|<Previous Section>||<Next Section>|
齊 桓 公 逐 白 鹿 ， 至 麥 丘 之 邦 ， 遇 人 ， 曰 ： 「 何 謂 者也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 臣 、 麥 丘 之 邦 人 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 叟 年 幾何 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 臣 年 八 十 有 三 矣 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 美 哉 ！」 與 之 飲 。 曰 ： 「 叟 盍 為 寡 人 壽 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 野 人 不知 為 君 王 之 壽 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 盍 以 叟 之 壽 祝 寡 人 矣 ？ 」邦 人 奉 觴 再 拜 曰 ： 「 使 吾 君 固 壽 ， 金 玉 之 賤 ， 人 民 是 寶。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 祝 乎 ！ 寡 人 聞 之 矣 ： 至 德 不 孤 ，善 言 必 再 。 叟 盍 優 之 ？ 」 邦 人 奉 觴 再 拜 曰 ： 「 使 吾 君 好學 士 而 不 惡 問 ， 賢 者 在 側 ， 諫 者 得 入 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善哉 ！ 祝 乎 ！ 寡 人 聞 之 ； 至 德 不 孤 ， 善 言 必 三 。 叟 盍 優 之？ 」 邦 人 奉 觴 再 拜 曰 ： 「 無 使 群 臣 百 姓 得 罪 於 吾 君 ， 無使 吾 君 得 罪 於 群 臣 百 姓 。 」 桓 公 不 說 ， 曰 ： 「 此 言 者 ，非 夫 前 二 言 之 祝 。 叟 其 革 之 矣 ！ 」 邦 人 潸 然 而 涕 下 ， 曰： 「 願 君 熟 思 之 ， 此 一 言 者 、 夫 前 二 言 之 上 也 。 臣 聞 子得 罪 於 父 ， 可 因 姑 娣 妹 謝 也 ， 父 乃 赦 之 。 臣 得 罪 於 君 ，可 使 左 右 謝 也 ， 君 乃 赦 之 。 昔 者 、 桀 〔 得 罪 於 湯 ， 紂 得罪 於 武 王 ， 此 君 〕 得 罪 於 臣 也 ， 至 今 未 有 為 謝 也 。 」 桓公 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 寡 人 賴 宗 廟 之 福 ， 社 稷 之 靈 ， 使 寡 人 遇叟 於 此 。 」 扶 而 載 之 ， 自 御 以 歸 ， 薦 之 於 廟 ， 而 斷 政 焉。 桓 公 之 所 以 九 合 諸 侯 ， 一 匡 天 下 ， 不 以 兵 車 者 ， 非 獨管 仲 也 ， 亦 遇 之 於 此 。 詩 曰 ： 「 濟 濟 多 士 ， 文 王 以 寧 。」
鮑 叔 薦 管 仲 ， 曰 ： 「 臣 所 不 如 管 夷 吾 者 五 ： 寬 惠柔 愛 ， 臣 弗 如 也 ； 忠 信 可 結 於 百 姓 ， 臣 弗 如 也 ； 制 禮 約法 於 四 方 ， 臣 弗 如 也 ； 決 獄 折 中 ， 臣 弗 如 也 ； 執 枹 鼓 ，立 於 軍 門 ， 使 士 卒 勇 ， 臣 弗 如 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 濟 濟 多 士， 文 王 以 寧 。 」
晉 文 公 重 耳 亡 ， 過 曹 ， 里 鳧 須 從 ， 因 盜 重 耳 資 而亡 ， 重 耳 無 糧 ， 餒 不 能 行 ， 子 推 割 股 肉 以 食 重 耳 ， 然 後能 行 。 及 重 耳 反 國 ， 國 中 多 不 附 重 耳 者 ， 於 是 里 鳧 須 造見 ， 曰 ： 「 臣 能 安 晉 國 。 」 文 公 使 人 應 之 曰 ： 「 子 尚 何面 目 來 見 寡 人 ！ 欲 安 晉 國 也 ！ 」 里 鳧 須 曰 ： 「 君 沐 邪 ？」 使 者 曰 ： 「 否 。 」 鳧 須 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 沐 者 其 心 倒 ， 心 倒者 其 言 悖 。 今 君 不 沐 ， 何 言 之 悖 也 ？ 」 使 者 以 聞 ， 文 公見 之 。 里 鳧 須 仰 首 曰 ： 「 離 國 久 ， 臣 民 多 過 君 ； 君 反 國， 而 民 皆 自 危 。 里 鳧 須 又 襲 竭 君 之 資 ， 避 於 深 山 ， 而 君以 餒 ， 介 子 推 割 股 ， 天 下 莫 不 聞 ， 臣 之 為 賊 亦 大矣 ， 罪至 十 族 ， 未 足 塞 責 ， 然 君 誠 赦 之 罪 ， 與 驂 乘 ， 遊 於 國 中， 百 姓 見 之 ， 必 知 不 念 舊 惡 ， 人 自 安 矣 。 」 於 是 文 公 大悅 ， 從 其 計 ， 使 驂 乘 於 國 中 ， 百 姓 見 之 ， 皆 曰 ： 「 夫 里鳧 須 且 不 誅 而 驂 乘 ， 吾 何 懼 也 ？ 」 是 以 晉 國 大 寧 。 故 書云 ： 「 文 王 卑 服 ， 即 康 功 田 功 。 」 若 里 鳧 須 罪 無 赦 者 也。 詩 曰 ： 「 濟 濟 多 士 ， 文 王 以 寧 。 」
傳 曰 ： 言 為 王 之 不 易 也 。 大 命 之 至 ， 其 太 宗 太 史太 祝 斯 素 服 執 策 ， 北 面 而 弔 乎 天 子 ， 曰 ： 「 大 命 既 至 矣， 如 之 何 憂 之 長 也 ！ 」 授 天 子 策 一 矣 。 曰 ： 「 敬 享 以 祭， 永 主 天 命 ， 畏 之 無 疆 ， 厥 躬 無 敢 寧 。 」 授 天 子 策 二 矣。 曰 ： 「 敬 之 夙 夜 ， 伊 祝 厥 躬 無 怠 ， 萬 民 望 之 。 」 授 天子 策 三 矣 。 曰 ： 「 天 子 南 面 受 於 帝 位 ， 以 治 為 憂 ， 未 以位 為 樂 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 天 難 忱 斯 ， 不 易 惟 王 。 」
君 子 溫 儉 以 求 於 仁 ， 恭 讓 以 求 於 禮 ， 得 之 自 是 ，不 得 自 是 。 故 君 子 之 於 道 也 ， 猶 農 夫 之 耕 ， 雖 不 獲 年 之優 ， 無 以 易 也 。 大 王 亶 甫 有 子 曰 太 伯 、 仲 雍 、 季 歷 ， 歷有 子 曰 昌 ， 太 伯 知 大 王 賢 昌 ， 而 欲 季 為 後 ， 太 伯 去 ， 之吳 。 大 王 將 死 ， 謂 曰 ： 「 我 死 ，汝 往 讓 兩 兄 ， 彼 即 不 來， 汝 有 義 而 安 。 」 大 王 薨 ， 季 之 吳 告 伯 仲 ， 伯 仲 從 季 而歸 ， 群 臣 欲 伯 之 立 季 ， 季 又 讓 。 伯 謂 仲 曰 ： 「 今 群 臣 欲我 立 季 ， 季 又 讓 ， 何 以 處 之 ？ 」 仲 曰 ： 「 刑 有 所 謂 矣 ，要 於 扶 微 者 。 可 以 立 季 。 」 季 遂 立 ， 而 養 文 王 ， 文 王 果受 命 而 王 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 太 伯 獨 見 ， 王 季 獨 知 ； 伯 見 父 志， 季 知 父 心 。 故 大 王 太 伯 王 季 可 謂 見 始 知 終 ， 而 能 承 志矣 。 」 詩 曰 ：「 自 太 伯 王 季 ， 惟 此 王 季 ， 因 心 則 友 。 則 友 其 兄 ， 則 篤其 慶 ， 載 錫 之 光 。 受 祿 無 喪 ， 奄 有 四 方 。 」 此 之 謂 也 。太 伯 反 吳 ， 吳 以 為 君 ， 至 夫 差 二 十 八 世 而 滅 。
齊 宣 王 與 魏 惠 王 會 田 於 郊 。 魏 王 曰 ： 「 亦 有 寶 乎？ 」 齊 王 曰 ：「 無 有 。 」 魏 王 曰 ： 「 若 寡 人 之 小 國 也 ， 尚 有 徑 寸 之 珠， 照 車 前 後 十 二 乘 者 十 枚 ， 奈 何 以 萬 乘 之 國 無 寶 乎 ？ 」齊 王 曰 ： 「 寡 人 之 所 以 為 寶 與 王 異 。 吾 臣 有 檀 子 者 、 使之 守 南 城 ， 則 楚 人 不 敢 為 寇 ， 泗 水 上 有 十 二 諸 侯 皆 來 朝。 吾 臣 有 盼 子 者 、 使 之 守 高 唐 ， 則 趙 人 不 敢 東 漁 於 河 。吾 臣 有 黔 夫 者 ， 使 之 守 徐 州 ， 則 燕 人 祭 北 門 ， 趙 人 祭 西門 ， 從 而 歸 之 者 十 千 餘 家 。 吾 臣 有 種 首 者 、 使 之 備 盜 賊， 而 道 不 拾 遺 。 吾 將 以 照 千 里 之 外 ， 豈 特 十 二 乘 哉 ！ 」魏 王 慚 ， 不 懌 而 去 。 詩 曰 ： 「 辭 之 懌 矣 ， 民 之 莫 矣 。 」
東 海 有 勇 士 曰 菑 丘 訢 ， 以 勇 猛 聞 於 天 下 。 遇 神 淵曰 飲 馬 ， 其 僕 曰 ： 「 飲 馬 於 此 者 ， 馬 必 死 。 」 曰 ： 「 以訢 之 言 飲 之 。 」 其 馬 果 沈 。 菑 丘 訢 去 朝 服 ， 拔 劍 而 入 ，三 日 三 夜 ， 殺 三 蛟 一 龍 而 出 ， 雷 神 隨 而 擊 之 ， 十 日 十 夜， 眇 其 左 目 。 要 離 聞 之 ， 往 見 之 ， 曰 ： 「 訢 在 乎 ？ 」 曰： 「 送 有 喪 者 。 」 往 見 訢 於 墓 ， 曰 ： 「 聞 雷 神 擊 子 ， 十日 十 夜 ， 眇 子 左 目 。 夫 天 怨 不 全 日 ， 人 怨 不 旋 踵 。 至 今弗 報 ， 何 也 ？ 」 叱 而 去 ， 墓 上 振 憤 者 ， 不 可 勝 數 。 要 離歸 ， 謂 門 人 曰 ： 「 菑 丘 訢 、 天 下 之 勇 士 也 。 今 日 、 我 辱之 人 中 ， 是 其 必 來 攻 我 。 暮 無 閉 門 ， 寢 無 閉 戶 。 」 菑 丘訢 果 夜 來 ， 拔 劍 住 要 離 頸 曰 ： 「 子 有 死 罪 三 ： 辱 我 以 人中 ， 死 罪 一 也 ； 暮 不 閉 門 ， 死 罪 二 也 ； 寢 不 閉 戶 ， 死 罪三 也 。 」 要 離 曰 ： 「 子 待 我 一 言 ： 〔 子 有 三 不 肖 ， 昏 暮〕 來 謁 ， 不 肖 一 也 ； 拔 劍 不 刺 ， 不 肖 二 也 ； 刃 先 辭 後 ，不 肖 三 也 。 能 殺 我 者 、 是 毒 藥 之 死 耳 。 」 菑 丘 訢 引 劍 而去 ， 曰 ： 「 嘻 ！ 所 不 若 者 ， 天 下 惟 此 子 爾 ！ 」 傳 曰 ： 「公 子 目 夷 以 辭 得 國 ， 今 要 離 以 辭 得 身 。 言 不 可 不 文 ， 猶若 此 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 辭 之 懌 矣 ， 民 之 莫 矣 。 」
