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4. 閔 公元 年
元 年,春,王 正 月。
齊 人 救 邢。
夏,六 月,辛 酉,葬 我 君 莊 公。
秋,八 月,公 及 齊 侯 盟 于 落 姑。
季 子 來 歸。
冬,齊 仲 孫 來。
左 傳 曰,元 年 春,不 書 即 位,亂 故 也。
狄 人 伐 邢,管 敬 仲 言 於 齊 侯 曰,戎 狄 豺 狼,不 可 厭 也,諸 夏
親 暱,不 可 棄 也,宴 安 酖 毒,不 可 懷 也,詩 云,豈 不 懷 歸,畏 此 簡 書,簡 書,同 惡 相 恤 之 謂 也,請 救 邢 以 從 簡
書。齊 人 救 邢。
夏,六 月,葬 莊 公。亂 故,是 以 緩。
秋,八 月,公 及 齊 侯 盟 于 落 姑。請 復 季 友 也,齊 侯 許 之,使 召
諸 陳,公 次 于 郎 以 待 之。季 子 來 歸。嘉 之 也。
冬,齊 仲 孫 湫 來 省 難,書 曰 仲 孫,亦 嘉 之 也。仲 孫 歸,曰,不 去
慶 父,魯 難 未 巳。公 曰,若 之 何 而 去 之。對 曰,難 不 巳,將 自 斃,君 其 待 之。公 曰,魯 可 取 乎。對 曰,不 可,猶 秉 周
禮,周 禮 所 以 本 也,臣 聞 之,國 將 亡,本 必 先 顛,而 後 枝 葉 從 之,魯 不 棄 周 禮,未 可 動 也,君 其 務 寕 魯 難 而 親
之,親 有 禮,因 重 固,閒 攜 貳,覆 昏 亂,霸 王 之 器 也。
晉 侯 作 二 軍,公 將 上 軍,大 子 申 生 將下 軍,趙 夙 御 戎,畢 萬
為 右,以 滅 耿,滅 霍,滅 魏。還 為 大 子 城 曲 沃,賜 趙 夙 耿,賜 畢 萬 魏,以 為 大 夫。士 蒍 曰,大 子 不 得 立 矣,分 之 都
城,而 位 以 卿,先 為 之 極,又 焉 得 立,不 如 逃 之,無 使 罪 至,為 吳 大 伯,不 亦 可 乎,猶 有 令 名,與 其 及 也,且 諺
曰,心 苟 無 瑕,何 恤 乎 無 家,天 若 祚 大 子,其 無 晉 乎。
卜 偃 曰,畢 萬 之 後,必 大,萬,盈 數 也,魏,大 名 也。以 是 始
賞,天 啟 之 矣,天 子 曰 兆 民,諸 侯 曰 萬 民,今 名 之 大,以 從 盈 數,其 必 有 衆。
初,畢 萬 筮 仕 於 晉,遇屯 之 比,辛 廖 占 之,曰,吉,屯 固 比 入,吉
孰 大 焉,其 必 蕃 昌,震 為 土,車 從 馬,足 居 之,兄 長 之,母 覆 之,衆 歸 之,六 體 不 易,合 而 能 固,安 而 能 殺,公 侯 之
卦 也。公 侯 之 子 孫,必 復 其 始。 二 年
二 年,春,王 正 月,齊 人 遷 陽。
夏,五 月,乙 酉,禘 于 莊 公。
秋,八 月,辛 丑,公 薨。
九 月,夫 人 姜 氏 孫 于 邾。
公 子 慶 父 出 奔 莒。
冬,齊 高 子 來 盟。
十 有 二 月,狄 入 衛。
鄭 棄 其 師。
左 傳 曰,二 年,春,虢 公 敗 犬 戎 于 渭 汭,舟 之 僑 曰,無 德 而
祿,殃 也,殃 將 至 矣。遂 奔 晉。
夏,吉 禘 于 莊 公。速 也。
初,公 傅 奪 卜 齮 田,公 不 禁,秋,八 月,辛 丑,共 仲 使 卜 齮 賊 公
于 武 闈。
成 季 以 僖 公 適 邾,共 仲 奔 莒,乃 入 立 之。以 賂 求 共 仲 于
莒,莒 人 歸 之,及 密,使 公 子 魚 請,不 許,哭 而 往。共 仲 曰,奚 斯 之 聲 也。乃 縊。
閔 公,哀 姜 之 娣,叔 姜 之 子 也,故 齊 人 立 之,共 仲 通 於 哀
姜,哀 姜 欲 立 之。 閔 公 之 死 也,哀 姜 與 知 之,故 孫 于 邾,齊 人 取 而 殺 之 于 夷,以 其 尸 歸,僖 公 請 而 葬
之。
成 季 之 將 生 也,桓 公 使 卜 楚 丘 之 父 卜 之,曰,男 也,其 名 曰
友,在 公 之 右,閒 于 兩 社,為 公 室 輔,季 氏 亡,則 魯 不 昌。又 筮 之,遇 大 有 之 乾,曰,同 復 于 父,敬 如 君 所。及 生,有
文 在 其 手,曰 友,遂 以 命 之。
冬,十 二 月,狄 人 伐 衛,衛 懿 公 好 鶴,鶴 有 乘 軒 者,將 戰,國
