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傳 曰 ： 昔 者 、 舜 甑 盆 無 膻 ， 而 下 不 以 餘 獲罪 ； 飯 乎土 簋 ， 啜 乎 土 型 ， 而 農 不 以 力 獲 罪 ； 麑 衣 而 ● 領 ， 而 女不 以 巧 獲 罪 ； 法 下 易 由 ， 事 寡 易 為 功 ， 而 民 不 以 政 獲 罪。 故 大 道 多 容 ， 大 德 多 下 ， 聖 人 寡 為 ， 故 用 物 常 壯 也 。傳 曰 ： 易 簡 而 天 下 之 理 得 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 政 有 夷 之 行 ， 子孫 保 之 。 」 忠 易 為 禮 ， 誠 易 為 辭 ， 賢 人 易 為 民 ， 工 巧 易為 材 。 詩 曰 ： 「 政 有 夷 之 行 ， 子 孫 保 之 。 」
有 殷 之 時 ， 穀 生 湯 之 廷 ， 三 日 而 大 拱 。 湯 問伊 尹曰 ： 「 何 物 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 穀 樹 也 。 」 湯 問 ：「 何 為 而生 於 此 ？ 」 伊 尹 曰 ： 「 穀 之 出 澤 ， 野 物 也 ， 今 生 天 子 之庭 ， 殆 不 吉 也 。 」 湯 曰 ： 「 奈何 ？ 」 伊 尹 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 ：妖 者 、 禍 之 先 ， 祥 者 、 福 之 先 。 見 妖 而 為 善 ， 則 禍 不 至， 見 祥 而 為 不 善 ， 則 福 不 臻 」 」 湯 乃 齋 戒 靜 處 ， 夙 興 夜寐 ， 弔 死 問 疾 ， 赦 過 賑 窮 ， 七 日 而 穀 亡 ， 妖 孽 不 見 ， 國家 昌 。 詩 曰 ： 「 畏 天 之 威 ， 于 時 保 之 。 」
昔 者 、 周 文 王 之 時 ， 蒞 國 八 年 ， 夏 六 月 ， 文 王 寢疾 ， 五 日 而 地 動 ， 東 西 南 北 不 出 國 郊 。 有 司 皆 曰 ： 「 臣聞 ： 地 之 動 ， 為 人 主 也 。 今 者 、 君 王 寢 疾 ， 五 日 而 地 動， 四 面 不 出 國 郊 ， 群 臣 皆 恐 ， 請 移 之 。 」 文 王 曰 ： 「 奈何 其 移 之 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 興 事 動 眾 ， 以 增 國 城 ， 其 可 移之 乎 ！ 」 文 王 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 夫 天 之 道 見 妖 ， 是 以 罰 有 罪也 ， 我 必 有 罪 ， 故 此 罰 我 也 。 今 又 專 興 事 動 眾 ， 以 增 國城 ， 是 重 吾 罪 也 ， 不 可 以 之 。 昌 也 請 改 行 重 善 移 之 ， 其可 以 免 乎 ！ 」 於 是 遂 謹 其 禮 節 祑 皮 革 ， 以 交 諸 侯 ； 飾 其辭 令 幣 帛 ， 以 禮 俊 士 ； 頒 其 爵 列 等 級 田 疇 ， 以 賞 有 功 。遂 與 群 臣 行 此 ， 無 幾 何 而 疾 止 。 文 王 即 位 八 年 而 地 動 ，之 後 四 十 三 年 ， 凡 蒞 國 五 十 一 年 而 終 ， 此 文 王 之 所 以 踐妖 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 畏 天 之 威 ， 于 時 保 之 。 」
王 者 之 論 德 也 ， 而 不 尊 無 功 ， 不 官 無 德 ， 不誅 無罪 。 朝 無 幸 位 ， 民 無 幸 生 。 故 上 賢 使 能 ， 而 等 級 不 踰 ；折 暴 禁 悍 ， 而 刑 罰 不 過 。 百 姓 曉 然 皆 知 夫 為 善 於 家 ， 取賞 於 朝 也 ； 為 不 善 於 幽 ， 而 蒙 刑 於 顯 。 夫 是 之 謂 定 論 ，是 王 者 之 德 。 詩 曰 ： 「 明 昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」
