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越 王 勾 踐 使 廉 稽 獻 民 於 荊 王 ， 荊 王 使 者 曰 ： 「 越 、夷 狄 之 國 也 ， 臣 請 欺 其 使 者 。 」 荊 王 曰 ： 「 越 王 、 賢 人也 ， 其 使 者 亦 賢 ， 子 其 慎 之 ！ 」 使 者 出 ， 見 廉 稽 曰 ： 「冠 、 則 得 以 俗 見 ， 不 冠 、 不 得 見 。 」 廉 稽 曰 ： 「 夫 越 、亦 周 室 之 列 封 也 ， 不 得 處 於 大 國 ， 而 處 江 海 之 陂 ， 與 ● 鱣 魚 鱉 為 伍 ， 文 身翦 髮 ， 而 後 處 焉 。 今 來 至 上 國 ， 必 曰： 『 冠 、 得 俗 見 ， 不 冠 、 不 得 見 。 』 如 此 、 則 上 國 使 適越 ， 亦 將 劓 墨 文 身 翦 髮 ， 而 後 得 以 俗 見 ， 可 乎 ？ 」 荊 王聞 之 ， 披 衣 出 謝 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 使 於 四 方 ， 不 辱 君命 ， 可謂 士 矣 。 」
人 之 所 以 好 富 貴 安 樂 ， 為 人 所 稱 譽 者 、 為 身 也 ；惡 貧 賤 危 辱 ， 為 人 所 謗 毀 者 、 亦 為 身 也 。 然 身 何 貴 也 ？莫 貴 於 氣 ； 人 得 氣 則 生 ， 失 氣 則 死 ； 其 氣 非 金 帛 珠 玉 也， 不 可 求 於 人 也 ； 非 繒 布 五 穀 也 ， 不 可 糴 買 而 得 也 ； 在吾 身 耳 ， 不 可 不 慎 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 既 明 且 哲 ， 以 保 其 身 。」
吳 人 伐 楚 ， 昭 王 去 國 ， 國 有 屠 羊 說 從 行 ， 昭 王 反國 ， 賞 從 者 ， 及 說 ， 說 辭 曰 ： 「 君 失 國 ， 臣 所 失 者 屠 ；君 反 國 ， 臣 亦 反 其 屠 。 臣 之 祿 既 厚 ， 又 何 賞 之 ？ 」 辭 不受 命 ， 君 強 之 ， 說 曰 ： 「 君 失 國 ， 非 臣 之 罪 ， 故 不 伏 誅； 君 反 國 ， 非 臣 之 功 、 故 不 受 其 賞 。 吳 師 入 郢 ， 臣 畏 寇避 患 ， 君 反 國 ， 說 何 事 焉 。 」 君 曰 ： 「 不 受 ， 則 見 之 。」 說 對 曰 ： 「 楚 國 之 法 ， 商 人 欲 見 於 君 者 ， 必 有 大 獻 重質 ， 然 後 得 見 。 今 臣 智 不 能 存 國 ， 節 不 能 死 君 ， 勇 不 能待 寇 ， 然 見 之 ， 非 國 法 也 。 」 遂 不 受 命 ， 入 于 澗 中 。 昭王 謂 司 馬 子 期 曰 ： 「 有 人 於 此 ， 居 處 甚 約 ， 議 論 甚 高 ，為 我 求 之 ， 願 為 兄 弟 ， 請 為 三 公 。 」 司 馬 子 期 舍 車 徒 求之 ， 五 日 五 夜 ， 見 之 ， 謂 曰 ： 「 國 危 不 救 ， 非 仁 也 ； 君命 不 從 ， 非 忠 也 ； 惡 富 貴 於 上 ， 甘 貧 苦 於 下 ， 意 者 過 也。 今 君 願 為 兄 弟 ， 請 為 三 公 ， 不 聽 君 ， 何 也 ？ 」 說 曰 ：「 三 公 之 位 ， 我 知 其 貴 於 刀 俎 之 肆 矣 ； 萬 鍾 之 祿 ， 我 知其 富 於 屠 年 之 利 矣 。 今 見 爵 祿 之 利 ， 而 忘 辭 受 之 禮 ， 非所 聞 也 。 」 遂 辭 三 公 之 位 ， 而 反 乎 屠 羊 之 肆 。 君 子 聞 之曰 ： 「 甚 矣 哉 ！ 屠 羊 子 之 為 也 ， 約 己 持 窮 ， 而 處 人 之 國矣 。 」 說 曰 ： 「 何 謂 窮 ？ 吾 讓 之 以 禮 ， 而 終 其 國 也 。 」曰 ： 「 在 深 淵 之 中 ， 而 不 援 彼 之 危 ， 見 昭 王 德 衰 於 吳 ，而 懷 寶 絕 跡 ， 以 病 其 國 ， 欲 獨 全 己 者 也 ， 是 厚 於 己 而 薄於 君 ， 狷 乎 ！ 非 救 世 者 也 。 」 「 何 如 則 可 謂 救 世 矣 ？ 」曰 ： 「 若 申 伯 仲 山 甫 可 謂 救 世 矣 ！ 昔 者 、 周 德 大 衰 ， 道廢 於 厲 ， 申 伯 仲 山 甫 輔 相 宣 王 ， 撥 亂 世 ， 反 之 正 ， 天 下略 振 ， 宗 廟 復 興 ， 申 伯 仲 山 甫 乃 並 順 天 下 ， 匡 救 邪 失 ，喻 德 教 ， 舉 遺 士 ， 海 內 翕 然 向 風 。 故 百 姓 勃 然 詠 宣 王 之德 。 詩 曰 ： 『 周 邦 咸 喜 ， 戎 有 良 翰 。 』 又 曰 ： 『 邦 國 若否 ， 仲 山 甫 明 之 。 既 明 且 哲 ， 以 保 其 身 。 夙 夜 匪 懈 ， 以事 一 人 。 』 如 是 、 可 謂 救 世 矣 。 」
齊 崔 杼 弒 莊 公 ， 荊 蒯 芮 使 晉 而 反 。 其 僕 曰 ： 「 崔杼 弒 莊 公 ， 子 將 奚 如 ？ 」 荊 蒯 芮 曰 ： 「 驅 之 ！ 將 入 死 而報 君 。 」 其 僕 曰 ： 「 君 之 無 道 也 ， 四 鄰 諸 侯 莫 不 聞 也 ，以 夫 子 而 死 之 ， 不 亦 難 乎 ？ 」 荊 蒯 芮 曰 ：「 善 哉 ！ 而 言 也 ！ 早 言 ， 我 能 諫 ； 諫 而 不 用 ， 我 能 去 ；今 既 不 諫 ， 又 不 去 。 吾 聞 之 ； 食 其 食 ， 死 其 事 ， 吾 既 食亂 君 之 食 ， 又 安 得 治 君 而 死 之 ！ 」 遂 驅 車 而 入 ， 死 其 事。 僕 曰 ： 「 人 有 亂 君 ， 猶 必 死 之 ； 我 有 治 長 ， 可 無 死 乎！ 」 乃 結 轡 自 刎 于 車 上 。 君 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 荊 蒯 芮 可 謂守 節 死 義 矣 ， 僕 夫 則 無 為 死 也 ， 猶 飲 食 而 遇 毒 也 。 」 詩曰 ： 「 風 夜 匪 懈 ， 以 事 一 人 。 」 荊 先 生 之 謂 也 。 易 曰 ：「 不 恆 其 德 ， 或 承 之 羞 。 」 僕 夫 之 謂 也 。
遜 而 直 、 上 也 ， 切 次 之 ， 謗 諫 為 下 ， 懦 為 死 。 詩曰 ： 「 柔 亦 不 茹 。 」
宋 萬 與 莊 公 戰 ， 獲 乎 莊 公 ， 莊 公 敗 舍 諸 宮 中 ， 數月 ， 然 後 歸 之 ， 反 為 大 夫 于 宋 。 宋 萬 與 閔 公 博 ， 婦 人 皆在 側 ， 萬 曰 ： 「 甚 矣 ！ 魯 侯 之 淑 ， 魯 侯 之 美 也 ， 天 下 諸侯 宜 為 君 者 、 惟 魯 侯 耳 ！ 」 閔 公 矜 此 婦 人 ， 妒 其 言 ， 顧曰 ： 「 爾 虜 ， 焉 知 魯 侯 之 美 惡 乎 ？ 」 宋 萬 怒 ， 博 閔 公 ，絕 脰 。 仇 牧 聞 君 弒 ， 趨 而 至 ， 遇 之 于 門 ， 手 劍 而 叱 之 ，萬 臂 摋 仇 牧 ， 碎 其 首 ， 齒 著 乎 門 闔 。 仇 牧 可 謂 不 畏 強 禦矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 惟 仲 山 甫 ， 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 。 」
可 於 君 ， 不 可 於 父 ， 孝 子 不 為 也 ； 可 於 父 ，不 可於 君 ， 君 子 不 為 也 。 故 君 不 可 奪 ， 親 亦 不 可 奪 也 。 詩 曰： 「 愷 悌 君 子 ， 四 方 為 則 。 」
黃 帝 即 位 ， 施 惠 承 天 ， 一 道 修 德 ， 惟 仁 是 行 ， 宇內 和 平 ， 未 見 鳳 凰 ， 惟 思 其 象 ， 夙 寐 晨 興 ， 乃 召 天 老 而問 之 ， 曰 ： 「 鳳 象 何 如 ？ 」 天 老 對 曰 ： 「 夫 鳳 象 、 鴻 前麟 後 ， 蛇 頸 而 魚 尾 ， 龍 文 而 龜 身 ， 燕 頷 而 雞 啄 ； 戴 德 負仁 ， 抱 中 挾 義 ； 小 音 金 ， 大 音 鼓 ； 延 頸 奮 翼 ， 五 彩 備 明； 舉 動 八 風 ， 氣 應 時 雨 ； 食 有 質 ， 飲 有 儀 ； 往 即 文 始 ，來 即 嘉 成 ； 惟 鳳 為 能 通 天 祉 ， 應 地 靈 ， 律 五 音 ， 覽 九 德。 天 下 有 道 ， 得 鳳 象 之 一 ， 則 鳳 過 之 ， 得 鳳 象 之 二 ， 則鳳 翔 之 ， 得 鳳 象 之 三 ， 則 鳳 集 之 ， 得 鳳 象 之 四 ， 則 鳳 春秋 下 之 ， 得 鳳 象 之 五 ， 則 鳳 沒 身 居 之 。 」 黃 帝 曰 ：「 於戲 ！ 允 哉 ！ 朕 何 敢 與 焉 。 」 於 是 黃 帝 乃 服 黃 衣 ，戴 黃 冕， 致 齋 于 宮 ， 鳳 乃 蔽 日 而 至 ， 黃 帝 降 于 東 階 ， 西 面 再 拜稽 首 ， 曰 ： 「 皇 天 降 祉 ， 不 敢 不 承 命 。 」 鳳 乃 止 帝 東 國， 集 帝 梧 桐 ， 食 帝 竹 實 ， 沒 身 不 去 。 詩 曰 ： 「 鳳 凰 于 飛， 劌 劌 其 羽 ， 亦 集 爰 止 。 」
魏 文 侯 有 子 曰 擊 ， 次 曰 訴 ， 訴 少 而 立 以 嗣 ， 封 擊中 山 。 三 年 莫 往 來 ， 其 傅 趙 蒼 唐 曰 ： 「 父 忘 子 ， 子 不 可忘 父 ， 何 不 遣 使 乎 ？ 」 擊 曰 ： 「 願 之 ， 而 未 有 所 使 也 。」 蒼 唐 曰 ： 「 臣 請 使 。 」 擊 曰 ： 「 諾 。 」 於 是 乃 問 君 所好 與 所 嗜 ， 曰 ： 「 君 好 北 犬 ， 嗜 晨 鴈 。 」 遂 求 北 犬 晨 鴈賚 行 。 蒼 唐 至 ， 曰 ： 「 北 蕃 中 山 之 君 有 北 犬 晨 鴈 ， 使 蒼唐 再 拜 獻 之 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 擊 知 吾 好 北 犬 晨 鴈 也 ， 則 見使 者 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 擊 無 恙 乎 ？ 」 蒼 唐 唯 唯 而 不 對 ， 三問 而 三 不 對 。 文 侯 曰 ： 「 不 對 何 也 ？ 」 蒼 唐 曰 ： 「 臣 聞： 諸 侯 不 名 。 君 既 已 賜 弊 邑 ， 使 得 小 國 侯 ， 君 問 以 名 ，不 敢 對 也 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 中 山 之 君 無 恙 乎 ？ 」 蒼 唐 曰 ：「 今 者 、 臣 之 來 ， 拜 送 於 郊 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 中 山 之 君 長短 若 何 矣 ？ 」 蒼 唐 曰 ： 「 問 諸 侯 ， 比 諸 侯 ； 諸 侯 之 朝 ，則 側 者 皆 人 臣 ， 無 所 比 之 ， 然 則 、 所 賜 衣 裘 ， 幾 能 勝 之矣 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 中 山 之 君 亦 何 好 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 好 詩。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 於 詩 何 好 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 好 黍 離 與 晨 風 。 」文 侯 曰 ： 「 黍 離 何 哉 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 彼 黍 離 離 ， 彼 稷 之 苗。 行 邁 靡 靡 ， 中 心 搖 搖 。 知 我 者 、 謂 我 心 憂 ； 不 知 我 者、 謂 我 何 求 。 悠 悠 蒼 天 ， 此 何 人 哉 ？ 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 怨 乎？ 」 曰 ： 「 非 敢 怨 也 ， 時 思 也 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 晨 風 謂 何？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 鴥 彼 晨 風 ， 鬱 彼 北 林 。 未 見 君 子 ， 憂 心 欽欽 。 如 何 如 何 ！ 忘 我 實 多 。 」 於 是 文 侯 大 悅 ， 曰 ： 「 欲知 其 子 ， 視 其 母 ； 欲 知 其 君 ， 視 其 所 使 。 中 山 君 不 賢 ，惡 能 得 賢 。 」 遂 廢 太 子 訴 ， 召 中 山 君 以 為 嗣 。 詩 曰 ： 「鳳 凰 于 飛 ， 劌 劌 其 羽 ， 亦 集 爰 止 。 藹 藹 王 多 吉 士 ， 惟 君子 使 ， 媚 于 天 子 。 」 君 子 曰 ： 「 夫 使 、 非 直 敝 車 罷 馬 而已 ， 亦 將 喻 誠 信 ， 通 氣 志 ， 明 好 惡 ， 然 後 可 使 也 。 」