人 受 甲 者,皆 曰,使 鶴,鶴 實 有 祿 位,余 焉 能 戰。公 與 石 祁 子 玦,與 甯 莊 子 矢,使 守,曰,以 此 贊 國,擇 利 而 為
之。與 夫 人 繡 衣,曰,聽 於 二 子。渠 孔 御 戎,子 伯 為 右,黃 夷 前 驅,孔 嬰 齊 殿,及 狄 人 戰 于 熒 澤,衛 師 敗 績,遂 滅
衛。衛 侯 不 去 其 旗,是 以 甚 敗。狄 人 囚 史 華 龍 滑,與 禮 孔,以 逐 衛 人,二 人 曰,我 大 史 也,實 掌 其 祭,不 先,國 不
可 得 也。乃 先 之。至 則 告 守 曰,不 可 待 也。夜 與 國 人 出,狄 入 衛,遂 從 之,又 敗 諸 河。
初,惠 公 之 即 位 也,少,齊 人 使 昭 伯 烝 於 宣 姜,不 可,強
之。生 齊 子,戴 公,文 公,宋 桓 夫 人,許 穆 夫 人。文 公 為 衛 之 多 患 也,先 適 齊。及 敗,宋 桓 公 逆 諸 河,宵 濟,
衛 之 遺 民 男 女 七 百 有 三 十 人,益 之 以 共 滕 之 民,為 五
千 人,立 戴 公,以 廬 于 曹。許 穆 夫 人 賦 載 馳。齊 侯 使 公 子 無 虧,帥 車 三 百 乘,甲 士 三 千 人,以 戍 曹,歸 公 乘
馬,祭 服 五 稱,牛 羊 豕 雞 狗 皆 三 百,與 門 材,歸 夫 人 魚 軒,重 錦 三 十 兩。
鄭 人 惡 高 克,使 帥 師 次 于 河 上,久 而 弗 召,師 潰 而 歸,高
克 奔 陳,鄭 人 為 之 賦 清 人。
晉 侯 使 大 子 申 生 伐 東 山 臯 落 氏,里 克 諫 曰,大 子 奉 冢
祀 社 稷 之 粢 盛,以 朝 夕 視 君 膳 者 也,故 曰,冢 子,君 行 則 守,有 守 則 從,從 曰 撫 軍,守 曰 監 國,古 之 制 也。夫 帥
師,專 行 謀,誓 軍 旅,君 與 國 政 之 所 圖 也,非 大 子 之 事 也,師 在 制 命 而 已,稟 命 則 不 威,專 命 則 不 孝,故 君 之
嗣 適,不 可 以 帥 師,君 失 其 官,帥 師 不 威,將 焉 用 之,且 臣 聞 臯 落 氏 將 戰,君 其 舍 之。公 曰,寡 人 有 子,未 知 其
誰 立 焉。不 對 而 退,見 大 子,大 子 曰,吾 其 廢 乎。對 曰,告 之 以 臨 民,教 之 以 軍 旅,不 共 是 懼,何 故 廢 乎,且 子 懼
不 孝,無 懼 弗 得 立,脩 己 而 不 責 人,則 免 於 難。
大 子 帥 師,公 衣 之 偏 衣,佩 之 金 玦,狐 突 御 戎,先 友 為
右,梁 餘 子 養 御 罕 夷,先 丹 木 為 右,羊 舌 大 夫 為 尉。
先 友 曰,衣 身 之 偏,握 兵 之 要,在 此 行 也,子 其 勉 之,偏 躬
無 慝,兵 要 遠 災,親 以 無 災,又 何 患 焉。狐 突 歎 曰,時,事 之 徵 也,衣,身 之 章 也,佩,衷 之 旗 也,故 敬 其 事,則 命 以
始,服 其 身,則 衣 之 純,用 其 衷,則 佩 之 度,今 命 以 時 卒,閟 其 事 也,衣 之 尨 服,遠 其 躬 也,佩 以 金 玦,棄 其 衷
也,服 以 遠 之,時 以 閟 之,尨 涼 冬 殺,金 寒,玦 離,胡 可 恃 也,雖 欲 勉 之,狄 可 盡 乎。
梁 餘 子 養 曰,帥 師 者,受 命 於 廟,受 脤 於 社,有 常 服 矣,不
獲 而 尨,命 可 知 也,死 而 不 孝,不 如 逃 之。罕 夷 曰,尨 奇 無 常,金 玦 不 復,雖 復 何 為,君 有 心 矣。先 丹 木 曰,是 服
也,狂 夫 阻 之,曰,盡 敵 而 反,敵 可 盡 乎,雖 盡 敵,猶 有 內 讒,不 如 違 之,狐 突 欲 行,羊 舌 大 夫 曰,不 可,違 命 不
孝,棄 事 不 忠,雖 知 其 寒,惡 不 可 取,子 其 死 之。
大 子 將 戰,狐 突 諫 曰,不 可,昔 辛 伯 諗 周 桓 公 云,內 寵 並
后,外 寵 二 政,嬖 子 配 適,大 都 耦 國,亂 之 本 也,周 公 弗 從,故 及 於 難,今 亂 本 成 矣,立 可 必 乎,孝 而 安 民,子 其
圖 之,與 其 危 身 以 速 罪 也。
成 風 聞 成 季 之 繇,乃 事 之,而 屬 僖 公焉,故 成 季 立
之。
僖 之 元 年,齊 桓 公 遷 邢 于 夷 儀,二 年,封 衛 于 楚 丘,邢 遷
如 歸,衛 國 忘 亡。
