statement which also occurs in ch.刑 法 志of the Ch'ien han shu (23.1a; only 是 爲 君 矣 is written here instead of 曰 君 . In the Han shih wai chuan (5.12a) we read: 君 者 何 也 曰 群 也 爲 天 下 萬 物 而 除 其 害 者 謂 之 君"What is the meaning of chün? It means to flock; he who for the benefit of the ten thousand things in all under Heaven removes the harmful is called chün" (the Tpyl, 76.1b, quoting the Han shih wai chuan, writes 君 者 羣 也 羣 天 下 萬 民 而 除 其害 者 謂 之 君 "Chün means to flock; he who makes the myriad people in all under Heaven flock [around him] and removes [for their benefit] the harmful is called chün").
37. Ho Yen's Comm. to ch. 學 而 of the Lun ÿ (chu shu, 1.1a), quoting Ma Jung, says: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a man" 子 者 男 子 之 通 稱. Hsing Ping in his Sub-comm., however, feels compelled to add: "Tzŭ is the common designation of a virtuous man" 子 者 男 子 有 德 之 通 稱 也 .
38. 廣 至 德 Ch. (Hsiao ching chu shu, 7.1a; L. 482). The text of the Y. ed. has 下 言 instead of 所 以 'therewith', and omits the intermediate passage 非 家 至 而 日 見 之 也Chün-tzŭ in this quotation applies to the Sovereign.
39. 何 以 知 . The Y. ed. has 言 before 知. Dropped by Lu.
40. 凱 弟 君 子 民 之 父 母 . Ode 251: 泂 酌(Mao shih chu shu, 24.66a), where 豈 弟 君 子 is written, as also in Ode 174: 湛 露(ibid., 17.13b), Ode 219: 青 蠅 (ibid., 21.41a); Ode 239: 旱 麓 (ibid., 23.52a., 53b, 55a, 56b, 57a), Ode 252: 卷 阿 (ibid., 24.67b, 73a). The Li chi, quoting Ode 251, writes 凱 弟 , as in the Po hu t'ung (ch. 孔 子 閒 居 , Li chi chu shu, 51.1a; C. II. 391; ch. 表 記 , Li chi chu shu, 54.16b; C. II. 496). Another reading is 恺 悌, which occurs in the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (ch. 不 屈 , 18.18b; Wi. 310; quoting Ode 251), the Hsiao ching (ch. 廣 至 德 7.2a; L. 483; quoting Ode 251), the Han shih wai chuan (6.10a; quoting Ode 251; 8.3b.6a; quoting Ode 252), the Tso chuan (Hsi 12, Tso chuan chu shu, 12.23b; L. 159; quoting Ode 239; Ch'êng 8, Tso chuan chu shu, 26.25a; L. 365; quoting Ode 239, the Chia yü (3.16b; quoting Ode 251). The Shuo yüan (ch. 政 理 , 7.7a: quoting Ode 251) writes 凱 悌. Legge translates the 豈 弟 君 子 of Ode 251 by 'the happy and courteous sovereign' (L. 489), so also in his translation of the Li chi (L. II. 278.340) and the Hsiao ching (L. 483). Couvreur (Cheu king, 364) translates: 'un prince sage, almable et bon', so also in his Li ki, II. 391, but in Li ki, II. 496: 'un prince sage, qui montre une aimable gaieté et une affection toute fraternelle'. Karlgren (K. 17.74): 'the joyous and pleasant lord'. Wilhelm (Wi. 310): 'ein hehrer und freundlicher Herr'. Waley (Book of Songs, 182): 'All happiness to our lord'. The expression is explained by Mao's Chuan (Mao shih chu shu, 24.66a) as: 樂 以 強 教 之 易 以 說 安 之 "[the Lord] is gay that he may instruct [his people] with vigour, he is affable that he may by persuasion put them at ease". The Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (l.c.) explains: "愷 k'ai means ta 'great', 悌ti means ch'ang 長 'far-reaching', if the Lord's spiritual power is far-reaching and great, he can then act as the father and mother of his people". T'ang Ming-huang's Comm. on the Hsiao ching (l.c.) says: "K'ai means lo 樂 'joy', ti means i 易 'ease'; the meaning is taken from the Lord reforming his people with joy and ease". The Han shih wai chuan (l.c.) says: 君 子 者 貌 恭 而 行 肆 身 儉 而 施 博"The Lord in his demeanor is reverent, but his actions reach far, in his person he is temperate, but his influence is extensive". Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan (chu shu, 12.23b) identifies k'ai with lo 樂, and ti with i 易. The Li chi elaborates Mao's Chuan; in ch. 表 記 (l.c.) it says: "[The Lord] is gay 凱 that he may instruct [his people] with vigour, he is affable 弟 that he may by persuasion put them at ease; [he teaches them] gaiety without extravagance, the observance of propriety yet not without love; he is austere yet puts them at ease, he shows filial piety and tenderness yet he is respected"; in ch. 孔 子 閒 居 the explanation is more mystical: the Lord "must have penetrated to the fundamental principles of ceremonies and music, till he has reached the five extreme points to which they conduct, and the three that have no positive existence 以 至 五 至 而 行 三 無, and be able to exhibit these [to] all under Heaven; and when evil is impending in any part of the kingdom, he must have a foreknowledge of it" (Legge's translation, L. II. 278).
41. Ch. 公 冶 長 (Lun yü chu shu, 5.2a; L. 173). The disciple, here referred to, was 宓 不 齊 Fu Pu-ch'i, style 子 賤 Tzŭ-chien. His biography is to be found in the Shih chi, 67.15a ff.
42. It is impossible for me to enter here into a discussion of the very complicated systems which have been woven around the figures of the san-huang and the wu-ti. I may therefore refer to the studies by Haloun (Contributions to the History of Clan-Settlement in Ancient China, Asia Major, 1. 91 ff.); to Ku Chieh-kang and Yang Hsiang-kuei ( 三 皇 考 Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, Monograph Series, no. 8); to Yang K'uan (Ku shih pien, VII 上 .65-318); and to Karlgren (Legends and Cults in Ancient China, b. M. F.E.A., 18.199 ff.).
43. Acc. to Karlgren (o.c. 232) the first series is against the pre-Han texts, while the second is a violent innovation.
44. Ch'ên supposes the quotation to be from a lost chapter 號 諡 記 of the treatises on rites, because it is quoted as such in the Fêng su t'ung i. Here (1.1b), however, the enumeration given is: Fu-hsi, Chu-jung, Shên-nung.
45. Fu-hsi is written 伏 羲 or 伏犧 or 宓犧; he is also called 庖 P'ao-hsi or 包 Pao-hsi (see n. 218).
46. 未 有 三 綱 六 紀 . The san-kang refers to the relation between Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife; the liu-chi refers to one's attitude towards father's elder brothers, brothers, clansmen, father's younger brothers, elders, friends. See ch. XXIX: 三 綱 六 紀 of the Po hu t'ung.
47. Cf. ch. 盜 跖 of the Chuang tzŭ (29.97):民 知 其 母 不 知 其 父.
48. 臥 之 詓 詓 起 之 吁 吁 . The Chuang tzŭ (l.c.) has: 神 農 之 世 臥 則 居 居 起 則 于 于 , in Legge's translation (L. II. 171): "In the age of Shăn Năng, the people lay down in simple innocence, and rose up in quiet security". This refers to the golden age of perpetual bliss, which is also described in ch. 胠 篋 of the Chuang tzŭ (10.56-57; L. I. 287-288).
49. 茹 毛 飲 血 而 衣 皮 葦 Ch. Li yün of the Li chi (chu shu, 21.12a; C. I. 504) has 飲 其 血 茹 其 毛 … 衣 其 羽 皮"They drank their blood, swallowed the hair [with the flesh] . . . . and clothed them- selves with their feathers and skins". See also n. 181.
