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12. 哀 公
1. 元 年，春，王 正 月，公 即 位。
2. 楚 子，陳 侯，隨 侯，許 男，圍 蔡。
3. 鼷 鼠 食 郊 牛，改 卜 牛。
4. 夏，四 月，辛 巳 郊。
5. 秋，齊 侯，衛 侯，伐 晉。
6. 冬，仲 孫 何 忌 帥 師 伐 邾。
左 傳 曰，元 年，春，楚 子 圍 蔡。報 柏 舉 也。里 而 栽，廣 丈 高 倍，夫 屯 晝 夜 九 日，如 子 西 之 素。蔡 人 男 女 以 辨，使 疆 於 江，汝 之 間 而 還。蔡 於 是 乎 請 遷 於 吳。
吳 王 夫 差 敗 越 於 夫 椒，報 檇 李 也。遂 入 越，越 子 以 甲 楯 五 千，保 於 會 稽，使 大 夫 種 因 吳 大 宰 嚭 以 行 成，吳 子 將 許 之。伍 員 曰，不 可，臣 聞 之，樹 德 莫 如 滋，去 疾 莫 如 盡，昔 有 過 澆 殺 斟 灌 以 伐 斟 鄩，滅 夏 后 相，后 緡 方 娠，逃 出 自 竇，歸 於 有 仍，生 少 康 焉，為 仍 牧 正，惎 澆 能 戒 之，澆 使 椒 求 之，逃 奔 有 虞，為 之 庖 正，以 除 其 害，虞 思 於 是 妻 之 以 二 姚，而 邑 諸 綸，有 田 一 成，有 衆 一 旅，能 布 其 德，而 兆 其 謀，以 收 夏 衆，撫 其 官 職，使 女 艾 諜 澆，使 季 杼 誘 豷，遂 滅 過 戈，復 禹 之 績，祀 夏 配 天，不 失 舊 物，今 吳 不 如 過，而 越 大 於 少 康，或 將 豐 之，不 亦 難 乎，勾 踐 能 親 而 務 施，施 不 失 人，親 不 棄 勞，與 我 同 壤，而 世 為 仇 讐，於 是 乎 克 而 弗 取，將 又 存 之，違 天 而 長 寇 讐，後 雖 悔 之，不 可 食 已，姬 之 衰 也，日 可 俟 也，介 在 蠻 夷，而 長 寇 讐，以 是 求 伯，必 不 行 矣。弗 聽。退 而 告 人 曰，越 十 年 生 聚，而 十 年 教 訓，二 十 年 之 外，吳 其 為 沼 乎。三 月，越 及 吳 平。吳 入 越 不 書，吳 不 告 慶，越 不 告 敗 也。
夏，四 月，齊 侯，衛 侯，救 邯 鄲，圍 五 鹿。
吳 之 入 楚 也，使 召 陳 懷 公，懷 公 朝 國 人 而 問 焉，曰，欲 與 楚 者 右，欲 與 吳 者 左。陳 人 從 田，無 田 從 黨，逢 滑 當 公 而 進，曰，臣 聞 國 之 興 也 以 福，其 亡 也 以 禍，今 吳 未 有 福，楚 未 有 禍，楚 未 可 棄，吳 未 可 從，而 晉 盟 主 也，若 以 晉 辭 吳，若 何。公 曰，國 勝 君 亡，非 禍 而 何。對 曰，國 之 有 是，多 矣，何 必 不 復，小 國 猶 復，况 大 國 乎，臣 聞 國 之 興 也，視 民 如 傷，是 其 福 也，其 亡 也，以 民 為 土 芥，是 其 禍 也，楚 雖 無 德，亦 不 艾 殺 其 民，吳 日 敝 於 兵，暴 骨 如 莽，而 未 見 德 焉，天 其 或 者 正 訓 楚 也，禍 之 適 吳，其 何 日 之 有。陳 侯 從 之。及 夫 差 克 越，乃 修 先 君 之 怨。秋，八 月，吳 侵 陳，修 舊 怨 也。
齊 侯，衛 侯，會 于 乾 侯，救 范 氏 也，師 及 齊 師，衛 孔 圉，鮮 虞 人，伐 晉，取 棘 蒲。
吳 師 在 陳，楚 大 夫 皆 懼，曰，闔 廬 惟 能 用 其 民，以 敗 我 於 柏 舉，今 聞 其 嗣 又 甚 焉，將 若 之 何。子 西 曰，二 三 子 恤 不 相 睦，無 患 吳 矣，昔 闔 廬 食 不 二 味，居 不 重 席，室 不 崇 壇，器 不 彤 鏤，宮 室 不觀，舟 車 不 飾，衣 服 財 用，擇 不 取 費，在 國，天 有 菑 癘，親 巡 其 孤 寡，而 共 其 乏 困，在 軍，熟 食 者 分，而 後 敢 食，其 所 嘗 者，卒 乘 與 焉。勤 恤 其 民，而 與 之 勞 逸，是 以 民 不 罷 勞，死 知 不 曠，吾 先 大 夫 子 常 易 之，所 以 敗 我 也，今 聞 夫 差，次 有 臺 榭 陂 池 焉，宿 有 妃 嬙 嬪 御 焉，一 日 之 行，所 欲 必 成，玩 好 必 從，珍 異 是 聚，觀 樂 是 務，視 民 如 讐，而 用 之 日 新，夫 先 自 敗 也 已，安 能 敗 我。
冬，十 一 月，晉 趙 鞅 伐 朝 歌。
1. 二 年，春，王 二 月，季 孫 斯，叔 孫 州 仇，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 伐 邾，取 漷 東 田，及 沂 西 田。
2. 癸 巳，叔 孫 州 仇，仲 孫 何 忌，及 邾 子，盟 于 句 繹。
3. 夏，四 月，丙 子，衛 侯 元 卒。
4. 滕 子 來 朝。
5. 晉 趙 鞅 帥 師，納 衛 世 子 蒯 聵 于 戚。
6. 秋，八 月，甲 戌，晉 趙 鞅 帥 師，及 鄭 罕 達 帥 師，戰 于 鐵，鄭 師 敗 績。
7. 冬，十 月，葬 衛 靈 公。
8. 十 有 一 月，蔡 遷 于 州 來。
9. 蔡 殺 其 大 夫 公 子 駟。
左 傳 曰，二 年，春，伐 邾。將 伐 絞，邾 人 愛 其 土，故 賂 以 漷 沂 之 田，而 受 盟。
初，衛 侯 遊 於 郊，子 南 僕，公 曰，余 無 子，將 立 女。不 對。他 日 又 謂 之，對 曰，郢 不 足 以 辱 社 稷，君 其 改 圖，君 夫 人 在 堂，三 揖 在 下，君 命 祇 辱。夏，衛 靈 公 卒。夫 人 曰，命 公 子 郢 為 大 子，君 命 也。對 曰，郢 異 於 他 子，且 君 沒 於 吾 手，若 有 之，郢 必 聞 之，且 亡 人 之 子 輒 在。乃 立 輒。
六 月，乙 酉，晉 趙 鞅 納 衛 大 子 于 戚。宵 迷，陽 虎 曰，右 河 而 南，必 至 焉。使 大 子 絻，八 人 衰 絰，偽 自 衛 逆 者，告 於 門，哭 而 入。遂 居 之。
秋，八 月，齊 人 輸 范 氏 粟，鄭 子 姚，子 般，送 之，士 吉 射 逆 之。趙 鞅 禦 之，遇 於 戚，陽 虎 曰，吾 車 少，以 兵 車 之 旆，與 罕，駟，兵 車，先 陳，罕，駟，自 後 隨 而 從 之，彼 見 吾 貌，必 有 懼 心，於 是 乎 會 之，必 大 敗 之。從 之。卜 戰，龜 焦，樂 丁 曰，詩 曰，爰 始 爰 謀，爰 契 我 龜，謀 協 以 故 兆，詢 可 也。簡 子 誓 曰，范 氏，中 行 氏，反 易 天 明，斬 艾 百 姓，欲 擅 晉 國，而 滅 其 君，寡 君 恃 鄭 而 保 焉，今 鄭 為 不 道，棄 君 助 臣，二 三 子 順 天 明，從 君 命，經 德 義，除 詬 恥，在 此 行 也，克 敵 者，上 大 夫 受 縣，下 大 夫 受 郡，士 田 十 萬，庶 人 工 商 遂，人 臣 隸 圉 免，志 父，無 罪，君 實 圖 之，若 其 有 罪，絞 縊 以 戮，桐 棺 三 寸，不 設 屬 辟，素 車 樸 馬，無 入 於兆，下 卿 之 罰 也。甲 戌，將 戰，郵 無 恤 御 簡 子，衛 大 子 為 右，登 鐵 上，望 見 鄭 師 衆，大 子 懼，自 投 於 車 下，子 良 授 大 子 綏，而 乘 之 曰，婦 人 也。簡 子 巡 列，曰，畢 萬，匹 夫 也，七 戰 皆 獲，有 馬 百 乘，死 於 牖 下，羣 子 勉 之，死 不 在 寇。繁 羽 御 趙 羅，宋 勇 為 右，羅 無 勇 麇 之，吏 詰 之，御 對 曰，痁 作 而 伏。衛 大 子 禱 曰，曾 孫 蒯 聵，敢 昭 告 皇 祖 文 王，烈 祖 康 叔，文 祖 襄 公，鄭 勝 亂 從，晉 午 在 難，不 能 治 亂，使 鞅 討 之，蒯 聵 不 敢 自 佚，備 持 矛 焉，敢 告 無 絕 筋，無 折 骨，無 面 傷，以 集 大 事，無 作 三 祖 羞，大 命 不 敢 請，佩 玉 不 敢 愛。鄭 人 擊 簡 子，，中 肩，斃 於 車 中，獲 其 蜂 旗，大 子 救 之 以 戈 鄭 師 北，獲 溫 大 夫 趙 羅，大 子 復 伐 之，鄭 師 大 敗，獲 齊 粟 千 車。趙 孟 喜 曰，可 矣。傅 傁 曰，雖 克 鄭，猶 有 知 在，憂 未 艾 也。初，周 人 與 范 氏 田，公 孫 尨 稅 焉，趙 氏 得 而 獻 之，吏 請 殺 之，趙 孟 曰，為 其 主 也，何 罪。止 而 與 之 田。及 鐵 之 戰，以 徒 五 百 人，宵 攻 鄭 師，取 蜂 旗 於 子 姚 之 幕 下，獻 曰，請 報 主 德。追 鄭 師，姚，般，公 孫 林，殿 而 射，前 列 多 死，趙 孟 曰，國 無 小。既 戰，簡 子 曰，吾 伏 弢 嘔 血，鼓 音 不 衰，今 日 我 上 也。大 子 曰，吾 救 主 於 車，退 敵 於 下，我 右 之 上 也。郵 良 曰，我 兩 靷 將 絕，吾 能 止 之，我 御 之 上 也。駕 而 乘 材，兩 靷 皆 絕。
吳 洩 庸 如 蔡 納 聘，而 稍 納 師，師 畢 入，衆 知 之，蔡 侯 告 大 夫，殺 公 子 駟 以 說，哭 而 遷 墓，冬，蔡 遷 於 州 來。
1. 三 年，春，齊 國 夏，衛 石 曼 姑，帥 師 圍 戚。
2. 夏，四 月，甲 午，地 震。
3. 五 月，辛 卯，桓 宮，僖 宮，災。
4. 季 孫 斯，叔 孫 州 仇，帥 師 城 啟 陽。
5. 宋 樂 髡 帥 師 伐 曹。
6. 秋，七 月，丙 子，季 孫 斯 卒。
7. 蔡 人 放 其 大 夫 公 孫 獵 于 吳。
8. 冬，十 月，癸 卯，秦 伯 卒。
9. 叔 孫 州 仇，仲 孫 何 忌，帥 師 圍 邾。
左 傳 曰，三 年，春，齊，衛，圍 戚，求 援 於 中 山。
夏，五 月，辛 卯，司 鐸 火，火 踰 公 宮，桓，僖，災。救 火 者 皆 曰 顧 府。南 宮 敬 叔 至，命 周 人 出 御 書，俟 於 宮，曰，庀 女，而 不 在，死。子 服 景 伯 至，命 宰 人 出 禮 書，以 待 命，命 不 共，有 常 刑，校 人 乘 馬，巾 車 脂 轄，百 官 官 備，府 庫 慎 守，官 人 肅 給，濟 濡 帷 幕，鬱 攸 從 之，蒙 茸 公 屋，自 大 廟 始，外 內 以 悛，助 所 不 給，有 不 用 命，則 有 常 刑，無 赦。公 父 文 伯 至，命 校 人 駕 乘 車。季 桓 子 至，御 公 立 於 象 魏 之 外，命 救 火 者，傷 人 則 止，財 可 為 也，命 藏 象 魏，曰，舊 章 不 可 亡 也。富 父 槐 至，曰，無 備 而 官 辦 者，猶 拾 瀋 也。於 是 乎 去 表 之 稁，道 還 公 宮。孔 子 在 陳，聞 火 曰，其 桓，僖，乎。
劉 氏，范 氏，世 為 婚 姻，萇 弘 事 劉 文 公，故 周 與 范 氏，趙 鞅 以 為 討。
六 月，癸 卯，周 人 殺 萇 弘。
秋，季 孫 有 疾，命 正 常 曰，無 死，南 孺 子 之 子，男 也，則 以 告 而 立 之，女 也，則 肥 也 可。季 孫 卒，康 子 即 位，既 葬，康 子 在 朝，南 氏 生 男，正 常 載 以 如 朝，告 曰，夫 子 有 遺 言，命 其 圉 臣 曰，南 氏 生 男，則 以 告 於 君 與 大 夫，而 立 之，今 生 矣，男 也，敢 告，遂 奔 衛。康 子 請 退。公 使 共 劉 視 之，則 或 殺 之 矣，乃 討 之，召 正 常，正 常 不 反。
冬，十 月，晉 趙 鞅 圍 朝 歌，師 於 其 南。荀 寅 伐 其 郛，使 其 徒 自 北 門 入，己 犯 師 而 出，癸 丑，奔 邯 鄲。十 一 月，趙 鞅 殺 士 皋 夷，惡 范 氏 也。
1. 四 年，春，王 二 月，庚 戌，盜 殺 蔡 侯 申。
2. 蔡 公 孫 辰 出 奔 吳。
3. 葬 秦 惠 公。
4. 宋 人 執 小 邾 子。
5. 夏，蔡 殺 其 大 夫 公 孫 姓，公 孫 霍。
6. 晉 人 執 戎 蠻 子 赤，歸 于 楚。
7. 城 西 郛。
8. 六 月，辛 丑，亳 社 災。
9. 秋，八 月，甲 寅，滕 子 結 卒。
10. 冬，十 有 二 月，葬 蔡 昭 公。
11. 葬 滕 頃 公。
左 傳 曰，四 年，春，蔡 昭 侯 將 如 吳，諸 大 夫 恐 其 又 遷 也，承，公 孫 翩 逐 而 射 之。入 於 家 人 而 卒。以 兩 矢 門 之，衆 莫 敢 進，文 之 鍇 後 至，曰，如 牆 而 進，多 而 殺 二 人。鍇 執 弓 而 先，翩 射 之，中 肘，鍇 遂 殺 之，故 逐 公 孫 辰，而 殺 公 孫 姓，公 孫 盱。
夏，楚 人 既 克 夷 虎，乃 謀 北 方，左 司 馬 販，申 公 壽 餘，葉 公 諸 梁，致 蔡 於 負 函，致 方 城 之 外 於 繒 關，曰，吳 將 泝 江 入 郢，將 奔 命 焉。為 一 昔 之 期，襲 梁 及 霍。單 浮 餘 圍 蠻 氏，蠻 氏 潰，蠻 子 赤 奔 晉 陰 地。司 馬 起 豐 析 與 狄 戎，以 臨 上 雒，左 師 軍 於 菟 和，右 師 軍 於 倉 野，使 謂 陰 地 之 命 大 夫 士 蔑，曰，晉，楚，有 盟，好 惡 同 之，若 將 不 廢，寡 君 之 願 也，不 然，將 通 於 少，習 以 聽 命。士 蔑 請 諸 趙 孟，趙 孟 曰，晉 國 未 寕，安 能 惡 於 楚，必 速 與 之。士 蔑 乃 致 九 州 之 戎，將 裂 田 以 與 蠻 子 而 城 之，且 將 為 之 卜，蠻 子 聽 卜，遂 執 之，與 其 五 大 夫，以 畀 楚 師 於 三 戶。司 馬 致 邑 立 宗 焉，以 誘 其 遺 民，而 盡 俘 以 歸。
秋，七 月，齊 陳 乞，弦 施，衛 甯 跪，救 范 氏，庚 午，圍 五 鹿。九 月，趙 鞅 圍 邯 鄲，冬，十 一 月，邯 鄲 降，荀 寅 奔 鮮 虞，趙 稷 奔 臨，十 二 月，弦 施 逆 之，遂 墮 臨。國 夏 伐 晉，取 邢，任，欒，鄗，逆 畤，陰 人，盂，壺 口，會 鮮 虞，納 荀 寅 於 柏 人。
1. 五 年，春，城 毗。
2. 夏，齊 侯 伐 宋。
3. 晉 趙 鞅 帥 師 伐 衛。
4. 秋，九 月，癸 酉，齊 侯 杵 臼 卒。
5. 冬，叔 還 如 齊。
6. 閏 月，葬 齊 景 公。
左 傳 曰，五 年，春，晉 圍 柏 人，荀 寅，士 吉 射，奔 齊。初，范 氏 之 臣 王 生 惡 張 柳 朔，言 諸 昭 子，使 為 柏 人。昭 子 曰，夫 非 而 讐 乎。對 曰，私 讐 不 及，公 好 不 廢，過 惡 不 去 善，義 之 經 也，臣 敢 違 之，及 范 氏 出，張 柳 朔 謂 其 子，爾 從 主，勉 之，我 將 止 死，主 生 授 我 矣，吾 不 可 以 僭 之。遂 死 於 柏 人。夏，趙 鞅 伐 衛，范 氏 之 故 也，遂 圍 中 牟。
齊 燕 姬 生 子，不 成 而 死，諸 子 鬻 姒 之 子 荼，嬖，諸 大 夫 恐 其 為 大 子 也，言 於 公 曰，君 之 齒 長 矣，未 有 大 子，若 之 何。公 曰，二 三 子，間 於 憂 虞，則 有 疾 疢，亦 姑 謀 樂，何 憂 於 無 君。公 疾，使 國 惠 子，高 昭 子，立 荼，寘 羣 公 子 於 萊。秋，齊 景 公 卒。冬，十 月，公 子 嘉，公 子 駒，公 子 黔，奔 衛。公 子 鉏，公 子 陽 生，來 奔。萊 人 歌 之 曰，景 公 死 乎，不 與 埋，三 軍 之 事 乎，不 與 謀，師 乎 師 乎，何 黨 之 乎。
鄭 駟 秦 富 而 侈，嬖 大 夫 也，而 常 陳 卿 之 車 服 於 其 庭，鄭 人 惡 而 殺 之，子 思 曰，詩 曰，不 解 於 位，民 之 攸 塈，不 守 其 位，而 能 久 者，鮮 矣，商 頌 曰，不 僭 不 濫，不 敢 怠 皇，命 以 多 福。
1. 六 年，春，城 邾 瑕。
2. 晉 趙 鞅 帥 師 伐 鮮 虞。
3. 吳 伐 陳。
4. 夏，齊 國 夏，及 高 張，來 奔
5. 叔 還 會 吳 于 柤。。
6. 秋，七 月，庚 寅，楚 子 軫 卒。
7. 齊 陽 生 入 于 齊。
8. 齊 陳 乞 弒 其 君 荼。
9. 冬，仲 孫 何 忌 帥 師 伐 邾。
10. 宋 向 巢 帥 師 伐 曹。
左 傳 曰，六 年，春，晉 伐 鮮 虞。治 范 氏 之 亂 也。
吳 伐 陳。復 修 舊 怨 也。楚 子 曰，吾 先 君 與 陳 有 盟，不 可 以 不 救。乃 救 陳，師 於 城 父。
齊 陳 乞 偽 事 高，國 者，每 朝，必 驂 乘 焉，所 從，必 言 諸 大 夫，曰，彼 皆 偃 蹇，將 棄 子 之 命，皆 曰，高 國，得 君，必 偪 我，盍 去 諸，固 將 謀 子，子 早 圖 之，圖 之，莫 如 盡 滅 之，需，事 之 下 也。及 朝，則 曰，彼 虎 狼 也，見 我 在 子 之 側，殺 我 無 日 矣，請 就 之 位。又 謂 諸 大 夫 曰，二 子 者 禍 矣，恃 得 君 而 欲 謀 二 三 子，曰，國 之 多 難，貴 寵 之 由，盡 去 之 而 後 君 定，既 成 謀 矣，盍 及 其 未 作 也，先 諸 作 而 後 悔，亦 無 及 也。大 夫 從 之。夏，六 月，戌 辰，陳 乞，鮑 牧，及 諸 大 夫，以 甲 入 於 公 宮，昭 子 聞 之，與 惠 子，乘 如，公 戰 於 莊，敗，國 人 追 之，國 夏 奔 莒，遂 及 高 張，晏 圉，弦 施，來 奔。
秋，七 月，楚 子 在 城 父，將 救 陳，卜 戰 不 吉，卜 退 不 吉，王 曰，然 則 死 也，再 敗 楚 師，不 如 死，棄 盟 逃 讐，亦 不 如 死，死 一 也，其 死 讐 乎，命 公 子 申 為 王，不 可，則 命 公 子 結，亦 不 可，則 命 公 子 啟，五 辭 而 後 許。將 戰，王 有 疾，庚 寅，昭 王 攻 大 冥，卒 於 城 父。子 閭 退 曰，君 王 舍 其 子 而 讓 羣 臣，敢 忘 君 乎，從 君 之 命，順 也，立 君 之 子，亦 順 也，二 順 不 可 失 也。與 子 西，子 期，謀 潛 師 閉 塗，逆 越 女 之 子 章，立 之 而 後 還。是 歲 也，有 雲 如 衆 赤 鳥，夾 日 以 飛，三 日，楚 子 使 問 諸 周 大 史，周 大 史 曰，其 當 王 身 乎，若 禜 之，可 移 於 令 尹，司 馬。王 曰，除 腹 心 之 疾，而 寘 諸 股 肱，何 益，不 穀 不 有 大 過，天 其 夭 諸，有 罪 受 罰，又 焉 移 之。遂 弗 禜。初，昭 王 有 疾，卜 曰，河 為 祟，王 弗 祭，大 夫 請 祭 諸 郊，王 曰，三 代 命 祀，祭 不 越 望，江，漢，雎，漳，楚 之 望 也，禍 福 之 至，不 是 過 也，不 穀 雖 不 德，河 非 所 獲 罪 也。遂 弗 祭，孔 子 曰，楚 昭 王 知 大 道 矣，其 不 失 國 也，宜 哉，夏 書 曰，惟 彼 陶 唐，帥 彼 天 常，有 此 冀 方，今 失 其 行，亂 其 紀 綱，乃 滅 而 亡，又 曰，允 出 玆 在 玆，由 己 率 常 可 矣。
八 月，齊 邴 意 玆 來 奔。
陳 僖 子 使 召 公 子 陽 生。陽 生 駕 而 見 南 郭 且 于，曰，嘗 獻 馬 於 季 孫，不 入 於 上 乘，故 又 獻 此，請 與 子 乘 之。出 萊 門 而 告 之 故，闞 止 知 之，先 待 諸 外。公 子 曰，事 未 可 知，反 與 壬 也 處。戒 之，遂 行，逮 夜 至 於 齊，國 人 知 之，僖 子 使 子 士 之 母 養 之，與 饋 者 皆 入。冬，十 月，丁 卯，立 之。將 盟，鮑 子 醉 而 往，其 臣 差 車 鮑 點，曰，此 誰 之 命 也。陳 子 曰，受 命 於 鮑 子。遂 誣 鮑 子 曰，子 之 命 也。鮑 子 曰，女 忘 君 之 為 孺 子 牛，而 折 其 齒 乎，而 背 之 也。悼 公 稽 首 曰，吾 子，奉 義 而 行 者 也，若 我 可，不 必 亡 一 大 夫，若 我 不 可，不 必 亡 一 公 子，義 則 進，否 則 退，敢 不 唯 子 是 從，廢 興 無 以 亂，則 所 願 也。鮑 子 曰，誰 非 君 之 子。乃 受 盟。使 胡 姬 以 安 孺 子 如 賴，去 鬻 姒，殺 王 甲，拘 江 說，囚 王 豹 於 句 竇 之 丘。公 使 朱 毛 告 於 陳 子 曰，微 子 則 不 及 此，然 君 異 於 器，不 可 以 二，器 二 不 匱，君 二 多 難，敢 布 諸 大 夫。僖 子 不 對 而 泣，曰，君 舉 不 信 羣 臣 乎，以 齊 國 之 困，困 又 有 憂，少 君 不 可 以 訪，是 以 求 長 君，庶 亦 能 容羣 臣 乎，不 然，夫 孺 子 何 罪。毛 復 命，公 悔 之，毛 曰，君 大 訪 於 陳 子，而 圖 其 小，可 也。使 毛 遷 孺 子 於 駘。不 至，殺 諸 野 幕 之 下，葬 諸 殳 冒 淳。
1. 七 年，春，宋 皇 瑗 帥 師 侵 鄭。
2. 晉 魏 曼 多 帥 師 侵 衛。
3. 夏，公 會 吳 于 鄫。
4. 秋，公 伐 邾，八 月，己 酉，入 邾，以 邾 子 益 來。
5. 宋 人 圍 曹。
6. 冬，鄭 駟 弘 帥 師 救 曹。
左 傳 曰，七 年，春，宋 師 侵 鄭。鄭 叛 晉 故 也。
晉 師 侵 衛。衛 不 服 也。
夏，公 會 吳 于 鄫。吳 來 徵 百 牢，子 服 景 伯 對 曰，先 王 未 之 有 也。 人 曰，宋 百 牢 我，魯 不 可 以 後 宋，且 魯 牢 晉 大 夫 過 十，吳 王 百 牢，不 亦 可 乎，景 伯 曰，晉 范 鞅 貪 而 棄 禮，以 大 國 懼 敝 邑，故 敝 邑 十 一 牢 之，君 若 以 禮 命 於 諸 侯，則 有 數 矣，若 亦 棄 禮，則 有 淫 者 矣，周 之 王 也，制 禮 上 物，不 過 十 二，以 為 天 之 大 數 也，今 棄 周 禮，而 曰 必 百 牢，亦 唯 執 事。吳 人 弗 聽，景 伯 曰，吳 將 亡 矣，棄 天 而 背 本，不 與，必 棄 疾 於 我。乃 與 之。大 宰 嚭 召 季 康 子，康 子 使 子 貢 辭，大 宰 嚭 曰，國 君 道 長，而 大 夫 不 出 門，此 何 禮 也。對 曰，豈 以 為 禮，畏 大 國 也，大 國 不 以 禮，命 於 諸 侯，苟 不 以 禮，豈 可 量 也，寡 君 既 共 命 焉，其 老 豈 敢 棄 其 國，大 伯 端 委 以 治 周 禮，仲 雍 嗣 之，斷 髮 文 身，臝 以 為 飾，豈 禮 也 哉，有 由 然 也。反 自 鄫，以 吳 為 無 能 為 也。
季 康 子 欲 伐 邾，乃 饗 大 夫 以 謀 之，子 服 景 伯 曰，小 所 以 事 大，信 也，大 所 以 保 小，仁 也，背 大 國 不 信，伐 小 國 不 仁，民 保 於 城，城 保 於 德，失 二 德 者，危 將 焉 保，孟 孫 曰，二 三 子 以 為 何 如，惡 賢 而 逆 之，對 曰，禹 合 諸 侯 於 塗 山，執 玉 帛 者 萬 國，今 其 存 者，無 數 十 焉，唯 大 不 字 小，小 不 事 大 也，知 必 危，何 故 不 言。魯 德 如 邾，而 以 衆 加 之，可 乎。不 樂 而 出。秋 伐 邾，及 范 門，猶 聞 鍾 聲，大 夫 諫，不 聽，茅 成 子 請 告 於 吳，不 許，曰，魯 擊 柝 聞 於 邾，吳 二 千 里，不 三 月 不 至，何 及 於 我，且 國 內 豈 不 足。成 子 以 茅 叛。師 遂 入 邾，處 其 公 宮，衆 師 晝 掠，邾 衆 保 於 繹，師 宵 掠，以 邾 子 益 來，獻 於 亳 社，囚 諸 負 瑕，負 瑕 故 有 繹。邾 茅 夷 鴻 以 束 帛 乘 韋，自 請 救 於 吳，曰，魯 弱 晉 而 遠 吳，馮 恃 其 衆 而 背 君 之 盟，辟 君 之 執 事，以 陵 我 小 國，邾 非 敢 自 愛 也，懼 君 威 之 不 立，君 威 之 不 立，小 國 之 憂 也，若 夏 盟 於 鄫 衍，秋 而 背 之，成 求 而 不 違，四 方 諸 侯，其 何 以 事 君，且 魯 賦 八 百 乘，君 之 貳 也，邾 賦 六 百 乘，君 之 私 也，以 私 奉 貳，唯 君 圖 之。吳 子 從 之。
宋 人 圍 曹，鄭 桓 子 思 曰，宋 人 有 曹，鄭 之 患 也，不 可 以 不 救。冬，鄭 師 救 曹，侵 宋。初，曹 人 或 夢 衆 君 子 立 於 社 宮，而 謀 亡 曹，曹 叔 振 鐸 請 待 公 孫 彊。許 之。旦 而 求 之 曹，無 之，戒 其 子 曰，我 死，爾 聞 公 孫 彊 為 政，必 去 之。及 曹 伯 陽 即 位。好 田 弋，曹 鄙 人 公 孫 彊 好 弋，獲 白 鴈，獻 之，且 言 田 弋 之 說。說 之，因 訪 政 事，大 說 之，有 寵，使 為 司 城 以 聽 政。夢 者 之 子 乃 行。彊 言 霸 說 於 曹 伯，曹 伯 從 之，乃 背 晉 而 奸 宋，宋 人 伐 之，晉 人 不 救，築 五 邑 於 其 郊，曰，黍 丘，揖 丘，大 城，鐘 ，邘。
1. 八 年，春，王 正 月，宋 公 入 曹，以 曹 伯 陽 歸。
2. 吳 伐 我。
3. 夏，齊 人 取 讙 及 闡。
4. 歸 邾 子 益 于 邾。
5. 秋，七 月。
6. 冬，十 有 二 月，癸 亥，杞 伯 過 卒。
7. 齊 人 歸 讙 及 闡。
左 傳 曰，八 年，春，宋 公 伐 曹，將 還，褚 師 子 肥 殿，曹 人 詬 之。不 行，師 待 之，公 聞 之，怒，命 反 之，遂 滅 曹，執 曹 伯，及 司 城 彊 以 歸，殺 之。
吳 為 邾 故，將 伐 魯，問 於 叔 孫 輒。叔 孫 輒 對 曰，魯 有 名 而 無 情，伐 之 必 得 志 焉。退 而 告 公 山 不 狃，公 山 不 狃 曰，非 禮 也，君 子 違，不 適 讐 國 未 臣 而 有 伐 之，奔 命 焉，死 之 可 也，所 託 也 則 隱，且 夫 人 之 行 也，不 以 所 惡 廢 鄉，今 子 以 小 惡，而 欲 覆 宗 國，不 亦 難 乎，若 使 子 率，子 必 辭，王 將 使 我。子 張 病 之。王 問 於 子 洩，對 曰，魯 雖 無 與 立，必 有 與 斃，諸 侯 將 救 之，未 可 以 得 志 焉，晉 與 齊，楚，輔 之，是 四 讐 也，夫 魯，齊 晉 之 脣，脣 亡 齒 寒，君 所 知 也，不 救 何 為。三 月，吳 伐 我，子 洩 率，故 道 險，從 武 城。初 武 城 人 或 有 因 於 吳 竟 田 焉，拘 鄫 人 之 漚 菅 者，曰，何 故 使 吾 水 滋，及 吳 師 至，拘 者 道 之 以 伐 武 城，克 之，王 犯 嘗 為 之 宰，澹 臺 子 羽 之 父 好 焉，國 人 懼，懿 子 謂 景 伯 若 之 何，對 曰，吳 師 來，斯 與 之 戰，何 患 焉，且 召 之 而 至，又 何 求 焉。吳 師 克 東 陽 而 進，舍 於 五 梧，明 日 舍 於 蠶 室。公 賓 庚，公 甲 叔 子，與 戰 於 夷，獲 叔 子 與 析 朱 鉏，獻 於 王，王 曰，此 同 車，必 使 能，國 未 可 望 也。明 日 舍 於 庚 宗，遂 次 於 泗 上。微 虎 欲 宵 攻 王 舍，私 屬 徒 七 百 人，三 踊 於 幕 庭，卒 三 百 人，有 若 與 焉，及 稷 門 之 內，或 謂 季 孫 曰，不 足 以 害 吳，而 多 殺 國 士，不 如 已 也，乃 止 之。吳 子 聞 之，一 夕 三 遷，吳 人 行 成，將 盟，景 伯 曰，楚 人 圍 宋，易 子 而 食，析 骸 而 爨，猶 無 城 下 之 盟，我 未 及 虧，而 有 城 下 之 盟，是 棄 國 也，吳 輕 而 遠，不 能 久，將 歸 矣，請 少 待 之。弗 從，景 伯 負 載 造 於 萊 門，乃 請 釋 子 服 何 於 吳，吳 人 許 之，以 王 子 姑 曹 當 之 而 後 止，吳 人 盟 而 還。
齊 悼 公 之 來 也，季 康 子 以 其 妹 妻 之，即 位 而 逆 之，季 魴 侯 通 焉，女 言 其 情，弗 敢 與 也，齊 侯 怒。夏，五 月，齊 鮑 牧 帥 師 伐 我，取 讙 及 闡。
或 譖 胡 姬 於 齊 侯，曰，安 孺 子 之 黨 也，六 月，齊 侯 殺 胡 姬。
齊 侯 使 如 吳 請 師，將 以 伐 我，乃 歸 邾 子。邾 子 又 無 道，吳 子 使 大 宰 子 餘 討 之，囚 諸 樓 臺，栫 之 以 棘，使 諸 大 夫 奉 大 子 革 以 為 政。
秋，及 齊 平，九 月，臧 賓 如 如 齊 涖 盟，齊 閭 丘 明 來 涖 盟，且 逆 季 姬 以 歸，嬖。
鮑 牧 又 謂 羣 公 子 曰，使 女 有 馬 千 乘 乎。公 子 愬 之，公 謂 鮑 子，或 譖 子，子 姑 居 於 潞 以 察 之，若 有 之，則 分 室 以 行，若 無 之，則 反 子 之 所，出 門，使 以 三 分 之 一 行，半 道，使 以 二 乘，及 潞，麇 之 以 入，遂 殺 之。
冬，十 二 月，齊 人 歸 讙 及 闡，季 姬 嬖 故 也。
1. 九 年，春，王 二 月，葬 杞 僖 公。
2. 宋 皇 瑗 帥 師 取 鄭 師 于 雍 丘。
3. 夏，楚 人 伐 陳。
4. 秋，宋 公 伐 鄭。
5. 冬，十 月。
左 傳 曰，九 年，春，齊 侯 使 公 孟 綽 辭 師 於 吳，吳 子 曰，昔 歲 寡 人 聞 命，今 又 革 之，不 知 所 從，將 進 受 命 於 君。
鄭 武 子 賸 之 嬖，許 瑕 求 邑，無 以 與 之。請 外 取，許 之，故 圍 宋 雍 丘。宋 皇 瑗 圍 鄭 師，每 日 遷 舍，壘 合，鄭 師 哭，子 姚 救 之，大 敗，二 月，甲 戌，宋 取 鄭 師 于 雍 丘，使 有 能 者 無 死，以 郟 張，與 鄭 羅 歸。
夏，楚 人 伐 陳，陳 即 吳 故 也。