衛 文 公 大 布 之 衣,大 帛 之 冠,務 材,訓 農,通 商,惠 工,敬
教,勸 學,授 方,任 能,元 年 革 車 三 十 乘,季 年 乃 三 百 乘。
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BOOK IV. DUKE MIN.I. First year.
1. It was [the duke's] first year, the
spring, the king's first month.
2. A body of men from Qi [went to] relieve
Xing.
3. In summer, in the sixth month, on Xinyou,
we buried our ruler, duke Zhuang.
4. In autumn, the duke made a covenant with
the marquis of Qi at Luogu.
5. The officer Ji came back to Lu.
6. In winter, Zhongsun of Qi came [to Lu].
COMMENTARY
Title of the Book.—閔公, 'Duke Min.' This was
a son of duke Zhuang, by a half-sister of the duchess Ai Jiang, one of the
ladies, who accompanied her from Qi to the harem of Lu in Zhuang's 24th
year, and who is generally mentioned as Shu Jiang (叔姜). He could only be,
therefore, about 8 years old at his father's death. Called to the marquisate in
consequence of the murder of his brother Ban, his own brief rule was closed in
as hapless a manner by a similar end. His name was Qifang (啟方). It appears in
the Historical Records as (開), because the emperor Jing (景帝) of the Han dynasty
was also named Qi (啟), and another Qi could not appear in a work then
published. The honorary title Min denotes-'Victim of calamity in the State
(在國逢難曰閔).'
Min's rule embraced the years B. C. 660,
659. His 1st year synchronized with the 16th of of king Hui (惠); the 25th of
Huan (桓) of Qi; the 16th of Xian (獻) of Jin; the 8th of Yi (懿) of Wey; the
14th of Mu (穆) of Cai; the 12th of Wen (文) of Zheng; the 1st of Ban, duke
Zhao (昭公班) of Cao; the 32d of Xuan (宣) of Chen; the 12th of Hui (惠) of
Qi; the 21st of Huan (桓) of Song; the 3rd of Cheng (成) of Qin; and the 11th
of Cheng (成) of Chu.
Par. 1. See on I.i.1; III.i.1. Zuoshi says
that the par. does not conclude with 即位, because the State was in
confusion.