50. 于 是 伏 羲 仰 觀 象 于 天 俯 察 法 于 地 . Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ 下 of the I ching (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a) has: 仰 則 觀 象 于 天 俯 則 觀 法 于 地 in Legge's translation (L. 382): "Looking up, he contemplated the brilliant forms exhibited in the sky, and looking down he surveyed the patterns shown on the earth". The 新 語 Hsin yü by 陸 賈 Lu Chia ( 上.1b) says: 于 是 先 聖 乃 仰 觀 天 文 俯 察 地 理 , in v. Gabain's translation (Mitt.Sem.Or.Spr., XXXIII, 19): "In Anbetracht dessen blickten die früheren Heiligen zu den Himmelsbildern empor, und unten prüften sie die Kraftlinien der Erde".
51. This statement does not occur in the I ching, but the Hsin yü (l.c.) says: 圖 書 乾 坤 以 定 人 道 民 始 開 悟 知 有 父 子 之 親 君 臣 之 義 夫 婦 之 道 長 幼 之 序 "Erst da regte sich beim Volk Verständnis; es begriff, dass es die Liebe zwischen Vater und Sohn gibt, die Pflicht zwischen Fürst und Untertan, das rechte Verhalten der Gatten zueinander, die rechte Reihenfolge der älteren zu den Jüngeren". Further we read in the Ch'ien tso tu ( .2a) that Fu-hsi drew up the eight trigrams, representing and modelling himself on Heaven and Earth, and following the yin and the yang, in order to put right the correct relations between Lord and subject, father and son, husband and wife. And Ssŭ-ma Chêng says in the Shih chi (三 皇 本 紀 , 1b; M.H. 1. 7): 于 是 始 制 嫁 娶 以 儷 皮 为 禮 "Puis le premier il (Fu-hsi) régla le mariage de la femme et celui de l'homme et du don des deux peaux de bêtes il fit un rite" (acc. to the Comm. this statement also occurs in the Ku shih k'ao by Ch'iao Chou).
52. 畫 八 卦 以 治 天 下 . The Y. ed. omits 天 and has 治 after 下; Lu and Ch'ên omit 天.
53. 下 伏 而 化 之 . Liu (72.2b) thinks that the explanation may have been prompted by the likeness in sound of 化 hua 'to reform' and hsi 義 (ancient pronunciations *?.wa/?wa and *?ia/?jie resp., Gr. Ser. 19a and 2y).
54. The Han wên chia (quoted in Fêng su t'ung i, 1.1b-2a; Yü han, 54.12a) says: 伏 者 別 也 變 也 戲 也 法 也 伏 羲 始 別 八 卦 以 變 化 天 下 天 下 法 則 咸 伏 貢 戲 故 曰 伏 羲"Fu means to distinguish, to reform; hsi means tribute, to regulate; Fu-hsi was the first to distinguish the eight trigrams in order to reform all under Heaven; when all under Heaven had been regulated everybody reformed and presented tribute; therefore he was called the Reformer and [Receiver of] Tribute". Ssŭ-ma Chêng (l.c.) gives a different explanation: "He made nets and snares to teach [the people] hunting and fishing, therefore he was called Fu-hsi 宓犧 Subjugator of Animals; he reared domestic animals to provide for the kitchen, therefore he was called P'ao-hsi 庖犧 Provisor of Animals". K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Preface of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 序.2a) recapitulates the diverse explanations of the name Fu (P'ao)-hsi: "With his divine power he subjugated 伏 the [ten thousand] things, and he taught men to catch animals 犧 牲, so he was called 伏 羲 or 宓犧; with nets and snares he caught animals, so he was called 包犧; he caught animals to rear them pao, so he was called Pao Hsi; he caught animals to provide for the kitchen 庖厨, so he was called P'ao Hsi".
55. 分 地 之 利 . The expression also occurs in ch. 庶 人 of the Hsiao ching (chu shu, 3.1a), and is commented upon as: "To distinguish the five [kinds of] land, and to observe their height and lowness, so that each [kind] may be exploited to its fulness".
56. 神 而 化 之 使 民 宜 之 . This sentence is from the Hsi tz'ŭ (12.6b), where it, however, refers to Huang-ti, Yao and Shun. It also occurs in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.2b), where it refers to Shên Nung, as in the Po hu t'ung.
57. 鐕 木 燧 取 火 . Liu (72.3a) supposes that it is a contamination of two statements, one with 木, the other with 燧, so that one of the two should be dropped.
58. 養 人 利 性 . The Comm. on the Lu shih (5.7a) quotes this passage of the Po hu t'ung, but writes 制 養 禮 性 "he regulated and fostered their instinct of propriety". Liu (72.3a) offers the simple solution that 性 may be 生, thus "he instructed man to take advantage of his life".
59. The Han wên chia (Fêng su t'ung i, 1.2a; Yü han, 54.12a), after first describing the invention of fire by Sui-jên 燧 人, proceeds: "he caused men not again to suffer from alimentary diseases [by the eating of raw meat], and to differ from the birds and quadrupeds; he followed the will of Heaven and was therefore called Sui-jên, the Follower" 遂 天 之 意 故 曰 遂 人(the Tpyl, 78.2b, quoting the Han wên chia, first writes 遂 天 but then 燧 人; so also the I wên lei chü, 11.15a).
60. 祝 者 屬 也 . The word 祝 chu (ancient pron. *tiok/tśiuk; Gr. Ser. 1025a) occurs in Ode 53: 干 旄(Mao shih chu shu, 4.29b); Mao explains it as meaning 'to weave, to braid', but Chêng Hsüan's 戔 Chien 'Notes' say it is a loan-word for 屬 chu (anc. pron. *tiuk/tśiwok; Gr. Ser. 1224s) meaning 'to apply, to attach' (cf. K. 14.140; L. 87, note). In the sense of 'to attach' or 附 著 the word 祝 also occurs in the Chou li, ch. 瘍 醫 (in the expression 祝 藥; Chou li chu shu, 5.7b). 'Connect', 'weave', and 'attach' may be considered to express the same idea.