宋 公 伐 鄭。
秋，吳 城 邗，溝 通 江 淮。
晉 趙 鞅 卜 救 鄭，遇 水 適 火，占 諸 史 趙，史 墨，史 龜，史 龜 曰，是 謂 沈 陽，可 以 興 兵，利 以 伐 姜，不 利 子 商，伐 齊 則 可，敵 宋 不 吉。史 墨 曰，盈，水 名 也，子，水 位 也，名 位 敵，不 可 干 也，炎 帝 為 火 師，姜 姓 其 後 也，水 勝 火，伐 姜 則 可。史 趙 曰，是 謂 如 川 之 滿，不 可 游 也，鄭 方 有 罪，不 可 救 也，救 鄭 則 不 吉，不 知 其 他，陽 虎 以 周 易 筮 之，遇 泰 之 需，曰，宋 方 吉，不 可 與 也，微 子 啟，帝 乙 之 元 子 也，宋，鄭，甥 舅 也，祉，祿 也，若 帝 乙 之 元 子，歸 妹 而 有 吉 祿，我 安 得 吉 焉。乃 止。
冬，吳 子 使 來 儆 師 伐 齊。
1. 十 年，春，王 二 月，邾 子 益 來 奔。
2. 公 會 吳 伐 齊。
3. 三 月，戊 戌，齊 侯 陽 生 卒。
4. 夏，宋 人 伐 鄭。
5. 晉 趙 鞅，帥 師 侵 齊。
6. 五 月，公 至 自 伐 齊。
7. 葬 齊 悼 公。
8. 衛 公 孟 彄 自 齊 歸 于 衛。
9. 薛 伯 夷 卒。
10. 秋，葬 薛 惠 公。
11. 冬，楚 公 子 結 帥 師 伐 陳，吳 救 陳。
左 傳 曰，十 年，春，邾 隱 公 來 奔。齊 甥 也，故 遂 奔 齊。
公 會 吳 子，邾 子，郯 子，伐 齊 南 鄙，師 於 鄎，齊 人 弒 悼 公，赴 於 師，吳 子 三 日 哭 於 軍 門 之 外。徐 承 帥 舟 師，將 自 海 入 齊，齊 人 敗 之。吳 師 乃 還。
夏，趙 鞅 帥 師 伐 齊，大 夫 請 卜 之，趙 孟 曰，吾 卜 於 此 起 兵，事 不 再 令，卜 不 襲 吉，行 也。於 是 乎 取 犂，及 轅，毀 高 唐 之 郭，侵 及 賴 而 還。
秋，吳 子 使 來 復 儆 師。
冬，楚 子 期 伐 陳，吳 延，州 來，季 子 救 陳，謂 子 期 曰，二 君 不 務 德，而 力 爭 諸 侯，民 何 罪 焉，我 請 退，以 為 子 名，務 德 而 安 民。乃 還。
十 有 一 年
1. 十 有 一 年，春，齊 國 書 帥 師 伐 我。
2. 夏，陳 轅 頗 出 奔 鄭。
3. 五 月，公 會 吳 伐 齊。
4. 甲 戌，齊 國 書 帥 師，及 吳 戰 于 艾 陵，齊 師 敗 績，獲 齊 國 書。
5. 秋，七 月，辛 酉，滕 子 虞 母 卒。
6. 秋，十 有 一 月，葬 滕 隱 公。
7. 衛 世 叔 齊 出 奔 宋。
左 傳 曰，十 一 年，春，齊 為 鄎 故，國 書，高 無 平，帥 師 伐 我，及 清，季 孫 謂 其 宰 冉 求，曰，齊 師 在 清，必 魯 故 也，若 之 何。求 曰，一 子 守，二 子 從，公 禦 諸 竟。季 孫 曰，不 能。求 曰，居 封 疆 之 間。季 孫 告 二 子，二 子 不 可，求 曰，若 不 可，則 君 無 出，一 子 帥 師，背 城 而 戰，不 屬 者，非 魯 人 也，魯 之 羣 室，衆 於 齊 之 兵 車，一 室 敵 車，優 矣，子 何 患 焉，二 子 之 不 欲 戰 也，宜 政 在 季 氏，當 子 之 身，齊 人 伐 魯，而 不 能 戰，子 之 恥 也，大 不 列 於 諸 侯 矣，季 孫 使 從 於 朝，俟 於 黨 氏 之 溝。武 叔 呼 而 問 戰 焉，對 曰，君 子 有 遠 慮，小 人 何 知。懿 子 強 問 之，對 曰，小 人 慮 材 而 言，量 力 而 共 者 也。武 叔 曰，是 謂 我 不 成 丈 夫 也。退 而 蒐 乘。孟 孺 子 洩 帥 右 師，顏 羽 御，邴 洩 為 右。冉 求 帥 左 師，管 周 父 御，樊 遲 為 右。季 孫 曰，須 也 弱。有 子 曰，就 用 命 焉。季 孫 之 甲 七 千，冉 有 以 武 城 人 三 百，為 己 徒 卒，老 幼 守 宮，次 於 雩 門 之 外，五 日，右 師 從 之。公 叔 務 人 見 保 者 而 泣，曰，事 充，政 重，上 不 能 謀，士 不 能 死，何 以 治 民，吾 既 言 之 矣，敢 不 勉 乎。師 及 齊 師 戰 於 郊。齊 師 自 稷 曲。師 不 踰 溝，樊 遲 曰，非 不 能 也，不 信 子 也，請 三 刻 而 踰 之。如 之，衆 從 之，師 入 齊 軍。右 師 奔，齊 人 從 之，陳 瓘，陳 莊，涉 泗，孟 之 側 後 入，以 為 殿，抽 矢 策 其 馬 曰，馬 不 進 也。林 不 狃 之 伍 曰，走 乎。不 狃 曰，誰 不 如。曰，然 則 止 乎。不 狃 曰，惡 賢，徐 步 而 死。師 獲 甲 首 八 十，齊 人 不 能 師，宵 諜 曰，齊 人 遁，冉 有 請 從 之 三，季 孫，弗 許。孟 孺 子 語 人 曰，我 不 如 顏 羽，而 賢 於 邴 洩，子 羽 銳 敏，我 不 欲 戰，而 能 默，洩 曰，驅 之。公 為 與 其 嬖 僮 汪 錡 乘，皆 死 皆 殯，孔 子 曰，能 執 干 戈 以 衛 社 稷，可 無 殤 也。冉 有 用 矛 於 齊 師，故 能 入 其 軍，孔 子 曰，義 也。
夏，陳 轅 頗 出 奔 鄭。初，轅 頗 為 司 徒，賦 封 田，以 嫁 公 女，有 餘，以 為 己 大 器。國 人 逐 之，故 出。道 渴，其 族 轅 咺 進 稻 醴，粱 糗 腶 脯 焉，喜 曰，何 其 給 也，對 曰，器 成 而 具。曰，何 不 吾 諫，對 曰，懼 先 行。
為 郊 戰，故 公 會 吳 子 伐 齊，五 月，克 博，壬 申，至 於 嬴。中 軍 從 王，胥 門 巢 將 上 軍，王 子 姑 曹 將 下 軍，展 如 將 右 軍，齊 國 書 將 中 軍，高 無 平 將 上 軍，宗 樓 將 下 軍。陳 僖 子 謂 其 弟 書，爾 死，我 必 得 志。宗 子 陽，與 閭 丘 明 相 厲 也。桑 掩 胥 御 國 子，公 孫 夏 曰，二 子 必 死。將 戰，公 孫 夏 命 其 徒 歌 虞 殯，陳 子 行 命 其 徒 具 含 玉，公 孫 揮 命 其 徒 曰，人 尋 約，吳 髮 短。東 郭 書 曰，三 戰 必 死，於 此 三 矣，使 問 弦 多 以 琴，曰，吾 不 復 見 子 矣。陳 書 曰，此 行 也，吾 聞 鼓 而 已，不 聞 金 矣。甲 戌，戰 于 艾 陵，展 如 敗 高 子。國 子 敗 胥 門 巢，王 卒 助 之，大 敗 齊 師，獲 國 書，公 孫 夏，閭 丘 明，陳 書，東 郭 書，革 車 八 百 乘，甲 首 三 千，以 獻 於 公，將 戰，吳 子 呼 叔 孫 曰，而 事 何 也。對 曰，從 司 馬。王 賜 之 甲，劍，鈹，曰，奉 爾 君 事，敬 無 廢 命。叔 孫 未 能 對，衛 賜 進 曰，州 仇 奉 甲，從 君 而 拜。公 使 大 史 固，歸 國 子 之 元，寘 之 新 篋，褽 之 以 玄 纁，加 組 帶 焉，寘 書 於 其 上，曰，天 若 不 識 不 衷，何 以 使 下 國。
吳 將 伐 齊，越 子 率 其 衆 以 朝 焉，王 及 列 士，皆 有 饋 賂。吳 人 皆 喜，唯 子 胥 懼，曰，是 豢 吳 也 夫，諫 曰，越 在，我 心 腹 之 疾 也，壤 地 同 而 有 欲 於 我，夫 其 柔 服，求 濟 其 欲 也，不 如 早 從 事 焉，得 志 於 齊，猶 獲 石 田 也，無 所 用 之，越 不 為 沼，吳 其 泯 矣，使 醫 除 疾，而 曰 必 遺 類 焉 者，未 之 有 也，盤 庚 之 誥 曰，其 有 顛 越 不 共，則 劓 殄 無 遺 育，無 俾 易 種 於 玆 邑，是 商 所 以 興 也，今 君 易 之，將 以 求 大，不 亦 難 乎。弗 聽。使 於 齊，屬 其 子 於 鮑 氏，為 王 孫 氏。反 役，王 聞 之，使 賜 之 屬 鏤 以 死。將 死，曰，樹 吾 墓 檟，檟 可 材 也，吳 其 亡 乎，三 年，其 始 弱 矣，盈 必 毀，天 之 道 也。
秋，季 孫 命 修 守 備，曰，小 勝 大，禍 也，齊 至 無 日 矣。
冬，衛 大 叔 疾 出 奔 宋。初 疾 娶 於 宋 子 朝，其 娣 嬖，子 朝 出，孔 文 子 使 疾 出 其 妻 而 妻 之，疾 使 侍 人 誘 其 初 妻 之 娣，寘 於 犂，而 為 之 一 宮，如 二 妻。文 子 怒，欲 攻 之，仲 尼 止 之，遂 奪 其 妻。或 淫 於 外 州，外 州 人 奪 之 軒 以 獻，恥 是 二 者，故 出，衛 人 立 遺，使 室 孔 姞。疾 臣 向 魋，納 美 珠 焉，與 之 城 鉏。宋 公 求 珠，魋 不 與，由 是 得 罪。及 桓 氏 出，城 鉏 人 攻 大 叔 疾，衛 莊 公 復 之，使 處 巢，死 焉，殯 於 鄖，葬 於 少 禘。初，晉 悼 公 子 憖 亡 在 衛，使 其 女 僕 而 田，大 叔 懿 子 止 而 飲 之 酒，遂 聘 之，生 悼 子。悼 子 即 位，故 夏 戊 為 大 夫，悼 子 亡，衛 人 翦 夏 戊，孔 文 子 之 將 攻 大 叔 也，訪 於 仲 尼，仲 尼 曰，胡 簋 之 事，則 嘗 學 之 矣，甲 兵 之 事 ，未 之 聞 也。退 命 駕 而 行，曰，鳥 則 擇 木，木 豈 能 擇 鳥，文 子 遽 止 之，曰，圉 豈 敢 度 其 私，訪 衛 國 之 難 也。將 止，魯 人 以 幣 召 之，乃 歸。
季 孫 欲 以 田 賦，使 冉 有 訪 諸 仲 尼，仲 尼 曰，丘 不 識 也。三 發，卒 曰，子 為 國 老，待 子 而 行，若 之 何 子 之 不 言 也。仲 尼 不 對，而 私 於 冉 有 曰，君 子 之 行 也，度 於 禮，施 取 其 厚，事 舉 其 中，斂 從 其 薄，如 是 則 以 丘 亦 足 矣，若 不 度 於 禮，而 貪 冒 無 厭，則 雖 以 田 賦，將 又 不 足，且 子 季 孫 若 欲 行 而 法，則 周 公 之 典 在，若 欲 苟 而 行，又 何 訪 焉。弗 聽。
十 有 二 年
1. 十 有 二 年，春，用 田 賦。
2. 夏，五 月，甲 辰，孟 子 卒。
3. 公 會 吳 于 橐 皋。
4. 秋，公 會 衛 侯，宋 皇 瑗，于 鄖。
5. 宋 向 巢 帥 師 伐 鄭。
6. 冬，十 有 二 月，螽。
左 傳 曰，十 二 年，春，王 正 月，用 田 賦。
夏，五 月，昭 夫 人 孟 子 卒。昭 公 娶 於 吳，故 不 書 姓。死 不 赴，故 不 稱 夫 人。不 反 哭，故 言 不 葬 小 君，孔 子 與 弔，適 季 氏，季 氏 不 絻，放 絰 而 拜。
公 會 吳 于 橐 皋。吳 子 使 大 宰 嚭 請 尋 盟，公 不 欲，使 子 貢 對 曰，盟，所 以 周 信 也，故 心 以 制 之，玉 帛 以 奉 之，言 以 結 之，明 神 以 要 之，寡 君 以 為 苟 有 盟 焉，弗 可 改 也 巳，若 猶 可 改，日 盟 何 益，今 吾 子 曰，必 尋 盟，若 可 尋 也。亦 可 寒 也。乃 不 尋 盟。
吳 徵 會 於 衛。初，衛 人 殺 吳 行 人 且 姚 而 懼，謀 於 行 人 子 羽，子 羽 曰，吳 方 無 道，無 乃 辱 吾 君，不 如 止 也。子 木 曰，吳 方 無道，國 無 道，必 棄 疾 於 人，吳 雖 無 道，猶 足 以 患 衛，往 也，長 木 之 斃，無 不 摽 也，國 狗 之 瘈，無 不 噬 也，而 况 大 國 乎，秋，衛 侯 會 吳 于 鄖，公 及 衛 侯，宋 皇 瑗，盟，而 卒 辭 吳 盟。吳 人 藩 衛 侯 之 舍，子 服 景 伯 謂 子 貢 曰，夫 諸 侯 之 會，事 既 畢 矣，侯 伯 致 禮，地 主 歸 餼，以 相 辭 也，今 吳 不 行 禮 於 衛，而 藩 其 君 舍 以 難 之，子 盍 見 大 宰。乃 請 束 錦 以 行，語 及 衛 故，大 宰 嚭 曰，寡 君 願 事 衛 君，衛 君 之 來 也 緩，寡 君 懼，故 將 止 之。子 貢 曰，衛 君 之 來，必 謀 於 其 衆，其 衆 或 欲 或 否，是 以 緩 來，其 欲 來 者，子 之 黨 也，其 不 欲 來 者，子 之 讐 也，若 執 衛 君，是 墮 黨 而 崇 讐 也，夫 墮 子 者，得 其 志 矣，且 合 諸 侯 而 執 衛 君，誰 敢 不 懼，墮 黨 崇 讐，而 懼 諸 侯，或 者 難 以 霸 乎。大 宰 嚭 說，乃 舍 衛 侯。衛 侯 歸，效 夷 言，子 之 尚 幼，曰，君 必 不 免，其 死 於 夷 乎，執 焉，而 又 說 其 言，從 之 固 矣。
宋，鄭，之 間，有 隙 地 焉，曰 彌 作，頃 丘，玉 暢，喦 戈，鍚。子 產 與 宋 人 為 成，曰，勿 有 是。及 宋 平，元，之 族，自 蕭 奔 鄭，鄭 人 為 之 城 喦，戈，鍚。九 月，宋 向 巢 伐 鄭，取 鍚，殺 元 公 之 孫，遂 圍 喦。十 二 月，鄭 罕 達 救 喦，丙 申，圍 宋 師。
冬，十 二 月，螽。季 孫 問 諸 仲 尼，仲 尼 曰，丘 聞 之，火 伏 而 後 蟄 者 畢，今 火 猶 西 流，司 歴 過 也。
1. 十 有 三 年，春，鄭 罕 達 帥 師，取 宋 師 于 喦。
2. 夏，許 男 成 卒。
3. 公 會 晉 侯 及 吳 子 于 黃 池。
4. 楚 公 子 申 帥 師 伐 陳。
5. 於 越 入 吳。
6. 秋，公 至 自 會。
7. 晉 魏 曼 多 帥 師 侵 衛。
8. 葬 許 元 公。
9. 九 月，螽。
10. 冬，十 有 一 月，有 星 孛 于 東 方。
11. 盜 殺 陳 夏 區 夫。
12. 十 有 二 月，螽。
左 傳 曰，十 三 年，春，宋 向 魋 救 其 師，鄭 子 賸，使 徇 曰，得 桓 魋 者 有 賞。魋 也 逃 歸，遂 取 宋 師 于 喦，獲 成 讙，郜 延，以 六 邑 為 虛。
夏，公 會 單 平 公，晉 定 公，吳 夫 差 于 黃 池。
六 月，丙 子，越 子 伐 吳，為 二 隧。疇 無 餘，謳 陽，自 南 方 先 及 郊，吳 大 子 友，王 子 地，王 孫 彌 庸，壽 於 姚，自 泓 上 觀 之，彌 庸 見 姑 蔑 之 旗，曰，吾 父 之 旗 也，不 可 以 見 讐 而 弗 殺 也。大 子 曰，戰 而 不 克，將 亡 國，請 待 之，彌 庸 不 可，屬 徒 五 千，王 子 地 助 之，乙 酉，戰，彌 庸 獲 疇 無 餘，地 獲 謳 陽。越 子 至，王 子 地 守，丙 戌，復 戰，大 敗 吳 師，獲 大 子 友，王 孫 彌 庸，壽 於 姚。丁 亥，入 吳，吳 人 告 敗 於 王，王 惡 其 聞 也，自 剄 七 人 於 幕 下。
秋，七 月，辛 丑，盟。吳，晉，爭 先，吳 人 曰，於 周 室 我 為 長。晉 人 曰，於 姬 姓 我 為 伯。趙 鞅 呼 司 馬 寅 曰，日 旰 矣，大 事 未 成，二 臣 之 罪 也，建 鼓 整 列，二 臣 死 之，長 幼 必 可 知 也。對 曰，請 姑 視 之。反 曰，肉 食 者 無 墨，今 吳 王 有 墨，國 勝 乎，大 子 死 乎，且 夷 德 輕，不 忍 久，請 少 待 之。乃 先 晉 人，吳 人 將 以 公 見 晉 侯，子 服 景 伯 對 使 者 曰，王 合 諸 侯，則 伯 帥 侯 牧 以 見 於 王，伯 合 諸 侯，則 侯 帥 子 男 以 見 於 伯，自 王 以 下，朝 聘 玉 帛 不 同，故 敝 邑 之 職 貢 於 吳，有 豐 於 晉，無 不 及 焉，以 為 伯 也，今 諸 侯 會，而 君 將 以 寡 君 見 晉 君，則 晉 成 為 伯 矣，敝 邑 將 改 職 貢，魯 賦 於 吳 八 百 乘，若 為 子 男，則 將 半 邾，以 屬 於 吳，而 如 邾 以 事 晉，且 執 事 以 伯 召 諸 侯，而 以 侯 終 之，何 利 之 有 焉，吳 人 乃 止，既 而 悔 之，將 囚 景 伯。曰，何 也，立 後 於 魯 矣，將 以 二 乘，與 六 人 從，遲 速 唯 命。遂 囚 以 還。及 戶 牖，謂 大 宰 曰，魯 將 以 十 月 上 辛，有 事 於 上 帝 先 王，季 辛 而 畢，何，世 有 職 焉，自 襄 以 來，未 之 改 也，若 不 會，祝 宗 將 曰，吳 實 然，且 謂 魯 不 共，而 執 其 賤 者 七 人，何 損 焉。大 宰 嚭 言 於 王 曰，無 損 於 魯 而 祗 為 名，不 如 歸 之。乃 歸 景 伯。吳 申 叔 儀 乞 糧 於 公 孫 有 山 氏，曰，佩 玉 繠 兮，余 無 所 繫 之，旨 酒 一 盛 兮，余 與 褐 之 父 睨 之。對 曰，梁 則 無 矣，麤 則 有 之，若 登 首 山 以 呼 曰，庚 癸 乎，則 諾。王 欲 伐 宋 殺 其 丈 夫，而 囚 其 婦 人，大 宰 嚭 曰，可 勝 也，而 弗 能 居 也。乃 歸。冬，吳 及 越 平。
十 有 四 年
1. 十 有 四 年，春，西 狩 獲 麟。
左 傳 曰，十 四 年，春，西 狩 於 大 野，叔 孫 氏 之 車 子 鉏 商 獲 麟，以 為 不 祥，以 賜 虞 人，仲 尼 觀 之，曰，麟 也，然 後 取 之。
小 邾 射 以 句 繹 來 奔。曰 使 季 路 要 我，吾 無 盟 矣。使 子 路，子 路 辭，季 康 子 使 冉 有 謂 之 曰，千 乘 之 國，不 信 其 盟，而 信 子 之 言，子 何 辱 焉。對 曰，魯 有 事 於 小 邾，不 敢 問 故，死 其 城 下，可 也，彼 不 臣 而 濟 其 言，是 義 之 也，由 弗 能。
齊 簡 公 之 在 魯 也，闞 止 有 寵 焉，及 即 位，使 為 政，陳 成 子 憚 之，驟 顧 諸 朝。諸 御 鞅 言 於 公 曰，陳，闞，不 可 竝 也，君 其 擇 焉。弗 聽。子 我 夕，陳 逆 殺 人，逢 之，遂 執 以 入，陳 氏 方 睦，使 疾，而 遺 之 潘 沐，備 酒 肉 焉，饗 守 囚 者，醉 而 殺 之，而 逃，子 我 盟 諸 陳 於 陳 宗。初，陳 豹 欲 為 子 我 臣，使 公 孫 言 己，已 有 喪 而 止，既 而 言 之，曰，有 陳 豹 者，長 而 上 僂，望 視，事 君 子 必 得 志，欲 為 子 臣，吾 憚 其 為 人 也 故 緩 以 告。子 我 曰，何 害，是 其 在 我 也。使 為 臣。他 日，與 之 言 政，說 遂 有 寵，謂 之 曰，我 盡 逐 陳 氏，而 立 女，若 何。對 曰，我 遠 於 陳 氏 矣，且 其 違 者，不 過 數 人，何 盡 逐 焉。遂 告 陳 氏。子 行 曰，彼 得 君，弗 先，必 禍 子。子 行 舍 於 公 宮。夏，五 月，壬 申，成 子 兄 弟，四 乘 如 公，子 我 在 幄，出 逆 之，遂 入，閉 門，侍 人 禦 之，子 行 殺 侍 人。公 與 婦 人 飲 酒 於 檀 臺，成 子 遷 諸 寢，公 執 戈 將 擊 之，大 史 子 餘 曰，非 不 利 也，將 除 害 也。成 子 出 舍 於 庫，聞 公 猶 怒，將 出，曰，何 所 無 君。子 行 抽 劍 曰，需，事 之 賊 也，誰 非 陳 宗，所 不 殺 子 者，有 如 陳 宗。乃 止。子 我 歸，屬 徒，攻 闈 與 大 門，皆 不 勝，乃 出，陳 氏 追 之，失 道 於 弇 中，適 豐 丘，豐 丘 人 執 之，以 告，殺 諸 郭 關。成 子 將 殺 大 陸 子 方，陳 逆 請 而 免 之，以 公 命 取 車 於 道，及 耏，衆 知 而 東 之，出 雍 門，陳 豹 與 之 車，弗 受，曰，逆 為 余 請 豹 與 余 車，余 有 私 焉，事 子 我，而 有 私 於 其 讐，何 以 見 魯，衛，之 士。東 郭 賈 奔 衛，庚 辰，陳 恆 執 公 于 舒 州，公 曰，吾 早 從 鞅 之 言，不 及 此。
宋 桓 魋 之 寵 害 於 公，使 夫 人 驟 請 享 焉，而 將 討 之，未 及，魋 先 謀 公，請 以 鞍 易 薄，公 曰，不 可，薄 宗 邑 也。乃 益 鞍 七 邑，而 請 享 公 焉。以 日 中 為 期，家 備 盡 往，公 知 之，告 皇 野 曰，余 長 魋 也，今 將 禍 余，請 即 救。司 馬 子 仲 曰，有 臣 不 順，神 之 所 惡 也，而 况 人 乎，敢 不 承 命，不 得 左 師，不 可，請 以 君 命 召 之，左 師 每 食，擊 鐘。聞 鐘 聲，公 曰，夫 子 將 食。既 食，又 奏，公 曰，可 矣。以 乘 車 往，曰，迹 人 來 告，曰，逢 澤 有 介 麇 焉，公 曰，雖 魋 未 來，得 左 師，吾 與 之 田，若 何，君 憚 告 子，野 曰，嘗 私 焉，君 欲 速，故 以 乘 車 逆 子。與 之 乘，至，公 告 之 故，拜 不 能 起，司 馬 曰，君 與 之 言。公 曰，所 難 子 者，上 有 天，下 有 先 君。對 曰，魋 之 不 共，宋 之 禍 也，敢 不 唯 命 是 聽。司 馬 請 瑞 焉，以 命 其 徒 攻 桓 氏，其 父 兄 故 臣 曰，不 可，其 新 臣 曰，從 吾 君 之 命。遂 攻 之，子 頎 騁 而 告 桓 司 馬，司 馬 欲 入，子 車 止 之，曰，不 能 事 君，而 又 伐 國，民 不 與 也，祇 取 死 焉。向 魋 遂 入 于 曹，以 叛。
六 月，使 左 師 巢 伐 之。欲 質 大 夫 以 入 焉，不 能，亦 入 于 曹，取 質。魋 曰，不 可，既 不 能 事 君，又 得 罪 於 民，將 若 之 何。乃 舍 之，民 遂 叛 之，向 魋 奔 衛，向 巢 來 奔，宋 公 使 止 之，曰，寡 人 與 子 有 言 矣，不 可 以 絕 向 氏 之 祀。辭 曰，臣 之 罪 大，盡 滅 桓 氏，可 也，若 以 先 臣 之 故，而 使 有 後，君 之 惠 也，若 臣 則 不 可 以 入 矣。司 馬 牛 致 其 邑 與 珪 焉，而 適 齊。向 魋 出 於 衛 地，公 文 氏 攻 之，求 夏 后 氏 之 璜 焉，與 之 他 玉 而 奔 齊，陳 成 子 使 為 次 卿，司 馬 牛 又 致 其 邑 焉，而 適 吳，吳 人 惡 之 而 反，趙 簡 子 召 之，陳 成 子 亦 召 之，卒 於 魯 郭 門 之 外，阬 氏 葬 諸 丘 輿。
甲 午，齊 陳 恆 弒 其 君 壬 于 舒 州，孔 丘 三 日 齊，而 請 伐 齊，三，公 曰，魯 為 齊 弱，久 矣，子 之 伐 之，將 若 之 何。對 曰，陳 恆 弒 其 君，民 之 不 與 者 半，以 魯 之 衆，加 齊 之 半，可 克 也。公 曰，子 告 季 孫。孔 子 辭，退 而 告 人 曰，吾 以 從 大 夫 之 後 也，故 不 敢 不 言。
初，孟 孺 子 洩 將 圉 馬 於 成，成 宰 公 孫 宿 不 受，曰 孟 孫 為 成 之 病，不 圉 馬 焉。孺 子 怒，襲 成，從 者 不 得 入，乃 反。成 有 司 使，孺 子 鞭 之。秋，八 月，辛 丑，孟 懿 子 卒，成 人 奔 喪，弗 內，袒 免 哭 於 衢，聽 共，弗 許。懼，不 歸。
2. 小 邾 射 以 句 繹 來 奔。
3. 夏，四 月，齊 陳 恆 執 其 君，寘 于 舒 州。
4. 庚 戌，叔 還 卒。
5. 五 月，庚 申 朔，日 有 食 之。
6. 陳 宗 豎 出 奔 楚。
7. 宋 向 魋 入 于 曹 以 叛。
8. 莒 子 狂 卒。
9. 六 月，宋 向 魋 自 曹 出 奔 衛，宋 向 巢 來 奔。
10. 齊 人 弒 其 君 壬 于 舒 州。
11. 秋，晉 趙 鞅 帥 師 伐 衛。
12. 八 月，辛 丑，仲 孫 何 忌 卒。
13. 冬，陳 宗 豎 自 楚 復 入 于 陳，陳 人 殺 之。
14. 陳 轅 買 出 奔 楚。
15. 有 星 孛。
十 有 五 年
1. 十 有 五 年，春，王 正 月，成 叛。
2. 夏，五 月，齊 高 無 平 出 奔 北 燕。
3. 鄭 伯 伐 宋。
4. 秋，八 月，大 雩。
5. 晉 趙 鞅 帥 師 伐 衛。
6. 冬，晉 侯 伐 鄭。
7. 及 齊 平。
8. 衛 公 孟 彄 出 奔 齊。
左 傳 曰，十 五 年，春，成 叛 於 齊。武 伯 伐 成，不 克，遂 城 輸。
夏，楚 子 西，子 期，伐 吳，及 桐 汭。陳 侯 使 公 孫 貞 子 弔 焉，及 良 而 卒，將 以 尸 入，吳 子 使 大 宰 嚭 勞，且 辭 曰，以 水 潦 之 不 時，無 乃 廩 然 隕 大 夫 之 尸，以 重 寡 君 之 憂，寡 君 敢 辭 上 介。芋 尹 蓋 對 曰，寡 君 聞 楚 為 不 道，薦 伐 吳 國，滅 厥 民 人，寡 君 使 蓋 備 使，弔 君 之 下 吏，無 祿，使 人 逢 天 之 慼，大 命 隕 隊，絕 世 於 良，廢 日 共 積，一 日 遷 次，今 君 命 逆 使 人 曰，無 以 尸 造 於 門，是 我 寡 君 之 命，委 於 草 莽 也，且 臣 聞 之，曰 事 死 如 事 生，禮 也，於 是 乎 有 朝 聘 而 終，以 尸 將 事 之 禮，又 有 朝 聘 而 遭 喪 之 禮，若 不 以 尸 將 命，是 遭 喪 而 還 也，無 乃 不 可 乎，以 禮 防 民，猶 或 踰 之，今 大 夫 曰，死 而 棄 之，是 棄 禮 也，其 何 以 為 諸 侯 主，先 民 有 言 曰，無 穢 虐 士，備 使 奉 尸 將 命，苟 我 寡 君 之 命 達 於 君 所，雖 隕 於 深 淵，則 天 命 也，非 君 與 涉 人 之 過 也。吳 人 內 之。
秋，齊 陳 瓘 如 楚，過 衛，仲 由 見 之，曰，天 或 者 以 陳 氏 為 斧 斤，既 斲 喪 公 室，而 他 人 有 之，不 可 知 也，其 使 終 饗 之，亦 不 可 知 也，若 善 魯 以 待 時，不 亦 可 乎，何 必 惡 焉。子 玉 曰，然，吾 受 命 矣，子 使 告 我 弟。
冬，及 齊 平。子 服 景 伯 如 齊，子 贛 為 介，見 公 孫 成，曰，人 皆 臣 人，而 有 背 人 之 心，况 齊 人 雖 為 子 役，其 有 不 貳 乎，子，周 公 之 孫 也，多 饗 大 利，猶 思 不 義，利 不 可 得，而 喪 宗 國，將 焉 用 之。成 曰，善 哉，吾 不 早 聞 命。陳 成 子 館 客，曰，寡 君 使 恆 告 曰，寡 君 願 事 君 如 事 衛 君。景 伯 揖 子 贛 而 進 之，對 曰，寡 君 之 願 也，昔 晉 人 伐 衛，齊 為 衛 故 伐 晉 冠 氏，喪 車 五 百，因 與 衛 地，自 濟 以 西，禚 媚，杏，以 南，書 社 五 百，吳 人 加 敝 邑 以 亂，齊 因 其 病，取 讙 與 闡，寡 君 是 以 寒 心，若 得 視 衛 君 之 事 君 也，則 固 所 願 也。成 子 病 之，乃 歸 成。公 孫 宿 以 其 兵 甲 入 於 嬴。
衛 孔 圉 取 大 子 蒯 聵 之 姊，生 悝。孔 氏 之 豎 渾 良 夫，長 而 美，孔 文 子 卒，通 於 內。大 子 在 戚，孔 姬 使 之 焉。大 子 與 之 言 曰，苟 使 我 入 獲 國，服 冕，乘 軒，三 死 無 與。與 之 盟，為 請 於 伯 姬。閏 月，良 夫 與 大 子 入，舍 於 孔 氏 之 外 圃，昏，二 人 蒙 衣 而 乘，寺 人 羅 御，如 孔 氏，孔 氏 之 老 欒 寕 問 之，稱 姻 妾 以 告，遂 入，適 伯 姬 氏，既 食，孔 伯 姬 杖 戈 而 先，大 子 與 五 人 介，輿 豭 從 之，迫 孔 悝 於 厠 強 盟 之，遂 劫 以 登 臺。欒 寕 將 飲 酒，炙 未 熟，聞 亂，使 告 季 子，召 獲 駕 乘 車，行 爵 食 炙，奉 衛 侯 輒 來 奔。季 子 將 入，遇 子 羔 將 出，曰，門 已 閉 矣。季 子 曰，吾 姑 至 焉。子 羔 曰，弗 及，不 踐 其 難。季 子 曰，食 焉，不 辟 其 難。子 羔 遂 出，子 路 入，及 門，公 孫 敢 門 焉，曰，無 入 為 也。季 子 曰，是 公 孫 也，求 利 焉 而 逃 其 難，由，不 然，利 其 祿，必 救 其 患。有 使 者 出，乃 入，曰 大 子 焉 用 孔 悝，雖 殺 之，必 或 繼 之，且 曰，大 子 無 勇，若 燔 臺 半，必 舍 孔 叔。大 子 聞 之，懼，下 石 乞，盂 黶，敵 子 路，以 戈 擊 之，斷 纓，子 路 曰，君 子 死，冠 不 免。結 纓 而 死。孔 子 聞 衛 亂，曰，柴 也 其 來，由 也 死 矣。孔 悝 立 莊 公，莊 公 害 故 政，欲 盡 去 之，先 謂 司 徒 瞞 成 曰，寡 人 離 病 於 外 久 矣，子 請 亦 嘗 之，歸 告 褚 師 比，欲 與 之 伐 公。不 果。
十 有 六 年
1. 十 有 六 年，春，王 正 月，己 卯，衛 世 子 蒯 聵 自 戚 入 于 衛，衛 侯 輒 來 奔。
2. 二 月，衛 子 還 成 出 奔 宋。
3. 夏，四 月，己 丑，孔 丘 卒。
左 傳 曰，十 六 年，春，瞞 成，褚 師 比，出 奔 宋，衛 侯 使 鄢 武 子 告 於 周，曰，蒯 聵 得 罪 於 君 父 君 母，逋 竄 於 晉，晉 以 王 室 之 故，不 棄 兄 弟，寘 諸 河 上，天 誘 其 衷，獲 嗣 守 封 焉，使 下 臣 肸，敢 告 執 事。王 使 單 平 公 對 曰，肸 以 嘉 命，來 告 余 一 人，往 謂 叔 父，余 嘉 乃 成 世，復 爾 祿 次，敬 之 哉，方 天 之 休，弗 敬 弗 休，悔 其 可 追。
夏，四 月，己 丑，孔 丘 卒，公 誄 之 曰，旻 天 不 弔，不 憖 遺 一 老，俾 屏 余 一 人 以 在 位，煢 煢 余 在 疚，嗚 呼，哀 哉，尼 父，無 自 律。子 贛 曰，君 其 不 沒 於 魯 乎，夫 子 之 言 曰，禮 失 則 昏，名 失 則 愆，失 志 為 昏，失 所 為 愆，生 不 能 用，死 而 誄 之，非 禮 也，稱 一 人，非 名 也，君 兩 失 之。
