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楚 莊 王 圍 宋 ， 有 七 日 之 糧 ， 曰 ： 「 盡 此 而 不 克 ， 將去 而 歸 。 」 於 是 使 司 馬 子 反 乘 闥 而 窺 宋 城 ， 宋 使 華 元 乘闥 而 應 之 。 子 反 曰 ： 「 子 之 國 何 若 矣 ？ 」 華 元 曰 ： 「 憊矣 ！ 易 子 而 食 之 ， ● 骸 而 爨 之 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 嘻 ！ 甚 矣憊 。 雖 然 ， 吾 聞 圍 者 之 國 ， 箝 馬 而 抹 之 ， 使 肥 者 應 客 。今 何 吾 子 之 情 也 ？ 」 華 元 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 君 子 見 人 之 困 則 矜之 ， 小 人 見 人 之 困 則 幸 之 。 吾 望 見 吾 子 似 於 君 子 ， 是 以情 也 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 諾 。 子 其 勉 之 矣 ！ 吾 軍 有 七 日 糧 爾！ 」 揖 而 去 。 子 反 告 莊 王 ， 莊 王 曰 ： 「 若 何 ？ 」 子 反 曰： 「 憊 矣 ！ 易 子 而 食 之 ， 骸 而 爨 之 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 嘻！ 甚 矣 憊 。 今 得 此 而 歸 爾 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 吾 已 告之 矣 ， 曰 ： 軍 亦 有 七 日 糧 爾 。 」 莊 王 怒 曰 ： 「 吾 使 子 視之 ， 子 曷 為 而 告 之 ？ 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 區 區 之 宋 ， 猶 有 不 欺之 臣 ， 何 以 楚 國 而 無 乎 ？ 吾 是 以 告 之 也 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「雖 然 ， 吾 子 今 得 此 而 歸 爾 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 王 請 處 此 ， 臣請 歸 耳 �子 之 國 何 若 矣 ？ 」 華 元 曰 ： 「 憊矣 ！ 易 子 而 食 之 ， ● 骸 而 爨 之 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 嘻 ！ 甚 矣憊 。 雖 然 ， 吾 聞 圍 者 之 國 ， 箝 馬 而 抹 之 ， 使 肥 者 應 客 。今 何 吾 子 之 情 也 ？ 」 華 元 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 君 子 見 人 之 困 則 矜之 ， 小 人 見 人 之 困 則 幸 之 。 吾 望 見 吾 子 似 於 君 子 ， 是 以情 也 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 諾 。 子 其 勉 之 矣 ！ 吾 軍 有 七 日 糧 爾！ 」 揖 而 去 。 子 反 告 莊 王 ， 莊 王 曰 ： 「 若 何 ？ 」 子 反 曰： 「 憊 矣 ！ 易 子 而 食 之 ， 骸 而 爨 之 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 嘻！ 甚 矣 憊 。 今 得 此 而 歸 爾 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 吾 已 告之 矣 ， 曰 ： 軍 亦 有 七 日 糧 爾 。 」 莊 王 怒 曰 ： 「 吾 使 子 視之 ， 子 曷 為 而 告 之 ？ 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 區 區 之 宋 ， 猶 有 不 欺之 臣 ， 何 以 楚 國 而 無 乎 ？ 吾 是 以 告 之 也 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「雖 然 ， 吾 子 今 得 此 而 歸 爾 。 」 子 反 曰 ： 「 王 請 處 此 ， 臣請 歸 耳 。 」 王 曰 ： 「 子 去 我 而 歸 ， 吾 孰 與 處 乎 此 ？ 吾 將從 子 而 歸 。 」 遂 師 而 歸 。 君 子 善 其 平 已 也 ， 華 元 以 誠 告子 反 ， 得 以 解 圍 ， 全 二 國 之 命 。 詩 云 ： 「 彼 姝 者 子 ， 何以 告 之 。 」 君 子 善 其 以 誠 相 告 也 。
魯 監 門 之 女 嬰 相 從 績 ， 中 夜 而 泣 涕 。 其 偶曰 ： 「何 謂 而 泣 也 ？ 」 嬰 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 衛 世 子 不 肖 ， 所 以 泣 也 。」 其 偶 曰 ： 「 衛 世 子 不 肖 ， 諸 侯 之 憂 也 ， 子 曷 為 泣 也 ？」 嬰 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 之 異 乎 子 之 言 也 。 昔 者 、 宋 之 桓 司 馬 得罪 於 宋 君 ， 出 於 魯 ， 其 馬 佚 而 ● 吾 園 ， 而 食 吾 園 之 葵 ，是 歲 、 吾 聞 園 人 亡 利 之 半 。 越 王 勾 踐 起 兵 而 攻 吳 ， 諸 侯畏 其 威 ， 魯 往 獻 女 ， 吾 姊 與 焉 ， 兄 往 視 之 ， 道 畏 而 死 。越 兵 威 者 、 吳 也 ， 兄 死 者 、 我 也 。 由 是 觀 之 ， 禍 與 福 相反 也 。 今 衛 世 子 甚 不 肖 ， 好 兵 ， 吾 男 弟 三 人 ， 能 無 憂 乎？ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 大 夫 跋 涉 ， 我 心 則 憂 。 」 是 非 類 與 乎 ！
高 子 問 於 孟 子 曰 ： 「 夫 嫁 娶 者 、 非 己 所 自 親 也 ，衛 女 何 以 得 編 於 詩 也 ？ 」 孟 子 曰 ： 「 有 衛 女 之 志 則 可 ，無 衛 女 之 志 則 怠 。 若 伊 尹 於 太 甲 ， 有 伊 尹 之 志 則 可 ， 無伊 尹 之 志 則 篡 。 夫 道 二 ： 常 之 謂 經 ， 變 之 謂 權 ， 懷 其 常道 ， 而 挾 其 變 權 ， 乃 得 為 賢 。 夫 衛 女 、 行 中 孝 ， 慮 中 聖， 權 如 之 何 ？ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 既 不 我 嘉 ， 不 能 旋 反 。 視 爾 不臧 ， 我 思 不 遠 。 」
楚 莊 王 聽 朝 罷 晏 。 樊 姬 下 堂 而 迎 之 ， 曰 ：「 何 罷之 晏 也 ？ 得 無 饑 倦 乎 ？ 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 今 日 聽 忠 賢 之 言 ，不 知 饑 倦 也 。 」 樊 姬 曰 ： 「 王 之 所 謂 忠 賢 者 ， 諸 侯 之 客歟 ？ 中 國 之 士 歟 ？ 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 則 沈 令 尹 也 ！ 」 樊 姬 掩口 而 笑 。 莊 王 曰 ： 「 姬 之 所 笑 ， 何 也 ？ 」 姬 曰 ： 「 妾 得於 王 ， 尚 湯 沐 ， 執 巾 櫛 ， 振 衽 席 ， 十 有 一 年 矣 ； 然 妾 未嘗 不 遣 人 之 梁 鄭 之 間 ， 求 美 女 而 進 之 於 王 也 ； 與 妾 同 列者 、 十 人 ， 賢 於 妾 者 、 二 人 ， 妾 豈 不 欲 擅 王 之 寵 哉 ！ 不敢 私 願 蔽 眾 美 ， 欲 王 之 多 見 則 娛 。 今 沈 令 尹 相 楚 數 年 矣， 未 嘗 見 進 賢 而 退 不 肖 也 ， 又 焉 得 為 忠 賢 乎 ！ 」 莊 王 旦朝 ， 以 樊 姬 之 言 告 沈 令 尹 ， 令 尹 避 席 而 進 孫 叔敖 。 叔 敖治 楚 ， 三 年 ， 而 楚 國 霸 。 楚 史 援 筆 而 書 之 於 策 ， 曰 ： 「楚 之 霸 ， 樊 姬 之 力 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 百 爾 所 思 ， 不 如 我 所之 。 」 樊 姬 之 謂 也 ！
閔 子 騫 始 見 於 夫 子 ， 有 菜 色 ， 後 有 芻 豢 之色 。 子貢 問 曰 ： 「 子 始 有 菜 色 ， 今 有 芻 豢 之 色 ， 何 也 ？ 」 閔 子曰 ： 「 吾 出 蒹 葭 之 中 ， 入 夫 子 之 門 ， 夫 子 內 切 瑳 以 孝 ，外 為 之 陳 王 法 ， 心 竊 樂 之 ； 出 見 羽 蓋 龍 旂 裘 旃 相 隨 ， 心又 樂 之 ； 二 者 相 攻 中 ， 而 不 能 任 ， 是 以 有 菜 色 也 。 今被 夫 子 之 文 寖 深 ， 又 賴 二 三 子 切 瑳 而 進 之 ， 內 明 於 去 就之 義 ， 出 見 羽 蓋 龍 旂 旃 裘 相 隨 ， 視 之 如 壇 土 矣 ， 是 以 有芻 豢 之 色 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 如 切 如 瑳 ， 如 琢 如 磨 。 」
傳 曰 ： 「 ● 而 雨 者 ， 何 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 無 何也 ， 猶不 ● 而 雨 也 。 」 「 星 墜 木 鳴 ， 國 人 皆 恐 ， 何也 ？ 」 「 是天 地 之 變 ， 陰 陽 之 化 ， 物 之 罕 至 者 也 ， 怪 之 、 可 也 ， 畏之 ， 非 也 。 夫 日 月 之 薄 蝕 ， 怪 星 之 黨 見 ， 風 雨 之 不 時 ，是 無 世 而 不 嘗 有 也 ， 上 明 政 平 ， 是 雖 並 至 ， 無 傷 也 ； 上闇 政 險 ， 是 雖 無 一 ， 無 益 也 。 夫 萬 物 之 有 災 ， 人 妖 最 可畏 也 。 」 曰 ：「 何 謂 人 妖 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 枯 耕 傷 稼 ， 枯 耘 傷 歲 ， 政 險 失 民； 田 穢 稼 惡 ， 糴 貴 民 飢 ， 道 有 死 人 ； 寇 盜 並 起 ， 上 下 乖離 ， 鄰 人 相 暴 ， 對 門 相 盜 ， 禮 義 不 脩 ； 牛 馬 相 生 ， 六 畜作 妖 ； 臣 下 殺 上 ， 父 子 相 疑 ， 是 謂 人 妖 ， 是 生 於 亂 。 」傳 曰 ： 「 天 地 之 災 ， 隱 而 廢 也 ； 萬 物 之 怪 ， 書 不 說 也 。無 用 之 變 ， 不 急 之 災 ， 棄 而 不 治 ； 若 夫 君 臣 之 義 ， 父 子之 親 ， 男 女 之 別 ， 切 瑳 而 不 舍 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 如 切 如 瑳， 如 琢 如 磨 。 」
孔 子 曰 ： 「 口 欲 味 ， 心 欲 佚 ， 教 之 以 仁 ； 心 欲 兵， 身 惡 勞 ， 教 之 以 恭 ； 好 辯 論 而 畏 懼 ， 教 之 以 勇 ； 目 好色 ， 耳 好 聲 ， 教 之 以 義 。 」 易 曰 ： 「 艮 其 限 ， 列 其 ● ，厲 薰 心 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 吁 嗟 女 兮 ， 無 與 士 耽 。 」 皆 防 邪 禁佚 ， 調 和 心 志 。
高 牆 豐 上 激 下 ， 未 必 崩 也 ； 降 雨 興 ， 流 潦至 ， 則崩 必 先 矣 。 草 木 根 荄 淺 ， 未 必 撅 也 ； 飄 風 興 ， 暴 雨 墜 ，則 撅 必 先 矣 。 君 子 居 是 邦 也 ， 不 崇 仁 義 ， 尊 賢 臣 ， 以 理萬 物 ， 未 必 亡 也 ； 一 旦 有 非 常 之 變 ， 諸 侯 交 爭 ， 人 趨 車馳 ， 迫 然 禍 至 ， 乃 始 憂 愁 ， 乾 喉 焦 唇 ， 仰 天 而 嘆 ， 庶 幾乎 望 其 安 也 ， 不 亦 晚 乎 ！ 孔 子 曰 ： 「 不 慎 其 前 ， 而 悔 其後 。 」 嗟 乎 ！ 雖 悔 無 及 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 掇 其 泣 矣 ， 何 嗟 及矣 。 」
曾 子 曰 ： 「 君 子 有 三 言 可 貫 而 佩 之 ： 一 曰 ：無 內疏 而 外 親 ， 二 曰 ： 身 不 善 而 怨 他 人 ， 三 曰 ： 患 至 而 後 呼天 。 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 何 也 ？ 」 曾 子 曰 ： 「 內 疏 而 外 親 ， 不亦 反 乎 ！ 身 不 善 而 怨 他 人 ， 不 亦 遠 乎 ！ 患 至 而 後 呼 天 ，不 亦 晚 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 惙 其 泣 矣 ， 何 嗟 及 矣 。 」