傳 曰 ： 齊 使 使 獻 鴻 於 楚 ， 鴻 渴 ， 使 者 道 飲 ， 鴻 玃笞 潰 失 。 使 者 遂 之 楚 ， 曰 ： 「 齊 使 者 獻 鴻 ， 鴻 渴 ， 道 飲， 玃 笞 潰 失 。 臣 欲 亡 ， 為 失 兩 君 之 使 不 通 ； 欲 拔 劍 而 死， 人 將 以 吾 君 賤 士 貴 鴻 也 。 玃 笞 在 此 ， 願 以 汙 事 。 」 楚王 賢 其 言 ， 辯 其 詞 ， 因 留 而 賜 之 ， 終 身 以 為 上 客 。 故 使者 必 矜 文 辭 ， 喻 誠 信 ， 明 氣 志 ， 解 結 申 屈 ， 然 後 可 使 也。 詩 曰 ： 「 辭 之 懌 矣 。 」
扁 鵲 過 虢 侯 ， 世 子 暴 病 而 死 。 扁 鵲 造 宮 ， 曰 ： 「吾 聞 國 中 卒 有 壤 土 之 事 ， 得 無 有 急 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 世 子 暴病 而 死 。 」 扁 鵲 曰 ： 「 入 言 鄭 醫 秦 越 人 能 治 之 。 」 庶 子之 好 方 者 出 應 之 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 上 古 醫 者 曰 弟 父 ， 弟 父 之為 醫 也 ， 以 莞 為 席 ， 以 芻 為 狗 ， 北 面 而 祝 之 ， 發 十 言 耳， 諸 扶 輿 而 來 者 ， 皆 平 復 如 故 。 子 之 方 豈 能 若 是 乎 ？ 」扁 鵲 曰 ： 「 不 能 。 」 又 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 中 古 之 醫 者 曰 踰 跗 ，踰 跗 之 為 醫 也 ， ● 木 為 腦 ， 芷 草 為 軀 ， 吹 竅 定 腦 ， 死 者復 生 。 子 之 方 豈 能 若 是 乎 ？ 」 扁 鵲 曰 ： 「 不 能 。 」 中 庶子 曰 ： 「 苟 如 子 之 方 ， 譬 如 以 管 窺 天 ， 以 錐 刺 地 ， 所 窺者 大 ， 所 見 者 小 ， 所 刺 者 巨 ， 所 中 者 少 ， 如 子 之 方 ， 豈足 以 變 童 子 哉 ？ 」 扁 鵲 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 事 故 有 昧 投 而 中 頭， 掩 目 而 別 白 黑 者 。 夫 世 子 病 ， 所 謂 尸 蹶 者 ， 以 為 不 然， 試 入 診 ， 世 子 股 陰 當 溫 ， 耳 焦 焦 如 有 啼 者 聲 ， 若 此 者、 皆 可 活 也 。 」 中 庶 子 遂 入 診 世 子 ， 以 病 報 ， 虢 侯 聞 之， 足 跣 而 起 ， 至 門 曰 ： 「 先 生 遠 辱 ， 幸 臨 寡 人 ， 先 生 幸而 治 之 ， 則 糞 土 之 息 ， 得 蒙 天 地 載 長 為 人 ； 先 生 弗 治 ，則 先 犬 馬 填 壑 矣 。 」 言 未 卒 ， 而 涕 泣 沾 襟 。 扁 鵲 入 ，砥鍼 礪 石 ， 取 三 陽 五 輸 ， 為 先 軒 之 灶 ， 八 拭 之 陽 ，子 同 藥， 子 明 灸 陽 ， 子 游 按 磨 ， 子 儀 反 神 ， 子 越 扶 形 ， 於 是 世子 復 生 。 天 下 聞 之 ， 皆 以 扁 鵲 能 起 死 人 也 。 扁 鵲 曰 ： 「吾 不 能 起 死 人 ， 直 使 夫 當 生 者 起 。 」 死 者 猶 可 藥 ， 而 況生 者 乎 ！ 悲 夫 ！ 罷 君 之 治 ， 無 可 藥 而 息 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 不可 救 藥 。 」 言 必 亡 而 已 矣 。
楚 丘 先 生 披 蓑 帶 索 ， 往 見 孟 嘗 君 。 孟 嘗 君 曰 ： 「先 生 老 矣 ！ 春 秋 高 矣 ！ 多 遺 忘 矣 ！ 何 以 教 文 ？ 」 楚 丘 先生 曰 ： 「 惡 君 謂 我 老 ！ 惡 君 謂 我 老 ！ 意 者 、 將 使 我 投 石超 距 乎 ？ 追 車 赴 馬 乎 ？ 逐 麋 鹿 、 搏 豹 虎 乎 ？ 吾 則 死 矣 ，何 暇 老 哉 ！ 將 使 我 深 計 遠 謀 乎 ？ 定 猶 豫 而 決 嫌 疑 乎 ？ 出正 辭 而 當 諸 侯 乎 ？ 吾 乃 始 壯 耳 ， 何 老 之 有 ！ 」 孟 嘗 君 赧然 ， 汗 出 至 踵 ， 曰 ： 「 文 過 矣 ！ 文 過 矣 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 老夫 灌 灌 。 」
齊 景 公 遊 於 牛 山 之 上 ， 而 北 望 齊 ， 曰 ： 「 美 哉 國乎 ！ 鬱 鬱 泰 山 。 使 古 無 死 者 ， 則 寡 人 將 去 此 而 何 之 ？ 」俯 而 泣 沾 襟 。 國 子 高 子 曰 ：「 然 臣 賴 君 之 賜 ， 疏 食 惡 肉 可 得 而 食 也 ， 駑 馬 柴 車 可 得而 乘 也 ，且 猶 不 欲 死 ， 況 君 乎 ！ 」 俯 泣 。 晏 子 曰 ： 「 樂哉 ！ 今 日 嬰 之 遊 也 。 見 怯 君 一 ， 而 諛 臣 二 ， 使 古 而 無 死者 ， 則 太 公 至 今 猶 存 ， 吾 君 方 今 將 被 蓑 苙 而 立 乎 畎 畝 之中 ， 惟 事 之 恤 ， 何 暇 念 死 乎 ！ 」 景 公 慚 ， 而 舉 觴 自 罰 ，因 罰 二 臣。
秦 繆 公 將 田 ， 而 喪 其 馬 ， 求 三 日 ， 而 得 之 莖 山 之陽 ， 有 鄙 夫 乃 相 與 食 之 。 繆 公 曰 ： 「 此 駮 馬 之 肉 ， 不 得酒 者 死 。 」 繆 公 乃 求 酒 ， 遍 飲 之 ， 然 後 去 。 明 年 、 晉 師與 繆 公 戰 ， 晉 之 左 格 右 者 、 圍 繆 公 而 擊 之 ， 甲 已 墮 者 六矣 。 食 馬 者 三 百 餘 人 皆 曰 ： 「 吾 君 仁 而 愛 人 ， 不 可 不 死。 」 還 擊 晉 之 左 格 右 ， 免 繆 公 之 死 。
傳 曰 ： 卞 莊 子 好 勇 ， 母 無 恙 時 ， 三 戰 而 三 北 ， 交游 非 之 ， 國 君 辱 之 ， 卞 莊 子 受 命 ， 顏 色 不 變 。 及 母 死 三年 ， 魯 興 師 ， 卞 莊 子 請 從 ， 至 ， 見 於 將 軍 曰 ： 「 前 猶 與母 處 ， 是 以 戰 而 北 也 ， 辱 吾 身 ！ 今 母 沒 矣 ， 請 塞 責 。 」遂 走 敵 而 鬥 ， 獲 甲 首 而 獻 之 ， 「 請 以 此 塞 一 北 」 。 又 獲甲 首 而 獻 之 ， 「 請 以 此 塞 再 北 。 」 將 軍 止 之 ， 曰 ： 「 足。 」 不 止 ， 又 獲 甲 首 而 獻 之 ， 曰 ： 「 請 以 此 塞 三 北 。 」將 軍 止 之 ， 曰 ： 「 足 ， 請 為 兄 弟 。 」 卞 莊 子 曰 ： 「 夫 北、 以 養 母 也 ， 今 母 歿 矣 ， 吾 責 塞 矣 。 吾 聞 之 ， 節 士 不 以辱 生 。 」 遂 奔 敵 ， 殺 七 十 人 而 死 。 君 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ：「 三北 已 塞 責 ， 又 滅 世 斷 宗 ， 士 節 小 具 矣 ， 而 於 孝 未 終 也 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 靡 不 有 初 ， 鮮 克 有 終 。 」
天 子 有 爭 臣 七 人 ， 雖 無 道 ， 不 失 其 天 下 。 昔 殷 王紂 殘 賊 百 姓 ， 絕 逆 天 道 ， 至 斮 朝 涉 ， 刳 孕 婦 ， 脯 鬼 侯 ，醢 梅 伯 ， 然 所 以 不 亡 者 、 以 其 有 箕 子 比 干 之 故 。 微 子 去之 ， 箕 子 執 囚 為 奴 ， 比 干 諫 而 死 ， 然 後 周 加 兵 而 誅 絕 之。 諸 侯 有 爭 臣 五 人 ， 雖 無 道 ， 不 失 其 國 。 吳 王 夫 差 為 無道 ， 至 驅 一 市 之 民 以 葬 闔 閭 ， 然 所 以 不 亡 者 ， 有 伍 子 胥之 故 也 。 胥 以 死 ， 越 王 勾 踐 欲 伐 之 ， 范 蠡 諫 曰 ： 「 子 胥之 計 策 尚 未 忘 於 吳 王 之 腹 心 也 。 」 子 胥 死 後 三 年 ， 越 乃能 攻 之 。 大 夫 有 爭 臣 三 人 ， 雖 無 道 ， 不 失 其 家 。 季 氏 為無 道 ， 僭 天 子 ， 舞 八 佾 ， 旅 泰 山 ， 以 雍 徹 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「是 可 忍 也 ， 孰 不 可 忍 也 ？ 」 然 不 亡 者 ， 以 冉 有 季 路 為 宰臣 也 。 故 曰 ：「 有 諤 諤 爭 臣 者 、 其 國 昌 ， 有 默 默 諛 臣 者 、 其 國 亡 。 」詩 曰 ： 「 不 明 爾 德 ， 時 無 背 無 側 ； 爾 德 不 明 ， 以 無 陪 無卿 。 」 言 大 王 咨 嗟 ， 痛 殷 商 無 輔 弼 諫 諍 之 臣 ， 而 亡 天 下矣 。
齊 桓 公 出 遊 ， 遇 一 丈 夫 ， 裒 衣 應 步 ， 帶 著 桃 殳 。桓 公 怪 而 問 之 曰 ： 「 是 何 名 ？ 何 經 所 在 ？ 何 篇 所 居 ？ 何以 斥 逐 ？ 何 以 避 余 ？ 」 丈 夫 曰 ： 「 是 名 二 桃 ， 桃 之 為 言亡 也 。 夫 日 日 慎 桃 ， 何 患 之 有 ？ 故 亡 國 之 社 ， 以 戒 諸 侯； 庶 人 之 戒 ， 在 於 桃 殳 。 」 桓 公 說 其 言 ， 與 之 共 載 。 來年 正 月 ， 庶 人 皆 佩 。 詩 曰 ： 「 殷 監 不 遠 。 」
齊 桓 公 置 酒 ， 令 諸 侯 大 夫 曰 ： 「 後 者 飲 一 經 程 。」 管 仲 後 ， 當 飲 一 經 程 ， 飲 其 一 半 ， 而 棄 其 半 。 桓 公 曰： 「 仲 父 當 飲 一 經 程 而 棄 之 ， 何 也 ？ 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 臣 聞之 ： 酒 入 口 者 、 舌 出 ， 舌 出 者 、 〔 言 失 ， 言 失 者 、 〕 棄身 ， 與 其 棄 身 ， 不 寧 棄 酒 乎 ？ 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 詩 曰： 「 荒 湛 于 酒 。 」