六 月，衛 侯 飲 孔 悝 酒 於 平 陽，重 酬 之，大 夫 皆 有 納 焉，醉 而 送 之，夜 半 而 遣 之，載 伯 姬 於 平 陽 而 行，及 西 門，使 貳 車 反 祏 於 西 圃。子 伯 季 子，初 為 孔 氏 臣，新 登 於 公，請 追 之，遇 載 祏 者，殺 而 乘 其 車。許 公 為 反 祏，遇 之，曰，與 不 仁 人 爭，明 無 不 勝。必 使 先 射，射 三 發，皆 遠 許 為，許 為 射 之，殪。或 以 其 車 從，得 祏 於 槖 中。孔 悝 出 奔 宋。
楚 大 子 建 之 遇 讒 也，自 城 父 奔 宋，又 辟 華 氏 之 亂 於 鄭。鄭 人 甚 善 之，又 適 晉，與 晉 人 謀 襲 鄭，乃 求 復 焉，鄭 人 復 之 如 初，晉 人 使 諜 於 子 木，請 行 而 期 焉，子 木 暴 虐 於 其 私 邑，邑 人 訴 之，鄭 人 省 之，得 晉 諜 焉，遂 殺 子 木。其 子 曰 勝，在 吳，子 西 欲 召 之，葉 公 曰，吾 聞 勝 也 詐 而 亂，無 乃 害 乎。子 西 曰，吾 聞 勝 也 信 而 勇，不 為 不 利，舍 諸 邊 竟，使 衛 藩 焉。葉 公 曰，周 仁 之 謂 信，率 義 之 謂 勇，吾 聞 勝 也，好 復 言，而 求 死 士，殆 有 私 乎，復 言，非 信 也，期 死，非 勇 也，子 必 悔 之。弗 從，召 之，使 處 吳 竟，為 白 公。請 伐 鄭，子 西 曰，楚 未 節 也，不 然，吾 不 忘 也。他 日 又 請，許 之，未 起 師，晉 人 伐 鄭，楚 救 之，與 之 盟，勝 怒 曰，鄭 人 在 此，讐 不 遠 矣。勝 自 厲 劍，子 期 之 子 平 見 之，曰，王 孫 何 自 厲 也。曰，勝 以 直 聞，不 告 女，庸 為 直 乎，將 以 殺 爾 父。平 以 告 子 西。曰，勝 如 卵，余 翼 而 長 之，楚 國 第，我 死，令 尹 司 馬，非 勝 而 誰。勝 聞 之，曰，令 尹 之 狂 也，得 死 乃 非 我。子 西 不 悛。勝 謂 石 乞 曰，王 與 二 卿 士，皆 五 百 人 當 之，則 可 矣。乞 曰，不 可 得 也，曰，市 南 有 熊 宜 僚 者，若 得 之，可 以 當 五 百 人 矣。乃 從 白 公 而 見 之，與 之 言。說，告 之 故。辭。承 之 以 劍。不 動。勝 曰，不 為 利 諂，不 為 威 惕，不 洩 人 言 以 求 媚 者。去 之。吳 人 伐 慎，白 公 敗 之，請 以 戰 備 獻。許 之，遂 作 亂。秋，七 月，殺 子 西，子 期，於 朝，而 劫 惠 王。子 西 以 袂 掩 面 而 死，子 期 曰，昔 者 吾 以 力 事 君，不 可 以 弗 終，抉 豫 章 以 殺 人 而 後 死。石 乞 曰，焚 庫 弒 王，不 然 不 濟。白 公 曰，不 可，殺 王 不 祥，焚 庫 無 聚，將 何 以 守 矣。乞 曰，有 楚 國 而 治 其 民，以 敬 事 神，可 以 得 祥，且 有 聚 矣，何 患。弗 從。葉 公 在 蔡，方 城 之 外，皆 曰，可 以 入 矣。子 高 曰，吾 聞 之，以 險 徼 幸 者，其 求 無 饜，偏 重 必 離。聞 其 殺 齊 管 修 也，而 後 入。白 公 欲 以 子 閭 為 王，子 閭 不 可，遂 劫 以 兵，子 閭 曰，王 孫 若 安 靖 楚 國，匡 正 王 室，而 後 庇 焉，啟 之 願 也，敢 不 聽 從，若 將 專 利，以 傾 王 室，不 顧 楚 國，有 死 不 能。遂 殺 之，而 以 王 如 高 府，石 乞 尹 門，圉 公 陽 穴 宮，負 王 以 如 昭 夫 人 之 宮。葉 公 亦 至，及 北 門，或 遇 之 曰，君 胡 不 冑，國 人 望 君，如 望 慈 父 母 焉，盜 賊 之 矢 若 傷 君，是 絕 民 望 也，若 之 何 不 冑。乃 冑 而 進。又 遇 一 人 曰，君 胡 冑，國 人 望 君，如 望 歲 焉，日 日 以 幾，若 見 君 面，是 得 艾 也，民 知 不 死，其 亦 夫 有 奮 心，猶 將 旌 君 以 徇 於 國，而 又 掩 面 以 絕 民 望，不 亦 甚 乎。乃 免 冑 而 進。遇 箴 尹 固 帥 其 屬 將 與 白 公，子 高 曰，微 二 子 者，楚 不 國 矣，棄 德 從 賊，其 可 保 乎。乃 從 葉 公。使 與 國 人 以 攻 白 公，白 公 奔 山 而 縊，其 徒 微 之。生 拘 石 乞，而 問 白 公 之 死 焉。對 曰，余 知 其 死 所，而 長 者 使 余 勿 言。曰，不 言 將 烹。乞 曰，此 事 也，克 則 為 卿，不 克 則 烹，固 其 所 也，何 害。乃 烹 石 乞。王 孫 燕 奔 頯 黃 氏。沈 諸 梁 兼 二 事，國 寕，乃 使 寕 為 令 尹，使 寬 為 司 馬，而 老 於 葉。
衛 侯 占 夢 嬖 人 求 酒 於 大 叔 僖 子，不 得，與 卜 人 比，而 告 公 曰，君 有 大 臣 在 西 南 隅，弗 去，懼 害。乃 逐 大 叔 遺。遺 奔 晉。
衛 侯 謂 渾 良 夫 曰，吾 繼 先 君，而 不 得 其 器，若 之 何。良 夫 代 執 火 者 而 言，曰，疾 與 亡 君，皆 君 之 子 也，召 之，而 擇 材 焉，可 也，若 不 材，器 可 得 也。豎 告 大 子，大 子 使 五 人 輿 豭 從 己，劫 公 而 強 盟 之，且 請 殺 良 夫。公 曰，其 盟 免 三 死。曰，請 三 之 後，有 罪，殺 之。公 曰，諾 哉。
十 有 七 年
左 傳 曰，十 七 年，春，衛 侯 為 虎 幄 於 藉 圃，成，求 令 名 者，而 與 之 始 食 焉。大 子 請 使 良 夫，良 夫 乘 衷 甸，兩 牡，紫 衣，狐 裘，至，袒 裘 不 釋 劍 而 食。大 子 使 牽 以 退，數 之 以 三 罪，而 殺 之。
三 月，越 子 伐 吳，吳 子 禦 之 笠 澤，夾 水 而 陳。越 子 為 左 右 句 卒，使 夜 或 左 或 右，鼓 譟 而 進，吳 師 分 以 禦 之，越 子 以 三 軍 潛 涉，當 吳 中 軍 而 鼓 之。吳 師 大 亂，遂 敗 之。
晉 趙 鞅 使 告 於 衛 曰，君 之 在 晉 也，志 父 為 主，請 君 若 大 子 來，以 免 志 父，不 然，寡 君 其 曰 志 父 之 為 也。衛 侯 辭 以 難，大 子 又 使 椓 之。夏，六 月，趙 鞅 圍 衛。齊 國 觀，陳 瓘 救 衛，得 晉 人 之 致 師 者，子 玉 使 服 而 見 之，曰，國 子 實 執 齊 柄，而 命 瓘 曰，無 辟 晉 師，豈 敢 廢 命，子 又 何 辱，簡 子 曰，我 卜 伐 衛，未 卜 與 齊 戰，乃 還。
楚 白 公 之 亂，陳 人 恃 其 聚 而 侵 楚。楚 既 寕，將 取 陳 麥，楚 子 問 帥 於 大 師 子 穀，與 葉 公 諸 梁。子 穀 曰，右 領 差 車，與 左 史 老，皆 相 令 尹 司 馬 以 伐 陳，其 可 使 也。子 高 曰，率 賤，民 慢 之，懼 不 用 命 焉。子 穀 曰，觀 丁 父，鄀 俘 也，武 王 以 為 軍 率，是 以 克 州，蓼，服 隨，唐，大 啟 羣 蠻，彭 仲 爽，申 俘 也，文 王 以 為 令 尹，實 縣 申 息，朝 陳，蔡，封 畛 於 汝，唯 其 任 也，何 賤 之 有。子 高 曰，天 命 不 諂，令 尹 有 憾 於 陳，天 若 亡 之，其 必 令 尹 之 子 是 與，君 盍 舍 焉，臣 懼 右 領 與 左 史，有 二 俘 之 賤，而 無 其 令 德 也。王 卜 之，武 城 尹 吉，使 帥 師 取 陳 麥，陳 人御 之，敗，遂 圍 陳，秋，七 月，己 卯，楚 公 孫 朝 帥 師 滅 陳。王 與 葉 公 枚 卜 子 良，以 為 令 尹，沈 尹 朱 曰，吉，過 於 其 志。葉 公 曰，王 子 而 相 國，過 將 何 為。他 日 改 卜 子 國，而 使 為 令 尹。
衛 侯 夢 於 北 宮，見 人 登 昆 吾 之 觀，被 髮 北 面 而 譟 曰，登 此 昆 吾 之 虛，綿 綿 生 之 瓜，余 為 渾 良 夫，呌 天 無 辜。公 親 筮 之，胥 彌 赦 占 之，曰，不 害，與 之 邑，寘 之，而 逃 奔 宋。衛 侯 貞 卜，其 繇 曰，如 魚 竀 尾，衡 流 而 方 羊，裔 焉 大 國，滅 之 將 亡，闔 門 塞 竇，乃 自 後 踰，冬，十 月，晉 復 伐 衛，入 其 郛，將 入 城，簡 子 曰，止，叔 向 有 言，曰，怙 亂 滅 國 者 無 後。衛 人 出 莊 公，而 與 晉 平，晉 立 襄 公 之 孫 般 師 而 還。十 一 月，衛 侯 自 鄄 入，般 師 出。初，公 登 城 以 望，見 戎 州，問 之，以 告，公 曰，我 姬 姓 也，何 戎 之 有 焉。翦 之。公 使 匠 久，公 欲 逐 石 圃，未 及 而 難 作，辛 巳，石 圃 因 匠 氏 攻 公。公 閉 門 而 請，弗 許，踰 於 北 方，而 隊，折 股，戎 州 人 攻 之，大 子 疾，公 子 青，踰 從 公，戎 州 人 殺 之，公 入 於 戎 州 己 氏，初，公 自 城 上，見 己 氏 之 妻，髮 美，使 髡 之，以 為 呂 姜 髢，既 入 焉，而 示 之 璧，曰，活 我，吾 與 女 璧。己 氏 曰，殺 女，璧 其 焉 往。遂 殺 之，而 取 其 璧，衛 人 復 公 孫 般 師 而 立 之。十 二 月，齊 人 伐 衛，衛 人 請 平，立 公 子 起，執 般 師 以 歸，舍 諸 潞。
公 會 齊 侯 盟 於 蒙，孟 武 伯 相，齊 侯 稽 首，公 拜。齊 人怒，武 伯 曰，非 天 子，寡 君 無 所 稽 首。武 伯 問 於 高 柴 曰，諸 侯 盟，誰 執 牛 耳。季 羔 曰，鄫 衍 之 役，吳 公 子 姑 曹，發 陽 之 役，衛 石 魋。武 伯 曰，然 則 彘 也。
宋 皇 瑗 之 子 麇 有 友 曰 田 丙，而 奪 其 兄 劖 般 邑。以 與 之。劖 般 慍 而 行，告 桓 司 馬 之 臣 子 儀 克，子 儀 克 適 宋，告 夫 人 曰，麇 將 納 桓 氏。公 問 諸 子 仲，初，子 仲 將 以 杞 姒 之 子 非 我 為 子，麇 曰，必 立 伯 也，是 良 材。子 仲 怒，弗 從，故 對 曰，右 師 則 老 矣，不 識 麇 也。公 執 之，皇 瑗 奔 晉，召 之。
十 有 八 年
左 傳 曰，十 八 年，春，宋 殺 皇 瑗，公 聞 其 情，復 皇 氏 之 族，使 皇 緩 為 右 師。
巴 人 伐 楚，圍 鄾。初，右 司 馬 子 國 之 卜 也，觀 瞻 曰，如 志，故 命 之，及 巴 師 至，將 卜 師，王 曰，寕 如 志，何 卜 焉。使 帥 師 而 行。請 承，王 曰，寢 尹，工 尹，勤 先 君 者 也。三 月，楚 公 孫 寕，吳 由 于，薳 固，敗 巴 師 於 鄾，故 封 子 國 於 析。君 子 曰，惠 王 知 志，夏 書 曰，官 占，唯 能 蔽 志，昆 命 於 元 龜，其 是 之 謂 乎。志 曰，聖 人 不 煩 卜 筮，惠 王 其 有 焉。
夏，衛 石 圃 逐 其 君 起，起 奔 齊，衛 侯 輒 自 齊 復 歸，逐 石 圃 而 復 石 魋，與 大 叔 遺。
十 有 九 年
左 傳 曰，十 九 年，春，越 人 侵 楚，以 誤 吳 也。
夏，楚 公 子 慶，公 孫 寬，追 越 師 至 冥，不 及 乃 還。
秋，楚 沈 諸 梁 伐 東 夷，三 夷 男 女 及 楚 師 盟 於 敖。
冬，叔 青 如 京 師，敬 王 崩 故 也。
二 十 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 年，春，齊 人 來 徵 會。夏，會 於 廩 丘，為 鄭 故，謀 伐 晉，鄭 人 辭 諸 侯。秋，師 還。
吳 公 子 慶 忌 驟 諫 吳 子 曰，不 改 必 亡。弗 聽，出 居 於 艾，遂 適 楚，聞 越 將 伐 吳，冬，請 歸，平 越。遂 歸，欲 除 不 忠 者，以 說 於 越。吳 人 殺 之。
十 一 月，越 圍 吳，趙 孟 降 於 喪 食，楚 隆 曰，三 年 之 喪，親 暱 之 極 也，主 又 降 之，無 乃 有 故 乎。趙 孟 曰，黃 池 之 役，先 主 與 吳 王 有 質，曰，好 惡 同 之，今 越 圍 吳，嗣 子 不 廢 舊 業，而 敵 之，非 晉 之 所 能 及 也，吾 是 以 為 降。楚 隆 曰，若 使 吳 王 知 之，若 何。趙 孟 曰，可 乎。隆 曰，請 嘗 之。乃 往，先 造 於 越 軍 曰，吳 犯 閒 上 國 多 矣，聞 君 親 討 焉，諸 夏 之 人 莫 不 欣 喜，唯 恐 君 志 之 不 從，請 入 視 之。許 之，告 於 吳 王 曰，寡 君 之 老 無 恤，使 陪 臣 隆，敢 展 謝 其 不 共，黃 池 之 役，君 之 先 臣 志 父，得 承 齊 盟，曰，好 惡 同 之，今 君 在 難，無 恤 不 敢 憚 勞，非 晉 國 之 所 能 及 也，使 陪 臣 敢 展 布 之，王 拜 稽 首，曰，寡 人 不 佞，不 能 事 越，以 為 大 夫 憂，拜 命 之 辱。與 之 一 簞 珠，使 問 趙 孟，曰，句 踐 將 生 憂 寡 人，寡 人 死 之 不 得 矣。王 曰，溺 人 必 笑，吾 將 有 問 也，史 黯 何 以 得 為 君 子。對 曰，黯 也，進 不 見 惡，退 無 謗 言。王 曰，宜 哉。
二 十 有 一 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 一 年，夏，五 月，越 人 始 來。
秋，八 月，公 及 齊 侯，邾 子，盟 於 顧。齊 人 責 稽 首，因 歌 之，曰，魯 人 之 皋，數 年 不 覺，使 我 高 蹈，唯 其 儒 書，以 為 二 國 憂。是 行 也，公 先 至 於 陽 穀，齊 閭 丘 息 曰，君 辱 舉 玉 趾，以 在 寡 君 之 軍，羣 臣 將 傳 遽 以 告 寡 君，比 其 復 也，君 無 乃 勤，為 僕 人 之 未 次，請 除 館 於 舟 道。辭 曰，敢 勤 僕 人。
二 十 有 二 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 二 年，夏，四 月，邾 隱 公 自 齊 奔 越，曰，吳 為 無 道，執 父 立 子 ，越 人 歸 之，大 子 革 奔 越。
冬，十 一 月，丁 卯，越 滅 吳，請 使 吳 王 居 甬 東，辭 曰，孤 老 矣，焉 能 事 君，乃 縊。越 人 以 歸。
二 十 有 三 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 三 年，春，宋 景 曹 卒，季 康 子 使 冉 有 弔，且 送 葬，曰，敝 邑 有 社 稷 之 事，使 肥 與 有 職 競 焉，是 以 不 得 助 執 紼，使 求 從 輿 人。曰，以 肥 之 得 備 彌 甥 也，有 不 腆 先 人 之 產 馬，使 求 薦 諸 夫 人 之 宰，其 可 以 稱 旌 繁 乎。
夏，六 月，晉 荀 瑤 伐 齊，高 無 平 帥 師 御 之。知 伯 視 齊 師，馬 駭，遂 驅 之，曰，齊 人 知 余 旗，其 謂 余 畏 而 反 也。及 壘 而 還。將 戰，長 武 子 請 卜，知 伯 曰，君 告 於 天 子，而 卜 之 以 守 龜 於 宗 祧，吉 矣，吾 又 何 卜 焉， 且 齊 人 取 我 英 丘，君 命 瑤，非 敢 耀 武 也，治 英 丘 也，以 辭 伐 罪，足 矣，何 必 卜。壬 辰，戰 於 犂 丘，齊 師 敗 績，知 伯 親 禽 顏 庚。
秋，八 月，叔 青 如 越，始 使 越 也，越 諸 鞅 來 聘，報 叔 青 也。
二 十 有 四 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 四 年，夏，四 月，晉 侯 將 伐 齊，使 來 乞 師，曰，昔 臧 文 仲 以 楚 師 伐 齊，取 穀，宣 叔 以 晉 師 伐 齊，取 汶 陽，寡 君 欲 徼 福 於 周 公，乞 靈 於 臧 氏。臧 石 帥 師 會 之，取 廩 丘。軍 吏 令 繕，將 進，萊 章 曰。君 卑 政 暴，往 歲 克 敵，今 又 勝 都，天 奉 多 矣，又 焉 能 進，是 躗 言 也，役 將 班 矣。晉 師 乃 還。餼 臧 石 牛，大 史 謝 之，曰，以 寡 君 之 在 行，牢 禮 不 度，敢 展 謝 之。
邾 子 又 無 道，越 人 執 之 以 歸，而 立 公 子 何。何 亦 無 道。
公 子 荊 之 母 嬖，將 以 為 夫 人，使 宗 人 釁 夏 獻 其 禮，對 曰，無 之，公 怒 曰，女 為 宗 司，立 夫 人，國 之 大 禮 也，何 故 無 之。對 曰，周 公 及 武 公 娶 於 薛，孝，惠，娶 於 商，自 桓 以 下 娶 於 齊，此 禮 也，則 有，若 以 妾 為 夫 人，則 固 無 其 禮 也。公 卒 立 之，而 以 荊 為 大 子，國 人 始 惡 之。
閏 月，公 如 越，得 大 子 適 郢，將 妻 公，而 多 與 之 地。公 孫 有 山，使 告 於 季 孫，季 孫 懼，使 因 大 宰 嚭 而 納 賂 焉。乃 止。
二 十 有 五 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 五 年，夏，五 月，庚 辰，衛 侯 出 奔 宋。衛 侯 為 靈 臺 於 藉 圃，與 諸 大 夫 飲 酒 焉，褚 師 聲 子 襪 而 登 席，公 怒，辭 曰，臣 有 疾 異 於 人，若 見 之，君 將 殻 之，是 以 不 敢。公 愈 怒，大 夫 辭 之，不 可，褚 師 出，公 戟 其 手，曰，必 斷 而 足。聞 之。褚 師 與 司 寇 亥 乘，曰，今 日 幸 而 後 亡。公 之 入 也，奪 南 氏 邑，而 奪 司 寇 亥 政，公 使 侍 人 納 公 文 懿 子 之 車 于 池。初，衛 人 翦 夏 丁 氏，以 其 帑 賜 彭 封 彌 子，彌 子 飲 公 酒，納 夏 戊 之 女。嬖，以 為 夫 人，其 弟 期，大 叔 疾 之 從 孫 甥 也，少 畜 於 公，以 為 司 徒，夫 人 寵 衰，期 得 罪。公 使 三 匠 久，公 使 優 狡 盟 拳 彌，而 甚 近 信 之，故 褚 師 比，公 孫 彌 牟，公 文 要，司 寇 亥，司 徒 期，因 三 匠 與 拳 彌 以作 亂，皆 執 利 兵，無 者 執 斤，使 拳 彌 入 於 公 宮，而 自 大 子 疾 之 宮，譟 以 攻 公。鄄 子 士 請 禦 之，彌 援 其 手 曰，子 則 勇 矣，將 若 君 何，不 見 先 君 乎，君 何 所 不 逞 欲，且 君 嘗 在 外 矣，豈 必 不 反，當 今 不 可，衆 怒 難 犯，休 而 易 閒 也。乃 出，將 適 蒲，彌 曰，晉 無 信，不 可。將 適 鄄，彌 曰，齊 晉 爭 我，不 可。將 適 泠，彌 曰，魯 不 足 與，請 適 城 鉏，以 鉤 越，越 有 君。乃 適 城 鉏，彌 曰，衛 盜 不 可 知 也，請 速，自 我 始。乃 載 寶 以 歸。公 為 支 離 之 卒，因 祝 史 揮 以 侵 衛，衛 人 病 之，懿 子 知 之，見 子 之，請 逐 揮，文 子 曰，無 罪。懿 子 曰，彼 好 專 利 而 妄，夫 見 君 之 入 也，將 先 道 焉，若 逐 之，必 出 於 南 門，而 適 君 所，夫 越 新 得 諸 侯，將 必 請 師 焉，揮 在 朝，使 吏 遣 諸 其 室，揮 出，信 弗 內，五 日，乃 館 諸 外 里，遂 有 寵，使 如 越 請 師。
六 月，公 至 自 越，季 康 子，孟 武 伯，逆 於 五 梧，郭 重 僕，見 二 子 曰，惡 言 多 矣，君 請 盡 之。公 宴 於 五 梧，武 伯 為 祝，惡 郭 重 曰，何 肥 也，季 孫 曰，請 飲 彘 也，以 魯 國 之 密 邇 仇 讐，臣 是 以 不 獲 從 君，克 免 於 大 行，又 謂 重 也 肥。公 曰，是 食 言 多 矣，能 無 肥 乎。飲 酒 不 樂，公 與 大 夫 始 有 惡。
二 十 有 六 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 六 年，夏，五 月，叔 孫 舒 帥 師 會 越 皋 如，后 庸，宋 樂 茷，納 衛 侯，文 子 欲 納 之，懿 子 曰，君 愎 而 虐，少 待 之，必 毒 於 民，乃 睦 於 子 矣。師 侵 外 州，大 獲，出 禦 之，大 敗。掘 褚 師 定 子 之 墓，焚 之 於 平 莊 之 上。文 子 使 王 孫 齊 私 於 皋 如，曰，子 將 大 滅 衛 乎，抑 納 君 而 已 乎。皋 如 曰，寡 君 之 命 無 他，納 衛 君 而 已，文 子 致 衆 而 問 焉，曰，君 以 蠻 夷 伐 國，國 幾 亡 矣，請 納 之。衆 曰，勿 納。曰，彌 牟 亡 而 有 益，請 自 北 門 出。衆 曰，勿 出。重 賂 越 人，申 開 守 陴，而 納 公，公 不 敢 入。師 還，立 悼 公，南 氏 相 之，以 城 鉏 與 越 人。公 曰，期 則 為 此，令 苟 有 怨 於 夫 人 者，報 之。司 徒 期 聘 於 越，公 攻 而 奪 之 幣，期 告 王，王 命 取 之，期 以 衆 取 之，公 怒，殺 期 之 甥 之 為 大 子 者，遂 卒 於 越。
宋 景 公 無 子，取 公 孫 周 之 子 得，與 啟，畜 諸 公 宮，未 有 立 焉，於 是 皇 緩 為 右 師，皇 非 我 為 大 司 馬，皇 懷 為 司 徒，靈 不 緩 為 左 師，樂 茷 為 司 城，樂 朱 鉏 為 大 司 寇，六 卿 三 族 降 聽 政，因 大 尹 以 達，大 尹 常 不 告，而 以 其 欲，稱 君 命 以 令，國 人 惡 之。司 城 欲 去 大 尹，左 師 曰，縱 之，使 盈 其 罪，重 而 無 基，能 無 敝 乎。冬，十 月，公 游 于 空 澤，辛 巳，卒 於 連 中。大 尹 興 空 澤 之 士 千 甲，奉 公 自 空 桐 入，如 沃 宮，使 召 六 子，曰，聞 下 有 師，君 請 六 子 畫，六 子 至，以 甲 劫 之，曰 君 有 疾 病，請 二 三 子 盟。乃 盟 於 少 寢 之 庭，曰 無 為 公 室 不 利。大 尹 立 啟，奉 喪 殯 於 大 宮，三 日，而 後 國 人 知 之，司 城 茷 使 宣 言 於 國 曰，大 尹 惑 蠱 其 君 而 專 其 利，令 君 無 疾 而 死，死 又 匿 之，是 無 他 矣，大 尹 之 罪 也。得 夢 啟 北 首 而 寢 於 廬 門 之 外，已 為 鳥 而 集 於 其 上，咮 加 於 南 門，尾 加 於 桐 門，曰，余 夢 美，必 立。大 尹 謀，曰，我 不 在 盟，無 乃 逐 我，復 盟 之 乎。使 祝 為 載 書，六 子 在 唐 孟，將 盟 之，祝 襄 以 載 書 告 皇 非 我，皇 非 我 因 子 潞，門 尹 得，左 師 謀 曰，民 與 我，逐 之 乎。皆 歸 授 甲，使 徇 於 國 曰，大 尹 惑 蠱 其 君，以 陵 虐 公 室，與 我 者，救 君 者 也，衆 曰，與 之。大 尹 徇 曰，戴 氏，皇 氏，將 不 利 公 室，與 我 者，無 憂 不 富。衆 曰，無 別。戴 氏 皇 氏，欲 伐 公，樂 得 曰，不 可，彼 以 陵 公 有 罪，我 伐 公，則 甚 焉，使 國 人 施 於 大 尹，大 尹 奉 啟 以 奔 楚，乃 立 得，司 城 為 上 卿，盟 曰，三 族 共 政，無 相 害 也。
衛 出 公 自 城 鉏，使 以 弓 問 子 贛，且 曰，吾 其 入 乎。子 贛 稽 首 受 弓，對 曰，臣 不 識 也。私 於 使 者 曰，昔 成 公 孫 於 陳，甯 武 子，孫 莊 子，為 宛 濮 之 盟，而 君 入，獻 公 孫 於 衛 齊，子 鮮，子 展，為 夷 儀 之 盟 而 君 入。今 君 再 在 孫 矣，內 不 聞 獻 之 親，外 不 聞 成 之 卿，則 賜 不 識 所 由 入 也，詩 曰，無 競 惟 人，四 方 其 順 之，若 得 其 人，四 方 以 為 主，而 國 於 何 有。
二 十 有 七 年
左 傳 曰，二 十 七 年，春，越 子 使 后 庸 來 聘，且 言 邾 田，封 于 駘 上，二 月，盟 於 平 陽，三 子 皆 從。康 子 病 之，言 及 子 贛，曰，若 在 此，吾 不 及 此 夫。武 伯 曰，然 何 不 召。曰，固 將 召 之。文 子 曰，他 日 請 念。
夏，四 月，己 亥，季 康 子 卒，公 弔 焉，降 禮。
晉 荀 瑤 帥 師 伐 鄭，次 于 桐 丘。鄭 駟 弘 請 救 於 齊，齊 師 將 興，陳 子 屬 孤 子，三 日 朝，設 乘 車 兩 馬，繫 五 邑 焉，召 顏 涿 聚 之 子 晉，曰，隰 之 役，而 父 死 焉，以 國 之 多 難，未 女 恤 也，今 君 命 女 以 是 邑 也，服 車 而 朝，毋 廢 前 勞。乃 救 鄭，及 畱 舒，違 穀 七 里，穀 人 不 知，及 濮，雨 不 涉，子 思 曰，大 國 在 敝 邑 之 宇 下，是 以 告 急，今 師 不 行，恐 無 及 也。成 子 衣 製，杖 戈，立 於 阪 上，馬 不 出 者，助 之 鞭 之，知 伯 聞 之，乃 還，曰，我 卜 伐 鄭，不 卜 敵 齊，使 謂 成 子 曰，大 夫 陳 子，陳 之 自 出，陳 之 不 祀，鄭 之 罪 也，故 寡 君 使 瑤 察 陳 衷 焉，謂 大 夫 其 恤 陳 乎，若 利 本 之 顛，瑤 何 有 焉，成 子 怒 曰，多 陵 人 者 皆 不 在，知 伯 其 能 久 乎。中 行 文 子 告 成 子，曰，有 自 晉 師 告 寅 者，將 為 輕 車 千 乘，以 厭 齊 師 之 門，則 可 盡 也。成 子 曰，寡 君 命 恆 曰，無 及 寡，無 畏 衆，雖 過 千 乘，敢 辟 之 乎，將 以 子 之 命 告 寡 君。文 子 曰，吾 乃 今 知 所 以 亡，君 子 之 謀 也，始 衷 終 皆 舉 之，而 後 入 焉，今 我 三 不 知 而 入 之，不 亦 難 乎。
公 患 三 桓 之 侈 也，欲 以 諸 侯 去 之。三 桓 亦 患 公 之 妄 也，故 君 臣 多 間。公 游 於 陵 阪，遇 孟 武 伯 於 孟 氏 之 衢，曰，請 有 問 於 子，余 及 死 乎。對 曰，臣 無 由 知 之。三 問，卒 辭 不 對。公 欲 以 越 伐 魯 而 去 三 桓，秋，八 月，甲 戌，公 如 公 孫 有 陘 氏，因 孫 於 邾，乃 遂 如 越，國 人 施 公 孫 有 山 氏。
BOOK XII. DUKE AI.
I. First year.
1. In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2. The viscount of Chu, the marquises of Chen and Sui, and the baron of Xu, laid siege to [the capital of] Cai.
3. Field-mice ate at the ox for the border sacrifice, so that it died; and another was divined for.
4. In summer, in the fourth month, on Xinsi, we offered the border sacrifice.
5. In autumn, the marquises of Qi and Wey invaded Jin.
6. In winter, Zhongsun Heji led a force and invaded Zhu.
Title of the Book.— 哀公, 'Duke Ai.' Duke Ai was a son of Ding, by the lady Si, whose death took place about two months after her husband's. His name was Jiang (蔣). In his 14th year was found the lin, with the record of which event Confucius terminated his labours on the Chunqiu; but the rule of Ai lasted 27 years, from B.C. 493 to 467. The posthumous title denotes 'Respectful and benevolent, short-lived (恭仁短折曰哀).'
His first year synchronized with the 26th of king Jing; the 18th of Ding of Jin; the 54th of Jing of Qi; the 41st of Ling of Wey; the 25th of Zhao of Cai; the 7th of Sheng (聲) of Zheng; the 8th of Yang (陽) of Cao; the 8th of Min (閔) of Chen; the 12th of Xi (僖) of Qi; the 23d of Jing of Song; the 7th of Hui (惠) of Qin; the 22d of Zhao of Chu; and the 2d of Fuchai (夫差) of Wu.
Par. 1. This par. must be taken as showing that all was regular about the succession of duke Ai.