夫 霜 雪 雨 露 、 殺 生 萬 物 者 也 ， 天 無 事 焉 ， 猶 之 貴天 也 。 執 法 厭 文 ， 治 官 治 民 者 、 有 司 也 ， 君 無 事 焉 ， 猶之 尊 君 也 。 夫 闢 土 殖 穀 者 、 后 稷 也 ， 決 江 流 河 者 ， 禹 也， 聽 獄 執 中 者 ， 皋 陶 也 ， 然 而 聖 后 者 ， 堯 也 。 故 有 道 以御 之 ， 身 雖 無 能 也 ， 必 使 能 者 為 己 用 也 ； 無 道 以 御 之 ，彼 雖 多 能 ， 猶 將 無 益 於 存 亡 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 執 轡 如 組 ， 兩驂 如 舞 。 」 貴 能 御 也 。
傳 曰 ： 孔 子 云 ： 「 美 哉 ！ 顏 無 父 之 御 也 。 馬 知 後有 輿 而 輕 之 ， 知 上 有 人 而 愛 之 ， 馬 親 其 正 ， 而 愛 其 事 ，如 使 馬 能 言 ， 彼 將 必 曰 ： 『 樂 哉 ！ 今 日 之 騶 也 。 』 至 於顏 淪 少 衰 矣 ， 馬 知 後 有 輿 而 輕 之 ， 知 上 有 人 而 敬 之 ， 馬親 其 正 ， 而 敬 其 事 ， 如 使 馬 能 言 ， 彼 將 必 曰 ： 『 騶 來 ！其 人 之 使 我 也 。 』 至 於 顏 夷 而 衰 矣 ， 馬 知 後 有 輿 而 重 之， 知 上 有 人 而 畏 之 ， 馬 親 其 正 ， 而 畏 其 事 ， 如 使 馬 能 言， 彼 將 必 曰 ： 『 騶 來 ！ 騶 來 ！ 女 不 騶 ， 彼 將 殺 女 。 」 故御 馬 有 法 矣 ， 御 民 有 道 矣 ， 法 得 則 馬 和 而 歡 ， 道 得 則 民安 而 集 。 詩 曰 ： 『 執 轡 如 組 ， 兩 驂 如 舞 。 』 此 之 謂 也 。」
顏 淵 侍 坐 魯 定 公 于 臺 ， 東 野 畢 御 馬 于 臺 下 。 定 公曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 東 野 畢 之 御 也 。 」 顏 淵 曰 ： 「 善 則 善 矣 ！其 馬 將 佚 矣 。 」 定 公 不 說 ， 以 告 左 右 曰 ： 「 聞 君 子 不 譖人 ， 君 子 亦 譖 人 乎 ？ 」 顏 淵 退 ， 俄 而 、 廄 人 以 東 野 畢 馬佚 聞 矣 。 定 公 揭 席 而 起 ， 曰 ： 「 趣 駕 召 顏 淵 。 」 顏 淵 至， 定 公 曰 ： 「 鄉 寡 人 曰 ： 『 善 哉 ！ 東 野 畢 之 御 也 。 』 吾子 曰 ： 『 善 則 善 矣 ！ 然 則 馬 將 佚 矣 。 』 不 識 吾 子 以 何 知之 ？ 」 顏 淵 曰 ： 「 臣 以 政 知 之 。 昔 者 舜 工 於 使 人 ， 造 父工 於 使 馬 ， 舜 不 窮 其 民 ， 造 父 不 極 其 馬 ， 是 以 舜 無 佚 民， 造 父 無 佚 馬 。 今 東 野 畢 之 上 車 執 轡 ， 御 體 正 矣 ， 周 旋步 驟 ， 朝 禮 畢 矣 ， 歷 險 致 遠 ， 馬 力 殫 矣 ， 然 猶 策 之 不 已， 所 以 知 佚 也 。 」 定 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 可 少 進 。 」 顏 淵 曰 ：「 獸 窮 則 齧 ， 鳥 窮 則 啄 ， 人 窮 則 詐 。 自 古 及 今 ， 窮 其 下能 不 危 者 ， 未 之 有 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 執 轡 如 組 ， 兩 驂 如 舞 。』 善 御 之 謂 也 。 」 定 公 曰 ： 「 寡 人 之 過 矣 。 」
崔 杼 弒 莊 公 ， 合 士 大 夫 盟 ， 盟 者 皆 脫 劍 而入 ， 言不 疾 ， 措 血 至 者 死 ， 所 殺 者 十 餘 人 ， 次 及 晏 子 ， 奉 杯 血， 仰 天 而 嘆 曰 ： 「 惡 乎 ！ 崔 杼 將 為 無 道 ， 而 殺 其 君 。 」於 是 盟 者 皆 視 之 。 崔 杼 謂 晏 子 曰 ： 「 子 與 我 ， 吾 將 與 子分 國 ； 子 不 與 ， 我 殺 子 。 直 兵 將 推 之 ， 曲 兵 將 鉤 之 。 吾願 子 之 圖 之 也 。 」 晏 子 曰 ： 「 留 以 利 而 倍 其 君 ， 非 仁 也； 劫 以 刃 而 失 其 志 者 、 非 勇 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 莫 莫 葛 藟 ， 延于 條 枚 。 愷 悌 君 子 ， 求 福 不 回 。 』 嬰 其 可 回 矣 ！ 直 兵 推之 ， 曲 兵 鉤 之 ， 嬰 不 之 革 也 。 」 崔 杼 曰 ：「 舍 晏 子 。 」 晏 子 起 而 出 ， 授 綏 而 乘 ， 其 僕 馳 ， 晏 子 撫其 手 曰 ： 「 麋 鹿 在 山 林 ， 其 命 在 庖 廚 。 命 有 所 懸 ， 安 在疾 驅 。 」 安 行 成 節 ， 然 後 去 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 羔 裘 如 濡 ， 恂直 且 侯 ； 彼 已 之 子 ， 舍 命 不 偷 。 」 晏 子 之 謂 也 。
楚 昭 王 有 士 曰 石 奢 ， 其 為 人 也 ， 公 而 好 直 ，王 使為 理 。 於 是 道 有 殺 人 者 ， 石 奢 追 之 ， 則 父 也 ， 還 返 於 廷， 曰 ： 「 殺 人 者 ， 臣 之 父 也 。 以 父 成 政 ， 非 孝 也 ； 不 行君 法 ， 非 忠 也 ； 弛 罪 廢 法 ， 而 伏 其 辜 ， 臣 之 所 守 也 。 」遂 伏 斧 鑕 ， 曰 ： 「 命 在 君 。 」 君 曰 ： 「 追 而 不 及 ， 庸 有罪 乎 ？ 子 其 治 事 矣 。 」 石 奢 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 不 私 其 父 ， 非孝 也 ； 不 行 君 法 、 非 忠 也 ； 以 死 罪 生 、 不 廉 也 。 君 欲 赦之 ， 上 之 惠 也 ； 臣 不 能 失 法 ， 下 之 義 也 。 」 遂 不 去 鈇 鑕， 刎 頸 而 死 乎 廷 。 君 子 聞 之 曰 ： 「 貞 夫 法 哉 ！ 石 先 生 乎！ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 子 為 父 隱 ， 父 為 子 隱 ， 直 在 其 中 矣 。 」詩 曰 ： 「 彼 已 之 子 ， 邦 之 司 直 。 」 石 先 生 之 謂 也 。
外 寬 而 內 直 ， 自 設 於 隱 括 之 中 ， 直 己 不 直人 ， 善廢 而 不 悒 悒 ， 蘧 伯 玉 之 行 也 。 故 為 人 父 者 ， 則 願 以 為 子， 為 人 子 者 ， 則 願 以 為 父 ， 為 人 君 者 、 則 願 以 為 臣 ， 為人 臣 者 ， 則 願 以 為 君 。 名 昭 諸 侯 ， 天 下 願 焉 。 詩 曰 ： 「彼 已 之 子 ， 邦 之 彥 兮 。 」 此 君 子 之 行 也 。
傳 曰 ： 孔 子 遭 齊 程 本 子 於 郯 之 間 ， 傾 蓋 而語 ， 終日 ， 有 間 ， 顧 子 路 曰 ： 「 由 ， 東 帛 十 匹 ， 以 贈 先 生 。 」子 路 不 對 ， 有 間 ， 又 顧 曰 ：「 東 帛 十 匹 ， 以 贈 先 生 。 」 子 路 率 爾 而 對 曰 ： 「 昔 者 、由 也 聞 之 於 夫 子 ， 士 不 中 道 相 見 ， 女 無 媒 而 嫁 者 、 君 子不 行 也 。 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 夫 詩 不 云 乎 ！ 野 有 蔓 草 ， 零 露 漙兮 。 有 美 一 人 ， 清 揚 婉 兮 。 邂 逅 相 遇 ， 適 我 願 兮 。 且 夫齊 程 本 子 ， 天 下 之 賢 士 也 ， 吾 於 是 不 贈 ， 終 身 不 之 見 也。 大 德 不 踰 閑 ， 小 德 出 入 可 也 。 」
君 子 有 主 善 之 心 ， 而 無 勝 人 之 色 ； 德 足 以 君 天 下， 而 無 驕 肆 之 容 ； 行 足 以 及 後 世 ， 而 不 以 一 言 非 人 之 不善 。 故 曰 ： 君 子 盛 德 而 卑 ， 虛 己 以 受 人 ， 旁 行 不 流 ， 應物 而 不 窮 ， 雖 在 下 位 ， 民 願 戴 之 ， 雖 欲 無 尊 ， 得 乎 哉 ！詩 曰 ： 「 彼 己 之 子 ， 美 如 英 ， 美 如 英 ， 殊 異 乎 公 行 。 」
君 子 易 和 而 難 狎 也 ， 易 懼 而 不 可 劫 也 ， 畏 患 而 不避 義 死 ， 好 利 而 不 為 所 非 ， 交 親 而 不 比 ， 言 辯 而 不 亂 。盪 盪 乎 ！ 其 易 不 可 失 也 ， 磏 乎 ！ 其 廉 而 不 劌 也 ， 溫 乎 ！其 仁 厚 之 光 大 也 ， 超 乎 ！ 其 有 以 殊 於 世 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 美如 玉 ， 美 如 玉 ， 殊 異 乎 公 族 。 」
商 容 嘗 執 羽 籥 ， 馮 於 馬 徒 ， 欲 以 伐 紂 而 不能 ， 遂去 ， 伏 於 太 行 。 及 武 王 克 殷 ， 立 為 天 子 ， 欲 以 為 三 公 。商 容 辭 曰 ： 「 吾 常 馮 於 馬 徒 ， 欲 以 伐 紂 而 不 能 ， 愚 也 ；不 爭 而 隱 ， 無 勇 也 ； 愚 且 無 勇 ， 不 足 以 備 乎 三 公 。 」 遂固 辭 不 受 命 。 君 子 聞 之 曰 ： 「 商 容 可 謂 內 省 而 不 誣 能 矣！ 君 子 哉 ！ 去 素 餐 遠 矣 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 彼 君 子 兮 ， 不 素 餐兮 。 」 商 先 生 之 謂 也 。
晉 文 侯 使 李 離 為 大 理 ， 過 聽 殺 人 ， 自 拘 於廷 ， 請死 於 君 。 君 曰 ： 「 官 有 貴 賤 ， 罰 有 輕 重 ， 下 吏 有 罪 ， 非子 之 罪 也 。 」 李 離 對 曰 ： 「 臣 居 官 為 長 ， 不 與 下 吏 讓 位； 受 爵 為 多 ， 不 與 下 吏 分 利 。 今 過 聽 殺 人 ， 而 下 吏 蒙 其死 ， 非 所 聞 也 。 不 受 命 。 」 君 曰 ： 「 自 以 為 罪 ， 則 寡 人亦 有 罪 矣 。 」 李 離 曰 ： 「 法 失 則 刑 ， 刑 失 則 死 。 君 以 臣為 能 聽 微 決 疑 ， 故 使 臣 為 理 。 今 過 聽 殺 人 之 罪 ， 罪 當 死。 」 君 曰 ： 「 棄 位 委 官 ， 伏 法 亡 國 ， 非 所 望 也 。 趣 去 ，無 憂 寡 人 之 心 。 」 李 離 對 曰 ： 「 政 亂 國 危 ， 君 之 憂 也 ；軍 敗 卒 亂 ， 將 之 憂 也 。 夫 無 能 以 事 君 ， 闇 行 以 臨 官 ， 是無 功 不 食 祿 也 。 臣 不 能 以 虛 自 誣 。 」 遂 伏 劍 而 死 。君 子聞 之 曰 ： 「 忠 矣 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 彼 君 子 兮 ， 不 素 餐 兮 。」 李 先 生 之 謂 也 。
楚 狂 接 輿 躬 耕 以 食 。 其 妻 之 市 ， 未 返 ， 楚 王使 使者 賚 金 百 鎰 ， 造 門 曰 ： 「 大 王 使 臣 奉 金 百 鎰 ， 願 請 先 生治 河 南 。 」 接 輿 笑 而 不 應 ， 使 者 遂 不 得 辭 而 去 。 妻 從 市而 來 曰 ： 「 先 生 少 而 為 義 ， 豈 將 老 而 遺 之 哉 ！ 門 外 車 軼， 何 其 深 也 ！ 」 接 輿 曰 ： 「 今 者 、 王 使 使 者 賚 金 百 鎰 ，欲 使 我 治 河 南 。 」 其 妻 曰 ： 「 豈 許 之 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 未 也。 」 妻 曰 ： 「 君 使 不 從 ， 非 忠 也 ； 從 之 ， 是 遺 義 也 。 不如 去 之 。 」 乃 夫 負 釜 甑 ， 妻 戴 經 器 ， 變 易 姓 字 ， 莫 知 其所 之 。 論 語 曰 ： 「 色 斯 舉 矣 ， 翔 而 後 集 。 」 接 輿 之 妻 是也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 逝 將 去 汝 ， 適 彼 樂 土 ； 樂 土 樂 土 ， 爰 得 我所 。 」