61. 融 者 續 也 . Acc. to the Shuo wên (13 上.11) the old writing for 續hsü was 賡 kêng (so explained also in the 釋 詁 . Erh ya chu shu, 1.40b). It occurs in ch. 益 稷 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 4.19b; which exists only in the Old Text version) in the sentence 乃 賡 載 歌 曰 ; K'ung An-kuo's Chuan explains it as 續 (Legge, L. 90, translates: "With this he continued the song, saying . . . ."). In Ode 203: 大 東 there is the sentence 東 有 啟 明 西 有 長 庚 (Mao shih chu shu, 20.15a; L. 356), where 庚 in Mao's Chuan (which is the phonetic of 賡 and used for it, cf. K'ung Ying-ta's Sub-comm. on the Shu ching, quoting the Ode and writing 西 有 長 賡, o.c. 20b) is explained as 續. The planet Venus (太 白) is called ch'i-ming 啟 明 when it is seen in the east in the morning, and ch'ang-kêng 長 庚 when it is seen in the west in the evening (Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, 634; K. 16.243 translates ch'i-ming by 'Opener of Light' (Lucifer) and ch'ang-kêng by 'Long Continuer' (Hesperus)). The expression ch'ang-kêng for Venus means that after the sun has set the planet prolongs the light (Mao's Chuan elucidated by Chêng Hsüan and K'ung Ying-ta). Ch'ên Huan explains 長 by 常 , and 庚 by 續 or 繼; 長 庚 then means 繼 日 而 常 明 也 'to continue the sun ['s light] by making it constantly bright' (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.9). The process of reasoning which leads to the identification of 融 with 續 may then be conceived as follows: the planet Venus is bright, it is named ch'ang-kêng 長 庚, kêng 庚is alike in sound as, indeed the phonetic in, kêng 賡, which is another writing for and has the same meaning as hsü 續 'to continue'; thus the bright planet prolongs and continues the light of the sun: bright = to continue; jung 融 also means bright, so jung = to continue ! This reasoning is, however, too fantastic, and there is a better and simpler explanation. Ode 247: 既醉 contains the sentence 昭 明 有 融. (Mao shih chu shu, 24.35b), in which 融 is explained as 長(acc. to K'ung Ying-ta from the 釋 詁, Erh ya chu shu, 1.13b, where 永, 羕, 引 延, 融, 駿, are explained 長 也 ). Jung 融 is, however, explained by Chu Hsi as meaning 'a high degree of brightness' (明 之 盛 ( 詩 集 傳 , 17.9b) Karlgren says: "The fundamental sense of yung (jung)融 is 'heat' . . . . The notions 'heat', 'fire', and 'brightness' are constantly combined semasiologically in Chinese" (K. 18.70; further examples of jung = bright 明 may be found in Ching chi chuan ku, 6). Legge follows Chu Hsi in his translation (L. 476): "May your bright intelligence become perfect". Waley (Book of Songs, 214) is non-committal: "May their shining light beam mildly upon you". Karlgren follows Mao's Chuan in his translation of the Ode (K. 17.72; 18.70): "May your brightness be extensive". Ace. to him 融 jung or yung (anc. pron. *dĭbinv;ông/ĭbinv;ung, Gr. Ser. 1009d) is here really a loan character for 肜 jung or yung ( = 'sacrifice on the following day'; anc. pron. *diong/iung, Gr. Ser. 1008a; cf. also Shih chi, 3.9b, M.H. I. 197, n. 2, for 融=肜); "the ancientmost interpr. (viz. jung = ch'ang 'long, extensive'), well supported by the comparison with and by the fact that yung = ch'ang 'long' survived in Han-time colloquial, is confirmed by the parallelism in the st(anza): the next line is 高 朗 令 終 'May your high brilliance (have =) last to a good end; 'extensive' and 'lasting to the end' balance each other". The statement in the Po hu t'ung 融 者 續 也 thus proves to be corroborated by modern philology, for hsü is after all synonymous with ch'ang 長, both in the sense of 'to extend, prolong, continue', and the introduction of the link kêng 庚 is unnecessary.
62. Chu-jung was undoubtedly from primeval times a fire-god (Legends, 240), he figures in ch. Yüeh ling of the Li chi as presiding over the summer. In the Mo tzŭ it is related that Chu-jung, the fire-god, assisted T'ang in attacking the Hsia Dynasty (ibid., 244). In the Shih chi (40.1a; M.H. IV. 338; Legends, 245) Ch'ung-li 重 黎, the great-grandson of Chuan-hsü figures as master of fire and was given the title of Chu-jung under Emperor K'u because "he was very meritorious, and was able to illuminate all under Heaven brilliantly" 甚 有 功 能 光 融 天 下. The Kuo yü, ch. 鄭 語 (16.2b) also says that [Ch'ung-]li was master of fire and that "because he greatly added to and largely increased the brilliance of Heaven and the spiritual power of Earth [so that] light was shed on [all within] the four seas, therefore he was called Chu-jung, Initiator of Light (Wei Chao's Comm. explains chu as shih 始 'to begin', and jung as ming 明'light'), great indeed was his merit" 以 淳 耀 惇 大 天 明 地 德 光 眧 四 海 故 命 之 曰 祝 融 其 功 大 矣 . Further it says (16.3a): "Chu-jung was also able to make manifest the light of Heaven and Earth, with which to grow and nurse the precious materials [of life]" 祝 融 亦 能 昭 顯 天 地 之 光 明 以 生 柔 嘉 材 者 也 Chu-jung is written 祝 誦 Chu-Sung in the Lu shih (8.3a), and in the inscription on the panel with reliefs in the (pseudo) funerary-chamber of the Wu-liang family 武 梁 祠 堂 (2d cent. A.D.); the Three August Ones are there represented in the same order of sequence as in the Fêng su t'ung i: Fu-hsi (with Nü-kua), Chu-sung, Shên-nung (see Chavannes, La sculpture sur pierre en Chine, 3-5; pl. III).
63. Probably the Ta tai li chi is meant here, where the same succession of the Five Emperors is given (7.1a-4a; Wi. 281-284). The Li chi, ch. Yüeh ling gives for the Emperors: T'ai-hao 太 暤 (spring), Yen-ti 炎 帝 (summer), Huang-ti (middle of the year), Shao-hao 少暤 (autumn), Chuan-hsü (winter); see table in Couvreur's translation of the Li chi (C. I. 410). See also n. 229.
64. Ch. Hsi tz'ŭ下 (Chou i chu shu, 12.5a ff.; L. 382 ff.), where, however, the Five Emperors are not mentioned as such. There is only the statement that after the death of Fu-hsi, Shên-nung appeared, and after the death of Shên- nung, Huang-ti, Yao and Shun did their work.
65. The beginning sentences of ch. 堯 典 and 舜 典 (Shang shu chu shu, 1.3b; 2.1b; L. 15.29). The so-called Preface of K'ung An-kuo mentions as the Three August Ones: Fu-hsi, Shên-nung, and Huang-ti; as the Five Emperors: Hsiao-hao 小 昊, Chuan-hsü, Kao-hsin 高 辛(= Ti-k'u), T'ang 唐 (= Yao), Yü 虞 (= Shun; Shang shu chu shu, 序.4a). The Fêng su t'ung i (1.3a) says that acc. to the 易 傳 (= Hsi tz'ŭ), the Li chi (= Ta tai li chi), the Ch'un ch'iu, the Kuo yü, and the Shih chi, the Five Emperors were: Huang-ti, Chuan-hsü, Ti-k'u, Ti-yao, and Ti-shun; it adopts this series. See also n. 227.
66. 黃 者 中 和 之 色 . The Y. ed. has 帝 instead of 者. The Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; also quoted in Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3a) says: "Huang 'yellow' means kuang 'light', hou 'liberal', it is the colour of equilibrium and harmony" 黃 者 光 也 厚 也 中 和 之 色 (see also n. 232). Ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.14b; C. I. 601) says: "Yellow [occupies] the middle [position of the five colours, viz. dark green, red, yellow, white, black]". The Tso chuan, Chao 12 (Tso chuan chu shu, 45.38; L. 637) writes: 黃 中 之 色 也 .
67. 自 然 之 性 (the Y. ed. has 姓, corr. by Lu) 萬 世 不 易 . The Pao p'u tzŭ (quoted in the Tpyl, 79.6b) says: 黃 帝 生 而 能 言 役 使 百 靈 可 謂 天 授自 然 之 體 者 "When Huang-ti was born he was able to speak and employ the hundred spiritual forces; it may be said that Heaven had given him the capacity of spontaneity".
68. 得 其 中 和 . The expression 中 和 occurs in ch. 中 庸 of the Li chi (chu shu, 52.1b; C. II. 429). I have followed Legge's translation (L. II. 300). The Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; Fèng su t'ung i, 1.3a) says: 黃 帝 始 制 冕 垂 衣 裳 上 棟 下 宇 以 避 風 雨 禮 文 法 度 興 事 創 業"Huang-ti was the first to institute [the wearing of] head-cover and flowing garments, he [made the people] set up ridge-poles and roofs to shelter [them] against wind and rain; he initiated the practise of the rules of propriety and refinement".
69. 颛 者 專 也 . The same is said by the Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b; quoted in the Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3b). 颛 is often used for and in the meaning of 專in the Ch'ien han shu: 颛兵'special military authority',颛制 'special decision', 颛門'special school', etc. (see the Ching chi chuan ku, 241).