齊 景 公 遣 晏 子 南 使 楚 。 楚 王 聞 之 ， 謂 左 右 曰 ： 「齊 遣 晏 子 使 寡 人 之 國 ， 幾 至 矣 。 」 左 右 曰 ： 「 晏 子 、 天下 之 辯 士 也 ， 與 之 議 國 家 之 務 ， 則 不 如 也 ； 與 之 論 往 古之 術 ， 則 不 如 也 。 王 獨 可 以 與 晏 子 坐 ， 使 有 司 束 人 過 王， 王 問 之 ， 使 言 齊 人 善 盜 ， 故 束 之 。 是 宜 可 以 困 之 。 」王 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 晏 子 至 ，即 與 之 坐 ， 圖 國 之 急 務 ， 辨 當世 之 得 失 ， 再 舉 再 窮 ， 王 默 然 無 以 續 語 。 居 有 間 ， 束 徒以 過 之 。 王 曰 ： 「 何 為 者 也 ？ 」 有 司 對 曰 ： 「 是 齊 人 ，善 盜 ， 束 而 詣 吏 。 」 王 欣 然 大 曰 ： 「 齊 乃 冠 帶 之 國 ，辯 士 之 化 ， 固 善 盜 乎 ？ 」 晏 子 曰 ： 「 然 、 固 取 之 。 王 不見 夫 江 南 之 樹 乎 ！ 名 橘 ， 樹 之 江 北 ， 則 化 為 枳 ， 何 則 ？地 土 使 然 爾 。 夫 子 處 齊 之 時 ， 冠 帶 而 立 ， 儼 有 伯 夷 之 廉， 今 居 楚 而 善 盜 ， 意 土 地 之 化 使 然 爾 。 王 又 何 怪 乎 ！ 」詩 曰 ： 「 無 言 不 讎 ， 無 德 不 報 。 」
吳 延 陵 季 子 遊 於 齊 ， 見 遺 金 〔 於 路 〕 ， 呼 牧 者 取之 。 牧 者 曰 ：「 子 〔 何 〕 居 之 高 ， 視 之 下 ； 貌 之 君 子 ， 而 言 之 野 也 。吾 有 君 不 君 ， 有 友 不 友 ， 當 暑 衣 裘 ， 君 疑 取 金 者 乎 ？ 」延 陵 子 知 其 為 賢 者 ， 請 問 姓 字 。 牧 者 曰 ： 「 子 乃 皮 相 之士 也 ； 何 足 語 姓 字 哉 ！ 」 遂 去 。 延 陵 季 子 立 而 望 之 ， 不見 乃 止 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 非 禮 勿 視 ， 非 禮 勿 聽 。 」
顏 淵 問 於 孔 子 曰 ： 「 淵 願 貧 如 富 ， 賤 如 貴 ， 無 勇而 威 ， 與 士 交 通 ， 終 身 無 患 難 。 亦 且 可 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 善 哉 ！ 回 也 ！ 夫 貧 而 如 富 ， 其 知 足 而 無 欲 也 ； 賤 而 如貴 ， 其 讓 而 有 禮 也 ； 無 勇 而 威 ， 其 恭 敬 而 不 失 於 人 也 ；終 身 無 患 難 ， 其 擇 言 而 出 之 也 。 若 回 者 、 其 至 乎 ！ 雖 上古 聖 人 亦 如 此 而 已 。 」
齊 景 公 出 田 ， 十 有 七 日 而 不 反 。 晏 子 乘 而往 ， 比至 ， 衣 冠 不 正 ， 景 公 見 而 怪 之 ， 曰 ： 「 夫 子 何 遽 乎 ？ 得無 急 乎 ？ 」 晏 子 對 曰 ： 「 然 ， 有 急 。 國 人 皆 以 君 為 惡 民好 禽 。 臣 聞 之 ： 魚 鱉 厭 深 淵 而 就 乾 淺 ，故 得 於 釣 網 ； 禽獸 厭 深 山 而 下 都 澤 ， 故 得 於 田 獵 。 今 君 出 田 ， 十 有 七 日而 不 反 ， 不 亦 過 乎 ？ 」 景 公 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 為 賓 客 莫 應 待邪 ？ 則 行 人 子 牛 在 ； 為 宗 廟 而 不 血 食 邪 ？ 則 祝 人 太 宰 在； 為 獄 不 中 邪 ？ 則 大 理 子 幾 在 ； 為 國 家 有 餘 不 足 邪 ？ 則巫 賢 在 。 寡 人 有 四 子 ， 猶 有 四 肢 也 ， 而 得 代 焉 ， 不 可 患焉 ！ 」 晏 子 曰 ： 「 然 。 人 心 有 四 肢 ， 而 得 代 焉 ， 則 善 矣； 令 四 肢 無 心 十 有 七 日 ， 不 死 乎 ？ 」 景 公 曰 ： 「 善 哉 言！ 」 遂 援 晏 子 之 手 ， 與 驂 乘 而 歸 。 若 晏 子 者 、 可 謂 善 諫者 矣 。
楚 莊 王 將 興 師 伐 晉 ， 告 士 大 夫 曰 ： 「 敢 諫 者 死 無赦 。 」 孫 叔 敖 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 ： 畏 鞭 箠 之 嚴 ， 而 不 敢 諫 其 父， 非 孝 子 也 ； 懼 斧 鉞 之 誅 ， 而 不 敢 諫 其 君 ， 非 忠 臣 也 。」 於 是 遂 進 諫 曰 ： 「 臣 園 中 有 榆 ， 其 上 有 蟬 ， 蟬 方 奮 翼悲 鳴 ， 欲 飲 清 露 ， 不 知 螳 螂 之 在 後 ， 曲 其 頸 ， 欲 攫 而 食之 也 ； 螳 螂 方 欲 食 蟬 ， 而 不 知 黃 雀 在 後 ， 舉 其 頸 ， 欲 啄而 食 之 也 ； 黃 雀 方 欲 食 螳 螂 ， 不 知 童 挾 彈 丸 在 下 ， 迎 而欲 彈 之 ； 童 子 方 欲 彈 黃 雀 ， 不 知 前 有 深 坑 ， 後 有 窟 也 。此 皆 言 前 之 利 ， 而 不 顧 後 害 者 也 ， 非 獨 昆 蟲 眾 庶 若 此 也， 人 主 亦 然 。 君 今 知 貪 彼 之 土 ， 而 樂 其 士 卒 。 」 國 不 怠， 而 晉 國 以 寧 ， 孫 叔 敖 之 力 也 。
晉 平 公 之 時 ， 藏 寶 之 臺 燒 ， 士 大 夫 聞 ， 皆 趨 車 馳馬 救 火 ， 三 日 三 夜 乃 勝 之 。 公 子 晏 子 獨 束 帛 而 賀 曰 ： 「甚 善 矣 ！ 」 平 公 勃 然 作 色 ， 曰 ： 「 珠 玉 之 所 藏 也 ， 國 之重 寶 也 ， 而 天 火 之 ， 士 大 夫 皆 趨 車 走 馬 而 救 之 ， 子 獨 束帛 而 賀 ， 何 也 ？ 有 說 則 生 ， 無 說 則 死 。 」 公 子 晏 子 曰 ：「 何 敢 無 說 ？ 臣 聞 之 ： 王 者 藏 於 天 下 ， 諸 侯 藏 於 百 姓 〔農 夫 藏 於 囷 庾 ， 〕 ， 商 賈 藏 於 篋 匱 。 今 百 姓 之 於 外 ， 短褐 不 蔽 形 ， 糟 糠 不 充 口 ， 虛 而 賦 歛 無 已 ， 收 太 半 而 藏 之臺 ， 是 以 天 火 之 。 且 臣 聞 之 ： 昔 者 桀 殘 賊 海 內 ， 賦 歛 無度 ， 萬 民 甚 苦 ， 是 故 湯 誅 之 ， 為 天 下 戮 笑 。 今 皇 天 降 災於 藏 臺 ， 是 君 之 福 也 ， 而 不 自 知 變 悟 ， 亦 恐 君 之 為 鄰 國笑 矣 」 。 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 自 今 已 往 ， 請 藏 於 百 姓 之 間 。 」詩 曰 ： 「 稼 穡 維 寶 ， 代 食 維 好 。 」
魏 文 侯 問 里 克 曰 ： 「 吳 之 所 以 亡 者 、 何 也 ？ 」 里克 對 曰 ： 「 數 戰 而 數 勝 。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 〔 數 戰 〕 數 勝 ，國 之 福 也 。 其 獨 亡 ， 何 也 ？ 」 里 克 對 曰 ： 「 數 戰 則 民 疲， 數 勝 則 主 驕 ； 驕 則 恣 ， 恣 則 極 〔 物 ， 疲 則 怨 ， 怨 則 極慮 〕 。 上 下 俱 極 ， 吳 之 亡 猶 晚 矣 ！ 此 夫 差 所 以 自 喪 於 干遂 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 天 降 喪 亂 ， 滅 我 立 王 。 」
楚 有 士 曰 申 鳴 ， 治 園 以 養 父 母 ， 孝 聞 於 楚 ，王 召之 ， 申 鳴 辭 不 往 。 其 父 曰 ： 「 王 欲 用 汝 ， 何 為 辭 之 ？ 」申 鳴 曰 ： 「 何 舍 為 子 ， 乃 為 臣 乎 ？ 」 其 父 曰 ： 「 使 汝 有祿 於 國 ， 有 位 於 廷 ， 汝 樂 ， 而 我 不 憂 矣 。 我 欲 汝 之 仕 也。 」 申 鳴 曰 ： 「 諾 。 」 遂 之 朝 受 命 ， 楚 王 以 為 左 司 馬 。其 年 、 遇 白 公 之 亂 ， 殺 令 尹 子 西 、 司 馬 子 期 ， 申 鳴 因 以兵 之 衛 。 白 公 謂 石 乞 曰 ： 「 申 鳴 、 天 下 勇 士 也 ， 今 將 兵， 為 之 奈 何 ？ 」 石 乞 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 申 鳴 、 孝 也 ， 劫 其 父 以兵 。 」 使 人 謂 申 鳴 曰 ： 「 子 與 我 ， 則 與 子 楚 國 ； 不 與 我， 則 殺 乃 父 。 」 申 鳴 流 涕 而 應 之 曰 ： 「 始 則 父 之 子 ， 今則 君 之 臣 ， 已 不 得 為 孝 子 ， 安 得 不 為 忠 臣 乎 ！ 」 援 桴 鼓之 ， 遂 殺 白 公 ， 其 父 亦 死 焉 。 王 歸 、 賞 之 。 申 鳴 曰 ： 「受 君 之 祿 ， 避 君 之 難 ， 非 忠 臣 也 ； 正 君 之 法 ， 以 殺 其 父， 又 非 孝 子 也 。 行 不 兩 全 ， 名 不 兩 立 。 悲 夫 ！ 若 此 而 生， 亦 何 以 示 天 下 之 士 哉 ！ 」 遂 自 刎 而 死 。 詩 曰 ： 「 進 退惟 谷 。 」
昔 者 、 太 公 望 周 公 旦 受 封 而 見 ， 太 公 問 周 公 何 以治 魯 ？ 周 公 曰 ： 「 尊 尊 親 親 。 」 太 公 曰 ： 「 魯 從 此 弱 矣。 」 周 公 問 太 公 曰 ： 「 何 以 治 齊 ？ 」 太 公 曰 ： 「 舉 賢 賞功 。 」 周 公 曰 ： 「 後 世 必 有 劫 殺 之 君 矣 。 」 後 齊 日 以 大， 至 於 霸 ， 二 十 四 世 而 田 氏 代 之 。 魯 日 以 削 ， 三 十 四 世而 亡 。 猶 此 觀 之 ， 聖 人 能 知 微 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 惟 此 聖 人 ，瞻 言 百 里 。 」
Duke Huan of Ch`i pursued a white deer to the state of Maich`iu, where he met a man. [The Duke] said, "Who are you?" 2
The man replied, "I am a native 3 of Mai-ch`iu."
