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齊 宣 王 謂 田 過 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 ： 儒 者 親 喪 三 年 。君 與 父孰 重 ？ 」 過 對 曰 ： 「 殆 不 如 父 重 。 」 王 忿 然 曰 ： 「 曷 為士 去 親 而 事 君 ？ 」 對 曰 ：「 非 君 之 土 地 ， 無 以 處 吾 親 ； 非 君 之 祿 ， 無 以 養 吾 親 ；非 君 之 爵 ， 無 以 尊 顯 吾 親 ； 受 之 於 君 ， 致 之 於 親 ， 凡 事君 以 為 親 也 。 」 宣 王 悒 然 ， 無 以 應 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 王 事 靡盬 ， 不 遑 將 父 。 」
趙 王 使 人 於 楚 ， 鼓 瑟 而 遣 之 ， 曰 ： 「 慎 無 失 吾 言。 」 使 者 受 命 ， 伏 而 不 起 ， 曰 ： 「 大 王 鼓 瑟 ， 未 嘗 若 今日 之 悲 也 。 」 王 曰 ： 「 調 。 」 使 者 曰 ： 「 調 則 可 記 其 柱。 」 王 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 天 有 燥 濕 ， 絃 有 緩 急 ， 柱 有 推 移 ，不 可 記 也 。 」 使 者 曰 ： 「 請 借 此 以 喻 。 楚 之 去 趙 也 ， 千有 餘 里 ， 亦 有 吉 凶 之 變 ， 凶 則 弔 之 ， 吉 則 賀 之 ， 猶 柱 之有 推 移 ， 不 可 記 也 。 故 王 之 使 人 ， 必 慎 其 所 之 ， 而 不 任以 辭 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 征 夫 捷 捷 ， 每 懷 靡 及 。 」 蓋 傷 自 上 而御 下 也 。
齊 有 隱 士 東 郭 先 生 、 梁 石 君 ， 當 曹 相 國 為 齊相 也。 客 謂 匱 生 曰 ： 「 夫 東 郭 先 生 梁 石 君 ， 世 之 賢 也 ， 隱 於深 山 ， 終 不 詘 身 下 志 以 求 仕 者 也 。 吾 聞 先 生 得 謁 曹 相 國， 願 先 生 為 之 先 。 臣 里 母 相 善 ， 婦 見 疑 盜 肉 ， 其 姑 去 之， 恨 而 告 于 里 母 ， 里 母 曰 ： 『 安 行 ， 今 令 姑 呼 汝 。 』 即束 蘊 請 火 ， 去 婦 之 家 ， 曰 ： 『 吾 犬 爭 肉 相 殺 ， 請 火 治 之。 』 姑 乃 直 使 人 追 去 婦 ， 還 之 。 故 里 母 非 談 說 之 士 ， 束蘊 請 火 ， 非 還 婦 之 道 也 。 然 物 有 所 感 ， 事 有 可 適 ， 何 不為 之 先 ？ 」 匱 生 曰 ： 「 愚 恐 不 及 ， 然 請 盡 力 為 東 郭 先 生、 梁 石 君 束 蘊 請 火 。 」 於 是 乃 見 曹 相 國 ， 曰 ： 「 臣 之 里、 有 夫 死 三 日 而 嫁 者 ， 有 終 身 不 嫁 者 ， 則 自 為 娶 ， 將 何娶 焉 ？ 」 相 國 曰 ： 「 吾 亦 娶 其 終 身 不 嫁 者 耳 。 」 匱 生 曰： 「 齊 有 隱 士 東 郭 先 生 、 梁 石 君 ， 世 之 賢 士 也 ， 隱 於 深山 ， 終 不 詘 身 下 志 以 求 仕 。 相 國 娶 婦 ， 欲 娶 其 不 嫁 者 ，取 臣 獨 不 取 其 不 仕 之 臣 耶 ？ 」 於 是 曹 相 國 因 匱 生 束 帛 安車 迎 東 郭 先 生 、 梁 石 君 ， 厚 客 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 既 見 君 子 ，我 心 則 降 。 」
孔 子 曰 ： 「 昔 者 、 周 公 事 文 王 ， 行 無 專 制 ，事 無由 己 ， 身 若 不 勝 衣 ， 言 若 不 出 口 ， 有 奉 持 於 前 ， 洞 洞 焉若 將 失 之 ， 可 謂 子 矣 。 武 王 崩 ， 成 王 幼 ， 周 公 承 文 武 之業 ， 履 天 子 之 位 ， 聽 天 子 之 政 ， 征 夷 狄 之 亂 ， 誅 管 蔡 之罪 ， 抱 成 王 而 朝 諸 侯 ， 誅 賞 制 斷 ， 無 所 顧 問 ， 威 動 天 下， 振 恐 海 內 ， 可 謂 能 武 矣 。 成 王 壯 ， 周 公 致 政 ， 北 面 而事 之 ， 請 然 後 行 ， 無 伐 矜 之 色 ， 可 謂 臣 矣 。 故 一 人 之 身， 能 三 變 者 、 所 以 應 時 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 左 之 左 之 ， 君 子宜 之 ； 右 之 右 之 ， 君 子 有 之 。 」
傳 曰 ： 「 鳥 之 美 羽 勾 啄 者 、 鳥 畏 之 ； 魚 之 侈口 垂腴 者 、 魚 畏 之 ； 人 之 利 口 贍 辭 者 、 人 畏 之 。 是 以 君 子 避三 端 ： 避 文 士 之 筆 端 ， 避 武 士 之 鋒 端 ， 避 辯 士 之 舌 端 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 我 友 敬 矣 ， 讒 言 其 興 。 」
孔 子 困 於 陳 蔡 之 間 ， 即 三 經 之 席 ， 七 日 不 食 ， 藜羹 不 糝 ， 弟 子 有 飢 色 ， 讀 書 習 禮 樂 不 休 。 子 路 進 諫 曰 ：「 為 善 者 、 天 報 之 以 福 ， 為 不 善 者 、 天 報 之 以 賊 。 今 夫子 積 德 累 仁 ， 為 善 久 矣 ， 意 者 、 當 遣 行 乎 ？ 奚 居 之 隱 也？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 來 ！ 汝 小 人 也 ， 未 講 於 論 也 。 居 ， 吾語 汝 ： 子 以 知 者 為 無 罪 乎 ？ 則 王 子 比 干 何 為 刳 心 而 死 ；子 以 義 者 為 聽 乎 ？則 伍 子 胥 何 為 抉 目 而 懸 吳 東 門 ； 子 以廉 者 為 用 乎 ？ 則 伯 夷 叔 齊 何 為 餓 於 首 陽 之 山 ； 子 以 忠 者為 用 乎 ？ 則 鮑 叔 何 為 而 不 用 ， 葉 公 子 高 終 身 不 仕 ， 鮑 焦抱 木 而 泣 ， 子 推 登 山 而 燔 。 故 君 子 博 學 深 謀 ， 不 遇 時 者眾 矣 ， 豈 獨 丘 哉 ！ 賢 不 肖 者 、 材 也 ， 遇 不 遇 者 、 時 也 ，今 無 有 時 ， 賢 安 所 用 哉 ！ 故 虞 舜 耕 於 歷 山 之 陽 ， 立 為 天子 ， 其 遇 堯 也 ； 傅 說 負 土 而 版 為 用 乎 ？ 則 伯 夷 叔 齊 何 為 餓 於 首 陽 之 山 ； 子 以 忠 者為 用 乎 ？ 則 鮑 叔 何 為 而 不 用 ， 葉 公 子 高 終 身 不 仕 ， 鮑 焦抱 木 而 泣 ， 子 推 登 山 而 燔 。 故 君 子 博 學 深 謀 ， 不 遇 時 者眾 矣 ， 豈 獨 丘 哉 ！ 賢 不 肖 者 、 材 也 ， 遇 不 遇 者 、 時 也 ，今 無 有 時 ， 賢 安 所 用 哉 ！ 故 虞 舜 耕 於 歷 山 之 陽 ， 立 為 天子 ， 其 遇 堯 也 ； 傅 說 負 土 而 版 築 ， 以 為 大 夫 ， 其 遇 武 丁也 ； 伊 尹 故 有 莘 氏 僮 也 ， 負 鼎 操 俎 ， 調 五 味 ， 而 立 為 相， 其 遇 湯 也 ； 呂 望 行 年 五 十 ， 賣 食 棘 津 ， 年 七 十 ， 屠 於朝 歌 ， 九 十 乃 為 天 子 師 ， 則 遇 文 王 也 ； 管 夷 吾 束 縛 自 檻車 ， 以 為 仲 父 ，則 遇 齊 桓 公 也 ； 百 里 奚 自 賣 五 羊 之 皮 ，為 秦 伯 牧 牛 ， 舉 為 大 夫 ， 則 遇 秦 繆 公 也 ； 虞 丘 於 天 下 以為 令 尹 ， 讓 於 孫 叔 敖 ， 則 遇 楚 莊 王 也 ； 伍 子 胥 前 功多 ，後 戮 死 ， 非 知 有 盛 衰 也 ， 前 遇 闔 閭 ， 後 遇 夫 差 也 。 夫 驥罷 鹽 車 ， 此 非 無 形 容 也 ， 莫 知 之 也 ， 使 驥 不 得 伯 樂 ， 安得 千 里 之 足 ， 造 父 亦 無 千 里 之 手 矣 。 夫 蘭 茞 生 於 茂 林 之中 ， 深 山 之 間 ， 人 莫 見 之 故 不 芬 ； 夫 學 者 非 為 通 也 ， 為窮 而 不 困 ， 憂 而 志 不 衰 ， 先 知 禍 福 之 始 ， 而 心 無 惑 焉 ，故 聖 人 隱 居 深 念 ， 獨 聞 獨 見 。 夫 舜 亦 賢 聖 矣 ， 南 面 而 治天 下 ， 惟 其 遇 堯 也 ， 使 舜 居 桀 紂 之 世 ， 能 自 免 於 刑 戮 之中 ， 則 為 善 矣 ， 亦 何 位 之 有 ？ 桀 殺 關 龍 逢 ， 紂 殺 王 子 比干 ， 當 此 之 時 ， 豈 關 龍 逢 無 知 ， 而 王 子 比 干 不 慧 哉 ！ 此皆 不 遇 時 也 。 故 君 子 務 學 脩 身 端 行 而 須 其 時 者 也 ， 子 無惑 焉 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 鶴 鳴 于 九 皋 ， 聲 聞 于 天 。 」
曾 子 曰 ： 「 往 而 不 可 還 者 、 親 也 ， 至 而 不 可 加 者、 年 也 。 是 故 孝 子 欲 養 而 親 不 待 也 ， 木 欲 直 而 時 不 待 也。 是 故 椎 牛 而 祭 墓 ， 不 如 雞 豚 逮 存 親 也 。 故 吾 嘗 仕 齊 為吏 ， 祿 不 過 鐘 釜 ， 尚 猶 欣 欣 而 喜 者 ， 非 以 為 多 也 ， 樂 其逮 親 也 ； 既 沒 之 後 ， 吾 嘗 南 遊 於 楚 ， 得 尊 官 焉 ， 堂 高 九仞 ， 榱 題 三 圍 ， 轉 轂 百 乘 ， 猶 北 鄉 而 泣 涕 者 ， 非 為 賤 也， 悲 不 逮 吾 親 也 。 故 家 貧 親 老 ， 不 擇 官 而 仕 ； 若 夫 信 其志 、 約 其 親 者 ， 非 孝 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 有 母 之 尸 雍 。 」