70. 頊 者 正 也 . The Shang shu ta chuan (1.c.) explains hsü 頊 as hsin 信 'sincerity". The Wu ching t'ung i (T'ung tien, 104.549; Yü han, 52.12b) explains it as yü 愉 'to be happy'.
71. 能 專 正 天 人 之 道 . The Pei t'ang shu ch'ao (15.1b), quoting the Po hu t'ung, says: 專 正 人 道 "he [applied himself] especially to correct the way of man".
72. 嚳 者 極 也 . The Shuo wên (2 上.22) explains k'u 嚳 as 急 告 之 甚 也 'the highest degree of a pressing report'. And the Shang shu ta chuan (1.c.) says: 嚳 者 考 也 成 也 言 其 考 明 法 度 醇 美 嚳 然 若 酒 之 芬 香 也 "K'u means k'uo 'to examine', ch'êng 'perfect'; it means that [Ti-k'u] examined and exposed the laws and measures, [and practised them in such] a pure and excellent way, [and so] perfectly [that it worked] like the fragrance of wine". The Kuan tzŭ, ch. 侈 靡 (35.44) writes 俈for k'u, so also the Shih chi, ch.三代 年 表 (13.1b; M.H. III. 3). The name of Ti-k'u is also written (Ku shih pien, VII 上. 223 ff., where the whole problem of 帝 俊 this figure is amply discussed).
73. 言 其 能 施 行 窮 極 道 德 也 . Tuan Yü-ts'ai's Comm. on the Shuo wên (1.c.), quoting the Po hu t'ung, writes: 教 令 窮 極 也.
74. 堯 猶 蕘 嶤 也 . The Shuo wên (13 下.79) explains yao 堯 as kao 高'high', which is also the explanation given in the Shang shu ta chuan, 1.c., which says: "Yao is high, abundant 饒, it means that he was eminent and exalted, brilliant and illustrious, and high and magnificent to the utmost" 言 其 隆 興 煥 炳 最 高 明 也 .
75. 舜 猶 舜 舜(此二字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”) . Ch'ên says that, as 舜(此字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”) , which is the same as 舛 ch'uan, has the meaning of 'to oppose, 'contrary', 'to lie in opposite directions', it is not fitting to explain the name of Shun therewith; he therefore supposes it to be an error for 信 hsin. Liu (72.3a) says that ch'uan-ch'uan, though having the meaning of 'mutually opposed' 相 背, also means 'mutually alike' 相 互. The Tz'ŭ hai ( 子.274) explains the expression ch'uan-ch'uan as 匹'to be a match to', and quotes, besides our Po hu t'ung passage, the 疊 雅 Tieh ya by Shih Mêng-lan 史 夢 蘭 (of the Ch'ing Dynasty) which says: "Ch'uan-ch'uan conveys the idea of 'mutually matching'; it means that [Shun] was on a par with Yao with respect to his excellent qualities" 舜舜(此二字應為 “人”字旁加 “舜”) 蓋 取 相 對 意 猶 言 與 堯 比 美 也. See also the Tz'ŭ t'ung, 1. 0102.
76. 言 能 推 信 堯 道 而 行 之 . Liu (72.3a) thinks that 推 is an error for 淮 'to take an example from'. In the Shang shu ta chuan (3.1b) the statement occurs: 舜 者 推 也 循 也 言 其 循 堯 緒 也 "Shun means t'ui 'to pursue', hsün 'to follow, continue'; it means that he continued the heritage of Yao". 信 hsin is probably to be read 循hsün.
77. Or more strictly Yü 禹 , T'ang 湯, and Wên 文 or Wu 武, with a preference for Wên; see the Fêng su t'ung i, 1.3b-4a, and Chiao Hsün's Comm. on the Mêng tzŭ, ch. 告 子 下(Mêng tzŭ chêng i, 12.34).
78. The quotation is from the 'Notes' 記 of ch. 士 冠 禮 of the I li (chu shu, 1.46a-b; C. 23; St. I. 16-17), not from the 經. The meaning is that, though the names of the caps were different under the three Dynasties, the material of which they were made was not changed 質 不 變 (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on the passage). The statement also occurs in ch. Chiao t'ê shêng of the Li chi (chu shu, 26.17b; C. I. 604); here as well as in the I li 三 王 共 皮 弁 is followed by 素 績"[while they wore also] white silk nether garments taken in at the middle" (see Comm. and Sub-comm. in I li chu shu, 1.16b-17a). It is odd that Couvreur translates the Li chi passage correctly as: "Sous ces trois dynasties, (le nom du bonnet de peau était different, mais) la forme restait toujours la même. Le vêtement inférieur était blanc et plissé à la ceinture", while the corresponding passage in the I li is translated: "Sous les trois premières dynasties, avec le p'î pién, on portait la longue tunique noire plissée". Legge translates the Li chi passage as: "The three dynasties all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of-white gathered up at the waist" (L. I. 438). Steele translates the I li passage as: "Under all three dynasties they used the white deer-skin cap and white surcingle" (St. I 17). For p'ien 弁, hsü 吁, and shou 收 see also ch. XLI: 紼 冕 of the Po hu t'ung.
79. The Y. ed. has 自 克 . Ch'ên emendates 自 見 .
80. 姓 . See note 248.
81. 大 禮 號 The Y. ed. has 禮. Lu drops .
82. The Y. ed. writes 不 顯 不 明 非 天 意 也 . Acc. to Liu (72.3a) the first 不 should be dropped. In the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (1.7b) the same statement occurs (with 志 instead of 意); the context shows that the beginning 不 is superfluous. Cf. note 247.
83. 所 以 預 自 表 克 于 前 也 . Ch'ên reads 見 instead of 克. The whole passage is an exposition of the doctrine of the 'change of institutions' 改 制, as it is advocated by the School of Kung-yang, of which Tung Chung-shu was the distinguished exponent. A lengthy treatise in ch. 楚 of the 莊 王 Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (1.6b-8a) gives it in a more detailed fashion, which can be summarized as follows: The Ch'un ch'iu, though approving conformity with the old and criticizing an aberration from the constant rules, yet emphasizes the doctrine that a new King must change the institutions of the previous Dynasty. This does not mean a change of the Way, neither is it a deviation from the right principles. It is a change of dynastic name; the change of ruler is not the assumption of kingship by continuing the Former Kings' institutions. If he followed the former institutions and maintained the old heritage without any change, it would not be different from one who assumes kingship by simple succession. But a King receiving a mandate is made illustrious by Heaven. A continuation of the things which should be replaced would mean that the lustre is not exhibited and the will of Heaven is opposed. Therefore the new King must move his abode, change the Dynasty's appellation, change the first month of the year, and choose a new colour for his clothes. To be continued are the great constant laws, as the relations between men, the ethical principles, the government's administration, education, the habits and customs of the people, and the meaning of words. Thus the King has the appearance of changing the institutions, but not the reality of changing the Way.-- See also Franke, Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas, p. 226, and Woo Kang, o.c., p. 136 ff. Cf. also ch. XXVII: 三 正 of the Po hu t'ung. The Y. ed. has after this paragraph two other passages which have no bearing on the preceding neither on the following sentences, and are, acc. to Lu, a later interpolation. The first reads: "Ti and wang are appellations of respect for him who possesses all under Heaven, to distinguish between abundant [and scanty virtue, and entitling them] to command their subjects" 帝 王 者 居 天 下 之 尊 號 也 所 以 差 優 號 令 臣 下. This gives in different wording the meaning of the beginning paragraph of this chapter. The second passage reads: "A posthumous name is the trace of one's conduct, by which one is distinguished for later generations and which shows [the dif- ference between] good and evil; it is handed down without cessation and without its own pushing power, the judgment being left to later ages. They all [are intended to] stimulate goodness, warn against evil, and make it clear to those who do not exert themselves" 諡 者 行 之 跡 也 所 以 別 于 後 代 著 者 善 惡 垂 無 窮 無 自 推 觀 施 後 世 皆 以 勸 善 著 戒 惡 明 不 勉 也. This gives in different wording the meaning of the first paragraph of the next chapter of the Po hu t'ung (III: 諡).