Duke Huan said, "What is your age, old man?"
He replied, "My age is 83." 4
Duke Huan said, "A fine old age," 5 and drank with him, saying, "Old man, why not drink my health?"
He replied, "This rustic person does not know how rulers' 6 healths are drunk."
Duke Huan said, "Why not apply your [form of] drinking a health to me?"
The native raised his cup, bowed twice and said, "May my Prince live long indeed. May gold and jade be cheap [in his eyes], 7 and the people valuable."
Duke Huan said, "An excellent wish. I have heard that `perfect virtue is not solitary,' 8 fine sayings must be in pairs. Why not repeat it?" 9
The man raised his cup, bowed twice and said, "May my Prince love learning 10 and not dislike to ask questions. May there be sages by his side, and may those with remonstrances have access to him."
Duke Huan said, "An excellent wish! I have heard that `perfect virtue is not solitary,' fine words must be in threes. Why not repeat it?" 11
The man raised his cup, bowed twice and said, "May his ministers and people not offend against my Prince, and may my Prince not offend against his ministers and people."
Duke Huan was not pleased and said, "This speech is not so good as those first two. 12 May you change it."
The man burst into tears and said, "I hope Your Highness will think about it carefully. This one speech is superior to the first two. I have heard that a son who offends against his father can ask pardon through his aunt or his sisters, after which his father will forgive him. If a subject offend against his prince he can ask pardon through [the prince's] attendants, after which prince will forgive him. Of old Chieh offended against [T`ang, and Chou offended against King Wu. These were princes who offended against their] 13 subjects. Down to the present [such] have never had anyone to ask pardon on their behalf."
Duke Huan said, "Good. I owe it to the good fortune brought me by my ancestral temple and the spiritual power of the altars to Heaven and Earth that I got to meet you here." He helped him [into his chariot] and rode off with him, driving the chariot himself on the way back. He presented him in the ancestral temple and then put him in charge of governmental affairs. Duke Huan owed his bringing together the feudal lords and uniting the empire without the force of arms not only to Kuan Chung but also to this meeting.
The Ode says, 14
Pao Shu in recommending Kuan Chung said, "There are five things in which I am not the equal of Kuan I-wu. 16 In generous giving and mild love 17 I am not his equal. In loyalty and trustworthiness that attach him to the people, 18 I am not his equal. In managing li and making laws binding in the four quarters [of the empire] 19 I am not his equal. In deciding lawsuits equitably I am not his equal. 20 In seizing drumstick and drum and taking a stand at the gate of the military camp to inspire troops with valor 21 I am not his equal."
The Ode says, 22
When Ch`ung-êrh, the Duke Wên of Chin, had traveled in exile to Ts`ao, Li Fu-hsü 24 accompanied him, and took advantage of the occasion to steal Ch`ung-êrh's provisions and flee. Ch`ung-êrh was without grain and so hungry he was unable to travel. Tzŭ-t`ui cut off flesh from his own thigh to feed Ch`ung-êrh, after which he was able to travel. When Ch`ung-êrh was restored to his state, there were many in the state who did not submit to him. Whereupon Li Fu-hsü came to him for an audience, saying, "I am able to establish peace in the state of Chin."
Duke Wên sent a man to reply to him, "Do you still have the face to come see me, wanting to establish peace in the state of Chin?"
Li Fu-hsü said, "Is the prince washing his hair?"
The man 25 said, "He is not."
Li Fu-hsü said, "For I have heard that when a person washes his hair his heart is upside down and [so] his words are contrary [to what they would ordinarily be]. Now if the prince is not washing his hair, how does it happen his words are contrary?"
The man reported this to Duke Wên, who granted him an audience. Li Fu-hsü raised his head and said, "You were long away from the country, and many of the ministers and people transgressed against Your Highness. Now that you have been restored to your state, the people are all afraid for themselves. Now I, Li Fu-hsü, even plundered all of Your Highness' provisions and fled to the depths of the mountains, so that you suffered from hunger, and Chieh Tzŭ-t`ui [had to] cut [flesh] off his thigh. No one in the empire but has heard of it. My wrongdoing was so very great that punishment involving my relatives of the tenth degree would still be insufficient to wipe out my crime. But if Your Highness were sincerely to forgive my crime and ride together with me in a chariot through the country, seeing us, the people would know for a certainty that you harbored no old grudges, and men would be at ease about themselves."
Whereupon Duke Wên, being greatly pleased, followed his plan and had him ride in his chariot through the country. When the people saw them, they all said, "If instead of punishing even Li Fu-hsü, he has him in his chariot, what have we to fear?"
In this way the state of Chin enjoyed great contentment. Truly, as the Shu [ching] says, 26 "King Wên dressed meanly and gave himself to the work of tranquillization, and to that of husbandry." Guilt such as that of Li Fu-hsü, and no one to forgive it. . . . 27
The Ode says, 28
There is a traditional account which tells of the difficulty of being a king: When the Heavenly Mandate arrives, 30 the T`aitsung, T`ai-shih, and T`ai-chu,31 dressed in plain clothes 32 and holding their tablets, face north and offer condolences to the Son of Heaven. [The T`ai-tsung] says, "The Heavenly Mandate has arrived. 33 What is to be done about the enduring cares [involved]?" 34 And the first [minister] offers the Son of Heaven his tablet. 35
The [T`ai-shih] says, "Respectfully present the offerings at the sacrifices. May you eternally rule by the Heavenly Mandate. May you be infinitely in awe of it. May your person dare not to rest." And the second [minister] offers the Son of Heaven his tablet.
[The T`ai-chu] says, "May you night and day offer prayers. May your person be not idle.36 May the ten thousand people look to you." And the third [minister] offers the Son of Heaven his tablet.
They say, "Let the Son of Heaven face the south and receive 37 the Imperial throne. May he take the government as his concern, and never take the throne as [intended for] his pleasure."
The Ode says, 38
The superior man seeks gentleness and moderation in jên;reverence and yielding he seeks in li. If he succeeds, he feels that he has done right, and if he fails, he feels that he has done right. 40 Thus the superior man in regard to the True Way is like the farmer tilling the fields. Though he get no great yield from the year's harvest, he will not change.
Shan Fu, the King T`ai, had sons named T`ai-po, Chung-yung, and Chi-li. [Chi-]li had a son named Ch`ang. T`ai-po was eldest. 41 King T`ai regarded Ch`ang as worthy and wished Chi to be his successor. T`ai-po left and went to Wu. When King T`ai was on the point of death he said [to Chi], "When I die, you go and yield your place to your two elder brothers. It may be they will not come, but you will have done the right thing and so you will have peace."
King T`ai died and Chi went to Wu and told his two elder brothers. His elder brothers went back with Chi. All the ministers wished [T`ai-] po to put Chi on the throne, but Chi in turn made way for [T`ai-]po, who said to Chung[-yung], "Now all the ministers wish me to put Chi on the throne, but Chi in turn makes way for me. How shall we settle it?"
Chung[-yung] said, ". . . . . . 42 Only the weak need support. It will be all right to put Chi on the throne."
In the end Chi ascended the throne and brought up 43 King Wên. King Wên actually received the Mandate [of Heaven] and ruled as king. Confucius said, "T`ai-o had singular insight; King Chi had singular knowledge. [T`ai-]po recognized his father's will, and Chi understood his father's mind. Hence it can be said of King T`ai, T`ai-po, and King Chi that seeing the beginning they knew what the end would be, and that they were able to carry out their wills."
The Ode says, 44
This is illustrated above.
T`ai-po returned to Wu and was made its ruler. [Wu endured] for twenty-eight generations to [the time of] Fu-ch`ai, when it perished.
King Hsüan of Ch`i met with King Hui of Wei to hunt in the suburbs. The King of Wei said, "You certainly must have treasures?"
The King of Ch`i said, "I have none."
The King of Wei said, "If even a little state like mine has pearls an inch in diameter, ten of which will illuminate the space around a chariot for a distance of twelve ch`êng,46 how can a state of a thousand chariots [such as Ch`i] lack treasures?"
The King of Ch`i said, "I differ with Your Majesty in what I consider treasures to be. Among my subjects is a certain T`an-tzŭ. I sent him to administer Nan-ch`êng, and as a result the people of Ch`u dared not commit acts of violence, and all the twelve feudal lords up the Ssŭ River came to [pay homage at] my court. Among my ministers is a certain P`an-tzŭ. 47 I sent him to administer Kao-t`ang, and as a result the people of Chao dared not fish to the east in the River. Among my subjects is a certain Ch`ien-fu. I sent him to administer Hsü-chou, and as a result the people of Yen offered sacrifices to the North gate, 48 and the people of Chao offered sacrifices to the West gate, 49 while there were over ten thousand families that came over to serve him. Among my subjects is a certain Chung-shou. I had him oversee robberies, and [the result was that] things dropped on the roads were not picked up. With [these subjects] I light up a thousand li beyond my borders. How is it a mere matter of twelve ch`êng?"
The King of Wei was ashamed and left displeased.
The Ode says, 50
At Tung-hai there was a brave soldier named Tzŭ-ch`iu Hsin, who was known throughout the empire for his valor. He was passing through 53 a haunted valley and said, "Give my horse a drink."
His servant said, "If you let a horse drink here he will certainly die."
"Do as I tell you." He gave him a drink, and the horse really did collapse. Tzŭ-ch`iu Hsin took off his court dress, drew his sword and entered [the water]. He came out after three days and three nights, during which time he had killed three scaly dragons and one ordinary dragon. The Spirit of Thunder followed and attacked him for ten days and ten nights, blinding his left eye.
Yao Li, hearing of it, went to see him and said, "Is Hsin at home?"
"He has gone to escort some mourners."
Yao Li, hearing of it, went to see him and said, "Is Hsin at home?"
"He has gone to escort some mourners."
He went to see Hsin at the grave and said, "I hear that the Spirit of Thunder attacked you for ten days and ten nights, blinding your left eye. Now one with a grudge against Heaven does not leave the suns intact, 54 nor does one turn on his heel [and walk away] when he has been wronged by a man. How is it that up to the present time you have not repayed [the Spirit of Thunder]?" And he left with a snort of derision. 55 Those giving vent to their grief at the grave were past counting.
When Yao Li had returned home he said to his gateman, "Tzŭch`iu Hsin is the bravest soldier in the empire. Today I put him to shame in the presence of others. For that he will certainly come to attack me. This evening do not close the gate, nor the door [of my chamber] when I have gone to bed."