子 賤 治 單 父 其 民 附 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「 告 丘 之 所 以 治 之者 。 」 對 曰 ：「 不 齊 時 發 倉 廩 ， 振 困 窮 ， 補 不 足 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 是 小人 附 耳 ， 未 也 。 」 對 曰 ： 「 賞 有 能 ， 招 賢 才 ， 退 不 肖 。」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 是 士 附 耳 ， 未 也 。 」 對 曰 ： 「 所 父 事 者 三人 ， 所 兄 事 者 五 人 ， 所 友 者 十 有 二 人 ， 所 師 者 一 人 。 」孔 子 曰 ：「 所 父 事 者 三 人 ， 〔 足 以 教 孝 矣 ， 〕 所 兄 事 者五 人 ， 足 以 教 弟 矣 ； 所 友 者 十 有 二 人 ， 足 以 袪 壅 蔽 矣 ；所 師 者 一 人 ， 足 以 慮 無 失 策 ， 舉 無 敗 功 矣 。 惜 乎 ！ 不 齊〔 之 所 為 者 小 也 ， 〕 為 之 大 ， 功 乃 與 堯 舜 參 矣 。 」 詩 曰： 「 愷 悌 君 子 ， 民 之 父 母 。 」 子 賤 其 似 之 矣 。
度 地 圖 居 以 立 國 ， 崇 恩 博 利 以 懷 眾 ， 明 好 惡以 正法 度 ， 率 民 力 稼 ， 學 校 庠 序 以 立 教 ， 事 老 養 孤 以 化 民 ，升 賢 賞 功 以 勸 善 ， 懲 奸 絀 失 以 醜 惡 ， 講 御 習 射 以 防 患 ，禁 奸 止 邪 以 除 害 ， 接 賢 連 友 以 廣 智 ， 宗 親 族 附 以 益 強 。詩 曰 ： 「 愷 悌 君 子 。 」
齊 景 公 使 人 於 楚 ， 楚 王 與 之 上 九 重 之 臺 ， 顧 使 者曰 ： 「 齊 有 臺 若 此 乎 ？ 」 使 者 曰 ： 「 吾 君 有 治 位 之 坐 ，土 階 三 等 ， 茅 茨 不 翦 ， 樸 椽 不 斲 者 ， 猶 以 謂 為 之 者 勞 ，居 之 者 泰 ， 吾 君 惡 有 臺 若 此 者 ！ 」 楚 王 蓋 悒 如 也 。 使 者可 謂 不 辱 君 命 ， 其 能 專 對 矣 。
傳 曰 ： 予 小 子 使 爾 繼 邵 公 之 後 。 受 命 者 必 以其 祖命 之 。 孔 子 為 魯 司 寇 ， 命 之 曰 ： 「 宋 公 之 子 弗 甫 有 孫 魯孔 丘 ， 命 爾 為 司 寇 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 弗 甫 敦 及 厥 辟 ， 將 不堪 。 」 公 曰 ： 「 不 妄 。 」
傳 曰 ： 諸 侯 之 有 德 ， 天 子 錫 之 ： 一 錫 車 馬 ，再 錫衣 服 ， 三 錫 虎 賁 ， 四 錫 樂 器 ， 五 錫 納 陛 ， 六 錫 朱 戶 ， 七錫 弓 矢 ， 八 錫 鈇 鉞 ， 九 錫 秬 鬯 。 詩 曰 ： 「 釐 爾 圭 瓚 ， 秬鬯 一 卣 。 」
齊 景 公 問 子 貢 曰 ： 「 先 生 何 師 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 魯 仲尼 。 」 曰 ： 「 仲 尼 賢 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 聖 人 也 ， 豈 直 賢 哉 ！」 景 公 嘻 然 而 笑 曰 ： 「 其 聖 何 如 ？ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 不 知 也。 」 景 公 悖 然 作 色 曰 ： 「 始 言 聖 人 ， 今 言 不 知 ， 何 也 ？」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 臣 終 身 戴 天 ， 不 知 天 之 高 也 ； 終 身 踐 地 ，不 知 地 之 厚 也 。 若 臣 之 事 仲 尼 ， 譬 猶 渴 操 壺 杓 ， 就 江 海而 飲 之 ， 腹 滿 而 去 ， 又 安 知 江 海 之 深 乎 ？ 」 景 公 曰 ： 「先 生 之 譽 ， 得 無 太 甚 乎 ！ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 臣 賜 何 敢 甚 言 ，尚 慮 不 及 耳 ！ 臣 譽 仲 尼 ， 譬 猶 兩 手 捧 土 而 附 泰 山 ， 其 無益 亦 明 矣 ； 使 臣 不 譽 仲 尼 ， 譬 猶 兩 手 杷 泰 山 ， 無 損 亦 明矣 。 」 景 公 曰 ： 「 善 豈 其 然 ！ 善 豈 其 然 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 綿綿 翼 翼 ， 不 測 不 克 。 」
一 穀 不 升 謂 之 ● ， 二 穀 不 升 謂 之 飢 ， 三 穀 不 升 謂之 饉 ， 四 穀 不 升 謂 之 荒 ， 五 穀 不 升 謂 之 大 侵 。 大 侵 之 禮， 君 食 不 兼 味 ， 臺 榭 不 飾 ， 道 路 不 除 ， 百 官 補 而 不 制 ，鬼 神 禱 而 不 祠 ， 此 大 侵 之 禮 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 我 居 御 卒 荒 。」 此 之 謂 也 。
古 者 、 天 子 為 諸 侯 受 封 ， 謂 之 采 地 ， 百 里 諸 侯 以三 十 里 ， 七 十 里 諸 侯 以 二 十 里 ， 五 十 里 諸 侯 以 十 里 。 其後 子 孫 雖 有 罪 而 絀 ， 使 子 孫 賢 者 守 其 地 ，世 世 以 祠 其 始受 封 之 君 ， 此 之 謂 興 滅 國 ， 繼 絕 世 也 。 書 曰 ： 「 茲 予 享于 先 王 ， 爾 祖 其 從 享 之 。 」
梁 山 崩 ， 晉 君 召 大 夫 伯 宗 ， 道 逢 輦 者 ， 以 其 輦 服其 道 ， 伯 宗 使 其 右 下 ， 欲 鞭 之 。 輦 者 曰 ： 「 君 趨 道 豈 不遠 矣 ， 不 知 事 而 行 ， 可 乎 ？ 」 伯 宗 喜 ， 問 其 所 居 。 曰 ：「 絳 人 也 。 」 伯 宗 曰 ： 「 子 亦 有 聞 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 梁 山 崩， 壅 河 ， 顧 三 日 不 流 ， 是 以 召 子 。 」 伯 宗 曰 ： 「 如 之 何？ 」 曰 ： 「 天 有 山 ， 天 崩 之 ； 天 有 河 ， 天 � 梁 山 崩， 壅 河 ， 顧 三 日 不 流 ， 是 以 召 子 。 」 伯 宗 曰 ： 「 如 之 何？ 」 曰 ： 「 天 有 山 ， 天 崩 之 ； 天 有 河 ， 天 壅 之 。 伯 宗 將如 之 何 ！ 」 伯 宗 私 問 之 。 曰 ： 「 君 其 率 群 臣 ， 素 服 而 哭之 ， 既 而 祠 焉 ， 河 斯 流 矣 。 」 伯 宗 問 其 姓 名 ， 弗 告 。 伯宗 到 ， 君 問 ， 伯 宗 以 其 言 對 。 於 是 君 素 服 ， 率 群 臣 而 哭之 ， 既 而 祠 焉 ， 河 斯 流 矣 。 君 問 伯 宗 何 以 知 之 ， 伯 宗 不言 受 輦 者 ， 詐 以 自 知 。 孔 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 伯 宗 其 無 後 ，攘 人 之 善 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 天 降 喪 亂 ， 滅 我 立 王 。 」 又 曰 ：「 畏 天 之 威 ， 于 時 保 之 。 」
晉 平 公 使 范 昭 觀 齊 國 之 政 ， 景 公 錫 之 宴 ， 晏 子 在前 ， 范 昭 趨 曰 ： 「 願 君 之 倅 樽 以 為 壽 。 」 景 公 顧 左 右 曰： 「 酌 寡 人 樽 ， 獻 之 客 。 」〔 「 范 昭 已 飲 。 」 〕 晏 子 對 曰 ： 「 徹 去 樽 。 」 范 昭 不 說， 起 舞 ， 顧 太 師 曰 ： 「 子 為 我 奏 成 周 之 樂 ， 願 舞 。 」太師 對 曰 ： 「 盲 臣 不 習 。 」 范 昭 起 ， 出 門 。 景 公 謂晏 子 曰： 「 夫 晉 、 天 下 大 國 也 ， 使 范 昭 來 觀 齊 國 之 政 ， 今 子 怒大 國 之 使 者 ， 將 奈 何 ？ 」 晏 子 曰 ： 「 范 昭 之 為 人 也 ， 非陋 而 不 知 禮 也 ， 是 欲 試 吾 君 ， 嬰 故 不 從 。 」 於 是 景 公 召太 師 而 問 之 曰 ： 「 范 昭 使 子 奏 成 周 之 樂 ， 何 故 不 調 ？ 」對 如 晏 子 。 於 是 范 昭 歸 ， 報 平 公 曰 ： 「 齊 未 可 并 也 。 吾試 其 君 ， 晏 子 知 之 ； 吾 犯 其 樂 ， 太 師 知 之 。 」 孔 子 聞 之， 曰 ： 「 善 乎 ！ 晏 子 不 出 俎 豆 之 間 ， 折 衝 千 里 。 」 詩 曰： 「 實 右 序 有 周 ， 薄 言 震 之 ， 莫 不 震 疊 。 」
三 公 者 何 ？ 曰 ： 司 空 、 司 馬 、 司 徒 也 。 司 馬 主 天， 司 空 主 土 ， 司 徒 主 人 。 故 陰 陽 不 和 ， 四 時 不 節 ， 星 辰失 度 ， 災 變 異 常 ， 則 責 之 司 馬 。 山 陵 崩 竭 ， 川 谷 不 流 ，五 穀 不 植 ， 草 木 不 茂 ， 則 責 之 司 空 。 君 臣 不 正 ， 人 道 不和 ， 國 多 盜 賊 ， 下 怨 其 上 ， 則 責 之 司 徒 。 故 三 公 典 其 職， 憂 其 分 ， 舉 其 辯 ， 明 其 隱 ， 此 三 公 之 任 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「濟 濟 多 士 ， 文 王 以 寧 。 」 又 曰 ： 「 明 昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位。 」 言 各 稱 職 也 。
夫 賢 君 之 治 也 ： 溫 良 而 和 ， 寬 容 而 愛 ， 刑 清 而 省， 喜 賞 而 惡 罰 ， 移 風 崇 教 ， 生 而 不 殺 ， 布 惠 施 恩 ， 仁 不偏 與 ， 不 奪 民 力 ， 役 不 踰 時 ， 百 姓 得 耕 ， 家 有 收 聚 ， 民無 凍 餒 ， 食 無 腐 敗 ， 士 不 造 無 用 ， 雕 文 不 粥 于 肆 ， 斧 斤以 時 入 山 林 ， 國 無 佚 士 ， 皆 用 於 世 ， 黎 庶 歡 樂 ， 衍 盈 方外 ， 遠 人 歸 義 ， 重 譯 執 贄 ， 故 得 風 雨 不 烈 。 小 雅 曰 ： 「有 渰 萋 萋 ， 興 雨 祈 祈 。 」 以 是 知 太 平 無 飄 風 暴 雨 明 矣 。
昨 日 何 生 ？ 今 日 何 成 ？ 必 念 歸 厚 ， 必 念 治生 ； 日慎 一 日 ， 完 如 金 城 。 詩 曰 ： 「 我 日 斯 邁 ， 而 月 斯 征 。 夙興 夜 寐 ， 無 忝 爾 所 生 。 」
官 怠 於 有 成 ， 病 加 於 小 愈 ， 禍 生 於 懈 惰 ， 孝 衰 於妻 子 ， 察 此 四 者 、 慎 終 如 始 。 易 曰 ： 「 小 狐 汔 濟 ， 濡 其尾 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 靡 不 有 初 ， 鮮 克 有 終 。 」
孔 子 燕 居 ， 子 貢 攝 齊 而 前 曰 ： 「 弟 子 事 夫 子 有 年矣 ， 才 竭 而 智 罷 ， 振 於 學 問 ， 不 能 復 進 ， 請 一 休 焉 。 」子 曰 ： 「 賜 也 ， 欲 焉 休 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 欲 休 於 事 君 。 」孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 夙 夜 匪 懈 ， 以 事 一 人 。 』 為 之 若 此其 不 易 也 ， 若 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 休 於 事 父 。 」 孔子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 孝 子 不 匱 ， 永 錫 爾 類 。 』 為 之 若 此 其不 易 也 ， 如 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 欲 休 於 事 兄 弟 。 」孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 妻 子 好 合 ， 如 鼓 瑟 琴 。 兄 弟 既 翕 ，和 樂 且 耽 。 』 為 之 若 此 其 不 易 也 ， 如 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰： 「 賜 欲 休 於 耕 田 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 晝 爾 于 茅 ，宵 爾 索 綯 ； 亟 其 乘 屋 ， 其 始 播 � 焉 。 」子 曰 ： 「 賜 也 ， 欲 焉 休 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 欲 休 於 事 君 。 」孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 夙 夜 匪 懈 ， 以 事 一 人 。 』 為 之 若 此其 不 易 也 ， 若 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 休 於 事 父 。 」 孔子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 孝 子 不 匱 ， 永 錫 爾 類 。 』 為 之 若 此 其不 易 也 ， 如 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰 ： 「 賜 欲 休 於 事 兄 弟 。 」孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 妻 子 好 合 ， 如 鼓 瑟 琴 。 兄 弟 既 翕 ，和 樂 且 耽 。 』 為 之 若 此 其 不 易 也 ， 如 之 何 其 休 也 ！ 」 曰： 「 賜 欲 休 於 耕 田 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 詩 云 ： 『 晝 爾 于 茅 ，宵 爾 索 綯 ； 亟 其 乘 屋 ， 其 始 播 百 穀 。 』 為 之 若 此 其 不 易也 ， 若 之 何 其 休 也 。 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 君 子 亦 有 休 乎 ？ 」 孔子 曰 ： 「 闔 棺 兮 乃 止 播 耳 ， 不 知 其 時 之 易 遷 兮 ， 此 之 謂君 子 所 休 也 。 故 學 而 不 已 ， 闔 棺 乃 止 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 日 就月 將 。 」 言 學 者 也 。