Par. 2. The Zhuan has here:——'The Di had
invaded Xing. Guan Jingzhong [敬 was Guan Yiwu's hon. title] said to the marquis
of Qi, "The Di and Rong are wolves, to whom no indulgence should be given:
within the States of the Great land, all are nearly related, and none should be
abandoned; luxurious repose is a poison, which should not be cherished. The ode
says, 'Did we not long to return? But we were afraid of what was written in the
tablets [The Shi 詩, Part II. i. VIII.];' meaning that the States should
compassionate one another in calamities they were exposed to. I beg you to
succour Xing, in accordance with what is commanded in the tablets." On this a
force went from Qi to succour Xing.' 齊人 indicates that the marquis of Qi
did not go to Xing himself, nor send a great officer. It would have been better
if he had done so. See on V.i. 2.
Par. 3. This interment took place late,
'because,' says Zuoshi, 'of the troubles and confusion in the State.'
Parr. 4, 5. The Zhuan says:——'The duke
covenanted with the marquis of Qi at Luogu, and besought him to restore
Jiyou [who had fled to Chen. See the Zhuan on III. xxxii. 5]. The marquis
consented, and sent to call You from Chen, the duke halting at Lang to wait
for him.' On p. 5 Zuo says that the simple style Jizi, 'The Ji' or 'the
officer Ji,' indicates commendation.
The child-marquis must have had the meeting
with the marquis of Qi arranged for him, and the question has been much
discussed among the critics as to who suggested to him to request the return of
Jiyou. After all they have said, I think it may have proceeded from the boy
himself. The 列國志 gives a pretty account of his holding the marquis by the
skirt, and asking him to bring Jiyou back to save him from Qingfu. Guluo was
in Qi,—in pres. dis. of Pingyin (平陰), dep. Tai'an.
Par. 6. Zhongsun was an officer of Qi,—a
grandson of Zhong, himself a son of duke Xiang or duke Xi (仲孫,齊公子仲氏之孫). The two
characters are here used as another clan-name. His name was Jiao (湫). The
Zhuan says:——'In winter, Zhongsun Jiao of Qi came to investigate the
difficulties of our condition, and is here mentioned by his clan-name, in
commendation. On his return he said, "If Qingfu be not removed, the troubles
of Lu will not have an end." "But how shall he be removed?" asked the duke.
"Exciting troubles without ceasing," replied Jiao, "he will destroy himself.
You can wait for the issue." The duke said, "May we now take Lu to ourselves?"
Jiao answered, "No. Lu still holds fast to the rules of Zhou, and these are
a sure foundation for a State. I have heard the saying, that when a State is
about to perish its root must first be destroyed, and then the destruction of
the branches and leaves will follow. While Lu does not abandon the rules of
Zhou, it will not be possible to move it. Let it be the object of your grace to
quiet the troubles of Lu, and be friendly to it. To be friendly with States
that observe the rules of propriety; to help those that have in them the
elements of solidity and strength; to complete the separation of those that are
divided and disaffected; and to overthrow those that are full of disorder and
confusion:—these are the methods by which a prince with the functions of
president among the States proceeds."'
[The Zhuan here returns to the affairs of
Jin:——'The marquis of Jin formed two armies [See the Zhuan after III. xvi. 5)
taking the command of the 1st one himself, while his eldest son Shensheng
commanded the other. Zhao Su drove the marquis's chariot, and Bi Wan was
the spearman on his right. With these forces they extinguished the States of
Geng, Huo, and Wei (魏; see on the title of the Shi, I. ix.) and on the return
of the expedition the marquis walled Quwo for his son, gave Geng to Zhao
Su, and Wei to Bi Wan, constituting them great officers of Jin. Shi Wei
said to himself, "The marquis's eldest son will not get possession of the
State. He has been separately established in a capital city [See the Zhuan
appended to III. xxviii. 1], and had the dignity of a high minister [as leader
of the 2d army]. His greatness has already culminated;—how should he become
marquis in adition to this? He had better make his escape to some other State,
and not allow the charge of guilt to fall upon him. Might he not be satisfied
to play the part of Taibo of Wu [See on Ana. VIII. 1]? He will still have an
excellent fame: — how much better than to stay and let calamity come on him!