Tzŭ-ch`in Hsin really came that night. He drew his sword and held 56 it at Yao Li's throat, saying, "You are guilty of three crimes for which you deserve to die. Putting me to shame in the presence of others 57 is the first. Not closing your gate [when you knew I would be coming] is the second. Not closing the door when you had gone to bed is the third."
Yao Li said, "Wait until I have said a word. Coming [at night] 58 to pay a visit is your first unworthy act. Drawing your sword without using it is your second unworthy act. Preceding speech with a sword is your third unworthy act. Your being able to kill me is nothing more than poisoning me would be." 59
Tzŭ-ch`iu Hsin withdrew his sword and left, saying, "There is only this man in the whole empire whom I am not equal to."
There is the traditional saying, "The Kung-tzŭ Mu-i got a state with words," 60 and now Yao Li saved his life with words. Speech must be polished, as in this case. The Ode says, 61
There is a story as follows: Ch`i sent an envoy to present a goose to Ch`u. The goose became thirsty. When the envoy gave it a drink on the way, the goose escaped from its basket. 63 The envoy went on to Ch`u just the same and said, "Ch`i sent me to present a goose. The goose was thirsty, and on the way I gave it a drink, but it escaped from the basket. Though I wished to run away, it would have meant 66 that communications between two princes would be interrupted. Though I would have liked to draw my sword and kill myself, that would have led people to believe that my prince despises gentlemen but values geese. Here is the basket: I would like to discharge 67 my service to Ch`u with it. The king esteemed his speech and appreciated the persuasiveness of his words. Accordingly he detained him and gave him presents, making him an honored guest to the end of his life.
Truly, an envoy must strive for elegant speech. He must give the impression of sincerity and honesty, clarify the spirit and intention [of his master], loosen knots and straighten out the crooked. Only after that can he be sent on a mission.
The Ode says, 68
Pien-ch`iao went to see the Marquis of Kuo. 70 The Heir Apparent [of Kuo] had died of a violent illness. Pien-ch`iao went to the palace [gate] 71 and said, "I have heard that in the state there has suddenly been occasion for digging a hole in the ground. 72 Is it urgent?"
They said, "The Heir Apparent has died of a violent illness."
Pien-ch`iao said, "Go in and say that Ch`in Yüeh-jên, a physician of Chêng, can cure 73 him."
The Chung-shu-tzŭ,74 who was an amateur of medicine, came out and answered him, "I have heard that there was a physician of highest antiquity named Ti-fu. 75 In practicing medicine Ti-fu would make a mat of sedge and a dog of grass, 76 then facing north he would pray. When he had emited only ten words, those who came supported or carried [by others] 77 all recovered. 78 Can your prescriptions equal that?"
Pien-ch`iao said, "They cannot."
He went on to say, "I have heard that there was a physician of middle antiquity named Yü-fu. 79 In practicing medicine Yü-fu would make brains from ni wood or a body from chih grass, and, blowing in the apertures and fixing the brain, 80 would bring the dead to life again. 81 Can your prescriptions equal that?"
Pien-ch`iao said, "They cannot."
The Chung-shu-tzŭ said, "[The use of] prescriptions like yours can be compared to viewing the sky through a tube or poking a hole in the earth with an awl. What you look at is large, but what you pierce is trifling. How can prescriptions like yours be adequate to working a transformation 82 in the boy?"
Pien-ch`iao said, "Not so. Serving antiquity is like throwing in the dark to hit a mosquito on the head, or covering the eyes to distinguish between black and white. Now the illness of the Heir Apparent is what is called a cataleptic trance. 83 If you do not believe me, why do you not go in and examine him? His anus should be warm, and in his ears a buzzing as though someone were weeping. 84 In every case where these conditions hold [the patient] can be made to live."
The Chung-shu-tzŭ then went in and examined the Heir Apparent and reported on the illness to the Marquis of Kuo. When [the Marquis of Kuo] 85 heard this, he got up in his bare feet and going to the gate said, "Master, you have had the trouble of coming from afar in your progress 86 to visit me. If happily you cure him, then this animated dung, 87 with the protection of Heaven and Earth, 88 will grow to be a man. If you, Master, are unable to cure him, then [his corpse] might as well be thrown into a ditch along with [those of] dogs and horses." 89 Before he had finished speaking his tears were soaking his lapel.
Pien-ch`iao went in [to the chamber where the body was]. 90 He sharpened his needles [for acupuncture] and ground his stone probe. With them 91 he opened up 92 the three yang93 and the five shu.94 He made a hsien-hsien stove 95 and an eightfold cleansing brew. 96 Tzŭ-t`ung 97 ground the medicine; Tzŭ-ming applied cautery to the yang;98 Tzŭ-yu practiced massage: Tzŭ-i "restored the spirit," 99 and Tzŭ-yüeh "supported the form." 100 Whereupon the Heir Apparent came to life again.
When it became known in the empire, everyone thought Piench`iao could raise the dead. Pien-ch`iao said, "I cannot raise the dead. I can only make those who should live rise."
If even the dead can be treated with medicine, how much the more the living! 101 Alas that there is no medicine to restore the rule of a worn-out prince! The Ode says, 102
It says that nothing but inevitable destruction awaits them.
Master Ch`u-ch`iu 104 came dressed in a grass raincoat and wearing a rope for a belt to see Prince Mêng of Ch`ang. Prince Mêng of Ch`ang said, "Sir, you are old; your years are advanced. You are frequently forgetful. What have you to teach me?" 105
Master Ch`u-ch`iu said, "How can Your Highness call me old? How can Your Highness call me old? I suppose you are going to have me throw a stone or leap far? Pursue a chariot or run after a horse? Chase a deer or capture a panther or tiger? In that case I would die on the spot; what time would I have for growing old? Or are you going to have me make deep-laid plans and far-reaching schemes? Settle doubts 106 and decide uncertainties? Issue formal pronouncements on meeting the feudal lords? In that case I am just in my prime. How does age enter into the matter?"
Prince Mêng of Ch`ang blushed and the sweat poured off him to his heels. He said, "I was wrong, I was wrong."
The Ode says, 107
Duke Ching of Ch`i was walking on top of Cow Mountain. Looking to the north out over Ch`i he said, "What a fine state! How luxuriant and flourishing!109 Where shall I go when I leave this?"111 And he bowed his head and wept until [the tears] wet his lapel.
Kuo-tzŭ and Kao-tzŭ said, "You are right. We ministers are dependent on Your Highness' bounty to eat [even] coarse food and bad meat, and to ride in worn-out carriages [drawn by] broken-down horses, but still we do not wish to die. How much the less Your Highness!" And they too 112 bowed their heads and wept.
Yen-tzŭ laughed 113 and said, "What pleasure! On today's trip I have seen one frightened prince and two flattering ministers. If from antiquity there were no [such thing as] death, then T`ai-Kung would still be alive today, and you, my Prince, right now would be standing in the fields wearing a grass garment and a straw hat, with only your work to worry about; 114 what time would you have to think of death?"
Duke Ching was ashamed and lifted up a beaker to punish himself, and in the same way punished the two ministers.
Duke Mu of Ch`in went hunting and lost his horse. After looking for three days he found [its remains] on the south side of Mt. Ching. Some countrymen had just been sharing [its flesh] among themselves for a meal. Duke Mu said, "Anyone who eats the flesh of a po- 116 horse without wine will die." 117 Duke Mu then got wine and gave it to everyone to drink. After that he left.
The next year the army of Chin fought with Duke Mu. The spearman on the right [of the prince of] Chin, Lu Shih, 118 cut off Duke Mu and attacked him. Six [pieces] of his armor had already dropped off [under this onslaught] 119 when 300-odd men who had eaten [the flesh of] the horse all said, "Our Prince is humane (jên) and loves men. We cannot but die [in his defense]." Whereupon they fell on the spearman Lu Shih and saved Duke Mu from death.120
There is the story of Pien Chuang-tzŭ, who loved valor. While his mother was in good health, he was in three battles and three times he fled. His friends criticized him and the prince of the state heaped shame on him. Pien Chuang-tzŭ endured his prince's censure 122 without changing countenance. Three years after the death of his mother, when Lu raised an army, Pien Chuang-tzŭ asked to accompany it. At his interview with the general of the forces he said, "Formerly I was still living with my mother, and for this reason I fled from battle to the disgrace of my person. Now that my mother is dead, I should like to atone for my failure." 123 Then he rushed to the enemy and fought with them. Taking a soldier's head, he [came back and] presented it [saying], "With this I should like to atone for my first flight." He took another head and presented it [saying], "With this I should like to atone for my second flight."
The general stopped him and said, "This is enough."
He would not stop but again took a head and presented it saying, "With this I should like to atone for my third flight."
The general stopped him and said, "This is enough. I would like to make you my [sworn] brother."
Pien Chuang-tzŭ said, "I ran away three times 124 so that I might [live to] look after my mother. Now my mother is dead and I have atoned for my failure. I have heard that the gentleman of principle does not live in disgrace." Wherewith he charged the enemy, killing seventy men before he died.
On hearing of this the superior man would say, "The three flights he atoned for, but he went on and exterminated his family and put an end to [the sacrifices to] his ancestors. This gentleman's capacity for principle was small; he was not filial to the last degree."
The Ode says, 125
When the Son of Heaven has seven admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his empire. Of old Chou, King of the Yin, was cruel to the people and went against the Way of Heaven to the extent of cutting off [the legs of an old man and of a boy] who were crossing the ford in the morning, 127 of ripping up pregnant women, 128 of making dried meat of the Marquis of Kuei, and of making mincemeat of the Earl of Mei. The reason he did not lose his kingdom was that he had Chi-tzŭ and Pi-kan. Wei-tzŭ left him, Chi-tzŭ was thrown into prison as a slave, and Pi-kan, remonstrating, died. After that Chou raised troops and exterminated him.
When a feudal lord has five admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his state. Fu-ch`ai, King of Wu, acted without principle to the extent of driving the population of a whole town to be interred with Ho-lü. 129 The reason he did not lose his state was that he had Wu Tzŭ-hsü. Once [Tzŭ-]hsü was dead, King Kou-chien of Yüeh wished to attack [Wu]. Fan Li objected, "Tzŭ-hsü's plans are not yet forgotten in the mind of the King of Wu." After Tzŭ-hsü had been dead for three years, Yüeh was able to attack [Wu].
If a Great Officer has three admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his house. The head of the Chi family was without principle, usurping the dances with eight rows of dancers of the Son of Heaven, 130 sacrificing to Mt. T`ai, 131 and using the "Yung" ode. 132 Confucius said, 133 "If he can bear to do this, what may he not bear to do?" That he did not lose his position was because he had Jan Yu and Chi Lu for ministers.
Truly it is said, "The state of one with outspoken admonishing ministers will be brilliant, while the state of one with reticent flattering ministers will be lost."
The Ode says, 134
It speaks of King Wên's sighing and deploring that the Yin-shang [dynasty], from a lack of assisting and admonishing ministers, would lose the empire.
Duke Huan of Ch`i went out walking and met an old man who was wearing flowing garments and proceeding. . . . (?) 136 In his belt he was carrying a peach wood staff. 137 Duke Huan asked in surprise,
"What do you call that? In what classic does it occur? What section does it occupy? 138 How do you exorcise with it? Why do you avoid me?" 139
The old man said, "This is called `two peach.' 140 The word t`ao (peach) means to be lost. 141 Now what worries can there be for one who daily is careful about t`ao? Just as the altars of a lost state are a warning to the feudal lords, the common man's warning is in this peach staff."