魯 哀 公 問 冉 有 曰 ： 「 凡 人 之 質 而 已 ， 將 必 學而 後為 君 子 乎 ？ 」 冉 有 對 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 之 ： 雖 有 良 玉 ，不 刻 鏤， 則 不 成 器 ； 雖 有 美 質 ， 不 學 ， 則 不 成 君 子 。 」 曰 ： 「何 以 知 其 然 也 ？ 」 「 夫 子 路 、 卞 之 野 人 也 ， 子 貢 、 衛 之賈 人 也 ， 皆 學 問 於 孔 子 ， 遂 為 天 下 顯 士 ， 諸 侯 聞 之 ， 莫不 尊 敬 ， 卿 大 夫 聞 之 ， 莫 不 親 愛 ， 學 之 故 也 。 昔 吳 楚 燕代 謀 為 一 舉 而 欲 伐 秦 ， 祧 賈 、 監 門 之 子 也 ， 為 秦 往 使 也， 遂 絕 其 謀 ， 止 其 兵 ， 及 其 反 國 ， 秦 王 大 悅 ， 立 為 上 卿。 夫 百 里 奚 、 齊 之 乞 者 也 ， 逐 於 齊 西 ， 無 以 進 ， 自 賣 五羊 皮 ， 為 一 軛 車 ， 見 秦 繆 公 ， 立 為 相 ， 遂 霸 西 戎 。 太 公望 少 為 人 婿 ， 老 而 見 去 ， 屠 牛 朝 歌 ， 賃 於 棘 津 ， 釣 於 磻溪 ， 文 王 舉 而 用 之 ， 封 於 齊 。 管 仲 親 射 桓 公 ， 遂 除 報 讎之 心 ， 立 以 為 相 ， 存 亡 繼 絕 ， 九 合 諸 侯 ， 一 匡 天 下 。 此四 子 者 、 皆 嘗 卑 賤 窮 辱 矣 、 然 其 名 聲 馳 於 後 世 ， 豈 非 學問 之 所 致 乎 ？ 由 此 觀 之 ， 士 必 學 問 然 後 成 君 子 。 詩 曰 ：『 日 就 月 將 。 』 」 於 是 哀 公 嘻 然 而 笑 曰 ： 「 寡 人 雖 不 敏， 請 奉 先 生 之 教 矣 。 」
曾 子 有 過 ， 曾 晢 引 杖 擊 之 ， 仆 地 ， 有 間 ， 乃 蘇 ，起 曰 ： 「 先 生 得 無 病 乎 ？ 」 魯 人 賢 曾 子 ， 以 告 夫 子 。 夫子 告 門 人 ： 「 參 來 ， 〔 勿 內 也〕 。 」 曾 參 自 以 無 罪 ， 使 人謝 孔 子 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「汝 不 聞 ： 昔 者 、 舜 為 人 子 乎 ？ 小箠 則 待 笞 ， 大 杖 則 逃 。 索 而 使 之 ， 未 嘗 不 在 側 ； 索 而 殺之 ， 未 嘗 可 得 。 今 汝 委 身 以 待 暴 怒 ， 拱 立 不 去 ， 殺 身 以陷 父 不 義 ， 其 不 孝 孰 大 焉 ？ 汝 非 王 者 之 民 〔 也 ， 殺 王 者之 民 〕 ， 其 罪 何 如 ？ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 優 哉 柔 哉 ！ 亦 是 戾 矣 ！」 又 曰 ： 「 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪 怒 伊 教 。 」
齊 景 公 使 人 為 弓 ， 三 年 乃 成 ， 景 公 得 弓 而射 ， 不穿 三 札 ， 景 公 怒 ， 將 殺 弓 人 。 弓 人 之 妻 往 見 景 公 曰 ： 「蔡 人 之 子 ， 弓 人 之 妻 也 。 此 弓 者 、 太 山 之 南 ， 烏 號 之 柘， 騂 牛 之 角 ， 荊 麋 之 筋 ， 河 魚 之 膠 也 。 四 物 、 天 下 之 練材 也 ， 不 宜 穿 札 之 少 如 此 。 且 妾 聞 ： 奚 公 之 車 ， 不 能 獨走 ； 莫 邪 雖 利 ， 不 能 獨 斷 ； 必 有 以 動 之 。 夫 射 之 道 ： 在手 若 附 枝 ， 掌 若 握 卵 ， 四 指 如 斷 短 杖 ， 右 手 發 之 ， 左 手不 知 ， 此 蓋 射 之 道 。 」 景 公 以 為 儀 而 射 之 ， 穿 七 札 ， 蔡人 之 夫 立 出 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 好 是 正 直 。 」
齊 有 得 罪 於 景 公 者 ， 景 公 大 怒 ， 縛 置 之 殿下 ， 召左 右 肢 解 之 ， 敢 諫 者 誅 。 晏 子 左 手 持 頭 ， 右 手 磨 刀 ， 仰而 問 曰 ： 「 古 者 明 王 聖 主 其 肢 解 人 ， 不 審 從 何 肢 解 始 也？ 」 景 公 離 席 曰 ： 「 縱 之 ， 罪 在 寡 人 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 好 是正 直 。 」
傳 曰 ： 「 居 處 齊 則 色 姝 ， 食 飲 齊 則 氣 珍 ， 言 語 齊則 信 聽 ， 思 齊 則 成 ， 志 齊 則 盈 。 五 者 齊 ， 斯 神 居 之 。 詩曰 ： 「 既 和 且 平 ， 依 我 磬 聲 。 」
魏 文 侯 問 狐 卷 子 曰 ： 「 父 賢 足 恃 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「不 足 。 」 「 子 賢 足 恃 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 不 足 。 」 「 兄 賢 足恃 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 不 足 。 」 「 弟 賢 足 恃 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 不足 。 」 「 臣 賢 足 恃 乎 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 不 足 。 」 文 侯 勃 然 作色 而 怒 曰 ： 「 寡 人 問 此 五 者 於 子 ， 一 一 皆 以 為 不 足 者 ，何 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 父 賢 不 過 堯 ， 而 丹 朱 放 ； 子 賢 不 過 舜， 而 瞽 瞍 頑 ； 兄 賢 不 過 舜 ， 而 象 傲 ； 弟 賢 不 過 周 公 ， 而管 叔 誅 ； 臣 賢 不 過 湯 武 ， 而 桀 紂 伐 。 望 人 者 不 至 ， 恃人者 不 久 。 君 欲 治 ， 從 身 始 ， 人 何 可 恃 乎 ？ 」 詩曰 ： 「 自求 伊 祜 。 」
湯 作 護 。 聞 其 宮 聲 ， 使 人 溫 良 而 寬 大 ； 聞 其商 聲， 使 人 方 廉 而 好 義 ； 聞 其 角 聲 ， 使 人 惻 隱 而 愛 仁 ； 聞 其徵 聲 ， 使 人 樂 養 而 好 施 ； 聞 其 羽 聲 ， 使 人 恭 敬 而 好 禮 。詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」
孔 子 曰 ： 「 易 先 同 人 ， 後 大 有 ， 承 之 以 謙 ， 不 亦可 乎 ？ 」 故 天 道 虧 盈 而 益 謙 ， 地 道 變 盈 而 流 謙 ， 鬼 神 害盈 而 福 謙 ， 人 道 惡 盈 而 好 謙 。 謙 者 、 抑 事 而 損 者 也 ， 持盈 之 道 ， 抑 而 損 之 ， 此 謙 德 之 於 行 也 ， 順 之 者 吉 ， 逆 之者 凶 。 五 帝 既 沒 ， 三 王 既 衰 ， 能 行 謙 德 者 ， 其 惟 周 公 乎！ 文 王 之 子 ， 武 王 之 弟 ， 成 王 之 叔 父 ， 假 天 子 之 尊 位 七年 ， 所 執 贄 而 帥 見 者 十 人 ， 所 還 質 而 友 見 者 十 三 人 ， 窮巷 白 屋 之 士 所 先 見 者 四 十 九 人 ， 時 進 善 者 百 人 ， 宮 朝 者千 人 ， 諫 臣 五 人 ， 輔 臣 五 人 ， 拂 臣 六 人 ， 載 干 戈 以 至 於封 侯 ， 而 同 姓 之 士 百 人 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 猶 以 周 公 為 天 下 賞， 則 以 同 族 為 眾 ， 而 異 族 為 寡 也 。 」 故 德 行 寬 容 、 而 守之 以 恭 者 榮 ； 土 地 廣 大 、 而 守 之 以 儉 者 安 ； 位 尊 祿 重 、而 守 之 以 卑 者 貴 ； 人 眾 兵 強 、 而 守 之 以 畏 者 勝 ； 聰 明 睿智 、 而 守 之 以 愚 者 哲 ； 博 聞 強 記 、 而 守 之 以 淺 者 不 溢 。此 六 者 皆 謙 德 也 。 易 曰 ： 「 謙 、 亨 ， 君 子 有 終 ， 吉 。 」能 以 此 終 吉 者 、 君 子 之 道 也 。 貴 為 天 子 ， 富 有 四 海 ， 而德 不 謙 ， 以 亡 其 自 身 者 、 桀 紂 是 也 ， 而 況 眾 庶 乎 ！ 夫 易有 一 道 焉 ， 大 足 以 治 天 下 ， 中 足 以 安 家 國 ， 近 足 以 守 其身 者 、 其 惟 謙 德 乎 ！ 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」
昔 者 、 田 子 方 出 ， 見 老 馬 於 道 ， 喟 然 有 志 焉 ， 以問 御 者 曰 ： 「 此 何 馬 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 故 公 家 畜 也 ， 罷 而 不為 用 ， 故 出 放 也 。 」 田 子 方 曰 ： 「 少 盡 其 力 ， 而 老 去 其身 ， 仁 者 不 為 也 。 」 束 帛 而 贖 之 。 窮 士 聞 之 ， 知 所 歸 心矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」
齊 莊 公 出 獵 ， 有 螳 蜋 舉 足 將 摶 其 輪 。 問 其 御 曰 ：「 此 何 蟲 也 ？ 」 御 曰 ： 「 此 螳 蜋 也 。 其 為 蟲 、 知 進 而 不知 退 ， 不 量 力 而 輕 就 敵 。 」 莊 公 曰 ： 「 以 為 人 ， 必 為 天下 勇 士 矣 。 」 於 是 迴 車 避 之 。 而 勇 士 歸 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 湯降 不 遲 。 」
魏 文 侯 問 李 克 曰 ： 「 人 有 惡 乎 ？ 」 李 克 曰 ： 「 有。 夫 貴 者 、 則 賤 者 惡 之 ， 富 者 、 則 貧 者 惡 之 ， 智 者 、 則愚 者 惡 之 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 善 行 此 三 者 、 使 人 勿 惡 ， 亦 可乎 ？ 」 李 克 曰 ： 「 可 。 臣 聞 ： 貴 而 下 賤 ， 則 眾 弗 惡 也 ；富 能 分 貧 ， 則 窮 士 弗 惡 也 ； 智 而 教 愚 ， 則 童 蒙 者 弗 惡 也。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 善 哉 言 乎 ！ 堯 舜 其 猶 病 諸 ！ 寡 人 雖 不 敏， 請 守 斯 語 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 不 遑 啟 處 。 」
有 鳥 於 此 ， 架 巢 於 葭 葦 之 顛 ， 天 喟 然 而 風 ，則 葭折 而 巢 壞 何 ？ 其 所 托 者 弱 也 。 稷 蜂 不 攻 ， 而 社 鼠 不 薰 ，非 以 稷 蜂 社 鼠 之 神 ， 其 所 托 者 善 也 。 故 聖 人 求 聖 者 以 輔。 夫 吞 舟 之 魚 大 矣 ， 蕩 而 失 水 ， 則 為 螻 蟻 所 制 ， 失 其 輔也 。 故 曰 ： 不 明 爾 德 ， 時 無 背 無 側 ； 爾 德 不 明 ， 以 無 陪無 卿 。 」
King Kou-chien of Yüeh sent Lien Chi 2 to make a present of some citizens 3 to the King of Ching. The King of Ching's emmisary said, "Yüeh is a barbarian state. I would like to impose on their envoy."