84. For the difference between clan-name 姓 and surname 氏, see M.H. I. 1. n. 3, and Haloun, o.c., 76-83.
85. So e.g. 姒 Ssŭ, the clan-name of the founder of the Hsia Dynasty was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of 扈 Hu, 斟 Chên, 尋(此字为 “尋” 加 “耳”字旁) Hsün, etc.; 子 Tzŭ, the clan-name of the founder of the Shang Dynasty, was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of 微 Wei, 箕 Chi, etc.; and 姬 Chi, the clan-name of the founder of the Chou Dynasty, was also that of the Lords of the feudal states of 魯 Lu, 衛 Wei, etc.
86. 夏 者 大 也 . So also in ch. 釋 詁 of the Erh ya (chu shu, 1.3a). See further Ching chi chuan ku, 583.
87. 殷 者 中 也 . So also in ch. 釋 言 of the Erh ya (chu shu, 2.1a).
88. The Y. ed. has after this the following sentence: 聞 也 見 也 謂 當 道 着 見 中 和 之 爲 也 , which is hardly comprehensible, and considered superfluous by Lu. It is left untranslated. Liu (72.3a) remarks: 道 著" expresses that it is continued by 聞 見; it is pronounced 道 that it may be heard 聞, it is shown 著 that it may be seen 見, the second 見 is an error for 其". Even then, the meaning has not become clearer.
89. . In ch. 泰 誓 of the Shu ching (Shang shu chu shu, 10.11a; L. 292) 周 in the sentence 雖 有 周 親 is explained by K'ung An-kuo as 至. The Shuo wên (2 上.42) explains 周 as 密. See further Ching chi chuan ku, 381.
90. Ode 236: 大 明(Mao shih chu shu, 23.23b; L. 435; K. 17.66). Ch'ên Huan (Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.84) interprets the second part of the stanza as: 'to make him great in Chou', but that would not fit in the context of the Po hu t'ung. Waley (262), connecting the quoted lines with the following, translates: "There came a command from Heaven, ordering this King Wên, to give the succession to a Lady Hsin as queen", which does not fit in the context either.
91. This quotation is not to be found in any of the three Commentaries of the Ch'un ch'iu. Probably it is an exposition of the doctrine of Kung-yang, like that which has been compared with the Ch'un ch'iu fan lu (see n. 247).
92. For the problem of cession 禪 讓 see the Ku shih pien, VII 下. 101-109. Acc. to the Shih chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) the Five Emperors had the same clan-name. The Wu ching i i (1250.12a) says on the contrary: "The Sages were all begotten by Heaven without [an earthyl] father". Usually the cession of thrones only refers to Yao and Shun, see ch. 萬 章 上 of the Books of Mencius (Mêng tzŭ chu shu, 9 5a; L. 361).
93. So says K'ung An-kuo, quoted by Ho Yen in his Comm. on ch. 泰 伯 of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.8b).
94. 唐 蕩 蕩 也 . Cf. 包 咸 ch. of the Lun yü (chu shu, 8.7b; L. 214), where the expression t'ang-t'ang occurs with reference to Yao, and is explained by Ho Yen, who quotes from Pao Hsien (6-65 A.D.) as 廣 遠 之 稱'a term denoting something vast and distant'. In ch. 正 說 of the Lun hêng (28.8a) we also read: 唐 之 为 言 蕩 蕩 也; Forke (I. 458) translates: "T'ang means majesty".
95. 虞 者 樂 也 . Yü 虞 is often used for 娛 yü, meaning 'joy'; anc. pron. of both *ngiwo/ngiu (Gr. Ser. 59g and h). For examples see further Ching chi chuan ku, 102.
96. 唐 虞 之 際 . Ch. 泰 伯(Lun yü chu shu, 8.8b; L. 214). Chi 際 means 'the joint of a wall, juncture, meeting-point'. Ho Yen's Comm. explains the statement as: 堯 舜 交 會 之 間 'the point where Yao and Shun join'. Li Pao-nan (Lun yü chêng i, 9.75) takes chi in the meaning of 下 or 後 'after', but there is hardly any need for it.
97. 曰 高 辛 . The Y. ed. omits 曰. Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, Wên 18 (Tso chuan chu shu, 20.17b) also says that Kao-hsin was the hao of Ti-k'u. Sung Chung 宋 衷 (Later Han Dynasty), quoted by Ssŭ-ma Chêng in his Comm. on the Shih chi (1.9a), says "Kao-hsin was the name of the country 地 名; it is used as 號; K'u was the ming "名.
98. 日 高 陽 . Tu Yü (o.c. 20.16b) also says that Kao-yang was the hao of Chuan-hsü. Sung Chung, quoted by Ssŭ-ma Chêng (Shih chi, 1.8a), says: "Chuan-hsü was the personal name 名 ; Kao-yang was his appellation 號, expressing his possession of all under Heaven". Hao 號 is here not to be taken in the technical sense of 'appellation' to distinguish it from 名 ming 'personal name' and 字 tzŭ 'style'. The words seem to be used indiscriminately, cf. Chang Yen 張 晏 (3d. cent. A.D.), quoted in the Comm. on the Shih chi, 1.8b, who says: "From Chuan-hsü the hao [denoting the possession] of all under Heaven followed the name ming of the country [from which the ruler came]. The names Kao-yang and Kao-hsin both elevate the name ming of their countries. Chuan-hsü and Ti-k'u both used their tzti as hao, because of the primitivity of the highest antiquity".
99. 有 天 下 號 曰 有 熊 . The Y. ed. omits 下, and writes 自 然 instead of 有 熊. Hsü Kuang 徐 廣 (352-425) in the Comm. on the Shih chi, 1.1a, also says that Huang-ti had as his hao, but Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien himself (1.6b; M.H. I. 34) refers to Huang-ti as a hao.
100. 有 熊 者 獨 宏 大 道 德 也 . The Y. ed. omits the first three words. 有is here explained by 獨. Chêng Hsüan's Comm. on ch.坊 記(Li chi chu shu, 51.24b) explains 有 in the sentence 父 母 在 不 敢 有 其 身 as meaning chuan 'special, exclusive', of which 獨 can be seen as a synonym. 熊 hsiung and 宏 hung are now rhyme-words, but their anc. pron. were respectively *gium/jiung, and *g'wεng/γwεng; Gr. Ser. 674a,887h).
101. 高 陽 者 陽 猶 明 也 . The Shuo wén (14 下.2) explains 陽 as 高 明 'high and bright'.