昔 者 桀 為 酒 池 糟 隄 ， 縱 靡 靡 之 樂 ， 而 牛 飲 者 三 千， 群 臣 皆 相 持 而 歌 ， 「 江 水 沛 兮 ！ 舟 楫 敗 兮 ！ 我 王 廢 兮！ 趣 歸 於 亳 ， 亳 亦 大 兮 ！ 」 又 曰 ： 「 樂 兮 樂 兮 ！ 四 壯 驕兮 ！ 六 轡 沃 兮 ！ 去 不 善 兮 善 ， 何 不 樂 兮 ！ 」 伊 尹 知 大 命之 將 去 ， 舉 觴 造 桀 曰 ： 「 君 王 不 聽 臣 言 ， 大 命 去 矣 ， 亡無 日 矣 。 」 桀 相 然 而 抃 ， 盍 然 而 笑 曰 ： 「 子 又 妖 言 矣 。吾 有 天 下 ， 猶 天 之 有 日 也 ， 日 有 亡 乎 ？ 日 亡 ， 吾 亦 亡 也。 」 於 是 伊 尹 接 履 而 趨 ， 遂 適 於 湯 ， 湯 以 為 相 。 可 謂 適彼 樂 土 ， 爰 得 其 所 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 逝 將 去 汝 ， 適 彼 樂 土 ；樂 土 樂 土 ， 爰 得 我 所 。 」
伊 尹 去 夏 入 殷 ， 田 饒 去 魯 適 燕 ， 介 之 推 去 晉 入 山。 田 饒 事 魯 哀 公 而 不 見 察 ， 田 饒 謂 哀 公 曰 ： 「 臣 將 去 君， 黃 鵠 舉 矣 。 」 哀 公 曰 ： 「 何 謂 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 君 獨 不 見夫 雞 乎 ！ 首 戴 冠 者 ， 文 也 ， 足 搏 距 者 ， 武 也 ， 敵 在 前 敢鬥 者 、 勇 也 ， 得 食 相 告 ， 仁 也 ， 守 夜 不 失 時 ， 信 也 。 雞有 此 五 德 ， 君 猶 日 瀹 而 食 之 者 ， 何 也 ？ 則 以 其 所 從 來 者近 也 。 夫 黃 鵠 一 舉 千 里 ， 止 君 園 池 ， 食 君 魚 鱉 ， 啄 君 黍粱 ， 無 此 五 者 ， 君 猶 貴 之 ， 以 其 所 從 來 者 遠 矣 。 臣 將 去君 ， 黃 鵠 舉 矣 ！ 」 哀 公 曰 ： 「 止 。 吾 將 書 子 言 也 。 」 田饒 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 ： 食 其 食 者 ， 不 毀 其 器 ； 陰 其 樹 者 ，不 折其 枝 。 有 臣 不 用 ， 何 書 其 言 ？ 」 遂 去 ， 之 燕 。 燕 立 以 為相 ， 三 年 ， 燕 政 大 平 ， 國 無 盜 賊 。 哀 公 喟 然 太 息 ， 為 之辟 寢 三 月 ， 減 損 上 服 。 曰 ：「 不 慎 其 前 ， 而 悔 其 後 ， 何 可 復 得 。 」 詩 云 ： 「 逝 將 去汝 ， 適 彼 樂 國 ； 樂 國 樂 國 ， 爰 得 我 直 。 」
子 賤 治 單 父 ， 彈 鳴 琴 ， 身 不 下 堂 ， 而 單 父治 。 巫馬 期 以 星 出 ， 以 星 入 ， 日 夜 不 處 ， 以 身 親 之 ， 而 單 父 亦治 。 巫 馬 期 問 於 子 賤 ， 子 賤 曰 ： 「 我 任 人 ， 子 任 力 。 任人 者 佚 ， 任 力 者 勞 。 」 人 謂 子 賤 ， 則 君 子 矣 ， 佚 四 肢 ，全 耳 目 ， 平 心 氣 ， 而 百 官 理 ， 任 其 數 而 已 。 巫 馬 期 則 不然 ， 乎 然 事 惟 ， 勞 力 教 詔 ， 雖 治 ， 猶 未 至 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「子 有 衣 裳 ， 弗 曳 弗 婁 ； 子 有 車 馬 ， 弗 馳 弗 驅 。 」
子 路 曰 ： 「 士 不 能 勤 苦 ， 不 能 輕 死 亡 ， 不 能 恬 貧窮 ， 而 曰 我 行 義 ， 吾 不 信 也 。 昔 者 申 包 胥 立 於 秦 廷 ， 七日 七 夜 ， 哭 不 絕 聲 ， 是 以 存 楚 ， 不 能 勤 苦 ， 焉 得 行 此 ！比 干 且 死 ， 而 諫 愈 忠 ； 伯 夷 叔 齊 餓 于 首 陽 ， 而 志 益 彰 ；不 輕 死 亡 ， 焉 能 行 此 。 曾 子 褐 衣 縕 緒 ， 未 嘗 完 也 ， 糲 米之 食 ， 未 嘗 飽 也 ； 義 不 合 ， 則 辭 上 卿 ， 不 恬 貧 窮 ， 焉 能行 此 ！ 夫 士 欲 立 身 行 道 ， 無 顧 難 易 ， 然 後 能 行 之 ； 欲 行義 白 名 ， 無 顧 利 害 ， 然 後 能 行 之 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 彼 己 之 子， 碩 大 且 篤 。 」 良 非 篤 修 身 行 之 君 子 ， 其 孰 能 與 之 哉 ！
子 路 與 巫 馬 期 薪 於 韞 丘 之 下 ， 陳 之 富 人 有 虞師 氏者 ， 脂 車 百 乘 ， 觴 於 韞 丘 之 上 。 子 路 與 巫 馬 期 曰 ： 「 使子 無 忘 子 之 所 知 ， 亦 無 進 子 之 所 能 ， 得 此 富 ， 終 身 無 復見 夫 子 ， 子 為 之 乎 ？ 」 巫 馬 期 喟 然 仰 天 而 嘆 ， 闟 然 投 鎌於 地 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 嘗 聞 之 夫 子 ， 勇 士 不 忘 喪 其 元 ， 志 士 仁人 不 忘 在 溝 壑 。 子 不 知 予 與 ？ 試 予 與 ？ 意 者 、 其 志 與 ？」 子 路 心 慚 ， 故 負 薪 先 歸 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 來 ， 何 為 偕 出而 先 返 也 ？ 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 向 也 ， 由 與 巫 馬 期 薪 於 韞 丘 之下 ， 陳 之 富 人 有 處 師 氏 者 ， 脂 車 百 乘 ， 觴 於 韞 丘 之 上 ，由 謂 巫 馬 期 曰 ： 『 使 子 無 忘 子 之 所 知 ， 亦 無 進 子 之 所 能， 得 此 富 ， 終 身 無 復 見 夫 子 ， 子 為 之 乎 ？ 』 巫 馬 期 喟 然仰 天 而 嘆 ， 闟 然 投 鎌 於 地 ， 曰 ： 『 吾 嘗 聞 夫 子 ： 勇 士 不忘 喪 其 元 ， 志 士 仁 人 不 忘 在 溝 壑 。 子 不 知 予 與 ？ 試 予 與？ 意 者 ， 其 志 與 ？ 』 由 也 心 慚 ， 故 先 負 薪 歸 。 」 孔 子 援琴 而 彈 ： 「 詩 曰 ： 『 肅 肅 鴇 羽 ， 集 于 苞 栩 。 王 事 靡 盬 ，不 能 蓺 稷 黍 。 父 母 何 怙 ？ 悠 悠 蒼 天 ， 曷 其 有 所 ？ 』 予 道不 行 邪 ， 使 汝 願 者 。 … … 」
孔 子 曰 ： 「 士 有 五 ： 有 埶 尊 貴 者 ， 有 家 富 厚 者 ，有 資 勇 悍 者 ， 有 心 智 惠 者 ， 有 貌 美 好 者 。 有 埶 尊 貴 者 ，不 以 愛 民 行 義 理 ， 而 反 以 暴 敖 。 家 富 厚 者 ， 不 以 振 窮 救不 足 ， 而 反 以 侈 靡 無 度 。 資 勇 悍 者 ， 不 以 衛 上 攻 戰 ， 而反 以 侵 陵 私 鬥 。 心 智 惠 者 ， 不 以 端 計 數 ， 而 反 以 事 姦 飾詐 。 貌 美 好 者 ， 不 以 統 朝 蒞 民 ， 而 反 以 蠱 女 從 欲 。 此 五者 ， 所 謂 士 失 其 美 質 者 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 溫 其 如 玉 ， 在 其 板屋 ， 亂 我 心 曲 。 」
上 之 人 所 遇 ， 色 為 先 ， 聲 音 次 之 ， 事 行 為後 。 故望 而 宜 為 人 君 者 、 容 也 ， 近 而 可 信 者 、 色 也 ， 發 而 安 中者 、 言 也 ， 久 而 可 觀 者 、 行 也 。 故 君 子 容 色 ， 天 下 儀 象而 望 之 ， 不 假 言 而 知 為 人 君 者 。 詩 曰 ： 「 顏 如 渥 丹 ， 其君 也 哉 ！ 」
子 夏 讀 詩 已 畢 。 夫 子 問 曰 ： 「 爾 亦 何 大 於 詩 矣 ？」 子 夏 對 曰 ：「 詩 之 於 事 也 ， 昭 昭 乎 若 日 月 之 光 明 ， 燎 燎 乎 如 星 辰 之錯 行 ， 上 有 堯 舜 之 道 ， 下 有 三 王 之 義 ， 弟 子 不 敢 忘 ， 雖居 蓬 戶 之 中 ， 彈 琴 以 詠 先 王 之 風 ， 有 人 亦 樂 之 ， 無 人 亦樂 之 ， 亦 可 發 憤 忘 食 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 『 衡 門 之 下 ， 可 以 棲 遲； 泌 之 洋 洋 ， 可 以 樂 饑 。 』 」 夫 子 造 然 變 容 ， 曰 ： 「 嘻！ 吾 子 始 可 以 言 詩 已 矣 ， 然 子 以 見 其 表 ， 未 見 其 裏 。 」顏 淵 曰 ： 「 其 表 已 見 ， 其 裏 又 何 有 哉 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 闚其 門 ， 不 入 其 中 ， 安 知 其 奧 藏 之 所 在 乎 ！ 然 藏又 非 難 也。 丘 嘗 悉 心 盡 志 ， 已 入 其 中 ， 前 有 高 岸 ， 後 有 深 谷 ， 冷冷 然 如 此 既 立 而 已 矣 ， 不 能 見 其 裏 ， 未 謂 精 微 者 也 。 」
傳 曰 ： 國 無 道 ， 則 飄 風 厲 疾 ， 暴 雨 折 木 ， 陰陽 錯氛 ， 夏 寒 冬 溫 ， 春 熱 秋 榮 ， 日 月 無 光 ， 星 辰 錯 行 ， 民 多疾 病 ， 國 多 不 祥 ， 群 生 不 壽 ， 而 五 穀 不 登 。 當 成 周 之 時， 陰 陽 調 ， 寒 暑 平 ， 群 生 遂 ， 萬 物 寧 ， 故 曰 ： 其 風 治 ，其 樂 連 ， 其 驅 馬 舒 ， 其 民 依 依 ， 其 行 遲 遲 ， 其 意 好 好 ，詩 曰 ： 「 匪 風 發 兮 ， 匪 車 偈 兮 。 顧 瞻 周 道 ， 中 心 怛 兮 。」
夫 治 氣 養 心 之 術 ： 血 氣 剛 強 ， 則 務 之 以 調和 ； 智慮 潛 深 ， 則 一 之 以 易 諒 ； 勇 毅 強 果 ， 則 輔 之 以 道 術 ； 齊給 便 捷 ， 則 安 之 以 靜 退 ； 卑 攝 貪 利 ， 則 抗 之 以 高 志 ； 容眾 好 散 ， 則 劫 之 以 師 友 ； 怠 慢 摽 棄 ， 則 慰 之 以 禍 災 ， 愿婉 端 愨 ， 則 合 之 以 禮 樂 。 凡 治 氣 養 心 之 術 ， 莫 徑 由 禮 ，莫 優 得 師 ， 莫 慎 一 好 。 好 一 則 博 ， 博 則 精 ， 精 則 神 ， 神則 化 ， 是 以 君 子 務 結 心 乎 一 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 淑 人 君 子 ， 其儀 一 兮 ， 其 儀 一 兮 ， 心 如 結 兮 。 」
玉 不 琢 ， 不 成 器 ； 人 不 學 ， 不 成 行 。 家 有 千 金 之玉 ， 不 知 治 ， 猶 之 貧 也 ； 良 工 宰 之 ， 則 富 及 子 孫 。 君 子謀 之 ， 則 為 國 用 。 故 動 則 安 百 姓 ， 議 則 延 民 命 。 詩 曰 ：「 淑 人 君 子 ， 正 是 國 人 ； 正 是 國 人 ， 胡 不 萬 年 。 」
嫁 女 之 家 ， 三 夜 不 息 燭 ， 思 相 離 也 。 取 婦 之 家 ，三 日 不 舉 樂 ， 思 嗣 親 也 。 是 故 婚 禮 不 賀 ， 人 之 序 也 。 三月 而 廟 見 ， 稱 來 婦 也 。 厥 明 見 舅 姑 ， 舅 姑 降 于 西 階 ， 婦升 自 阼 階 ， 授 之 室 也 。 憂 思 三 日 ， 不 殺 三 月 ， 孝 子 之 情也 。 故 禮 者 、 因 人 情 為 文 。 詩 曰 ： 「 親 結 其 縭 ， 九 十 其儀 。 」 言 多 儀 也 。
原 天 命 ， 治 心 術 ， 理 好 惡 ， 適 情 性 ， 而 治 道畢 矣。 原 天 命 則 不 惑 禍 福 ， 不 惑 禍 福 則 動 靜 脩 。 治 心 術 則 不妄 喜 怒 ， 不 妄 喜 怒 則 賞 罰 不 阿 。 理 好 惡 則 不 貪 無 用 ， 不貪 無 用 則 不 害 物 性 。 適 情 性 則 不 過 欲 ， 不 過 欲 則 養 性 知足 。 四 者 不 求 於 外 ， 不 假 於 人 ， 反 諸 已 而 存 矣 。 夫 人 者、 說 人 者 也 ， 形 而 為 仁 義 ， 動 而 為 法 則 。 詩 曰 ： 「 伐 柯伐 柯 ， 其 則 不 遠 。 」
King Chuang of Ch`u was besieging [the capital of] Sung. When he had rations for [only] seven days, he said, "If we exhaust these [supplies] without conquering, then we are going to withdraw and go back home." Whereupon he had the Ssŭ-ma Tzŭ-fan climb up on the mound built by the besiegers 2 to spy on the town of Sung. [The Prince of] Sung sent Hua Yüan to climb up on the mound to intercept him.