Duke Huan was pleased with his words and carried him in his chariot. By the first month of the next year the common people all wore it.
The Ode says, 142
Duke Huan of Ch`i set out wine and ordered the Great Officers, 144 "The last one 145 shall have to drink a ching measure." Kuan Chung was last and was supposed to drink the ching measure. He drank one half and threw out the other half.
Duke Huan said, "Chung-fu, you were supposed to drink a ching measure. Why did you throw it out?"
Kuan Chung said, "I have heard that when wine enters one's mouth his tongue comes out. 146 One whose tongue comes out casts away his person. Is it not better to cast away wine than to cast away one's person?" Duke Huan approved.
The Ode says, 147
Duke Ching of Ch`i sent Yen-tzŭ on a mission south to Ch`u. On hearing of it the King of Ch`u said to his attendants, "Ch`i has sent Yen-tzŭ on a mission to my state, and he will soon arrive."
The attendants said, "Yen-tzŭ is the greatest sophist in the world. No one can equal him in deliberating the concerns of a state or in discussing the methods of antiquity. All Your Majesty can do is sit with him. Then have an officer pass by with a bound man, and let Your Majesty make inquiries. Have him [prepared to] say, `The men of Ch`i have a propensity for thieving, and so I have bound him.' This is a good way to embarrass [Yen-tzŭ]." The king approved.
When Yen-tzŭ arrived, he sat with him. [Yen-tzŭ] outlined the cares and concerns of the state and criticized the degrees of success of their contemporaries. Over and over he would bring up a topic and exhaust it, while the king sat speechless and unable to take up the conversation.149 They had been [sitting] there for a while when a bound man passed them. The king said, "Who is that?"
The officer replied, "This is one of those natives of Ch`i who have a propensity for stealing. I have bound him and am going to turn him over to the sheriff."
The king emitted a loud laugh of pleasure and said, "Ch`i is a state where officials caps and belts [are worn], and where eloquence reigns. Do they really have a propensity for stealing [too]?"
Yen-tzŭ said, "Of course. Certainly they take things. Has not Your Majesty seen those trees south of the Chiang called orange trees? If you plant them north of the Chiang they change to chih trees. 150 Why? It is simply caused by the soil. When this gentleman dwelt in Ch`i he stood up in his official cap and belt as stern in his scruples as Po-i. Now that he is living in Ch`u, if he has a propensity for thieving, it seems to me that it is simply a change [wrought by] the soil. What is there for Your Majesty to be surprised about?"
The Ode says, 151
Yen-ling Chi-tzŭ of Wu was out walking in Ch`i. Seeing some money that had been lost [by someone] he called a shepherd to pick it up. The shepherd said, "How is it that 154 you occupy a high position but keep your glance down? Your appearance is noble, but your words are vulgar. If I have a prince who does not act like a prince and friends who do not act like friends, it is like wearing winter furs in the heat of summer. Do you suspect me of being the sort of person who picks up money?"
Yen-ling-tzŭ realized that he was a sage and politely asked his name. The shepherd said, "You certainly are a superficial fellow. You are not good enough for me to tell you my name." Wherewith he went off. Yen-ling Chi-tzŭ stood up and kept looking after him until he was out of sight.
Confucius said, 155 "Look not at what is contrary to li; listen not to what is contrary to li."
Yen Yüan asked Confucius, "I would like [to be able] to regard [my] poverty as wealth, to take [my] mean position as a noble one, to make myself esteemed without recourse to physical violence, to enjoy friendly relations with officials, and for the rest of my life have no trouble—would this not certainly be worth while?"
Confucius said, "Excellent, Hui. Now if one regards poverty as wealth, knowing when he has enough, he is without desire. If one takes a mean position to be a noble one, being yielding, he is possessed of li. If one is esteemed without recourse to physical violence, being respectful, he offends against no one. If one for his whole life has no trouble, it is because he chooses his words before speaking. One like Hui is perfect. The saints of antiquity themselves were no better than this."
Duke Ching of Ch`i went out hunting and after seventeen days had not returned. Yen-tzŭ went after him in a chariot. On arriving, his gown and cap were awry. On seeing him Duke Ching was astonished and said, "Master, why are you in such a hurry? Is there an emergency?"
Yen-tzŭ replied, "Yes, there is an emergency. The people of the state with one accord think that Your Highness hates the people but loves animals. I have heard that when fish and turtles get tired of the depths and come to the surface 157 the result is that they are taken by hook or by net. When animals get tired of the wilds 158 and come down to the cities and plains the result is that they are taken by hunters. Now Your Highness has been out hunting for seventeen days without returning; is not this rather excessive?"
Duke Ching said, "Not so. If there are guests is there no one to meet them?—the Hsing-jên Tzŭ-niu is there for that. Is there no one to offer blood and food [sacrifices] in the ancestral temple? —the Chu-jên T`ai-tsai is there for that. Are there litigations undecided?—the Ta-li Tzŭ-chi is there for that. Is there inequality in distribution in the state?—Wu Hsien is there to take care of that. My having these four officers is analogous to having four limbs which can act for me. What is there to worry about?" 159
Yen-tzŭ said, "Certainly. If a man's heart had four limbs that could act for it, that would be fine. But if the four limbs lacked a heart for seventeen days, would they not die?"
Duke Ching said, "Well said," and then taking Yen-tzŭ by the hand, drove back with him, putting him on his right in the same chariot. Of Yen-tzŭ it may be said that he was skillful at offering remonstrances.
King Chuang of Ch`u was going to raise an army to attack Chin. He announced to his officials and Great Officers, "Anyone who dares object will be put to death without mercy."
Sun-shu Ao said, "I have heard that the son who, fearing the severity of a whipping, dares not remonstrate with his father is not filial, and that the minister who, fearing the punishment of axe and chopping block, dares not remonstrate with his prince is not loyal." Whereupon he went ahead and offered a remonstrance:
"In my garden there is an elm tree. On top is a cicada. The cicada is just vibrating his wings and singing his sad song, intent on drinking the fresh dew, not knowing that the mantis behind him is twisting his neck, about to seize and eat him. The mantis, intent on eating the cicada, does not know that behind him the sparrow is stretching his neck, about to peck and eat him. The sparrow intent of eating the mantis, does not know that the boy beneath the elm tree 161 with cross-bow and pellets is looking up about to shoot him. The boy, intent on shooting the sparrow, does not know that in front of him is a deep pit and behind him a hole. 162 These all are occupied with 163 the advantage before them without regarding the [possible] injury behind. It is not only animals and common people who behave like this; rulers also do the same thing. Now you know enough to covet their territory and. . . . 164 their soldiers . . . the state not in danger 165 . . ."
That the state of Ch`u enjoyed peace was due to Sun-shu Ao's efforts.
In the time of Duke P`ing of Chin the tower in which his valuables were stored caught fire. When the officials and Great Officers heard of it they all 167 hastened in chariots and on horseback to put the fire out. After three days and nights they got it under control. The Kung-tzŭ Yen-tzŭ alone congratulated him with rolls of silk, saying, "Very good."
Duke P`ing suddenly changed color and said, "It was where pearls and jade were stored. They were the most important treasures of the state, but Heaven burned it. Officials and Great Officers all hastened in chariots and on horseback to put out the fire; why do you alone congratulate me with rolls of silk? If you have an explanation you may live; if not, you die."
The Kung-tzŭ Yen-tzŭ said, "How would I dare not have an explanation? I have heard that the king has his treasure in the empire, the feudal lords have theirs in the people, [the farmers in their granaries], 168 and the merchants in their coffers. Now the people are exhausted outside. Their worn-out 169 clothes do not cover their bodies, and their coarse food does not satisfy their hunger. They are empty . . . 170 but there is no end to taxes and imposts. Your Highness 171 takes the half and stores it in your tower. This is why Heaven has burned it. Further I have heard that of old because Chieh treated the country outrageously, taxing immoderately so that the people were in great distress, T`ang punished him, putting him to death 172 and making him the laughing stock of the empire. Now that August Heaven has sent down disaster on your treasure tower is Your Highness' good luck. If you do not realize it and wake up, I fear that you too will be the laughing stock of neighboring states."
The Duke approved, saying, "From now on I hope to lay up my treasures among the people."
The Ode says, 173
Marquis Wên of Wei asked Li 175 K`o, "What were the reasons for the destruction of Wu?"
Li K`o replied, "Repeated victories in repeated battles."
Marquis Wên said, "Repeated victories are the good fortune of a state. Why then was Wu of all countries destroyed?"
Li K`o replied, "After repeated battles the people are exhausted. After repeated victories the ruler is overbearing. Being overbearing, he is without restraint. Being unrestrained, he goes to extremes. 176 When superiors and inferiors were both in extremity, the destruction of Wu was overdue even. This was how Fu-ch`ai destroyed himself in Kan-sui." 177
The Ode says, 178
In Ch`u there was a gentleman named Shên Ming. He tended a garden to support his parents. His filial behavior became known to the king of Ch`u, who summoned him. Shên Ming refused to go. His father said, "Why do you refuse when the king wishes to employ you?"
Shên Ming said, "Why should I give up being a son to become a subject?"
His father said, "If you are paid by the state and hold a position in the court, you will be happy and I will have no worries. I wish you to serve."
Shên Ming said, "Yes, sir," and so went to court to receive the king's command. The king of Ch`u made him ssŭ-ma of the Left. After one year 180 there occurred the revolt of the Governor of Po, in which were killed the Ling-yin Tzŭ-hsi and the Ssŭ-ma Tzŭ-ch`i. Shên Ming then surrounded [the Governor of Po] with troops. 181
The Governor of Po said to Shih Ch`i, "Shên Ming is the bravest soldier in the world. Now that he [has surrounded me] 182 with his troops, what shall we do?"
Shih Ch`i said, "I have heard that Shên Ming is a filial son. 183 Let us seize his father with our troops and then have someone say to Shên Ming, `If you join me I will divide 184 with you the state of Ch`u. If you do not join me your father shall die.' "
Shên Ming replied weeping, "At first I was my father's son. Now I am my prince's subject. Since I am no longer in a position to be a filial son, how can I not be a loyal subject? And seizing a drumstick he beat the signal for attack. As a result he killed the Governor of Po, but his father also died.
The king offered him a reward. Shên Ming said, "To receive a prince's pay and then avoid the prince's troubles is not to be a loyal subject. By enforcing the prince's laws to kill one's father is on the other hand not to be a filial son. In conduct I am not both [loyal and filial], nor is my reputation established in both. Alas, if I [continue to] live under such circumstances, what sort of model will I be to the officers of the empire?" Whereupon he cut his throat and died.
The Ode says, 185
Of old T`ai-kung Wang and Tan, Duke of Chou, met as they received their fiefs. T`ai-kung asked the Duke of Chou, "How are you going to govern Lu?"
The Duke of Chou said, "Honor those to whom honor is due, treat relatives with affection."
T`ai-kung said, "From adherence to this policy Lu will be weak."
The Duke of Chou asked T`ai-kung, "How are you going to govern Ch`i?"
T`ai-kung said, "Promote the worthy and reward the deserving."
The Duke of Chou said, "Among later generations there will certainly be princes robbed and assassinated."
Later Ch`i grew daily larger until it became hegemon. After twenty four generations [the ruling family] was supplanted by the T`ien family. Lu daily lost territory until after thirty-four generations it was destroyed. Viewed in this light, the saints are capable of understanding the subtle. 187
The Ode says, 188
1. YTCC 1.16a-b attributes this encounter to Duke Ching, with Yen-tzŭ along to interpret the countryman's remarks. There is little verbal identity with HSWC or with Hsin hsü 4.9a-b, which follows HSWC fairly closely.