趙 簡 子 有 臣 曰 周 舍 ， 立 於 門 下 ， 三 日 三 夜 ，簡 子使 問 之 ， 曰 ：「 子 欲 見 寡 人 何 事 ？ 」 周 舍 對 曰 ： 「 願 為 諤 諤 之 臣 ， 墨筆 操 牘 ， 從 君 之 過 而 ， 日 有 記 也 ， 月 有 成 也 ， 歲 有 效 也。 」 簡 子 居 、 則 與 之 居 ， 出 、 則 與 之 出 。 居 無 幾 何 ， 而周 舍 死 ， 簡 子 如 喪 子 。 後 與 諸 大 夫 飲 於 洪 波 之 臺 ， 酒 酣， 簡 子 涕 泣 ， 諸 大 夫 皆 出 走 ， 曰 ： 「 臣 有 罪 而 不 自 知 。」 簡 子 曰 ： 「 大 夫 皆 無 罪 。 昔 者 、 吾 有 周 舍 有 言 曰 ： 『千 羊 之 皮 ， 不 若 一 狐 之 腋 ； 眾 人 諾 諾 ， 不 若 一 士 之 諤 諤。 昔 者 、 商 紂 默 默 而 亡 ， 武 王 諤 諤 而 昌 。 』 今 自 周 舍 之死 ， 吾 未 嘗 聞 吾 過 也 ， 吾 亡 無 日 矣 ， 是 以 寡 人 泣 也 。 」
傳 曰 ： 齊 景 公 問 晏 子 ： 「 為 人 何 患 ？ 」 晏 子 對 曰： 「 患 夫 社 鼠 。 」 景 公 曰 ： 「 何 謂 社 鼠 ？ 」 晏 子 曰 ： 「社 鼠 出 竊 於 外 ， 入 託 於 社 ， 灌 之 恐 壞 墻 ， 燻 之 恐 燒 木 ，此 鼠 之 患 。 今 君 之 左 右 ， 出 則 賣 君 以 要 利 ， 入 則 託 君 不罪 乎 亂 法 ， 又 并 覆 而 育 之 ， 此 社 鼠 之 患 也 。 」 景 公 曰 ：「 嗚 呼 ！ 豈 其 然 ？ 」 「 人 有 市 酒 而 甚 美 者 ， 置 表 甚 長 ，然 至 酒 酸 而 不 售 ， 問 里 人 其 故 。 里 人 曰 ： 『 公 之 狗 甚 猛， 而 人 有 持 器 而 欲 往 者 ， 狗 輒 迎 而 齧 之 ， 是 以 酒 酸 不 售也 。 』 士 欲 白 萬 乘 之 主 ， 用 事 者 迎 而 齧 之 ， 亦 國 之 惡 狗也 。 左 右 者 為 社 鼠 ， 用 事 者 為 惡 狗 ， 此 國 之 大 患 也 。 」詩 曰 ： 「 瞻 彼 中 林 ， 侯 薪 侯 蒸 。 」 言 朝 廷 皆 小 人也 。
昔 者 、 司 城 子 罕 相 宋 ， 謂 宋 君 曰 ： 「 夫 國 家 之 安危 ， 百 姓 之 治 亂 ， 在 君 之 行 。 夫 爵 祿 賞 賜 舉 ， 人 之 所 好也 ， 君 自 行 之 ； 殺 戮 刑 罰 ， 民 之 所 惡 也 ， 臣 請 當 之 。 」君 曰 ： 「 善 。 寡 人 當 其 美 ， 子 受 其 惡 ， 寡 人 自 知 不 為 諸侯 笑 矣 。 」 國 人 知 殺 戮 之 刑 專 在 子 罕 也 ， 大 臣 親 之 ， 百姓 畏 之 ， 居 不 期 年 ， 子 罕 遂 去 宋 君 ， 而 專 其 政 。 故 老 子曰 ： 「 魚 不 可 脫 於 淵 ， 國 之 利 器 不 可 以 示 人 。 」 詩 曰 ：「 胡 為 我 作 ， 不 即 我 謀 。 」
衛 懿 公 之 時 、 有 臣 曰 弘 演 者 、 受 命 而 使 ， 未 反 ，而 狄 人 攻 衛 ， 於 是 懿 公 欲 興 師 迎 之 ， 其 民 皆 曰 ： 「 君 之所 貴 而 有 祿 位 者 、 鶴 也 ， 所 愛 者 、 宮 人 也 ， 亦 使 鶴 與 宮人 戰 ， 余 安 能 戰 ？ 」 遂 潰 而 皆 去 。 狄 人 至 ， 攻 懿 公 於 熒澤 ， 殺 之 ， 盡 食 其 肉 ， 獨 舍 其 肝 。 弘 演 至 ， 報 使 於 肝 ，辭 畢 ， 呼 天 而 號 ， 哀 止 ， 曰 ： 「 若 臣 者 、 獨 死 可 耳 。 」於 是 ， 遂 自 刳 出 腹 實 ， 內 懿 公 之 肝 ， 乃 死 。 桓 公 聞 之 ，曰 ： 「 衛 之 亡 也 ， 以 無 道 ， 今 有 臣 若 此 ， 不 可 不 存 。 」於 是 復 立 衛 於 楚 丘 。 如 弘 演 、 可 謂 忠 士 矣 ， 殺 身 以 捷 其君 ， 非 徒 捷 其 君 ， 又 令 衛 之 宗 廟 復 立 ， 祭 祀 不 絕 ， 可 謂有 大 功 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 四 方 有 羨 ， 我 獨 居 憂 ， 民 莫 不 榖 ，我 獨 不 敢 休 。 」
孫 叔 敖 遇 狐 丘 丈 人 。 狐 丘 丈 人 曰 ： 「 僕 聞 之 ： 有三 利 ， 必 有 三 患 ， 子 知 之 乎 ？ 」 孫 叔 敖 蹴 然 易 容 曰 ： 「小 子 不 敏 ， 何 足 以 知 之 ！ 敢 問 何 謂 三 利 ？ 何 謂 三 患 ？ 」狐 丘 丈 人 曰 ： 「 夫 爵 高 者 、 人 妒 之 ， 官 大 者 、 主 惡 之 ，祿 厚 者 、 怨 歸 之 ， 此 之 謂 也 。 」 孫 叔 敖 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 吾爵 益 高 ， 吾 志 益 下 ； 吾 官 益 大 ， 吾 心 益 小 ； 吾 祿 益 厚 ，吾 施 益 博 。 可 以 免 於 患 乎 ？ 」 狐 丘 丈 人 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 言乎 ！ 堯 舜 其 猶 病 諸 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 溫 溫 恭 人 ， 如 集 于 木 ；惴 惴 小 心 ， 如 臨 于 谷 。 」
孔 子 曰 ： 「 明 王 有 三 懼 ： 一 曰 處 尊 位 而 恐 不 聞 其過 ， 二 曰 得 志 而 恐 驕 ， 三 曰 聞 天 下 之 至 道 而 恐 不 能 行 。昔 者 、 越 王 勾 踐 與 吳 戰 ， 大 敗 之 ， 兼 有 南 夷 ， 當 是 之 時， 君 南 面 而 立 ， 近 臣 三 ， 遠 臣 五 ， 令 諸 大 夫 曰 ： 『 聞 過而 不 以 告 我 者 、 為 上 戮 。 』 此 處 尊 位 而 恐 不 聞 其 過 也 。昔 者 、 晉 文 王 與 楚 戰 ， 大 勝 之 ， 燒 其 草 ， 火 三 日 不 息 ，文 公 退 而 有 憂 色 ， 侍 者 曰 ： 『 君 大 勝 楚 ， 而 有 憂 色 ， 何也 ？ 』 文 公 曰 ：『 吾 聞 能 以 戰 勝 安 者 、 惟 聖 人 ； 若 夫 詐勝 之 徒 ， 未 嘗 不 危 ， 吾 是 以 憂 也 。 』 此 得 志 而 恐 驕 也 。昔 者 、 齊 桓 公 得 管 仲 隰 朋 ， 南 面 而 立 ， 桓 公 曰 ： 『 吾 得二 子 也 ， 吾 目 加 明 ， 吾 耳 加 聰 ， 不 敢 獨 擅 ， 進 之 先 祖 。』 此 聞 至 道 而 恐 不 能 行 者 也 。 由 桓 公 晉 文 越 王 勾 踐 觀 之， 三 懼 者 、 明 君 之 務 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 溫 溫 恭 人 ， 如 集 于木 ； 惴 惴 小 心 ， 如 臨 于 谷 ； 戰 戰 兢 兢 ， 如 履 薄 冰 。 」 此言 大 王 居 人 上 也 。
楚 莊 王 賜 其 群 臣 酒 ， 日 暮 酒 酣 、 左 右 皆 醉 ，殿 上燭 滅 ， 有 牽 王 后 衣 者 ， 后 扢 冠 纓 而 絕 之 ， 言 於 王 曰 ： 「今 燭 滅 ， 有 牽 妾 衣 者 ， 妾 扢 其 纓 而 絕 之 ， 願 趣 火 視 絕 纓者 。 」 王 曰 ： 「 止 。 」 立 出 令 曰 ： 「 與 寡 人 飲 、 不 絕 纓者 ， 不 為 樂 也 。 」 於 是 冠 纓 無 完 者 ， 不 知 王 后 絕 冠 纓 者誰 ， 於 是 王 遂 與 群 臣 歡 飲 乃 罷 。 後 吳 興 師 攻 楚 ， 有 人 常為 應 行 ， 合 戰 者 五 ， 陷 陣 卻 敵 ， 遂 取 大 軍 之 首 而 獻 之 。王 怪 而 問 之 曰 ：「 寡 人 未 嘗 有 異 於 子 ， 子 何 為 於 寡 人 厚也 。 」 對 曰 ： 「 臣 先 殿 上 絕 纓 者 也 ， 當 時 宜 以 肝 膽 塗 地， 負 日 久 矣 ， 未 有 所 效 ， 今 幸 得 用 ， 於 臣 之 義 ， 尚 可 為王 破 吳 而 強 楚 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 有 漼 者 淵 ， 雚 葦 。 」 言大 者 無 不 容 也 。
傳 曰 ： 「 伯 奇 孝 而 棄 於 親 ， 隱 公 慈 而 殺 於 弟 ， 叔武 賢 而 殺 於 兄 ， 比 干 忠 而 誅 於 君 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 予 慎 無 辜。 」
紂 殺 比 干 ， 箕 子 被 髮 佯 狂 ； 陳 靈 公 殺 泄 冶 ，鄧 元去 陳 以 族 從 ； 自 此 以 後 ， 殷 并 於 周 ， 陳 亡 於 楚 ， 以 其 殺比 干 泄 冶 ， 而 失 箕 子 鄧 元 也 。 燕 昭 王 得 郭 隗 鄒 衍 樂 毅 ，是 以 魏 趙 興 兵 而 攻 齊 ， 棲 於 莒 。 燕 之 地 計 眾 ， 不 與 齊 均也 ， 然 所 以 信 燕 至 於 此 者 ， 由 得 士 也 。 故 無 常 安 之 國 ，無 宜 治 之 民 ， 得 賢 者 昌 ， 失 賢 者 亡 ， 自 古 及 今 ， 未 有 不然 者 也 。 明 鏡 者 、 所 以 照 形 也 ， 往 古 者 、 所 以 知 今 也 。知 惡 古 之 所 以 危 亡 ， 而 不 務 襲 蹈 其 所 以 安 存 ， 則 未 有 以異 乎 卻 走 而 求 逮 前 人 也 。 太 公 知 之 ， 故 舉 微 子 之 後 ， 而封 比 干 之 墓 。 夫 聖 人 之 於 賢 者 之 後 ， 尚 如 是 厚 也 ， 而 況當 世 之 存 者 乎 ！ 詩 曰 ： 「 昊 天 太 憮 ， 予 慎 無 辜 。 」
宋 玉 因 其 友 見 楚 襄 王 ， 襄 王 待 之 無 以 異 ， 乃讓 其友 。 友 曰 ： 「 夫 薑 桂 因 地 而 生 ， 不 因 地 而 辛 ； 女 因 媒 而嫁 ， 不 因 媒 而 親 。 子 之 事 王 未 耳 ， 何 怨 於 我 ？ 」 宋 玉 曰： 「 不 然 。 昔 者 、 齊 有 狡 兔 ， 盡 一 日 走 五 百 里 ， 使 之 瞻見 指 注 ， 雖 良 狗 猶 不 及 狡 兔 之 塵 ， 若 攝 纓 而 縱 紲 之 ， 〔則 狡 兔 不 能 離 也 。 今 子 之 屬 臣 也 ， 攝 纓 而 縱 紲 與 〕 瞻 見指 注 與 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 將 安 將 樂 ， 棄 予 作 遺 。 」