傳 曰 ： 以 從 俗 為 善 ， 以 貨 財 為 寶 ， 以 養 性 為 己 為道 ， 是 民 德 也 ， 未 及 於 士 也 。 行 法 而 志 堅 ， 不 以 私 欲 害其 所 聞 ， 是 勁 士 也 ， 未 及 於 君 子 也 。 行 法 而 志 堅 ， 好 脩其 所 聞 ， 以 矯 其 情 ； 言 行 多 當 ， 未 安 諭 也 ； 知 慮 多 當 ，未 周 密 也 ； 上 則 能 大 其 所 隆 也 ， 下 則 能 開 道 不 若 己 者 ，是 篤 厚 君 子 ， 未 及 聖 人 也 。 若 夫 百 王 之 法 ， 若 別 白 黑 ；應 當 世 之 變 ， 若 數 三 綱 ； 行 禮 要 節 ， 若 運 四 支 ； 因 化 之功 ， 若 推 四 時 ； 天 下 得 序 ， 群 物 安 居 ， 是 聖 人 也 。 詩 曰： 「 明 昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」
魏 文 侯 欲 置 相 ， 召 李 克 問 曰 ： 「 寡 人 欲 置相 ， 非翟 黃 則 魏 成 子 ， 願 卜 之 於 先 生 。 」 李 克 避 席 而 辭 曰 ： 「臌臣 聞 之 ； 卑 不 謀 尊 ， 疏 不 間 親 。 臣 外 居 者 也 ， 不 敢 當 命。 」 文 侯 曰 ： 「 先 生 臨 事 勿 讓 。 」 李 克 曰 ： 「 夫 觀 士 也， 居 則 視 其 所 親 ， 富 則 視 其 所 與 ， 達 則 視 其 所 舉 ， 窮 則視 其 所 不 為 ， 貧 則 視 其 所 不 取 。 此 五 者 足 以 觀 矣 。 」 文侯 曰 ： 「 請 先 生 就 舍 ， 寡 人 之 相 定 矣 。 」 李 克 出 ， 遇 翟黃 ， 曰 ： 「 今 日 聞 君 召 先 生 而 卜 相 ， 果 誰 為 之 ？ 」 李 克曰 ： 「 魏 成 子 為 之 。 」 翟 黃 悖 然 作 色 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 何 負 於魏 成 子 ！ 西 河 之 守 ， 吾 所 進 也 ； 君 以 鄴 為 憂 ， 吾 進 西門豹 ， 君 欲 伐 中 山 ， 吾 進 樂 羊 ； 中 山 既 拔 ， 無 守 之 者 ， 吾進 先 生 ； 君 欲 置 太 子 傅 ， 吾 進 趙 蒼 。 皆 有 成 功 就 事 ， 吾何 負 於 魏 成 子 ！ 」 克 曰 ： 「 子 之 言 克 於 子 之 君 也 ， 豈 比周 以 求 大 官 哉 ！ 君 問 置 相 ， 非 成 則 黃 ， 二 子 何 如 ？ 臣 對曰 ： 君 不 察 故 也 。 居 則 視 其 所 親 ， 富 則 視 其 所 與 ， 達 則視 其 所 舉 ， 窮 則 視 其 所 不 為 ， 貧 則 視 其 所 不 取 。 五 者 以定 矣 ， 何 待 克 哉 ！ 是 以 知 魏 成 子 為 相 也 。 且 子 焉 得 與 魏成 子 比 ！ 魏 成 子 食 祿 日 千 鍾 ， 什 一 在 內 ， 以 聘 約 天 下 之士 ， 是 以 得 卜 子 夏 ， 田 子 方 ， 段 干 木 ， 此 三 人 ， 君 皆 師友 之 ， 子 之 所 進 皆 臣 之 ， 子 焉 得 與 魏 成 子 比 乎 ！ 」 翟 黃逡 巡 再 拜 曰 ： 「 鄙 人 固 陋 ， 失 對 於 夫 子 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 明昭 有 周 ， 式 序 在 位 。 」
成 侯 嗣 公 ， 聚 歛 計 數 之 君 也 ， 未 及 取 民 也 ； 子 產取 民 也 ， 未 及 為 政 也 ； 管 仲 為 政 也 ， 未 及 脩 禮 。 故 脩 禮者 王 ， 為 政 者 強 ， 取 民 者 安 ， 聚 歛 者 亡 。 故 聚 歛 以 招 穀， 積 財 以 肥 敵 ， 危 身 亡 國 之 道 也 ， 明 君 不 蹈 也 。 將 脩 禮以 齊 朝 ， 正 法 以 齊 官 ， 平 政 以 齊 下 ， 然 後 節 奏 齊 乎 朝 ，法 則 度 量 正 乎 官 ， 忠 信 愛 刑 平 乎 下 。 如 是 ， 百 姓 愛 之 如父 母 ， 畏 之 如 神 明 。 是 以 德 澤 洋 乎 海 內 ， 福 祉 歸 乎 王 公。 詩 曰 ： 「 降 福 簡 簡 ， 威 儀 反 反 ， 既 醉 既 飽 ， 福 祿 來 反。 」