Par. 2. We have met with Sui before, but not with 'the marquis of Sui,' as a peer of the kingdom. Du supposes that in consequence of the services of Sui to the viscount of Chu, when he was driven from his capital by Wu (See the Zhuan on XI. iv. 15), he had rewarded it, and called its ruler now to take the field as one of the other princes. We read, in XI. vi. 1, that Zheng extinguished Xu, and carried off the baron as a prisoner. Chu must have constituted another State of Xu, thus boldly exercising a royal prerogative.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the viscount of Chu laid siege to [the capital of] Cai, to repay that State for the action at Boju (XI. iv. 14). He raised a mound at the distance of a li [from the walls], 10 cubits thick, and twice as many in height, stationing soldiers [inside, till the work was completed], which was accomplished in 9 days, the men working day and night;—according to the previous [calculation] of Zixi. The people of the city [came out and surrendered], the males in one body and the women in another. [The viscount then] ordered them to settle between the Jiang and the Ru, and returned, upon which Cai asked leave from Wu to remove within the limits of that State.'
[The Zhuan turns here to the affairs of Wu and Yue:——'Fuchai, king of Wu, defeated Yue at Fujiao, in return for the battle of Zuili (XI. xiv. 5), and then went on to enter [the capital of] that State. The viscount of Yue, with 5000 men armed with buff-coats and shields, maintained himself on [the hill of] Kuaiji, while he sent his great officer Zhong to obtain peace by means of the services of Pi, the grand-administrator of Wu. The viscount of Wu was about to grant his request, when Wu Yun said, "said not do so. I have heard that in planting what will be advantageous to us we should try to make it great, and in removing what will be injurious we should do it entirely. Anciently there was Jiao of Guo, who killed [the prince of] Zhenguan, and then, going on to attack Zhenxun, destroyed Xiang, the sovereign of Xia. Xiang's queen Min was then pregnant, and made her escape through a hole. She went to her native State of Reng, where she gave birth to Shaokang. He became chief of the shepherds of Reng; and, afraid of the power of Jiao, he took precautions against him. Jiao employed Jiao to seek for him, on which he fled to Yu, and was chief cook to its ruler, that thus he might escape the dangers which threatened him. Si of Yu gave him his two daughters (Yaos, of the same surname as Shun) in marriage, and the city of Lun, where he had territory to the extent of 10 li square, and troops to the number of 500. There he could make his virtue be felt, and commenced to lay his plans, to collect again the people of Xia and revive its [abolished] offices. He employed Ru Yi to watch Jiao, and Li Zhu to delude Yi, so that [by and by] he extinguished Guo and Ge, restored the line of Yu, and sacrificed to the sovereigns of Xia with their founder as the correlate of Heaven, recovering all that of old belonged to his family. Now Wu is not equal to Guo, and [the ruler of] Yue is greater than Shaokang. Should you perhaps [by this peace] make him still greater, will it not be to the disadvantage [of Wu]? Goujian is able to attract men's affection, and lays himself out to bestow favours. In his bounty, he does not fail to reward the proper men; in his kindness, he does not neglect [the smallest] services. His territory is similar to ours, but Wu and Yue have been enemies for generations. Now you have vanquished it, but instead of taking it to yourself, you are going to preserve it;—this is to oppose the will of Heaven, and to strengthen your enemy. Though you repent of this hereafter, the evil cannot be digested away. The decay of the Ji may be expected to go on from day to day. Lying contiguous to the rude tribes of the south and east, and giving encouragement to our enemies, if in this way you seek to make yourself the leader of the States, the thing can certainly not be done."
'Yun was not listened to, so he retired, and said to some one, "Give Yue 10 years for the growth of its people and the collection of its resources, and [other] ten years for the instruction of its people, and in little more than those 20 years, [the capital of] Wu is likely to be made a pool. In the 3d month, Yue and Wu made peace.
'Wu's entering of Yue does not appear in the text, because Wu did not announce [to Lu] its success, nor did Yue announce its defeat.']
Parr. 3, 4. Guliang has here 角 after 牛 See on parr. 2, 4 of last year, and the previous paragraphs of a similar nature. Guliang dilates, on this par., at great length on the presumption of Lu, exhibited and condemned in these passages; but his criticism goes on the supposition that the border sacrifice spoken of is that to Heaven in the 1st month. But we have seen reason to think that the texts only refer to the sacrifice for a blessing on the toils of husbandry, properly falling in the 3d month of Zhou, but still allowable in the 4th month, up to the time of the equinox. Whether this year it was celebrated before or after that date, the text does not enable us to say.
[The Zhuan appends here 2 narratives:—
1st, about the struggle between Qi and Jin. 'In summer, in the 4th month, the marquises of Qi and Wey succoured Handan, and laid siege to Wulu.'
2d, about Wu's commencing hostilities against Chen. 'When Wu had entered [the capital of] Chu (In Ding's 4th year), [the viscount] sent to summon duke Huai of Chen [to join him], who assembled the people of the State to ask their opinion, and said, "Let those who wish to side with Chu go to the right, and those who wish to side with Wu go to the left." The people took the side of the State near to which their lands lay; and those who had no lands took the side they were inclined to. Feng Hua, however, advanced right opposite to the duke, and said, "I have heard that States flourish through prosperity and perish through calamity. Now Wu has not yet enjoyed prosperity, nor has Chu suffered calamity. Chu is not to be rejected, and Wu is not to be followed. There is Jin, the lord of covenants. Suppose you decline the requisition of Wu on the ground of [your duty to] Jin." The duke said, "The State [of Chu] is conquered, and its ruler is a fugitive. If 'this be not calamity, what would be so?" "Such things have happened to many States," was the reply. "Why may not Chu recover itself? Small States have done so, and how much more may a great State do so! I have heard that States flourish when they regard their people as if apprehensive of their receiving hurt:——that brings prosperity. States again perish when they treat their people as earth or grass: —that brings calamity. Although Chu does not show [much] kindness, it does not slay its people, whereas Wu is daily ruined with fighting, and the bones of its people lie like weeds on the ground. They experience no kindness from it. Heaven perhaps is teaching Chu good lessons; but what [future] time need we look to for calamity to visit Wu?"
'The duke followed this advice; and [now] when Fuchai had subdued Yue, he determined to carry out the resentment of his father [against Chen]; and in autumn, in the 8th month, Wu made an incursion into Chen, reviving and feeding the old animosity.']
Par. 5. We have here a continuance of the efforts of the other States, at the instigation of Qi, to break down the power of Jin. The Zhuan says:——'The marquises of Qi and Wey had a meeting in Ganhou, to help the chief of the Fan clan. An army of ours, one of Qi, Kong Yu of Wey, and a body of the Xianyu, invaded Jin, and took Jipu.'
[The Zhuan continues its narratives about Wu:——'When Wu was in Chen, the great officers of Chu were all afraid, and said, "Helu was able to employ his people, and defeated us at Boju, and now we have heard that his successor is still more [warlike] than he; what is to be done?" Zixi said to them, "You have only to be anxious, gentlemen, about a want of harmony among yourselves, and need not be troubled about Wu. Formerly Helu never partook of two dishes, did not sit on a double mat, dwelt in no lofty structures, had no red paint nor carving about his articles of furniture, built no towers about his palaces, used no ornaments about his boats and chariots, and in his choice of dress and in all his outlay avoided what was expensive. When any calamity or pestilence from Heaven visited the State, he went round himself among the orphans and widows, and ministered to their wants and distresses. When he was with his army, he did not venture to eat himself until all the soldiers had had their share of what was cooked; and in what he took himself his foot-guards and chariot-men all partook with him. Thus diligently did he care for his people, and share with them in their toils and pleasures; and the consequence was that they did not weary of hard service, and in death they knew that [their families] would not be uncared for. Our former great officer, Zichang, was the reverse of all this and so it was that Helu defeated us. But I have heard that Fuchai, wherever he halts, must have towers, raised pavilions, embankments, and lakes, and where he spends the night, must have ladies, high and low, to serve his purposes. If he take one day's journey, he must have whatever he desires done. His curiosities must follow him; he collects things precious and rare; he seeks after spectacles and music; he regards his people as enemies; and uses them every day in some new way. Such an one will first defeat himself;—how can he defeat us?']
Par. 6. We have the commencement of the hostilities against Zhu, spoken of under the concluding par. of last year as in contemplation by Lu.
[The Zhuan adds here:—— 'In winter, in the 11th month. Zhao Yang of Jin attacked Zhaoge.']
II. Second year.
1. In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second month, Jisun Si, Shusun Zhouqiu, and Zhongsun Heji, led a force and invaded Zhu. They took the lands east of the Kuo, and those west of the Yi.
2. On Guisi, Shusun Zhouqiu and Zhongsun Heji made a covenant with the viscount of Zhu at Gouyi.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Bingzi, Yuan, marquis of Wey, died.
4. The viscount of Teng came on a court visit to Lu.
5. Zhao Yang of Jin led a force, and placed Kuaikui, heir-son of Wey, in Qi.
6. In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jiaxu, Zhao Yang of Jin led a force, and fought with a force under Han Da of Zheng at Tie, when the army of Zheng was shamefully defeated.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, there was the burial of duke Ling of Wey.
8. In the eleventh month, Cai removed [its capital] to Zhoulai.
9. Cai put to death its great officer, the Gongzi Si.
Parr. 1, 2. The Kuo river,—see on IX. xix.
4. The Yi,—see on the Shu III. i. Pt. i. 29. In IX. xix. 4, it is said that Lu took the lands of Zhu from the Kuo water. A further portion of its territory lying east from that stream must now have been secured.
The Zhuan says:——'In spring, we invaded Zhu, and were going to attack Jiao. The people of Zhu, loving the territory thereabouts, bribed us with the lands about the Kuo and the Yi, and received a covenant.' The three great families of Lu would seem by this time to have recovered themselves, and duke Ai was a tool in their hands as much as Zhao had been. While their chiefs were united in the invasion of Zhu, only two of them covenanted with the viscount. Perhaps Guliang is right in thinking the reason was that Shusun and Zhongsun obtained the lands which were now ceded; and this may have been the reason that the system of depredation was continued next year. Gouyi was in Zhu,—in the pres. dis. of Zou (鄒), dep. Yanzhou.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says, "Before this, [once], when the marquis of Wey was enjoying himself in the suburbs, and Zinan was driving his carriage, he said to him, "I have [now] no son [declared as my successor]; I will appoint you." Zinan gave no answer, Another day, the marquis spoke to him to the same effect, when he replied, "I am not sufficient to preside over the altars. Let your lordship think of some other arrangement. There is the marchioness [with you] in the hall, and there are the 3 classes to whom you bow below it:—[consult with them]. Your [mere] order to me would only lead to disgrace." In summer the marquis died, and the marchioness said, "Appoint his son Ying (Zinan) to be his successor; this was his order." Ying replied, "My views differ from those of his other sons. He died, moreover, in my hands. If there had been such an order, I should have heard it. Besides, Zhe, the son of the exile (Kuaikui; see XI. xiv. 11) is here." Accordingly Zhe was appointed marquis.'
Par. 4. With this end the notices of other princes coming to the court of Lu. Wang Kekuan says:——'Duke Ai had newly succeeded to the State, and therefore duke Qing of Teng came to pay him this court visit. It was the first paid by a marquis of Teng to Lu since the visit of duke Cheng in the 6th year of Xiang, though Cheng attended the funeral of Xiang, and Qing that of Ding. Of all the States which thus visited Lu, during the period of the Chunqiu, the princes of Teng, Qi, Cao, and Zhu, did so most frequently. Those of Qi did so 7 times, the last visit being in the 18th year of Cheng. Those of Cao did so 5 times, the last being in the 21st year of Xiang. Those of Little Zhu also paid 5 visits, the last being in the 17th year of Zhao. Those of Zhu 7, the last being in the 15th year of Ding. Those of Teng 5, the first in the 11th year of Yin and the last in this year. The princes of Teng and Lu were equally marquises; and for the former to be thus constantly found at the gate of the latter showed extreme smallness and weakness.' This is all very well; but according to 'the rules of propriety,' the interchange of court visits between the princes should have been much more frequent. 'The rules of propriety' gave place to 'the way of the world.' Great States gave up those visits altogether, and small ones observed them by constraint not willingly.
Par. 5. Qi,—see VI. i. 9 The Zhuan says;—'In the 6th month, on Yiyou, Zhao Yang of Jin placed the eldest [and heir-son of the late marquis of] Wey in Qi. [The expedition] lost its way in the night, but Yang Hu said, "Let us keep on the right of the He and proceed southwards, and we must come to the place." [Yang] made the prince wear mourning, and 8 men wear clothes and scarfs of sackcloth, and pretend that they had gone from the capital to meet him; and in this guise they notified their arrival at the gate, which the prince entered weeping. He then kept possession of the city.'
We saw, XI. viv. 11, that Kuaikui fled from Wey to Song. His father was now dead, and his own son had been appointed marquis. This seemed to be a good opportunity to Zhao Yang to take revenge on Wey for its hostility to Jin, and he would appear to have gone for the prince of Wey to Song, or have called him from that State; and by the stratagem mentioned in the Zhuan, he placed him in possesion of an important city in Wey, from which he was able by and by to gain all his inheritance. The critics dwell on the terms and phrases, 納世子, 納于戚,instead of 納于衛, as full of pregnant meaning; but it seems to me that Confucius simply tells the story, and leaves his readers to form their own judgment on the conduct of the parties concerned in it.
Par. 6. Gongyang has 軒 for 罕, and for 鐵 both 栗 and 秩. Tie was the name of a small hill, which lay south from Qi;—in the present Kaizhou, dep. Daming.
The repetition of 師師 in the 2d member of the
sentence is peculiar. The Zhuan says: —'In autumn, in the 8th month, the
people of Qi were sending grain to the Fanites, under the convoy of
Ziyao (Han Da) and Ziban (Si Hong) of Zheng, who were met by Si Jishe.
Zhao Yang wanted to intercept the convoy, and met it near Qi. Yang Hu
said to him, "Our chariots are few. Let us take the flags of our
war-chariots, and display them in the van, in front of the chariots of
Han and Si. Those officers coming up from behind, and arranging in the
same way [their order of battle], will be sure to be alarmed when they
see our appearance; and by then commencing the fight, we shall give them
a great defeat." Yang adopted this counsel, and consulted the
tortoise-shell about [the propriety of] fighting; but the shell was
[only] scorched, [and gave no further indication]. Yue Ding said, "The
ode (Shi, III. i. ode III. 3) says,
Our counsels are the same (As they were before, when we determined to reinstate the prince of Wey); we may take the intimation which we then received as our answer now
'Jianzi (Zhao Yang) then made the following solemn declaration. "Fanshi and Zhonghangshi have transgressed the clear will of Heaven, slaughtering our people, and wishing to get into their own hands the State of Jin, and to extinguish its ruler. Our ruler felt himself safe in his reliance on Zheng, but now Zheng, contrary to all right, has abandoned our ruler, and is assisting his rebellious subjects. You, gentlemen, are acting in accordance with the clear will of Heaven, and in obedience to your ruler's commands. It is for you, in this engagement, to vindicate the supremacy of virtue and righteouness, and to take away reproach and shame. Those who distinguish themselves in the victory shall receive—a great officer of the superior grade, a xian, and one of the inferior, a jun; an officer, 10 myriads of mu; a common man (I.e., a farmer), a mechanic, or a merchant, the privilege of becoming an officer; servants, such as sweepers and grooms, exemption [from their menial toils]. Should I (Zhifu was a name of Yang) come out free of guilt, let our ruler consider my case. If I be chargeable with guilt, let me die by the cord. Let my body be put into a single coffin of tong wood, [only] 3 inches thick; let the coffin be conveyed in a plain carriage by undressed horses; let it not be put into a grave. Let me [thus] be punished as a minister of the lowest degree."
'On Jiaxu, they prepared for the fight. You Wuxu drove Jianzi, and the prince of Wey was spearman on the right. Having driven to the top of Tie, when they looked at the army of Zheng, and saw how numerous it was, the prince was afraid, and threw himself down under the chariot. Ziliang (Wuxu, the Wang Liang of Mencius, III. Pt. II. i. 4) handed him the strap, and helped him up again, saying. "You are a woman." Jianzi went round the ranks, saying, 'Bi Wan (The ancestor of the Wei clan in Jin. See the Zhuan, at the end of IV. i.) was [originally but] a common man; but he made captures in 7 battles, till he possessed 100 teams, and he died at last [in the proper place] under his window. Do you all do your best. Your death need not come from this enemy.
'Fan Yu was driving Zhao Luo, and Song Yong was spearman on the right. Luo's courage all departed, so that the others tied him to his seat; and when an officer inquired the reason, the charioteer said, "It was because he was seized with an ague-fit, and fell down." The prince of Wey prayed, saying, 'I, Kuaikui, your distant descendant, venture to announce to you king Wen, my great ancestor, to you Kangshu, my distinguished ancestor, and to you duke Xiang, my accomplished ancestor:—Sheng of Zheng is siding with the rebellious, whom Wu of Jin, in the midst of difficulties, is not able to deal with and bring to order. He has now sent Yang to punish them, and I, not daring to indulge in sloth, am here with my spear in my hand. I presume to announce this to you, and pray that my sinews may not be injured, my bones not broken, and my face not wounded, but that I may succeed in this great engagement, and you my ancestors may not be disgraced. I do not presume to ask for the great appointment; I do not grudge the precious stones at my girdle."
'A man of Zheng struck Jianzi with a spear in the shoulder, so that he fell down in the chariot, and his flag, Fengqi, was taken. The prince, however, came to his succour with his spear, and the army of Zheng was worsted; but it captured Zhao Luo, the commandant of Wen. The prince again attacked it, and it was entirely defeated, and a thousand carriages, containing the grain of Qi, were taken. Zhaomeng, delighted, said, 'This will do;" but Fu Sou said, "Although we have defeated Zheng, the Zhi clan are still in force, and our troubles are not over.
'Before this, the Gongsun Mang had collected the rents of the lands given by the people of Zhou to Fanshi, when he was taken by some of the Zhao clan, and presented [to Zhao Jian]. The officers asked leave to put him to death, but Zhaomeng said, "It was for his lord. He has no crime." So he stopped the officers, and gave Mang [back the rents of] the lands. After this battle of Tie, Mang, with 500 footmen, attacked the army of Zheng at night, and took the flag, Fengqi, from beside the tent of Ziyao, which he then presented [to Jianzi] saying, "This is in requital of your kindness."
'In the pursuit of the army of Zheng, Yao, Ban, and the Gongsun Lin, guarded the rear, and killed with their arrows many in the front ranks of the pursuers, so that Zhaomeng said, "The State [of Zheng] should not be called small."
'When all was over, Jianzi said, "When I fell upon the quiver, I brought up blood, but still the sound of the drum did not diminish. My merit is at the top of this day's work." The prince [of Wey] said, "I saved you in the chariot, and made the enemies who were pressing about it retire. I stand at the top of the spearmen." You Liang said, "My two breast-leathers were nearly broken, but I managed to prevent [the catastrophe]. I am at the top of the charioteers." They yoked the chariot and drove it over a [small] piece of wood, when the leathers both broke.'
Par. 7. It was thus the 7th month after his death before the interment of duke Ling took place. The movements of Kuaikui had, probably, occasioned the delay.
Parr. 8, 9. Zhoulai,—see VIII. vii. 7 and X. xiii. 12. In the latter passage it is said that 'Wu extinguished Zhoulai.' It would now therefore be a city of Wu. We saw on 1. 2, that Cai had requested that it might be allowed to remove within the limits of Wu. It would appear to have changed its purpose and wished to remain where Chu had placed it, but Wu was not to be baulked, and accomplished the removal in the way which the Zhuan narrates:—'Xie Yong of Wu went to Cai with the offerings of a complimentary visit, and at the same time accompanied by a small force. When his soldiers were all entered, and the people all knew it, the marquis of Cai communicated with his great officers and put to death the Gongzi Si, throwing the blame [of their having hesitated to remove] on him. He then wept at the tombs [of his ancestors], and carried their contents with him on his removal to Zhoulai.'
Zhoulai was the 3d capital of Cai. When king Wu invested his brother Du with Cai the capital was 上蔡, in the dis. still so called, dep. Runing. Du rebelled, and was put to death, but king Cheng restored Cai to his son, and by and by the capital was removed to 新蔡, also in dis. of Runing. The third removal was now to Zhoulai, which is often called 下蔡.
III. Third year.
1. In the [duke's] third year, in spring, Guo Xia of Qi and Shi Mangu of Wey led a force, and laid siege to Qi.
2. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jiawu, there was an earthquake.
3. In the fifth month, on Xinmao, the temples of [dukes] Huan and Xi were burned.
4. Jisun Si and Shusun Zhouqiu led a force, and walled Qiyang.
5. Yue Kun of Song led a force, and invaded Cao.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Bingzi, Jisun Si died.
7. The people of Cai banished their great officer Gongsun Lie to Wu.
8. In winter, in the tenth month, on Guimao, the earl of Qin died.
9. Shusun Zhouqiu and Zhongsun Heji led a force, and laid siege to [the capital of] Zhu.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'In spring, Qi and Wey laid siege to Qi, and sought help from Zhongshan (The people of Xianyu).' Qi had its grudge against Qi, because Kuaikui, who now held that place, had been a principal instrument of the defeat of the troops of Zheng, and of the capture of the grain which Qi was trying to send to Zhaoge. Wey, however, was principally concerned for the reduction of Qi, because, while his father had a footing in the State, the new marquis Zhe could not consider his position secure. Down to the pres. day, critics take different sides on the question of the right to the State of Wey,—whether it belonged to Kuaikui, against the wish of his father, or to Zhe, Kuaikui's son in opposition to him. See a partial decision of Confucius on the point, Ana. VII. xiv.
Par. 2. See VI. ix. 11; et al.
Par. 3. It is is not easy to account for the temples of Huan and Xi being still continued. The ancestral temples of the States were restricted to 5 smaller temples, or shrine-houses: and the tablets of Huan and Xi ought long ere this to have been removed to the special building appropriated to displaced tablets, and their places occupied by those of more recent marquises. Between Huan and Ai there had been 9 rulers in Lu, and between Xi and him 6. Some critics think Lu maintained 7 shrine-houses, as the royal House did; but even this would not account for the temple of Huan. It is easy to see why the great families should have preserved the temple of Huan, or rather built another specially for him, as it was to him that they all traced their lineage. However it was, the existence of these temples was irregular; and now they were destroyed by fire, and according to Zuoshi and the Jia yu (家語) even Confucius saw in the event the judgment of Heaven.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 5th month, on Xinmao, a fire broke out in the [small palace of] Siduo. It then passed over the duke's palace, and burnt the temples of Huan and Xi.
'The people who tried to put out the fire all cried out, "Look to the treasury." When Nangong Jingshu arrived, he ordered the officer in charge of the Zhou [documents] to carry out the books which were read to the marquis, and to wait with them in the palace, saying to them, "See that you have all in your charge. If you are not there, you shall die." When Zifu Jingbo came, he ordered an officer belonging to the Board of the chief minister to bring out the books of ceremony and to wait [further] orders, reminding him that if he did not obey the order, he was liable to the regular punishment. [He also ordered] the superintendent of the horses to have them arranged in teams, and the superintendent of the carriages to have the wheels all greased; the officers of the various departments to be all there; a careful guard to be maintained over the treasury and repositories; the subordinate officers gravely to contribute their service; curtains and tents to be soaked, and placed wherever the smoke was issuing; the palace and contiguous houses to be [also] covered with them; beginning at the grand temple, outside and inside, in due order, help to be given where it was needed; and all disobedience to suffer the regular penalties without forgiveness. When Gongfu Wenbo arrived, he ordered the superintendent of the horses to have the carriages all yoked; and when Ji Huanzi arrived, he drove the duke to the outside of the towers at the front gate, where the boards with the statutes on them were hung up. He gave orders to those who were trying to put out the fire, that, as soon as any of them were injured, they should stop, and let the things take their chance. He ordered [also] the boards with the statutes to be laid up, saying, "Ths old statutes must not be lost" When Fufu Huai arrived, he said, "For the officers to try to deal with the fire, without making preparations [against its progress], is like trying to gather up water that has been spilt." On this they removed all the straw outside the fire, and cleared a way all round the palace.
'Confucius was then in Chen, and when he heard of the fire, he said, "It destroyed, I apprehend, the temples of Huan and Xi."
Par. 4. Qiyang (Gong has 開 for 啟) was 15 li to the north of the pres. dep. city of Yizhou. It had been the capital city of the old State of Yu (鄅), which was taken in Zhu in the 18th year of Zhao. Zhu was now obliged to yield it to Lu, and as it was near to Bi, it was probably appropriated by Jishi. The fortifying it would be to provide against attempts to regain it by Zhu, which might be expected to be assisted by Jin.
Par. 5. Yue Daxin had fled from Song to Cao. (XI. x. 8), and this may have been the ground for the present attack; which was followed by others still more serious.
[The Zhuan appends here:——'There had been intermarriages for generations between the families of Liu [in Zhou] and Fan [in Jin]; and Chang Hong had been in the service of duke Wen of Liu. In consequence of this, Zhou took the side of the Fan [in the struggles in Jin]. Zhao Yang made this the subject of remonstrance, and in the 6th month, on Guimao, the people of Zhou put Chang Hong to death.']
Par. 6. The Zhuan says:——'In autumn, Jisun was ill, and gave orders to Zhengchang saying, "You must not die. If Nan Ruzi's child prove a boy, then inform the duke, and appoint him my successor. If it prove a girl, then you may appoint Fei." He died, and Kangzi (Fei) took his place; but after the burial, [once] when Kangzi was in the court, Nanshi gave birth to a boy, which Zhengchang carried to the court, where he said, "My master left a charge with me, his groom, that if Nanshi gave birth to a boy, I should inform his lordship and the great officers of it, and appoint him his successor. Now she has given birth to a boy, and I venture to give the information." On this, he fled to Wey. Kangzi asked leave to retire from his position, and the duke sent Gong Liu to see the child, but some one had put it to death. He caused the murderer to be punished, and then called Zhengchang [from Wey], but he would not return.'
Par. 7. This Gongsun Lie would be a partizan of Gongzi Si, mentioned in the last par. of last year.
Par. 8. Lu seems to have been bent on the entire subjugation of Zhu.
[The Zhuan turns here to the siege of Zhaoge:—'In winter, in the 10th month, Zhao Yang of Jin laid siege to Zhaoge, and lay in force on the south of it. Xun Yin attacked the outer suburbs, and made the troops [which were coming to his aid] enter the city by the north gate, while he himself burst through the enemy and got away. On Guichou he fled to Handan. In the 11th month, Zhao Yang put to death Shi Gaoyi, such was his hatred of the Fan clan.']
IV. Fourth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Gengxu, a ruffian killed Shen, marquis of Cai.
2. Gongsun Chen of Cai fled from that State to Wu.
3. There was the burial of duke Hui of Qin.
4. An officer of Song seized the viscount of Little Zhu.
5. In summer, Cai put to death its great officers, Gongsun Sheng and Gongsun Huo.
6. An officer of Jin seized Chi, viscount of the Man Rong, and sent him to Chu.
7. We walled our outer suburbs on the west.
8. In the sixth month, on Xinchou, the altar of Bo was burned.
9. In autumn, in the eighth month, Jie, viscount of Teng, died.
10. In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the burial of duke Zhao of Cai.
11. There was the burial of duke Qing of Teng.
Parr. 1, 2, 5. In par. 1. Gongyang has 三月 for 二月. Gong and Guliang have 弑 for 殺, which is probably the more correct reading.
In VII. xvii. 2, we are told that 'Shen (申), marquis of Cai,' died, so that here is one of his descendants called by the same name; which is 'contrary to rule.' Duan Yucai says that the 'Historical Records' give 甲 instead of 申 but there is no 甲 in the edition of that Work in my possession.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the marquis of Cai was about to go to Wu, and all the great officers tried to prevent him from going, fearing there would be another removal of the capital. Gongsun Pian pursued, and shot him, so that he entered into a house [on the way] and died. [Pian] then took his station in the door of it, with two arrows on his string, and no one would venture to go forward to it. Wen Zhikai, however, came up afterwards, and said, "Let us advance like a wall; at the most, he can kill but two men.' He then advanced with his bow in his hand. Pian discharged an arrow at him, which hit him in the wrist, but immediately after Kai killed him. In consequence of this event, Kai expelled Gongsun Chen, and put to death the two Gongsuns, Sheng and Xu (I. q. Huo in par. 5).'
On 盜 see on IX. x. 8.
Par. 3. The Zhuan does not say anything on this event. Li Lian discerns in it an indication of the ambition of the duke of Song, who, now that there was no acknowedged leader among the princes, had fallen to imitate the doings of his predecessor Xiang. The idea of many critics, that the duke is condemned here by being called 人, is inadmissible; but how that term ought to be translated, by 'officer,' 'body of men,' or 'the people,' could only be determined by our knowing the circumstances in which the seizure took place.
Par. 6. The Man Rong;—see X. xvi. 2. Here, as there, Gongyang has 曼 for 蠻. The act of Jin in this matter is held to have been disgraceful to it. The right of asylum for refugees seems to have been accorded by the States to one another; and one which had played such a part as Jin ought to have maintained it with peculiar jealousy.
The Zhuan says:——'In summer, a body of men from Chu, having reduced the Yihu, began to turn its attention to the regions farther north. Pan, the marshal of the Left, Shouyu commandant of Shen, and Zhuliang commandant of She, collected [the people of] Cai, [who remained in that quarter], and placed them in Fuhan, and did the same for the people outside the barrier wall in Zengguan. [They then] said that Wu was going to come up the Jiang to enter Ying, and that they must hurry away as they had been commanded. On this, on the very day after, they took by surprise Liang and Huo, [cities of the Man Rong].
'Shan Fuyu laid siege to [the chief town of] the Man, the people of which dispersed, while Chi, the viscount, fled to Yindi in Jin. The marshal raised the people of Feng and Xi, along with [certain tribes of] the Di and Rong, and proceeded towards Shangluo. The master of the Left encamped near [the hill of] Tuhe, and the master of the Right near Cangye. [The marshal then] sent a message to Shi Mie, the great officer [of Jin] appointed over [the district of ] Yindi, saying, 'Jin and Chu have a covenant, engaging them to share in their likings and dislikings. If you will not neglect to observe it, that is the desire of my ruler. If you determine otherwise, I will communicate with you by Shaoxi to hear your commands." Shi Mie requested instructions from Zhaomeng, who said, "Jin is not yet in the enjoyment of tranquillity; we dare not make a rupture with Chu. You must quickly give up the refugee to it."
'On this, Shi Mie then called together the Rong of Jiuzhou, and proposed that they should set aside some lands for the viscount of the Man, and settle him there in a city. He also proposed to consult the tortoise-shell about the city; and while the viscount was waiting for the result, Mie seized him and his five great officers, and delivered them to the army of Chu at Sanhu. The marshal [also pretended that he] would assign him a city and set up his ancestral temple, in order that he might delude the remnant of his people; and then he carried them all back as captives with him to Chu.'
Par. 7. This would be in apprehension of an attack on the west from Jin.
Par. 8. For 亳 Gongyang has 蒲. By the altar to the Spirit of the land of Bo we are to understand an altar of Yin. That dynasty had its capital in Bo, and on its extinction king Wu ordered the different States to rear altars, called 'altars of Bo,' to serve as a warning to their princes to guard against the calamity of losing their States. These are understood to have been placed outside the gate leading to the ancestral temple, so that the princes should not fail to take notice of them. They were covered, however, and enclosed, and sacrifices were not offered at them. Their preservation in this way simply served the purpose of admonition, but it exposed them to the calamity recorded in the text.
Par. 9. Jie had been viscount of Teng 23 years, and was succeeded by his son Yuwu (虞毋), duke Yin (隱).
Parr. 10, 11. The burial of the marquis of Cai had been delayed;—probably by the troubles in the State. [The Zhuan continues here the narrative of events in Jin:——'In autumn, in the 7th month, Chen Qi and Xian Shi of Qi, and Ning Gui of Wey, proceeded to the relief of Fanshi; and on Gengwu they laid siege to Wulu. In the 9th month, Zhao Yang laid siege to Handan, which surrendered in winter, in the 11th month, when Xun Yin fled to the Xianyu, and Zhao Ji to Lin. In the 12th month, Xian Shi met the latter in that place, and threw down its walls. [At the same time] Guo Xia invaded Jin, and took Xing, Ren, Luan, Hao, Nizhi, Yinren, Yu, and Hukou, was joined by the Xianyu, and placed Xun Yin in Boren.']
V. Fifth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, we walled Pi.
2. In summer, the marquis of Qi invaded Song.
3. Zhao Yang of Jin, at the head of a force, invaded Wey.
4. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Guiyou, Chujiu, marquis of Qi, died.
5. In winter, Shu Xuan went to Qi.
6. In the intercalary month, there was the burial of duke Jing of Qi.
Par. 1. It is not known where Pi exactly was. It would be in the west of Lu, and now be walled, as a preparation against an attack from Jin. Gong has 比 and 芘 instead of 毗.
Par. 2. We saw last year how Song was now trying to vindicate its claim to a foremost place among the States. We may suppose that this excited the jealousy of Qi, and led to the attack here mentioned.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Jin laid siege to Boren (See the Zhuan at the end of last year), on which Xun Yin and Si Jishe fled to Qi. Before this, Wang Sheng, an officer of Fanshi, hated another called Zhang Liushuo; but he spoke of him to Zhaozi (Shi Jishe), and got him appointed commandant of Boren. Zhaozi said, "Is not he your enemy?" Sheng replied, "Private enmities should not interfere with public [duty]. In your likings not to overlook faults, and in your hatreds not to disallow what is good, is the course of righteousness. I dare not act contrary to it." When Fanshi left [Boren], Zhang Liushuo said to his son, "Do you follow your lord, and do your utmost for him. I will remain here and die. Wang Sheng has laid that upon me. I must not fail in it." He died accordingly in Boren. In summer, Zhao Yang invaded Wey, because of [the assistance it had afforded to] Fanshi, and laid siege to Zhongmou.'
Par. 4. For 杵 Gongyang has 處. Chujiu had been marquis of Qi for 50 years; but for his character see the Ana. XVI. xii. He had enjoyed the counsels of his distinguished minister Yanzi, and of Confucius; but though he was a scourge to Jin, he could not arrest the decay of his own House. Immediately after his death, his son was murdered, and the State thrown into confusion; and in less than ten years the House of Jiang was superseded by that of Chen.
The Zhuan says:——'Yan Ji [wife of the marquis of Qi], had a son, who died before he was grown up. Of his sons [by his concubines] his favourite was Tu, whose mother was Yu Si. The great officers were all afraid lest Tu should be appointed the duke's successor, and spoke to him on the subject, saying, "Your lordship is old; and how is it that it has not been declared which of your sons is to succeed you?" The duke, however, said, "If you are free at present from anxieties [about the State], you have [the risk] of illness [to think about]. Try to get what pleasure you can in the meantime. Why should you be concerned about having no ruler?"