Moreover, the proverb says, 'If one's heart have no flaw, what need he regret
having no family?' If Heaven mean to confer dignity on our eldest prince, shall
there be no Jin for him?"
'The diviner Yan said, "The descendants of
Bi Wan are sure to become great. 萬 (10, 000) is the completion of numbers,
and Wei (魏 =lofty) is a grand name. That his rewards should commence with this
Wei is a proof that Heaven is opening up his way. With reference to the son of
Heaven we speak of 'the millions of the people;' with reference to the prince
of a State, of 'the myriads.' Since, in the case of Bi Wan, the grand name,
i.e., 魏, is followed by the complete number, it is plain that the multitudes
will belong to his posterity."
'At an earlier period, Bi Wan had
divined by the milfoil about his becoming an officer of Jin, and obtained the
diagram Zhun (䷂), and afterwards, by the manipulation, Bi (䷇). Xin Liao
interpreted it to be lucky. "Zhun," said he, "indicates Firmness, and Bi
indicates Entering; what could be more fortunate?—he must become numerous and
prosperous. Moreover, the symbol Zhen (☳; the lower part of Zhun) becomes that
for the earth (☷); the lower half of Bi.) Carriages and horses follow one
another; he has feet to stand on; an elder brother's lot; the protection of a
mother; and is the attraction of the multitudes. These six indications [arising
from the change of the lowest line in the diagram Zhun] will not change.
United, they indicate his firmness; in their repose, they indicate his
majesty:—the divination is that of a duke or a marquis. Himself the descendant
of a duke [Bi Wan was descended from one of the lords of Bi; but of the
early history of that principality we know nothing], his posterity shall return
to the original dignity."'] II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring,
in the king's first month, a force from Qi removed [the people of] Yang.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Yiyou,
[the duke] offered the fortunate di sacrifice on [placing the tablet of] duke
Zhuang [in the ancestral temple].
3. In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Xinchou, the duke died.
4. In the ninth month, [duke Zhuang's] wife,
the lady Jiang, withdrew to Zhu.
5. Duke [Huan's] son, Qingfu, fled to Ju.
6. In winter, the officer Gao of Qi came
and made a covenant.
7. In the twelfth month, the Di entered
[the capital of] Wey.
8. Zheng threw away its army.
COMMENTARY
Par. 1. Yang was a marquisate, held by some
branch of the House of Zhou. It is referred to the pres. dis. of Yishui (沂水)
dep. Yizhou. 遷,—see III. i. 8; x. 3. It is supposed that Qi removed the people
to the pres. dis. of Yidu (益都), near the seat of its own power. Whether duke
Huan altogether extinguished the House of Yang, or permitted it to continue its
sacrifices in its new site as an attached territory, we cannot tell.
[The Zhuan has here:——'In spring, the duke
of Guo defeated the Dog Rong at the bend of the Wei. Zhou Zhiqiao said,
"Success bestowed where there is no virtue is the prelude to calamity.
Calamities will soon come." On this he fled to Jin.']
Par. 2. The meaning of 禘 here is determined
by the 吉 which precedes it, though that term is used improperly. When the
period of mourning for a king or the prince of a State was completed,—a period
nominally of 3 years, but actually only of 25 months,—then his Spirit-tablet was
solemnly placed in the ancestral temple, the table of one of his ancestors
being removed, according to a certain prescribed order, to make room for it,
and there it would remain till, in process of time, it was in turn pushed out
by the tablet of some later king or prince:—see the Doctrine of the Mean, xix.
4. The whole service on these occasions was called 禘,and also 祫 the latter term
having reference to the sacrifice offered to all the Spirit-occupants of the
temple, the former to the discrimination of the order of kindred according to
which the new tablet received its place. 禘 is employed of other sacrificial
occasions, but they are not to be thought of here. But 25 months at least must
have elapsed from the death before the new tablet could be placed in the
temple, and duke Zhuang had now been dead only 22 months;—the service was
performed before the proper time. As Zuoshi says, it was too early 速也).
Par. 3. Again we have a case of base murder
spoken of as if it had been a natural death. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, the
duke's tutor had violently taken away some fields belonging to Bu Qi, the
duke not forbidding him. In the autumn, at this time, Gongzhong [i. e.,
Qingfu] employed Bu Qi to murder the duke at the Wu side-gate of the
palace.'