楚 莊 王 寢 疾 ， 卜 之 ， 曰 ： 「 河 為 崇 。 」 大 夫 曰 ：「 請 用 牲 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 止 。 古 者 、 聖 王 制 祭 不 過 望 ，濉 漳 江 漢 ， 楚 之 望 也 ， 寡 人 雖 不 德 ， 河 非 所 獲 罪 也 。 」遂 不 祭 ， 三 日 而 疾 有 瘳 。 孔 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ：「 楚 莊 王 之 霸 ， 其 有 方 矣 ， 制 節 守 職 ， 反 身 不 貳 ， 其 霸不 亦 宜 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 嗟 嗟 保 介 ！ 」 莊 王 之 謂 也 。
人 主 之 疾 ， 十 有 二 發 ， 非 有 賢 醫 ， 莫 能 治 也 。 何謂 十 二 發 ？ 痿 、 蹶 、 逆 、 脹 、 滿 、 支 、 膈 、 盲 、 煩 、 喘、 痺 、 風 ， 此 之 曰 十 二 發 。 賢 醫 治 之 何 ？ 曰 ： 省 事 輕 刑， 則 痿 不 作 ； 無 使 小 民 飢 寒 ， 則 蹶 不 作 ； 無 令 財 貨 上 流， 則 逆 不 作 ； 無 令 倉 廩 積 腐 ， 則 脹 不 作 ； 無 使 府 庫 充 實， 則 滿 不 作 ； 無 使 群 臣 縱 恣 ， 則 支 不 作 ； 無 使 下 情 不 上通 ， 則 隔 不 作 ； 上 材 恤 下 ， 則 肓 不 作 ； 法 令 奉 行 ， 則 煩不 作 ； 無 使 下 怨 ， 則 喘 不 作 ； 無 使 賢 伏 匿 ， 則 痺 不 作 ；無 使 百 姓 歌 吟 誹 謗 ， 則 風 不 作 。 夫 重 臣 群 下 者 ， 人 主 之心 腹 支 體 也 ， 心 腹 支 體 無 疾 ， 則 人 主 無 疾 矣 ， 故 非有 賢醫 ， 莫 能 治 也 。 人 皆 有 此 十 二 疾 ， 而 不 用 賢 醫 ， 則 國 非其 國 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 多 將 熇 熇 ， 不 可 救 藥 。 」 終 亦 必 亡 而已 矣 。 故 賢 醫 用 ， 則 眾 庶 無 疾 ， 況 人 主 乎 ！
傳 曰 ： 太 平 之 時 ， 無 瘖 、 ● 、 跛 、 眇 、 尪 蹇 、 侏儒 、 折 短 ， 父 不 哭 子 ， 兄 不 哭 弟 ， 道 無 襁 負 之 遺 育 ， 然各 以 序 終 者 ， 賢 醫 之 用 也 。 故 安 止 平 正 除 疾 之 道 無 他 焉， 用 賢 而 已 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 有 瞽 有 瞽 ， 在 周 之 庭 。 」 紂 之遺 民 也 。
傳 曰 ： 「 喪 祭 之 禮 廢 ， 則 臣 子 之 恩 薄 ， 臣 子之 恩薄 ， 則 背 死 亡 生 者 眾 。 」 小 雅 曰 ： 「 子 子 孫 孫 ， 勿 替 引之 。 」 人 事 倫 ， 則 順 于 鬼 神 ； 順 于 鬼 神 ， 則 降 福 孔 皆 。詩 曰 ： 「 以 享 以 祀 ， 以 介 景 福 。 」
武 王 伐 紂 ， 到 于 邢 丘 ， 楯 折 為 三 ， 天 雨 ， 三 日 不休 。 武 王 心 懼 ， 召 太 公 而 問 曰 ： 「 意 者 ， 紂 未 可 伐 乎 ？」 太 公 對 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 楯 折 為 三 者 ， 軍 當 分 為 三 也 。 天雨 、 三 日 不 休 ， 欲 灑 吾 兵 也 。 」 武 王 曰 ：「 然 何 若 矣 ？ 」 太 公 曰 ： 「 愛 其 人 ， 及 屋 上 烏 ； 惡 其 人者 ， 憎 其 骨 餘 。 咸 劉 厥 敵 ， 靡 使 有 餘 。 」 武 王 曰 ： 「 於戲 ！ 天 下 未 定 也 ！ 」 周 公 趨 而 進 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 使 各 度 其宅 ， 而 佃 其 田 ， 無 獲 舊 新 。 百 姓 有 過 ， 在 予 一 人 。 」 武王 曰 ： 「 於 戲 ！ 