The King of Ching said, "Both the King of Yüeh and his envoy are sages. You had better be careful."
The emissary went out to see Lien Chi and said, "If you wear an official cap, you will be granted a ceremonial 4 interview, but if you do not wear a cap, you will not get an interview."
Lien Chi said, "Now [the ruling family of] Yüeh also received their fief from the House of Chou. Not finding a place among the Great States 5 they dwelt beside the Chiang and the ocean, with yüan-chan and yü-pieh6 for companions. They tattooed their bodies and cut off their hair, and their descendants lived there. 7 Now when I am come to your state you insist on saying that I will be granted an interview if I wear an official cap and not otherwise. By the same token, if your country sends someone to Yüeh, he will have to cut off his nose and submit to branding, tattoo his body and cut off his hair before he will be granted a ceremonial interview. Do you approve?"
When the King of Ching heard what he had said, he put on [court] dress and came out to thank him [for his present]. Confucius said, 8
"He who, when sent to any quarter, will not disgrace his prince's commission deserves to be called an officer."
The reason we love riches and honor, ease and fame, the which others praise us for, is for our bodies. It is also for the sake of our bodies that we hate poverty and meanness, danger and shame, the which others despise us for. But of our bodies, what is most valuable? Nothing is more valuable than ch`i.9 When a man gets ch`i he lives; when he loses it he dies. His ch`i is not gold or silk, pearls or jade, and it cannot be sought from others. It is not painted cloth or the five cereals, and it cannot be got by purchase. It exists solely in our own bodies. One cannot but be careful.
The Ode says, 10
The people of Wu attacked Ch`u and King Chao left the country. There was a sheep butcher of the country [named] Yüeh, 12 who followed him in his exile. When King Chao returned to his state, he rewarded those who had followed him. When it came Yüeh's turn he refused [a reward], saying, "When His Highness lost his state, what I lost was my butchery. When he came back to his state, I also came back to my butchery. My income is adequate; 13 what need is there for a reward?" He refused to obey the command.
When the prince insisted, Yüeh said, "That he lost his state was not my fault, so I have not prostrated myself for punishment. That he came back to his state was not my merit, so I may not receive any reward for it. When the army from Wu entered Ying, I was afraid of the invaders and fled from harm. What part could I possibly have had in his returning?"
The prince said, "Since he will not accept [a reward], grant him an audience."
Yüeh sent back word, "By the laws of the state of Ch`u, if a merchant wants an audience with the prince, he must have a large present or valuable goods to offer 14 before he is granted the interview. Now my knowledge is inadequate to preserving the state, my sense of duty (i) unequal to dying for my prince, and my courage not enough to make me face an invader. To grant me an audience in spite of this would be going against the laws of the state." He persisted in not accepting the command and retired to the Chien [River].
King Chao said to the Ssŭ-ma Tzŭ-ch`i, 15 "Here is a man who is living in most straitened circumstances, and whose discourse is extremely exalted. Seek him out for me. I desire to make him my sworn brother and would like to make him a san-kung."
The Ssŭ-ma Tzŭ-ch`i, after leaving his carriage, went on foot five days and five nights to seek him. On finding him he said, "Not to rescue the state when it is in danger is to fail in jên. Not to obey the prince's commands is to fail in loyalty. 16 On the one hand to hate riches and honor, and on the other to be satisfied with poverty and discomfort, seems to me excessive. Now our Prince desires to make you his sworn brother and would like to make you a san-kung. What are you to do if you refuse to obey your prince?"
Yüeh said, "I know that the position of san-kung is more honorable than a butcher shop, 17 and that an income of ten thousand chung is more than one makes from slaughtering sheep. But I have not heard that one should see [only] the benefits of rank and salary and forget what conduct is proper (i) in matters of refusing and accepting." In the end he refused the position of san-kung and returned to his sheep butchery.
On hearing of this the superior man says, "Extreme indeed was the conduct of his honor this butcher! Limiting himself and clinging to poverty, he [continued to] live in another man's state." 18
Yüeh said, "What do you mean poverty? Having refused it on grounds of li, I [have the right to] live out my life in his state."
"To live in seclusion and fail to help when [the state is] in a precarious situation, to see King Chao's virtue decline in the face of Wu, and to find fault with one's state while `cherishing one's jewel,' and withdrawing oneself with the sole desire of self-perfection—this is to be generous toward oneself but miserly toward one's prince. Being overcautious, he is not one to save the world."
"What is he like, one who may be called a savior of the world?"
"One like the Chief of Shên or Chung Shan-fu can be called a savior of the world. Of old when the virtue of Chou greatly declined and the True Way had been lost under [King] Li, the Chief of Shên and Chung Shan-fu assisted King Hsüan. They regulated a time of confusion and restored things to their proper condition. 19 The empire was to a certain extent put into order, and the ancestral temples again flourished. The Chief of Shên and Chung Shan-fu unified the empire and enforced obedience; they rectified the depraved and saved the lost. They gave out virtuous instruction and promoted neglected gentlemen. All within the seas united in responding to their influence. Hence the people spontaneously sang of King Hsüan's virtue. The Ode says, 20
Another says, 21
One like this can be called a savior of the world."
When Ts`ui Chu of Ch`i assassinated Duke Chuang, 23 Ching K`uai-jui 24 was on a mission to Chin. As he returned, [his driver said, "Ts`ui Chu has assassinated Duke Chuang. What shall you do?"
Ching K`uai-jui said, "Drive quickly. I am going to enter (the capital) and die so as to repay my prince."] 25
His driver said, "None of the neighboring feudal lords in every direction but has heard of the lack of principle on the part of our ruler. Is it not a difficult thing to expect you, Master, to die for him?"
Ching K`uai-jui said, "Wellp lang="english">Ching K`uai-jui said, "Well said! 26 [But it comes too late.] Had you spoken earlier, I might have remonstrated. Then if he failed to make use of my remonstrance, I would have been able to leave. But now since I did not remonstrate and did not leave— as I have heard, `You eat his food and you die for his cause.' Since I have eaten the food of a bad prince, 27 how am I to get a good prince 28 to die for?" And making haste in his chariot he entered [the capital] and died. 29
The driver said, "If a man with a bad prince 30 must still die for him, can I, who had a good master, 31 do anything but die?" And tying the reins, he cut his throat in the chariot.
On hearing of this the superior man says, "It can be said of Ching K`uai-jui that he preserved his virtue and died for his principles (i). The driver, however, had no reason to die. It was like encountering poison in eating or drinking. 32 The Ode says, 33
This could be said of Master Ching. The I [ching] says, 34 `One who does not continuously maintain his virtue. There are those who will impute this to him as a disgrace.' This could be said of the driver."
[In a minister], to be yielding and yet upright is best. To be exact is next. Last of all is to be carpingly critical. Utter weakness means death.
The Ode says, 36
Wan of Sung fought with Duke Chuang and was captured by him. 38 Duke Chuang detained 39 him in the palace. After several months he sent him back to Sung, where he again took up his position as Great Officer. Wan of Sung was playing with Duke Min at chess, and all the [palace] women were looking on. Wan said, "The Marquis of Lu is a very fine man. Such is his beauty that of all the feudal lords only he is fit to be a prince."
Duke Min esteemed the women present and was made jealous by his remark. Turning he said, "You were a prisoner there; what do you know about the beauty of the Marquis of Lu?" 40
Wan of Sung was enraged and struck Duke Min, breaking his neck. Ch`ou Mu, hearing that the Prince had been assassinated, rushed to him and met [Wan] at the door. Grasping his sword he cursed him, and Wan hit him with the full force of his arm, 41 shattering his skull so that his teeth scattered (?) on the door sill. It may be said of Ch`ou Mu that he "did not fear the strong or the oppressive." 42
The Ode says, 43
If a thing is approved by his prince but not approved by his father, the filial son will not do it. If it is approved by his father but not by his prince, the superior man likewise will not do it. Thus it is not proper to do violence to either one's prince or one's parents. 44 The Ode says, 45
When Huang-ti ascended the throne, he diffused grace, followed [the ordinances of] Heaven, 47 unified the Way, rectified virtue, practicing only what was jên, and the world was at peace. As yet the phoenix had not appeared, and he thought only of its signs. He went early to bed and rose early in the morning. 48 He summoned T`ien-lao and asked, "What are the signs of the phoenix?"
T`ien-lao answered, "As to the signs of the phoenix, its front is like a swan and its back like a lin. It has a neck like a snake and a tail like a fish; it is marked like a dragon and has a body like a tortoise; it has the beak of a swallow and it pecks like a chicken. 49 On its head it carries Virtue, on its back it bears jên; it embraces Sincerity, and under its wing it clasps i.50 Its low cry is like a gong, its loud cry like a drum. When it stretches its neck and flaps its wings, the five colors all shine forth and the eight winds 51 are put into motion. Its ch`i corresponds with seasonable rain. In eating it shows moderation; in drinking, deportment. It passes by, and civilization begins. It comes, and everything good is complete. 52 Only the phoenix is able to spread the blessings of Heaven and respond to the bounty of Earth, arrange the five sounds and oversee the nine virtues. 53 When the empire has the proper Way and has achieved one of the signs of the phoenix, then the phoenix passes through. When it achieves the second sign, it soars above. With the third, it alights there. With the forth, it descends all year around. With the fifth it lives all its life long in the state."
Huang-ti said, "Alas, in truth how would I dare associate myself with [these signs]?" Whereupon he put on yellow robes and [wore a yellow girdle and] 54 yellow hat, and rigorously purified himself 55 inside the palace, and then phoenixes came [in flocks] covering the sun. Huang-ti descended the Eastern Steps and, facing west, repeatedly bowed, striking his head on the ground and said, "August Heaven sends down its blessing, and I dare not but accept its mandate." Thereupon the phoenixes stopped in the Emperor's eastern park, 56 perching in the Emperor's wut`ung trees 57 and eating the Emperor's bamboo seeds. There they stayed to the end of their lives without leaving.
The Ode says, 58
Marquis Wên of Wei had one son named Chi and a younger named Hsin. 60 Though Hsin was the younger, he appointed him successor, 61 and gave Chi the fief of Chung-shan, where for three years [he lived] without any intercourse [with his father]. His tutor Chao Ts`ang-t`ang 62 [remonstrated] saying, 63 "Though a father forget his son, it is not proper for a son to forget his father. Why do you not send a messanger to him?"64
Chi said, "I would like to, but there is no one to send."
Ts`ang-t`ang said, "Let me go." When Chi agreed, he asked what the Prince liked and what he was fond of [eating].
[Chi] said, "He likes northern dogs, and is fond of morning geese." 65 So he asked for a northern dog and a morning goose to take along as a present.
When Ts`ang-t`ang got there he said, "The Prince of Chung-shan, your vassal on the north, having a northern dog and a morning goose, has charged Ts`ang-t`ang to present them, bowing repeatedly."
Marquis Wên said, "Chi knows I like northern dogs and am fond of morning goose." And so he granted an audience to the envoy. Marquis Wên said, "Chi has nothing wrong with his health?"
Ts`ang-t`ang stammered without replying. Thrice he asked and thrice he failed to answer. Marquis Wên said, "Why do you not answer me?"
Ts`ang-t`ang said, "I have heard that feudal lords do not address one another by given names. Since you have granted him a insignificant fief, enabling him to become marquis of a small state, I dare not answer when you use his given name in asking about him."
Marquis Wên said, "The Prince of Shung-shan has nothing wrong with his health?"
Ts`ang-t`ang said, "On this occasion when I came to offer his respects, he escorted me to the suburbs."
Marquis Wên asked, "How tall is the Prince of Chung-shan [now]?" 66
Ts`ang-t`ang said, "When you ask about one feudal lord, it is in comparison with other feudal lords. In the court of a feudal lord, those who stand by his side are all subjects, 67 and there is no one to compare him with. But he has almost grown out of the clothes and furs you gave him [when he went away]."
Marquis Wên said, "Just what does the Prince of Chung-shan like?"
He replied, "He likes the Odes."
Marquis Wên said, "Which of the Odes does he like?"
"He likes the shu-li68 and the ch`ên-fêng." 69
Marquis Wên said, "How does the shu-li go?"
Marquis Wên said, "Is he resentful?"
"He would not dare be resentful. He is constantly thinking [of you]."
Marquis Wên said, "How does the ch`ên-fêng go?"
Whereupon Marquis Wên was very glad and said, "If you want to know about your son, look to the mother, and if you want to know about a prince, look to his envoy. If the Prince of Chung-shan were not a sage, how could he have got a sage [to be his envoy]?" 71 In the end he degraded the Heir Apparent Hsin and, summoning the Prince of Chung-shan, made him his successor.
The Ode says, 72
The superior man says, if an envoy is not upright, it is just a waste of horses and carriage [to send him on a mission]. He must [be able to] convey sincerity and transmit [his master's] will, making clear what is desirable and what is not, before he can be sent on a mission.
When Tzŭ-chien governed Shan-fu, the people adhered to him. Confucius said, "Tell me the means you employ in governing them."
He replied, "At the proper seasons I open the public granaries, aid 74 those in trouble, and help those who have not sufficient."
Confucius said, "This merely brings over the common people. 75 It is not enough."
"I reward the capable, summon those with great abilities, and retire the unworthy."
Confucius said, "This merely brings over the upper classes. It is not enough."