Tzŭ-fan said, "How are things with your state?"
Hua Yüan said, "We are exhausted! We exchange our children 3 and eat them, splitting and cooking the bones."
Tzŭ-fan said, "Alas! Extreme straits indeed! However, I have heard that in besieged states they gag their horses when they give them grain 4 and send out the fat ones to meet the enemy. Now, how is it that you, sir, are so frank?"
Hua Yüan said, "I have heard that the superior man, seeing another's distress, has compassion on him; while the mean man, seeing another's distress, rejoices in it. I saw that you seemed to be a superior man, and that is why I was so frank."
Tzŭ-fan said, "It is so. May you exert yourself. Our army has only seven days' rations." Bowing, he left.
Tzŭ-fan reported to King Chuang. King Chuang said, "How are they?"
Tzŭ-fan said, "They are exhausted. They exchange children and eat them, splitting and cooking the bones."
King Chuang said, "Alas! Extreme straits indeed. Now all we have to do is take them and return."
Tzŭ-fan said, "We cannot do it. I have already told them that our army for its part has only seven days' rations."
King Chuang was angry and said, "I sent you to observe them. Why did you tell them?"
Tzŭ-fan said, "If a state as small as Sung still has a subject who does not practice deceit, how can Ch`u lack them? This is why I told him."
King Chuang said, "Nevertheless we 5 shall presently just take them and return."
Tzŭ-fan said, "Let Your Highness stay here; I will just go home, if I may."
The king said, "If you return, leaving me, with whom should I stay here? I shall return as you wish." Whereupon he went back with his army.
The superior man approves their making peace themselves. Hua Yüan told Tzŭ-fan the truth and succeeded thereby in raising the seige and keeping intact the fortune of the two states. The Ode says, 6
The superior man approves their telling one another the truth.
Ying, the daughter of a gatekeeper of Lu was weaving with another [girl]. At midnight she cried.
Her companion said, "Why are you weeping?"
Ying said, "I have heard that the Heir Apparent of Wei is unworthy; therefore 8 I weep."
Her companion said, "That the Heir Apparent of Wei is unworthy is the worry of the feudal lords. Why should you weep because of it?"
Ying said, "What I have heard is at variance with what you say. Formerly the ssŭ-ma Huan of Sung fell into disfavor with the Prince of Sung and left the country for Lu. 9 His horse got loose and rolled in my garden and ate the mallows there. For that year I have heard that the gardener lost half his harvest. When the king of Yüeh, Kou-chien, raised troops to attack Wu, the feudal lords feared his power, and Lu sent him a present of girls, among them my sister. My elder brother went to see her and succumbed to the perils of the road. Now it was Wu who was overawed by Yüeh's army, but it was I who lost a brother. Viewed in this light, disaster and prosperity come one after the other. 10 Now the Heir Apparent of Wei is most unworthy and loves war. Can I, with three younger brothers, be anything but worried?"
The Ode says, 11
Is this not the same sort of thing?
Kao-tzŭ asked Mencius, "Now marriage is not a matter managed by individuals, so how is it that the woman of Wei got a section in the Odes?" 13
Mencius said, "With the intentions of the woman of Wei it is all right; without such intentions it would be carelessness. Like I-yin's behavior toward T`ai-chia: 14 with the intentions of I-yin it was all right; without such intentions it would have been usurpation. 15 Now there are two [aspects] of the Way: the unvarying aspect which is called constancy, and the changing aspect called adaptation. 16 The one who, cherishing this unvarying way, holds ready this [capacity for] change and adaptability will succeed in becoming a sage. Now the woman of Wei in conduct succeeded in being filial and in her solicitude became a saint. If she was adaptable, what then?"
The Ode says, 17
King Chuang of Ch`u-held morning audience until late. Fan-chi went down the hall to meet him, saying, "How late you have dismissed court! Are you not hungry and tired?"
King Chuang said, "Today I was listening to loyal and worthwhile discourse, so that I felt neither hunger nor fatigue."
Fan-chi said, "This person Your Highness speaks of as loyal and worthy, is he a guest from one of the other feudal lords, or is he an officer of the Middle Kingdom?" 19
King Chuang said, "Why it is my Prime Minister Shên." 20
Fan-chi covered her mouth and laughed.
The king said, "What are you laughing at?"
[Fan-] chi said, "For eleven years I have been privileged to wait on 21 your Highness when you were bathing and washing your hair by holding your towel and comb and by spreading your coverlet and mat. But there was never a time I was not sending men into Liang and Chêng to seek out beautiful women whom I could bring into Your Highness's presence. There are ten of the same rank as myself, and two who are superior to me. Not that I did not wish to monopolize your affection, 22 but I would not dare for private motives to keep other beauties in obscurity, and I want you to see more of them that you may be happy. Now Prime Minister Shên has been minister in Ch`u for several years, and I have never seen him advance a worthy man or retire an undeserving one. So how does he come to be taken for loyal and worthy?"
At court next morning the King told Prime Minister Shên what Fan-chi had said. Prime Minister Shên withdrew from his place and put forward Sun-shu Ao. After [Sun-]shu Ao had governed Ch`u for three years, the state of Ch`u became hegemon.
The historiographer of Ch`u, taking brush in hand, wrote in the records, "The hegemony of Ch`u was due to Fan-chi's efforts."
The Ode says, 23
Fan-chi is an example of this.
When Min Tzŭ-ch`ien first appeared before the Master, he had a hungry look. 25 Later on he had a well-fed look. 26
Tzŭ-kung asked him, "At first you had a hungry look, while now you have a well-fed look. Why is this?"
Min-tzŭ said, "I had come out from the `reeds and rushes' 27 and entered the Master's gate. Now the Master, within, was `cut and polished' 28 by filial piety, and, without, he displayed for me the methods of the [ancient] kings (?). In my heart I secretely rejoiced. I went out and saw plumed chariot canopies and dragon flags, 29 silken banners and fur garments following one another, and in my heart I rejoiced also at these. When the two [feelings] 30 were mutually opposed in my breast, I was not able to bear it. This is why I had a hungry look. By now I have become deeply imbued with the Master's culture, 31 and, thanks to you gentlemen, I have been `cut and polished' and brought forward. Inside, I am clear about what is proper to leave and what to take up. Outside, the sight of plumed chariot canopies and dragon flags, fur garments and silken banners following one another is in my eyes no more than excrement or dirt. 32 This is why I have a well-fed look."
The Ode says, 33
The chuan says: "How about rain coming after sacrifices for rain?"
"There is no connection. It is like rain when there have been no sacrifices." 36
"When stars fall and trees give out sounds, the people of a state are all afraid. How about that?"
"These are the changes of heaven and earth, the transformations of yin and yang, and things that occur but seldom. It is all right to be astonished at them; to fear them is wrong. Now the pseudo-eclipse 37 of the sun and of the moon, the unexpected 38 appearance of strange stars, wind, and rain out of season—there is no generation that does not at some time have [one of] them. If those in charge are enlightened and the government is equitable, though all should occur at once, there would be no harm in it. If those in charge are ignorant and the government is harsh, should they all be lacking, still there would be no benefit in it. Now in regard to disasters in the world, it is evil portents among men that are most to be feared."
"What do you mean by evil portents among men?"
"Bad plowing harms the crop; bad hoeing harms the harvest. If the government is harsh, 39 it loses [the support of] the people. When the fields are overgrown with weeds and the crop is poor, when grain sells dear and the people are hungry, when there are dead men in the roads, when bandits and rebels rise up together, when superior and inferior are at odds, when neighbors treat each other with violence and those whose gates are on opposite sides of the street steal from each other, when li and i are not cultivated, 40 when cattle and horses interbreed and the six domestic animals 41 produce prodigies, when servants and inferiors slay 42 their masters, when father and son are suspicious of one another— these I call evil human portents: they are the products of disorder."
There is a traditional saying: "The calamities of heaven and earth are hidden in their [time of] coming 43 and the classical books 44 do not speak of the prodigies of nature." Transformations that have no use and calamities that are not impending should be left alone. 45 But the duties (i) of prince and minister, the relationship of father and son, and the distinctions between man and woman 46 —these are to be "cut and polished" 47 and not neglected.
The Ode says, 48
Confucius said, "If a person's mouth craves flavors and his heart desires idleness, I would teach him jên. If his heart desires repose 49 and his body hates exertion, I would teach him respect. If he is fond of discussion but fears danger, I would teach him courage. If his eyes like colors and his ears like sounds, I would teach him i."
The I [ching] says, 50 "He keeps his loins at rest and separates his ribs 51 [from his body below]. The situation is perilous, 52 and the heart glows with suppressed excitement."
The Ode says, 53
These both prohibit license and forbid indulgence; they harmonize impulse and will. 54
A high wall that is heavy above and built on uneven ground 56 below will not necessarily collapse. But if rainfall comes, and the overflowing stream reaches it, then it is sure to collapse the first thing. Plants whose roots are shallow do not necessarily become uprooted. But if a gust of wind arises and heavy rain falls, then they are sure to be uprooted the first thing. If the prince 57 dwelling in a state 58 does not respect jên and i, or honor the sage minister and govern affairs with his aid, he will not necessarily lose [his state]. But one day there will be some unusual development: the feudal lords fight among themselves; men rush past, and chariots hasten forward. Suddenly disaster occurs, and only then for the first time does he experience anxiety. With parched throat and burning lips he looks up to Heaven and sighs. Does this help? 59 Though he hope for peace, is it not indeed too late?
Confucius said, "Not to be careful before the event and afterwards to repent—alas! even though he repent, it is not enough."
The Ode says, 60
Tsêng-tzŭ said, "The superior man has three sayings worth being strung together and hung on the belt. The first is, `Do not by taking in strangers exclude your relatives.' The second is, `[Do not] 63 blame others for your personal defects.' The third is, `[Do not] 64 call on Heaven after grief has come.' "
Tzŭ-kung 65 said, "How is that?"
Tsêng-tzŭ said, "By taking in strangers to exclude relatives— is this not reversing what should be? Blaming others for personal defects—is this not going wide of the mark? Calling on Heaven after grief has come—is this not too late?"
The Ode says, 66
Now frost and snow, rain and dew are the agents that kill and give life to living things. Heaven has nothing to do with it, yet we honor Heaven. It is the officials who uphold the law and are responsible for civil functions who control the offices and the people. The prince has nothing to do with it, but still we honor the prince. The one who broke the ground and planted the [five] cereals was Hou-chi; he who opened [a way for] the Chiang and caused the River to flow was Yü; the one who heard trials and kept a mean was Kao-yao. But the one with the reputation of being a saint 68 is Yao.
Thus if one is possessed of the True Way of ruling, though he himself lack ability, he will certainly have those with ability to work for him. If one lacks the True Way of ruling, though he have a great deal of ability, still it will not help to preserve him.
The Ode says, 69
The ability to control is honored.
According to tradition, Confucius said, "How admirable was Yen Wu-fu's charioteering! The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought nothing of it; he knew that there was a man in it, and him he loved. He was attracted by his uprightness and loved being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he would certainly have said, `What a pleasure today's gallop is!'
"When we come to Yen Lun there has been a slight decline. The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought nothing of it; he knew that there was a man in it and him he respected. The horse was attracted by his uprightness and accepted respectfully being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he would certainly have said, `Going and coming, may this man make use of me.'
"When we come to Yen I the decline is complete. The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought it heavy; he knew that there was a man in it and him he feared. The horse was attracted by his uprightness but feared being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he certainly would have said, `Go and come, go and come: if you do not go, that man will kill you.'
"Thus in driving horses there is method, and in governing people there is a right way. If the method is attained to, then the horse is contented and happy; if the right way is attained to, then the people are peaceful and tranquil."
The Ode says, 70
This is illustrated in the above.
Yen Yüan was sitting by Duke Ting of Lu 72 on a raised platform, when Tung-yeh Pi 73 drove his horse [and chariot] past.
Duke Ting said, "How well Tung-yeh Pi drives!"
Yen Yüan said, "He is all right, but his horses are going to run away."
Duke Ting was not pleased and said to his retainers, "I had heard that a superior man does not slander people; does he then really engage in slander?"
Yen Yüan withdrew.
Suddenly a man from the Imperial Stables [came and] announced that Tung-yeh Pi's horses had run away. 74 Duke Ting . . . (?) 75 the mat and got up, saying, "Quickly send a chariot to call back Yen Yüan."
When Yen Yüan arrived, Duke Ting said, "A little while ago I said, `How well Tung-yeh Pi drives,' and you said, `He is all right, but his horses are going to run away.' How did you know it?"
Yen Yüan said, "From [principles of] government I knew it. In olden times Shun was expert in handling people and Tsao-fu was expert in handling horses. Shun did not wear out his people and Tsao-fu did not drive his horses to the limit. Hence, under Shun the people did not break down, and under Tsao-fu, horses did not run away. Now as to Tung-yeh Pi's driving, 77 in mounting the chariot and holding the bridle, his style of managing was correct. In his evolutions and rushes, he was in complete accord with court ceremony (li). 78 But from going through danger and traveling far he had exhausted the horses' strength; yet still he beat them without cease. Therefore I knew they would run away."