宋 燕 相 齊 ， 見 逐 ， 罷 歸 之 舍 ， 召 門 尉 陳 饒 等 二 十六 人 曰 ： 「 諸 大 夫 有 能 與 我 赴 諸 侯 者 乎 ？ 」 陳 饒 等 皆 伏而 不 對 。 宋 燕 曰 ： 「 悲 乎 哉 ！ 何 士 大 夫 易 得 而 難 用 也 。」 饒 曰 ： 「 〔 非 士 大 夫 易 得 而 難 用 也 ， 〕 君 弗 能 用 也 ，〔 君 不 能 用 ， 〕 則 有 不 平 之 心 ， 是 失 之 己 而 責 諸 人 也 。」 宋 燕 曰 ： 「 夫 失 諸 己 而 責 諸 人 者 何 ？ 」 陳 饒 曰 ： 「 三斗 之 稷 ， 不 足 於 士 ， 而 君 雁 鶩 有 餘 粟 ， 是 君 之 一 過 也 。果 園 梨 栗 ，後 宮 婦 人 以 相 提 擲 ， 士 曾 不 得 一 嘗 ， 是 君 之二 過 也 。 綾 紈 綺 縠 ， 靡 麗 於 堂 ， 從 風 而 弊 ， 士 曾 不 得以為 緣 ， 是 君 之 三 過 也 。 且 夫 財 者 、 君 之 所 輕 也 ， 死 者 、士 之 所 重 也 。 君 不 能 行 君 之 所 輕 ， 而 欲 使 士 致 其 所 重 ，猶 譬 鈆 刀 畜 之 ， 而 干 將 用 之 ， 不 亦 難 乎 ！ 」 宋 燕 面 有 慚色 ， 逡 巡 避 席 曰 ： 「 是 燕 之 過 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 或 以 其 酒， 不 以 其 漿 。 」
傳 曰 ： 善 為 政 者 、 循 情 性 之 宜 ， 順 陰 陽 之 序 ， 通本 末 之 理 ， 合 天 人 之 際 ， 如 是 、 則 天 地 奉 養 ， 而 生 物 豐美 矣 。 不 知 為 政 者 、 使 情 厭 性 ， 使 陰 乘 陽 ， 使 末 逆 本 ，使 人 詭 天 氣 ， 鞠 而 不 信 ， 鬱 而 不 宜 ， 如 是 ， 則 災 害 生 ，怪 異 起 ， 群 生 皆 傷 ， 而 年 穀 不 熟 ， 是 以 其 動 傷 德 ， 其 靜無 救 ， 故 緩 者 事 之 ， 急 者 弗 知 ， 日 反 理 而 欲 以 為 治 。 詩曰 ： 「 廢 為 殘 賊 ， 莫 知 其 尤 。 」
魏 文 侯 之 時 ， 子 質 仕 而 獲 罪 焉 ， 去 而 北 遊 ，謂 簡主 曰 ： 「 從 今 已 後 ， 吾 不 復 樹 德 於 人 矣 。 」 簡 主 曰 ： 「何 以 也 ？ 」 質 曰 ： 「 吾 所 樹 堂 上 之 士 半 ， 吾 所 樹 朝 廷 之大 夫 半 ， 吾 所 樹 邊 境 之 人 亦 半 。 今 堂 上 之 士 〔 惡 我 於 君， 朝 廷 之 大 夫 〕 恐 我 以 法 ， 邊 境 之 人 劫 我 以 兵 ， 是 以 不樹 德 於 人 也 。 」 簡 主 曰 ： 「 噫 ！ 子 之 言 過 矣 。 夫 春 樹 桃李 ， 夏 得 陰 其 下 ， 秋 得 食 其 實 。 春 樹 蒺 藜 ， 夏 不 可 採 其葉 ， 秋 得 其 刺 焉 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 在 所 樹 也 。 今 子 所 樹 ， 非其 人 也 。 故 君 子 先 擇 而 後 種 也 。 」 詩 曰 ：「 無 將 大 車 ， 惟 塵 冥 冥 。 」
正 直 者 、 順 道 而 行 ， 順 理 而 言 ， 公 平 無 私 ，不 為安 肆 志 ， 不 為 危 激 行 。 昔 衛 獻 公 出 走 ， 反 國 ， 及 郊 ， 將班 邑 於 從 者 而 後 入 。 太 史 柳 莊 曰 ： 「 如 皆 守 社 稷 ， 則 孰負 羈 縶 而 從 ； 如 皆 從 ， 則 孰 守 社 稷 。 君 反 國 而 有 私 ， 無乃 不 可 乎 ！ 」 於 是 不 班 也 。 柳 莊 正 矣 ！ 昔 者 、 衛 大 夫 史魚 病 且 死 ， 謂 其 子 曰 ： 「 我 數 言 蘧 伯 玉 之 賢 而 不 能 進 ，彌 子 瑕 不 肖 而 不 能 退 。 為 人 臣 ， 生 不 能 進 賢 而 退 不 肖 ，死 不 當 治 喪 正 堂 ， 殯 我 於 室 、 足 矣 。 」 衛 君 問 其 故 ， 子以 父 言 聞 ， 君 造 然 召 蘧 伯 玉 而 貴 之 ， 而 退 彌 子 瑕 ， 從 殯於 正 堂 ， 成 禮 而 後 去 。 生 以 身 諫 ， 死 以 尸 諫 ， 可 謂 直 矣。 詩 曰 ： 「 靖 共 爾 位 ， 好 是 正 直 。 」
孔 子 閒 居 ， 子 貢 侍 坐 ， 「 請 問 為 人 下 之 道 奈 何 ？」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 爾 之 問 也 ！ 為 人 下 ， 其 猶 土 乎 ？ 」子 貢 未 達 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「 夫 土 者 、 掘 之 得 甘 泉 焉 ， 樹 之 得五 穀 焉 ， 草 木 植 焉 ， 鳥 獸 魚 鱉 遂 焉 ；生 則 立 焉 ， 死 則 入焉 ； 多 功 不 言 ， 賞 世 不 絕 ， 故 曰 ： 能 為 下 者 、 其 惟 土 乎！ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 賜 雖 不 敏 ， 請 事 斯 語 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 式 禮莫 愆 。 」
傳 曰 ： 南 假 子 過 程 本 ， 本 為 之 烹 鱺 魚 。 南 假 子 曰： 「 聞 君 子 不 食 鱺 魚 。 」 本 子 曰 ： 「 此 乃 君 子 食 也 ， 我何 與 焉 ？ 」 假 子 曰 ： 「 夫 高 比 、 所 以 廣 德 也 ， 下 比 、 所以 狹 行 也 ； 比 於 善 者 、 自 進 之 階 ， 比 於 惡 者 ， 自 退 之 原也 。 且 詩 不 云 乎 ！ 高 山 仰 止 ， 景 行 行 止 。 吾 豈 自 比 君 子哉 ！ 志 慕 之 而 已 矣 。 」
子 貢 問 大 臣 ， 子 曰 ： 「 齊 有 鮑 叔 ， 鄭 有 子 皮 。 」子 貢 曰 ： 「 否 。 齊 有 管 仲 ， 鄭 有 東 里 子 產 。 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 產 、 薦 也 。 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 然 則 薦 賢 賢 於 賢 。 」 曰 ： 「知 賢 、 知 也 ， 推 賢 、 仁 也 ， 引 賢 、 義 也 。 有 此 三 者 ， 又何 加 焉 ！ 」
孔 子 遊 於 景 山 之 上 ， 子 路 子 貢 顏 淵 從 。 孔 子 曰 ：「 君 子 登 高 必 賦 ， 小 子 願 者 何 ？ 言 其 願 ， 丘 將 啟 汝 。 」子 路 曰 ： 「 由 願 奮 長 戟 ， 盪 三 軍 ， 乳 虎 在 後 ， 仇 敵 在 前， 蠡 躍 蛟 奮 ， 進 救 兩 國 之 患 。 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 勇 士 哉 ！ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 兩 國 構 難 ， 壯 士 列 陣 ， 塵 埃 漲天 ， 賜 不 持 一 尺 之 兵 ， 一 斗 之 糧 ， 解 兩 國 之 難 ， 用 賜 者存 ， 不 用 賜 者 亡 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 辯 士 哉 ！ 」 顏 回 不 願 ，孔 子 曰 ： 「 回 何 不 願 ？ 」 顏 淵 曰 ： 「 二 子 已 願 ， 故 不 敢願 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 不 同 意 ， 各 有 事 焉 ， 回 其 願 ， 丘 將 啟汝 。 」 顏 淵 曰 ： 「 願 得 小 國 而 相 之 ， 主 以 道 制 ， 臣 以 德化 ， 君 臣 同 心 ， 外 內 相 應 ， 列 國 諸 侯 莫 不 從 義 嚮 風 ， 壯者 趨 而 進 ， 老 者 扶 而 至 ， 教 行 乎 百 姓 ， 德 施 乎 四 蠻 ， 莫不 釋 兵 ， 輻 輳 乎 四 門 ， 天 下 咸 獲 永 寧 ， 蝖 飛 蠕 動 ，各 樂其 性 ， 進 賢 使 能 ， 各 任 其 事 ， 於 是 君 綏 於 上 ， 臣 和 於 下， 垂 拱 無 為 ， 動 作 中 道 ， 從 容 得 禮 ， 言 仁 義 者 賞 ， 言 戰鬥 者 死 ， 則 由 何 進 而 救 ， 賜 何 難 之 解 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 聖士 哉 ！ 大 人 出 ， 小 子 匿 ， 聖 者 起 ， 賢 者 伏 。 回 與 執 政 ，則 由 賜 焉 施 其 能 哉 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 雨 雪 瀌 瀌 ， 見 晛 曰 消 。」
昔 者 、 孔 子 鼓 瑟 ， 曾 子 子 貢 側 門 而 聽 ， 曲終 ， 曾子 曰 ： 「 嗟 乎 ！ 夫 子 瑟 聲 殆 有 貪 狼 之 志 ， 邪 僻 之 行 ， 何其 不 仁 ， 趨 利 之 甚 。 」 子 貢 以 為 然 ， 不 對 而 入 。 夫 子 望見 子 貢 有 諫 過 之 色 ， 應 難 之 狀 ， 釋 瑟 而 待 之 ， 子 貢 以 曾子 之 言 告 。 子 曰 ： 「 嗟 乎 ！ 夫 參 、 天 下 賢 人 也 ， 其 習 知音 矣 ！ 鄉 者 ， 丘 鼓 瑟 ， 有 鼠 出 游 ， 狸 見 於 屋 ， 循 梁 微 行， 造 焉 而 避 ， 厭 目 曲 脊 ， 求 而 不 得 ， 丘 以 瑟 淫 其 音 ， 參以 丘 為 貪 狼 邪 僻 ， 不 亦 宜 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 鼓 鐘 于 宮 ， 聲聞 于 外 。 」
為 人 父 者 、 必 懷 慈 仁 之 愛 ， 以 畜 養 其 子 ， 撫 循 飲食 ， 以 全 其 身 ； 及 其 有 識 也 ， 必 嚴 居 正 言 ， 以 先 導 之 ；及 其 束 髮 也 ， 授 明 師 以 成 其 技 ； 十 九 見 志 ， 請 賓 冠 之 ，足 以 死 其 意 ； 血 脈 澄 靜 ， 娉 內 以 定 之 ， 信 承 親 授 ， 無 有所 疑 ； 冠 子 不 言 ， 髮 子 不 笞 ，聽 其 微 諫 ， 無 令 憂 之 ， 此為 人 父 之 道 也 。 詩 曰 ：「 父 兮 生 我 ， 母 兮 鞠 我 。 拊 我 畜我 ， 長 我 育 我 。 顧 我 復 我 ， 出 入 腹 我 。 」
King Hsüan of Ch`i said to T`ien Kuo, "I have heard that Confucians mourn three years for their parents, [and three years for a ruler]. 2 Now which is the more important, a father or a ruler?"