"There are three men I treat as one treats a father, five I treat as elder brothers, twelve I treat as friends, and one I treat as my teacher."
Confucius said, "Treating the three men as fathers [is enough to teach filial pietly]; 76 treating five as elder brothers is enough to teach fraternal feeling; 77 treating twelve men as friends is enough to do away with impediments to access to yourself; treating [even] one man as a teacher is sufficient guarantee that in plans you will not lack devices, and in undertakings you will not fall short of success. 78 Alas, the place you govern is small. 79 If it were large, you might be classed together with Yao and Shun."
The Ode says, 80
Tzŭ-chien resembles him.
By measuring the land and making plans [for the people] to live in it [the ruler] establishes his state. By magnifying his bounty and widening profit he cherishes the masses. By making [the distinction between] good and evil clear he rectifies the laws. He leads the people to devote their energies to agriculture. . . . 81 [By establishing] educational institutions 82 he instructs the people. By serving the old and nourishing the orphaned he transforms the people. By promoting the worthy and rewarding the meritorious he encourages [people] to do good. By punishing the wicked and dismissing the negligent he makes evil hateful. By encouraging the practice of driving and archery he guards against trouble. By forbidding treachery and putting a stop to depravity he gets rid of harm. By receiving the worthy and meeting friends he spreads knowledge. By granting honors to his relatives and bringing together those near to him he increases his strength. The Ode says, 83
Duke Ching of Ch`i sent an envoy to Ch`u. The King of Ch`u climbed the Nine-storied Tower with him and turning to the envoy said, "Has Ch`i 85 such a tower as this?"
The envoy said, "My prince has a throne room 86 with three tiers of earthen steps. The grass thatch is untrimmed, the unpainted rafters 87 are not finished, and still he feared those who built it would be overworked and he who dwells in it [to much] exalted. How could my prince have a tower such as this?" 88 Whereupon the King of Ch`u was ill at ease. Of the envoy it can be said that "he did not disgrace his prince's commission," 89 but was able to answer on his own initiative.
The traditional statement, "I who am as a little child 91 cause you to continue as heir to the Duke of Shao," . . . Those receiving a command were always named in terms of their ancestor. When Confucius was made ssŭ-k`ou of Lu, the order read, "Fu-fu, son of a Duke of Sung, has 92 [this] descendant K`ung Ch`iu of Lu. I order you to be ssŭ-k`ou."
Confucius said, "Fu-fu's purity reached to his sovereign. 93Moreover I am not worthy."
The Duke [of Lu] said, "Be not careless."
According to tradition, to the virtuous among the feudal lords the Son of Heaven gives presents. The first gift is carriages; the second is clothes; the third, a bodyguard; the fourth, a musical instrument; the fifth, an audience; 95 the sixth, vermilion doors; the seventh, bow and arrows; the eighth, a battle-ax; the ninth, millet wine. 96 The Ode says, 97
Duke Ching of Ch`i said to Tzŭ-kung, "Whom do you serve as your teacher?"
He replied, "Chung-ni of Lu."
"Is this Chung-ni a sage?"
"He is a saint, not merely a sage."
Duke Ching laughed slightingly and said, "Wherein does his saintliness consist?"
Tzŭ-kung said, "I do not know."
Duke Ching quickly 99 colored up and said, "First you say he is a saint, and now you say you do not know. What do you mean?"
Tzŭ-kung said, "All my life long I have had heaven over my head, and I still do not know the height of heaven. All my life long I have trodden upon the earth, and still I do not know the thickness of the earth. My serving Chung-ni is comparable to a thirsty man who grasps the handle of a pitcher and goes to the river or the lake, drinks his fill, and leaves. How is he also to know the depth of the river or lake?"
Duke Ching said, "Are you not overpraising him?"
Tzŭ-kung said, "How would your servant Tz`ŭ dare speak extravagantly? I only fear that I have still not done him justice. If I praise Chung-ni, it is comparable to lifting up a double handful of earth and adding it to Mt. T`ai: it is perfectly obvious that there is no increase [in the size of the mountain]. If I do not praise Chung-ni, it is comparable to scratching up a double handful [of earth] from Mt. T`ai: it is perfectly obvious that there would be no decrease."
Duke Ching said, "Is there such goodness as this? Is there such goodness as this?
The Ode says, 100
When one of the [five] cereals does not ripen, it is called want; when two do not ripen, it is called famine; when three do not ripen it is called dearth; when four do not ripen it is called desolation; 103 when all five do not ripen it is called a major disaster. [Here are] the rites practiced during a major disaster: the prince in eating does not combine flavors; towers and lookouts are not decorated; roads are not cleared; among the various officials [vacancies] are made good, but no new offices are established; 104 spirits are prayed to but not sacrificed to. Such are the rites practiced during a major disaster. The Ode says, 105
This is what is referred to.
Of old of the fiefs which the Son of Heaven caused to be conferred on the feudal lords, there were [parts] called "designated lands." 108 A feudal lords of a hundred li reserved thirty li, one of seventy li reserved twenty li, one of fifty li reserved ten li. Their successors, though they should be guilty of a crime and dispossessed, [were not dispossessed of their "designated lands,"] 109 so that their descendants, if worthy, might preserve these lands, generation after generation using [the income from them] to make sacrifices to the prince [of their line] who first received the fief. This is what is called "reviving states that have been extinguished and restoring families whose line of succession has been broken." 110
The Shu [ching] says, 111 "Now when I offer the [great] sacrifices to my predecessors, your forefathers are present to share [in them]."
There was a landslide on Mt. Liang. The Prince of Chin summoned the Great Officer Po-tsung, 113 who on the way [to court] ran into a man pulling a cart. The cart turned over, 114 and Po-tsung had his spearman on the right get down, intending he should whip the man. The carter said, "If you kept on hurrying along the road, you would [already] be well on your way. 115 Is it right to travel without knowing what you are about?"
Po-tsung was pleased and asked where he lived. He said, "I am a native of Chiang."
Po-tsung said, "And have you heard any news?"
"Mt. Liang has had a landslide that blocked up the River, so that for three days no water has flowed. This is why you have been summoned."
Po-tsung said, "What is to be done?"
"The mountain is Heaven's, and Heaven caused it to collapse. The River is Heaven's, and Heaven caused it to be blocked up. What can Po-tsung do about it?"
Po-tsung took him aside 116 and interrogated him. He said, "Let the prince lead his assembled ministers in donning plain mourning clothes and weeping. After that, perform sacrifices [to the spirits of the River and the mountain]. Then the River will flow." Po-tsung asked his family and name, but he would not tell.
When Po-tsung arrived, the prince asked him [for advice], and he replied in the man's words. Whereupon the prince wore plain mourning and led the assembled ministers in weeping. After that he performed the sacrifices, and the River flowed. The prince asked Po-tsung how he had known [that he should do this], and Po-tsung falsely passed it off as his idea without revealing that he had got it from the carter.
When Confucius heard of this he said, "Po-tsung will be without posterity, stealing another man's credit."
The Ode says, 117
Another says, 118
When Duke P`ing of Chin sent Fan Chao to inspect the government of the state of Ch`i, 120 Duke Ching [of Ch`i] gave a banquet for him. Yen-tzŭ was up in front. Fan Chao hurried forward and said, "I would like Your Highness to have a servant fill a goblet that I might drink to your health."
Duke Ching turned to his attendant and said, "Fill my goblet and present it to our guest."
[After Fan Chao had drunk,] Yen-tzŭ said, 121 "Take the goblet away."
Fan Chao was not pleased. He got up to dance and turning to the Grand Music Master said, "Play the music of Ch`êng-chou for me; I want to dance." 122
The Grand Music Master replied, "Your blind servant 123 is not practiced in it." Fan Chao hastily left. 124
Duke Ching said to Yen-tzŭ, "Chin is the greatest state in the empire, and when they send Fan Chao to come here to inspect the government of the state of Ch`i, you anger him, the envoy of that great state. What are we to do?"
Yen-tzŭ said, "Fan Chao, by character, is not a vulgar man, ignorant of etiquette (li). The object [of his coming] was to try us, prince [and subjects]. 125 That is why I did not fall in with [his desires]."
Then Duke Ching summoned the Grand Music Master and asked, "When Fan Chao would have had you play the music of Ch`êng-chou, why did you not do it?" He replied as had Yen-tzŭ. 126
Afterwards Fan Chao went back and reported to Duke P`ing, "Ch`i cannot yet be annexed. I tried their prince, and Yen-tzŭ knew [what I was about]. I went against their [principles in the matter of] music, and the Grand Music Master knew [what I was doing]."
When Confucius heard of this he said, "Excellent. Yen-tzŭ, without leaving the sacrificial vessels, could act as a buffer a thousand li away." 127
The Ode says, 128
What are the san-kung? They are the ssŭ-k`ung, the ssŭ-ma,131 and the ssŭ-t`u. The ssŭ-ma is in charge of heaven; the ssŭ-k`ung is in charge of earth; 132 the ssŭ-t`u is in charge of man. So when yin and yang are not adjusted, when [the weather of] the four seasons is not seasonable, when stars and constellations miss their courses, and calamaties are out of the ordinary, the responsibility devolves upon the ssŭ-ma. When mountains and hills fall and collapse, when rivers and streams do not flow, when the five cereals do not grow, and plants do not thrive, the responsibility devolves upon the ssŭ-k`ung. When ruler and subjects are not in their correct places, when the Way of Man is not harmonious, when in the state thieves and rebels are numerous, and inferiors resent their superiors, the responsibility devolves upon the ssŭ-t`u. The san-kung take carge of their offices, [each] anxious about his own duties, each offering his suggestions, and each clarifying what is obscure 133 [in his task]: such are the duties of the san-kung.
The Ode says, 134
Another says, 135
It speaks of each fitting his office.
The sage prince in his government is mild, good, and friendly; generous, tolerant, and loving; upright, pure, and clear-sighted. He rejoices in rewarding and hates to punish. He reforms customs and honors good teaching. He lets the living live (?) and does not kill. He spreads kindness and diffuses grace. He practices jên and does not show favoritism in his gifts. He does not rob the people's strength. In the corvée, he does not overstep the [regular] times. The people are able to do their plowing, and each household has its harvest and its reserve. The people are without cold or hunger; food is not allowed to spoil. Craftsmen 136 do not make useless articles; carved and decorated things are not sold in the market. "Axes and bills enter mountains and forests at the proper time." 137 In the state there are no neglected gentlemen; in every case they are of service to their own generation. The black-haired people's happiness overflows to 138 the lands outside. People from distant countries come to submit with many interpreters, 139 bearing gifts in their hands. So it comes about that wind and rain are not violent.
The "Hsiao-ya" says, 140
From this we may clearly know that in [a time of] the Great Peace there are no sudden winds or violent rains.
Yesterday how begun?
How perfected today?
You must think of reaching perfection, 143
You must think of controlling life.
By daily concern with each day,
You will become as stout as a metal wall. 144
The Ode says, 145
Officials become lax with success; 147 a disease worsens after a slight improvement; disaster comes from carelessness, filial piety declines with [the advent of] wife and child. Examining into these four [phenomena, we find we must] be careful that we end as well as we begin. The I [ching] says, 148 "A young fox has nearly crossed [the stream], when its tail gets immersed."
The Ode says, 149
Confucius was at leisure, when Tzŭ-kung advanced holding up his robe with both hands 151 and said, "Your disciple has served his master for years, until his abilities are exhausted and his [capacity for] knowledge is come to an end. Though he be stirred up with learning, he is unable to advance further, and he would like to take a rest."
Confucius said, "Tz`ŭ, where do you want to rest?"
"I would like to rest by serving my prince."
Confucius said, "The Ode says, 152
Service like this is not easy. What rest would you get from that?"
"I would like 153 to rest by serving my father."
Confucius said, "The Ode says, 154
Service like this is not easy. What rest would you get from that?"
"I would like to rest by serving my brothers." 155
Confucius said, "The Ode says, 156
Service like this is not easy. What rest would you get from that?"
"I would like to rest by tilling the fields."
Confucius said, "The Ode says, 158
Service like this is not easy. What rest would you get from that?"
Tzŭ-kung said, "Then is there any rest at all for the superior man?"
Confucius said, " `Covered in his coffin, he stops toiling (?). He does not [then] know the vicissitudes of his time.' 159 This is a statement of where the superior man rests. Truly he studies without ceasing until, shut up in his coffin, he stops at last."
The Ode says, 160
It refers to one who studies.
Duke Ai of Lu asked Jan Yu, "With nothing more than the natural endowments of the ordinary man, is it study that is necessary to make him a superior man?"
Jan Yu replied, "I have heard that `though you have good jade, without cutting and carving, it will not make a useful vessel.' 162 One may have fine endowments, but without study, he will not become a superior man."
"How do you know that it true?" 163
"Now Tzŭ-lu was a country fellow from Pien, 164 and Tzŭ-kung was a merchant from Wei. 165 Both studied under Confucius and afterwards became famous persons in the empire. None of the feudal lords that heard of them failed to treat them with respect, and none of the ministers and Great Officers that heard of them failed to love them. This was the result of study.
"Of old Wu, Ch'u, Yen, and Tai 166 planned to raise a joint force and were going to attack Ch`in. Yao 167 Ku, the son of a gatekeeper, 168 went on a mission to them on behalf of Ch`in and succeeded in breaking up their plans and stopping their armies [from attacking Ch`in]. When he went back, the King of Ch`in was greatly pleased and set him up as a minister of the highest rank.
"There was Po-li Hsi, who was a beggar in Ch`i. Driven out of Ch`i to the west, he had no way of bringing himself to the notice [of the prince], and so he sold himself for five sheepskins and drove a single-yoke cart. When he was set up as minister by Duke Mu of Ch`in, he succeeded in establishing [Ch`in's] hegemony over the western Jung.