102. 高 辛 者 道 德 大 信 也. 辛 hsin and 信 are homonymns (anc. pron. of both *siĕ;n/siĕ;n; Gr. Ser. 382a, 384a). All the etymological explanations here given are, of course, only expressions of a playful mind. It is interesting to read how already Wang Ch'ung doubted their correctness. In the Lun hêng, ch.正 說 (28.8a ff.) he says (in Forke's translation, I. 458): "T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou are territorial names. Yao ascended the throne as marquis of T'ang (note: T'ang was situated in Pao-ting-fu, Chili), Shun rose to power from the Yü territory (n. in Shan-si). Yü came from Hsia (n. in K'aifêng-fu, Honan) and T'ang from Yin (n. a principality in Honan), when they began their brilliant careers. Wu wang relied on Chou (n. the kingdom of Chou in Shensi) to fight his battles. They all regarded the country, from which they had taken their origin, as their basis. Out of regard for their native land, which they never forgot, they used its name as their style, just as people have their surnames. The critics on the Shaking, however, assert that the dynastic names of the ruling emperors, such as T'ang, Yü, Hsia, Yin, and Chou, are expressive of their virtue and glory, and descriptive of their grandeur. T'ang means majesty, they say, Yü joy, Hsia greatness, Yin to flourish, and Chou to reach. Yao's majesty was such, that the people had no adequate name for it, Shun was the joy and the bliss of the world, Yü got the heritage of the two emperors, and once more established the majesty of the moral laws, so that the people had no adequate name for him. Under T'ang of the Yin morality flourished, and the glory and virtue of Wu wang of Chou reached everywhere. The scholars have found very nice meanings, indeed, and bestowed great praise on these five reigning houses, but they are in opposition to the real truth, and have misconceived the primary idea". The Shih chi (1.29b; M.H. I. 93) says that the Five Emperors from Huang-ti to Shun and Yü had the same clan-name (see n. 256), but were distinguished from each other by the names of their principalities. Chavannes locates, more accurately than Forke, these principalities as follows: Hsiung 熊 is the present district of Hsin-chêng 新 鄭, prefecture of K'ai-fêng, province of Honan (M.H. I, 93. n. 3); Kao-yang 高 陽is the present district of Ch'i 杞, pref. of K'ai-fêng, prov. of Honan (ib. 39, n. 3); Kao-hsin 高 辛 is in the present distr. of Shang-ch'iu 商 邱, pref. of Kuei-tê, prov. of Honan (ib.); T'ang 唐 or T'ao-t'ang 陶 唐(Yao had first been Lord of T'ao, which is the present distr. of Ting-t'ao 定 陶, pref. of Ts'ao-chou, prov. of Shantung) is the present distr. of T'ang, pref. of Paoting, prov. of Chih-li = Hopei (ib. 42, n. 1); Yü 虞 should have been in the present distr. of P'ing-lu 平 陸, pref. of Chieh 解, prov. of Shansi (ib. 52, n. 3).
103. 昆 吾 氏 大 彭 氏 ?韋 氏 齊 桓 公 晉 文 公 也 . There are two series of the Five Hegemons: the Five Hegemons of the Three Dynasties 三 代 之 五 霸, and the Five Hegemons of the Ch'un-ch'iu 春 秋 之 五 霸 (Ku Yen-wu, Jih chih lu, 4.37a; see also Legge's note in his Mencius translation, p. 435). This enumeration in the Po hu t'ung belongs to the first series, and also occurs in Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, Ch'êng 2 (Tso chuan chu shu, 25.17a), in Kao Yu's Comm. on the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu, ch. 先 己(3.6b), and in Yen Shih-ku's Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu (13.2a).
104. So also in Tu Yü's Comm. (l.c.), and in the Fêng su t'ung i (1.5a), which gives as its source the Ch'un ch'iu tso shih chuan. The wife of Lu-chung 陸 終 , a descendant of Chuan-hsü and son of the younger brother of Ch'ung-li who was Chu-jung (see n. 226), gave birth to six sons, of whom the eldest was K'un-wu, and the third P'êng-tsu 彭 祖. K'un-wu was pa under the Hsia (Chavannes translates: 'les descendants de Koen-ou'); at the time of Chieh 桀 his family was exterminated by T'ang. P'êng-tsu was pa under the Yin (Chavannes: 'les descendants de P'ong-tsou'); at the end of the Dynasty his family was exterminated (Shih chi, 40.2a-b; M.H. IV. 338-339). The Comm. of Wei Chao on the Kuo yü, ch. 鄭 語, takes K'un-wu as the second son of Lu- chung; his personal name was Fan 樊, his surname was Chi 己, while K'un-wu was the name of his fief. P'êng-tsu had Ta-p'êng 大 彭 as his fief (16.3a). Shih-wei was also of the clan of P'êng-tsu, enfeoffed in Shih-wei (ib.). Acc. to Chia K'uei the apanage of Shih-wei was suppressed under Wu-ting of the Yin, and given to the 劉 累 Liu Lei family (quoted by P'ei Yin in his Comm. on the Shih chi, 2.24a; cf. M.H. I. 168, n. 5; in the Shih chi the event is described as having taken place during the Hsia). The Fêng su t'ung i (l.c.), quoting the Tso chuan, says: "Under the Hsia, Ta-k'ang was addicted to pleasure and did not attend to his duties towards the people; the Feudal Lords fell into error; thereupon K'un-wu acted as Chief of the Federation and punished those who did not follow his commands, in order to have the Royal House respected; when the House of Yin declined, Ta-p'êng and Shih-wei continued this practise; this is what is meant by 'when the way of Kings declined the task of the pa became prominent' ".
105. 齊 桓 公 晉 文 公 秦 穆 公 楚 莊 王 吳 王 闔 閭 . This list, belonging to the series 春 秋 之 五 霸 , differs from the one usually given (see infra, n. 283). In ch. 王 霸 of the Hsün tzŭ (11.88) the same enumeration occurs, but instead of Duke Mu of Ch'in, King Kou Chien 句 踐 of Yüeh 越 is given. So also in ch. 當 染 of the Lü shih ch'un ch'iu (2.9a-b; Wi. 22-23). The regnal dates of these Hegemons are: Huan 658-643, Wên 635-628, Mu 659-621, Chuang 613-591, Ho Lü 514-496, Kou Chien 496-465.
106. 霸 者 伯 也 . The anc. pron. were respectively *păg/pa and *păk/ pek (Gr. Ser. 772b, 782i).
107. Fang-po 方 伯 'regional chiefs' are mentioned in ch. Wang chih of the Li chi (chu shu, 11.18a-b), where they are also referred to as 二 伯. Couvreur (C. I. 270) translates it by 'gouverneurs généraux'. Under King Wu of the Chou there were two regional chiefs: Chou-kung 周 公 for the eastern, Shao-kung for the western region (Chêng Hsüan's Comm. in Li chi, l.c., quoting the Kung yang chuan). The Kung yang chuan (chu shu, 3.5a), however, does not use the expression fang-po, but considers Chou-kung and Shaok-kung 召 公 as two of the san-kung 三 公, the third being for the inner administration.
108. 故 聖 人 與 非 明 王 之 法 不 張 . The reading is acc. to Lu; the Y. ed. reads 非 明 王 之 張 法. The Kung yang chuan, Hsi 28 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.16a) comments on the story in the Ch'un ch'iu which relates that 'the Duke of Lu paid a court-visit in the place where the King was' (namely at Chien-t'u 踐 土): "Why is it said that the Duke went to the capital? The Son of Heaven was here [at Chien-t'u]. If the Son of Heaven was here, why is it not said thus? It was not allowed [for a Feudal Lord] to cause the Son of Heaven to come 不 與 致 天 子". Ho Hsiu's Comm. says: "At this time Duke Wên of Chin was advanced in age; he feared that his authority of pa was not sufficient. Therefore he said to the Son of Heaven: the Feudal Lords cannot all be summoned; I wish that you, King, take your residence at Chien-t'u. To the Feudal Lords he said: The Son of Heaven is here; it is not meet not to pay him a visit. Thus by compulsion he caused the relation between Lord and subject to be restored. Although the laws of the enlightened Kings were not rightly observed, for that time it was condoned 明 王 法 雖 非 正 起 時 可 與". Cf. also n. 275. Ch'ên enumerates nine cases, where by some special entry in the Ch'un ch'iu a pa was 'saved his face' 諱 by the Sage (i.e. Confucius), in any case acc. to the doctrine of Kung-yang.