Duke Ting said, "Good. Can you drive the point a little further?" 79
Yen Yüan said, "If an animal is pushed to extremity, he will bite; in the same circumstances a bird will peck, 80 and a man will practice treachery. Since antiquity to the present day it has never happened that reducing the people to extremity has not been dangerous. The Ode says, 81
Good driving is illustrative of this."
Duke Ting said, "I was at fault."
After Ts`ui Chu had assassinated Duke Chuang, 83 he ordered 84 the nobles and Great Officers to make a covenant with him. The covenanters all had laid aside their swords before entering. Those who did not speak quickly or who did not touch the blood with their fingers were put to death. 85
Over ten men had been killed when it came to Yen-tzŭ's turn. He raised up the cup of blood, and, facing Heaven, said with a sign, "Alas! that Ts`ui Chu has been so unrighteous as to slay his prince!" Whereupon the covenanters all looked at him. 86
Ts`ui Chu said to Yen-tzŭ, "If you help me, I will share the state with you. If you do not help me, I will kill you: A straight sword will pierce you, and a curved one will hook you. I hope you will think about it."
Yen-tzŭ said, "I have heard 87 that he who, being deterred by profit, is unfaithful to his prince lacks jên, and he who permits himself to be forced by weapons to abandon his determination lacks courage. The Ode says, 88
Can I be crooked, then? Straight swords may pierce me and curved ones may hook me, but I will not change."
Ts`ui Chu said, "Let Yen-tzŭ go."
Yen-tzŭ got up and went out. Taking the traces of the carriage harness, he mounted the chariot. His servant wanted to drive fast, but Yen-tzŭ clapped his hands and said, "The deer in the mountain forest—his fate is in the kitchen. Our fates are dependent on something, but how on hasty driving?" He proceeded peacefully, with calm demeanor, and so left. The Ode says, 90
Yen-tzŭ is an example of this.
King Chao of Ch`u had an officer named Shih Shê, 92 who was characterized by his impartiality and love of the right, and the king made him a judge. 93 At this time someone killed a man on the highway. When Shih Shê went in pursuit of him, it turned out to be his father.
He returned to the court and said, "The person who killed the man was my father. To sacrifice one's father to perfect one's administration is not filial; not to put in operation the laws of one's prince is not loyal. My duty is to submit to punishment for having overlooked his crime and disregarded the law." He prostrated himself before the axe and execution block saying, "My life is in your hands."
The prince said, "You pursued him without catching him; how can there be any blame? May you go on with your work."
Shih Shê said, "Not so. Not to be partial to one's father is not filial; not to carry out the laws of one's prince is not loyal. To go on living when guilty of a crime deserving death is not honest. If Your Highness wishes to grant a pardon, it is the grace of a superior; but I cannot neglect the laws: such is the duty (i) of an inferior."
Whereupon he would not leave the axe and execution block, but cutting his throat, died in the court.
When the superior man hears of this, he says, "Pure and lawabiding—such was Master Shih."
Confucius said, 94 "The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Uprightness is to be found in this."
The Ode says, 95
Master Shih is an example of this.
With others generous and within himself strict; putting himself in harmony with the right, 97 he was strict with himself without being strict with others; not uneasy though [his] good qualities were not appreciated: such was the conduct of Ch`ü Po-yü. Hence those who were fathers wanted him for a son, and those who were sons wanted him for a father; princes wanted him for a subject, and subjects wanted him for a prince. His fame was bright among the feudal lords, and the empire longed for him.
The Ode says, 98
Such is the conduct of the superior man.
There is the following traditional story. When Confucius met Ch`êng Pên-tzŭ of Ch`i in the region of Yen, they put down the canopies [of their chariots] and talked for the rest of the day. After some time 100 [Confucius] turned to Tzu-lŭ and said, "Yu, [bring] 101 ten rolls of silk 102 and present them to this gentleman."
Tzu-lŭ did not reply. After some time he again turned and said, "Yu, [bring] ten rolls of silk and present them to this gentleman."
Tzŭ-lu replied abruptly, 103 "I once heard you say, Master, that the superior man does not approve of gentlemen's meeting without introduction, 104 nor of a woman's marrying without an intermediary."
Confucius said, "Does not the Ode say, 105
What is more, Ch`êng Pên-tzŭ of Ch`i is one of the sages of the empire. If on this occasion I do not make him a present, to the end of my life I will never [dare to] see him [again]. When a person does not transgress the boundary line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues." 107
The superior man has a mind devoted to the good, but he has not the air of [striving to] surpass other men. His moral power is sufficient for him to rule over the empire, but he lacks an overbearing demeanor. His conduct is sufficient to reach to later generations, but not with a single word does he find fault with another man for not being good.
Truly it is said, "The superior man is filled with moral power but is humble. He empties himself to receive [the influences of] others; he acts according to the exigency of circumstances without being carried away by their current; 109 he adapts himself to things but is never exhausted. Though he may occupy a lowly position, the people will want to hold him up; though he may wish to be without honors, can he do it?
The Ode says, 110
The superior man makes acquaintances easily, but it is difficult to be familiar with him. He is easily alarmed, but he cannot be forced. He fears suffering, but he would not avoid dying for the right (i). He desires what is advantageous, but he would not do what he considers wrong. In his relations he is friendly but not disrespectful; 113 in speech he makes clear distinctions, but not so as to confuse the issue. How great! His i114 cannot be surpassed. 115 How satisfying! 116 He is scrupulous and yet causes no harm. How mild! The brilliance 117 of his jên and generosity is great. How he excels! He has that which distinguishes him from other men.
The Ode says, 118
Shang Jung 120 had once held the feather and flute. 121 Relying on horse and foot soldiers, he wished to attack 122 [the tyrant] Chou, but was unable to do so. As a result he went into hiding in T`aihsing. When King Wu conquered Yin and set himself up as Son of Heaven, he wished to make [him] a san-kung.123 Shang Jung refused, saying, "I once relied on horse and foot soldiers, wishing to attack [the tyrant] Chou, but was unable to do so. That was stupidity. That I went into hiding without fighting was due to a lack of courage. Stupidity and a lack of courage are not sufficient qualifications for a san-kung." He persisted in his refusal to the end and would not accept the king's command.
On hearing of this, the superior man says, "Of Shang Jung it can be said that having examined himself 124 he did not falsely represent his abilities. He was a superior man indeed. He put away from himself unearned food." The Ode says, 125
Master Shang is an example of this.
Duke 127 Wên of Chin had appointed Li Li to be chief judge. 128 For having wrongly permitted a man to be killed 129 he put himself under arrest in the court and asked for death from the prince.
The prince said, "Just as there are high and low officials, so there are light and severe punishments. The inferior officer is guilty; it is not your guilt."
Li Li replied, "In occupying my office as chief, I did not make way for inferior officers; in receiving a greater salary 130 I did not share the profit with the inferior officers. Now when I have wrongly permitted a man to be put to death, that an inferior officer should be responsible for his death is unheard of." He [refused 131 and] did not accept the command.
The prince said, "If you insist on 132 considering yourself guilty, then I likewise am guilty."
Li Li said, "When the laws are violated, punishment should follow: 133 when punishments are misapplied, death should be the result. Your Highness thought me able to judge obscure cases and to decide doubtful ones, and so you made me a judge. Now I have wrongly permitted a man to be killed; my crime merits death." 134
The prince said, "That you should leave your position, abandon your rank, suffer the working of the law, and be lost to the state 135 is not what I had wished for. Go quickly and do not bother me."
Li Li replied, "Your Highness' worries are disorder in government and danger to the state. When his army is defeated and his troops are in confusion, the general is worried. Now to serve one's prince when one lacks ability, or to hold an office through shady actions is to receive one's salary without deserving it. I am not one to deceive myself with my worthlessness." Whereupon he fell upon his sword and died.
When the superior man hears of this he says, "Indeed he was loyal."
The Ode says, 136
Master Li is an example of this.
Chieh-yü, the madman of Ch`u, tilled the fields with his own hands for food. [One day] his wife had gone to the market and had not yet returned. The King of Ch`u sent a messenger with a present of one hundred i138 of gold to his gate. [The messenger] said, "The great king has sent me to offer one hundred i of gold and wishes to request you, sir, to administer Huai-nan." 139
Chieh-yü laughed but would not assent. The messenger in the end left without a definite answer from him.
When Chieh-yü's wife came back from the market, she said, "When you were young, you practiced your principles (i); why do you abandon them as you grow older? How is it that the carriage tracks 140 outside the gate are so deep?"
Chieh-yü said, "Today the king sent a messenger to offer me one hundred i of gold, wishing to have me administer Huai-nan." 141
His wife said, "You did not consent?"
He said, "I did not!"
His wife said, "When the prince wants to employ you, not to obey is disloyal, while to obey is to abandon your principles (i). It is best we go away."
Whereupon the husband shouldered the boilers and pots, and the wife carried the loom 142 on her head. They changed their names so that no one knew where they went.
The Lun yü says, 143 "seeing the countenance, she instantly rises. She flies round, and by and by settles." Chieh-yü's wife was like this.
The Ode says, 144
Of old Chieh made a wine pond with dikes made of the dregs while he gave free rein to lascivious music. 147 There were 3000 [men] 148 who drank [from the pond] like cattle. The ministers clutched one another and sang,
They also said,
I-yin realized that the mandate of heaven 153 was about to be withdrawn. 154 Lifting a beaker, he approached Chieh and said, "If Your Majesty does not listen to his servant's words, the mandate of heaven will be withdrawn 155 and the day of disaster not far off."
Chieh clapped his hands with a smack and noisily laughed, saying, "So you too speak of evil omens. My possessing the empire is like the sky's having a sun; is the sun [ever] destroyed? When the sun is destroyed, then I shall be destroyed too." 156
Thereupon I-yin made haste without stopping until he came to T`ang, who made him his minister. It can be said that he "went to that happy land and there found his place."
The Ode says, 157
I-yin left Hsia and joined Yin. T`ien Jao left Lu and went to Yen. Chieh Tzŭ-t`ui left Chin and retired to the mountains. 160 T`ien Jao served Duke Ai of Lu, but was not noticed. He 161 said to Duke Ai, "I am going to leave Your Highness for a heron flight."
Duke Ai said, "What do you mean?"
He said, "Has Your Highness never seen the cock? On his head he wears a cap: he has civil culture. To his legs are attached spurs: he is possessed of martial qualities. Faced with an enemy, he dares fight: he has courage. When he gets 162 food, he calls his companions: he has fellow-feeling (jên). When he keeps watch at night, he does not miss the time: he is trustworthy. The cock is possessed of these five virtues, [yet] Your Highness still has him boiled and eats him every day. Why is this? It is because the place he has come from is near at hand.
Now take the heron: he goes a thousand li at a flight and stops at the pond in Your Highness' garden. He eats your fish and turtles and pecks up your wheat and millet. 164 He lacks these five [virtues], yet Your Highness honors him 165 because the place he has come from is far away. I am going to leave Your Highness for a heron flight."
Duke Ai said, "Wait while I write down your words."
T`ien Jao said, "I have heard that one who eats another's food should not damage the vessels it is served in, and that one taking shelter under a tree should not break off its branches. Why then write down the words of a minister of whom you have made no use?"
In the end he left and went to Yen. Yen made him minister, and within three years the government of Yen was in order and the country was without thieves or bandits.
Duke Ai heaved a great sigh, and because of that occurrence kept away from the inner rooms for three months. He abolished the punishment of branding and cutting off the nose, saying, "If care were not exercised before, and there was [reason] for regret afterwards, how could replacement be made?" The Ode says, 166
When Tzŭ-chien 169 was administering Shan-fu, he played the lute 170 without descending from the hall, and still Shan-fu was in order. Wu-ma Ch`i went out [to his duties] while the stars were [still] out and did not return until they had again come out [at night]. Day and night he gave himself no rest, taking care of everything in person, and Shan-fu likewise was in order.
Wu-ma Ch`i asked Tzŭ-chien about it, and Tzŭ-chien said, "I use men, while you use strength. He who uses men is at ease, while he who uses strength must labor."
People 171 therefore called Tzŭ-chien a superior man. While he rested his four limbs, preserved his sight and hearing, kept his mind and spirit quiet, the various officers still were in order. All he did was to make use of their numbers. 172 Wu-ma Ch`i however did not do this. He misused his own nature and made himself a slave of his feelings, 173 putting his effort into instructions and orders. Although there was order, there was not perfection. The Ode says, 174
Tzŭ-lu said, "If a gentleman who was unable to be assiduous and work hard, or think lightly of death, or endure poverty, were to say, `I [am able to] 176 do my duty (i),' I would not believe him. Formerly Shên Pao-hsü stood seven days and nights in the court at Ch`in weeping without once stopping, and so preserved Ch`u. Had he not been able to be assiduous and work hard, how could he have brought this about? Pi-kan in the face of death remonstrated the more loyally. Although Po-i and Shu-ch`i starved in Shou-yang, their determination showed but the stronger. Had they not been able to think lightly of death, how could they have acted thus? Tsêng-tzŭ, whose coarse clothes and worn hempen garments 177 were never whole, who never got to eat his fill of his diet of coarse rice and millet, 178 still refused to be prime minister when [the position] was incompatible with his principles (i). Had he not been able to endure poverty, how could he have acted thus? Now if a gentleman wishes to establish himself and practice the True Way, he will be able to do it only if he pays no regard to the difficulties involved. If he wishes to fulfill his duty (i) and make his name known, he will be able to do it only if he pays no attention to profit or loss."