[T`ien Kuo] replied, "Without a ruler's lands there is no place to settle one's parents; without a ruler's pay there is no means of supporting one's parents; without rank [conferred] by a ruler there is no way of making one's parents respected and illustrious. What is received from the ruler is passed on to the parents. So serving a ruler is also something always done on behalf of one's parents." 3 King Hsüan was taken aback and had nothing to answer him.
The Ode says, 4
The King of Chao was [on the point of] sending an envoy to Ch`u. He played [for a while] on the cither, and then dispatched him saying, "Be careful not to forget the words [of my message]." 6
The envoy received the order kneeling and said without rising, "Never have I heard Your Majesty play such moving [music] on the cither as today."
The king said, "[It is true. The cither is certainly well] tuned." 7
The envoy said, "Since it is in tune, it would be a good thing to make a note of [the position of] the bridge."
The king said, "It will not do. As the weather is dry or wet, so the strings are loose or tight. The bridge [must] be adjustable, 8 and cannot be marked [for a given position]."
The envoy said, "May I borrow a metaphor from this? 9 Ch`u is more than a thousand li distant from Chao. Furthermore fortune is variable. Bad luck calls for condolences, and good luck for congratulation. It is like the bridge [of a cither] which must be adjustable and cannot be marked [for a given position]. So when a ruler sends an envoy, he should hold him to the mission he is sent on and not charge him with [specific] words." 10
The Ode says, 11
It is lamenting that subordinates are controlled from above.
In Ch`i were [two] retired gentlemen, Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih. 13 At the time when Minister of State Ts`ao was minister of Ch`i, a retainer said to Master K`uei, 14 "Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih are the worthy men of the times. They have secreted themselves in the depths of the mountains and will not bend their bodies or degrade their wills to seek office. I hear that you have access to Minister of State Ts`ao. I wish you might recommend them. Now in my village the matrons are on good terms with one another. 15 A girl was suspected of stealing meat, and her mother-in-law drove her out. Indignant, the girl told a village matron, who said, `Go slowly, 16 and presently I will have your mother-in-law call you [back],' and tying up a bunch of grass, she [went to] ask for a light from the family that had driven the girl out. She said, `My dogs were fighting over a piece of meat and killed each other. May I have a light so that I can cook 17 them?' Whereupon the mother-in-law immediately sent a man after the girl she had driven out to bring her back. Now a village matron is not a gentleman skilled in speech, nor is tying up a bunch of grass and asking for a light the way to bring a woman back home, but there are things that touch off the proper response and situations which can be properly dealt with. Will you not recommend them?"
Master K`uei said, "I am afraid I can not come up to it, but I will try my best to tie up a bunch of grass and ask for a light on behalf of Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih." After this he had an interview with Minister of State Ts`ao and said, "In my village there was a woman who married [again] three days after her husband's death. There was another who all her life long never [re-]married. Now if you were going to marry, which [kind of woman] would you take for a wife?"
The Minister of State said, "Of course I would marry only the one who to the end of her life would never [re-]marry."
Master K`uei said, "In Ch`i are the retired gentlemen, Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih. They are the worthy gentlemen of the times, secreting themselves in the depths of the mountains and not bending their bodies or degrading their wills to seek office. If Your Honor in choosing a wife would want to marry one who would not [re-]marry, are you going to make an exception in choosing a minister by not taking one who will not serve [another master]?"
Whereupon Minister of State Ts`ao through the good offices of Master K`uei sent a "comfort chariot" with rolls of silk to fetch Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih and treated them as guests of honor. The Ode says, 18
Confucius said, "Of old, when he served King Wên, the Duke of Chou had nothing arbitrary about his conduct and nothing self-willed about the affairs he managed. It was as though his body could not bear [the weight of] his clothes, or his mouth could not utter words, [so difFIDent he was]. When he respectfully received anything direct from [King Wên], he was cautious as though [he feared] he would drop it. It can be said that he was [able to act like] a son. 21 When King Wu died, King Ch`êng being young, the Duke of Chou took over the work of [Kings] Wên and Wu. He occupied the place of the Son of Heaven 22 and controlled the government of the empire, 23 took measures against the disturbances among the barbarians and punished [the Princes of] Kuan and Ts`ai for their crimes. 24 Holding King Ch`êng in his arms, he received homage from the feudal lords. Concerning punishments and rewards, laws and judgments, he never consulted [the young king]. His prestige shook Heaven and Earth, his gestures terrified the empire. It can be said that he was able to be martial. When King Ch`êng gained his majority, the Duke of Chou turned the rule over to him, and, facing north, served him. He asked permission before acting and never had the air of boasting. It can be said that he was able to be a subject. 25 Truly one capable of three transformations in his own person is able to adapt himself to changing times." The Ode says, 26
There is a saying: "Birds fear birds with fine wings and curved beaks; 29 fish fear fish with large mouths and pendant fat; 30 men fear men with sharp mouths 31 and facile speech." 32 For this reason the superior man avoids the three points: he avoids the brush-point of the literary man; he avoids the spear-point of the military man; he avoids the tongue-point of the sophist.
The Ode says, 33
Confucius [and his disciples] were in distress between Ch`ên and Ts`ai. 35 They spent seven days without food sitting on the "Three Classics mat." 36 They had li soup but no rice, 37 and the disciples had a hungry look. They read the Shu and practiced rites (li) and music without stopping. 38 Tzŭ-lu offered an objection: "Heaven rewards with good fortune those who practice good and requites with disaster 39 those who practice evil. Now you, Master, have long accumulated virtue, piled up jên, and practiced good. I suppose there is still some defect in your conduct? 40 Otherwise why do you live in obscurity?" 41
Confucius said, "Come, Yu. You are a mean man, without any understanding of principles. Be still while I tell you. Do you think that the wise are never punished? Then how was it the Prince Pi-kan had his heart cut out and died? Do you think the just are [always] hearkened to? Then how was it Wu Tzŭ-hsü had his eyes torn out and hung from the eastern gate of [the capital of] Wu? 42 Do you think the scrupulous are [always] employed? Then how was it Po-i and Shu-ch`i starved on Mt. Shou-yang? Do you think the sincere are [always] employed? Then how was it that Pao Shu was not employed, or that Tzŭ-kao, Duke of Shê, never took office? 43 Pao Chiao embraced a tree and wept; [Chieh] Tzŭ-t`ui climbed a hill and was burned to death. Many superior men of wide learning and subtle plans have not met with the right time; I am certainly not the only exception. A man's ability depends on natural endowment; his success or failure is a matter of opportunity. 44 Now without opportunity, what use is there for a man of worth? That Shun of Yü was set up as Son of Heaven from having plowed a field on the north slope of Mt. Li was due to his meeting Yao. That Fu Yüeh was made a Great Officer from having carried dirt and worked with building frames 45 was due to his meeting Wu-ting. Originally I-yin was a servant in the Hsin family, carrying the tripods, holding the sacrificial stand, and blending the five flavors. 46 That he was set up as minister was due to his meeting T`ang. When Lü Wang was fifty he sold food in Chi-chin, and at seventy he was a butcher in Ch`ao-ko; at ninety he was Teacher to the Son of Heaven—this because he met King Wên. Kuan I-wu was bound and kept with sealed-up eyes in a barred cart. 47 That he became Chung-fu was because he met Duke Huan of Ch`i. Po-li Hsi sold himself for five rams' skins to the Po family of Ch`in and herded cattle. That he was raised to the rank of Great Officer was because he met Duke Mu of Ch`in. That Yü-ch`iu [was famous] in the empire 48 for yielding his position as Prime Minister to Sun-shu Ao was because he met King Chuang of Ch`u. Wu Tzŭ-hsü at first had considerable merit. Later on he was put to death by decapitation. It was not because his understanding had decreased, but because he first met Ho-lü and later met Fu-ch`ai. Now that a thoroughbred horse is put to work on the salt carts 49 is not because he has not the appearance [of a thououghbred], but because no one recognizes him as such. If a thoroughbred horse does not get his Po-lo, how can he achieve a thousand-li run, and how could Tsao-fu in his turn manage to drive a thousand-li? If there is no one to see the lan-ch`ih plant growing in a dense forest in the depths of the mountains, it will not be the less fragrant. 50 So the purpose of study is not to achieve success, but [to enable one] to be in straits and not be distressed, and to keep the determination from failing in times of difficulty. First understand the beginnings of disaster and good fortune, and your mind will be without illusions. For this reason the sages lived in retirement and reflected profoundly; they were unique in their apprehension and insight. 51 Now Shun was certainly a sage and a saint, but that he faced south and ruled the empire was solely due to his meeting with Yao. If Shun had lived in the times of Chou or Chieh, he would have been well off to escape punishment or execution; there would have been no question of his holding office. Chieh put Kuan Lung-fêng to death, and Chou put the Prince Pi-kan to death. On those occasions did Kuan Lung-fêng lack understanding? Did the Prince Pi-kan lack wisdom? In both cases it was a matter of not meeting with the right time. So the superior man devotes himself to study. He rectifies himself and orders his conduct, waiting for the right time. May you not be confused about this."
The Ode says, 52
Tsêng-tzŭ said, "When they are gone, there is no recalling them—such are our parents. 53 When they have reached their limit there is no adding to them—such are the years [of their lives]. This is why, 54 though the filial son may wish to go on supporting them, his parents can not tarry [forever]; 55 and though a tree may wish [to remain] straight, the seasons do not give it a chance. 56 Thus to slaughter an ox as a sacrifice at their grave is not so good as bringing chickens and pigs to parents while they are still alive. That is why I was only too glad to serve as an officer in Ch`i with a salary of only a chung57 and a fu [of grain]; not because I thought it much, but I was happy that I could get it to my parents. After their death I once went south to Ch`u, where I got an honorable position, with a hall nine jên high that had projecting beams three wei in circumference. 58 I had a hundred carts bringing me gifts, but still I looked to the north and wept. Not that I thought [my treatment] too mean, but I was grieved that I could not get it to my parents. 59 So one whose family is poor and whose parents are old is not particular about the office he will fill. 60 One who, for the sake of his ambition, stints his parents is not filial."