Par. 4. Comp. III. i. 2. The difference
between the two parr. is, that here the lady's surname (姜氏) is given, while
there it is suppressed. But we cannot account for the difference, and must
accept the entries as they came from the historiographers. Jia, Fu (賈,服), and
other critics, say that Ai Jiang has her surname given to her because she was
not so wicked as Wen Jiang! The reason of her withdrawal from Lu is plain.
Qingfu had now procured the death of two of Zhuang's sons, and had only
increased the general odium with which he was regarded. Ai Jiang and he were
living criminally together. She had probably been privy to the deaths of Ban
and duke Min. She was obliged to withdraw from the storm of popular
indignation. The reason of her going to Zhu was, perhaps, to make friends with
Jiyou, who had also taken refuge in that State. Here, as in other places,
Gongyang has 邾 婁 instead of 邾.
Par. 5. Qingfu also was obliged to flee
the State. The Zhuan says:——'Chengji, immediately on the duke's death, had gone
to Zhu, taking with him duke Zhuang's remaining son, who was afterwards duke
Xi; and when Gongzhong fled to Ju, he returned to the State, and raised this
son to the marquisate. He afterwards sent bribes to Ju, and requested the
delivery of Gongzhong. The people of Ju were sending him back; but when he got
to Me, he sent duke Huan's son, Yu, to beg for his life. The request was
refused, and Yu went back, weeping loudly as he went. When Gongzhong heard him,
he said, "It is the voice of Xisi [the name of the Gongzi Yu]," and hanged
himself.
'Duke Min was the son of Shu Jiang, a
sister of Ai Jiang, on which account the people of Qi had promoted his
appointment to be marquis. Gongzhong had been carrying on a criminal intrigue
with Ai Jiang, who wished him to get the State, and she had, with that view,
been privy to the death of Min. She had therefore withdrawn to Zhu, but an
officer of Qi took her, put her to death in Yi, and carried her body back with
him. Duke Xi requested that it might be given to him, and then buried her.'
[Here follow in the Zhuan some particulars
about Jiyou:——'Just before the birth of Chengji, duke Huan made the father of
Chuqiu, master of the diviners, consult the tortoise-shell, which he did,
saying, "It will be a boy, whose name shall be called You. His place will be at
the right of the duke, between the two altars of the land. He shall be a help
to the ducal House, and when the family of Ji shall perish, Lu will not
flourish." He also consulted the milfoil about the child, and obtained the
diagram Dayou (大有,䷍), and then Qian (乾,䷀); "He shall come back," said he, "to
the same distinction as his father. They shall reverence him as if he were in
their ruler's place." When the boy was born, there was a figure on his hand,
—that of the character You (友), and he was named accordingly!']
Par. 6. Gao is mentioned without name or
designation, but with a simple 子 after the clan-name, as in the case of Jizi.
1.5. The object of his coming to Lu was to help in the re-establishment of
order, and that he might be able to report about the character of the new
marquis. With him he made the covenant,—on behalf of Qi.
Par. 7. The ruin which the Di dealt on
Wey is related in the Zhuan:——'In the 12th month, the Di invaded Wey, the
marquis of which, duke Yi, was noted for his fondness for storks. So fond was he
of the creatures, that some of them were carried about in great officers'
carriages. When the time for fighting came, and the people received their
buff-coats, they all said, "Employ the storks. The storks truly have their
revenues and dignities;—how should we be able to fight?" The duke gave his
semicircle of jade to Shi Qi, and an arrow to Ning Zhuang, and appointed them
to guard the city, saying, "With these emblems of authority aid the State,
doing whatever you shall deem most advantageous." To his wife he gave his
embroidered robe, saying to her, "Listen to these two officers." He then
mounted his war-chariot, Qu Kong being charioteer, and Zibo the spearman
on the right. Huang Yi led the way in front with one body of men, and Kong
Yingqi brought up the rear. A battle was fought with the Di near the marsh
of Ying, when the army of Wey was shamefully defeated, and the State itself
might be said to be extinguished. The marquis would not leave his flag, which
made the defeat the greater. The Di made prisoners of the historiographers
Hua Longhua and Li Kong, and were carrying them with them in pursuit of the
fugitives, when they said, [working on the superstition of the Di], "We are
the grand historiographers. The sacrifices of the State are really in our
management; and if we do not go before you, the city cannot be taken." On this
they were allowed to go before the pursuers; and when they reached the wall,
they said to the officers who had been left to guard the city, "You must not
remain here." That same night, Shi and Ning left the city with the people; and
the Di entered it, and then pursued, inflicting another defeat on the
fugitives at the He.