2. For ## CHy follows TPYL 736.3a to write ##; Hsin hsü also has ##. Fragmentary citations from this paragraph occur also in TPYL 906.5a-b and 383.4a. The former writes ## and ##, possibly influenced by YTCC. Both "citations" are no more than extremely condensed paraphrases. The case is a good illustration of the danger of relying on such sources for the reconstruction of lost texts, where any control is usually lacking. An integral quotation such as that in TPYL 736.3a of course is more useful, but even here there are many omissions and variants, not all of which would have had textual justification.
3. For ## the TPYL citations consistently write ## as in YTCC. Chu Ch`ifêng (TT 449) shows the two words are continually interchanged in old books. (Chao 239.)
4. YTCC has 85.
5. Add ## after ## with TPYL 736.3a, Lei-chü 18.26a; likewise Hsin hsü. YTCC has only ##. (Chao.)
6. CHy would emend ## to ## "my ruler."
7. Chao (230) and CHy would emend ## to ## in the phrase ## to agree with TPYL 906.5b, Hsin hsü, and the following ##. TPYL 737.3a retains ## but completely alters the construction by prefixing ##.
8. Cf. Analects 172 (4/25).
9. For ##? "improve on it," read ## as suggested by Chou and Chao to agree with TPYL 736.3a, Hsin hsü and YTCC.
10. ##: delete ## "gentlemen." (Chou.)
11. For ##? "improve on it," read ## as suggested by Chou and Chao to agree with TPYL 736.3a, Hsin hsü and YTCC.
12. Chou would emend ## to ## "not the equal" after Hsin hsü. I follow TPYL, loc. cit., to read ##. (CHy.)
13. ##. The text should be expanded to the TPYL reading: ## ## (CHy). Chou would add substantially the same words from Hsin hsü.
14. Shih 429 No. 235/3.
15. Kuo yü 8.3a-b and Kuan-tzŭ 8.3a are mutually very close, each beginning with ## ## "When Duke Huan returned to Ch`i from Chü..." HSWC seems to have followed the former as may be seen in the places where the two texts differ, e. g., in Kuo yü ## for Kuan-tzŭ ##, but there is some evidence that both texts were available to Han Ying; cf. note 3.
16. I. e., Kuan Chung.
17. ##: Kuan-tzŭ, ##; Kuo yü, ##.
18. Likewise Kuo Yü; Kuan-tzŭ has ## for ##. Both Kuo yü and Kuan-tzŭ precede this with ##. (Readings in brackets are from Kuan-tzŭ.)
19. Kuo yü and Kuan-tzŭ differ from HSWC: ##.
20. This sentence is lacking in Kuo yü and Kuan-tzŭ.
21. Kuo yü is identical except for writing ## in place of ##. Kuan-tzŭ is rather different, but also has ##.
22. Shih 429 No. 235/3.
23. Kuo yü 10.17a and Tso chuan (Hsi 24) in closely parallel passages both apply the analogy of the inverted heart to the Shu, T`ou-hsü ##, Ch`ung-êrh's treasurer, who according to Tso chuan, fled with the valuables from the treasury and spent them all working for Ch`ung-êrh's return. In this version T`ou-hsü gets his interview by arguing that those who served the Duke at home were as deserving as those who followed him into exile. Hsin hsü 5.3a-b has produced a story in general similar to HSWC, but modified by themes from the Kuo-yü—Tso chuan version. Chang Kuo-chuan (Hsin hsü chiao-chu 46-7) is of the opinion that Hsin hsü is based on HSWC.
24. Liang Yü-shêng (Jên piao k`ao 4.15b-16a) identifies him with the ## of Tso chuan and Kuo yü, the latter being the form occurring in the Jên-piao of the Han-shu. ## he explains as "the official title of persons still uncapped" ## ##. He would make ## (*d'u) and ## (*b'u) interchangeable on doubtful phonetic grounds. ## he thinks was the man's clan name. Chao (231) prefers this explanation to that of Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 310), where ## is taken to be a graphic variant of ##.
25. For ## read ## with Hsin hsü (Chou); likewise below.
26. Shu ching 469 (5/15.9).
27. The text is defective (Chou), but this line is reminiscent of the argument in HSWC 10/1.
28. Shih 429 No. 235/3.
29. A somewhat similar passage dealing with the admonitions addressed to a newly invested king by his ministers occurs in Hsün-tzŭ 19.5b-6a. The relationship of that account to the one in HSWC is not very clear; the style of the latter is considerably more archaic, reminiscent of the Shu; the text may be defective.
30. I. e., on the accession of a new king. Hsün-tzŭ has ##.
31. In Hsün-tzŭ, the ##, and ##.
32. I. e., mourning clothes. They offer condolences because the king has just lost his father.
33. None of this occurs in Hsün-tzŭ.
34. ##. I follow Yang Liang; ##, ##. Hsün-tzŭ continues: "If evil can be expelled, there will be good fortune; if evil cannot be expelled, there will be harm." ## ##. Perhaps this should be supplied in the HSWC passage.
35. ##: the bamboo tablet on which was inscribed the warning just read by the T`ai-tsung. (Yang Liang.)
36. Only the words ## and this last sentence occur in Hsün-tzŭ.
37. For ## read ## with CHy, C.
38. Shih 432 No. 236/1.
39. Read ## with CHy after Shih k`ao 46a (var ##) for ##. The meaning is the same.
40. Cf. Analects 142 (1/10.2), also *Li chi 17.4b: ## ## . . . . ##. "Therefore, the superior man is courteous and economical, seeking to exercise jên, and sincere and humble in order to practice li. . . . If he succeed in doing so, he feels that he has done right; if he do not so succeed, he still feels that he has done right;—prepared to accept the will of Heaven concerning himself." (Legge 2.338.)
41. CHy omits this sentence, remarking that C has ## "T`ai-po knew [that King T`ai . . . etc.]," but if that reading were correct there would be no need of repeating ##. The reading in A is satisfactory, but apparently occurred in none of the texts used by CHy.
42. ##. Both Chou and CHy agree that the passage makes no sense.
43. Chou also finds ## doubtful.
44. Shih 451 No. 241/3.
45. In Shih chi 46.10b-11b (Mém. hist. 5.250-1) King Wei ## takes the place of King Hsüan (B.C. 342-24), the meeting being dated B.C. 355. King Hui of Wei (B.C. 370335) was contemporaneous with both.
46. ##. Chavannes translates, "il y en a dix dont l'éclat est tel qu'ils éclairent douze chars en avant et douze chars en arrière." From the context ## should be a measure of length, perhaps a chariot length. I do not think it is used here as a numerator for chariots, as Chavannes seems to take it.
47. CHy emends ## to ## after the Shih chi reading.
48. Yen was north of Ch`i.
49. Chao was to the west.
50. Shih 500 No. 254/2. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung omits this quotation.
51. The ## supplies the rather tenuous connection with the preceding (cf. the concluding sentence ##).
52. The version of this story in Wu-Yüeh ch`un-ch`iu 4.27b-29a is superior in motivation, but lacks one or two of the more pungent phrases of HSWC, which gains in vigor from its very non-sequiturs.
53. For ## read ## as in TPYL 13.3b. (CHy.)
54. ## "Heaven-grudges" could either be those belonging to Heaven or those directed against Heaven. ## might be temporal: "not complete the day," i.e., "not wait out the day." WYCC is explicit: ##, and one is led to think of the Archer I and the nine suns.
55. Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.9a) makes Tzŭ-ch`iu Hsin the subject of ##. In the next sentence he emends ## to ## and ## to ##, glossing, "The people at the grave who fell prostrate from fear were past counting. This all gives an extravagant account of what a martial person Tzŭ-ch`iu Hsin was." ##, ##. Although Chao (322) quotes this explanation with approval, it seems to me extremely farfetched. As appears from Tzŭ-ch`iu's reproach in the second paragraph below (##), the point is that there were a great many people present, not that many of them behaved in a particular way.
56. Read ## for ##. (Chou.)
57. ##: CHy suggests ## for ##
58. As CHy remarks, the sense demands the addition of ## (or some similar word). As no text supports the emendation, I do not follow him in further supplying ## "You are unworthy in three respects."
59. Not one of the approved methods which a man noted for his valor uses to dispose of his enemies.
60. The "saying" does not occur in either Tso chuan or Shih chi, and though both texts have much to say about the Kung-tzŭ Mu-i, neither credits him with the "getting" of a state, at least for himself, since he refused to succeed to his father's dukedom; cf. Mém. hist. 4.237.
61. Shih 500 No. 254/2. Here the connecting word is ##.
62. The story seems to have been a popular one. In SY 12.17a-18a it is told of Wu-tsê ## sent on a mission by Marquis Wên of Wei to the Marquis of Ch`i; in Shih chi 126.11b it is Ch`un-yü K`un sent by the king of Wei to Ch`u. Both of these versions write ## in place of the hapax legomenon ## of HSWC, but show no real signs of borrowing.
63. ##. I follow Chou, who takes it as the name of a basket. Yü Yüeh's suggestion (CYTT 17.9a-b) that ## is an error for ⊙ 64 "basket," may be correct, but his explanation of the binom ## (*kiwak) ⊙ 65 (*klak or *glak) as a "spelling" of ## (*lung) is phonetically impossible. Chao (233), on uncertain grounds of "making sense" approves of CHy's suggestion of ## for ##: "the goose seized the basket and escaped." Below, it would be "Here is the basket which [the goose] seized." It is hard to see the advantage of such a reading.
64. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
65. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
66. ## represents Chou's emendation from ##, the reading in all the other texts. Chao refers to Lei-chü 90.5a and TPYL 916.8b, where the line occurs with ##. He supposes that ## became corrupted to ##, which then was put after ## is certainly wrong, and either the encyclopedia readings or Chou's emendation gives essentially the same translation.
67. Read ## for ##. (Chou.)
68. Shih 500 No. 254/2.
69. SY 18.23a-24b is probably copied from this, as it quotes from the same Ode. Shih chi 105.3a-6b represents a more technical account of the same episode with slight verbal identity.
70. SY writes ## "the King of Chao." CHy repeats ##, and remarks (after Ssŭ-ma Chên) that by the time of Pien-ch`iao the state of Kuo had been long extinct, so that ## is probably correct.
71. Both Shih chi and SY have ##.
72. ##: i.e., to make a grave. Shih chi writes ##, and Liang Yü-shêng (quoted by Takigawa 8.105.7) thinks ## "exorcise" was the original reading, corrupted into ## by HSWC and SY.
73. For ## CHy suggests ## "bring him to life" with SY.
74. Chou has supplied ## from SY and Shih chi. ## as an official title occurs in the Chou-li, but ## was first established by the Ch`in, and is an anachronism here.
75. For ## SY has ## (*miog), and CHy would emend to ## (*môg). The suggestion is tempting, but as the person in question is not mentioned elsewhere, there is no way of knowing which form is corrupt.
76. The grass dogs ## were used in sacrifices; cf. Chuang-tzŭ 5.41a: "Before the grass dogs are set forth [at the sacrifice], they are deposited in a box or basket." (Legge' 1.352.) I do not know what is implied by the sedge mat; mats are usually made of the reed known as ##.
77. SY has ## "carted" is possible, but I prefer to read ## with SY.
78. ## is defined from its occurrence here
79. ##. Shih chi has ## for ##; SY writes ##. (CHy.)
80. For ##, which looks like a repetition from its occurrence in the preceding line, SY has ## "arteries and veins."
81. From this passage in isolation one might assume that some technique of homeopathic magic is being described. In Shih chi it appears to be a question of an operation on a corpse, with the intention of restoring it to life. The extremely technical passage in Shih chi is beyond my competence to translate.