The Ode says, 61
Chao Chien-tzŭ had a minister named Chou Shê, who stood outside his gate for three days and three nights. Chien-tzŭ sent a messanger to ask, "On what business do you wish an interview?"
Chou Shê replied, "I would like to be your outspoken minister. 64 With inked brush 65 and tablet in hand I would follow after [Your Highness, looking out for] your faults and [writing them down, 66 so that] each day there will be a record, each month an achievement, and each year good results." 67
Where Chien-tzŭ stayed, [Chou Shê] stayed there with him, and when [Chien-tzŭ] went out, he went out with him. After a little while Chou Shê died, and Chien-tzŭ mourned for him as if he had been his own son. Later he was drinking with the Great Officers in the Hung-po Terrace. When he was drunk on the wine, Chien-tzŭ began to weep, and the Great Officers all went out 68 saying, "We are at fault without knowing ourselves [wherein we have offended]."
Chien-tzŭ said, "You Great Officers are not at fault. 69 My friend 70 Chou Shê used to say, `A thousand sheepskins are not worth the fur under one fox's forelegs, and the servile assent of the multitude is not worth the outspoken works of one gentleman.' 71 Of old Chou of the Shang was lost through silence, while King Wu prospered through frankness [on the part of their ministers]. Now after Chou Shê's death I never hear of my faults, and it will not be long before I am lost. This is why I wept."
Tradition has it that 73 Duke Ching of Ch`i asked Yen-tzŭ about the worries of governing a state. 74 Yen-tzŭ replied, "What one worries about are `altar rats.' "
Duke Ching said, "What do you mean by altar rats?"
Yen-tzŭ said, "Altar rats steal things outside and then go inside the altar for protection. 75 You would drown them out, but you fear damaging the [mud] wall. You would burn them out, but you fear setting the wood on fire. This is the worry of rats. Now as to Your Highness' officers, outside they sell you for profit, 76 and inside they depend on Your Highness not to punish them for throwing the laws into disorder. 77 Your Highness moreover both protects and supports them. 78 This is the worry of altar rats."
Duke Ching said, "Alas! How can this be?" 79
"A man sold wine of very fine quality, and put out a long advertisement, but the wine soured before he had sold any. He asked the villagers why [they had not bought his wine], and one of them said, `Your dog is very fierce, and every time anyone comes with a container wanting [to buy wine], the dog comes out and bites him.' This is why the wine had soured before he had sold any. If, when a gentleman wishes to communicate with the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots, the functionaries come out and bite him, they too are the bad 80 dogs of a state. Officers that are `altar rats' and functionaries that are `bad dogs'— these are the great worries of a state."
The Ode says, 81
It says that those in the court are all mean men.
Of old the Ssŭ-ch`êng83 Tzŭ-han was minister to [the ruler of] Sung. 84 He said to the Prince of Sung, "Now the peace of a state and the governance of its people depend on the conduct of the ruler. Titles and rewards 85 are what people like. May Your Highness take charge of them. Executions and punishments are what the people hate. Let me be responsible for them."
The Prince said, "Agreed. I will get their approval and you will receive their hatred. I am convinced that I will not be the laughing-stock of the feudal lords."
When the people of the state knew that the punishments of death and decapitation were entirely in the hands of Tzŭ-han, the great ministers were friendly with him and the common people feared him. Before the year was out, Tzŭ-han had driven out the Prince of Sung and taken over the government himself. Just as Lao-tzŭ says, 86
The Ode says, 87
In the time of Duke I of Wei there was a minister named Hung Yin, 89 who received the order to go on a mission [to another state]. Before his return, the Ti barbarians attacked Wei. 90 Duke I wished to raise an army to meet them, but his people with one accord said, "What Your Highness values and what have [high] salaries and rank are cranes. What you love are your concubines. Go have your cranes and concubines fight. How can we fight?" And they all scattered and fled. The Ti barbarians arrived and attacked Duke I at Jung-tsê. 91 They killed him and completely ate the flesh [of his body], leaving only his liver. When Hung Yin got there, he reported on his mission to the liver. When he had finished speaking, he cried out to Heaven and wept. When his mourning was over, he said, "As minister all I may properly do is die." And he then actually cut himself open and, pulling out his intestines, put Duke I's liver inside and died.
When Duke Huan heard of this he said, "Wei was destroyed because it had not the proper Way. But with a minister like this, it cannot but be preserved." Whereupon he re-established Wei in Ch`u-ch`iu.
One like Hung Yin can be called a loyal officer. He killed himself so as to follow his prince, and not only did he succeed in following his prince, he also caused the ancestral temple of Wei to be re-established and kept the sacrifices from being broken off. He can be said to have had great merit.
The Ode says, 92
Sun-shu Ao met an old man of Hu-ch`iu who said, "I have heard that as there are three advantages there must be three worries. Do you know about this?"
Sun-shu Ao uneasily changed countenance and said, "I am not intelligent; how could I know about it? I venture to ask what is meant by the three advantages and by the three worries?"
The old man of Hu-ch`iu said, "If your rank is high, others will envy you. If your office is a big one, your ruler will dislike you. If your salary is large, resentment will be your lot. This is the meaning."
Sun-shu Ao said, "Not necessarily. The higher the rank the more humble the ambitions; the greater the office the smaller the desire; the larger the salary the more widespread the gifts— would this not permit one to escape the three worries?"
The old man of Hu-ch`iu said, "Well said! Even Yao and Shun would not have found fault with such conduct." 94
The Ode says, 95
Confucius said, "There are three things the enlightened ruler fears: The first is that occupying a position of honor he fears he will not hear of his faults; the second is that being successful he fears he will be overconFIDent; the third is that hearing of the Supreme Way [for governing] the empire he will be unable to put it into practice."
Of old King Kou-chien of Yüeh fought with and greatly defeated Wu, and conquered the southern I. At that time, as he sat facing south with three ministers near at hand and five in distant places, he issued the following command to the Great Officers: "Those hearing of [my] faults who fail to tell me, will suffer capital punishment." This is an example of one's occupying a position of honor and fearing he will not hear of his faults.
Of old Duke Wên of Chin fought with and overwhelmingly conquered Ch`u, burning their camp 97 so that the fire lasted three days. Duke Wên drew back with an expression of anxiety, and his attendants asked, "Your Highness has overwhelmingly conquered Ch`u, and [now] you have an expression of anxiety. Why is this?" Duke Wên said, "I have heard that only a Saint can rest secure after victory in battle, while those who conquer through deceit are without exception in a perilous situation. This is why I am anxious." This is an example of one who has been successful and who fears being overconFIDent.
Of old Duke Huan of Ch`i got [as ministers] Kuan Chung and Hsi P`êng 98 and sat facing south. Duke Huan said, "Since getting you two, my sight is the keener and my hearing the sharper. I dare not act alone." And he introduced them to his ancestors. This is an example of one hearing of the Supreme Way and being afraid he will be unable to put it into practice. Viewed in the light of Duke Huan, [Duke] Wên of Chin, and King Kou-chien of Yüeh, these three fears are the concern of the enlightened prince.
The Ode says, 99
This speaks of the great king 101 who occupies a position above other men.
King Chuang of Ch`u gave a drinking party to his ministers. By evening they were tipsy, while the attendants were all drunk. The lamp in the hall went out and someone tugged at the clothing of the queen, who, [reaching out in the dark], brushed the person's cap tassel and broke it off. She called out to the king, "Just now when the lights went out someone tugged at my clothing, and I brushed against his [cap] tassel and broke it off. I wish you would quickly make a light to see who has a broken tassel."
The king said, "Stop!" He immediately issued the order, "I will not be pleased with those drinking with me who have not broken tassels." 103 As a result there were no unbroken cap tassels, and it was not known who had his cap tassel broken by the queen. After that the king went on as before, pleasantly drinking with his ministers.
Later Wu 104 raised an army and attacked Ch`u. There was one man constantly in the van. 105 In five encounters 106 he five times overthrew their ranks and put the enemy to flight. Then he took the leader of the main force [prisoner] and presented him. The king was astonished and asked, "I have never distinguished you [particularly]; how is it you are so generous to me?"
He replied, "I was the one in the hall with the broken tassel. For a long time 107 I have deserved to have liver and gall smeared on the earth for [what I did] that day. There has never been an occasion for fulfilling [my obligation] until today when I was fortunate enough to be employed as befits a subject and could then defeat Wu and strengthen Ch`u for Your Majesty."
The Ode says, 108
It says the great are not without their marks [of greatness].
Tradition tells us that Po-ch`i was filial and yet was abandoned by his parents. Duke Yin was king, and yet was slain by his younger brother. Shu-wu was a sage, and yet was killed by his elder brother. Pi-kan was loyal, and yet was put to death by his prince. The Ode says, 111
When [the tyrant] Chou killed the prince Pi-kan, 113 Chi-tzŭ let his hair down his back and feigned madness. When Duke Ling of Ch`ên killed Hsieh Yeh, 114 Têng Yüan left Ch`ên with his family. After these events, Yin was conquered by Chou, and Ch`ên was destroyed by Ch`u, because they had killed Pi-kan and Hsieh Yeh, and had lost Chi-tzŭ and Têng Yüan. King Chao of Yen got Kuo Wei; Tsou Yen and Yo I came from Wei and Ch`i. Thereupon he raised an army and attacked Ch`i, detaining King Min in Chü. 115 In territory and population Yen 116 was no match for Ch`i. But what enabled Yen to expand to this extent was reliance on gentlemen. Truly, 117 there is no state always static, nor a people [always] ready to be ruled. If it gets a sage, [the state] will be prosperous; if it loses a sage, it will perish: from antiquity to the present time this has been always the case. Now a bright mirror is the means of reflecting the form, and the past is the means of knowing the present. For to know enough to detest that whereby ancient [dynasties] fell, but not to follow the methods by which they preserved themselves, is no different from seeking to catch up with the man ahead of you by walking backwards. T`ai-kung knew it and so gave office to the successors of Wei-tzŭ and built a mound over the tomb of Pi-kan. Now when saintly men act in so generous a manner toward even the descendants of sages, how much the more [generous] they must be toward [sages] still living in their time.
The Ode says, 118
Sung Yü through a friend was introduced to King Hsiang of Ch`u, who treated him with no special distinction. He complained to his friend, who said, 120 "Ginger and cinnamon grow from the earth, but their acrid flavor does not come from the earth. A woman marries through a go-between, but she does not establish intimacy [with her husband] through a go-between. You simply did not serve the king satisfactorily. Why blame me?"
Sung Yü said, "Not so. Of old Ch`i had a trained rabbit which in the course of a day could run five hundred li. If you sight him from afar, point him out, and set [a dog on him], 121 even a good dog will be unable to reach the dust of the trained rabbit. If you put [the dog] on the trail 122 and take off the leash, [not even the trained rabbit will be able to get away. Now your connection with me— has it been a matter of putting me on the trail and taking off the leash?] 123 Or has it been sighting from afar, pointing him out, and setting me on him?"
The Ode says, 124
Sung Yen had been minister of Ch`i and, on his dismissal, returned home and summoned the Mên-wei Ch`ên Jao 126 and others to the number of twenty-six men. He said, "Are there any of you Great Officers who would be able to make the rounds of the feudal lords with me?" Ch`ên Jao and the others all prostrated themselves without answering. Sung Yen said, "Alas, how easy it is to get gentlemen and Great Officers, and how difficult to get any use from them!"
Jao said, "[It is not that they are easy to get and hard to get any use from;] it is because you are unable to make use of them. To be dissatisfied [because you are unable to make use of them] 127 is missing it in yourself and putting the blame on others."
Sung Yen said, "Missing it in myself and putting the blame on others—how it that?"