'When the duke was ill, he made Guo Huizi and Gao
Zhaozi appoint Tu, and place all his other sons in Lai. In autumn he
died; and in winter, in the 10th month, his sons, Jia, Ju, and Qian,
fled to Wey, while Chu and Yangsheng came to Lu. The people of Lai sang
about the young princes,
Par. 5. This visit would be one of condolence, and to attend the funeral of the marquis.
Par. 6. We may assume that this intercalary month was a double 12th, which would give the burial in the 5th month after the death;—according to rule. Two schemes of the calendar of the Chunqiu place the intercalary month of this year, the one after the 10th month, and the other after the 11th; but I do not see any ground for admitting either of them. The fact of the burial is against them both. At present the intercalary months are left out of calculation in all matters connected with the duties to the dead; but it may not have been so in those times. Guliang thought it was, and therefore finds in the par. a condemnation of the irregularity. Gongyang took the other view. Each has crowds of followers; and the Kangxi editors give the views of both, unable to decide between them.
[The Zhuan turns here to an affair in Zheng: —'Si
Qin of Zheng was rich and extravagant. Though [only] a great officer of
the lowest grade, he had always the chariot and robes of a minister
displayed in his courtyard, so that the people of Zheng disliked him,
and put him to death. Zisi (The son of Zichan) said, "The ode (Shi, IV.
iii ode V. says,
They are few that can continue long who do not
observe the conditions of their place. In the Temple-odes of Shang (Shi,
IV. iii. ode V. 2) it is said,
VI. Sixth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, we walled Zhuxia.
2. Zhao Yang of Jin, at the head of a force, invaded Xianyu.
3. Wu invaded Chen.
4. In summer, Guo Xia and Gao Zhang of Qi came fugitives to Lu.
5. Shu Xuan had a meeting with Wu at Zha.
6. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Gengyin, Zhen, viscount of Chu, died.
7. Yangsheng of Qi entered [the capital of] that State.
8. Chen Qi of Qi murdered his ruler Tu.]
9. In winter, Zhongsun Heji, at the head of a force, invaded Zhu.
10. Xiang Chao of Song, at the head of a force, invaded Cao.
Par. 1. For 瑕 Gongyang has 葭. The city was 10 li to the south of the pres. Jiningzhou, dep. Yanzhou. It properly belonged to Zhu, but Lu had either taken it before, or now did so, and proceeded to settle the appropriation by walling it. Perhaps we ought to call the place—Xia of Zhu.'
Par. 2. We have seen that once and again the people of Xianyu had helped the Fan and other insubordinate clans of Jin. The time 'to punish them for this,' as Zuoshi says, was now come.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'Wu [now] invaded Chen, again reviving the old animosity (See the Zhuan after I. 3). The viscount of Chu said, "My father had a covenant with Chen; I must by all means now go to its help." Accordingly he proceeded to the help of Chen, and encamped with his army at Chengfu.'
Par. 4. The Zhuan says:——'Chen Qi of Qi pretended to do service to [the ministers] Gao and Guo; and whenever they went to court, he would go in the same carriage with one of them, and, as they went along, speak about all the great officers, saying, "They are all very arrogant and will cast from them your orders. They all say, 'Gao and Guo have got [the favour] of the [new] ruler, and are sure to be pressing upon us. Why should we not remove them out of the way?' They are sure to be plotting against you. You should take measures against them beforehand, and if you take such measures, the best plan will be to destroy them entirely. Delay is the worst of all methods." When they got to the court, he would say, "They are so many tigers and wolves. When they see me by your side, they will kill me any day. Allow me to go where they are standing." He would then say on the other hand to the great officers, "Those two ministers are [meditating] evil. They trust in having the ruler [in their hands], and wish to plot against you. They say, 'The many troubles of the State arise from the [number of] those who have high rank and favour. Let us do away with all of them, and then the ruler will be settled in his position.' They have decided on their plan. Why not take the initiative with them? If you wait till they move, regrets will be of no use." The great officers were persuaded by him; and in summer, in the 6th month, on Wuchen, Chen Qi and Bao Mu, with all the great officers. burst into the duke's palace with [a body of] men-at-arms. Zhaozi (Gao Zhang) heard of their movement. and got into a carriage with Huizi (Guo Xia), to go to the duke. They were defeated in a fight at Zhuang, and pursued by the people of the capital. Guo Xia fled to Ju, and [soon after], along with Gao Zhang, Yan Yu (Son of Yan Pingzi), and Xian Shi, he came a fugitive to Lu.'
Par. 5. Zha,—see IX. x. 1. The Zhuan says nothing on the reasons of this proceeding. Mao observes that some say it was in obedience to a requisition from Wu;—which is likely, as the viscount or king of Wu was now pushing forward to the leading place among the States.
Par. 6. Continuing the narrative under par. 3, the Zhuan says:——'In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount of Chu was in Chengfu, intending to succour Chen. He consulted the tortoise-shell about fighting, and got an unfavourable response. He consulted about retreating, and got the same. He then said, "Well then I will die. It is better to die than to incur a second defeat of the army of Chu. It is also better to die, than to throw away our covenant with Chen, and evade the enemy. It is [only] dying in either case, and I will die at the hands of the enemy." He named the Gongzi Shen (Zixi) to be king, but he declined. Next he named the Gongzi Jie (Ziqi), but he also declined. Finally he named the Gongzi Qi (Zilü), who declined the dignity five times, but then accepted it.
'When they were about to fight, the king fell ill; but on Gengyin he attacked Daming. He [then] died in Chengfu, after which Zilü retreated, saying, "Our ruler and king passed over his son in favour of his subjects. I did not dare to forget [my duty to] the ruler, and to obey his command was proper. But to appoint his son in his place is likewise natural and proper. Both things are proper, and neither of them must be neglected." He then took counsel with Zixi and Ziqi, kept [the king's death] concealed from the army, shut up all communication abroad, sent for Zhang, [the king's son] by a daughter of Yue, appointed him king, and afterwards returned [with the army to the capital].
'This year, there had been a cloud, like a multitude
of red birds. flying round the sun, which continued for 3 days. The
viscount of Chu sent to ask the grand-historiographer of Zhou about it,
who said that it portended evil to the king's person, and that if he
offered a deprecatory sacrifice to it, the evil might be removed so as
to fall on the chief minister or one of the marshals. The king, however,
said, "Of what use would it be to take a disease threatening the heart
and lay it upon the limbs. If I had not committed great errors, would
Heaven shorten my life ? I must receive the penalty of my
transgressions; why should I try to move it over to another?" So he did
not offer the sacrifice. Before this, king Zhao had been ill, and an
answer was obtained from the tortoise-shell that his illness was
occasioned by the [Spirit of the] He. Notwithstanding, he did not
sacrifice to it; and when his great officers begged him to sacrifice to
it at the border [altar], he said, "According to the sacrifices
commanded by the 3 dynasties, a State cannot sacrifice to any but the
hills and streams within its borders. The Jiang, the Han, the Ju, and
the Zhang are the rivers to which Chu ought to sacrifice. Calamity or
prosperity is not to be accounted for by error in this respect. Although
I am deficient in virtue, I have not offended against the He."
Accordingly he would not sacrifice to it.' Confucius said, "King Zhao of
Chu knew the great path of duty. It was right that he should not lose
his State! In one of the Books of Xia (Shu, III. iii. 7) it is said,
It is said in another place (Shu, ii. 10.), 'Where sincerity proceeds from, therein is the result.' When a man observes of himself the regular [statutes of Heaven], [his worth] is to be acknowledged."
[There is here a short notice, relating to Qi: —'In the 8th month, Bing Yizi came a fugitive to Lu.']
Parr. 7, 8. For 荼 Gongyang has 舍. The Zhuan says:——'Chen Xizi (Qi) had sent to call the Gongzi Yangsheng (See the flight of Yangsheng, and other princes of Qi to Lu in the narrative under par. 4 of last year) to Qi. Yangsheng yoked his chariot, and went to see [his brother] Juyu (The Gongzi Chu) in the south suburbs, when he said, "I presented some horses to Jisun, but they were not fit to enter his best team. I therefore wish to present these, and beg you to ride with me, and try them." When they had gone out at the Lai gate, he told the other all about the call he had received. [Meanwhile, his servant] Kan Zhi knew it, and was waiting for him outside. "But," said the prince to him, 'how the thing will turn out cannot yet be known. Do you go back, and dwell with [my son] Ren." He then cautioned him, and went his way. He arrived at [the capital of] Qi at night, but the people were aware of it.
'Xizi made [his concubine], the mother of Zishi, keep him [for some time], but [by and by] he got him in [to the palace] along with those who were taking the food in. In winter, in the 8th month, on Dingmao, he raised him to the marquisate and was about to impose a covenant [on the great officers]. Baozi had gone [to the palace] drunk, but one of his officers, who had charge of his chariots, Bao Dian, said, "By whose orders is this ?" I received the order from Baozi," replied Chenzi, and [turning to that minister], he said falsely to him that it was by his order. "Have you forgotten," said Baozi, "how when our [late] ruler was playing ox [to Tu], the child [fell down and] broke his teeth? And now you are rebelling against him." Duke Dao (Yangsheng) bowed to him with his head to the ground, and said, "You are one who does what is right. If you approve of me, not a single great officer shall go into exile. If you do not approve of me, let not a single son of the late ruler go into exile. Where right is let us advance; where it is not, let us recede. I dare not but follow you, and you only, in everything. Let the displacing or the new appointment be made without disorder; this is what I desire." Baozi said, "Which of you is not a son of our [late] ruler?" and with this he took the covenant.
[After this, duke Dao] sent Hu Ji [a concubine of duke Jing] with the child An (Tu) to Lai; sent away Yu Si (Tu's mother); put to death Wang Jia; put Jiang Yue under restraint; and imprisoned Wang Bao at the hill of Goudou. He then sent Zhu Mao to say to Chenzi, "But for you, I should not have attained to this position. But a ruler is not an article of furniture. There cannot be two rulers. Two articles of furniture are a safeguard against want, but two rulers give rise to many difficulties. I venture to represent this to you." Xizi [at first] gave no reply, but then he wept and said, "Must our rulers all have no trust in their officers? Because the State of Qi was in distress [through famine], and that distress gave rise to other anxieties, and no counsel could be taken with a ruler who was so young, I therefore sought for one who was grown up, hoping that he would exercise forbearance with his officers. If he cannot do so, with what offence is that child chargeable?" Mao returned with this answer, which made the duke repent [that he had sent the message]. Mao, however, said to him, "Your lordship can ask Chenzi about great matters, but small matters you can determine yourself." The duke then sent him to remove the child to Tai; but before they arrived at that place, Mao put him to death in a tent in the country, and buried him at Shumaochun.'
Gongyang gives a different account of the way in which Chenzi brought about the elevation of Yangsheng to the marquisate, and relates a story about his being suddenly presented from a sack to the great officers, whom Chenzi had called together to a sacrificial feast. This account, being more dramatic, is followed, as we might expect, in the 'History of the Various States,' Ch. lxxxi.
Par. 9. This was a sequel to the walling of Zhuxia mentioned in par. 1.
Par. 10. See on III. v.
VII. Seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, Huang Yuan of Song made an incursion, with a force, into Zheng.
2. Wei Manduo of Jin made an incursion, with a force, into Wey.
3. In summer, the duke had a meeting with Wu in Zeng.
4. In autumn, the duke invaded Zhu. In the eighth month, on Jiyou, he entered [the capital of] that State, and brought Yi, viscount of Zhu, back with him to Lu.
5. A body of men from Song laid siege to [the capital of] Cao.
6. In winter, Si Hong of Zheng led a force to relieve Cao.
Par. 1. Zuoshi says this attack of Zheng was 'because of its revolt from Jin;' but the Kangxi editors retrench so much of the Zhuan, thinking the attack was not to be so accounted for. Comparing par. 6, we may conclude that it was because of a confederation between Zheng and Cao, on the destruction of which latter State Song was bent.
Par. 2. In the 5th year Jin invaded Wey, but that State still held out against it; hence this incursion.
Par. 3. For 鄶 Guliang has 繪;—see IX. i. 3. Both here and in par. 5 of last year, we must understand that the meeting was with the viscount of Wu. The Zhuan says, 'In summer, when the duke had a meeting with Wu in Zeng, [messengers] came from Wu, demanding from us a hundred sets of animals. Zifu Jingbo replied that the ancient kings had never made a rule enjoining such contributions; but they said, "Song gave us a hundred, and Lu must not be behind Song. Moreover, Lu gave more than ten to a great officer of Jin (See on X. xxi. 2); is it not proper that the king of Wu should receive 100?" Jingbo rejoined, "Fan Yang of Jin was greedy, and threw aside all rules of propriety. He frightened our poor State with his great one, and therefore we gave him 11 sets. If your ruler will require from the States what is enjoined by those rules, there is a definite number laid down. If he will also throw them aside, the demand is excessive. The kings of Zhou, according to the statutes, require only 12 of this great-class offering, considering that to be the great number [indicated by the division] of the heavens. When [your ruler] sets aside the rules of Zhou, and says that he must have 100 sets of animals, it is simply the decision of his officers." The men of Wu would not listen to this remonstrance, and Jingbo said, "Wu will go to ruin, casting away [the rule of] heaven and going against [the example of] its own ancestral House. If we do not give [these animals], it will vent its enmity on us." Accordingly they gave them.
Pi, the grand-administrator [of Wu], called Ji Kangzi to him, and Kangzi sent Zigong to excuse his not going. "The ruler of your State," said Pi, "takes a long journey, and his great officer will not cross his door; what sort of propriety is this?" Zigong replied, "Why should this be viewed from the point of propriety? We are afraid of your great State. It is laying its commands upon the States without regard to the rules of propriety, and how can we measure to what that course will go? Our ruler has obeyed your commands; but how can his old minister leave [the care of] the State? Taibo (The first civilizer of Wu. See on Ana. VIII. i.), in his square-made robe and black cap, cultivated the ceremonies of Zhou. Zhongyong succeeded to him, and cut off his hair and tattooed his body. Was that ornamenting of the naked body according to the rules of propriety? but there was a cause for it."
'When [the duke] returned from Zeng, it was considered that Wu could do nothing [great].'
Par. 4. Here is the consummation of Lu's hostility to Zhu. The Zhuan says:——'Ji Kangzi wished to attack Zhu, and gave an entertainment to the great officers, to take counsel about it. Zifu Jingbo said, "It is by good faith that a small State serves a great one, and benevolence is seen in a great State's protecting a small one. If we violate [our covenant with] a great State, it will be a want of good faith; and if we attack a small State, it will be a want of benevolence. The people are protected by the walls of the cities, and the walls of the cities are preserved by virtue, but if we lose those virtues, our walls will totter;—how will it be possible to preserve them?" Mengsun said, "What do you say, gentlemen, to these things? How can we go against [the words of] a man of such wisdom?" [The great officers] replied, "When Yu assembled the States on mount Tu, there were 10,000 States whose princes bore their symbols of jade and offerings of silk. Of those there are not many tens which now remain;—through the great States not cherishing the small, and the small States not serving the great. If we know this expedition must be perilous to us, why should we not say so?" [Mengsun rejoined], "The virtue of Lu is the same as that of Zhu; and is it proper that we should fall upon it with our [superior] numbers?" They were [all] displeased, and left the feast.
'In autumn, we invaded Zhu; and when we had got as far as its Fan gate, [the viscount] was still listening to the sound of his bells. His great officers remonstrated with him, but he would not hearken to them. Chengzi of Mao begged leave to carry information of their circumstances to Wu, but he would not grant it, saying, "The noise of the watchmen's rattles in Lu is heard in Zhu, whereas Wu is 2,000 li off, and cannot come [to our relief] in less than 3 months. Of what avail can it be to us? and have we not sufficient resources in our State?" On this Chengzi revolted with Mao, and our army then entered [the capital of] Zhu, and occupied the viscount's palace. The troops all plundered during the day, and then the people took refuge on [mount] Yi. The troops [also] plundered during the night, and then returned, bringing Yi the viscount with them. He was presented before the altar of Bo, and imprisoned in Fuxia, in consequence of which there is [in that neighbourhood] a [mount] Yi.
'Yihong (Chengzi) of Mao went himself to ask assistance from Wu, carrying with him as offerings two ox-hides and a bundle of silks. "Lu," said he, "considering the weakness of Jin and the distance of Wu, is confident in its own numbers, violates its covenant with your lordship, treats with contempt your officers, and so tyrannizes over our small State. Zhu does not presume [to send to you] out of regard for itself, but it is afraid lest your lordship's majesty should not be maintained. The not maintaining of that is the subject of our small State's anxiety. If [Lu] may in the summer covenant with you in Zengyan, and in the autumn violate its engagements; if it accomplish what it seeks, and no resistance [be offered to it]:—how can the States of the four quarters be expected to serve your lordship? Moreover, the levies of Lu amount to 800 chariots,—the same as your own, while those of Zhu are [only] 600, [as if it were] the private possession of your lordship. To give your private possession to a State which is your equal is a matter worth your lordship's consideration." The viscount of Wu was prevailed on by these representations.'
The student will observe in this paragraph how the bringing a prisoner to Lu is described by 以來, while in many other paragraphs the carrying a prisoner to another State is described by 以歸.
Parr. 5, 6. Com. par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'A body of men from Song laid siege to [the capital of] Cao. Huan Zisi of Zheng said, "If the people of Song get Cao into their possession, it will be a bad thing for Zheng; we must on all accounts go and help Cao." Accordingly, in winter, an army of Zheng, to relieve Cao, made an incursion into Song.
'Before this, a man of Cao dreamt that a number of gentlemen were standing in the temple [adjoining the] altar of the land, and consulting about the ruin of the State, and that [among them was] Shu of Cao, Zhenduo (The first earl of Cao; a brother of king Wu), who begged them to wait till Gongsun Qiang appeared;—and to this they agreed. In the morning, the man sought through the city for a person of this name, but there was no such individual. He warned his son, however, saying, "When I am dead, if you hear of the government's being in the hands of a Gongsun Qiang, you must then leave the State."
'When Yang became earl of Cao, he was fond of hunting and bird-shooting. In the borders of the State there was a man [called] Gongsun Qiang, who was [also] fond of bird-shooting, and having caught a white goose, presented it [to the earl], talking also with him all about hunting and bird-shooting. The earl was pleased with him, and went on to ask him about affairs of government. His answers afforded him great pleasure; and the man became a favourite, was made minister of Works, and the conduct of the government committed to him; on which the son of the dreamer took his departure. Qiang spoke to the earl all about his becoming leader of the States, and the earl followed his advice, revolting from Jin, and breaking the peace with Song. The people of Song invaded the State, and Jin gave it no help; so they built 5 cities in the borders of the capital,—Shuqiu, Yiqiu, Dacheng, Zhong, and Yu.'
VIII. Eighth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke of Song entered [the capital of] Cao, and carried Yang, earl of Cao, back with him to Song.
2. Wu invaded us.
3. In summer, a body of men from Qi took Huan and Chan.
4. We sent back Yi, viscount of Zhu, to his State.
5. It was autumn, the seventh month.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, Guo, earl of Qi, died.
7. The people of Qi returned Huan and Chan.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, the duke of Song attacked [the capital of] Cao, and was withdrawing, while Zifei, superintendent of the marketplace, was bringing up the rear. Him the people of Cao reviled so much that he halted. The [rest of the] army was waiting for him, and when the duke heard of the circumstance, he was angry, and ordered the troops to return to the attack. He then extinguished Cao, laid hold of the earl and Qiang the minister of Works, carried them back with him to Song, and put them to death.'
The Zhuan thus says expressly that Song extinguished Cao, with which the notice in the text would agree well enough, though it does not necessarily follow from what the text says that the House of Cao was now extinguished. And in the time of Mencius we seem to find the State of Cao still existing;—see VI. Pt. II. ii. Perhaps, as some suppose, Song now constituted it an "attached State" of its own, under the presidency of some other family.
Par. 2. This is a sequel to the narrative under par. 4 of last year. The Zhuan says:——'Wu, being about to invade Lu in the interest of Zhu, asked Shusun Zhe (A refugee from Lu. See on XI xii. 5, where it is said that Zhe, and Gongshan Buniu fled to Qi. They afterwards went to Wu) [about the enterprise]. Zhe replied, "Lu has the name [of being a great State], but not the reality. If you invade it, you are sure to get your will." When he retired [from his interview with the viscount], he told this to Gongshan Buniu; who said, "You [spoke] improperly. When a superior man leaves his own State, he does not go to one that is as enmity with it. If he have not taken office in that State, and it be invading his native one, he may hurry away to do it service, and die for it. Moreover, a man is supposed not to forego his [attachment to his] village because of his [private] animosities; and is it not a hard case that you, on account of a small animosity, should wish to overturn the State of your ancestors? If they [wish] you to lead the way for them, you must refuse, and the king will then employ me." Zizhang (Shusun Zhe) was distressed about the matter.
'The king then asked Zixie (Gongshan Buniu) in the same way, and he replied, "Although Lu [seems to] have none to labour for its elevation, there are those who will be prepared to die for it. The other States will come to its relief, and you cannot yet get your will with it. Jin, Qi, and Chu will help it, and you will have 4 enemies to contend with. Lu is as it were the lips of Qi and Jin. If the lips are destroyed, the teeth get cold,—as your lordship knows. What should they do but come to its help?"
'In the 3d month, Wu invaded us, Zixie acting as guide to it and purposely leading [its army] by the most difficult path, past Wucheng. But before this, some men of that city had been taking the opportunity to hunt on the borders of Wu, and had caught rudely a man of Zeng whom they found steeping rushes, blaming him for making their water dirty. When the army [of Wu] now arrived [in the neighbourhood], the man who had been caught showed it the way to attack the city, so that it reduced it. Wang Fan (a refugee from Wu) was the commandant of Wucheng, a friend of Tantai Ziyu's (The Tantai Mieming of Ana. VI. xii.) father, and the people of the State were afraid of him, [thinking he might have delivered the city to Wu].
Yizi (Mengsun Heji) said to Jingbo, "What is to be done?" and was answered, "When the army of Wu arrives, we must at once fight with it. Why be troubled about that? It is here, moreover, at our own call;—what more would you seek for? The army of Wu [next] reduced Dongyang, from which advancing it halted at Wuwu. Its stage next day was to Canshi. Gongbin Geng and Gongjia Shuzi fought with it at Yi, when Shuzi and Xi Zhuchu were taken. When they were presented to the king, he said,"These were in the same chariot, and must have been employed as being men of ability. I cannot yet expect to gain such a State." Next day the army advanced to Gengzong, and halted at Sishang. There Wei Hu wanted to attack the encampment at night, and privately collected 700 footmen whom he proved by making them take 3 jumps in the court before his tent, till their number was reduced to 300, among whom was You Ruo (One of Confucius' disciples). When they had arrived inside the Ji gate, some one said to Jisun, "They are not enow to harm Wu, and we shall lose many officers by the attempt. It had better not be made." The minister accordingly stopped them; but when the viscount of Wu heard of the project, he removed his position thrice in one night.
'Wu [now] offered to make peace, and a covenant was about to be made. Jingbo said, "When the army of Chu besieged [the capital of] Song (In the 5th year of duke Xuan), the people exchanged their children and ate them, and clave the bones for fuel; and still they would not submit to a covenant at the foot of their walls. For us, who have sustained no [great] loss, to do so, is to cast our State away. Wu is all for dispatch and is far from home. Its army cannot remain long, and will soon be returning. Let us wait a little." This advice was not taken, and Jingbo carried on his back the tablets [of the covenant] to the Lai gate. [Lu] then asked that Zifu He (Jingbo) might not be required to go to Wu as its hostage, and, this being agreed to, that the king's son, Gucao, might be [left in Lu] on the other side. [The proposal of hostages] was then abandoned. The people of Wu made the covenant, and withdrew.'
Par. 4. Huan,—see II. iii. 6,7, et al. For 闡, here and below, Gongyang has 僤. The city was 35 li to the northeast of the pres. dis. city of Ningyang, dep. Yanzhou. The Zhuan says: —'When duke Dao (Yangsheng) came [a fugitive to Lu] (In Ai's 5th year), Ji Kangzi gave him his younger sister in marriage; and when he succeeded to the State, he sent for her; but [by that time] Ji Fanghou had had an intrigue with her. The lady told the truth, and [Kangzi] did not dare to send her [by the messenger], which enraged the marquis of Qi; and in summer, in the 5th month, Bao Mu led a force, and invaded us, taking Huan and Chan.'
[The Zhuan appends here some other matters about Qi:——'Some one slandered Hu Ji (See the Zhuan on VI. 7,8), saying that she belonged to the party of the child Yan; and in the 6th month, the marquis of Qi put her to death.']
Par. 5. Lu here restores the viscount of Zhu through fear of Wu and Qi;—not to the advantage, as we shall see, of that prince. The Zhuan says:——'The marquis of Qi sent a message to Wu, begging [the assistance of] an army, as he was intending to invade us. On this we restored the viscount of Zhu, who, however, now conducted himself in an improper manner [to Wu]. The viscount of that State, therefore, sent the grand-administrator, Ziyu, to punish him. He was imprisoned in a room in a high tower, which was fenced round with thorns; and Ziyu then made all the great officers support the viscount's eldest son Ge in the administration of the State.'
Par. 6. [There are two brief narratives introduced here, both more or less relating to Qi.
1st. In autumn, we made peace with Qi, and Zang Binru went to Qi to make the covenant, while Lü Qiuming came to Lu for the same purpose on the part of Qi. At the same time he received Ji Ji (Ji Kangzi's sister), and carried her back with him. She became a favourite with the marquis.'
2d. 'Bao Mu went on to say to each of the marquis's brothers, "Shall I make you possessor of a thousand chariots?" They complained of him, and the duke said to him, "Some one has slandered you. Do you go for a time and reside in [the city of] Lu, till I examine into the matter. If the thing be true, you shall forfeit one half your property, and can go to another State; and if it be not true, I will restore you to your place." As he was going out at the gate, the duke made him take only a third of his usual retinue. When he had got half way, this was reduced to two chariots. When he got to Lu, he was obliged to enter it in confinement, and shortly after the duke put him to death.']
Par. 7. Zuoshi says that the return of these places to Lu was a consequence of the favour with which the daughter of Kangzi was regarded by the marquis of Qi.
IX. Ninth year.
1. In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, in the king's second month, there was the burial of duke Xi of Qi.
2. Huang Yuan of Song led a force and captured an army of Zheng at Yongqiu.
3. In summer, a body of men from Chu invaded Chen.
4. In autumn, the duke of Song invaded Zheng.
5. It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. The interment of duke Xi thus took place in the 3d month after his death. There must have been some reason for the haste.
[The Zhuan gives here a narrative preparatory to Wu's attack of Qi next year:——'This spring, the marquis of Qi sent Gongmeng Chuo to decline the services of the army [of which he had requested the aid] from Wu. The viscount of Wu said, "Last year I received your commands, and now you reverse them. I do not know which to follow. I will advance and receive my orders [direct] from your ruler."']
Par. 2. Yongqiu was in Song,—in the pres. dis. of Qi (杞), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:—— 'Xu Xia, a favourite of Wu Zisheng (Han Da), asked for a city; and there being none to give him, he asked leave to take one from another State. This was granted, and he laid siege in consequence to Yongqiu of Song. [There], Huang Yuan of Song besieged the army of Zheng, every day moving forward his lines, till the intrenchments of the two armies touched. That of Zheng wept [in its distress]. Ziyao (Han Da), who attempted to relieve it, received a great defeat; and in the 2d month, on Jiaxu, Song took it at Yongqiu. Huang Yuan directed that the men of ability [among the prisoners] should not be put to death, and took Jia Zhang and Zheng Luo back with him'
Mao calls in question this narrative of the Zhuan, which certainly does not seem to carry on it the stamp of verisimilitude.. He thinks the historical facts may simply have been that Han Da now made an expedition into Song in retaliation for that related in VII. 1, and received a severe defeat at Yongqiu. The 取 in the text would seem to imply the capture of his army. See Zuo's canon about the meaning of 取 in such a case on II. xi. 2;— 覆而敗之曰取某師. Such a defeat is compared in the 'explanation of Zuo's canons,' to the 'taking a flock of birds in a net;'—as if 覆 were to be read fou, in the 3d tone.
Par. 3. Zuo says the reason of this invasion was because Chen had gone over to Wu. Chu had certainly done its utmost to relieve Chen, when that State was attacked by Wu in the duke's 6th year; but as the death of king Zhao had rendered a retreat necessary, Wu had remained master of the field, and Chen had, no doubt, been obliged to submit to its terms. To punish it for this would seem to be hard treatment.
Par. 4. Not content with the capture of its army, Song now carries the war into Zheng.
[The Zhuan introduces here two notices. The 1st is brief, but important, in connexion with the labours of subsequent dynasties to effect a communication by water between the Jiang and the northern regions. It would require a dissertation to discuss it fully. 'This autumn, Wu walled Han (The present Yangzhou), and thence formed by a channel a communication between the Jiang and the Huai.'
2d, relating how Jin gave up the purpose of relieving Zheng. 'Zhao Yang consulted the tortoise-shell about relieving Zheng, and got the indication of fire meeting with water. He asked an explanation of it from the historiographers Zhao, Mo, and Gui. Gui said, "This is called 'quenching the Yang (Light, or fire).' [On the strength of this] you may commence hostilities;—with advantage against Jiang (Qi), but not against Zishang (Song). You may [on this] attack Qi; but if you oppose Song, the result will be unlucky." Mo said, 'Ying (盈; said to be the surname of Zhao Yang) is a name of water. Zi (子, the surname of Song) is in the position of water. To put the name and the position in antagonism is not to be attempted. The emperor Yan (Shennong) had his fire-master from whom the House of Jiang is descended. Water overcomes fire. According to this you may attack the Jiang." Zhao said, "We may say of this that we have indicated the full channel of a stream, which cannot be swum through. Zheng is now an offender [against Jin], and ought not to be relieved. If you go to assist Zheng, the result will be unlucky. This is all that I know."
'Yang Hu consulted the reeds on the principles of the Yi of Zhou about the subject, and found the diagram Tai (泰; ䷊), which then became the diagram Xu (需; ䷄), "Here," said he "luck is with Song. We must not engage [in conflict] with it. Qi, the viscount of Wei (The first duke of Song), was the eldest son of Diyi; there have been intermarriages between Song and Zheng. The 'happiness' (In the legend of the changed line) denotes dignity. If the eldest son of Diyi by the marriage of his sister has good fortune and dignity, how can we have good fortune [in an expedition against Song]? [The purpose of helping Zheng] was accordingly abandoned.'
[There is a brief notice here, connected with Wu's determination to attack Qi:——'In winter, the viscount of Wu sent a message, requiring our army to be in readiness to invade Qi.']
X. Tenth year.
1. In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, Yi, viscount of Zhu, came a fugitive to Lu.
2. The duke joined Wu in invading Qi.
3. In the third month, on Wuxu, Yangsheng, marquis of Qi, died.
4. In summer, a body of men from Song invaded Zheng.
5. Zhao Yang of Jin led a force, and made an incursion into Qi.
6. In the fifth month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Qi.
7. There was the burial of duke Dao of Qi.
8. Gongmeng Kou of Wey returned from Qi to Wey.
9 .Yi, earl of Xue, died.
10. In autumn, there was the burial of duke Hui of Xue.
11. In winter, the Gongzi Jie of Chu led a force and invaded Chen, when Wu went to the relief of Chen.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, duke Yin of Zhu came a fugitive, to Lu. Being the son of a daughter of [the House of] Qi, he went on to flee to that State.' Yi must have escaped from the tower in which he was confined by order of Wu (See on VIII.4). His taking refuge in Lu showed, says Gao Kang, how shameless he was. Mao thinks that he did it to excite again the enmity of Wu against Lu; but perhaps it was the only step he could take in order to get to Qi.
Parr. 2, 3, 6. The Zhuan says:——'The duke joined the viscounts of Wu, Zhu (This must be the son of Yi. See VIII. 4), and Tan, and invaded the south border of Qi. Their army was encamped at Xi, when the people of Qi murdered duke Dao, and sent word to it [of his death], on which the viscount of Wu wept for 3 days outside the gate of the camp. [At the same time] Xu Cheng was conducting a fleet along the coast, intending with it to enter Qi, but it was defeated by the men of Qi, and on this the army of Wu withdrew.' There seems no good reason to question the account of the death of the marquis of Qi given by Zuoshi. Du supposes that the report from Qi stated that he died from illness; and the text therefore follows that official announcement. This also may have been the case;—comp. IX. vii. 10, and the Zhuan upon it. Wu Cheng, however, and others deny the account in the Zhuan, thinking it very unlikely that a great State like Qi would suddenly murder its prince to avert the danger of an invasion with which it was well able to cope. They forget that that invasion was just the thing that the Chen family would lay hold of to further their designs against the House of Jiang.
Par. 4. See on par. 4 of last year.
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:--'The great officers begged him to consult the tortoise-shell about this expedition, but Zhaomeng said, "I did do so, and thereon am putting the troops in motion (See the narr. after par. 4 of last year). Things must not be twice referred to the tortoise-shell; when you get a fortunate answer, the divination must not be repeated." On this they set forth, and he took Li and Yuan, threw down the walls of the suburbs of Gaotang, made an incursion as far as Lai, and returned.' This account of the Zhuan is prefaced by 晉趙鞅帥師伐齊, the words of the text, excepting that we have 伐 instead of 侵. Upon this many of the critics say that Yang did thus really make an open attack on Qi, invading it, but in the text the invasion is reduced to an incursion; and in this misrepresentation of the fact they find the sage's condemnation of Jin for taking advantage of the death of the marquis of Qi to invade his State! This is surely a strange method of exalting the character of Confucius.
Par. 8. Kou in the 14th year of duke Ding (XI. xiv. 12) fled to Zheng, a partizan of Kuaikui, and from Zheng he had gone on to Qi. Perhaps he had deserted the party of Kuaikui, and was now restored by Qi to Wey. We find him, in the 15th year, when Kuaikui regains the State, flying again to Qi.
Parr 9, 10. For 夷 Gongyang has 寅. [The Zhuan appends a brief note here to the effect, that this autumn the viscount of Wu sent another message to Lu to have its army ready for the field]
Par. 11. The Zhuan says:——'In winter Ziqi of Chu invaded Chen (See on par. 3 of last year). Jizi of Yan and Zhoulai (Supposed to be Jizha, the youngest son of Shoumeng of Wu who died in the 12th year of Xiang. See the Zhuan after IX. xiv. 1, et al. Zha could not now be less than 90 years old) went to relieve Chen, and said to Ziqi, "Our two rulers do not endeavour to display virtue, but are striving by force for the supremacy of the States. Of what offence have the people been guilty? Allow me to retire; it will be to the credit of your name, as endeavouring to show a virtuous kindness and seeking the tranquillity of the people." On this [both parties] withdrew [from Chen].