"As a youth T`ai-kung Wang lived with his wife's family as son-in-law, but in his old age was driven out. He butchered cattle in Ch`ao-ko, hired himself out in Chi-chin, and was a fisherman in P`an-ch`i. King Wên raised him up and employed him, enfeoffing him in Ch`i.
"Kuan Chung with his own hands shot Duke Huan, 169 who nevertheless expelled from his heart all idea of revenge and set him up as minister. [Kuan Chung] preserved [Ch`i] from destruction, and insured the continuation [of the ruling line]; he brought together the feudal lords and unified the empire.
"These four men were all at one time lowly and poor, in straits and in a state of degradation, and yet their fame has spread to later generations. Was it not through learning that this result was achieved? Viewed in the light of this, a gentleman must first study and only then will he become a superior man. The Ode says, 170
Whereupon Duke Ai laughed joyously and said, "Although I am not intelligent, I wish to receive your teaching, Master."
Tsêng-tzŭ had committed a fault. 172 [His father,] Tsêng Hsi beat him with a stick until he fell to the ground. After a while he revived and getting up, said, "I hope, sir, 173 you have not injured yourself." 174
The people of Lu, esteeming Tsêng-tzŭ as a sage for this act, reported the matter to Confucius, who said to his disciples, "If Ts`an comes, [do not let him in." Tsêng-tzŭ felt himself innocent of any wrong and sent a man to make his excuses to the Master, who said,] 175 "Have you not heard how of old Shun played the part of a son? If it was a small whip he stayed for his beating, but if it was with a large stick, he ran away. If [his father] looked for him, having something for him to do, he was always at his side. But if he looked for him with the intention of killing him, he was never to be found. Now you gave yourself up and stayed [to suffer the consequences of] his violent anger, standing with folded hands without running away. Are you not a subject of the king? What kind of crime is this [—causing one of the king's subjects to be killed?]" 176
The Ode says, 177
Another says, 179
Duke Ching of Ch`i employed a man to make a bow. It took three years to finish, but when Duke Ching shot with the bow [the arrow] would not pierce a single 181 layer of armor. Duke Ching was angry and was going to have the bow-maker put to death. The bow-maker's wife went to see Duke Ching and said,
"I am the daughter of a man of Ts`ai 182 and the wife of the bow-maker. To the south of Mt. T`ai is the `crow-caw' chê tree; 183 there are [also] the horn of a red ox, 184 the sinew of deer in Ching, 185 and the glue from the fish of A. 186 These four articles are the choice materials of the empire. It is not right that [a bow made of them] should pierce so few layers of armor as this. Besides, I have heard that [even] Duke Hsi's chariot was not able to move by itself, and though [the sword] Mo-yeh 187 was sharp, it could not cut by itself, but must have someone to wield it. Now the technique of archery consists in holding [the bow in] the left hand as though it were a carpenter's square, with the right hand as though resting on a branch, 188 with the palm [cupped] as though grasping an egg, and the four fingers [extended] like sticks broken off short. When the right hand releases [the arrow], the left hand is not aware of it. This in general is the technique of archery."
Adopting this method, Duke Ching shot with the bow and pierced seven layers of armor. The husband of the woman of Ts`ai was at once set at liberty.
The Ode says, 189
In Ch`i there was a man who had offended against Duke Ching. Duke Ching was very angry and had the man bound and placed below in the hall. Then he summoned his attendants to sever his limbs. 191 Any who objected would be put to death. Yen-tzŭ with his left hand grasped [the man's] head and with his right whetted his sword. Looking up he asked, "I have not discovered with which one they began to cut 192 when the enlightened kings and sage rulers of antiquity severed a man's limbs?"
Duke Ching got off the mat and said, "Release him. The fault lies with me."
The Ode says, 193
There is the traditional saying: If there is balance in rest, the face will be beautiful. If there is balance in eating and drinking, the ch`i194 will be defined. If there is balance in speech, it will be heard with belief. If the thoughts are balanced, they will succeed. If one is balanced in these five respects, spirits will take up their abode in him. The Ode says, 195
Marquis Wên of Wei asked Hu Chüan-tzŭ, "If a father is worthy, is that enough for him to be relied on?"196
He replied, "It is not enough."
"If a son is worthy, is that enough for him to be relied on?"
"It is not enough."
"If a elder brother is worthy, is that enough for him to be relied on?"
"It is not enough."
"If a younger brother is worthy, is that enough for him to be relied on?"
"It is not enough."
"If a minister is worthy, is that enough for him to be relied on?"
"It is not enough."
Marquis Wên suddenly changed countenance and said angrily, "To each of these five that I have asked you about, one by one, you say `It is not enough.' What do you mean?"
He replied, "No father was more worthy than Yao, but Tan Chu was banished. 197 No son was more worthy than Shun, but Ku-sou was stupid. 198 No elder brother was more worthy than Shun, but Hsiang was overbearing. 199 No younger brother was more worthy than the Duke of Chou, but Kuan-shu was punished. 200 No minister was more worthy than T`ang or Wu, but Chou and Chieh were attacked. He who puts his hope in others will not achieve his goal, and he who relies on others will not long endure. The prince who desires to rule must begin with himself. Why should he rely on others?"
The Ode says, 201
T`ang composed the hu.203 When they heard the tone kung, people were made mild, good, and generous; when they heard the tone shang, they were made straight and scrupulous, and loved i. When they heard the tone chio, they were made sympathetic, and loved jên. When they heard the tone chi, they were made to rejoice in supporting [their dependents] and to love to give. When they heard the tone yü204 they were made reverent and loved li.
The Ode says, 205
Confucius said, "The I [ching] first has the t`ung jên207 and afterward the ta yu.208 That it continues them with the ch`ien209 — is this not indeed fitting? Truly, `It is the way of heaven to diminish the full and augment the humble. It is the way of earth to overthrow the full and replenish the humble. Spiritual Beings inflict calamity on the full and bless the humble. It is the way of man to hate the full and love the humble.' 210 Humbleness is to repress and diminish; if you would hold to the way of fullness, repress and diminish. Such is the action of humbled 211 virtue. Those who conform to it will have good fortune, while those who oppose it will have bad luck. After the death of the Five Emperors, and after the decline of the Three Kings, was it not only the Duke of Chou who was able to put humbled virtue into practice? The son of King Wên, the younger brother of King Wu, and uncle of King Ch`êng, he borrowed the esteemed position of the Son of Heaven for seven years. There were ten men whom he met with presents and treated as teachers. There were thirteen men 212 with whom he exchanged gifts and whom he regarded as friends, and forty-nine gentlemen from poor dwellings in mean quarters to whom he gave precedence in interviews. There were a hundred good men whom he advanced at regular times, and a thousand to whom he granted audiences in his palace. He had five ministers whose duty it was to remonstrate, and five who aided him, and six who supported him. There were a hundred gentlemen of his own clan who bore shield and spear and attained to the [status of] feudal lords." 213
Confucius said, "Even the Duke of Chou when ruling the empire in rewards gave most to his own clan 214 and less to outside clans." Truly, "one whose virtuous conduct is ample and who preserves it by reverence will prosper; one whose territory is extensive and who preserves it by economy will find security; one whose rank is elevated and whose pay is rich and who preserves them by humility will be honored; one whose people are many and whose weapons are strong and who preserves them by fear will be victorious; one who has intelligence and knowledge and who preserves them by [an air of] stupidity will be wise; one whose learning is extensive and whose memory is strong and who preserves them by [an air of] shallowness will not go to excess." These six are all of them "humbled virtues."
The I [ching] says, 215 "Ch`ien indicates progress and success. The superior man will maintain his success to the end, and have good fortune." What is able to bring about this lucky issue is the Way of the superior man. To have the rank of emperor and the wealth of the whole land and then to lose their lives for not humbling their virtue—such was the lot of Chieh and Chou; how much the more should common people [be circumspect]. Now the I [ching] has one way whereby, on a large scale, one may preserve an empire; or on a medium scale, a state, or more immediately his own person—is it not simply by "humbled virtue"?
The Ode says, 216
Of old T`ien Tzŭ-fang went out and saw an old horse on the road. Sighing compassionately, he fixed his attention [on the horse] and asked the driver, "What horse is this?"
"It was formerly kept by the ducal house. It was worn out and of no use, so they turned it out."
T`ien Tzŭ-fang said, "To use up its strength when it was young, and cast it out 218 when old is not what the humane (jên) man would do." He bought [the horse] with rolls of silk. When gentlemen in extremity heard of this they knew whom to give up their hearts to.
The Ode says, 219
Duke Chuang of Ch`i was out hunting, when a mantis lifted its legs to seize the wheel [of his chariot]. He asked his driver, "What insect is this?"
The driver said, "This is a mantis. Its characteristic as an insect is that it knows how to advance but not how to retreat. Without calculating its own strength it lightly advances against its opponent."
Duke Chuang said, "If it were a man it would be the bravest soldier in the empire." Whereupon he backed up his chariot to avoid [crushing] it, and brave soldiers turned to him.
The Ode says, 221
Marquis Wên of Wei asked Li K`o, "Have people hatreds?"
Li K`o said, "They have. The lowly hate the nobles; the poor hate the rich; the stupid hate the wise."
Marquis Wên said, "Excellent! Can these three be exercised so as to avoid hatred?"
Li K`o said, "They can. I have heard that if nobles humble themselves before the lowly, the masses will not hate them. If the rich can divide [their wealth] among the poor, needy gentlemen will not hate them. If the wise teach the stupid, inexperienced youths will not hate them."
Duke Wên said, "Well said! Even Yao and Shun would not have found fault with such conduct.. 222 Though I am not intelligent, I venture to keep to these words."
The Ode says, 223
Here is a bird that has built its nest in the top of some reeds. A puff of wind from the sky, the reeds break, and the nest is ruined. 225 Why? Because what [the bird] put its reliance on was weak. That millet wasps 226 (?) are not molested and that altar rats 227 are not burned out is not because millet wasps and altar rats are holy, but because what they put their reliance on serves the purpose. Hence the saint seeks out sages to help him. 228 Now a fish that can swallow a boat is large, but if [the lake] overflows and he is left out of the water, he will be at the mercy of crickets and ants. 229 [It is because] he has lost his support. Truly [the Ode] says, 230
1. SY 12. 11b-12a retells the story with different actors and ends by quoting Shih 493 No. 252/7 instead of Analects; perhaps the Shih quotation should be supplied here.
2. ##. SY has Chu Fa ##. Kuo yü 19.1b mentions a Chu Chi-ying ##, who according to Wei Chao, was a Great Officer of Yüeh. Han shu 20.32a (Ku-chin jên-piao ##) has ##, and Wang Hsien-ch`ien (Han-shu pu-chu 20.80b) quotes a commentary saying that ## should be ##. Shih chi 41.3b (Mém. hist. 4.425) mentions the Great Officer [of Yüeh] Chê Chi ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 392), who lists these variants, says that the confusion of ## and ## and ## is due to the similarity of the characters. As ## and ## are not found elsewhere, he takes the correct name to be ##. Chao (187) agrees.
3. For ## SY has ## "a plum branch." Chao (187-8) quotes with approval the not very convincing reasons for emending ## to ## advanced by Wang Shao-lan ## (in ##) and Mo T`ien-i ## (in ##). Both Shu-ch`ao 40.5a and TPYL 779.2a write ##.
4. For ## read ## with SY and Shu-ch`ao. (Chao.)
5. For ## SY has ## "the provinces of Chi or Yen" (not ##, as CHy states).
6. ##. This pair of binoms occurs (with variants) in several Han and preHan texts (cf. TT 757). That something more than the aquatic animals usually so called is intended here is evident from the parallel SY passage: ## ## 。 ## ## "Whereupon we made our homes on the coasts of the sea and dwelt in retirement on the outer frontiers. Further the chiao ## and the dragon fought with us there. For that reason we cut off our hair and tattooed our bodies, making bright patterns, to resemble the dragon's children, that we might avoid the water spirits." Here the chiao and the dragon (##) take the place of the yüan-chan and the yü-pieh, which also were probably forms of water spirits.
7. Cf. Shih chi 41.1a (Mém. hist. 4.419).
8. Analects 271 (13/20.1).
9. ## "[vital] breath."
10. Shih 543 No. 260/4.
11. This is expanded from Chuang-tzŭ 9.23b-24a (Legge, SBE 40.155-7), the additions serving to point a moral the opposite of that intended in the Chuang-tzŭ. CKCS 2.8a-b is based on Chuang-tzŭ.
12. Lu Tê-ming gives both yüeh ## and shuo (##) as readings of ##.
13. Chao (188) would emend ## to ## after Chuang-tzŭ: "I have got back my income."
14. ##: Chuang-tzŭ fits the argument better: ## "a rich reward for great accomplishments."
15. Chuang-tzŭ has ## for ##.
16. This phrase occurs in HSWC 2/21, with ## for ##.
17. ##: lit., "a knife and table shop."
18. Without fulfilling his duty by taking office.
19. Cf. Kung-yang chuan 12.9b.
20. Shih 540 No. 259/7.
21. Shih 543 No. 260/4.
22. SY 4.13a-b tells this story in essentially the same words, but tempers the conclusion —which the Ssŭ-k`u editors (Ssu-k`u . . . ti-yao 16.11a) found objectionable—by quoting from Mencius instead of I ching; see notes 10, 12.
23. Cf. HSWC 2/13.
24. For ## SY has Hsing K`uai-wai ##. Ching and hsing are easily confused from their similarity of form, while ## *ńi̭wad and ## *ngwed are possible phonetic equivalents. Chu Ch`i-fêng's suggestion (TT 1850) that SY has confused this person with the Heir Apparent of Wei, K`uai-wai ## is possible, but in view of the frequency of variants in the writings of old names, hardly necessary.