82. ##: i. e., bring him back to life.
83. ##: "to fall prostrate like a corpse." "Catalepsy" is perhaps too definite, but it fits the context perfectly.
84. ## probably would be better rendered by "the sound an insect makes." SY has ##, which is also used of animal sounds.
85. Repeat ## (CHy), as in Shih chi.
86. ## (usually in reversed order) is used only of a royal progress. From the ## immediately following, and from the two occurrences of ## in its usual meaning of "good fortune" in Shih chi, the expression here is suspect; however SY is the same.
87. ##: i. e., my son; lit. "breath of befouled earth." ## is a common expression for something worthless; cf. Analects 176 (5/9.1).
88. ##: lit., "covered [by] Heaven, [by] Earth supported." SY has ## ##.
89. ##. Chou supplies ## from SY; it is also in Shih chi and is part of a cliché for the ruthless disposal of corpses. Cf. especially LSCC 10.4a: ## ## "To throw [the body of] a dead man into a ditch is something human feelings cannot endure." ## "take precedence over dogs and horses" looks peculiar, but the phrase is the same in SY and also occurs in Han shu 58.7b.
90. ## is not in the other versions. I take ## as intransitive by analogy with SY: ## "Whereupon Pien-ch`iao proceded to carry out an examination."
91. Shih chi has ##.
92. ## is nowhere so defined; however it is apparent that the word has some such technical meaning in medical treatises. Cf. Shih chi, loc. cit., ##; also below, ## "He then had his disciple Tzŭ-yang grind the needle and sharpen the probe, and with them ## the outer san-yang and wu-hui. After a moment the Heir Apparent revived." ## may be a general term "to operate on," or perhaps it refers to a specific operation with the instruments for acupuncture.
93. For the ## cf. HTNCSW 2.11b-12a. They are ##, and ##.
94. Sun I-jang (Cha-i 3.3a) equates the ## with ## in HTNSCW 12.6b: ## ##, where Wang Ping's com. lists them: ##, and remarks "all are the places where the veins empty" ##. Shih chi has ##. (Chao 234.)
95. ##. SY has ##. There is a confusion in the two texts between ## and ##, but I am unable to make sense out of either hsien-hsien or hsien-kuang.
96. ##. Chou has supplied ## from SY, which reads ## for ##. Shih chi has ##, which P`ei Yin interprets as "the composition of the medicine was such that it eliminated eight [ailments]." ##.
97. SY has ## Tzŭ-jung. He and those named below are presumably Pien-ch`iao's assistants.
98. For ## SY has ## "blew into his ear" (?).
101. SY has ## "Now the dead still cannot be made to live by the use of drugs." Although CHy prefers this reading, it looks like an attempt to reconcile the statement with what Pien-ch`iao has just said about being unable to raise the dead, but results in a complete non sequitur with the concluding remark about a worthless prince.
102. Shih 501 No. 254/4.
103. Hsin hsü 5.14b-15a is slightly expanded from this, quoting from the same Ode, but adding another quotation from the Shih and one from the Shu.
104. Hsin hsü adds "at the age of 70" ##. (Chou.)
105. One is unavoidably reminded of Father William.
106. For ## Lei-chü 18.13a has ##, likewise TPYL 383.4a, with ## for ##. Chao (235) thinks this is correct: "Exert my energies to decide uncertainties?" It is not easy to see how such a corruption could arise.
107. Shih 501 No. 254/4.
108. Two versions of this anecdote occur in YTCC: 1.19b-20a and 7.4b-5b, neither showing any direct relation to HSWC.Lieh-tzŭ 6.5b-6a is similar to HSWC and shows less connection with YTCC.
109. For ## read ⊙ ⊙110 as in Lei-chü 28.1b. As Chao (235) suggests, it is probably a corruption from YTCC 7.4b, where ## replaces ## in the preceding line. TPYL 160.4a has ## (Chao.)
110. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
111. Omit ##, which occurs later on in its proper context. Here it makes no sense, and is missing in the YTCC versions. Lieh-tzŭ inserts the phrase after ## and follows it with "Where shall I go when I leave this," as in HSWC but with ## for the more archaic ##. On the admittedly insufficient evidence at hand, I suggest that this paragraph in Lieh-tzŭ was composed on the basis of YTCC and an already defective HSWC text.
112. Add ## with CHy from TPYL.
113. TPYL has ##.
114. Since T`ai-wang would still be ruler of Ch`i, Duke Ching would be a commoner. This is stated more clearly in the other versions.
115. LSCC 8.13a-14a tells the same anecdote with some variation in detail. Huai-nan tzŭ 13.17a-b is modified from LSCC.SY 6.7b-8a seems to have used LSCC and HSWC, but with several changes.
116. For the ##, which resembles a horse, but devours leopards and tigers, cf. the texts quoted in TT 1487. Chao (237) rightly insists that a ## is merely a horse with the appearance of a po, as in Kuan-tzŭ 16.9a: ##. The other versions all write ##, more usually associated with ##.
117. ##. Read ## for ##. The text is not unintelligible as it stands, but all the other versions have ##.
118. For ## read ## with LSCC. (Chou.)
119. LSCC is clearer: ##. "He struck Duke Mu's armor, and had already pierced six layers."
120. Read ## for ## after the other versions.
121. Hsin hsü 8.5b-6a copies this almost verbatim.
122. ## lit., "received the command."
123. ## lit., "to meet the responsibility."
124. Read ## with Chou after Hsin hsü for ##.
125. Shih 505 No. 255/1.
126. The maxims illustrated in this paragraph occur without the examples in *Hsiao ching 8.3b-4a.
127. Cf. Shu ching 295.
128. Ibid. 285.
129. I can find elsewhere no mention of this.
130. Cf. Analects 154 (3/1).
131. Ibid. 156 (3/6).
132. Ibid. 155 (3/2).
133. Ibid. 154 (3/1).
134. Shih 507-8 No. 255/4.
135. Read ## with Shih k`ao 21a for Mao shih ## (Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung).
136. ## must be descriptive of his gait, but I am unable to find a satisfactory definition of the expression so used. Chu Ch`i-fêng's atempt (TT 1763) to equate ## with ## *diag and ## *ngo is to be rejected.
137. ##. The expression ## (for variants cf. TT 84) is of common occurrence, but is defined as a kind of bamboo. Here it is necessary to preserve ## in its meaning of "peach." As the word is a homophone of ## "to expel," peach wood was used to expell noxious influences (cf. Tso chuan 596, Chao 4).
138. I. e., what textual justification have you for carrying such a thing?
139. ## does not make good sense in context. A possibility would be to read ## for ##, making a term ## roughly synonymous with ##.
140. ##. Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.3b) would emend ## to ## "warning."
141. ##: cf. HSWC 5/14 ##. By analogy one would expect ## to precede this phrase.
142. Shih 510 No. 255/8.
143. The same anecdote occurs in SY 10.14a-b in a slightly expanded form.
144. ##: delete ##. (Chou, CHy.)
145. ##. Either "the last [to finish a cup]" or "the last [to arrive]." SY below has ##, likewise Shu-ch`ao 48.14b in quoting HSWC. (Chao 239.)
146. I. e., he talks too much. SY adds ##.
147. Shih 512 No. 256/3.
148. YTCC 6.33a-b, closely followed by SY 12.13b-14a, has a rather weaker version of this anecdote.
149. ## is unusual. It is unlikely that the Chinese idiom would correspond with the English "pick it up"—i. e., the practice.
150. ##, which have similar leaves but whose fruit is not good; cf. YTCC.
151. Shih 514 No. 256/6.
152. Read ## for ## after Shih k`ao 21a. (Chao.)
153. Paraphrased in Lun-hêng 4.1a-b, where it is introduced by ##.
154. Supply ## with Chou after Lun hêng.
155. Analects 250 (12/1.2).
156. This anecdote differs slightly in wording from YTCC 1.25a-b.
157. ## lit., "the dry [land] or the shallow [water]."
158. ## "the secluded mountains."
159. Emend ## to ##. (Chou.)
160. SY 9.4b-5a incorporates the parable into a story about a king of Wu who wished to attack Ch`u. Wu-Yüeh ch`un-ch`iu 5.63a-64a makes the T`ai-tzŭ Yu ## act it out in an attempt to dissuade King Fu-ch`ai of Wu from attacking Ch`i.
161. Supply ## from Shu-ch`ao 124.7a, Lei-chü 60.10b, TPYL 350.6b, 956.2a. (Chao 241.)
162. For ## CHy writes ## after Shu-ch`ao; likewise Lei-chü and TPYL. Chao would therefore emend to that reading. It is not clear what is gained by so doing.
163. Emend ## to ## (Chou). Shu-ch`ao reads ##. (Chao.)
164. ## "enjoy" is probably a mistake. The text from here to the end is defective. (Chou, CHy.)
165. Read ## for ##? (Chou, CHy.) This phrase may belong with the next. Chao (242) quotes the Lei-chü version as satisfactory: ## ##. That of the state of Ch`u did not undertake a punitive expedition, while the state of Chin enjoyed peace was due to the efforts of Sun-shu Ao."
166. SY 20.12a-b recounts another version where the Kung-tzŭ Ch`êng-fu congratulates Marquis Wên of Wei on the occasion of a similar catastrophe.
167. Read ## with CHy and C; likewise TPYL 627.2a. (Chao 243.)
168. Supply ## with CHy from TPYL 627.2a, 190.6b, 191.3b; likewise Lei-chü 80.1b, Po-t`ieh 3.65b, Ch`u hsüeh chi 24.24a. (Chao 244.)
169. ##. For variants cf. TT 2409.
170. The text after ## is defective. (Chou.)
171. Read ## for ##. (Chou.)
172. ## is peculiar; it may be used here as an intensive.
173. Shih 523 No. 257-6.
174. This seems to be derived directly from LSCC 19.17b-18b. Huai-nan tzŭ 12.5b follows LSCC more closely, and Hsin hsü 5.8b has an abridged version.
175. For ## the other versions read ##, the more usual character used in this man's name. (Chou, CHy.)
176. CHy adds from LSCC: ## "When things are exhausted, [people] are resentful. When they are resentful, there is [cause for] the greatest concern."
177. Chou remarks that Fu-ch`ai died on Ch`in-yü-k`ang Mountain, where he was buried. This information is supplied in Wu-Yüeh ch`un-ch`iu 5.71a, but neither Kuo yü, nor Yüeh-chüeh shu mentions the place. On the other hand LSCC and Huai-nan tzŭ also have Kan-sui, and Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.9b-10a) thinks it represents an old tradition, since it also is mentioned in Shih chi 69.11b. (Chao 245.)
178. Shih 523 No. 257/7.
179. This anecdote appears also in SY 4.7a-8b with some changes in wording.
180. For ## "that same year" read ## with CKCS 2.9b. (Chao 245.)
181. Read ## with Chou for ## as in CHy, B, C, D.
182. I follow SY to read ## for ##.
183. Chou supplies ## after SY; CKCS is the same. (Chou 246.)
184. Both Chou and CHy add ## from SY; CKCS also has ##. (Chao.)
185. Shih 524 No. 257/9.
186. This paragraph varies somewhat from LSCC 11.15a-b. It is almost identical with Huai-nan tzŭ 11.2a, where the quotation is from the I ching instead of the Shih.
187. Cf. Yi King 392: "The superior man knows the minute and the manifested."
188. Shih 525 No. 257/10.
|<Previous Section>||<Next Section>|
|Published by The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, © Copyright 2003 by Anne Kinney and the University of Virginia|