Ch`ên Jao said, "The three tou128 of millet [which you give them for salary] is not enough for a gentleman, but your geese and ducks have grain to spare. This is Your Excellency's first fault. The women of the inner palace pick up the pears and chestnuts of your orchards and throw them at one another, while your officers never get a taste. This is Your Excellency's second fault. Thin silk and white silk, open-work silk and gauze silk are abundant in a hall where wind and rain 129 come and spoil them, while your officers never receive a [single] piece as a gift. This is Your Excellency's third fault. So property is something Your Excellency holds lightly, while death is something your officers consider important. Being unable to give what you hold lightly and [still] expecting your officers to yield what they consider important is comparable to 130 treating them like leaden swords and trying to use them as Kan-chiang blades 131 —is it not indeed a difficult thing?"
Sung Yen's face was suffused with shame and he retired in confusion from the mat saying, "It was my fault."
The Ode says, 132
There is a saying, "One good at government acts in accord with human emotion and human nature and follows the sequence of yin and yang; he understands the principle of basic and subsidiary and brings together the spheres of Heaven and man." Under such conditions the Heavenly breadth is nourished, and living things are abundant.
One who does not understand government lets emotions override human nature, and allows yin to surpass yang. He makes the subsidiary go against the basic and causes man to cheat Heaven. His breath being exhausted cannot be prolonged; he is depressed and cannot give vent to his feelings. Under such conditions disasters occur and monstrosities appear. All living things suffer and the year's grain crops do not ripen. Thus it is that if he acts, his power is vitiated, and if he remains quiet, he loses [any chance of] succor. Hence he devotes himself to what is not pressing, not recognizing what is urgent. He daily offends against right principles, and still he hopes in that way to govern.
The Ode says, 133
In the time of Marquis Wên of Wei, Tzŭ-chih was in office and got into trouble. After leaving he traveled north, where he said to [Chao] Chien-chu, 135 "From now on I will not again plant virtue in anyone."
Chien-chu said, "What do you mean by that?"
[Tzŭ-]chih said, "Of the officers in the hall I planted the half; of the Great Officers in the court I planted the half; of the officials on the frontier I likewise planted the half; of the Great Officers in the court I planted the half; of the officials on the frontier I likewise planted the half. Now the officers in the hall [got me hated by my prince; the Great Officers in the court] threatened me with the law, 136 and the officials on the frontier attacked me with troops; this is why I will not again 137 plant virtue in men."
Chien-chu said, "Ha, what you say is wrong. If you plant peach and pear trees in the spring, in summer you will have shade beneath them and in autumn you will be able to eat their fruit. If you plant caltrop in the spring, in summer you will not be able to gather its leaves, and in autumn you get thorns from it. If you look at it this way, it depends on what you plant. Now those you planted were not the right men. Truly, the superior man first makes a selection before he plants the seed."
The Ode says, 138
The correct and upright act in accordance with the True Way and speak in accordance with right principles. They are just and unselfish, not relaxing their determination for the sake of peace or altering 140 their conduct to escape danger.
Of old Duke Hsien of Wei fled his country. [Later] he returned to Wei and had reached the suburbs of the capital, where he was about to distribute fiefs before entering the city to those who had accompanied him [into exile]. The T`ai-shih Liu Chuang said, "If everyone had [stayed behind] to look after the altars to earth and grain, then who would there have been to serve you in your exile? 141 And if everyone had followed you, then who would have looked after the altars to earth and grain? Is it right that Your Highness should be partial on being restored to your state?" Whereupon [Duke Hsien] did not distribute [fiefs]. Liu Chuang was correct.
Of old when the Recorder Yü, 142 a Great Officer of Wei, was sick and on the point of death, he said to his son, "I have frequently spoken of Ch`ü Po-yü's 143 worth without being able to get him advanced, and of the unworthiness of Mi Tzŭ-hsia without being able to get him retired. Now if during his life a minister is unable to advance the worthy and retire the unworthy, it is not fitting that mourning should be conducted for him in the main hall after his death. It is enough to bury me in a [secondary] 144 hall." When the Prince of Wei [came to offer condolences] 145 and asked why [the burial had been so conducted], the son reported his father's words. The prince quickly summoned Ch`ü Po-yü and granted him honors, and retired Mi Tzŭ-hsia. Before he left he had the [place of] burial moved to the main hall with full rites. To remonstrate in person during life and to remonstrate through the corpse in death—[such conduct] may be termed upright.
The Ode says, 146
Confucius was at leisure, with Tzŭ-king sitting by his side. [Tzŭ-kung] asked the way to be below others. 148 Confucius said, "An excellent question! Being below others—is it not like the earth?" Tzŭ-kung did not understand. Confucius said, "As for the earth, if you dig it you get a spring of sweet water; if you plant it you get the five cereals. Plants grow in it; birds and beasts, fish and turtles live out their lives on it. 149 Alive we stand on it, and dead we are put into it. It has numerous merits but it does not speak of them, 150 but hands them on to [successive] generations 151 without intermission. Hence I said, Only the earth is capable of being lowly."
Tzŭ-kung said, "Though I am not intelligent, I hope to act on these words."
The Ode says, 152
There is a story about Nan Chia-tzŭ's visit to Ch`êng Pên[-tzŭ], 154 who boiled a li fish for him. Nan Chia-tzŭ said, "I have heard that the superior man does not eat li fish."
Pên-tzŭ said, "This is a superior man's food, all right; but what has that to do with us?"
Chia-tzŭ said, "By aiming at what is high, one enlarges his virtue; by aiming at what is low, one hampers his conduct. By aiming at what is good one is brought forward a step, and by aiming at what is bad one falls back to the starting point. And does not the Ode say, 155
How could I be aiming to be a superior man? It is only that I admire him in my mind."
Tzŭ-kung asked about great ministers. The Master said, "Ch`i had Pao Shu and Chêng had Tzŭ-p`i."
Tzŭ-kung said, "Did not Ch`i have Kuan Chung and Chêng have Tzŭ-ch`an of Tung-li?"
Confucius said, "[Kuan Chung was recommended by Pao Shu, and Tzŭ-]ch`an was recommended [by Tzŭ-p`i]." 157
Tzŭ-kung said, "In that case it is more worthy to recommend a sage than to be a sage."
"To recognize a sage is to be wise, to advance a sage is to be jên, to introduce a sage is to be i. Who is greater than one possessed of these three qualities?"
Confucius was wandering on top of Mt. Ching. 159 Tzŭ-lu, Tzŭ-kung, and Yen Yüan accompanied him. Confucius said, "The superior man, when he climbs to a height, must express himself. 160 My little children, speak out your desires, whatever they may be. I am going to instruct you."
Tzŭ-lu said, "I wish I might brandish a long lance and oppose the three armies, with a nursing tiger 161 behind me and my enemies in front. Like a li insect I would leap, like a dragon I would rush 162 as I advanced to rescue two states from grief."
Confucius said, "A brave soldier!"
Tzŭ-kung said, "Say two countries are involved in trouble. Stout men form ranks, and the dust [of battle] rises to heaven. Then I, without grasping a weapon [so much as] a foot long or [possessing a single] measure of grain, will smooth away the trouble between the two states. The one that employs me will be preserved, and the one that does not employ me will be lost."
Confucius said, "A sophist!"
Yen Hui had no wish. Confucius said, "Why don't you make a wish?"
Yen Yüan said, "Since the other two have [expressed] their wishes, I dare not."
Confucius said, "Their ideas were not the same, and each invented a situation [to illustrate his ambition]. May you make a wish. I am going to instruct you."
Yen Yüan said, "I wish I might be minister in a small state. The ruler would govern by the True Way, and his subjects would be reformed by his transforming virtue. Prince and subjects would be of one mind, and those inside and those outside [the court] would respond to one another. Of the various states and the feudal lords, none but would fall in line with i and be subject to [my] influence. The able-bodied would rush to come forward, and the old would come leaning on their staves. My teachings would take effect among the people and my transforming virtue would pass to the four barbarians. Everyone would give up his weapons and assemble inside the four gates [of my capital]. In the world everywhere enduring peace would prevail. Flying or crawling, 163 each [creature] would rejoice in his own nature. I would advance the worthy and employ the able, each to be in charge of the office suited to himself. Then the prince above would be tranquil and his subjects below would be in harmony. I would let [my robes] fall, fold my hands, 164 and practice noninterference. What was done would coincide with the True Way, naturally and easily adhering to li.165 Those who spoke of jên and i I would reward, and those who spoke of war and strife I would put to death. So what occasion would Yu have for `advancing and rescuing'? What difficulties would T`zŭ have to smooth away?"
Confucius said, "A saint! When a great man appears, mean men hide away, and when a saint arises, sages fall prostrate. In a government with Hui, how would you, Yu and Tz`ŭ, have a chance to show your abilities?"
The Ode says, 166
Of old Confucius was playing the cither. Tsêng-tzŭ and Tzŭ-kung were listening beside the door. When the piece was finished Tsêng-tzŭ said, "Ah, the sound of the Master's cither had something in it of the desire of a ravenous wolf, of depraved actions. How lacking it was in human feeling (jên)! It was avaricious to a degree."
Tzŭ-kung thought the same, and went inside without replying. Confucius saw as he came in that he had the appearance of one who objects to a transgression and the bearing of one going to raise a difficulty. He laid aside the cither and waited for him [to speak]. Tzŭ-kung reported Tsêng-tzŭ's words, and the Master said,
"Ah, Ts`ên is the sage of the empire. He is an adept at `understanding music.' 170 Just now as I was playing the cither a rat came out [of his hole] and ran about. A wildcat appeared in the room and, creeping along a pillar, approached [the rat], who took flight. His eyes [filled with] hatred and his back arched, [the wildcat] strove to catch him, but failed. With the cither I followed the current of their passions. 171 Was it not with perfect justice Ts`ên thought I was a ravenous wolf and depraved?"
The Ode says, 172
To practice the art of being a father, one must embrace a tender and benevolent (jên) love with which to rear a son. One quiets him with food and drink, so that his body may be perfect. When he begins to have understanding, [the father] must maintain a stern demeanor and speak correctly to lead him forward. When it is time to tie up his hair, 173 [the father] provides him with an intelligent teacher to perfect his abilities. At nineteen he shows his ambitions, and [his father] invites a guest to cap him. 174 This serves to complete his virtue. 175 His blood is pure and his pulse steady, and so [his father] betroths him so as to keep it that way. The relations [between father and son] are characterized by honesty and friendliness, with no trace of suspicion. After the son is capped, [his father] does not curse 176 him, nor does he beat him after his hair is bound up. He listens to [his son's] subtle reproach and does not let him worry. Such is the art of being a father.
The Ode says, 177
1. SY 19.16a-b is nearly identical, but lacks the quotation from the Shih.
2. ##. Read ## with SY. (Chou.)
3. ##. I follow the reading in Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 57.22a, which has ## after ##. (CHy.)
4. Shih 248 No. 162/3.
5. SY 12.1b-2a tells the same story rather more clearly, but is probably based on the HSWC, which text is defective.
6. ##. Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 55.3b quotes this as ## "You must speak my very words"; likewise SY, but without ##. Chih-yao 8.25a-b combines the two lines. Chao (165-6) admits this is repetitious, but maintains that stylistically it is a better reading. TPYL 576.4b-5a is the same as the modern text of HSWC. (Chao.)
7. ##. Read ## with Chih-yao, loc cit. Likewise TPYL, loc. cit., with ## for ## and ## at the end. SY has ## "The tones kung and shang are certainly well tuned." (Chao.)
8. ##. SY is more logical: ## "The tones kung and shang are [produced] in different positions."