'Before this, when duke Hui [Shuo of II.
xvi. 5, et al.] succeeded to Wey, he was young, and the people of Qi required
Zhaobo to form a connection with Xuan Jiang [See the Zhuan, on II. xvi. 5.
Xuan Jiang was Shuo's mother, and Zhaobo was a half-brother]; and when he
refused, they compelled him to do it. From this union there sprang Qizi,
Shen who was afterwards duke Dai, Hui who was afterwards duke Wen, the wife of
Huan of Song, and the wife of Mu of Xu [See on the Shi, I. iv. X.]. Hui had
gone to Qi, before the invasion of the Di, because of the many troubles of
Wey; and after their two defeats, duke Huan of Song met the fugitives at the
He, and carried them over the river at night.
'All that remained of the people of Wey,
men and women, only amounted to 730 men; and when to these were added the
people of Gong and Teng, the number was only 5,000. Shen, or duke Dai, was
raised to Yi's place, and lived in a hut in Cao, [another town of Wey]. On
this occasion the wife of Mu of Xu made the Zai Chi [載馳. The Shi, I.iv. ode
X.]. The marquis of Qi sent his eldest son, Wukui, with 300 chariots and
3,000 mailed men, to guard Cao. He also sent to the duke a team of 4 horses;
5 suits of sacrificial robes; oxen, sheep, pigs, fowls, and dogs, in all 300;
and materials for doors. He also sent to his wife a great officer's carriage
ornamented with seal-skin, and 30 pieces of fine embroidered silk.
The text says that 'the Di entered Wey;'
and the critics are divided on the amount of meaning in the term 'entered.' Fan
Ning thinks it is equivalent to 'extinguished.' Sun Jue thinks that, as we
afterward find Wey mentioned in the Chunqiu, the Di could not have taken
possession of the territory. The Zhuan shows that the entry of the Di into
the State, and their capture of its capital, were not followed by the
extinction of the State. See what has been said about on I. ii. 2.
Par. 8. The Zhuan says on this par.:——'The
earl of Zheng hated Gao Ke, and sent him with an army to the borders of the
He, where he remained stationed for a long time, without being recalled. The
troops dispersed, and returned to their homes. Gao Ke himself fled to
Chen; and the people of Zheng, with reference to the affair, made the Qing
Ren (The Shi, I. vii. ode V.).' Gao Ke was an officer of Zheng, covetous
and disrespectful to his ruler, who wanted to get rid of him, and took the
method described in the Zhuan to do so. 棄 其師, 'abandoned its army' i. e., sent
it away to the borders, and then took no more thought about it.
[Here follow four narratives in the
Zhuan:—1st. 'The marquis of Jin proposed sending his eldest son Shensheng to
invade the Gaoluo tribe of the eastern hills [in Shanxi], when Li Ke
remonstrated, saying, "It is the business of the eldest son to bear the vessels
of millet for the great sacrifices, and for those at the altars of the land and
the grain, and also to inspect the provisions cooked for the ruler every
morning and evening. On this account he is styled the 'great son.' When the
ruler goes abroad, he guards the capital; and if another be appointed to guard
it, he attends upon his father. When he attends upon him, he is called 'Soother
of the host;' when he stays behind on guard, he is called 'Inspector of the
State:'— this is the ancient rule. But to lead the army and determine its
movements and plans, issuing all commands to the troops:—this is what the ruler
and his chief minister have to provide for; it is not the business of the
eldest son. The conduct of an army all depends on the definite commands which
are given. If the son receive the commands of another, it is injurious to his
majesty; if he determines himself the commands, he is unfilial. For this reason
the ruler's proper son and heir ought not to have the command of the army. The
ruler fails to employ the right man in devolving the command on him; and if, as
commander, he lose the majesty which belongs to him, how can he afterwards be
employed? Your servant, moreover, has heard that the Gaoluos will fight.
Leave, I pray you, your son alone, and do not send him." The duke said, "I have
many sons, and I do not yet know whom I shall appoint my successor." And on
this Ke withdrew, without making any reply. When he saw the duke's eldest
son, the prince asked him whether he was to be disowned, and Ke replied, "Let
the people know how you can preside over them; and teach them their duties in
the army. Be only afraid of not reverently attending to these two things;—why
should you be disowned? As a son, moreover, you have to fear lest you should
not be filial; you have not to fear lest you should not be appointed to the
succession. Cultivate yourself, and do not be finding fault with others; so
shall you escape calamity."