109. 霸 猶 迫 也 把 也 . The anc. pron. of 迫 po was *păk/ pak (Gr. Ser. 782k), and of 把 pa: *på/pa (ib. 39b).
110. Ch. 憲 問(Lun yü chu shu, 14.11b; L. 282). Duke Huan began his hegemony in 679 B.C. (Shih chi, 32.9a; M.H. IV. 50); Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien praises him for his good government (ib. 26b; M.H. IV. 87); Confucius says of him that he was 'upright and not crafty' (Lun yü chu shu, 14.9a; L. 281; this should refer to the attack of Ch'i on Ch'u in 656 B.C., because Ch'u did not send its tributes to the royal capital, and because of the mysterious disappearance of King Chao of Chou, cf. Shih chi, 32.10a-b; M.H. IV.53; Tso chuan, Hsi 4 (Tso chuan chu shu, 11.14a-b; L. 140)).
111. 公 朝 于 王 所 . Entry of Hsi 28. The Shih chi says that in 635 B.C. King Hsiang 襄 of Chou, implored the assistance of Duke Wên of Chin against the usurper Prince Tai 帶. who was afterwards killed. The King rewarded him with the title of pa. In 632 B.C. Duke Wên summoned King Hsiang, who went and resided at Ho-yang 河 陽 (distr. Mêng 孟, pref. Huai-ch'ing, prov. Honan) and Chien-t'u 踐 土 (distr. Yung-chê 容 澤, pref. K'ai-fêng, prov. Honan). The Feudal Lords paid court-visits to him there. The Ch'un ch'iu concealed these facts by saying that 'the King [appointed by the command] of Heaven on his tour of inspection was at Ho-yang' (4.30b; M.H. I. 294-295; the same story occurs in Shih chi, 39.25a-26b; M.H. IV. 303-305). Cf. also n. 272.
112. 於 是 知 晉 文 之 霸 也 . Lu's reading of the text, which in the Y. ed. has 时 instead of 知, and omits 也. Confucius' judgment on Wên of Chin is not favourable. He was 'crafty and not upright' (Lun yü chu shu, 14.9a; L. 281). The Shih chi is not so severe: "Duke Wên excercised a good government, bestowing favours on the people and rewarding those who had followed him in his exile; among the meritorious the great received towns as apanages, the small received honourable ranks" (39.21b; M.H. IV. 294). Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's opinion is that "Duke Wên was what the ancients would call an enlightened ruler" (ib., 39.40b; M.H. IV. 336).
113. Ch. 秦 誓(Shang shit chu shu, 19.16b; L. 630). See Orientalia Neer- landica, p. 463-465. The Ch'un ch'iu, acc. to Kung-yang, considers Duke Mu of Ch'in as a 'worthy' 賢, because he was able to repent 以 爲 能 變, i.e., after first having neglected the advice of his counsellors and as a consequence having suffered defeat, he later changed his attitude and acknowledged his fault (Kung yang chu shu, Wên 12, 14.5a; the sentence 春 秋 賢 穆 公 以 爲 能 變 也 also occurs in the Hsün tzŭ, ch. 大 略, 27.71). Cf. further n. 283.
114. 楚 勝 鄭 而 不 告 從 而 攻 之 The text in the Y. ed. (as well as in Lu's and Ch'en's) reads: . The story referred to is found in the Tso chuan, Hsüan 12 (Tso chuan chu shu, 23.2a-4a; L. 316; also abbreviated in Shih chi, 40.9b; M.H. IV. 355). The Po hu t'ung passage should be corrected after the Commentary of Kung-yang on the story (Kung yang chu shu, 16.10a-b), acc. to which 不 should be followed by 有 'have, keep [the territory]', 告 從 而 赦 之 should be read instead of 告 從 而 攻 之 .
115. Chin, on the pretext of relieving Chêng, attacked the army of Ch'u, after it had withdrawn from this country (see n. 278). Chin, however, was disastrously beaten, and the boats in which the soldiers tried to escape were filled with the cut fingers of those who in their despair had clung to the sides, but had been beaten off. King Chuang of Ch'u took compassion on the fugitives, and did not pursue them (Kung yang chu shu, Hsüan 12, 16. 11a-b). The story is also told at length in the Tso chuan (chu shu, 23.5a ff.; L. 316 ff.).
116. For the story see Kung yang chuan, Hsüan 15 (Kung yang chu shu, 16.14a-15b) and Han shih wai chuan, 2.1a-b. Cf. also Margouliès, Le Kou-wen chinois, 1-2. Sung 宋was a puny state compared with Ch'u and to raise the siege was an act of generosity on the part of Ch'u.
117. Chuang of Ch'u is highly praised in the Tso chuan for his excellent qualities. He "manifests kindness, carries out justice, perfects his government, times his undertakings, follows his statutes, and observes the rules of propriety admirably" 德 立 刑 行 政 成 事 時 典 從 禮 顺 (Tso chuan chu shu, 23.8a; L. 317).
118. The Kung yang chuan, Ting 4 (Kung yang chu shu, 25.19a ff.) relates that Chao 昭, Marquis of Ts'ai 蔡, was wearing a beautiful fur-coat when he paid a visit to Ch'u. Nang-wa 囊 瓦, Minister of Ch'u, coveted the coat, but Chao did not want to give it up. As a consequence he was detained in Nan-ying 南 郢, the capital of Ch'u, and only released after several years. Ts'ai now contemplated an attack on Ch'u, for which he ascertained the help of Wu, who was willing to give it on the ground that Ts'ai was in the right and Ch'u in the wrong. The story also occurs in the Shih chi (35.5a-b; M.H. IV. 159-160), where Nang-wa is called Tzŭ-ch'ang 子 常. The words used in the Po hu t'ung are actually those of the Kung yang chuan, where we read: 蔡 非 有 罪 也 楚 人 爲 無 道 君 如 有 憂 中 國 之 心 則 若 時 可 矣 於 是 興 師 而 救 蔡 "[One of the counsellors of Wu said:] Ts'ai is without guilt, the people of Ch'u are unprincipled. If you, my Lord, feel concerned for [the affairs of] the Middle State, then this is the time [to show it]. Thereupon Wu raised an army and went to the assistance of Ts'ai" (Kung yang cha shu, l.c.). The name of Ho-lü 闔 閭 is written 闔 廬 in the Kung yang chuan.
119. This list, also belonging to the series 春 秋 之 五 霸 , is also that given by Chao Ch'i 趙 岐 in his Comm. on ch. 告 子 下 of the Mêng tzŭ (chu shu, 12 下.la), and is also mentioned in the Fêng su t'ung i by Ying Shao (1.5a), who ascribes it to an opinion of the Ch'un ch'iu. Yen Shih-ku's Comm. on the Ch'ien han shu (14.1b) gives the same, only Fu-ch'ai 夫 差 of Wu 吳 is given instead of Chuang of Ch'u. For Mu of Ch'in Chao Ch'i writes 繆 instead of 穆. The Shih chi gives an explanation for the use of 繆. In the Biography of Mêng T'ien 蒙 恬 (88.4a) it is told that "anciently Duke Mu of Ch'in 秦 穆 公 had slain the Three Best Men [to be buried with him] at his death, and had Po-li Hsi 百 里 奚 impeached for a crime he had not committed; therefore he received the appellation of 繆 'he who has erred"' (cf. Bodde, Statesman, Patriot, and General in Ancient China, p. 59). The Three Best Men 三 良 were the three sons of Tzŭ-yü 子 輿 or Tzŭ-chü 子 車, namely Yen-hsi 奄 息, Chung-hang 仲 行, and Chên-hu 鍼 虎(Shih chi, 5.17b-18a; M.H. II. 45; cf. also Tso chuan chu shu, Wên 6, 18.8a; L. 244; and Ode 131: 黃 鳥, Mao shih chu shu, 11.19a). Both Shih chi (5.18a) and Tso chuan (chu shu, 18.8a) quote Confucius as having said that because of his wickedness it was proper that Duke Mu of Ch'in did not become Chief of the Confederation 盟 主(i.e. pa). Cf. n. 277.