9. Chih-yao, TPYL, and Li Shan's com. all have ## before ##. (Chao.) SY adds here "When the enlightened prince sends an envoy, he charges him with [the execution of] a mission; he does not hold him to definite words. If [the envoy] finds them well off, he congratulates them; if they have suffered misfortune, he offers condolences." ## 。 ##.
10. For ## read ## with Chih-yao: ## 。 ## ## "When the enlightened prince sends an envoy, he is always careful about the man he employs for the mission. Once he has sent him off, he charges him with an idea [to be communicated], but does not hold him to [specific] words." (Chao.) Literally, ## refers to the mission rather than to the man, but it comes to the same thing, whether you pick the mission for a given man or the man for a specific mission.
11. ## is from Shih 545 No. 260/7. SY quotes ##, a variant of Mao ##, Shih 249 No. 163/1. The next line ## is the same in both poems. That HSWC originally quoted the same line as SY is apparent both from the Mao shih number sequence (162-163-168) and from the quotation in Shih k`ao 39a. I surmise that the variant reading in HSWC led an inept editor to emend to the Mao shih reading, with the result that he chose the wrong poem. Kuo yü 10.3a also has ##. (Chao 167.)
12. Han shu 45.6a-7a relates the anecdote with some similarity in wording. This is the only passage in HSWC dealing with events taking place in Han times.
13. Han shu introduces them thus: "Formerly T`ien Jung, Prince of Ch`i, resenting Hsiang Yü, plotted to raise troops and rebel against him. He forced the gentlemen of Ch`i to join him on pain of death. Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih, recluses of Ch`i, were within his power and were forced to follow him. When T`ien Jung's cause was lost, the two were ashamed [of having taken part in the rebellion] and retired together into the depths of the mountains, where they dwelt in seclusion."
14. ##: surely the same person as ## K`uai T`ung? ## *g`i̭wed; ## *K`wed.
15. ##. Han shu is less concise: ## "There was a girl of my village who was on good terms with the village matrons."
16. Yen Shih-ku glosses ## with ##.
17. Yen Shih-ku says ## means ##.
18. Shih 264 No. 168/5.
19. ##: Legge arbitrarily translates "our husbands."
20. Huai-nan tzŭ 13.3b-4a is nearly identical.
21. ##. Insert ## before ## with Huai-nan tzŭ to parallel ## and ## below. (Chao 167.)
22. Cf. HSWC 3/31, note 2, with ## for ##.
23. I follow Chao (168) and read ## as in Huai-nan tzŭ for ##.
24. For ## and ## cf. Mém. hist. 1.245-6.
25. Supply ## before ##; see note 2. (Chao.)
26. Shih 385 No. 214/4. This number is out of sequence; possibly it represents a Han shih divergency from the Mao shih order of poems.
27. ## is certainly a misprint. CHy, B, C have ## as in Mao shih.
28. I have disregarded Legge's translation; cf. I-shuo k`ao 24a.
29. For ## read ## with CHy and TPYL 464.4b. (Chao 168.)
30. ##. The expression occurs in Lun hêng 7.14a: ## "The rulers Chieh and Chou had fat on their bellies hanging down for over a foot." It seems to imply a voracious appetite.
31. ##: cf. Analects 326 (17/18): "I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families."
32. For ## TPYL, loc cit., has ## "clever talkers." (Chao.)
33. Shih 296 No. 183/3.
34. This is a development of Hsün-tzŭ 20. 5b-6a. SY 17.11b-13b follows HSWC with some variants from Hsün-tzŭ; Chia yü 5.11a-13a is partly from Hsün-tzŭ and partly from Shih chi 47.19a-20b (Mém. hist. 5.364-70).
35. He was on his way to Ch`u at the invitation of King Chao. The Great Officers of Ch`ên and Ts`ai realized that it would be dangerous for their states if a sage were to be used in Ch`u, and so sent troops to block Confucius' passage. (Chia yü.) Cf. Analects 237 (11/2.1).
36. ##. Read ## with SY for ##. I am unable to find another reference to the san ching hsi.
37. Cf. LSCC 17.9b: ## 。 ##.
38. SY has ## before ## but omits ##. Chao (169) would add ## to balance ##, but if the "three classics mat" has any connection with this sentence, the emendation would require the omission of ## with SY, and the balance remains uneven.
39. Read ## for ## with CHy, SY, and Hsün-tzŭ.
40. After ## supply ## with CHy, following Li Shan's quotation (Wên hsüan 45.1a, 54.18b), likewise SY. (Chao.) B, C have ##, which makes no sense. For ## cf. Li Shan's com., loc. cit.: ## "conduct which should be discarded."
41. Yang Liang defines ## as ## "straitened circumstances."
42. This event took place in B.C. 483, while Confucius is supposed to be speaking in B.C. 489 (according to Ssŭ-ma Ch`ien; cf. Chavannes' note, loc. cit.).
43. Both these men held office. Pao Shu was tutor to the kung-tzŭ Hsiao-po (cf. Tso chuan 82), while Shên Chu-liang held simultaneously the two positions of ling-yin and ssŭ-ma (cf. Tso chuan 848); nor had he yet died at the supposed time of this speech. This is noted by Shên Yü in Ch`un-shu tsa-i (Chao 170). SY more accurately reads ## "prominent" for ##.
44. The reading ## "fate" for ## appears to be an unsupported emendation by CHy.
45. Cf. Mencius 446 (6B/15.1).
46. I. e., he was a cook. For his discourse on the five flavors, cf. LSCC 14.5a.
47. For ## SY has ##. HSWC is defective. (CHy.) Chao quotes LSCC 34.3b: ##. "Whereupon [the Duke of Lu] had his hands bound with thongs and his eyes sealed; they enclosed him in a leather sack and put him in a cart." Cf. Mencius, loc. cit.
48. Supply ## after ## as in SY (Chou, CHy). Ch`én Ch`iao-ts`ung suggests that this is the same person as the Prime Minister Shên in HSWC 2/4, since SY, LNC 2.8b and Hsin hsü 1.2b all mention ##. (I-shuo k`ao 8.4a-b.)
49. Cf. Chia I's "Lament for Ch`ü Yüan" (Shih chi 84.9b): ## "The thoroughbred lets his two ears hang; he is hitched to a salt cart."
50. ##: "if there is no one to see it, it will not be fragrant." Supply ## before ## on the basis of Hsün-tzŭ, KTCY and SY. (CHy.)
51. ##: cf. Lun hêng 26.1a: ## 。 。 。 ## "Saints are possessed of the enlightenment that comes from unique insight and of the understanding that comes from unique apprehension."
52. Shih 297 No. 184/2.
53. Cf. HSWC 9/3, where this statement is attributed to Kao Yü.
54. ## is redundant here; it occurs again below before ##.
55. HSWC 9/3 is the same, but omits ##.
56. ##. Logically this phrase should precede the one above as in HSWC 9/3 with ##. It is in terms of this line that I have translated ## and ##. The passage may be corrupt, but sense can be forced out of it.
57. For ## read ##; cf. HSWC 3/20, note 4.
58. CHy has ## for ##, likewise Lei-chü 21.9a and Po-t`ieh 8.63b. (Chao 172.) Cf. Mencius 496 (7B/34.2): "Halls several times eight cubits high, with beams projecting several cubits."
59. Cf. Chuang-tzŭ 7.16b (Legge, Texts of Taoism 2.145): "Tsêng-tzŭ twice took office, and on the two occasions his state of mind was different. He said, `While my parents were alive I took office, and though my emolument was only three fu of grain, my mind was happy. Afterwards when I took office, my emolument was three thousand chung; but I could not share it with my parents, and my mind was sad.' "
60. Cf. HSWC 1/1.
61. Shih 299 No. 185/3.
62. Mao shih has ## for ##.
63. Hsin hsü 1.5b-6a is a somewhat modified version of this passage, furnishing a better reading in several places. Shih chi 43.11b (Mém. hist. 5.36-7) has the story in an abridged form. Chavannes, ibid., translates also the HSWC version.
64. For ## Chih-yao 8.25b has ##, and P`ei Yin's quotation in Shih chi, loc cit., writes ##. Chao (173) shows that they are interchangeable.
65. ##. TPYL 603.1a has ## "holding a brush." (CHy.)
66. ##. With CHy read ## after TPYL and Hsin hsü. Lei-chü 58.11a, Shu-ch`ao 96.5a are the same; likewise Kuang yün 5.17a, with ## for ##. Chih-yao and the quotation by P`ei Yin are the same as the present text. (Chao.)
67. Hsin hsü inserts ## "Chien-tzŭ was pleased."
68. Hsin hsü has ## for ##.
69. Chou would emend ## to ## "on the contrary," as in Hsin hsü.
70. Read ## for ## with CHy, Hsin hsü, and Chih-yao. (Chao.)
71. This proverbial expression occurs also in Shih chi 68.6b. (Chavannes.)
72. Similar passages occur in YTCC 3.11b-12a, HFT 13.7a-b, and SY 7.18b-19b. HSWC is most clearly related to YTCC, in that Yen-tzŭ and Duke Ching are the speakers, but HSWC is more concise, possibly because the text is defective. HFT reverses the order of the two parables and attributes the dialogue to Kuan Chung and Duke Huan of Ch`i. SY seems to be based on HFT, in that Kuan Chung and Duke Huan appear, while the arrangement of incidents is the same as YTCC.
73. ## is lacking in the other versions.
74. Emend ## to ## as in all the other versions; cf. ## below. (Chou.)
75. The other versions here insert ## "The altar is made of wood fastened together and plastered over with mud."
76. HFT is clearer: ##.
77. ##. HFT has ## "If you fail to punish these officials, the laws are thrown into confusion. If you do punish them, then you are not at ease. Relying on this they exist." SY and YTCC are similar, and HSWC may be defective.
78. ## is probably a corruption of SY, YTCC: ## "They rely on his protection to exist."
79. The interruption by the Duke is lacking in the other versions. What follows should be prefaced with ##.
80. There is no need to emend ## to ## "fierce" with Chao (174) to agree with the other versions.
81. Shih 316 No. 192/4.
82. This is expanded from HFT 14.2b. Huai-nan tzŭ 12.7b is nearly identical with HSWC, and SY 1.24b-25b follows HSWC with some changes; both quote the line from Lao-tzŭ, but lack the quotation from the Shih.
83. ## was used for ## in the state of Sung to avoid the taboo personal name of Duke Wu.
84. Chou identifies ## with Yo Hsi ##, T. Tzŭ-han, and concludes that the story is apocryphal, as no mention is made of it in Tso chuan. CHy denies that they were the same person, but it is unlikely that two men with the same appellation would hold the same office in the same state (cf. Tso chuan 439).
85. ##. CHy emends to ## on the basis of HFT: ## ##, and Huai-nan tzŭ: ##. Chou proposes the same changes. SY has ## ##. (Chao 175.)
86. Waley, The Way and Its Power 187.
87. Shih 323 No. 193/5.
88. Modified from LSCC 11.6b-7a. Hsin hsü 8.5a reproduces LSCC as far as the moralizing passage at the end.
89. ##. For ## CHy writes ##. B, C have ##. D has ##, likewise Hsin hsü and LSCC. Kao Yu's com. on LSCC says ## is to be read as ##.
90. Cf. Tso chuan 129 (Min 2).
91. For ## CHy, B, C, D have ##.
92. Shih 324-5 No. 193/8.
93. Lieh-tzŭ 8.5a-b and Huai-nan tzŭ 12.12a are close to HSWC. Wên-tzŭ 4.18a is related to Huai-nan tzŭ, but attributes the saying to Lao-tzŭ, omitting the old man of Hu-ch`iu and Sun-shu Ao. Hsün-tzŭ 20.22b-23a differs considerably, and Hao I-hsing believes that it was not the immediate source for any of the other texts.