The Ode says, 179
Except for a superior man of fine generosity and self-cultivation, 180 who can partake of [such praise]? 181
Tzŭ-lu was gathering firewood with Wu-ma Ch`i at the foot of Mt. Yün. Among the rich men of Ch`ên there was one named Ch`u-shih with a hundred decorated chariots, who gave himself up to feasting on [Mt.] Yün. 182
Tzŭ-lu said to Wu-ma Ch`i, "If, without forgetting what you [now] know, but also without advancing any in what you [now] are capable of, you attained to such wealth as this, provided you would never get to go back and see the Master again, would you do it?"
Wu-ma Ch`i, looking toward Heaven with a deep sigh, stopped 183 and threw his sickle to the ground saying, "I have heard from the Master that a brave gentleman never forgets that he may lose his head, while the determined gentleman or the man endowed with jên never forgets [that his end may be] in a ditch or a stream. 184 Is it that you do not know me? Or are you trying me? Or is it perhaps your own intention?"
Tzŭ-lu was mortally ashamed and, 185 shouldering his firewood, went home first.
Confucius said, "Well, Yu, 186 why do you come back first when you went out in company?"
Tzŭ-lu said, "A while ago I was gathering firewood with Wu-ma Ch`i at the foot of Mt. Yün. Among the rich men of Ch`ên there is one named Ch`u-shih with a hundred decorated chariots, who has given himself up to feasting on Mt. Yün. I said to Wu-ma Ch`i, `If, without forgetting what you [now] know, but also without advancing any in what you [now] are capable of, you attained to such wealth as this, provided you would never get to go back and see the Master again, would you do it?' And Wu-ma Ch`i, looking toward Heaven with a deep sigh, stopped and threw his sickle to the ground, saying, `I have heard from the Master that a brave gentleman never forgets that he may lose his head, while the determined gentleman or the man endowed with jên never forgets [that his end may be] in a ditch or a stream. Is it that you do not know me? Or are you trying me? Or is it perhaps your own intention?' I was mortally ashamed, and so it was that I shouldered my firewood and came back first."
Confucius took up his lute and played on it, singing the Ode, 187
Shall my way not be practiced? If you are willing. . . ." 189
Confucius said, "There are five [kinds of] gentlemen. There are those whose power is honored, those whose families are wealthy, those whose disposition is bold, those whose minds are keen, 190 and those whose appearance is handsome. Those whose power is honored 191 do not make use of it to love the people, or to carry out their obligations (i), or to practice right principles, but on the contrary are overbearing [and oppressive] 192 on account of it. Those whose families are wealthy do not use [their wealth] to help the poor and aid the destitute, but on the contrary use it to be wasteful and extravagant without measure. Those whose disposition is bold do not make use of it to guard their prince and attack in battle, but on the contrary they make use of it for usurpation and private quarrels. Those whose minds are keen 193 do not use them to rectify calculations, but on the contrary they use them to practise deceit and gloss over dishonesty. Those whose appearance is handsome do not use it in unifying the court and managing the people, but on the contrary use it to bewitch women and make them accede to their desire. These five types of so-called gentlemen are neglecting their fine qualities."
The Ode says, 194
In meeting someone of superior qualities, his appearance is what one first notices; 195 next is his voice, and last of all his conduct. Hence from afar one sees from his general appearance that he is fit to be a ruler of men. On approaching nearer, his face is one to inspire confidence. The words that come from [his mouth] are quieting and to the point. 196 His conduct is refined and worth observing. 197 Hence as for the external appearance of the superior man, the empire takes it as a model and looks up to it, [considering] that he is recognizable as a ruler of men without having recourse to his language. 198
The Ode says, 199
When Tzŭ-hsia had completed his reading of the Odes, 202 the Master asked him, "What can you say about the Odes?" 203
Tzŭ-hsia replied, "In their treatment of situations, the Odes are brilliant, with a radiant brightness 204 like that of the sun and moon; they are lustrous as the stars in their alternating progress. On the one hand they contain the Way of Yao and Shun; on the other they have the i of the Three Kings. 205 What your disciple [has learned from his Master, he has engraved on his heart and] 206 dares not forget. Even though I were dwelling in poverty, 207 I would sing to the accompaniment of the lute of the lessons of the former kings. Were there others with me, I should enjoy them; without company I would still enjoy them, and become so excited as to forget food. 208
The Ode says, 209
The Master suddenly changed countenance and said "Ah sir, now you can discuss the Odes. 212 But as yet 213 you have seen only the externals and not what is within."
Yen Yüan said, "Having finished with the externals, what more is there to see within?"
Confucius said, "If you peep through the door without entering, how can you know where its hidden treasures are? But that they are hidden is not what is difficult. I have entered 214 into them [by dint of] great effort and intense application. In front [it is as though they were] a high cliff: behind, a deep valley, so that I could only stand solemnly erect. 215 One who does not see what lies within cannot be called refined or profound [in his understanding of the Odes]."
According to tradition, in a state that is without the True Way there will be whirlwinds and pestilence; torrential rains will break down the trees. Yin and yang will emit a perverted emanation; summer will be cold and winter warm; ripening 216 will be in spring and growth in autumn; sun and moon will have no brightness; stars and constellations will go astray; 217 the people will suffer from many diseases; the state will endure many inauspicious things; human beings will not live out their span, and the five grains will not ripen. 218 In the time of Ch`êng-chou, yin and yang were adjusted, cold and heat were regulated, manking was perfect and all things were tranquil. Truly it is said that their customs were ordered, their joy was continuous, their driving of horses was humane. 219 The people were yielding, their movements dignified, and their thoughts happy. The Ode says, 220
Methods of controlling the breath and nourishing the mind: 224 If one's physical powers are hard and refractory, 225 soften 226 them by harmonizing them. If one's knowledge is profound, unify it through control and faith. If through courage and resolution one is cruel and unyielding, aid him with methods of instruction. If clever and quick, 227 quiet him with rest and retirement. If mean and avaricious, elevate him with high aims. If mediocre and worthless 228 purge him through the medium of teacher and friends. If remiss and depreciatory, frighten 229 him with disaster. If good and upright, integrate him with ritual (li) and music.
In general the most direct way to control the breath and nourish the mind is to follow ritual (li); the most important thing is to get a teacher; the most prudent thing is to love but one thing. From loving one thing comes breadth, from breadth essence, from essence spirituality, from spirituality transformation. It is for this reason the superior man devotes himself to binding his mind to the one.
The Ode says, 230
If jade is not polished, it will not be a perfect vessel; if a man is not taught, his will not be perfect conduct. Though you have in your house jade worth a thousand [pieces of] gold, you still will be poor unless you know how to handle it. If a good craftsman works on it, then it will be valued and handed down to posterity. When a superior man studies, 232 then he is of use to the state. Truly in his movements he makes the people easy, and his deliberations result in an extension of human life.
The Ode says, 233
The family of a woman who has been given in marriage does not extinguish the light for three nights: [this is because] they are thinking of the separation. The family [whose son] has taken a wife does not make music for three days: [this is because] they are thinking that he [soon] will succeed his father. For this reason in the ceremony (li) of marriage, congratulations are not offered, since the generation of men [is about to change]. After three months [the bride] is presented in the ancestral temple and announced as the [newly] arrived wife [of the son]. On the following day she is presented to her father-in-law and mother-in-law, who descend from the steps on the west; the bride descends 235 from the steps on the east and is led into her own apartments. Sad thoughts for three days and abstinence from killing for three months are due to the feelings of the filial son. Truly ceremony (li) is ordered after men's feelings.
The Ode says, 236
It speaks of the many ceremonials.
By investigating the will of Heaven and controlling the workings of the mind, by putting in order likes and dislikes and making emotions and one's own nature agree, control of the True Way is achieved. By investigating the Will of Heaven, one avoids being confused about disaster and good fortune. When one is not confused about disaster and good fortune, activity accords with reason. 239 When one controls the workings of the mind, one is not happy or angry without cause. When one is not happy or angry without cause, in rewards and punishments there is no favoritism. When likes and dislikes are put in order, one does not covet what is useless. When what is useless is not coveted, one does not do violence to one's nature through attachment to things. 240 When the emotions and one's own nature are made to agree, desires do not exceed proper limits. When desires do not exceed proper limits, 241 one's own nature is nourished and one knows enough to be content. These four are not to be sought outside, nor are they to be derived from another. Turn to yourself for them and there they are. Such a man is one to delight others (?). 242 His very aspect is that of jên and i; his acts are law and order.
The Ode says, 243
1. Kung-yang chuan 16.10b-12b.
2. For ## "gate" CHy writes ##, which Shuo wên 5313a defines as "a wall that turns around a gate." Kuei Fu's commentary: "When a mound is erected for attacking a wall, it resembles a ##, and so the latter means a wall scaler." Kung-yang has ##, defined by Ho Hsiu as "a device for scaling a wall" ## ##. Sun-tzŭ 3.7b says "[Among the] methods for attacking a city wall, . . . that of building a mound takes three months to complete" ## . . . ## (cf. L. Giles, Sun Tzŭ on the Art of War 18-19). The com. says of ##: "Earth is piled up gradually higher and brought forward until it rests against the wall." ## (Chao 35).
3. To avoid eating one's own children.
4. To keep them from whinnying?
5. I follow Chou and CHy and delete the ## after ## to agree with Kung-yang. The ## refers to the fact that Sung now knew of Ch`u's limited supplies.
6. Shih 86 No. 53/3.
7. LNC 3.21a-b.
8. ##. CHy cites TPYL 469.1a, which has ##; likewise Lei-chü 83.12b. (Chao 36.)
9. ##: Chao remarks that this is not clear and cites Lei-chü, loc. cit., which has ##, and TPYL 979.4a, which has ## for ##. He suggests adding ##.
10. I follow CHy and read ## for ##, which does not fit the context. Lei-chü, loc. cit., lacks ## and has ##; TPYL, loc. cit., likewise. Chao Yu-wen (107) would emend ## to ##: "One man's misfortune becomes another's misfortune." This certainly fits the context, but is unsupported by any text.
11. Shih 87 No. 54/1.
12. LNC 3.4b-5a. D mistakenly quotes LNC 4.5a as a parallel, which begins, "The daughter of the marquis of Ch`i. . . ." CHy cites a parallel from Mêng-tzŭ wai-shu 4.1b.
13. The commentators are not in agreement as to the identity of this "woman of Wei"; however it seems reasonable to connect her with the woman mentioned in Shih 88 No. 54/2 quoted at the end. Cf. LNC for a setting.
14. KTT 2.17b: "When T`ai-chia was in mourning, without understanding the way [to be followed by] a filial son, he still wished to take charge of the government. Thereupon I-yin sent him to live in T`ung, near to the grave of T`ang. He made him dwell in a place of mourning, banishing him and not permitting him to have charge of the government. After the three year's mourning was finished he brought him back. It was by these means that he raised up li and held fast to his duty in serving T`ai-chia. He led his prince to i and forced him to be filial. The true way is such that none practicing it meet with resentment."
15. Cf. Mencius 467 (7A/31.3).
16. For ## and ## cf. Legge's note in Analects 226: ## is "that which is always and everywhere right," and ## is "a deviation from that in particular circumstances, to bring things right."
17. Shih 88 No. 54/2.
18. Hsin hsü 1.2a-b; LNC 1.8a-b. This passage is translated by Legge, Shih, Proleg. 88-9.
19. ##: Ch`u was formerly considered not one of the states of the "Middle Kingdom." Cf. Mencius 254 (3A/4.12): "Ch`ên Liang was a native of Ch`u . . . he came northwards to the Middle Kingdom and studied . . ." However, Chao Yu-wen (107) may be correct in taking it here as ## "of our own state."
20. ##: Hsin hsü and LNC both make it Yü Ch`iu-tzŭ, who actually was minister to Duke Chuang. I cannot locate Shên.
21. ##: CHy would add ## after ##: "it was my good fortune." Chih-yao 8.20b has ##, and Chao (30) thinks it should be added here.
22. Chao thinks this sentence has been shortened from the Chih-yao reading ## ##: "Not that I did not wish to monopolize your love and have your affection for myself."
23. Shih 89 No. 54/4. Cf. Proleg. 89 for this variant.
24. Shih-tzŭ (quoted in TPYL 378.7b); HFT 7.4b-5a, where the dialogue is attributed to Tzŭ-kung and Tsêng-tzŭ.
25. ##: defined as the appearance of one living on a vegetable diet. Cf. Li Ki 1.286.
26. ##: animals fed on grass and grain. Cf. Mencius 407 (6A/8.8).
27. ##: cf. Shih 195 No. 129, of which these characters form the title. The Ode tells of a difficult search.
28. ##: cf. the Ode quoted at the end. CHy and B have ##; see note 11.
29. ##: cf. Shih 591 No. 283.
30. With B and the Yuan ed. supply ##, likewise TPYL 388.4b. Shih-tzŭ has ## and HFT has ##. (Chao 40.)
31. I follow B and the Yüan ed. to read ## for ##. TPYL, loc. cit., has ##, but lacks the characters ##.
32. For ## "a mound of pounded earth," I read ## with TPYL, loc. cit.
33. Shih 91 No. 55/1.
34. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 3.15a) thinks the Han shih reading was ## (as in B) for ##, and that the second line should be ## as quoted in TPYL 764.2a instead of ##, which is the Mao shih reading.