'When his eldest son took the command of
the army, the duke gave him a robe of two colours, and his golden semicircle to
hang at his girdle. Hu Tu was his charioteer, and Xian You the spearman on
his right. Liang Yuziyang was charioteer to Han Yi [who led the 2d host], and
Xian Danmu was the spearman on his right. The great officer Yangshe acted as
adjutant.
'Xian You said, "It is only on this
expedition that he has worn this parti-coloured robe, and carried this important
symbol. Let him exert himself, and admit nothing evil in his own half of his
person. With his present power, he ought to keep calamity far away. Giving
himself no occasion for it, what has he to fear?' Hu Tu, however, sighed and
said, "The time is the proof of the thing; the garment is the distinction of
the person; the symbol is the manifestation of the feeling. Were there a real
interest in the expedition, the order for it would have come earlier; the robe
for his person would have been of one colour; and the proper feeling would have
given the proper symbol for the girdle. This parti-coloured robe shows a wish to
remove his person; this golden semicircle for the girdle shows the abandonment
of kindly feeling. The robe thus indicating a wish for the removal of the
person; the time shutting the prince up from success; the garment thin; the
winter killing; the metal cold; and the symbol the imperfect circle:—what is
there in these things to be trusted to? Although the prince may wish to do his
utmost, can the Di be utterly destroyed?"
'Liang Yuziyang said, 'The commander of
an army receives his commands in the ancestral temple, and the sacrificial
flesh at the altar of the land. He should wear the ordinary dress also; and
since the prince cannot do so, but has this parti-coloured robe, the nature of
the duke's command may be hence understood. Than that the prince should die for
being unfilial, it is better that he should make his escape." Han Yi said, "The
parti-coloured coat is strange and uncommon; the gold semicircle shows a wish
that he should not return;—though he do return, of what good will it be? The
duke has his mind made up." Xian Danmu said, "Even a madman would have his
doubts excited by this dress. The duke's command was, 'Destroy utterly the
enemy, and then return;' but can the enemy be utterly destroyed? Even if we
should make an end of the enemy, there are calumniators in the court;—we had
better abandon the expedition and go away." Hu Tu also wished to go; but the
great officer Yangshe said, "This is wrong. If the prince disobey his father's
command, he will be unfilial; if he abandon the business entrusted to him, he
will be unfaithful. Although he knows the cold feeling of his father, he must
not choose to do evil. Rather let him die in obedience."
'When the prince was about to fight. Hu
Tu remonstrated with him, saying, "Do not do so. Xin Bo gave counsel to duke
Huan of Zhou [See the 2d Zhuan, after II. xviii. 3] saying, The favourite of
the harem made equal to the queen; the favourites of the court made equal to
the ministers of the government; the son of a concubine made equal to the
legitimate son; and another great city made as large as the capital:—these are
the foundation of disorder." But the duke of Zhou would not listen to him, and
so came to his unfortunate end. The root of disorder is already formed in Jin.
Can your succession to the State be made sure? Be filial, and seek the repose
of the people;—lay your plans for this. It will be better than endangering your
person, and accelerating the imputation to you of guilt.'
2d. 'When Cheng Feng [the mother of duke
Xi. Feng was her surname, and Cheng her hon. title] heard the oracles
concerning Chengji, she honoured him [See the Zhuan introduced after par. 5]
and sought his guidance, entrusting also her son to him. This was the reason
why Ji secured the succession of duke Xi.'
3d. 'In the 1st year of Xi, duke Huan of
Qi removed the capital of Xing to Yiyi, and in his second established Wey in
Chuqiu. The people of Xing moved to their new seat as if they were going
home, and the State of Wey forgot its ruin.'
4th. 'Duke Wen of Wey, in garments of
coarse linen and a cap of coarse silk, laboured to improve his resources;
encouraged agriculture; promoted trade; treated the mechanics kindly;
reverently sought the moral instruction of the people; stimulated them to
learn; imposed nothing but what was right; and employed the able. The
consequence was that while his leather carriages in his first year were only
30, in his last year they amounted to 300.']
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