XI. Eleventh year.
1. In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, Guo Shu of Qi led a force, and invaded us.
2. In summer, Yuan Po of Chen fled from that State to Zheng.
3. In the fifth month, the duke joined Wu in invading Qi.
4. On Jiaxu, Guo Shu of Qi, at the head of a force, fought with Wu at Yiling, when the army of Qi was disgracefully defeated and Guo Shu taken.
5. In autumn, in the seventh month, on Xinyou, Yuwu viscount of Teng, died.
6. In winter, in the eleventh month, there was the burial of duke Yin of Teng.
7. Shishu Qi of Wey fled from that State to Song.
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, in consequence of the campaign of Xi (See on par. 3 of last year), Guo Shu and Gao Wupi of Qi led a force to invade us. When they had got as far as Qing, Jisun said to his steward, Ran Qiu (A disciple of Confucius; see Ana. VI. x., et al.), "The army of Qi's being at Qing must be with a design on Lu; what is to be done?" Qiu replied, "Let one of you three chiefs remain in charge [of the capital], and the other two follow the duke to meet the enemy on the borders." "We cannot do so," Jisun replied. "Abide the enemy then inside the borders," advised Qiu. Jisun reported this proposal to the other two chiefs, but they objected to it, on which Qiu said, "If this cannot be done, then let not our ruler go forth, but let one of you three lead the army, and fight a battle with the city at their backs. Let those who do not join him not be accounted men of Lu. The [great] Houses of Lu are more than the number of the chariots of Qi. One House is much more than able to meet one chariot. Why should you be troubled about the matter? The two other chiefs may well not wish to fight, but the government of Lu is in the hands of the Ji family. It is now in your person, and if the people of Qi invade the State and you are not able to fight a battle with them, it will be a disgrace to you, and a great proof that Lu cannot take its rank among the States."
'Jisun told Qiu to follow him to court, and to wait near the canal of the Zhang family. Wushu (Shusun Zhouqiu) called him thence, and asked him about fighting. He replied, "It is for men of rank to exercise their solicitude about what is distant; what can a small man [like me] know about it?" Yizi (Mengsun Heji) insisted upon a reply, but he answered him, "A small man speaks according to his estimate of his ability, and contributes according to the measure of his strength.' Wushu observed, "This is saying that we do not approve ourselves great men;" and with this he withdrew, and reviewed his chariots. Xie, the younger Meng, led the army of the right, with Yan Yu as his charioteer, and Bing Xie as spearman on the right. Ran Qiu led the army of the Left, with Guan Zhoufu as his charioteer, and Fan Chi (Ana. II. v., et al.) as spearman on the right. Jisun said, "Xu (Fan Chi) is too young," but Youzi (Ran Qiu) replied, "He can act according to his orders." Jishi's men-at-arms amounted to 7,000, and Ran Qiu selected 300 men of Wucheng to attend himself on foot. The old and the young were left to defend the palace, and [the army of the Left] took post outside the Yu gate, where it was followed in 5 days by the army of the Right.
'Gongshu Wuren (a son of duke Zhao), when he saw the defenders [of the city], wept and said, "The duties are numerous, and the exactions are heavy. Our superiors are unable to form plans, and our officers are unable to die. How is it possible [in such circumstances] to regulate the people? I have said it, and must I not do my utmost myself?"
'The armies fought with the army of Qi in the suburbs, the latter coming from Jiqu. The army [of the Left] would not cross a ditch. Fan Chi said, "It is not that the men are unable to cross it; but they have not confidence in you. Please [gave notice that] in 3 quarters [of an hour] they must cross it." Ran Qiu did so, and they all followed him, and penetrated the army of Qi.
'The army of the Right, however, took to flight, and was pursued by the men of Qi. Chen Guan and Chen Zhuang crossed the Si [in the pursuit]. Meng Zhice was the last to enter [the city], and when it was thought that he was defending the rear, he took an arrow and whipt up his horses, saying, "They would not advance (See Ana. VI. xiii.)." The file in which Lin Buniu was proposed to fly, but he said, "For whom are we not a match?" "Then," said the others, "shall we stay?" He answered, "That would not be an act of much worth." They then moved slowly away, and all died.
'The army [of the Left] captured 80 of the men-at-arms, and the men of Qi could not keep their order. A spy brought word at night that their army was retreating, and Ran You thrice asked leave to pursue it, but Jisun would not permit him. The younger Meng said to some one, "I was not equal to Yan Yu, but I was better than Bing Xie. Ziyu was full of spirit and earnestness. I did not want to fight, but I could be silent. Xie said, 'Give the reins to the horses, [and flee].' "
'Gongwei (Duke Zhao's son), and his favourite youth Wang Qi, both died, and were both put into coffins.' Confucius said [of the youth], "As he could hold spear and shield in the defence of our altars, he may be buried without abatement of ceremonies because of his youth."
'Ran You used the spear against the army of Qi, and so was able to penetrate it. Confucius said, "That was righteous [courage]."
According to the above narrative this must have been a very scrambling fight. Yet a battle there was, and we may be surprised that the text does not say so. The advantage also was upon the whole with Lu, but neither, for some reason, did the sage think it proper to state this. Twenty-one invasions of Lu are recorded in the Classic, but only here and in par. 2 of the 8th year is it simply said that 'So-and-so invaded us.' In the other passages the border of Lu on which the invasion was made is specified. The reason of the peculiar phraseology may be that in both cases the enemy approached the capital itself, and attacked the very heart of the State.
Par. 2. For 轅 Gongyang has 袁. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, Yuan Po, being minister of Instruction, levied a tax on the lands of the State, to supply the [expenses of] marrying one of the duke's daughters; and there being more than was necessary, he used the residue to make some large articles for himself; in consequence of which the people drove him out of the State. Being thirsty on the way, one of his clan, Yuan Xuan, set before him rice, sweet spirits, parched grain, and slices of dried spiced meat." Delighted, he asked him how he had such a supply, and Xuan replied that he had provided them when the articles were completed. "Why did you not remonstrate with me?" said Po. "I was afraid that, [if I did], I should have to go first," was the reply.
Par. 3. The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the battle of the suburbs, the duke joined the viscount of Wu in invading Qi. In the 5th month, they reduced Bo: and on Renshen, arrived at Ying. The army of the centre followed the king; Xumen Chao (I. e., Chao of the Xu gate) commanded the 1st army; and the king's son, Gucao, the 3d; while [on the part of Lu], Zhan Ru commanded the army of the Right. On the side of Qi, Guo Shu commanded the army of the centre; Gao Wupi, the 1st army; and Zong Lou, the 3d.
'Chen Xizi said to his younger brother Shu, "You die, and I shall [then] get my will." Zong Ziyang (Lou) and Lüqiu Ming stimulated each other [to fight to the death]. Sang Yanxu drove Guozi (Guo Shu), and the Gongsun Xia said to them, "You must both [be prepared to] die." When they were about to engage, Gongsun Xia ordered his men to sing the funeral song, and Chen Zihang ordered his to be provided with the gems for the month (Used in burying). Gongsun Hui ordered each of his men to carry a string 8 cubits long, because the men of Wu wore their hair short. Dongguo Shu said, "In 3 battles a man is sure to die. This will be my third." He then sent his lute to Xian Duo with a message that he would not see him again. Chen Shu said, "In this engagement I will hear the drum only (The signal for advance); I will not hear the gong (The signal for retreat)."
'On Jiaxu, the battle was fought at Yiling. Zhan Ru defeated Gaozi. Guozi defeated Xumen Chao; but the king then went to Chao's help, and the army of Qi received a great defeat. Guo Shu, Gongsun Xia, Lüqiu Ming, Chen Shu, and Dongguo Shu, were all taken, along with 800 chariots of war, and 3000 men-at-arms; and these were all presented to the duke.
'Just as they were about to engage, the viscount of Wu called Wushu to him, and asked him what duty he had to do. He replied, "Whatever the marshal orders." The viscount then gave him a buff-coat, a sword, and a long spear, saying, "Discharge your duty to your ruler. Be reverent, and do not neglect his commands." Shusun was not able to reply; but Ci of Wey (Zigong) advanced to him, and said, "Zhouqiu, take up the buff-coat, follow the viscount, and make your acknowledgments to him."
'The duke made the grand-historiographer Gu send back the head of Guozi [to Qi]. It was placed in a new casket, laid upon some folds of dark silk, with strings upon it. On the casket was written, "If Heaven had not known that he was not sincere, how should he have been sent to our inferior State?"'
[The Zhuan appends here a narrative to show the danger that was threatening Wu amidst its apparent success:——'When Wu was about to attack Qi, the viscount of Yue came with a large retinue to its court, and the king and all the officers about the court received gifts and bribes. The people of Wu were all delighted, but Zixu was afraid, and said to himself that this was feeding Wu [for the shambles]. He then remonstrated, saying, "While Yue exists, we have a disease in our vitals. Its land and ours are of the same character, and it has designs against us. By its mildness and submission it is trying to further those designs. Our best plan is first to take measures against it. You may get your will with Qi, but that is like getting a stony field, which can be of no use. If [the capital of] Yue be not reduced to a lake. Wu will perish. There never was such a thing as employing a doctor to cure a disease, and telling him to leave some of it. In the Announcement of Pan'geng it is said (Shu, IV. vii. Pt. ii. 16), 'If there be those who are precipitously or carelessly disobedient to my orders, I will cut off their noses or exterminate them, and leave none of their children. I will not let them perpetuate their seed in this city." It was in this way that Shang rose to prosperity. You are now pursuing a different method; but will you not find it difficult to gain the greatness thereby for which you seek?"
'The viscount would not listen to him, and sent him on a mission to Qi. There he entrusted his son to the care of the Head of the Bao family, and changed his surname to Wangsun. When the king heard of this, on his return from his expedition [against Qi], he caused the sword Zhulü to be given him to kill himself with. When he was about to die, he said, "Plant jia trees by my grave. The jia furnishes wood [for coffins]. Wu is likely [soon] to perish. In 3 years it will begin to be weak. When anything has reached its fulness, it is sure to go on to be overthrown. This is the way of Heaven."']
Par. 5. [The Zhuan introduces a brief notice here:——'This autumn, Jisun gave orders to put all the defences of the State in good repair, saying, "When a small State vanquishes a great one, it is a calamity. Qi will be here any day."']
Par. 7. The Zhuan says—'In winter Taishu Ji (Shishu Qi) of Wey fled from that State to Song. Before this, Ji had married a daughter of Zizhao of Song, but one of her cousins [who had followed her to the harem] was his favourite. But when Zizhao left the State (Probably in Ai's 2d year), Kong Wenzi made Ji put away his wife, and marry a daughter of his own. Ji, however, made one of his attendants induce the cousin of Ji's former wife to come to him, and placed her in Li, where he built a palace for her, so that he had, as it were, two wives. Wenzi was angry, and wanted to attack him, but Confucius stopped him from doing this. However, he took his wife away. Ji having an intrigue with some lady in Waizhou, the people of that place took away from him his carriage by force, and presented it [to the marquis]. Disgraced by these two things he left the State. In Wey, they appointed [his brother] Yi in his place, and made him take Kong Ji (Wenzi's daughter) as his wife.
'Ji became [in Song] an officer of Xiang Tui, and presented him with a beautiful pearl, on which the [city of] Chengchu was given to him. The duke of Song asked for the pearl, and Tui, refusing to give it to him, was held to be an offender; and when he was obliged to leave the State, the people of Chengchu attacked Taishu Ji. [After this], however, duke Zhuang recalled him to Wey, and assigned him a residence in Chao where he died. He was coffined at Yun, and buried at Shaodi.
'At an earlier period, when Yin, son of duke Dao of Jin, became a refugee in Wey, he made his daughter drive his chariot when he went to hunt. Taishu Yizi detained them to drink with him, and asked the lady in marriage. The fruit of their union was Daozi (Ji). When he succeeded to his father (As minister), Xia Mou (Probably a son of Yin) was made a great officer; and when he fled from the State, the people of Wey deprived Mou of his city.
'When Kong Wenzi was intending to attack Taishu, he consulted Zhongni, who said to him, "I have learned all about sacrificial vessels, but I have not heard about buff-coats and weapons (Comp. Ana. XV. i.);" and on retiring, he ordered his carriage to be yoked, and prepared for his departure from the State, saying, "The bird chooses its tree; the tree does not choose the bird." Wenzi hurriedly endeavoured to detain him, saying, "How should I dare to be considering my private concerns? I was consulting you with reference to the troubles of the State." He was about to stay, when messengers from Lu arrived with offerings to invite him there, and he returned [to his native State].'
[There is here appended a note about a project of Jisun's for a rearrangement of the taxation of Lu:——'Jisun wanted to lay a tax upon the lands, and sent Ran You to ask Zhongni about the subject, who replied that he did not know about it. This was his answer thrice given to inquiries pressed upon him. At last [Jisun sent] to say, "You are an old officer of the State. I am now waiting for your opinion to act;—how is it that you will not give expression to it?" Zhongni gave, no reply, but he said privately to Ran You, "The conduct of a superior man is governed by the rules of propriety. In his benefactions, he prefers to be liberal; in affairs [of government], he seeks to observe the right Mean; in his taxation, he tries to be light. According to this, the contribution required by the qiu ordinance (See on VIII. i. 4) is sufficient. If [Jisun] be not governed by the rules of propriety, but by a covetous daring and insatiableness, though he enact this taxation of the lands, it will still not be enough. If you and Jisun wish to act according to the laws, there are the statutes of the duke of Zhou still existing. If you wish to act in an irregular manner, why do you consult me?" His advice was not listened to.]
XII. Twelfth year.
1. In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, he imposed a tax upon the lands.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Jiachen, Meng Zi died.
3. The duke had a meeting with Wu in Tuogao.
4. In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Wey and Huang Yuan of Song in Yun.
5. Xiang Chao of Song led a force, and invaded Zheng.
6. In winter, in the twelfth month, there were locusts.
Par. 1. It were to be wished that Zuoshi had given us the particulars of this enactment; and the paragraph has been and is a locus vexatus to the critics. Guliang seems to think it was the exaction of a second tithe of the produce of the lands; but we have seen that that was required by duke Xuan in his 15th year (See on VII. XV. 8); and from the Ana. XII. ix., we learn that at this time the regular revenue of the government consisted of two tenths of the produce, of which Ai complained as being insufficient. Du thinks the new law was an alteration of the qiu and buff-coat ordinance of duke Cheng (See on VIII. i. 4), and he is probably correct; but whether it required 2 horses and 6 oxen instead of 1 horse and 3 oxen, as he thinks, we cannot tell. Indeed our information about Cheng's ordinance is far from being certain and exact. The distinction however, between 稅 and 賦 should here be pressed, the former denoting the general contribution of the produce of the land, and the latter the contribution for military purposes. The land was now burdened in some way with some contribution to the military levies of the State. The student may consult the 國 語, Pt. II. ii. Art. 18, where there is another version of the narrative at the end of last year; but it does not throw light on the nature of the ordinance in the text.
Par. 2. This Meng Zi had been the wife of duke Zhao; and should be mentioned as Meng Ji, and not Meng Zi as if she had belonged to the House of Song. From the Ann. VII. xxx., it appears that Zhao had himself called her 'Meng Zi,' to conceal the offence which he had committed against the rules of propriety in marrying a lady of the same surname as himself. The historiographers and Confucius conceal the offence in the same way in the text. There is no record of her burial, because then it would have been necessary to give the surname, and the lie would have been more conspicuous than it is here; or it may be, as Zuoshi seems to intimate, that Ji Kangzi carried out his father's hostility to duke Zhao, and prevented the regular ceremonies from being observed at Meng Ji's burial.
The Zhuan says:——'In the 5th month, Meng Zi, wife of duke Zhao, died. He had married a daughter of Wu, and therefore her [proper] surname is not given. Notice of her death was not sent to the various States, and therefore she is not called his "wife." The ceremony of weeping on returning from her burial was not observed, and therefore the burial of her as the duchess is not recorded. Confucius was present at the ceremony of condolence, and [then] went to Jishi's. Jishi did not wear a mourning cap, on which Confucius put off his head-band, and so they bowed to each other.'
Par. 3. Tuogao was a city of Wu,—60 li northwest from the pres. dis. city of Chao (巢), dep. Luzhou (盧州), Anhui. The Zhuan says:——'At this meeting, the viscount of Wu sent his grand-administrator Pi to request that the covenant (Between Wu and Lu;—see on VIII. 2) might be renewed. The duke did not wish this, and sent Zigong to reply, saying, "A covenant is for the confirmation of faith. Therefore its conditions are first determined according to the mind of the parties; gems and offerings of silk are presented with it [to the Spirits]; it is summarily expressed in words, and an 'appeal is made to the Spirits to bind it. Our ruler considers that, if a covenant be once made, it cannot be changed. If it can be changed, of what advantage would a covenant every day be? You now say that the covenant must be made hot again, but if it can be made hot, it may also be made cold," Accordingly the covenant was not renewed.'
[Throughout the Zhuan, the renewal of a covenant is commonly expressed by 尋盟. This usage of 尋 is explained by 温, 'to warm.' The above narrative illustrates the significance of the term.]
Par. 4. Yun was in Wu,—in the east of the pres. dis. of Rugao, Tongzhou (通州), Jiangsu.
The Zhuan says:——'Wu summoned Wey to attend a meeting; but before this the people of Wey had put to death Qie Yao, a messenger of Wu, and they were now afraid. Consulting about the matter with Ziyu, a messenger of their own, he said, "Wu is now pursuing an unprincipled course, and is sure to disgrace our ruler. The best plan will be for him not to go." Zimu, however, said, "Wu indeed is now pursuing an unprincipled course, but a State which does so is sure to vent its hatred on others. Although Wu have no principle, it is still able to distress Wey. Let [our ruler] go. When a tall tree falls, it strikes all within its range; when there is a mad dog in the city, he bites every body [whom he meets]; how much more will a great State, [like Wu, do violent things]!"
'In autumn, the marquis of Wey had a meeting with Wu in Yun. The duke made a covenant [privately] with the marquis of Wey and Huang Yuan; and in the end, they declined a covenant with Wu. The men of Wu having enclosed the encampment of the marquis of Wey, Zifu Jingbo said to Zigong. "The princes have met and their business is completed. The presiding prince has discharged his ceremonies, and the lord of the ground has contributed his animals;—they have performed their complaisances to one another. But now Wu is not behaving with ceremony to Wey, and has enclosed the encampment of its ruler, putting him in difficulties. Why should you not go and see the grand-administrator about it?" [Zigong] accordingly asked for a packet of embroidered silks, and went to see the grand-administrator Pi. making the conversation turn to the affair of Wey. Pi said, "My ruler wished to do service to the ruler of Wey, but the latter came to the meeting late. My ruler is afraid, and therefore intends to detain him." Zigong said, "The ruler of Wey must have taken counsel about coming to the meeting with all his [officers]. Some of them would wish him to come, and others would object; and in this way his arrival was late. Those who wished him to come would be your partizans, and those who wished him not to come would be your enemies. If you seize the ruler of Wey, you will be overthrowing your partizans and exalting your enemies; and [thus] those who would overthrow you will get their will. Moreover, if, having assembled the States, you seize the ruler of Wey, what prince is there but will be frightened? Let me suggest that Wu will find it difficult to get the presidency of the States by overthrowing its partizans, exalting its enemies, and frightening the princes." The grand-administrator was pleased, and the marquis of Wey was in consequence let go. When he returned to Wey, he imitated the speech of the rude people of the cast (I. e, of Wu). Zizhi (The Gongsun Mimou, or Wenzi; (公孫彌牟，文子), who was still quite young, said, "The ruler will not escape [an evil fate]. He is likely to die among those eastern people. Though they seized him, he is pleased with their speech;—he must be firmly bent on following them."'
Par. 5. The Zhuan says:——'Between Song and Zheng there was a tract of neutral ground [containing 6 hamlets], called Mizuo, Qingqiu, Yuhchang. Yan, Ge, and Yang, concerning which Zichan and the people of Song had made an agreement, that neither of them should have it. When the families descended from [dukes] Ping and Yuan of Song fled from Xiao to Zheng (In the 15th year of Ding), the people of Zheng walled for them Yan, Ge, and Yang. [Now], in the 9th month, Xiang Chao of Song attacked Zheng, took Yang, where he killed the grandson of duke Yuan, and then laid siege to Yan. In the 12th month, Han Da of Zheng proceeded to relieve Yan, and on Bingshen, he had the army of Song surrounded in a State of siege.'
Mao is very doubtful of the accuracy of this narrative.
Par. 6. 螽, see II. vi. 8. The Zhuan says: —Jisun asked Zhongni about this phaenomenon, who replied, "I have heard that when the Huo star no more appears, those insects are not to be found. But now the Huo star still appears descending to the west. The officers of the calendar must have made a mistake."'
Starting from this saying of Confucius, Du Yu makes it out that there had been an omission to insert an intercalary month this year, which would carry the 12th month back to the 9 month of Xia, when the Huo star ceased to appear; but there really could be no intercalation this year. Both the sage and Du themselves fell into error. The Kangxi editors say, 'Zuoshi gives here the words of Confucius, and Dushi considers that an intercalation was omitted. But at this time, within the space of two years, Lu thrice sent notice to the other States of locusts, so that the plague of them must have been very great. In consequence of this many scholars have called in question Du's opinion, and we have preserved both their views and his.'
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] thirteenth year, Han Da of Zheng, at the head of a force, captured the army of Song at Yan.
2. In summer, Cheng, baron of Xu, died.
3. The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Jin and the viscount of Wu at Huangchi.
4. The Gongzi Shen of Chu led a force and invaded Chen.
5. Yuyue entered [the capital of] Wu.
6. In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting at Huangchi.
7. Wei Manduo of Jin, at the head of a force, made an incursion into Wey.
8. There was the burial of duke Yuan of Xu.
9. In the ninth month, there were locusts.
10. In winter, in the eleventh month, a comet was seen in the east.
11. A ruffian killed Xia Koufu of Chen.
12. In the twelfth month, there were locusts.
Par. 1. The Zhuan continues here the narrative under par. 5 of last year, from which it appears that Han Da had 'led his force' in the previous autumn. It may be therefore that the 帥師 in many paragraphs should be translated 'had led,' and not simply 'led' a force. —This spring, Xiang Tui of Song endeavoured to relieve the army [which was held in siege before Yan], but Zisheng (Han Da) of Zheng issued a proclamation, offering a reward to him who should take Huan Tui; and Tui upon this withdrew and returned to Song. [Han Da] then captured the army of Song at Yan, and took [its two leaders] Cheng Huan and Gao Yan. [It was agreed] that the six hamlets should be neutral ground.' It would appear that Xiang Chao must have left the force, after laying siege to Yan the preceding autumn. If he had been now with it, his capture would have been specially mentioned.
Parr. 2, 8. See on XI. vi. 1. This baron Cheng or duke Yuan must have been reinstated by Chu. Gongyang has 戌 for 成.
Par. 3. We might translate 于黄池, by 'near the pool of Huang.' The place was in Wey,—in the southwest of the pres. dis. of Fengqiu (封 丘), dep. Kaifeng. The Zhuan says:——'In summer, the duke had a meeting with duke Ping of Shan, duke Ding of Jin, and Fuchai of Wu, at Huangchi.' There was thus a royal commissioner present at the meeting, and this may be the reason why we have Fuchai mentioned as 'the viscount of Wu.' Du says. 'Fuchai wished to take the leadership of the States of the kingdom, and honour the son of Heaven; he therefore laid aside his usurped title [of king], and called himself "viscount" in sending his notices and orders to the various States; and it was thus that the historiographers received and wrote the title.' See further on the narrative appended to par. 5.
Par. 4. Under the last par. of the 10th year, it seemed to be agreed upon by Chu and Wu that Chen should be left alone. Chu, however, now takes advantage of Wu's being engaged in the north to attack Chen.
Par. 5. Here Yue repays, and more than repays, Wu for its defeat at Fujiao;—see the narrative after the 2d par. of the 1st year. The Zhuan says:——'In the 6th month, on Bingzi, the viscount of Yue invaded Wu by two ways. Chou Wuyu and Ou Yang, coming [on land] from the south, arrived at the suburbs of the capital first, and were observed by You, the heir-son of Wu, the king's son Di, the Wangsun Miyong, and Shou Yuyao from [a height near] the Hong. Miyong, seeing the flag of [the men of] Gumie, said, "There's my father's flag. I must not see those enemies [who slew him], and not slay them." The heir-son said. "If we fight and do not gain the victory, we shall cause the ruin of the State. Please let us wait." Miyong. however, would not do so. and collected his followers, amounting to 5,000 men. The king's son Di assisted him; and on Yiyou they fought a battle, when Miyong captured Chou Wuyu, and Di captured Ou Yang. The viscount of Yue, however, arrived soon after. Di then remained in the city to defend it, but another battle was fought on Bingxu, when the viscount inflicted a great defeat on the army of Wu, and captured the heir-son You, the Wangsun Miyong, and Shou Yuyao. On Dinghai, he entered the capital. The people of Wu sent information of their defeat to the king, who so disliked the intelligence, that he himself cut the throats of 7 men about his tent (To prevent their spreading the news).
[The Zhuan now gives the sequel of par. 3.—'In autumn, in the 7th month, on Xinchou, a covenant was made, when Wu and Jin disputed about the precedence. They said on the side of Wu, "In relation to the House of Zhou, we are the eldest branch (As being descended from Taibo, see Ana. VIII. i.)." On the side of Jin they said. "We have the presidency of all the Jis." Zhao Yang called the marshal Yin to him, and said, "The day is declining, and this great matter is not yet settled; it is the fault of us two. Set up the drums, and put the ranks in order. We will die in the struggle, and the right and the wrong (lit; the old and the young) shall be clearly known." The marshal begged Yang to let him go in the meantime and see the viscount. When he returned, he said, "Those who eat flesh should have no black [under their eyes]. But now the king of Wu has such blackness. Has his capital been conquered? Or has his eldest son died? Moreover, the nature of those eastern tribes is light; they cannot hold out long. Let us wait a little for their decision." Accordingly [Wu] gave precedence to Jin.
'The people of Wu wanted to go with the duke and present him to the marquis of Jin, but Zifu Jingbo replied to their messenger, "When the king assembles the States, the leading prince conducts the other princes and pastors to present them to him. When a leading prince assembles the States then the [pastor] marquis leads the viscounts and barons and presents them to him. From the king down, the symbols of jade and offerings of silk at the court and complimentary visits to other States are different. Hence the contributions of our poor States to Wu are larger [now] than to Jin, embracing everything, because we consider [the lord of Wu] to be the leading prince. The States are now assembled, and your ruler wishes to present ours to the ruler of Jin, whose position as the ruling prince will thus be settled. Our State must change its contributions. The levies with which Lu follows Wu are 800 chariots. If our ruler be reduced to the rank of a viscount or baron, then he will follow Wu with half the levies of Zhu, and do service to Jin with [an amount equal to] the whole levies of Zhu. Moreover, your officers called the States to this meeting by the authority of the leading prince; if you end it by taking the position of a marquisate, what advantage have you?" The people of Wu on this desisted from their purpose; but afterwards they repented that they had done so, and were going to imprison Jingbo, who said, "I have appointed my successor in Lu. I will follow you with two chariots and six men. Let it be sooner or later according as you command." They were then returning with him as a prisoner, but when they got to Huyou, he said to the grand-administrator, "Lu has a sacrifice on the first Xin-day of the 10th month to God and the ancient kings, which is finished on the last Xin-day, and at which I have duties to perform, hereditary in my family. There has been no change in them since the time of [duke] Xiang. If I am not present, the priests and temple-keeper will say [to the Spirits] that Wu is the cause of my absence. Suppose, moreover, that Lu has behaved disrespectfully, what loss does it sustain in your holding seven individuals who are of small rank in it?" The grand-administrator represented to the king that their prisoners were no loss to Lu, and only gave themselves a [bad] name, so that they had better send them back; and they accordingly sent Jingbo back.'
'Shen Shuyi (Of Wu) begged some food from Gongsun
Youshan (Of Lu), saying,
Youshan replied, "I have no [good] millet, but I have some coarse. If you get up mount Shou, and cry out, Geng, Gui! then I will do what you ask."
'The king wanted to attack Song, and to put its males to death, and take its women prisoners. The grand-administrator, Pi, said, "You may vanquish [Song], but you cannot occupy it." Accordingly they returned to Wu.'
The Zhuan says that at this meeting and covenant the precedence was given to Jin, and so the text would seem to say,—公會晉侯 及吳子 Gongyang, however, says that Wu presided over the meeting (主會), and in the chapter about Wu, in the 國 語, or 'Narratives of the States (Bk. VII. art. 7),' it is expressly said that 'the duke of Wu took the precedence at the covenant (吳公先歃, 晉侯亞之),' to which Jin was obliged to consent by a demonstration of an intention to proceed to hostilities on the part of Wu, Jin glossing over its humiliation by getting the viscount to give up for the time his assumed title of king.
The Kangxi editors say on the subject, 'Former scholars have taken different sides on this question, some agreeing with Zuoshi, and others with the Narratives of Wu. If we consider the case of the covenant of Song, how, when Jin was still in the possession of its strength, it yet conceded the precedence to Chu, it appears reasonable to say that Ding of Jin could not now take precedence of Wu. But again when we consider how, while Wu was at this meeting, news was brought to the king of the danger the State was in from Yue, and how in his alarm he cut the throats of 7 men who brought the news, it also appears reasonable to say that, with such a reason for apprehension, he would not dare to contest the precedence any longer. There is a connexion in the narrative of the Chunqiu, and it appears to be matter of fact. The view of Zhao Kuang, that Wu and Jin met on equal terms, just as when host and guest now drink to each other, so that the historians of Jin represented that Jin had the precedence, while those of Wu assigned it to Wu, each side supporting its own ruler, seems also to be reasonable; and we therefore give it a place.' I do not think that there are sufficient grounds for a positive decision in the matter. The meeting was, no doubt, called by Wu, as assuming to take the lead in the States; but the intelligence of the invasion by Yue may have emboldened Jin to claim the precedence at the covenant, and obliged Wu to yield it.
As to the question about the title, 'viscount of Wu,' in the text, no doubt that was the title used on this occasion by the chief of that State, as he had got the royal sanction for calling the princes together. Still, we find the 'viscount of Wu' in previous paragraphs;—see XI. iv. 14, et al.
Par. 7. Gongyang leaves out the 曼 in the name. 'Jin,' says Xu Han, 'could now do nothing more than "make incursions." Its prestige was gone. The three great families in it were eager only for their own advantage, and careless of the common weal or glory of the State.'
Parr. 9, 12. See on the last par. of last year. Wang Tao proposes to transfer to the 12th par. of this year the Zhuan which appears there. 'There was,' he says, 'an intercalary month this year, so that the 12th month of Zhou was the 9th month of Xia, and the Huo star had not disappeared from the heavens. Bring that narrative to its proper place, and all doubts are resolved. Confucius might correctly say that the Huo star was still in the west, for there it was. The officers of the calendar might make a mistake; but he did not do so.'
Par. 10. 星孛,—see VI. xiv. 5; X. xvii. 5. In those two passages we have the constellation or space of the heavens where the comet appeared specified. There being no such specification here, but only that it was in the eastern quarter, is taken as a proof that it was visible in the morning. Many scholars tell us that its appearance in the east portended the approaching downfall of Wu, the great eastern Power.
Par. 11. Gongyang has 彄 for 區. None of the Zhuan give any particulars of this event. It is the 4th instance which we have in the text of a death perpetrated by the hands of ruffians, either really nameless, or purposely left so.
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, [some] hunters in the west capturod a lin.
The Zhuan says:——'This spring, they were hunting westwards in Daye, and Chushang, one of Shusun's waggoners, captured a lin. Thinking the thing was inauspicious, he gave [the creature] to the forester. Zhongni went to see it and said, "It is a lin;" on which they took it, [and carried it away to the capital].'
The Zhuan enables us to determine the 西 in the text as meaning the west of Lu. Daye was the name of a marsh,—in the pres. dis. of Juye (鉅野), dep. Caozhou. 狩 is the name of the winter hunt, used here appropriately, because the greater portion of the spring of Zhou was really in the natural winter, or that of Xia. The winter hunt was such a regular thing, that we can suppose it to be mentioned here only because of the unusual circumstance of the finding the lin.
The finding of this lin has so important a place in the accounts of the composition of the Chunqiu, that it may be well to give here the account of it, which we find in the 'Family Sayings,' or as we may term the work, 'The apocryphal Analects;' the more especially as it agrees a good deal with what we find in Gongyang.—'A waggoner of Shusun's, Zichushang, was gathering firewood in Daye, when he found a lin. Having broken its fore left leg, he carried it home with him in a carriage. Shusun thinking it inauspicious, threw it away outside the suburbs, and sent a messenger to tell Confucius of it, saying, "What is it? It is an antelope and horned." Confucius went to see it, and said, "It is a lin. Why has it come? Why has it come?" He took the back of his sleeve and wiped his face, while his tears wet the lapel of his coat. When Shusun heard what it was, he sent and had it brought [to the city]. Zigong asked the master why he wept, and Confucius said, "The lin comes [only] when there is an intelligent king. Now it has appeared when it is not the time for it to do so, and it has been injured. This is why I was so much affected."' See the 家語, at the end of the 16th chapter. (叔孫氏之車士,曰子鉏商,採薪於大野,獲麟焉,折其前左足,載以歸.叔孫以爲不祥,棄之於郭外, 使人告孔子曰,有麏而角者,何也.孔子往觀之,曰, 麟也, 胡爲來哉, 胡爲來哉 .反袂拭面,涕.泣沾衿. 叔孫聞之, 然後取之. 子貢問曰, 夫子何泣爾.孔子曰, 麟之至, 爲明王也 出非其時, 而見害, 吾是以 傷焉).
What was the lin? The earliest mention of it is in the Shi, I. i. ode XI., where the sons of king Wen are compared to its feet, its forehead, and its horn; but neither there, nor anywhere else in the classics, is there a description of it, by which we might be able to identify it. The Er ya describes it as having the body of an antelope, the tail of an ox, and one horn. The Shuo wen, the earliest dictionary, published A.D. 100, says, 'The qilin (麒; qi is the name of the male, and lin that of the female) is a benevolent animal, having a horse's body, an ox's tail, and a horn of flesh." As early as the beginning of the Christian era, the lin had thus become the name of a fabulous animal. Later accounts, as we might expect, improve on the Er ya and Shuo wen. See Medhurst on the character 麟. Williams says, 'Lin,—the female of the unicorn. The idea of the Chinese unicorn may have been derived from a one－horned Tibetan equine animal.'
All this does not help us to a satisfactory answer to the question of what the lin was. We may be sure there never was such an animal as the lexicographers and scholars of China describe and delight to dwell upon. If Confucius saw any animal at all, we can only suppose it was some sort of antelope, uncommon in Lu. For my part, I doubt whether this paragraph be from him at all.