35. Cf. Hsün-tzŭ 11.18b, 16b-18b.
36. This line in Hsün-tzŭ begins a new paragraph, after what here is the bulk of the section.
37. Cf. TT 2668 for other examples. Chu Ch`i-fêng thinks HSWC has copied Hsün-tzŭ ## wrongly. But ## is a technical term, explained as a "veiling" of the sun due to an excessive yin-emanation from the moon which, however, is not near enough to the sun to cause a genuine eclipse. Not being predictable, it is a serious omen. Cf. H. Maspero, "L'astronomie chinoise avant les Han," TP 26 (1929) .293-4.
38. I follow the Yuan ed., CHy, and B, and for ## "in the daytime" read ## as in Hsün-tzŭ, where it stands for ## (cf. Wang Nien-sun's commentary). C has ##. (Chao 41.)
39. ##; Yang Liang defines it as ## "authority is ruthless."
40. I follow the Yüan ed., B, CHy, and Hsün-tzŭ to read ## for ##.
41. ##, namely, ox, horse, sheep, dog, chicken, and pig.
42. CHy says ## is to be read ## "assassinate."
43. This phrase is lacking in Hsün-tzŭ, where the following is introduced by ##, "the saying has it."
44. So Yang Liang: ##.
45. Hsün-tzŭ, with ## for ## and ## for ##, gives this line quite a different meaning: "There is not need to argue about them, no urgency about looking into them."
46. This line also occurs in HSWC 5/14.
47. CHy and B have ## for ##. Cf. HSWC 2/5, note 11.
48. Shih 91 No. 55/1.
49. The Yüan ed., CHy, and B have ## "war." Chou emends to ##. Chao Yu-wen (107) suggests ## as the expected anthesis to ## below. It gives the same sense as ##.
50. Legge, Yi King 176. I have changed the phraseology slightly.
51. The Yüan ed., CHy, and B have ## for ##. The latter is the reading of the modern texts of the I ching. CHy says they have the same meaning.
52. ## should be ## as in B and the Yüan ed. ## occurs in the following ##, which otherwise reads the same as the ##, with the omission of ##.
53. Shih 99 No. 58/3.
54. ##. Chao (42) thinks this does not conform to the usual style of the conclusions in HSWC and would emend ## to ##, and add ## at the end, as in 9/1-2: ##. The variation can be explained, I think, by the double quotation, which occurs in two other places in HSWC: 3/31, 6/13.
55. SY 3.13a-b.
56. ##: SY has ## "uneven or stony, ground." Chung-hua ta tzŭ-tien makes ## interchangeable with ##, which in turn is defined as ##, and so in the translation. Neither makes very good sense.
57. ## here can only mean "ruler."
58. ##: cf. Analects 297 (15/9).
59. ##, lit., "is he any closer [to what he desires]?"
60. Shih 117 No. 69/3.
61. For ## Mao shih has ##.
62. Hsün-tzŭ 20.10b-11a; SY 10.19b-20a, Chia-yü 3.14a have a similar conclusion but are not otherwise parallel.
63. Before these two phrases Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Chao (44) thinks it should be added to balance the first phrase.
64. Before these two phrases Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Chao (44) thinks it should be added to balance the first phrase.
65. Tzŭ-kung does not figure in the passage from Hsün-tzŭ.
66. Shih 117 No. 69/3.
67. Huai-nan tzŭ 14.3a-b.
68. ##: read ## for ## with TPYL 401.5a, Lei chü 20.2b; likewise Huai-nan tzŭ. (Chao 45.)
69. Shih 129 No. 78/1.
70. Shih 129 No. 78/1.
71. Chuang-tzŭ 5.11b-12a; Hsün-tzŭ 20.18b-19b; LSCC 19.13a-b; Hsin hsü 5.7b-8a; Chia-yü 5.1a-2a. Two versions are represented, one derived from Chuang-tzŭ and amplified by LSCC, and one from Hsün-tzŭ. Hsin hsü seems to derive from HSWC, while Chia-yü goes back directly to Hsün-tzŭ; see note 4.
72. Chuang-tzŭ and LSCC have Yen Ho ## and Duke Chuang (of Wei?).
73. For ## Chuang-tzŭ and LSCC have Ch`i ##. (Chou.)
74. ##: B, C have ## as above and below. Chao (46) prefers ## on the ground that ## is a corruption from the Chuang-tzŭ-LSCC version. Hsin hsü with ##, has presumably copied from HSWC, as Chia-yü has ## and Hsün-tzŭ has ##. HSWC omits the following phrase from Hsün-tzŭ, which Chia-yü has (with two variants). Hsin hsü here too follows HSWC, omitting the phrase.
75. ## "to lift" makes no sense. Hsin hsü has ## "to step across," and CHy thinks ## is a corruption of ⊙ 76 , a vulgar form of ##. There may be a reflection here of Li chi 1.5b: ## "Do not step across the mat, [but] hold up your gown and hasten to your corner [of the mat]," where Lu Tê-ming glosses ## with ## and ## with ##. "He rose lifting his gown" ## makes sense, but the emendation is drastic.
76. For this character, see table on page 358.
77. Chou has added ## here from Hsŭn-tzŭ. Hsin hsü also has it.
78. Likewise Hsün-tzŭ, but with ## for ## and ## for ##. Yang Liang seems to take ## in its literal meaning of "bit": ## "The bits and the horses' bodies [are straight]" (##). ## he expands to ## "court ceremony." Hao I-hsing disagrees, making ##, as in Shih 17 No. 101, where Mao explains ## as ##. Hao paraphrases "the horses in their rushes were invariably well trained," and insists that the text should be punctuated to show that ## and ## are connected. His interpretation remains ambiguous, and does not seem to take account of the further parallel in ##.
79. Supply ## with Hsün-tzŭ and Chia-yü (Chao), or ## with Hsin hsü, as the most closely related text.
80. For ## "beak" read ## "to peck," with B, C and Hsin hsü. (Chou.)
81. Shih 129 No. 78/1.
82. YTCC 5.5b-7a; LSCC 20.7a-8a; Hsin hsü 8.2a-b.
83. For the details of this incident cf. Tso chuan 514 (Hsiang 25).
84. I follow Chou and emend ## to ## as in Hsin hsü.
85. ##: the text is corrupt. B, C have ## in place of ##. CHy follows YTCC and Hsin hsü: ## . Chao (48) approves, and so in my translation. For the use of blood in formal oaths cf. Maspero, "Le mot ming," JA (1933) 287-8; also, "Le serment dans la procédure judiciare de la Chine antique," MCB 3.281-2.
86. For ## CHy insists on ##, "looked at their (?) feet."
87. ## is lacking in B, C.
88. Shih 446 No. 239/6.
89. ##: Mao shih has ##, and Chou remarks that some editions of HSWC write ##.
90. Shih 132 No. 80/1.
91. LSCC 19.6a-b; Shih chi 119. 3a-b; Hsin hsü 7.11a-b; CKCS 2.6a-b.
92. ##: LSCC and CKCS write ## Chu.
93. ##: cf. Li Ki 1.375, where it is explained by Chêng Hsüan as "the official who takes care of criminal cases."
94. Analects 270 (13/18.2).
95. Shih 133 No. 80/2.
96. Cf. TTLC 6.9a; Chia-yü 3.10b.
97. Wang Yin-chih (Ching i shu wên sec. ## 6b) would emend ## to ## in the meaning of "be at rest in," since that is the reading in Ssŭ-ma Chên's quotation in his com. on Shih chi 67.1b. Yü Yüeh (Ch`ün-ching p`ing-i 17.22a) believes that ## is a corruption of ##, which occurs in Shang shu 9.14b interchanged with ##, defined in êrh ya 1.14b as "in harmony." I have followed Yü Yüeh. (Chao 51.)
98. Shih 133 No. 80/3.
99. SY 8.20b-21a; Chia-yü 2.8b-9a.
100. For ## Ch`u hsüeh chi 17.6b has ## "very much pleased." (CHy.)
101. CHy adds ## from Ch`u hsüeh chi, loc. cit., and Chao (52) approves, as TPYL 818.8b also has ##. The ## would be construed with ## as in HSWC 2/26.
102. ##: Ch`u-hsüeh chi 17.6b, followed by CHy, omits ##. TPYL has it, and Chao would not accept CHy's reading. Silk one ch`ang eight ch`ih in length rolled from both ends to form a double roll makes one p`i. Five p`i constitutes a shu-po, a bundle of standard size used as a formal gift. (Cf. I li 2.16a and Cho li 18.23b, Chia Kung-yen's subcom. on ##.) SY writes ##, and Chia-yü has ##. HSWC's reading could mean either ten p`i, i.e., two shu-po; or taking ## loosely as a classifier, ten shu-po. Possibly shu-po here is not to be defined so exactly and was felt to be merely "rolled silk," and so in my translation. I suspect ## is a mistake.
103. Cf. Analects 247 (11/25.4). KTCY has ## for ##, likewise SY and Chia-yü. (Chao.)
104. ##. CHy prefers the quotation in TPYL 402.8a: ##; but the passage is clearly attributed to SY; Chia-yä is the same but omits ##, and Wang Su's commentary explains ## as "introduction" ##, a definition apparently invented for the context. One would like to do the same for ##. Chao Yu-wen (107) says that ## alone has this meaning, but cites no textual support.
105. Shih 147 No. 94.
106. CHy has ## for ##, following Shih k`ao.
107. Cf. Analects 342 (19/11).
108. Cf. Yi King 304 (31 ##).
109. ##. There should be an ## after ## as in Yi King 354 (## 4) so as to balance with the next phrase. (Chao Yu-wen 107.)
110. Shih 164-65 No. 108/2.
111. Legge translates, "But, perhaps, he is not what the marshaller of the carriages ought to be." Certainly this is not what it meant to Han Ying. Waley, The Book of Songs 24, has "More splendid than any that attend the duke in his coach," which makes good sense but is a little loose. I have used Karlgren's version (BMFEA 16.205).
112. Hsün-tzŭ 2.2b-3a.
113. Of ## and ##, Yang Liang says ##.
114. The Yüan ed., B, C have ## for ##.
115. For ## "lost" read ## with the Yüan ed.
116. ##: CHy, B, C have ##, which could only mean "how sharp!"
117. I follow the Yüan ed., CHy, B, C and read ## for ##, "scope."
118. Shih 165 No. 108/3.
119. Cf. HSWC 2/17, note 4.
120. Shu ching 315-6: "[King Wu] bowed in his carriage at the gate of Shang Jung's village." Kung Ying-ta's subcommentary on Shang shu 11.15a quotes a legend from Ti-wang shih-chi about Shang Jung, but it has no connection with the present account. He is also mentioned by Wang Ying-lin in K`un-hsüeh chi-wên 2.34b (Shih chi 80.7b) and by Ch`üan Tsu-wang (Ching-shih wên-ta 2.3b).
121. Cf. Li Ki 1.468: "In autumn and winter they were taught the use of the feather and flute." (Legge 1.345.) Cf. also Shih 62 No. 38/3: "In my left hand I grasp a flute; In my right I hold a pheasant's feather." The commentators both here and in the Li chi passage interpret the flute and feather as civil implements supplanting weapons, and so used in a dance in a time of peace. I understand it to mean here that he was a civil functionary and not qualified to employ military means to gain his ends.
122. Ssŭ-ma Chên's subcommentary on Shih chi 55.7a in quoting this passage has ## "reform" for ##. Chao remarks that it makes good sense with what follows, but is not to be reconciled with the first phrase.
123. ##. Cf. HSWC 8/19.
124. Cf. Analects 252 (12/4.3).
125. Shih 170 No. 112/1/2/3.
126. Shih chi 119.3b-4a; Hsin hsü 7.11b-12b.
127. CHy writes ## for ##; likewise Shu-ch`ao 53-13b, TPYL 231.1b, Shih chi, and Hsin hsü. (Chao 54.)
128. ##. Cf. HSWC 2/14, note 3. CHy follows TPYL, loc. cit., and omits the ##. As Shu-ch`ao also omits it, Chao agrees with CHy. Hsin hsü has ##, which further occurs in HSWC 10/20, and I retain it.
129. Hsin hsü: ##. (Chou.)
130. Chou, CHy both follow Shih chi and Hsin hsü to write ## for ##, and so in my translation.
131. Supply ## from Shih chi. (Chao.)
132. ## are added from Hsin hsü by Chou. CHy adds ## alone, while B, C, and the Yüan ed. lack both characters.
133. ##: TPYL, loc. cit., adds ##: "then punishments are neglected." (CHy.)
134. ##: I follow CHy who emends to ## after ##; TPYL, loc. cit., has ## "putting to death the guiltless," which also makes sense (Chao 55), but I prefer to avoid the awkwardly repeated ##.
135. ##; a peculiar construction. CHy suggests ##, which is hardly an improvement.
136. Shih 170 No. 112/1/2/3.
137. LNC 2.21a-b, CKCS 2.6b.
138. One ## equals 24 ## or about 240 g. Some commentators make it equal 20 or 22 ##; cf. Mêng-tzŭ chêng-i 5.7a-9a for a discussion of these variations.
139. I follow CHy and LNC to read ## for ##. CKCS has ##.
140. ##: Chou says it is used interchangeably with ## and CHy gives examples from Chuang-tzŭ 3.21a, and CKT 4.6b, where Pao Piao's commentary says ## is the same as ##, meaning "carriage tracks."
141. I follow CHy and LNC to read ## for ##. CKCS has ##.
142. ##: B, C, D have ##. CHy follows LNC and emends to ##, and Chao agrees, as CKCS also has ##. Any reading gives "instrument for weaving."