120. In the Kung yang chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.1b) we have the account of the battle, which took place at the river Hung 泓 in the winter of 638 B.C. When the army of Ch'u was crossing the stream, Duke Hsiang was advised to attack, but he declined saying that a chün-tzŭ does not harass a man in his trouble. When the army of Ch'u had not yet been drawn up in battle array, Hsiang was again advised to sound the drum for the attack. Again he refused, because he would not assault an enemy who was not yet ready. As a consequence Sung suffered a great defeat (the story is also told, in more extensive form, in Tso chuan chu shu, 14.3b ff.; L. 183; in Shih chi, 38.12b; M.H. IV. 239; and, much shorter, in Ku liang chu shu, 9.5b). The text of the Y. ed. reads: 宋 襄 伐 齊 亂 齊 桓 公 不 擒 二 毛 不 鼓 不 成 烈 ; it should be corrected as follows: 宋 公 及 楚 人 戰 于 泓(which is the entry in the Ch'un ch'iu) 亂 齊 桓 公 should be read instead of the first four words, and should be dropped; 不 禽 二 毛 "he did not seize the grey-haired ones" occurs in the Tso chuan, but in a different context, and has nothing to do here; 烈 is to be read 列. The drum was used as a sign for the commencement of a battle, while a metal (gong) was used to end it (Ho Hsiu's Comm. on the Kung yang chuan, l.c., and Tu Yü's Comm. on the Tso chuan, chu shu, 14.5b).
121. Kung yang chuan, Hsi 22 (Kung yang chu shu, 12.2a), where the text reads: 亦 不 過 此 也 instead of 不 是 過. The reference is, acc. to Ho Hsiu's Comm., to King Wên's expedition against Hu 虎, Marquis of Ch'ung 崇. Hu was the sycophant of Chou, the last Sovereign of Yin, and through his calumnies King Wên, then Chief of the West 西 伯, was imprisoned, but soon afterwards released (Shih chi, 3.11b; 4.4b-5a; M.H. I. 202. 218). The Tso chuan, Hsi 19 (Tso chuan chu shu, 13.27b) continues the story: "King Wăn heard that the marquis of Ts'ung had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded his State; but after he had been in the field for 30 days, the marquis tendered no submission. Wăn therefore withdrew; and, after cultivating afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded Ts'ung, when the marquis made submission before he had quitted his entrenchments" (Legge's translation, L. 177). The expedition against Ch'ung is also described in Ode 241: 皇 矣 , stanzas 7 and 8 (Mao shih chu shu, 23.79b-81b; L. 454-455; K. 17.69). Acc. to this description it was rather a ruthless and bloody battle ("he smote the enemies, he killed them, he exterminated them, he annihilated them"), but the Shuo yüan, ch. 指 武 (15.11b) feels constrained to give a different picture: "In the expedition against Ch'ung [King Wên] commanded [his soldiers] not to kill people, not to destroy houses, not to fill up wells, not to hew down trees, not to take away the domestic animals; those who did not obey the command were put to death without pardon; the people of Ch'ung, hearing of it, begged to submit" (cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 5.109). To be worthy to be called pa seems, acc. to the Po hu t'ung, to depend on the virtue (in the ethical sense) of the Feudal Lord. Duke Hsiang of Sung (650-637) has never attained the actual position of pa, and Ku Yen-wu (Jih chih lu, 4.38a-b) on that account thinks it better to remove him from the list of Ch'un-ch'iu Hegemons, and to replace him by Kou Chien, who, acc. to the Shih chi (41.7a; M.H. IV. 431) was indeed made pa in 478 B.C., and was praised by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his worthiness ("he had the glory left him by Yü, his ancestor"; ib., 15a; M.H. IV. 448). Duke Hsiang of Sung is, however, also praised highly by Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien for his sense of goodness and justice, and for his observance of correct behaviour at a time when in the Middle State it was deplorably lacking (38.17b; M.H. IV. 248).
122. 褒 . The Y. ed. has 襄. Lu's correction.
123. As a rule the Feudal Lords are called 'Dukes', even if their ranks are lower, when the Ch'un ch'iu makes an entry of their funeral (Ho Hsiu in Kung yang chu shu, 1.13a); in the case of the Marquis of Ts'ai his original title 公 is written instead of 侯, which is, acc. to Ho Hsiu, a sign of depreciation, in which the Ch'un ch'iu only follows the expression used by the subjects of Ts'ai (Huan 17, Kung yang chu shu, 5.25b; cf. also Legge's note to par. 6 on page 68 of his Ch'un ch'iu translation).
124. Ho Hsiu in his Comm. on Yin 1. (Kung yang chu shu, 1.13a) says: "[The Marquis of] Lu is called kung 'Duke', because what his subjects wish is to denominate their lordly father with an honourable title. Kung is the highest of the five ranks. The King, knowing the desire of these subjects to exalt their Lords, allows them to call them kung".
125. 何 以 知 諸 侯 得 稱 公 . Lu's reading of the faulty text in the Y. ed.: 何 以 諸 侯 德 公.
126. 春 秋 曰 葬 齊 桓 公 齊 侯 也 . Lu's corrected reading of of the Y. ed., which only reads:齊 侯 桓 公. The entry is Hsi 18.
127. Ch. 秦 誓 (Shang shu chu shu, 19.13b; L. 626).
128. 覃 公 惟 私 . Ode 57: 碩 人 (Mao shih chu shu, 5.7 a; L. 95; K. 16.190; the Shih ching text reads:譚 公 維 私 ). See Orientalia Neerlandica, p. 461. T'an (also written ?(此字為 “覃”加 “耳”字旁) and 郯 , cf. Ch'ên Huan in Shih mao shih chuan shu, 2.26; Chung kuo ti ming ta tz'ŭ tien, 1355) was a small state in the southeast of the district of Li-ch'êng 歷 城 in present Shan-tung. It is identified with modern Ch'êlng-tzŭ-ai 城 子 崖, famous for the excavations carried out recently (see Waley, Book of Songs, 81, who refers to a study by Tung Tso-pin 董 作 賓 in Academia Sinica, Bulletin of the National Research Institute of History and Philology, Vol. IV. Part 2.159 ff.). The Ode celebrates the wedding of Chuang Chiang 莊 姜.
129. 葬 許 繆 公 . Hsi 4. The Y. ed. wrongly writes 皆 instead of 許. The Tso chuan and the Ku liang chuan have 穆 instead of 繆.
130. [中 離 維 鋼 揚 觸 ?(此字為 “木”字旁加 “困”) 復] 公 則 釋 獲 公 . Ch. 大 射 儀. of the I li, the 經 'proper text' (I li chu shu, 7.39a; C. 251; I have followed Steele's translation, St. I. 173). The Y. ed. omits 公 and writes 擇 instead of 釋. By 'Duke' is meant the Feudal Lord who was the host of the archery-meeting. The score was given him 'to distinguish the master' 優 君 (Chêng Hsüan's Comm., o.c., 39b).
131. Chêng Hsüan's table of contents of the I li says of ch. 大 射 儀, that it was held when a Feudal Lord was going to perform a sacrifice to the spirits; he had all his officers partake in the contest to observe their ritual behaviour (Mu lu, 6a). From among the competitors he chose the celebrants for the coming sacrifice (see also ch. 射 儀of the Li chi).
132. I.e. at a Great Archery Meeting, even when it is convened by an Earl, Viscount, or Baron, the host is called 'Duke'.
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