The importance attaching to it arises from the circumstance that with it the Chunqiu, so far as it is the work of Confucius, is all but universally believed to terminate. The editions by Gongyang and Guliang, indeed, end with this; but Zuoshi continued his labours on to the 4th year of duke Dao, who followed Ai; and up to the day Jichou of the 4th month of Ai's 16th year, the regular form of all the preceding annals is preserved, the disciples having digested, it is said, the records of Lu, as their master had done, down to the day of his death, and Zuoshi continuing his labours on them, and on subsequent years in his own fashion. Having determined to translate all of Zuoshi's collections in this work, I proceed to do so. The difference between the disciples' supplement and the previous text will be marked by the small type of the original and the translation.
A few remarks are still necessary on the connexion which has been and is maintained between the appearance of the lin, and the composition of the text. Confucius, say Du and a host of followers, was so impressed by seeing the lin, that he immediately formed the purpose to compile the Chunqiu. He Xiu, the glossarist of Gongyang, followed also by many others, says that he had finished the work to the end of Ai's 13th year, and abandoned his stylus, when he saw the lin. Both sides have nothing but their own conjectures to go upon. The Kangxi editors intimate their dissent from the former view, and quote with approbation the opinion of Zhu Xi:——'I do not dare to pronounce any decision whether it was the completion of the book which moved the lin to come, or whether it was the appearance of the lin which moved Confucius to compose the book. It may, indeed, be presumed, that the appearance of the creature at a time not proper for it, and its then being killed, was altogether an inauspicious thing; and if the sage then laid his stylus aside, we may be assured he meant thereby to intimate something!'
SUPPLEMENT OF ZUOSHI.
2. Yi of Little Zhu came a fugitive to Lu, transferring to it [the city of] Gouyi.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, Chen Heng seized his ruler, and placed him in Shuzhou.
4. On Gengxu, Shu Xuan died.
5. In the fifth month, on Gengshen, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
6. Zong Shu of Chen fled from that State to Chu.
7. Xiang Tui of Song entered Cao, and held it in revolt.
8. Qing, viscount of Ju, died.
9. In the sixth month, Xiang Tui of Song fled from Cao to Wey; and Xiang Chao of Song came a fugitive to Lu.
10. The people of Qi murdered their ruler Ren in Shuzhou.
11. In autumn, Zhao Yang of Jin led a force, and invaded Wey.
12. In the eighth month, on Xinchou, Zhongsun Heji died.
13. In winter, Zong Shu of Chen entered Chen again from Chu, and the people of Chen put him to death.
14. Yuan Mai of Chen fled from that State to Chu.
15. There was a comet.
16. There was famine.
Par. 2. Gouyi,—sec on XII. 1. Du gives it there as belonging to Zhu, while here we have Yi of Little Zhu betraying or surrendering it to Lu. We can easily suppose that, during the troubles through which Zhu had passed since the 2d year of Ai, Little Zhu had managed to appropriate this place.
The Zhuan says:——'When Yi came a refugee, offering to surrender Gouyi, he said, "Send Zilu to make an agreement with me; I will have no covenant." It was proposed to Zilu that he should go, but he refused. Ji Kangzi then sent Ran You to say to him, "Why should you think the thing a disgrace to you, since he will put confidence in your words, while he will not do so in a covenant with our State of 1000 chariots?" Zilu replied, "If Lu have hostilities with Little Zhu, I will die before its capital, without presuming to ask any questions about the cause of the quarrel. But Yi is acting a traitor's part, and to give effect to his words would be to treat him as if he were righteous. I cannot do it."'
Par. 3. 舒州 appears in the 'Historical Records' as 徐州. It was a city of Qi, in the southeast of the pres. dis. of Teng, dep. Yanzhou.
The Zhuan says:——'When duke Jian of Qi was in Lu (He was, then, simply Ren, the son of Yangsheng; see on XI. 9, et al.), Kan Zhi became a favourite with him; and when he succeeded to the State, he employed Zhi as his chief minister. Chen Chengzi (Chen Heng) was afraid of him, and was constantly turning his head round to look at him in the court. Yang, [chief of] the charioteers, said to the duke, "Chen and Kan cannot continue together. You must choose between them." The duke, however, did not listen to him.
'When Ziwo (Kan Zhi) was going his rounds at night, he met Chen Ni (The Zihang of the battle of Yiling, XI. 2) who had killed a man, seized him, and carried him into [the court]. At the time the Chen-clan was all harmonious, so that [the chief] made Ni say that he was ill, and sent rice water to wash his head with, and at the same time spirits and meat. With the latter he feasted his keeper, made him drunk, killed him, and effected his escape; and upon this Ziwo imposed a covenant with the Chen in the house of one of their principal elders.
'Before this, Chen Bao had wished to get an office under Ziwo, and had employed one of the Gongsuns to speak for him. A death taking place in his family, the thing was stopped for a time, but afterwards the Gongsun said to Ziwo, "There is Chen Bao, tall but humpbacked, with a look to the sky. If he serve you, you are sure to be pleased with him. He wishes to be an officer with you, but I have been afraid of the man, and delayed informing you of his wish" "What harm can he do?" said Ziwo; "he will be at my disposal." Accordingly he employed him as one of his officers. Before long, he talked with Bao about [the affairs of] the government, and being pleased with him, made him a favourite. [One day] he asked him what he thought of his driving out Chenshi and his adherents, and getting him appointed in his place. Bao replied, "My connexion with Chenshi is remote, and they who are opposed to you are only a few individuals; why should you drive them all out?" He then informed Chenshi [of what Ziwo was intending], when Zihang (Chen Ni) said, "He has got the ruler. If you do not take the initiative, he will bring calamity on you." Zihang then took up his quarters [privately] in the duke's palace.
'In summer, in the 5th month, on Renshen, Chengzi and his brothers went in 4 chariots to the duke's. Ziwo was in his tent (His office), and came out to meet them, but they entered the palace, and shut the door [against him]. [One of] the attendants attempted to withstand them, but he was killed by Zihang. The duke and his wife were drinking in the Tan tower, but Chengzi removed him to the [state] chamber. The duke laid hold of a spear, intending to strike him with it, but Ziyu, the grand-historiographer said, "There is nothing intended injurious to you. He means to remove all harm from you." Chengzi then quitted the palace, and took up his quarters in the treasury. Hearing there that the duke was still enraged, he proposed leaving the State, saying, "Where shall I not find a ruler?" but Zihang drew his sword, and said, "Delay is the thief of business. Who is there that is not to be regarded as belonging to the Chen clan? By the ancestors of the Chen I will kill you, [if you go]." On this Chengzi stopped.
'Ziwo returned home, and collected his followers, with whom he attacked the great gate and a small gate of the palace. Unsuccessful in both attempts, he left the city and was pursued by Chenshi, when he lost his way in a narrow pass, and went to Fengqiu, the people of which seized him, and informed [Chenshi of the capture] and he was then put to death at the Guo barrier-gate. Chengzi was about to put to death Zifang of Dalu, but Chen Ni interceded for him, and his life was spared. He then, as if by the duke's orders, took a carriage which was on the road, and drove off; but when he had got to Er the people all knew the truth, on which he turned to the east, and left the city by the Yong gate. Chen Bao offered him a carriage, but he would not receive it, saying, "Ni interceded for my life, and Bao would now give me a carriage;—as if I had a private understanding with them. Having served Ziwo, if I should have a private understanding with his enemy, how should I be able to see the officers of Lu and Wey?" Dongguo Jia (Zifang) then fled to Wey.
'On Gengchen, Chen Heng confined the duke in Shuzhou, when the duke said, "If I had followed early the advice of Yang, I should not have come to this."'
Parr. 7, 9. Song had extinguished the State of Cao in the spring of Ai's 8th year, so that its capital was now only a city of Song. Xiang Tui, it has been observed before, was the same as the Huan Tui of the Ana. VII. xxii., a younger brother of Xiang Chao, whose name has occurred recently several times. The Xiangs of Song were all Huans, as being descended from duke Huan, whose death is mentioned in V. ix. 1. One of his sons was called Xiangfu Xi (向父肸), and from him came the Xiang clan, one of his grandsons, Xiang Xu, playing, as we saw, a very considerable part in public affairs in the time of duke Xiang.
The Zhuan here says:——'The favour which was shown to Huan Tui of Song proved injurious to the duke, who purposed to take Tui off, and with that object made the duchess [dowager] frequently invite him. Before he could execute his purpose, however, Tui took the initiative by plotting against the duke, and asked that [his city of] An might be exchanged for Bo. This the duke refused, on the ground that he had an ancestral temple at Bo, but he added to An seven [other adjacent] towns, on which Tui invited the duke to an entertainment there. The time was to be at mid-day, and Tui brought to the place all the men-at-arms of his family. The duke got knowledge of this, and informed Huang Ye of it, saying, "I have cherished Tui, and now he is going to do evil. Let me ask your immediate help." The marshal Zizhong (Ye) replied, "An insubordinate subject is hated by spiritual Beings; how much more must he be so by men! How should I presume not to obey your command? But it is necessary that we should get the aid of the master of the Left (Chao, Tui's elder brother). Let me call him here by an order from you." Now, whenever the master of the Left was going to take a meal, he had a bell struck; and [just then] they heard the sound of it. "He is going to his meal," said the duke. After the meal, they heard the music strike up [again], and the duke said, "Now you can go." Ye then drove to the master, and said, "The tracers have come with word that there are [some] large deer at the Feng marsh, and the duke said to me, "Although Tui has not come yet, what would you say to getting the master of the Left, and hunting them with him?" He shrank, however, from sending you word, and I resolved to try and get you to go myself. The duke is in haste, and I came for you in my carriage." The master got into the carriage with him; and when they arrived [at the palace], the duke told him the whole affair, on which he prostrated himself, and was unable to rise up. "Speak to him," said the marshal; and the duke swore by Heaven above, and by [the Spirits of] the dukes, his predecessors, that he would not injure him. The master then replied, "The insubordination of Tui is a calamity to Song. I will not presume not to be entirely obedient to your orders." The marshal then asked from him his symbol of office, and proceeded with it to order his followers to attack Huanshi. The elders of the clan and old officers objected, but the new officers said that they would obey the orders of their ruler. Accordingly they attacked the mansion. Ziqi dashed off in a chariot to inform Tui, who wished to enter the city. Ziju, however, stopped him, saying, "You have been unable to serve the ruler, and would now attack the capital;—the people will not be with you, and you would only invite your death." He then entered Cao, and held it in revolt.
'In the 6th month, Chao, master of the Left, was sent to attack Cao; and [being unsuccessful], he wished to get some of the great officers as hostages [for his safety] before he would [re-] enter [the capital]. Not being able to do this, he also entered Cao, and seized some people there to hold as hostages. Tui said to him "You should not do that. We have not been able to serve our ruler; and if we also trespass against the people, what shall we do?" On this he let them go, and then the people revolted from them, on which Tui fled to Wey, and Chao to us in Lu. The duke of Song sent to stop the latter, saying, "I made an engagement with you. I will not extinguish the sacrifices of the Xiang family." Chao however, declined to return, and said, "My offence is great, and would justify you in extinguishing the family of Huan. If from regard to my fathers, you suffer the family to be perpetuated, it will be an act of your kindness; but as for me, I cannot enter Song." Sima Niu (A brother of Tui and Chao, and a disciple of Confucius; see Ana. XII. iii., iv., v.) surrendered his city and badge of authority, and went to Qi. As Tui was quitting the territory of Wey, the chief of the Gongwen family attacked him, and asked from him the huang-gem of the sovereigns of Xia. Tui gave him a different gem, and fled to Qi, where Chen Chengzi appointed him a minister of inferior rank, on which Niu gave back the city [which he had received in Qi], and went to Wu. The people of Wu hating him, he came back from that State, and received invitations from Zhao Jianzi and Chen Chengzi; but he died outside the gate of the suburbs of the capital of Lu, and was buried by Kengshi at Qiuyu.'
Par. 10. Continuing the narrative under par. 3, the Zhuan here says:——'On Jiawu, Chen Heng of Qi murdered his ruler Ren in Shuzhou. Kong Qiu fasted 3 days, and then begged [the duke] that he would invade Qi. Thrice he made the request, and the duke said, "Lu has long been kept in a state of weakness by Qi, If we should invade Qi, as you [propose], what could we do?" Kong Qiu replied, "There are one half of the people of Qi who do not agree with Chen Heng in his murder of his ruler. If with all the force of Lu we attack one half of that of Qi, we shall conquer it." The duke asked him to lay the matter before Jisun, but Confucius declined to do that, retired, and said to some one, "Having followed in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to speak of such a matter."'
See in the Ana., XIV. xxii., an account of the conduct of Confucius on this occasion, somewhat different from that which the Zhuan gives here.
The House of Tian (田) is represented by many historians as from this year the ruling House of Qi. The Zhuan on III. xxii. 3, mentions how the Gongzi Wan (完) of Chen, styled Jingzhong, (敬仲) took refuge in Qi, and the Historical Records say that he adopted the clan-name of Tian (田氏); though in Zuoshi his descendants always appear as Chens (陳). A brother of duke Jian nominally succeeded to him as marquis of Qi, and the House of Jiang was represented till B.C. 390, when He, (和), a great-grandson of Chen or Tian Heng put an end to the farce, and was acknowledged by king An, in B.C. 385, as ruler of Qi.
Par. 12. The Zhuan says:——'Before this, [Heji's] son Meng Xie was going to keep his horses in Cheng, but the Gongsun Su, commandant of Cheng, refused to admit him, saying, 'Mengsun does nothing but distress Cheng. We will not keep his horses for him." The young man in a rage surprised the place; but his followers not being able to enter it, he returned. An officer was sent from Cheng [to explain the circumstances], but the young chief had him scourged. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Xinchou, wheu Meng Yizi died, officers of Cheng hurried to be present at the death-rites, but they were not admitted; and they wept in the street, with sackcloth on their heads and the upper part of their bodies bare, wanting to be allowed to take part in the services, which was not accorded to them. They were afraid in consequence to return to Cheng.'
XV. Fifteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Cheng revolted.
2. In summer, in the fifth month, Gao Wupi of Qi fled from that State to North Yan.
3. The earl of Zheng invaded Song.
4. In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
5. Zhao Yang of Jin led a force and invaded Wey.
6. In winter, the marquis of Jin invaded Zheng.
7. We made peace with Qi.
8. Gongmeng Kou of Wey fled from that State to Qi.
Par. 1. This revolt of Cheng was a consequence of the events related under par. 12. of last year. The Zhuan says:——'This spring, Cheng revolted to Qi. Wubo (The son of Heji, and now the Head of the Mengsun clan. His name was Zhi—彘) attacked it, but without success; on which he fortified Shu.'
Parr. 2—6. [Zuoshi introduces here two narratives:——
1st.' In summer, Zixi and Ziqi of Chu invaded Wu, as far as the bend of the Tong. The marquis of Chen sent condolences on the occasion to Wu by the Gongsun Zhenzi, who died on the way at Liang. [The assistant-commissioner] proposed to proceed with his body to the court of Wu, but the viscount sent the grand-administrator Pi to present to him the customary offerings and messages on the toils of his journey, and to decline [his further progress], saying, "Considering the unseasonable rise of the waters, it is to be feared they will toss about and overwhelm the body of the commissioner, and thereby increase the sorrow of my ruler. He therefore ventures to decline the further progress of your excellency." The Wu-director, Gai (Being the assistant-commissioner), replied, "My ruler having heard of the unreasonable conduct of Chu in repeating its invasions of Wu, and destroying your people, appointed me assistant in this mission, to condole with the officers of your ruler. Unfortunately, the [chief-] commissioner encountered the anger of Heaven, so that our great business fell [for a time] to the ground, and he took his leave of the world at Liang. Some days have been lost in collecting what was necessary for his remains, but a day hence I should have advanced to another station. But now your ruler's orders have met me, telling me not to approach with the body to his gate;—my ruler's commission must thus be thrown away among the grass. I have heard, however, that it is a rule of propriety to serve when dead as we serve when living. Hence there is the rule, that if [a commissioner] dies when engaged on a court or a complimentary visit, the business should be discharged with his corpse, and also there is the rule about the course to be pursued when the death occurs of him to whom the visit is being made. If now I do not accomplish the mission with the body. I shall return as if the death [of your ruler] had taken place;—which surely would be improper. The use of the rule serves to prevent people's indifference, though they may still sometimes transgress it; but now your Excellency says, 'He is dead, and you may neglect it:'—this is to put the rule away. How can your ruler thus become lord of the States? The ancients had the saying, 'Inflict no stain on a deceased officer.' I, the assistant-commissioner, propose to carry my chief's body to discharge his commission. If the commission of our ruler can only reach your ruler's place, although [the body] should fall into the deep gulf, it will be the doing of Heaven, and through no fault of your ruler or of the ferrymen." Upon this the people of Wu received Gai, [as he proposed].'
2d.' In autumn, Chen Guan of Qi passed by [the capital of] Wey on his way to Chu, when Zhong You (Zilu) went to see him, and said, 'Heaven perhaps is using Chenshi as its axe. He has cut down the ducal House of Qi, but we cannot know whether some other man may not possess it. Nor can we know whether he shall not in the end enjoy it himself. Would it not be well to treat Lu well, and wait for the time [to come]? Why should you show hatred to it?" Ziyu (Chen Guan) said, "Yes. I have received your orders. Do you send some one to lay the thing before my brother (Chen Heng, or Chengzi)."']
Par. 7. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, we made peace with Qi, and Zifu Jingbo went to that State, with Zigong as assistant-commissioner. The latter went to see the Gongsun Cheng (Who had been commandant of Cheng), and said to him, "All men who are in the service of others [should be faithful], but they [often] show a false heart; how much more may the people of Qi, though they are [for the present] doing service to you, be expected to play double! You are a descendant of the duke of Zhou, and enjoyed great advantages [in Lu], but still your thoughts have been on unrighteousness. Why have you adopted such a course as is likely to ruin the State of your ancestors, when you could not get an advantage [which you desired]?" Cheng replied, "Good! Alas that I did not earlier hear your instructions!"
'Chen Chengzi assigned their lodging to the guests, and said to them, "My ruler has sent me to say to you that he wishes to do service to your ruler as he has done to the ruler of Wey." Jingbo made a sign to Zigong to advance and reply, which he did, saying, "This is the desire of our ruler. Formerly, when the people of Jin invaded Wey (In the 8th year of Ding), Qi on account of Wey attacked [the city] Guanshi of Jin, and lost 500 chariots. Notwithstanding, it made a grant of territory to Wey, and assigned it in writing 12,500 families on the west of the Ji, and the south of Zhuo, Mei, and Xing. When the people of Wu attacked our poor State (In Ai's 8th year), Qi took advantage of our distress to take Huan and Chan; in consequence of which our ruler became cold to it. If indeed you will deal with him as you have dealt with the ruler of Wey, this is what we desire" Chengzi was pinched by this address, and restored Cheng, on which Gongsun Su (I. q. Gongsun Cheng) entered Ying with his military stores.'
[Zuoshi here relates a revolution in Wey, and the death of Zilu:——'Kong Yu of Wei (See XI. iv. 12) married an elder sister of Kuaikui (See II. 5, et al.), the eldest son of the marquis, by whom he had a son, Kui. His attendant, Hun Liangfu, was tall and handsome and after the death of Wenzi (Yu) had an intrigue with his mistress. When her brother was in Qi (II. 5), she sent this Liangfu to him, and the prince then said to him, "If you can bring it about that I enter the capital and get the State, you shall have the cap and the carriage of a great officer, and 3 capital offences shall be forgiven you." They covenanted together, and the attendant made request for the other to Boji (The lady).
'In the intercalary month, Liangfu and the prince entered the capital, and stopped in an outer orchard of the Kong family. At night, disguised as women, they were driven by a eunuch to the house. The steward Luan Ning asked who they were, and admitted them on being told that they were ladies related to the family. They then went to the apartments of Boji; and, when they had eaten, that lady went before, carrying a spear, and followed by the prince and 5 men-at-arms, and [two men carrying] a pig. They found Kong Kui in the privy, and there forced him to make a covenant with the prince, after which they violently carried him up into a tower. Luan Ning was making ready to drink; but before the meat was fully roasted, he heard of the revolution which was being made, and sent information of it to Jizi (Zilu). [At the same time], Shao Huo had the horses put to a carriage, sent the cup round, partook of roast meat, and then carried off Zhe, the marquis of Wey, with him to Lu for refuge. Jizi was going to enter the city, when he met Zigao (Also a disciple of Confucius; see Ana., XI. xxiv.) about to leave it, who said to him, "The gate is shut." "But I wish to try to go there," replied Jizi. "It was not your doing," said Zigao; "you need not share in the chief's misfortunes." "I have eaten his pay," rejoined the other, "and I will not try to escape from his difficulties." Zigao then quitted the city, and Zilu entered it. When he got to the gate of the Kong family, Gongsun Gan was keeping it, and told him that he could not enter. Jizi said, "You are a grandson of a former duke. You seek what gain you can get, and shrink from encountering the difficulties of the State. I am not such an one. Having got the benefit of the pay of the State, I will try to save it in its difficulties." Just then a messenger came out at the gate, and Zilu entered. "Of what good," said he, "is it for the prince to deal thus with Kong Kui? Though you put him to death, there will be some one to continue [his duty to the State]." He also said. "The prince has no courage. If we burn half the tower, he is sure to let Kong Shu go." When the prince heard this, he was afraid, and sent down Shi Qi and Yu Yan to resist Zilu, whom they struck with their spears, cutting also the strings of his cap. "The superior man," said he, "does not let his cap fall to the ground when he dies;" and with this he tied the strings again and died.
'When Confucius heard of the disorder in Wey, he said, "Chai will come [here safe]; but You will die." (Comp. Ana., XI. xii.)" Kong Kui then raised duke Zhuang (Kuaikui) to the marquisate. He did what harm he could to the old ministers, and wanted to remove them all. He began by saying to Man Cheng, the minister of Instruction, "I have had long experience of distress abroad. Do you now make a trial of it." Cheng retired, and communicated this to Bi, superintendent of the market, and wished with him to attack the duke. But the scheme did not take effect.']
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Jimao, Kuaikui, heir-son of Wey, entered the capital from Qi, and Zhe, marquis of Wey, came to Lu a fugitive.
2. In the second month, Zixuan Cheng of Wey fled from that State to Song.
3. In summer, in the fourth month, on Jichou, Kong Qiu died.
Parr. 1, 2. The Zhuan says:——'In the 16th year, in spring, Man Cheng (The Zixuan Cheng of the text) and Bi, superintendent of the marketplace (See the narrative at the end of last year), fled from Wey to Song. The marquis of Wey sent Yan Wuzi to announce [his restoration] at [the court of] Zhou, saying, "Kuaikui, having offended against the marquis his father and the marchioness his mother, was obliged to flee for refuge to Jin. That State from regard to [his connexion with] the royal House, and mindful of him as thereby connected with itself, placed him near the He. By the secret influence of Heaven upon his mind, he has [now] obtained the inheritance of his State, and has sent his humble servant Xi, to inform the king's ministers thereof." The king caused duke Ping of Shan to return this reply, "Xi has come with his admirable message, and laid it before me, the One man. Let him go, and say to my uncle, 'I rejoice in your success, and restore to you and your descendants your emoluments and rank. Be reverent! Heaven is now blessing you; but if you are not reverent, it will not bestow its blessing; and repentance then will be of no avail.'"'
Par. 3. With this par. ends the continuation of Confucius' Work by his disciples. Henceforth there is no more text of the Chunqiu, real or supplementary. 'The sage having been born,' says Du Yu, 'in the 22d year of duke Xiang (But see the note at the end of IX. xxi), was now 73 years old. In the 4th month of this year, the 18th day was Yichou (乙丑). There was no Jichou in it. Jichou was the 12th day of the 5th month; so that there is an error in the text either of the month or of the day.' Du is wrong here. Jichou was the 11th day of the 4th month of this year.
The Zhuan says:——'The duke pronounced his eulogy, saying, "Compassionate Heaven vouchsafes me no comfort, and has not left me the aged man, to support me, the One man, on my seat. Dispirited I am, and full of distress. Woe is me! Alas! O Nifu! There is none [now] to be a rule to me!" Zigong said, "The ruler is not likely to die in Lu. The master said, 'Error in a point of ceremony shows darkness of mind; error in the use of a name is a fault.' Failure of the mind is darkness; a fault is failure in one's position. The duke could not use the master when alive; in eulogizing him when dead, he has transgressed the rules of ceremony. In calling himself 'the One man,' he has assumed a name which does not belong to him. In both things the ruler has erred."'
Though the supplementary text of the Chunqiu stops with the above paragraph, Zuoshi continues his narratives for several years, and we shall continue to follow the stream of Chinese history as far as we have his guidance.
1. 'In the 6th month of this year, the marquis of Wey entertained Kong Kui to drink with him at Pingyang, when he bestowed large gifts upon him, while all the great officers also received presents. He escorted him away when he had well drunk, and at midnight sent him [an order to go] away from the State. [Kui] took [his mother] Boji in the carriage with him from Pingyang, and took his way. When he had got to the west gate, he sent an attendant carriage back to Xipu to bring away the stone Spirit-tablets of his temple. Zibo Jizi, who had formerly been an officer in the Kong household, but had lately been promoted to the service of the marquis, begged leave to pursue him; and, meeting with the carriage and the tablets, he killed the individual in charge of it, and mounted the carriage. Xu Gongwei had come back to see about the tablets, and now met with Jizi. "In a struggle," said he to himself, "with so bad a man, I am sure to conquer. I will make him shoot first." [Jizi] discharged 3 arrows, which all went wide of the mark. Xu Wei then shot the other dead, and one of his attendants found the spirit-tablets in a bag. Kong Kui then fled to Song.'
2. 'When Jian, the eldest son of the viscount of Chu, was slandered (See the 2d narrative at the beginning of X. xix., that after par. 3; and the 2d at the beginning of X. xx.) he fled from Chengfu to Song. Afterwards, he went from Song to Zheng to avoid the disorders caused by members of the Hua family. The people of Zheng were very fond of him; but he went on to Jin. There he took counsel with some officers of Jin who wished to surprise [the capital of] Zheng, and [to aid them] asked that he might be recalled to that State, which was done; and he was treated as he had been at first. [By and by], the people of Jin sent a spy to him (He was styled Zimu), to ask him to fix the time for their enterprize. He had been harsh and tyrannical in the city assigned to himself, so that the people accused him; and in the course of an investigation, this spy was detected, and Zimu was put to death. His son, called Sheng, was [now] in Wu, from which Zixi wished to recall him to Chu. The duke of She said, "I have heard that Sheng is deceitful and insubordinate;—will not such a step turn out ill?" Zixi, however, said, "I have heard that Sheng is a man of good faith and bold; to recal him will only be advantageous. We can place him on the borders, and employ him as a bulwark to the State." He of She observed, "I call it good faith when a man cultivates the friendship of the virtuous, and I call it boldness when a man follows a course of righteousness. I have heard that Sheng wishes always to make his words good, and seeks to get around him bravoes who are not afraid of death. It is to be feared he has private aims of his own. To make good one's words is not good faith, and to be speculating about death is not boldness. You will repent of this measure."
'Zixi did not follow this counsel, but called Sheng [back to Chu], and stationed him near the borders of Wu, where he became duke of Bai. [Ere long], he asked leave to invade Zheng; but Zixi said, "The ordinances of Chu are not yet fully arranged. But for this, [the thing should be done]. I will not forget the matter. By and by he made the same request, and leave was given to him; but before he had raised his forces, the people of Jin invaded Zheng, and Chu relieved it, and made a covenant with it. Sheng was angry, and said, "Here is a man of Zheng. My enemy is not far off;" and he then proceeded to sharpen his sword. Ping, the son of Ziqi, seeing him so engaged, said to him, "King's grandson, what are you doing that for?" Sheng replied, "I have the reputation of being straightforward. If I do not tell you, how can I be called so? It is to kill your father." Ping reported this to Zixi, who said, "Sheng is like an egg which I have hatched. I have brought him up under my wings. According to the order of the State of Chu, when I die, no other but he will be chief minister or marshal." When Sheng heard this, he said, "The chief minister is mad. If he die a natural death, it will be my condemnation." Still Zixi did not repent of what he had done. Sheng said to Shi Qi, "If we meet the king and the two high ministers with 500 men in all, the thing may be done." Qi replied, "The men cannot be got;" and he added, "At the south of the market place there is one Xiong Yiliao. If you can get him, he will be equal to 500 men." They then went together to the place, and saw the man. The duke of Bai talked, and was pleased, with him; but when he told him his object, Yiliao refused [to engage in it]. Sheng then threatened him with his sword, but he made no movement. "The offer of gain," said Sheng, "could not flatter him; threatening could not terrify him. He is not one who will seek to get favour by letting out my words;" and with this he left him.
'A body of men from Wu having attacked Shen, the duke of Bai defeated them, and begged leave to present [in the court] the spoils of the battle. This was granted him, and he took the opportunity to make an insurrection. In autumn, in the 7th month, he killed Zixi aud Ziqi in the court, and made king Hui a prisoner. Zixi covered his face with his sleeve, as he was dying; but Ziqi said, "Heretofore I have used my strength in the service of our ruler; I must now end in the same way." With this he tore up a large log of a camphor wood tree, killed a man with it, and died. Shi Qi advised Sheng to burn the treasury and murder the king, for if he did not do so, his enterprize would not succeed. The duke, however, said, "No. To murder the king would be inauspicious. And if I burned the treasury, I should have no stores. Wherewith should I maintain myself?" Qi replied, "Holding the State of Chu, and ruling its people, and at the same time reverently serving the Spirits, you will not be without good auspices and sufficient stores. You need not be anxious lest the people should not follow you."
'[At this time], the duke of She was in Cai, and all the people outside the barrier wall advised him to advance upon the capital. He replied, however, "I have heard that when a man puts his fortune to the risk by hazardous ways, he is insatiable in his desires, and falls from his place [like a vessel] made too heavy on one side." When he heard that Sheng had put to death Guan Xiu [who was sprung] from Qi, then he advanced.
'The duke of Bai wished to make Zilü king, but that prince refused, on which the duke carried him off by force of arms. Zilü said, "If you, a king's grandson, will secure the peace of the State of Chu, and will correct and regulate the royal House, and afterwards extend your shelter over it, this is what I desire. Shall I presume not to obey and follow you? If animated by a desire for your own exclusive advantage, you proceed to overthrow the royal House, and do not regard the State of Chu, though I die, I cannot follow you." The duke on this put him to death, and proceeded with the king to the High treasury, the gate of which was kept by Shi Qi. Gongyang, an equerry, however, dug through the wall, and carried the king on his back to the place of [his mother], the queen Zhao. At the same time, the duke of She drew near. When he arrived at the north gate, some one met him and said, "Why are you without your helmet? The people are looking for you as for an indulgent parent. If the arrows of the rebels wound you, it will destroy the hope of the people;—how is it that you are not helmeted?" The duke on this assumed his helmet and advanced. Shortly he met another man, who said to him, "Why are you wearing your helmet? The people are looking for you as they look for a good year. Daily are they expecting your arrival. If they [once] see your face, they will feel at rest. When they [thus] know that they will not die, their souls will all be on fire; and they will, as it were, point you out as a mark throughout the whole city. Is it not too bad in you to cover your face, and destroy the hope of the people?" At this speech, the duke took off his helmet and advanced without it.
'[As he went on], he met Gu, the director of Remonstrances, who was leading his followers to join the duke of Bai. Zigao (The duke of She was so styled) said to him, "If it had not been for the two ministers [who have been put to death], Chu would have ceased to be a State. Is it to be preserved by abandoning the virtuous and following the rebellious? The director on this followed the duke of She, who sent him, with the people of the city, to attack the duke of Bai. That leader fled to a hill, and strangled himself; and his followers concealed his body. Shi Qi was taken alive, and questioned about the duke's death. "I know," replied he, "the place where he died, but he told me not to tell it." "If you do not tell it," he was told, "we will boil you." He said, "If our enterprize had succeeded, I should have been minister. That I should be boiled on its failure is the natural consequence. What harm can it do me?" Accordingly he was boiled. Sheng's brother Yan fled to Kuihuang. Shen Zhuliang (The duke of She) took the offices of both the murdered ministers; but when the State was composed, he made Ning (Son of Zixi) chief minister, and Kuan (Son of Ziqi) minister of War; and remained himself to old age in She.'
[This Zigao or Shen Zhuliang is the duke of She of the Analects, VII. xviii.; XIII. xvi.].
3. A favourite of the marquis of Wey, who interpreted dreams, having asked for some spirits from Taishu Xizi, and being refused them, he joined with the diviner, and said to the marquis, "Your lordship has a great minister in the southwest corner who, we are afraid, will injure you, if you do not send him away." On this [the marquis] drove out Taishu Yi (Xizi), who fled to Jin.
4. The marquis of Wey said to Hun Liangfu, "I have now succeeded to my father, but I am not in possession of his [valuable] articles (Which duke Zhe had carried away with him); —what is to be done? Liangfu took the place of the torch-bearer, and said, "Ji and the exiled marquis are both your sons. Call the latter back, and then choose the abler of the two [to succeed you]. If he be not the abler, the articles [which he carried away] can thus be got. An attendant told this to Ji, who made five men follow him with a pig, seized the marquis, and forced him to make a covenant with him, requesting him also to put Liangfu to death. "I covenanted with him," said the marquis, "to forgive him three capital offences." "But," urged Ji, "I ask that you will put him to death, for the the next offence after those three." To this the marquis agreed.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 'In the [duke's] 17th year, the marquis of Wey made a tent adorned with paintings of tigers in his own peculiar garden; and when it was finished, he sought for men of the best reputation, to feast with them in it at its opening. The heir-son [Ji] begged him to get Liangfu to be present. That officer came in the carriage of a minister of the 2d degree, with 2 horses; and in a purple robe, with a jacket of fox-fur over it. On his arrival, he threw open the fox-fur, but did not take off his sword. The heir-son ordered him to be dragged away, set forth to him his 3 offences, and put him to death.'
2 'In the 3d month, the viscount of Yue invaded Wu, and was met by the viscount of Wu at the marsh of Li. Their forces were drawn up over against each other on either side of the water. The viscount of Yue formed two bodies in files of five on his left and right, and made them during the night, with a noise of drums, advance now on the right and now on the left. The army of Wu divided to meet them, on which the viscount of Yue stole through the water, right against the centre of that of Wu, which was thrown into great confusion, and defeated.'
3 'Zhao Yang of Jin sent a message to the marquis of Wey, saying, "When your lordship was in Jin, I (志父 was a name of Yang) was your host. I beg you or your eldest son now to come [to Jin], that I may escape being incriminated. If you do not do so, my ruler will say that your not coming is my doing." The marquis of Wey declined to go to Jin on the ground of the difficulties in which he was, and his eldest son made representations injurious to him. In summer, in the 6th month, Zhao Yang laid siege to the capital of Wey, to the relief of which came Guo Guan and Chen Guan of Qi. An officer of Jin, who had come with a challenge to battle, having been made prisoner, Ziyu (Chen Guan) caused him to be clothed in his proper dress, and then went to see him. "Guozi," said he to the prisoner, "has the govt. of Qi in his hands, and he ordered me not to avoid the army of Jin. How should I presume to disobey his command? and why should your leader take the trouble to send a challenge?" Jianzi said, "I consulted the tortoise-shell about attacking Wey, and not about fighting with Qi;" and on this he withdrew.'