143. Analects 236 (10/18.1).
144. Shih 172 No. 113/1.
145. Instead of repeating ##, Mao shih writes ##, likewise B, C, D. Hsin hsü 6.14a quotes this ode as in A. (Chao 56). Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 5.12b) quotes Lu Wên-ch`ao as saying that the repetition was probably the old reading also of Mao shih. Yü Yüeh (Ch`ün-ching p`ing-i 5.9a-b) is of the same opinion, quoting several examples of repeated lines from Mao shih. He accounts for the corruption here by citing the method formerly used to indicate repetition whereby each word to be repeated was twice underlined, and surmises that in this case only the last two (##) got repeated. (Chao.) This is ingenious but I think hardly likely where all three stanzas present the same construction. I should suspect that it represents a variant in the Han and Mao versions of the Shih.
146. Hsin hsü 6.1a-b, SSTC 2.12b.
147. Shih chi 3.10b (Mém. hist. 1.200) attributes these acts to Chou of the Shang. There can be no question but that Chieh is meant here, for the remarks of I-yin and his reply about the sun are part of his legend, which seems to have acquired in addition something from that of the tyrant Chou. Cf. also HSWC 4/2.
148. CHy rightly thinks a ## has been omitted. It occurs in both Hsin hsü and SSTC.
149. Chou would follow Hsin hsü: ##. After ## B, C, D have ## for ##. Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.4a) thinks ## for ## is correct, as it marks the rhymes ##, and ##. (## is not a rhyme), just as below ##, and ## rhyme and are followed by ##, while ## lacks it. (See note 7). This argument also supports the HSWC reading of ## against Hsin hsü ##. (Chao 57-8.)
150. Cf. Shih 96 No. 57/3. Chou and CHy are wrong in wanting to emend ## to ## (Chao Yu-wen 108.)
151. Cf. Shih 250 No. 163/4; 385 No. 214/3.
152. ##: I follow CHy and Hsin hsü to read ##.
153. ## as in Shu ching 199: ##. Hsin hsü writes ##.
154. I follow B, C, D to read ## for ##.
155. I follow B, C, D to read ## for ##.
156. Cf. Shu ching 175.
157. Shih 172 No. 113/1.
158. Cf. HSWC 2/21, note 8.
159. Hsin hsü 5.13b-14a.
160. Chao (59) says, "These three sentences summarize three episodes that have no connection with the following text, and it is to be suspected that they represent a commentary written at the side that has been wrongly entered into the text, or perhaps they were the beginning of the preceding section about I-yin's leaving Hsia, in which case it is the more certain that there has been something omitted after them. If we look for system in the structure of the text, the preceding section deals with I-yin's leaving Hsia and going to Yin, and quotes from the first stanza of Shih 172 No. 113; this section deals with T`ien Jao's leaving Lu and going to Yen, and quotes from the second stanza of the same poem; so the following section should have the story of Chieh Tzŭ-t`ui's leaving Chin and retiring to the mountains, and quote from the third stanza of the same poem. That our text lacks it should mean it has been lost. Hsin hsü 7.13a-b has the episode . . . and actually does quote stanza three of the same poem. This supports the supposition. Another possibility is that HSWC 2/21 mistakenly writes `Chieh-yü, the madman of Ch`u, left Ch`u and retired to the mountains' for `Chieh Tzŭ-t`ui left Chin and retired to the mountains.' In that case it should quote the third stanza and not the first."
161. ## is here repeated. Lei-chü 91.6a, TPYL 916.7b, Chih-yao 8.21a, Li Shan's commentary on Wên hsüan 28.28b all omit the two characters. TPYL 204.1a and Hsin hsü have them, but omitting them gives a smoother reading. (Chao 59-60.)
162. Lei-chü, Chih-yao, TPYL, loc. cit., and Hsin hsü all have ## for ##. Po t`ieh 29.47a has ## and Li Shan's commentary, loc. cit., has ##. Chao remarks that the old form of ## was ⊙ 163 , which is easily confused with ##.
163. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
164. ##: Lei-chü, Li Shan's commentary, loc. cit., TPYL 918.6a have ## "rice and millet." (Chao 61.)
165. Chih-yao, loc. cit., has ## "Why is it Your Highness still honors him?" This parallels the sentence above, and Chao thinks it should be added here.
166. Shih 172 No. 113/2.
167. Cf. HSWC 2/21, note 8.
168. LSCC 21.4a-b; SY 7.12b-13a. Attributed by Haloun (following Ma Kuo-han) to a Ching-tzŭ ## in three sections; (listed in Han shu 30) now lost except for this and one other fragment collected in Yü-han shan-fang chi-i-shu and reproduced with collation notes and translation in Haloun, "Fragmente des Fu-tsi und des Tsin-tsi," AM 8 (1932-3) .506-9. Cf. ibid. 462-6 for a discussion of the Ching-tzŭ.
169. TPYL 267.1a begins with ##. (Chao 62.) Haloun, op. cit. 438-40, has demonstrated that this character is a mistake for ## fu.
171. ##: Haloun, op. cit. 507, note 3, attributes the following appraisal to Ching-tzŭ and makes the ## an addition to the original text.
172. Haloun, ibid., note 5, takes ## in the meaning of ## as in Hsün-tzŭ 1.7b, Kao Yu's commentary, and translates "er verliess sich ausschliesslich auf sein Verfahren."
173. ##: B, C, have ##. CHy follows SY ##. Chou would follow LSCC to write ##. I have followed this emendation in the translation. Haloun, ibid., translates "mühte ab seine Gefühle" for ## on the basis of Yü Yüeh's explanation of ## as ## in Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 24.10a-b.
174. Shih 176 No. 115/1.
175. SY 4.1a-b.
176. I follow Chao (62) and add ## from SY to agree with the sentence below.
177. ##: Chou says the phrase is unintelligible. CHy equates ## with ##. Chao mentions ## in HSWC 9/27. Li Shan's commentary on Wên hsüan 60.14a quotes this as ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 1256) says ##, and ## are all phonetic equivalents of ## (defined in Yü p`ien 28.3b as "worn-out clothing" ##). (Chao 63.)
178. ## is defined as "coarse rice," and Chao thinks it should not be used in combination with ##, for which he would read ## "millet," after Chu Ch`i-fêng, who says ## is an abbreviated form of that character (TT 185). HSWC 9/27 has ##. Both Huai-nan tzŭ 18.11b and Lieh-tzŭ 6.1b have the compound ##, and so in my translation.
179. Shih 179 No. 117/2.
180. ##: B, C have ##, wrongly, as CHy remarks. Chou thinks the ## is an extra character, and I have omitted it in my translation. Chao Yu-wen would retain. ## and supply ##: "purify his conduct." ## as in the Ode.
181. I. e., as in the Ode just quoted.
182. For ## TPYL 472.6a writes ##. Mr. Wang Li-ch`i has collected many examples of ## "ornamented chariots" (as Ch`ien-fu lun 3.7b, Fo kuo chi ##, passim), and it is best to accept that reading here in preference to the rather far fetched explanation advanced by Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.4b-5a).
183. ##: Chou defines it as in my translation: ##.
184. Mencius 261-2 (3B/1.2), where the order is slightly different and ## is lacking. The remark is there also attributed to Confucius.
185. CHy correctly expunges ##, which probably was inserted here from its legitimate occurrence in the same phrase below.
186. ## as a form of address in familiar discourse also occurs in HSWC 7/6.
187. Shih 183 No. 121/1.
188. For ## as in Mao shih, CHy writes ##. Chou Ts`ung-yüan (CCSI 3b) thinks ## is the Han shih reading, as Shih k`ao quotes it as a variant.
189. ##: the text is defective. (Chou.)
190. Chou thinks ## should be ##. Chih-yao 8.22a and KTCY both have ##, and I have so emended; likewise below. (Chao 65.)
191. Both Chih-yao and KTCY, loc. cit., lack ##, and it is omitted in my translation (Chao.)
192. KTCY adds ##, which balances with the other phrases of four characters. (Chao.)
193. Chou thinks ## should be ##. Chih-yao 8.22a and KTCY both have ##, and I have so emended; likewise below. (Chao 65.)
194. Shih 193 No. 128/1.
195. ##: the context seems to force the punctuation after ##. For ## Lei-shuo has ## balancing ## and ## below. (Chao 66.)
196. I supply ## before ## from CHy, B, C, D.
197. ##: CHy, B, C, D have ## for ##: "[Even] after a long time his conduct is worth observing." Lei-shuo has ##, also ## for ##. (Chao.)
198. ##: B, C, D have ## for ## and ## for ## and Chou says of this ## that it is superfluous. CHy emends to ## ##, which makes the best sense, but is unsupported by any citation. (Chao 67.) I follow B.
199. Shih 197 No. 130/1.
200. ##: Mao shih has ##, likewise. B, C, D: The Yüan ed. and CHy write ##. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 5.22b) accepts ## as the Han shih reading from Lu Tê-ming's Ching-tien shih-wên, where it is glossed as ##. Chou Tsung-yüan (CCSI 3b) thinks ## is a mistake for ##, which I suspect may have come into the HSWC text from Shih 62 No. 38/3: ##.
201. SSTC 5.13a-14a, KTT 1.12a-b.
202. SSTC, KTT both have ##, also in the following, and the former specifically mentions sections of the Shu ching. CHy thinks ## is an ill-considered change by someone to familiar with Analects 157 (3.8), and he writes ## throughout. I think it likely that Han Ying himself deliberately adapted the material to his own purposes. The text offers several other divergencies from the other two accounts.
203. ##: B, C, D have ## "What have you found to appreciate in the Odes? SSTC and KTT have ##. From the preceding ## ##, an interrogative ## seems likely, and so in my translation.
204. For ## both SSTT and KTT have ##; cf. Doc. Mean 427 (30/2). ## balances ## better than ##, but no text of HSWC gives ##. The phrase ## occurs in HSWC 2/30 in quite another sense; see note 2 to that paragraph.
205. The founders of the three dynasties, Hsia, Shang, and Chou.
206. After ## CHy adds ## from SSTC.
207. Cf. HSWC 1/9, note 3.
208. From Analects 201 (8/18).
209. Shih 207 No. 138/1.
210. B, C, D follow Mao shih and write ## for ##. Legge translates, "I can joy amid my hunger." But ## here should be ⊙ 211 , which is a variant of ##. Cf. commentaries brought together by Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung in I-shuo k`ao 6.2b-3a; also Waley, Book of Songs 27 and Textual Notes 10.
211. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
212. Cf. Analects 144-5 (1/15.3). CHy would change ## to ## to agree with SSTC and KTT, and also would omit ## for the same reason. I prefer to keep the Analects reading.
213. CHy says ## should be ##.
214. SSTC has ## for ##.
215. ## makes no sense. I follow SSTC ## ##.
216. For ## I read ##; Chung-hua ta tzŭ-tien gives an examples of ## used for ## also Chao Yu-wen (109).
217. Cf. HSWC 2/29, note 45. Here ## must have the meaning given in the translation.
218. Cf. Mencius 250 (3A/4.7) and Li Ki 1.106.
219. None of these phrases occurs verbatim in the Shih. Cf. Shih No. 167/6 ##.
220. Shih 218 No. 149/1.
221. ##: B, C, D follow Mao shih with ##. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 6.6b) says both are phonetic borrowings for ## "to go quickly."
222. ##: Legge translates "the road to Chou," but for Han Ying (as well as for Mao, cf. Shih 218, note) it had a more abstract meaning.
223. Hsün-tzŭ 1.16b-17b.
224. For ## cf. Mencius 497 (78/35).
225. Cf. Analects 313 (16/7).
226. I follow Chou's suggestion and emend ## to ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. Chao (66) disagrees, insisting that ## does not fit it with the —## below. This objection has not occurred to any of the commentators on Hsün-tzŭ, and I find ## goes very well with the ## it is to alleviate.
227. For ## Hsün-tzŭ has ##; Yang Liang says both mean "active and quick" ##. For ## cf. TT 2744-5.
228. For ## cf. Analects 370 (19/3). This hardly fits the present context, and Chou would emend to the Hsün-tzŭ reading; ##. Chao (68) says ## and ## are interchangeable, and ## is a mistake for ##, which stands for ##; Yang Liang explains ## by "one of as inferior stuff as a worthless horse" ##. Of ## he says, "One who has not been disciplined" ##.
229. Chao would make ## a phonetic borrowing for ## as in Chunag-tzŭ 9.46b ##, where one edition writes ##. As ## makes no sense, I follow Chao's suggestion. Hsün-tzŭ writes ##, and Yang Liang paraphrases, "illuminate him with disaster to let him know fear." ##.
230. Shih 222-3 No. 152/1.
231. Li chi 36.1b-2a.
232. For ## B, C, D and the Yüan ed. have ## "plan." Chao Yu-wen (109) thinks the text is defective before this phrase.
233. Shih 224 No. 152/4.
234. Li chi 18.16b-17b; 26.20a; 61.7a-b.
235. Both Chou and CHy would emend ## to ## as in Li chi.
236. Shih 238 No. 156/4.
237. ## The unual interpretation is "complete" or "practically complete." Karlgren (BMFEA 16.220) ". . . are both 9 and 10." Han Ying's interpretation can be inferred from the concluding line.
238. Wên-tzŭ 4.4b; Huai-nan tzŭ 14.2a.
239. ##: Chih-yao 8.22a has ## after ##. Huai-nan tzŭ has ##, and Wên-tzŭ ## Chao (66) thinks ## is a mistake for ## (cf. HSWC 2/6, note 6), and ## should be added from Chih-yao to complete the sense.
240. ## "the nature of things is not injured." Chao would follow Chih-yao 8.22b: ##, and so in my translation. Huai-nan tzŭ has ## (Wên-tzŭ omits ##).
241. ## . . . "there are no excessive desires; when there are no excessive desires. . . ." In the translation I follow Chih-yao, loc. cit.: ##. ## . . . Huai-nan tzŭ is the same; likewise Wên-tzŭ, except ## for ##. (Chao 70.)
242. ##: this is not clear.
243. Shih 240 No. 158/2.
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