25. ## 。 ## 。 ##. CHy adds this from SY.
26. ##. Yü Yüeh (## 2.10b) interprets ## as ## "you" in in this phrase.
27. ##: a prince who is uncontrolled in his own actions and who gives his state the opposite of good government.
28. ## by contrast with ##: "a governing prince."
29. ##. Omit ## with CHy as in SY. (Chao 189.) It is probably an echo of the ## in the preceding line.
30. ##: a prince who is uncontrolled in his own actions and who gives his state the opposite of good government.
31. ## is intelligible from the parallel construction ## and its opposite ## above.
32. I. e., accidental death, with no moral implications; cf. HSWC 10/7. SY's "superior man" is more generous: "Although the death of the driver cannot be considered as coinciding with what was proper under the circumstances (i), still it shows the quality of the determined officer." ##.
33. Shih 543 No. 260/4, likewise quoted by SY.
34. Yi King 126 (32/ ##). SY here quotes from Mencius 262 (3B/1.2): "The brave officer never forgets that he may lose his head."
35. D quotes SY 9.1a-b as parallel, but the connection is at best remote: ## 。 ## 。 ## ## "There are five ways of remonstrance. The first is straightforward remonstrance; the second is submissive remonstrance; the third is loyal remonstrance; the fourth is naïve remonstrance; the fifth is satirical remonstrance. Confucius said, `Am I one to practice satirical remonstrance?' "
36. Shih 544 No. 260/5.
37. This is almost identical in wording with Kung-yang chuan 3.12a-b (Chuang 12). Hsin hsü 8.1b gives a modified version.
38. For this incident cf. Tso chuan 88 (Chuang 11), where Wan is called by name: Nan-kung Chuang-wan ##.
39. Ho Hsiu: ## means "to place" ## is "detained" ##.
40. CHy thinks HSWC has been arbitrarily changed from the more difficult reading in Kung-yang chuan: ## 。 ## 。 ## "He turned [to the court women] and said, `He was a prisoner.' [To Wan he said,] `[You say that] because you were his prisoner.' Of what account is the beauty of the Marquis of Lu?" Yü Yüeh (Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 23.6b) is probably right in preferring the HSWC version, taking ## as an error for ##. (Chao 190.)
41. ##: Ho Hsiu says, "[to strike with] the edge of the hand is called ## ##. Hsin hsü has ## for ##. Tso chuan 89 has ## "killed him with a slap of the hand."
42. Cf. Shih 544 No. 260/5.
44. Cf. Li Ki 1.463 (5/2.27) and Chia yü 10.11b.
45. Shih 493 No. 252/5.
46. SY 18.11a-12a deviates considerably from HSWC. At the end it quotes stanza 9 (instead of 7) of Shih No. 252.
47. After ##, TPYL 915.2a, in quoting this, adds ##, which appears to be redundant. It may have been a contamination from SY: ##. (Chao 190.) The TPYL citation is considerably abridged.
48. Note the jingle: ## *g'ang, ## *b'i̭eng, ## *gwang, ## *dzi̭ang, ## *χi̭əng.
49. In addition to the SY parallel and the TPYL quotation cited above, minor variations and elaborations of this description occur in TPYL 79.3b-4a, Po-t`ieh 29.45a (both quoting HSWC) and Kuang ya 7B.38b (where Wang Nien-sun quotes many others in his commentary ##).
50. Minor variants are to be found in the works named in note 4; cf. also Shan-hai ching 1.9a-b.
51. For the ## cf. LSCC 13.2b-3a
52. TPYL 915.2b expands considerably: ## (for ## ?) ## 。 ##, ## 。 ## 。 ##, ## "Where it goes there is culture, where it comes there is joy. When it wanders it always chooses its place. In hunger it does not forget those below. As for its cry, that of the male is `be moderate!'; that of the female, `enough, enough!' Its evening cry is `firm and constant'; its morning cry is `bring on the light'; its noon cry is `maintain order'; its cry on taking flight is `soar aloft'; its cry on perching is `bring back splendor.' " Likewise Kuang ya. (Chao 192.)
53. For the ## cf. Shu ching 70-1: "Kao-yao said, `Oh! there are in all nine virtues to be discovered in conduct...' Yü said, `What [are the nine virtues?]' Kao-yao said, `Affability combined with dignity; mildness combined with firmness; bluntness combined with respectfulness; aptness for government combined with reverence; docility combined with boldness; straightforwardness combined with gentleness; easiness combined with discrimination; vigour combined with sincerity; and valour combined with righteousness.' "
54. CHy adds ## from Ch`u-hsüeh chi 30.3a; likewise TPYL.
55. For ## cf. Li Ki 2.272 (31/1.2): "He purifies himself rigorously inside his apartments."
56. Read either ## with Chou after SY or ## with CHy, D. The latter reading occurs in TPYL and Ch`u-hsüeh chi. ## in B, C is a misprint. (Chao.)
57. The phoenix would rest only in this tree; cf. Shih 494 No. 252/9 and Legge's note.
58. Shih 493 No. 252/7.
59. SY 12.5a-7a is a free retelling of this story; it includes an additional quotation from Shih No. 100/1.
60. ##: B, C have ## Su.
61. Supply ## after ## with CHy from Li Shan's quotation in his com. on Wên hsüan 51.14a; likewise TPYL 779.2b. (Chao 194.)
62. Han shu 20.35a (##) lists a Chao Tsang-t`ang ##, whom Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 4.2b) takes to be the same person. (Chao 195.)
63. Supply ## before ## with CHy from Li Shan's com. and TPYL.
64. ##: TPYL has ## "Though I have never acted as an envoy, still . . ." (CHy.)
65. ##: SY and TPYL have ## for ##. (CHy.) I do not know what is the force of the ##.
66. SY prefixes this question with ## "Marquis Wên turned and pointed to his attendants, saying . . ."
67. Read ## after ## with CHy. Chou would emend ## to ##, giving essentially the same sense.
68. Shih 110 No. 65.
69. Shih 200 No. 132.
70. For ## read ## with CHy after Li Shan's com. and Shih k`ao 12a. The meaning is the same.
71. For ## TPYL has ## ". . . how could he cause his envoy to be a sage?" (CHy.)
72. Shih 493 No. 252/7.
73. From the Fu-tzŭ, now lost. The text is lacking Ma Kuo-han's reconstruction, but is restored and translated by Haloun, op. cit., 485-6 as version B of Fu-tzŭ 1a-2b in Ma's text. SY 7.13a-b and Chia-yü 3.21a-b both follow version A of Fu-tzŭ, for which cf. Haloun, op. cit., 482-5.
74. ##: Haloun takes it in the sense of ## "to give in charity."
75. For ## read ## with Haloun; he ascribes ## to a T`ang taboo.
76. ##. CHy has added this from SY and Chia yü, changing ## to ## to agree with the succeeding phrases.
77. Chou suggests ## before ##, an easier emendation than CHy's (see note 4). Haloun thus emends his Fu-tzŭ reconstruction.
78. KTCY 1.4a(4) has the isolated line: ## ## "The Master said, `Yao and Shun purified and refined their persons that they might sit in judgment on the empire, and devoted themselves to attracting sages. Now the employment of sages is the origin of the hundred blessings and the most important thing in spiritual enlightenment.' " Chia-yü and SY are quite similar, and Chao (196) thinks it should be added.
79. CHy interpolates ## from SY and Chia-yü; Haloun also adds it.
80. Shih 489 No. 251/1.
81. There is a lacuna here in the text. (Chou.)
82. ##: cf. Mencius 242 (3A/3.10): "Establish hsiang, hsü, hsüch, and hsiao, [—all those educational institutions,—] for the instruction of [the people]. The name hsiang indicates nourishing [as its object]; hsiao indicates teaching; and hsü indicates archery. By the Hsia dynasty the name hsiao was used; by the Yin, that of hsü; and by the Chou, that of hsiang. As to the hsüeh, they belonged to the three dynasties [and by that name]. The object of all is to illustrate the human relations."
83. Shih 489 No. 251/1.
84. This anecdote occurs in a different form in Hsin shu 7.8b-9a (Ch`ü-Chia-wên ho-pien ed. ##. The Ming ed. reproduced in the SPTK is here defective, one folio having been omited. The numeration of the remaining folios is consecutive, however, and the first two characters on 7.25a have been altered to ## to connect with the foregoing section).
85. Chih-yao 8.29a has ## "also" before ##. (Chao 196.)
86. Read ## for ## with Chih-yao. (Chao 197.)
87. ##: Chih-yao has ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 665) notes the variants ##, ##, and ##, all of which he refers to an original ##. Probably he is correct and "rafters" is an adequate rendering of ##.
88. Supply ## from Chih-yao. (Chao.)
89. Analects 271 (13/20.1).
90. This paragraph appears to be very disconnected. If the first sentence ## ## is to be in any way illustrative of the generalization in the second, the phrase ## should be taken in apposition with ##: "You, who are a descendant of the line of the Duke of Shao." Not only is this grammatically indefensible, but there is no justification to be derived from the numerous Shu ching passages dealing with investitures (Shu ching 366, 383, 489, 534, 573, 578, 582), which on the other hand do tend to give the antecedents of the person addressed by the king. The HSWC text may be defective, especially as the expected Shih quotation is lacking for this paragraph. It is probably to be found in Shih No. 262, of which the hero is Hu of Shao ##, a descendant of the Duke of Shao, and which speaks of King Hsüan's charge to him. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 14.10b-11a) quotes this passage in conjunction with the line ##.
91. ##: this cliché is very common in the Shu ching and occurs also in Shih 599 No. 288 and passim.
92. Wang Ying-lin (K`un-hsüeh chi-wên 6.19b) quotes this with ## for ##. (Chao 198.) Cf. Mém. hist. 5.284-7, note 2 for the genealogy of Confucius. Fu-fu's name was Ho ##.
93. ##: cf. Shu ching 199 and passim, esp. Legge's note, p. 200.
94. A, B, C include this paragraph as part of the last. I follow CHy and D. The same list in a slightly different order occurs in Li-wei han-wên-chia ## 6a. Po-hu t`ung 5.7b-8b elaborates: "He whose virtue is put into action is granted carriage horses; he who can pacify the people is given clothes; he who can make the people contented and happy is given a musical performance; one whose people are numerous is given vermilion doors; one who can advance the talented is given an audience; he who can retire the wicked is given a bodyguard; he who can punish the guilty is given a battle-axe; he who can chastize the unrighteous is given bow and arrows; he who is perfect in filial piety is given millet wine" ## ## ## ##.
95. Pelliot (TP 29(1932) .205-6) quotes Liu P`an-sui (in Kuo-hsüeh lun-ts`ung 2.2.227-8) as saying it was the favor of aiding the emperor to mount the audience stage while holding out to him the jade disc ##.
96. Lei-chü 53.1a adds ## "These are called the nine [imperial] presents"; likewise Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 35.27b, with ## for ##. (Chao 197.)
97. Shih 554 No. 262/5.
98. Parts of this are paralleled in SY 11.20a, 11.19b-20a, 11.19a-b; in the two latter excerpts the interlocutor is respectively Chao Chien-tzŭ and the T`ai-tsai P`i. There is slight verbal identity with HSWC.
99. For ## read ## with C, D.
100. Shih 558 No. 263/5.
101. For ## Lu Tê-ming (Ching-tien shih-wen ## B.21b) quotes Han shih as ##. (Chao 199.) Probably the two graphs were used indifferently to write the same binom: ## *mi̭ě n, ## *mi̭an.
102. This paragraph looks like a commentary on three terms, ##, and ##, occurring in the stanza of the Shih from which one line only is quoted at the end. Erh ya B.6a defines the same three words, but differently, while Ku-liang chuan 9.11b (Hsiang 24) is closely related to HSWC, though with graphic variants.
103. ##: Ku-liang has ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 852) gives examples of two used interchangeably. (Chao 199.)
104. Fan Ning's com: ##.
105. Shih 564 No. 265/1.
106. ## for Mao shih ##.
107. This is paralleled by SSTC 2.14b.
108. ## are mentioned in Chêng Hsüan's com. on Chou li 3.24a as providing one fourth their income as taxes payed to the king. The other references to ##, none earlier than the Latter Han, are equally irrelevant.
109. Chao (199) supplies ## from SSTC as necessary to the sense of the passage.
110. Analects 351 (20/1.7).
111. Shu ching 230. HSWC lacks ## and ##.
112. This paragraph is closely related to Ku-liang chuan 8.4b-5a (Ch`êng 5). A variant tradition, whereby no blame is attached to Po-tsung for using the carter's advice, is represented by Kuo yü 11.6b-7a and Tso chuan 257 (Ch`êng 5). These two texts are again closely related, but vary greatly from the first two, so it is hardly valid to assume that Ku-liang has been corrupted (specifically Confucius' remark at the end) and that the false reading was perpetuated by HSWC, as Tsang Lin argues (Ching-i tsa-chi 16a2-3), with the approval of Chao (200-1).
113. ##: Ku-liang writes ## for ##; Chao (200) shows that they were interchangeable.
114. ##: Chou glosses ## as ##, and would emend ## to ##.
115. ##. Ku-liang has ## "The time used whipping me would take you a long way."
116. ## lit., "in private."
117. Shih 523 No. 257/7.
118. Shih 576 No. 272.
119. YTCC 5.13b-14a is the source for this anecdote. It is followed more closely by Hsin hsü 1.8a-b than by HSWC.
120. YTCC and Hsin hsü both prefix ## "desiring to attack Ch`i."
121. ##. Read ## with CHy after YTCC and Hsin hsü.