94. Cf. Analects 194 (7/28.1), 292 (14/45).
95. Shih 335 No. 196/6.
96. SY 1.13b-14b follows this closely.
97. Chou defines ## as ## "grain," here meaning supplies. SY has ## and Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.7a-b) thinks ## is a corruption of this, since there is no textual support for Chou's definition. ## "to encamp" occurs frequently in Tso chuan. (Chao 177.)
98. CHy would supply from SY: ## 。 ## ## 。 ## 。 ## "They used the language of debate and elucidated their meanings. In the audience of the first month he had them accompany the T`ai-lao and he presented them to his ancestors. Duke Huan stood facing west, Kuan chung and Hsi P`êng stood facing east." Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao) would also add these lines.
99. Shih 335 No. 196/6.
100. With B, C, omit the line ##, which belongs to Shih 333 No. 195/6 (Chou, Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung).
101. For ## read ## with CHy, B, C. Chou suggests ## "the enlightened ruler," but fails to support the emendation, which yields excellent sense.
102. SY 6.8a-b retells the story with some changes in detail.
103. SY prefaces this remark with "When you have made a gentleman drunk by giving him wine so that he neglects propriety (li), how can you be willing to put him to shame to show off the decorous behavior of a woman?" ## ##.
104. SY says it was Chin.
105. For ## read ## as in SY (Chou). Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 855) says ## was also written ##, whence ## for ##. (Chao 177.)
106. ##: B, C have ##.
107. Emend ## to ##. (Chou.)
108. Shih 337-8 No. 197/4.
109. Chao (178) thinks ## "a cup" must be incorrect, even though Shih k`ao 16b gives it as the Han shih reading. ## occurs in Shuo wên as ⊙ 110 , of which ## is an easily explained corruption.
110. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
111. Shih 340 No. 198/1.
112. Hsin shu 10.73b-74a is almost identical and may either have been the direct source for HSWC or have been derived from a common source. SY 8.7b-8b copies Hsin shu. TTLC 3.13b-14a is also similar.
113. Supply ## after ## and ## as in Hsin shu. (Chao 178.)
114. Supply ## after ## and ## as in Hsin shu. (Chao 178.)
115. The text is corrupt: ## ##. Chou has added ## from SY; the other editions lack these characters. He also suggests that ## is a mistake for ##, as SY has ##, where ## he thinks should be ##. CHy writes ## 。 ## ##, etc., from Lu Pien's quotation of HSWC in his com. on TTLC and from Hsin shu, which has ##. If the reading ## is admitted, and it occurs in three of the texts, ## 。 。 。 ## must ## 。 。 。 ##, and not "brought them over." Since Tsou Yen actually came from Ch`i, and Yo I from Wei (cf. Mém. hist. 4. 145), I follow CHy and read ## for ##.
116. ##. CHy has ##, as TTLC, for ##. Lu Pien says ## is like ##. Chao (179) accepts CHy's reading, and suggests that Hsin shu ## is a corruption from the seal forms of the two characters. Chou would emend to ## as in SY.
117. The following, to "T`ai-kung knew it" is repeated in 5/19. It occurs verbatim in all the parallels mentioned in note 1.
118. Shih 340 No. 198/1.
119. Hsin hsü 5.12b is based on this, but on the whole is
more intelligible. SY 11.7a-b applies the same idea to
another setting: "Prince Mêng-ch`ang sent a retainer to the King of Ch`i. When
after three years he was not made use of, the retainer returned and said to
Prince Mêng-ch`ang, `I do not know whether it was my fault or yours that for
three years after you sent me I was not made use of?'"
Prince Mêng-ch`ang said, "I have heard that
the thread follows the needle in, not that the tightness [of the stitch] comes
from the needle; and that a marriage is achieved through a go-between, but not
that intimacy is established through the go-between. It must be that your
ability is inconsiderable; why blame me?'
The retainer said, `Not so. I have heard that
Ku, belonging to the Chou family, and Lu, belonging to the Han family, were the
fastest dogs in the world. If you sighted a rabbit, pointed him out, and set
[one of them] on him, that rabbit never escaped. But if you sighted [the
rabbit] from afar and then let the dog go after him, he would not be able to
catch the rabbit in a hundred years. It is not that the dog lacked ability; it
is the fault of the one who set [the dog on the rabbit].' "
The retainer said, `Not so. I have heard that Ku, belonging to the Chou family, and Lu, belonging to the Han family, were the fastest dogs in the world. If you sighted a rabbit, pointed him out, and set [one of them] on him, that rabbit never escaped. But if you sighted [the rabbit] from afar and then let the dog go after him, he would not be able to catch the rabbit in a hundred years. It is not that the dog lacked ability; it is the fault of the one who set [the dog on the rabbit].' "
120. Supply ## before ## from Lei-chü 89.5b, TPYL 977.a and Hsin hsü. (Chao 179.)
121. ## in the sense of ##, the SY and Hsin hsü reading. (Chou.)
122. ## makes no sense; read ## with Hsin hsü.
123. ##. This is supplied from Hsin hsü as necessary to the sense of the passage. (CHy.)
124. Shih 350 No. 201/2.
125. CKT 4.17a, SY 8.15b-16a, Hsin hsü 2.5b-6a are all similar, but with slight verbal identity. SY is closest to HSWC.
126. Li Shan's quotation from this passage in his com. on Wên hsüan 28.27b has ## for ##; likewise SY. The two names are interchangeable, and he is probably to be identified with the T`ien Jao in HSWC 2/23. CKT has ##, and Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 686) thinks ## is a graphic error for ##. (Chao 180.)
127. ## . . . Only the phrase between brackets is in present texts of HSWC; the remainder is added from Chih-yao 8.26b-27a. SY has ##. (Chao 180-1.)
128. Chih-yao has ## Shêng for ##; likewise SY. (Chao.)
129. Emend ## to ## after SY.
130. Reverse ##. CHy.)
131. Product of a famous swordsmith; cf. HSWC 3/36 note 8.
132. Shih 355 No. 203/5.
133. Shih 358 No. 204/4.
134. HFT 12.7b gives the same story in different words. SY 6.18a-b writes ## Yang Hu for ##, but otherwise is closer to HSWC.
135. CHy points out that Chien-tzŭ was not a contemporary of Marquis Wên of Wei.
136. ##. CHy follows TPYL 632.4b and writes ##, ##, emending ## to ##. Lei-chü 86.1a has ## ## 。 ##. Chou would add ##, ## from SY. (Chao.) I follow CHy.
137. Supply ## from TPYL and Lei-chü. (CHy.)
138. Shih 363 No. 206/2.
139. Two anecdotes are related here, and in B, C, D they are separated into two paragraphs. The first is paralleled by Li chi 10.3b (Couvreur 1.227-8). The second appears in a different form in Hsin shu 10.73a-b, Hsin hsü 1.2b-3a, TTLC 3.13a-b, and Chia yü 5.24b-25a. These four texts are closely related, but none shows any direct connection with HSWC.
140. Emend ## to ## with TPYL 429.6a, Shu-ch`ao 37.2b. (Chao 183.)
141. Lit., "hold halter and bridle and follow you."
142. Cf. Analects 296 (15/6.1): "The Master said, `Truly straight-forward was the historiographer Yü. When good government prevailed in his state, he was like an arrow. When bad government prevailed, he was like an arrow.' "
143. Ibid: "A superior man indeed is Chü Po-yü! When good government prevails in his state, he is to be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up, and keep them in his breast."
144. Supply ## before ## as in Li Hsien's quotation in Hou-Han shu 109A.8a (Chao). Hsin shu, Hsin hsü and TTLC have ##.
145. Supply ## from the other versions (except Chia-yü, which has ##). (Chou.)
146. Shih 366 No. 207/5.
147. This is modified from Hsün-tzŭ 20.23a-b. SY 2.17a-b varies considerably, while Chia-yü 5.23a follows Hsün-tzŭ. CCFL 16.2a-b belongs with HSWC 3/26, but one line is repeated here; see note 4.
148. I. e., be humble.
149. Cf. HSWC 3/26, note 4.
150. Cf. CCFL 16.2b: ##. (Wang Yin-chih.)
151. ## is unusual. One would expect ##.
152. Shih 371 No. 209/4. The connection is not immediately apparent.
153. SY 17.15b-16a copies this with slight changes.
154. Supply ## from SY. (CHy.)
155. Shih 393 No. 218/5.
156. SY 2.5a-b differs considerably; it is followed closely by Chia-yü 3.13a-b.
157. ##. Supply ## 。 ##. (CHy.) SY has ## ## 。 ## "I have heard that Pao Shu got advancement for Kuan Chung and that Tzŭ-p`i got advancement for Tzŭ-ch`an. I have not heard that Kuan Chung or Tzŭ-ch`an got advancement for anyone." Chou deals with the passage less drastically by emending ## to ##: "Who recommended them?"
158. HSWC 9/15 is similar and is followed by SY 15.8a-9b and Chia-yü 2.1a-2a. The idea is a development of Analects 182-3 (5/35) and 246-9 (11/25).
159. ##: HSWC 9/15 has ##, SY and Chia-yü ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 586) is probably right in making ## *niông a phonetic variant of ## *nông, but he is certainly off the mark when he tries to dispose of ## *kliang in the same way. I suspect the latter may be a graphic corruption of the seal form of ##.
160. ## usually means "to compose or recite verse"; cf. Tso chuan 6 (Yin 1) and passim. However, the word is understood to be cognate with ## "to spread out" (cf. Suzuki Torao, Fushi daiyṓ ## 1-3), and here is to be taken in that sense. In Mao's com. on Shih 82 No. 50/2 (*Mao shih 3.5b) ## is given as one of the qualifications of a Great Officer.
161. ## is not "a suckling tiger," but "a tiger with young."
162. For ## TPYL 436.8a-b has ## "seizing and stamping I will gratify my ambition." (Chao 184.)
163. Cf. *Kuei-ku tzŭ B.11b, ##.
164. ##: cf. Shu ching 316 (5/3.10): "[King Wu] had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the empire was orderly ruled."
165. ##: cf. DM 413 (20/18), ## "He naturally and easily embodies the right way." Also cf. Li Ki 2.519 (30/9): ##.
166. Shih 406 No. 223/7.
167. Read ## for ##; cf. Shih k`ao 45a.
168. For ## read ## as in *Shih wên 2.35a. Note that Mao shih has ## for ##.
169. KTT 1.23b-24a is similar. The motif of a lute player's passions revealed in his music turns up again in an anecdote about Ts`ai Yung (Hou-Han shu 60.28a-b ## ##). He had been invited to a dinner, but on approaching his host's house heard music that made him fear assassination. The player had been watching the attempt of a mantis to seize a cicada, and his emotions colored the music which he continued to play on his lute.
170. For ## cf. HSWC 9/5.
171. For ## "sounds" read ## with B, C.
172. Shih 417 No. 229/5.
173. At puberty; cf. TTLC 3.8b ##; Chou Lu-pien's com: ##.
174. For the capping ceremony cf. I li, ch. 1 (##).
175. ## might be taken to mean "fix his mind," but I prefer to follow Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.2b), who suggests emending to ## and quotes *I li 1.11b: ## "Bannissez vos idées de jeune homme; suivez les inspirations d'une vertu parfaite." (Couvreur 19.) Chêng Hsüan's com: ## ## "Having been capped is termed `completed virtue.' " (Chao 185-6.)
176. For ## read ## with TPYL 432.1a. (Chao.)
177. Shih 352 No. 202/4.
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