4 'During the troubles of Chu caused by the duke of Bai, the people of Chen, relying on their accumulated stores, made an incursion into it. When the State was tranquillized, it was resolved to carry off the wheat crop of Chen, and the viscount consulted the grand-tutor Zigu, and Zhuliang duke of She, about a leader for the expedition. Zigu said, "Chaiju, commander of the Right, and Lao, historiographer of the Left, both attended the chief minister and the marshal in a former attack of Chen; they may be employed now." Zigao said, "When the leaders are of low rank, the people despise them. I am afraid the orders of those officers will not be obeyed." Zigu replied, "Guan Dingfu was a captive of Ruo; but our king Wu employed him as the general of the army, and thence came the conquest of Zhou and Liao, the subjugation of Sui and Tang, and a great opening up of all the Man tribes. Peng Zhongshuang was a captive of Shen; but our king Wen employed him as his chief minister, and he made Shen and Xi districts of our State. The bringing Chen and Cai to our court, and the enlargement of our boundaries to the Ru, were his achievements. What has lowness of rank to do in this matter?" Zigao rejoined. "The decree of Heaven does not waver. The [late] chief minister had ground of indignation with Chen. If Heaven be [now] minded to destroy it, the work will be assigned to the chief minister's son. Why should the ruler not pass over those officers? I am afraid that the commander of the Right and the historiographer of the Left have the lowness of rank of the two captives [you have mentioned], without their excellent virtue." The king consulted the tortoise-shell, which indicated that the choice of the commandant of Wucheng would be fortunate (He was the son of Zixi, the late chief-minister). He was sent therefore with a force to carry off the wheat crop of Chen. The people of that State withstood him, and were defeated, on which he laid siege to its capital city. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Jimao, he, the Gongsun Zhao of Chu,—at the head of his force, extinguished Chen (See the Zhuan on X. ix. 3).
'The king and the duke of She consulted the tortoise-shell about Ziliang, whether he should be appointed chief minister. Zhu, commandant of Shen, said, "The indication is that the appointment will be fortunate, but that he will go beyond your expectations." "A son of our [former] king and prime-minister, if he go beyond our expectations, what will he proceed to?" said the duke. Shortly after, they consulted the shell about Ziguo, and appointed him chief-minister
5 'The marquis of Wey dreamt in the north palace,
that he saw a man mounting the tower of Kunwu. His hair was dishevelled;
and with his face to the north, he cried out, saying,
The marquis himself consulted the reeds about the
dream, and Xu Mishe interpreted the result to the effect that there was
no harm in it, on which a city was given to him, which he left, making
his escape to Song. The marquis again consulted the tortoise-shell, the
interpretation of the indications of which was,
In winter, in the 10th month, Jin again invaded Wey, and entered its outer suburbs. When the army was about to enter the capital, Jianzi said, "Let us stop. Shuxiang said that he who took advantage of its disorder to extinguish a State would have no posterity." The people of Wey then drove out duke Zhuang, and made peace with Jin, which raised Banshi, a grandson of duke Xiang, to be marquis, and then withdrew its army. In the 11th month, the [expelled] marquis again entered the capital from Juan, and Banshi fled.
'Before this, duke [Zhuang] had been [on one occasion] taking a view from the city-wall, and observed [the place called] Rongzhou. Having inquired about it, and been told [its name], he said "Our surname is Ji. What have any Rong to do here?" and he proceeded to plunder the place.
'He had employed the workmen for a long time, and wished to expel Shi Pu; but before he could do so, an insurrection broke out, and on Xinsi, Shi Pu, supported by the workmen, attacked him. He shut his gate, and begged for terms, which were refused him; and in getting over the wall on the north, he fell and broke his thigh, when the men of Rongzhou attacked him. His sons Ji and Qing got over it after him, and were killed by them. He then entered the house of Ji of Rongzhou.
'Before this, he had seen, from the wall of the city, the wife of this Ji, how beautiful her hair was, and had caused it to be cut off, to make a wig for [his wife] Lüjiang. When he now entered Ji's house, he showed him a bi, saying, "If you save my life, I will give you this bi." Ji said, "If I kill you, where will the bi go to?" On which he killed him, and took the bi. The people of Wey recalled Gongsun Banshi and made him marquis.
'In the 12th month, a body of men from Qi invaded Wey, the people of which begged for peace. The invaders raised the Gongzi Qi to the marquisate, carried Banshi back with them, and placed him in Lu.'
6 'The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Qi, and made a covenant in Meng. Meng Wubo was with the duke as director of the ceremonies. The marquis bowed with his head to the ground, but the duke only bowed, on which the people of Qi were angry; but Wubo said, "Only to the son of Heaven does our ruler bow with his head to the ground." Wubo asked Gao Chai who held the bull's ear when princes were covenanting, and was answered, "At the affair of Zengyan, the Gongzi Gucao of Wu held it (See VII. 3); at the affair of Fayang (XII. 4), Shi Tui of Wey did it." Wubo said, "Then, I may do it now."'
7 'Jun, the son of Huang Yuan of Song, had a friend called Tian Bing, to whom he gave the city of his elder brother Chanban, taking it away from the latter. Chanban went away in indignation, and told Ziyi Ke, an officer of the marshal Huan of it. On this Ke went to Song, and told the duchess that Jun was going to restore Huanshi. The duke asked Zizhong about the matter.
'Now Zizhong had wished, before this, to appoint Feiwo, his son by Qisi, his successor, but Jun had said that he must appoint Feiwo's elder brother, as being a man of good ability. Zizhong was angry, and did not follow the advice; and now he replied to the duke, "The master of the Right is too old for such a thing; but I do not know about Jun." The duke on this seized Jun, and Huang Yuan fled to Jin, from which the duke recalled him'.
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. 'In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, Song put to death Huang Yuan. When the duke heard all the circumstances [of the case], he recalled the various members of the Huang clan, and made Huang Huan master of the Right.'
2. 'A body of men from Ba invaded Chu, and laid siege to You. Formerly, when the tortoise-shell was consulted about Ziguo's being made marshal of the Right, Guan Zhan said, 'He will answer to your wishes;' and he was appointed. Accordingly, when the army of Ba now entered the country, it was proposed to consult the tortoise-shell about a leader to oppose it; but the king said, "It was intimated that Ning would succeed according to our wishes. Why should we divine any further?" He was therefore sent with a force against the invaders. He requested assistant-commanders; and the king said, "The officer of the bed-chamber and the officer of Works did good service to my predecessor (See on XI. iv. 15)." Accordingly, in the 3d month, the Gongsun Ning, Wu Youyu, and Wei Gu defeated the army of Ba at You, in consequence of which Ziguo was invested with Xi. The superior man will say that king Hui knew his mind. In him was an illustration of what is said in one of the Books of Xia (Shu, II. ii. 18), "The officer of divination, when the mind is made up on a subject, then refers it to the great tortoise." In the History it is said, "A sage does not trouble the tortoise-shell and reeds." So it was with king Hui.'
3. 'In summer, Shi Pu of Wey drove out his ruler Qi, who fled to Qi. The marquis Zhe then returned to Wey from Qi, drove out Shi Pu, and restored Shi Tui and Taishu Yi.'
XIX. Nineteenth year.
1. 'In the [duke's] 19th year, in spring, a body of men from Yue made an incursion into Chu, in order to delude Wu.'
2. 'In summer, the Gongzi Qing of Chu and the Gongsun Kuan pursued the army of Yue as far as Ming, could not come up with it, and returned.'
3. 'In autumn, Shen Zhuliang of Chu invaded the rude tribes of the east (To punish Yue). The men and women of 3 tribes covenanted with the army of Chu at Ao.'
4. 'In winter Shu Qing (The son of Shu Xuan) went to the capital, on occasion of the death of king Jing.'
[This date of the death of king Jing is very much contested.]
XX. Twentieth year.
1. In the [duke's] 20th year, in spring, an officer of Qi came to call the duke to a meeting, which was held in summer at Linqiu. It was on account of Zheng, to lay plans for the invasion of Jin. The people of Zheng, however, declined the action of the States; and in autumn our army returned.'
2. 'The Gongzi Qingji of Wu remonstrated frequently with the viscount, telling him that, if he did not change his course, ruin must be the result." The viscount would not listen to him, on which he left and resided in Ai, going afterwards to Chu. When he heard that Yue was going to invade Wu, he begged leave to return and try to bring about a peace with Yue. He then returned, and wished to take off the unfaithful [officers] in order to satisfy Yue. The people of Wu, however, put him to death.'
3. 'In the 11th month, Yue laid siege to [the capital of] Wu. Zhaomeng (Zhao Wuxu, or Xiangzi, son of Zhao Yang of Jin, for whom he was now in mourning) diminished the quantity and quality of his mourning diet [in consequence]. Chu Long said to him, "The three years' mourning is the greatest expression [of grief for the loss] of relatives; and yet you are now going beyond it;—have you not a reason for this?" Zhaomeng replied, "At the meeting of Huangchi (XIII. 3), my father made a covenant with the king of Wu, that [Jin and Wu] should make common cause in their likings and dislikings. Now Yue is besieging the capital of Wu. If I, as my father's heir, do not make void his engagement, I ought to oppose Yue, but this is what Jin is not able to do; and I therefore have diminished my diet." Long said, "Suppose you should send and make the king of Wu acquainted with the circumstances," Can it be done?" asked the minister. "Allow me to try it," said the other; and he took his way to the scene of strife. First he went to the army of Yue, and said [to the viscount of that State], "Many have been the attacks and injuries committed by Wu on your superior State, and the people of our [northern] States have all been glad to hear that your lordship is now punishing it in person. I am only afraid that your desire may not get its satisfaction, and beg your leave to enter the city that I may see." Permission was granted to him; and he then said to the king of Wu, "Wuxu, the minister of my ruler, has sent me, his servant Long, to venture to explain and apologize for his not coming to your assistance. His father Zhifu, the former minister of our ruler, undertook the engagement of the covenant at Huangchi, that Jin and Wu should make common cause in their likings and dislikings. Your lordship is now in difficulties. Wuxu would not dare to shrink from the toil; but Jin is not able to make the effort, and he has sent me to venture to represent to you his case." The king bowed with his head to the earth, and said, "Through my incapacity I have not been able to serve Yue, and have thus caused sorrow to your minister. I acknowledge the condescension of his message." He then gave Long a small basket of pearls which he sent to Zhaomeng, saying, "Goujian will cause me grief while I live; I would die, but death will not come. I would now ask you a question as with the laugh of a drowning man:—how was it that your historiographer An (The Mo of the Zhuan on X. xxxii. 2), got his reputation of wisdom?" "An," said Lung, "when he advanced, incurred no hatred, and when he retired, was followed by no reviling." "His character was deserved," rejoined the king.'
XXI. Twenty-first year.
1. 'In the [duke's] Twenty-first year, an officer from Yue first came to our court.'
2. 'In autumn, the duke made a covenant with the marquis of Qi, and the viscount of Zhu in Gu. The people of Qi, to express their condemnation [of the duke] for not bowing with his head to the ground (XVII. 6), made the following song about it, "How slow are they of Lu! They wake not, though years go, And make us travel so, 'Tis their scholars with their books, That thus trouble our two States." At this time the duke arrived before either of the others at Yanggu. Lüqiu Xi of Qi said to him, "You have condescended to direct your steps here, and are now in the army of my ruler. We will send word with the most rapid despatch to him. But will it not be a trial of your patience till the messenger returns? As our workmen have not yet prepared the station [for the meeting], allow us to prepare a lodging-house for you in Zhoudao." The duke declined the offer, saying that he would not presume to trouble their workmen.'
XXII. Twenty-second year.
1. In the [duke's] 22d year, in summer, in the 4th month, duke Yin of Zhu fled from Qi to Yue (Yi, the viscount of Zhu, of VIII. 4, and X. 1, see the Zhuan on which), and said, 'Wu, in its unprincipled course, made me, the father, a prisoner, and appointed my son in my stead." The people of Yue restored him to Zhu, and his eldest son Ge fled to Yue.'
2. 'In winter, in the 11th month, on Dingmao, Yue extinguished Wu, and proposed to the king of it to reside in Yongdong. He declined, saying, "I am old; how can I serve your lordship?" And with this he strangled himself. They carried his body back to Yue.'
XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1. 'In the [duke's] Twenty-third year, in spring, Jing Cao of Song died (This Jing Cao was the wife of duke Yuan of Song, and mother of the wife of Ji Pingzi, mentioned in the Zhuan on X. xxv. 1. She was consequently great grandmother to Kangzi who was now head of the Jisun family.) Ji Kangzi sent Ran You to Song on a visit of condolence, and to attend her funeral, with this message, "Our poor State is occupied with affairs of importance, which keep me, Fei, and the other ministers in a State of excitement, so that I am unable to attend and help in drawing the bier; and I have sent Qiu to follow the others [who perform that office]." There was also this other message [to duke Jing], "Since I am in the position of the son of your sister's son, I have sent Qiu to present some poor horses which were bred by my father to the steward of your [deceased] mother. Perhaps they may be allowed to bear the plumes and girths [at her funeral]."'
2. 'In summer, in the 6th month, Xun Yao of Jin invaded Qi, and was met by Gao Wupi at the head of a force. Zhi Bo (Xun Yao) had gone to observe the army of Qi, when his horses got frightened, and he galloped them forwards saying, "The men of Qi know my flag. They will say that I return because I am afraid of them." Accordingly he went on to the entrenchments [of Qi], and then withdrew.
'When the two armies were about to fight, Chang Wuzi begged leave to consult the tortoise-shell, but Zhi Bo said, "Our ruler gave notice [of the expedition] to the son of Heaven, and consulted the tortoise-shell of the State about it in the ancestral temple. The result was fortunate, and why should I divine any further? Moreover, the people of Qi took Yingqiu. The ruler's commission to me was not for the display of our military prowess, but to deal with that matter of Yingqiu. It is enough that I was charged to punish a crime; —why should I [now] divine?" A battle was fought on Renchen at Liqiu, when the army of Qi was entirely defeated. Zhi Bo himself captured Yan Geng.'
3. 'In autumn, in the 8th month, Shu Qing went to Yue;—the first complimentary mission to that State. Zhu Yang of Yue, came to Lu on a similar mission, in return for that of Shu Qing.'
XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1. 'In the [duke's] Twenty-fourth year, in summer, in the 4th month, the marquis of Jin, intending to invade Qi, sent an officer to ask the aid of an army from us, saying, "Formerly Zang Wenzhong, with an army of Chu, invaded Qi, and took Gu (See V. xxvi. 5, 7); Xuanshu with an army of Jin, invaded Qi, and took Wenyang (VIII. ii. 4, 7). My ruler [now] wishes to seek the blessing of the duke of Zhou, and desires to beg the help of the power of the Zang family." Zang Shi [was sent to] join him with a force, when they took Linqiu. The officers of the army gave orders to make everything ready for advancing; but Lai Zhang said, "The ruler is reduced low, and the ministers are oppressive. Last year Jin vanquished its opponents, and now it has taken a great city. It has received much favour from Heaven; how should it be able to advance further? That is a mistake. The expedition will now withdraw." The army of Jin did accordingly withdraw. Some oxen were given alive to Zang Shi, and the grand historiographer [of Jin] apologized to him, saying, "Because our ruler is on march, this gift of oxen is not according to the rule. I venture to set forth our apologies to you."'
2. 'The viscount of Zhu again pursued an unreasonable course, on which an officer of Yue seized him, and carried him to that State, appointing his son He in his stead. He also acted in the same unreasonable way.'
3. 'The mother of the duke's son Jing was his favourite, and he proposed to raise her to the position of his wife. Having told the director of ceremonies Xin Xia to present those appropriate for such a proceeding, that officer replied that there were none such. The duke said to him in a rage, "You are an officer of the ancestral temple, and the appointment of the ruler's wife is a great ceremony of the State. Why do you say that there are no rules for it?" "The duke of Zhou," was the reply, "and duke Wu married daughters of Xue. Xiao and Hui, daughters of Song; from Huan downwards, our rulers have married daughters of Qi. For such marriages there are the appropriate ceremonies; but for the constituting a concubine the wife there are none." The issue, however, was that the duke carried out his purpose, and declared that Jing should be his successor. From this time the people began to hate the duke."
4. 'In the intercalary month, the duke went to Yue, and won the friendship of Shiying, the heir-apparent, who proposed giving a wife to him, and much territory. Gongsun Youshan sent word of this to Jisun, who was frightened by the prospect, and sent bribes which he got presented through the grand-administrator Pi. The plan was then dropped.'
XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1. 'In the [duke's] 25th year, in summer, in the 5th month, on Gengchen, Zhe, marquis of Wey, fled from that State to Song. The marquis had made a marvellous tower in his own peculiar garden, and was drinking in it with all his great officers. Among them was Shengzi, superintendent of the markets, who ascended and took his place on his mat, with his stockings on. The duke being angry, he excused himself on the ground that he had a peculiar disease [in his feet], which would make the duke vomit, if he saw it. The duke was still more angry, and could not be appeased by the apologies of the [other] great officers. The superintendent then left the tower, the duke threatening him with his fist as with a javelin, and saying that he would cut off his feet. This was heard by Shengzi, who got into a carriage, with Hai the minister of Crime, and said, "Today I am fortunate that my death is deferred till another day."
When the duke [re-] entered the State, he took away his city from Nanshi, and his powers from Hai, the minister of Crime. He [also] caused one of his attendants to push the carriage of Gongwen Yizi into a pond.
'Before this, when the people of Wey deprived the officer Xia Ding of his possessions (See the narrative on XI. 7; 丿 here should, probably, be 戊) his household and property were given to Pengfeng Mizi, who entertained the duke in consequence, and presented to him the daughter of Xia Mou. She became his favourite, and was put in the position of his wife. Her brother Qi was grandson of the sister of Taishu Ji, and, when young, had been brought up in the place. He was afterwards made minister of Instruction; but when the favour of the lady declined, he was made guilty of some offence. The duke kept employing the workmen of the 3 departments for a great length of time. He also made Jiao, a player, covenant with Quan Mi, kept him near to himself, and very much trusted him.
'In consequence of all these things, Bi superintendent of the markets, Gongsun Mimou, Gongwen Yao, Hai minister of Crime, and Qi minister of Instruction, took advantage of [the dissatisfaction of the] workmen and of Quan Mi, to raise an insurrection. Armed with sharp weapons, and those of them who were not so provided with axes, they sent Quan Mi into the duke's palace; and beginning to make a great noise at the palace of the [late] eldest son, Ji, they attacked the duke. Juan Zishi asked leave to oppose them; but Mi held his hand, and said, "You are bold indeed; but what good can you do to the duke? Do you not see the case of the late ruler? Let the marquis go wherever he pleases. He has, moreover, already been abroad; why should he not return? At present [resistance is of no use]. The anger of the multitude is not to be encountered. Let it pass away, and it will be easy to find an opportunity." The duke accordingly left the city. [At first] he proposed going to Pu; but Mi said, "Jin is not to be trusted; don't go there." He then proposed going to Juan, but Mi said, "No. Qi and Jin will be quarrelling about us." Next he proposed going to Ling; but Mi said, "Lu is not sufficient to have any dealings with. Let us go to Chengchu, to draw the notice of Yue, which now has a ruler." Accordingly, the duke went on the way to Chengchu. Mi said, "The robbers of Wey must not get to know [where we are]; let us make haste. I will go first;" and he thus carried the valuables which they had with them in his chariot and returned.
'The duke [by and by] formed his men into separate bands, and, by means of a correspondence with the prayer-maker Hui, made incursions into Wey, to the distress of the people. Yizi knew of the circumstance, went to see Zizhi, (The Gongsun Mimou) and begged that he would drive out Hui. Wenzi said, "He has committed no offence." Yizi replied, "He loves to monopolize all profit, and is lawless. You would see, if the duke returned to the capital, that he would be the first to lead the way. If you drive him out, he will escape by the south gate, and go where the duke is. Yue has recently got the control of the States; they will be sure to go there, and ask the assistance of an army." When Hui was in the court, an officer was sent to send away all the members of his household. He went out [after them], stopped outside 2 nights without being recalled; and on the 5th day lodged in Waili. He then became a favourite [with the duke], and advised him to go to Yue to ask the help of a force.'
2. 'In the 6th month, the duke arrived from Yue. Ji Kangzi and Meng Wubo met him at Wuwu. Guo Chong drove the duke's carriage; and when he saw the two ministers, he said, "They speak much evil. Let your lordship pay particular attention to them."
'The duke took refreshment at Wuwu, and Wubo presented him with the cup of congratulation. Disliking Guo Chong, he said, "How stout he, is!" Jisun then asked that Wubo should be made to drink [a cup of spirits], adding, "In consequence of Lu's being so near its enemies, we were not able to follow your lordship, and so escaped so great a journey; but why should he say that Chong has got fat?" "Can one who eats many of his words," said the duke, "escape getting fat?" They drank [in this way] without any pleasure, and enmity now commenced between the duke and his great officers."
XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1. 'In the [duke's] Twenty-sixth year, in summer, in the 5th month, Shusun Shu, at the head of a force, joined Gao Ru and Hou Yong of Yue, and Yue Fa of Song, in an expedition to restore the marquis of Wey. Wenzi wished to receive him; but Yizi said to him, "The ruler is obstinate and oppressive. Wait a little. He is sure to vent his poison on the people, who will consequently be of one mind with you." [In a little], the [invading] army made an incursion on Waizhou, [on behalf of the marquis of] Wey, and obtained great spoil; and the troops which went forth to resist them were greatly defeated. [On this, the marquis] dug up the grave of Dingzi, superintendent of the markets, and burned his body on the top of Pingzhuang. Wenzi sent Wangsun Qi privately to ask Gao Ru whether he meant utterly to extinguish Wey, or simply to restore the marquis. Gao Ru said that his ruler's orders to him were simply that he should restore the ruler; and on this Wenzi assembled the people, and put the thing to them, saying, "The ruler has now attacked the city with those wild people of the south and east, till it is nearly destroyed. Let us receive him back." They said, "Don't receive him." He went on, "It will be a benefit to you if I go away. Allow me to go out at the north gate." "You shall not go out," all urged. They then sent great bribes to the officers of Yue, threw open the gates, manned the parapets, and [offered] to receive the duke. He, however, did not venture to enter the city; and, the armies withdrawing, the people of Wey raised duke Dao to the marquisate. Nanshi (I. q. Wenzi) acted as minister to him, and made over Chengchu to Yue. The [expelled] duke said, "This is Qi's doing;" and he told all [the ladies] who had any quarrel with his wife (Qi's sister) to vent their spite on her. Qi having been sent on a complimentary mission to Yue, the duke attacked him, and carried off his offerings. Qi laid the matter before the king, who ordered him to retake the things, which, with the assistance of a large body of men, he did. The duke was angry, put to death the son of Qi's sister whom he had declared his successor, and afterwards died in Yue.'
2. 'Duke Jing of Song had no son, but took De and Qi, the sons of Gongsun Zhou, and brought them up in his palace, without appointing either of them, however, to be his successor. At this time Huang Huan was master of the Right; Huang Feiwo, grand marshal; Huang Huai, minister of Instruction; Ling Buhuan, master of the Left; Yue Fa, minister of Works; and Yue Zhuchu, grand-minister of Crime. These 6 ministers belonging to three clans conducted the government with harmony. They should have communicated with the duke through Dayin; but that minister constantly kept back their representations, and gave them commands according to his pleasure, pretending that they were from the duke. The people hated him, and the minister of Works wanted to take him off; but the master of the Left said, "Let him alone, till he fill up the measure of his iniquity. When he is like a heavy vessel without any foundation, is it possible he should not be overthrown?"
'In winter, in the 10th month, the duke was taking relaxation by the marsh of Kong; and on Xinsi, he died in Lianzhong. Dayin raised 1000 men-at-arms from the soldiers near the marsh, and conveyed the duke's [body] from Kongtong to the capital. Having gone with it to the Wo palace, he sent to call the six ministers, saying there was a report that there were enemies in the State, and that the ruler wished them to frame measures for the emergency. When they arrived, he made the men-at-arms seize them, and said to them, "The ruler is very ill, and asks you to make a covenant;" and accordingly they covenanted in the courtyard of the small chamber, that they would do nothing disadvantageous to the ducal House. Dayin then declared Qi to be the successor to the State, bore the coffin to the ancestral temple, and set it forth there; but it was not till the 3d day that the thing was known in the city. Fa, the minister of Works, spread it abroad through the city, that Dayin had deceived the ruler and sought to monopolize all gain to himself; that the duke had now died without any illness; that Dayin had concealed his death; and that things could not be accounted for on any other ground but the crime of Dayin.
'De dreamt that Qi was lying outside the Lu gate with his head to the north, and that he himself was a bird which was settled upon him. His beak reached to the south gate, and his tail to the Tong gate. "I have dreamt," said he, "a beautiful dream. I shall succeed to the State." Dayin then considered that, as he was not in the covenant, and they might drive him out, he had better impose a second covenant on the ministers; and he therefore ordered the priest to prepare the writings. The ministers were then in Tangyu; and just as the time for the covenant was at hand, the priest Xiang told Huang Feiwo of the writing, Feiwo consulted with Zilu, De the overseer of the gates, and the master of the Left, whether they could not get the people to drive him out for them. They then returned to their houses, and gave out their armour, sending notice round the city to this effect, "Dayin keeps the ruler in a State of delusion, and insolently oppresses the ducal House. Those who side with us will be saviours of the ruler." The multitude responded, "Let us side with them." Dayin, [on his part], sent round a notice, saying, "The clans of Dai and Huang (The Yue were descended from duke Dai) wish to injure the ducal House. Those who side with me need have no trouble about not becoming rich. The multitude said, "It is not different [from a ducal notice]!"
'Daishi and Huangshi wished to attack the duke, but Yue De said, "No. He is a criminal because of his violent proceeding with the duke; but if we attack the duke, our conduct will be more violent than his." They then made the people hold Dayin as the offender, and that officer fled to Chu, taking Qi with him. They then raised De to be duke, with the minister of Works as chief minister. They made a covenant that the members of their three clans should all share in the government and not injure one another.'
3. 'Duke Chu of Wey sent a messenger with a bow from
Chengchu to Zigong, to ask him whether he would re-enter Wey again.
Zigong bowed his head to the ground, received the bow, and replied, "I
do not know." [Afterwards], he said privately to the messenger,
"Formerly, duke Cheng withdrew to Chen (V. xxviii. 7); but, through the
covenant of Yuanpu, brought about by Ning Wuzi and Sun Zhuangzi, he
entered again. Duke Xian withdrew to Qi (IX. xiv. 4); but through the
covenant of Yiyi, brought about by Zixian and Zizhan, he entered again
(IX. xxvi. 3). Your ruler has now twice withdrawn from his State. I have
not heard of his having relatives like those of Xian, or ministers like
those of Cheng;—I do not know by what means he is to re-enter. It is
said in the ode (Shi, IV. i. Pt. i. ode IV. 3),
If he [only] had the men, and the four quarters of the State regarded him as their lord, what difficulty would there be with the capital?"
XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1. In the [duke's] 27th year, in spring, the viscount of Yue sent Hou Yong on a complimentary mission to Lu, and to speak about the lands of Zhu, that the boundary between it and Lu should be Taishang. In the 2d month, a covenant was made at Pingyang, in which the 3 ministers all followed the envoy. Kangzi was vexed about this, and spoke about Zigong, saying, "If he had been here, I should not have come to this." "Why then did you not call him?" asked Wubo. "I was indeed going to call him," was the reply. Wenzi (Shusun) said, "Pray, think of it another time."
2. 'In summer, in the 4th month, on Jihai, Ji Kangzi died. The duke went to offer his condolences; but his ceremonies were not what the occasion required.'
3. 'Xun Yao of Jin led a force against Zheng, and halted at Tongqiu, while in the meantime Si Hong of Zheng went to beg assistance from Qi. When the army of Qi was being raised, Chen Chengzi assembled the sons of officers who had died in battle for the State, and presented them for 3 days in the court, giving also to each a carriage with two horses, and assigning to him 5 cities (=hamlets). He called to him Jin, the son of Yan Zhuoju, and said to him, "In the action at Xi (The Liqiu of XXIII. 2), your father died. In consequence of the many troubles of the State we were not able to think of you before. But now the ruler confers on you these cities, and to appear at court with these robes and this carriage. Do not make void the service of your father."
'After this [Chengzi] proceeded to the relief of Zheng. When he arrived at Liushu, and was [only] 7 li from Gu, the people of that place were not aware of his approach. When he got to the Pu, it had rained so that they could not cross. Zisi said, "[The troops of] the great State are quite close to our poor capital, and therefore we sent to tell you of our distress. But now your army does not go on, and I am afraid it will not be in time." Chengzi having on a [rain] cloak, and leaning on a spear, stood upon the bank, and now helped forward, now whipt on, the horses which were unwilling to proceed. When Zhi Bo heard of this, he withdrew, saying, "I consulted the tortoise-shell about attacking Zheng, and not about fighting with Qi." [At the same time] he sent a message to Chengzi, saying, "You Sir, are a son of Chen, sprung from the House of Chen. That Chen has lost its sacrifices (Having been extinguished by Chu; see XVII. 4) was owing to the crime of Zheng. My ruler therefore sent me to examine into the justice of [the fate of] Chen, thinking that, possibly, you would have a regard for Chen. If you consider that the overthrow of your root is an advantage to you, what is it to me?" Chengzi, in a rage, said, "All who have heaped insults on others have [soon] passed away;—can Zhi Bo continue long?"
'Zhonghang Wenzi (A refugee in Qi) told Chengzi, saying, "One from the army of Jin informed me that they were going with 1000 light chariots to attack the gate of the army of Qi, which might thus be entirely destroyed." Chengzi replied, "My ruler charged me that I should not fall on a small force, nor fear a large one. Though they come with more than 1000 chariots, I should not avoid them. I will inform my ruler of your communication." Wenzi said, "Now I know the [folly] of my leaving Jin. A superior man, in forming his plans, considers every thing,—the beginning, the middle' and the end,—and then he enters on his course. But now I took mine, without knowing any one of these;—is it not hard?"
4. 'The duke was distressed and annoyed by the arrogance of the three Huans, and wished for the help of the other princes to take them off. The three Huans were in like manner distressed and annoyed by the rudeness of the duke, and thus there arose many differences between him and them. The duke had been rambling in Lingban, and met Meng Wubo in the street of Mengshi. "Let me ask you," said he to him, "if I shall [be permitted to] die [a natural death]." Wubo replied that he had no means of knowing. Thrice the duke put the question, till the minister declined to give any answer. The duke then wished, with the help of Yue, to attack Lu, and take off the three Huans. In autumn, in the 8th month, he went to Gongsun Youxing's, and thence he withdrew to Zhu, from which he went on to Yue. The people attributed the blame of this to Gongsun Youshan (I. q. Youxing).'
[With this year ended the rule and life of duke Ai. Zuoshi does not mention his death, but we may conclude from the above narrative that it took place in Yue. Considering the saying of Zigong which Zuoshi has given under XVI. 4, there can be no doubt that he believed that the duke did not die in Lu. Sima Qian, however, in his History of Lu (史記，三十三), says that 'the people of the State brought him back from Yue, and he died in the house of Youshanshi.' This account is adopted in the Tong jian gangmu (通鑑綱目) of Zhu Xi; but it appears to me more than doubtful. However, there is no doubt that duke Ai died in this year, B.C. 467.
It may be well to give here a list of the succeeding marquises of Lu.
Ai was succeeded by his son Ning (寕), known as duke Dao (悼), B.C. 466—430.
Dao was succeeded by his son Jia (嘉), known as duke Yuan (元公), B.C. 429—409,
Yuan was succeeded by his son Xian (顯), known as duke Mu (穆公), B.C. 408—376.
Mu was succeeded by his son Fen (奮), known as duke Gong (共公), B.C. 375—353.
Gong was succeeded by his son Tun (屯), known as duke Kang (康公), B.C. 353—343.
Kang was succeeded by his son Yan (匽), known as duke Jing (景公), B.C. 342—315.
Jing was succeeded by his son Shu (叔), known as duke Ping (平公), B.C. 314—293.
Ping was succeeded by his son Jia (賈), known as duke Wen (文公), B.C. 292—270.
Wen was succeeded by his son Chou (讎), known as duke Qing (頃公), B.C. 269—248.
In B.C. 248 Lu was extinguished by king Kaolie of Chu, and duke Qing reduced to the position of a private man. Thus from the duke of Zhou to duke Qing there had been thirty-four marquises in Lu, embracing a period of 874 years. The history of the State, however, after duke Ai is almost a blank.]
After the above year, there is a blank in Zuoshi's chronicles, and he gives only one other narrative under the 4th year of duke Dao.
'This year, Xun Yao of Jin led a force to lay siege to [the capital of] Zheng. Before he arrived, Si Hong of that State said, "Zhi Bo is obstinate, and fond of victory. If we tender our submission early, he will take his departure." He therefore in the first place put Nanli (A place outside the walls) in a state of defence, and waited for the approach of Yao. He entered Nanli, and attacked the Xiedie gate. On the side of Zheng they made prisoner Xi Kuilei, and tried to bribe him by offering him a share in the government. He kept his mouth shut, however, and submitted to death.
'Zhi Bo said to Zhaomeng, "Do you enter the city;" but that minister replied, "You are here yourself; [do you enter it]." "Ugly and without courage as you are, how were you made chief of the Zhao?" said Yao. "As I am able," rejoined Zhaomeng, "to submit to such a disgrace [from you], perhaps I shall not cause any injury to the House of Zhao." Zhi Bo made no alteration in his conduct; and from this time he was an object of hatred to Zhao Xiangzi, and the issue was his ruin. Zhi Bo was greedy and self-willed, so that the chiefs of the Han and Wei revolted from him, and [joined in] his destruction.'
[Why Zuoshi ended his narratives here it is impossible to say. From the last sentence in the above relation, it is clear he could have continued them for at least ten years more. Du Yu says, 'According to the Historical Records, in the 4th year of duke Yi (懿公) of Jin, and the 14th year of duke Dao of Lu, Zhi Bo led [the chiefs of] Han and Wei to lay siege to Zhao Xiangzi in Jinyang. There they turned against him, laid their plans with Zhaoshi, and put Zhi Bo to death beneath the walls of Jinyang;—7 years after the close of the Chunqiu.'
On the extinction of the Zhi or Xun family, there remained in Jin only the three great families of Zhao, Wei, and Han, by which Jin was ultimately dismembered. In B.C. 402, instead of the great State of Jin we have the three marquisates of Wei, Zhao, and Han, though the descendants of Kangshu continued to have nominal existence as marquises of Jin for some years longer.]
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