122. CHy emends ## to ## "I will dance to it for you," as in YTCC and Hsin hsü.
123. ##: Professional musicians were blind; cf. Analects 305-6 (15/41).
124. ## seems to be repeated from above (##). I read ## as in YTCC and Hsin hsü.
125. Supply ## after ## with CHy from YTCC and Hsin hsü.
126. YTCC and Hsin hsü have ## 。 ## 。 ## 。 ## "The music of Ch`êng-chou is the music of the Son of Heaven. When it is played he must be a ruler who dances to it. Now Fan Chao, a subject, desired to dance to the music of the Son of Heaven. That is why I did not play it."
127. Add ## after ## with TPYL 322.6a, YTCC, and Hsin hsü. Cf. LSCC 20.10b: ##. (Chao.)
128. Shih 577 No. 273.
129. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 15.4b-5a) would write ## for ## on the basis of a quotation by Li Hsien in his com. on Hou-Han shu 53.5a (##) of Hsieh's Han-shih chuan (? = ##).
130. SSTC 2.10a-b has a brief paragraph on the responsibilities of the san-kung, and Po-hu t`ung 3.1b-2a mentions the subject; likewise TTLC 8.9b-10a. There is no apparent connection between these texts.
131. CHy follows the quotation in Liu Chao's com. on Hou-Han shu (##) 24.7b-8a to reverse the order of these, bringing it into conformity with that of the following discussion. However Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 30B.12b (##) places the ssŭ-ma last.
132. For ## one would expect ##, which is the reading in Shu-ch`ao 50.1b and the quotation in Li Hsien's com., loc. cit.; likewise Po-hu t`ung. (Chao 202.)
133. ##. Liu Chao's com., loc. cit., writes ## for ## CHy thinks ##, standing for ##, is the correct reading. It is not easy to see how ## could have become corrupted to ##.
134. Shih 429 No. 235/3.
135. Shih 578 No. 273.
136. For ## B, C, D have ##, certainly a mistake.
137. Mencius 130 (1A/3.3).
138. Invert ## (CHy).
139. Cf. HSWC 5/12.
140. Shih 381 No. 212/3.
141. ##. This is the Mao shih reading. CHy follows Shih k`ao 18a to write ##. TPYL 872.2a has ## for ##. (CHy.)
142. ##. CHy follows Shih k`ao, loc. cit., to write ## for ##. TPYL, loc. cit., has ##, which is the same as Mao shih. CHy thinks ## must be correct. Yen Chih-t`ui (*Yen-shih chia-hsün B.17a-b) first argued for the reading ##. Lu Tê-ming (Ching-tien shih-wên 6.30a) and K`ung Ying-ta (Mao-shih chu-su) followed Yen. Lu Wên-chao (Chung-shan cha-chi, HCCC 52.3b2-3) shows that ows that ## was the generally accepted reading before Yen's time, and accuses him of having corrupted it to ##. Cf. Chao 203-5 for additional arguments on both sides of the question. I follow the Mao shih reading ## to agree with the ## in the conclusion.
143. ##: cf. Analects 141 (1/9): ## "Then the virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence."
144. The rhymes are ## *sě ng, ## *di̭ě ng, ##, ## *di̭ě ng, ##.
145. Shih 334-5 No. 196/4.
146. SY 10.6b-7a incorporates this in a story about Tsêng-tzŭ, ending with the same lines from the Shih. Wên-tzŭ 4.19a and Têng-hsi-tzŭ 10a are similar.
147. ##: SY has ## for ##: "Officials grow lazy when offices are complete." Têng-hsi-tzŭ has ## "Harm comes from the organization of officialdom." Wên-tzŭ: ## [var. ##] ##. (Chou.)
148. Yi King 207.
149. Shih 505 No. 255/1.
150. Adapted from Hsün-tzŭ 19.16a-b, which is followed more closely by Chia-yü 5.19b-20b. Lieh-tzŭ 1.5a gives the last part of the Hsün-tzŭ version, omitted in HSWC.
151. For ## cf. Analects 229 (10/4.4): ## "He ascended the reception hall, holding up his robe with both his hands."
152. Shih 543 No. 260/4. Hsün-tzŭ and Chia-yü here quote from Shih 633 No. 301: "Be mild and humble morning to night,/Be reverent in discharging the service."
153. B, C omit ##.
154. Shih 477 No. 247/5.
155. Hsün-tzŭ and Chia-yü omit this and instead have ## "wife and child," and ## "friend." (Chou.)
156. Shih 252 No. 164/7.
157. Mao shih has ## for Han shih ##.
158. Shih 232 No. 154/7.
159. The particle ## and the rhyme ## *kwan, ## *ts`ian suggest that Confucius is quoting a common saying, but the line does not occur in the parallel passages, and I have been unable to locate it elsewhere. The ## *pwar is suspect; its meaning is not too clear in this context, and followed by ## it should also rhyme. Other words with the ## phonetic have a *-wan or *-wan final (Grammata Serica 180), but none appears to provide an obvious emendation.
160. Shih 599 No. 288.
161. CKT 3.82a-84b supplies a different frame, first relating the success of Yao Chia on behalf of Ch`in, and then bringing in the other worthies in defending him against an attack by Han Fei on the grounds of Yao Chia's unworthy origins. The point of the anecdote is quite different; no emphasis is placed on the advantages of learning, but praise is bestowed on enlightened rulers who recognize ability wherever they find it.
162. Cf. HSWC 2/32.
163. CHy remarks that the words following ## would seem to be those of the author, since Yao Chao lived after Jan Yu, who would hardly be citing him as an example. However the concluding sentence of the paragraph brings us back to Duke Ai, who has apparently been listening to the intervening speech, so he should probably be taken as the subject of ##, and another ## supplied before ##. The resulting anachronism is not unusual in apologues of this sort.
164. Shih chi 67.4a is to the same effect.
165. I find no other mention of Tzŭ-kung as a merchant. Shih chi 67.7a also gives Wei as his native state.
166. The Ssŭ-k`u editors (Ssu-k`u . . . t`i-yao 16.11a) object to this statement as an error in fact. CKT names the same four states, but Pao P`iao emends ## to ##, without adequate justification, according to Wu Shih-tao. In view of the CKT context: ## "went south to Ch`u and Wu," the emendation seems especially infelicitous. Could the Ssŭ-k`u editors have based their objection on grounds so uncertain?
167. Read ## with CHy, D, and CKT for ##. (Chou.)
168. ##: HSWC 2/2.
169. Cf. Mém. hist. 4.47, where it says only that he was in charge of the troops when Duke Huan was struck by an arrow.
170. Shih 599 No. 288.
171. SY 3.5a-b seems to be a free retelling of this paragraph, possibly from another source, as Chia-yü 4.5a-6a is close to SY. HSWC appears to be defective; see notes 5 and 6 below.
172. He was hoeing melons and by mistake cut the roots: ## (SY and Chia-yü).
173. ## addressed to a father is unusual. Chia-yü and SY have ##.
174. I. e., in administering the beating. SY, Chia-yü: ## "Did vou sustain any injury in forcibly instructing me?"
175. CHy adds ## from SY. Chou also thinks the text is defective here. However, it reads satisfactorily without the addition. ## is usual in direct address.
176. ##. CHy writes ## ## after SY, Chia-yü, and so in the translation.
177. Shih 404 No. 222/5.
178. ##. Mao shih has ## for ##. My translation is made to agree with the HSWC context, and will not fit into the stanza from which it is taken. ## as ## "arrive" is an attested use in the Shih, and Legge's "How joyous, how happy,/Is their coming here" is unobjectionable.
179. Shih 617 No. 299/2.
180. This story occurs in LNC 6.5b-6a, with Duke P`ing of Chin ## for Duke Ching of Ch`i.
181. For ## read ## with Shu-ch`ao 125.2a and LNC. Chao (206) suggests that ## may be a repetition from ## above.
182. ##. CHy, B, C, D have ## for ##. LNC has ## Fan for ##.
183. ##: cf. Hsü Shên's com. on Huai-nan tzŭ 1.5b: ## ## ##. "The wu-hao is a chê mulberry tree. Its wood is firm and strong. When a crow which has built its nest on a limb of this tree makes ready to fly, the branch bends down with force sufficient again to raise up the nest. The crow follows [the branch as it moves], unable to fly, and caws as it sits there. Such branches are cut to make bows, and from this are called wu-hao (`crow-caw') bows." (Cf. Chavannes, Mém. hist. 3.489 note 2). Hsŭ Shên also gives an alternative etymology for wu-hao.
184. ##: cf. Li Ki 1.590: ## "The victim was red, that being the color preferred by the [Chou] dynasty." (Legge 1.428.) LNC has ## for ##; see note 7 for the "horn from Yen."
185. For ## Ch`u-hsüeh chi 22.11b has ## "bow ends," which makes no sense. (Chao.) Chou remarks that they bound bows with sinew.
186. For ## read ## with D and LNC; cf. TPYL 347.8b: ## ## "Horn from Yen is superior, sinew from Ch`u is fine, glue from A is sticky." (Chao.)
187. D has ## for ##.
188. For ## read ## with Shu-ch`ao and LNC. (Chou, Chao.) B, C, D have ## for ##.
189. Shih 366 No. 207/5. LNC quotes the rather more appropriate lines from Shih 474 No. 246/3: "The ornamented bows are strong,/And the four arrows are all balanced."
190. This is a more literary version of an anecdote in YTCC 1.26a.
191. CHy has ## for ##; cf. HSWC 1/23, note 4.
192. Lei-chü 25.2a, TPYL 641.5a omit ##. (Chao 207.)
193. Shih 366 No. 207/5.
195. Shih 631 No. 301.
196. ## is ambiguous. "Is a [person whose] father is a sage [thereby] qualified to be depended on?" or "Is a [person who as a] father is a sage [thereby] qualified to be depended on, [specifically by the one to whom he bears that relationship]?" Lit., "If a father is a sage, is that enough for reliance?" Hu Chüan-tzŭ plays on both these meanings: the son cannot rely for good treatment on his sage-father, nor does the sage-father necessarily have a son worthy of confidence.
197. For ## cf. Mencius 467 (7A/31.1). Neither Shu ching nor Shih chi speak of Tan Chu's banishment, so perhaps "set aside" would be better here.
198. Lei-chü 20.5a, TPYL 402.2a-b, have ## "was arrested" for ##. (Chao (207) thinks it is a scribal emendation to parallel the verbs ##, and ##. Chih-yao 8.27b has ##.
199. Cf. Mencius 346-7 (5A/2.3).
200. Cf. Mém. hist. 1.245.
201. Shih 618 No. 299/4.
202. Shih chi 24.39b-40a (Mém. hist. 3.291) lists the effects of hearing the several tones, without relating them to the hu; likewise Po-hu t`ung 2.6a-b, with considerable disscrepancies.
203. ##: cf. LSCC 5.10a: ## "T`ang then ordered I-yin to compose the great hu."
204. ##: the five tones; cf. HSWC 1/3, note 17.
205. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
206. This is a variant of HSWC 3/31, q.v. for parallels.
207. ##: Yi King 86-7 (13).
208. ##: ibid. 88 (14).
209. ##: ibid. 89-90 (15).
210. Ibid. 226 (15 t`uan).
211. For ## CHy, D write ## "diminish," incorrectly, says Chou.
212. Cf. HSWC 3/31, note 4.
213. After ## KTCY 1.3b (4) has ## "There were 97 men from other clans as well as a hundred, etc." Chao would supply this here.
214. ##. KTCY has ## for ##, which would change the stop to after ##: "Even the Duke of Chou made the empire his own party: he gave, etc." Chao (209) prefers this reading, claiming that ## makes no sense. But ## is hardly an improvement.
215. Yi King 89 (15); cf. HSWC 3/31, note 14.
216. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
217. Huai-nan tzŭ 18.18a-b is nearly identical.
218. ##. Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 14.2b, 28.23a has ## for ##. (CHy.) Lei-chü 93.1b, TPYL 486.1a, Chih-yao 8.28a, Po-t`ieh 29.58b all have ##, of which ## is a variant. Huai-nan tzŭ has ##. (Chao 209.)
219. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
220. Huai-nan tzŭ 18.18b is nearly identical. That these two stories (cf. HSWC 8/33) succeed one another in both texts indicates definite filiation. In Huai-nan tzŭ they are more intimately connected with each other, being parts of a consecutive argument, and being referred to in the summary following, circumstances suggesting that Han Ying made use of Huai-nan tzŭ.
221. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
222. Cf. HSWC 7/12, note 3.
223. Shih 248 No. 162/2; 260 No. 167/3.
224. SY 11.7b-8a incorporates this in a reproach addressed to Prince Mêng-ch`ang by a retainer, similar to HSWC 7/17.
225. Chou calls attention to Hsün-tzŭ 1.3a: ## 。 ## ## 。 ## ##. "In the south there is a bird called the mêng-chiu. It makes its nest of feathers, weaving it with hair, and attaches it to the top of a reed. The wind comes and the reed breaks off: the eggs are broken and the young die. It is not because the nest was imperfect, but because of the nature of what it was attached to." SY seems to have followed this.
226. ##: PWYF list only this occurrence.
227. Cf. HSWC 7/9.
228. Chou would emend ## to ## and transfer it after ##. Lei-chü 20.4a has ## ## "seeks sages to help himself." (Chao.)
229. Cf. Chuang-tzŭ 6.10a: ## "If a fish that could swallow a boat be left by the flowing away of the water, then [even] the ants are able to trouble it." (Legge, 2.76.)
230. Chou suggests emending ## to ##; cf. Shih 507 No. 255/4.
231. Cf. HSWC 10/14, note 10.
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