天 下 已 定 矣 。 」 乃 脩 武 勒 兵 於 甯 ， 更 名邢 丘 曰 懷 ， 甯 曰 脩 武 ， 行 克 紂 于 牧 之 野 。 詩 曰 ： 「 牧 野洋 洋 ， 檀 車 皇 皇 ， 駟 騵 彭 彭 ， 維 師 尚 父 ， 時 維 鷹 揚 ， 涼彼 武 王 ， 肆 伐 大 商 ， 會 朝 清 明 。 」 既 反 商 ， 及 下 車 ，封黃 帝 之 後 於 蒯 ， 封 帝 堯 之 後 於 祝 ， 封 舜 之 後 於陳 。 下 車而 封 夏 后 氏 之 後 於 杞 ， 封 殷 之 後 於 宋 ， 封 比 干 之 墓 ， 釋箕 子 之 囚 ， 表 商 容 之 閭 。 濟 河 而 西 ， 馬 放 華 山 之 陽 ， 示不 復 乘 ； 牛 放 桃 林 之 野 ， 示 不 復 服 也 ； 車 甲 而 藏 之 於府 庫 ， 示 不 復 用 也 。 於 是 廢 軍 而 郊 射 ， 左 射 貍 首 ， 右 射騶 虞 ， 然 後 天 下 知 武 王 不 復 用 兵 也 。 祀 乎 明 堂 ， 而 民 知孝 ； 朝 覲 ， 然 後 諸 侯 知 以 敬 ； 坐 三 老 於 大 學 ， 天 子 執 醬而 饋 ， 執 爵 而 酳 ， 所 以 教 諸 侯 之 悌 也 。 此 四 者 ， 天 下 之大 教 也 。 夫 武 之 久 ， 不 亦 宜 乎 ！ 詩 曰 ： 「 勝 殷 遏 劉 ， 耆定 爾 功 。 」 言 伐 紂 而 殷 亡 武 也 。
孟 嘗 君 請 學 於 閔 子 ； 使 車 往 迎 閔 子 。 閔 子曰 ： 「禮 有 來 學 ， 而 無 往 教 。 致 師 而 學 ， 不 能 學 ； 往 教 ， 則 不能 化 君 也 。 君 所 謂 不 能 學 者 也 ， 臣 所 謂 不 能 化 者 也 。 」於 是 孟 嘗 君 曰 ： 「 敬 聞 命 矣 。 」 明 日 、 袪 衣 請 受 業 。 詩曰 ： 「 日 就 月 將 。 」
劍 雖 利 ， 不 厲 不 斷 ； 材 雖 美 ， 不 學 不 高 。 雖 有 旨酒 嘉 殽 ， 不 嘗 ， 不 知 其 旨 ； 雖 有 善 道 ， 不 學 ， 不 達 其 功。 故 學 然 後 知 不 足 ， 教 然 後 知 不 究 。 不 足 ， 故 自 愧 而 勉， 不 究 、 故 盡 師 而 熟 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 則 教 學 相 長 也 。 子 夏問 詩 ， 學 一 以 知 二 ， 孔 子 曰 ： 「 起 予 者 ， 商 也 ， 始 可 與言 詩 已 矣 。 」 孔 子 賢 乎 英 傑 ， 而 聖 德 備 ， 弟 子 被 光 景 而德 彰 。 詩 曰 ：「 日 就 月 將 。 」
凡 學 之 道 ， 嚴 師 為 難 。 師 嚴 然 後 道 尊 ； 道 尊然 後民 知 敬 學 。 故 太 學 之 禮 ， 雖 詔 於 天 子 ， 無 北 面 ， 尊 師 尚道 也 。 故 不 言 而 信 ， 不 怒 而 威 ， 師 之 謂 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 日就 月 將 ， 學 有 緝 熙 于 光 明 。 」
傳 曰 ： 宋 大 水 。 魯 人 弔 之 曰 ： 「 天 降 淫 雨 ，害 於粢 盛 ， 延 及 君 地 ， 以 憂 執 政 ， 使 臣 敬 弔 。 」 宋 人 應 之 ，曰 ： 「 寡 人 不 仁 ， 齋 戒 不 修 ， 使 民 不 時 ， 天 加 以 災 ， 又遺 君 憂 ， 拜 命 之 辱 。 」 孔 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 宋 國 其 庶 幾 矣。 」 弟 子 曰 ： 「 何 謂 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 昔 桀 紂 不 任 其 過 ，其 亡 也 忽 焉 。 成 湯 文 王 知 任 其 過 ， 其 興 也 勃 焉 。 過 而 改之 ， 是 不 過 也 。 」 宋 人 聞 之 ， 乃 夙 興 夜 寐 ， 弔 死 問 疾 ，戮 力 宇 內 ， 三 歲 ， 年 豐 政 平 。 鄉 使 宋 人 不 聞 孔 子 之 言 ，則 年 穀 未 豐 ， 而 國 家 未 寧 。 詩 曰 ： 「 佛 時 仔 肩 ， 示 我 顯德 行 。 」
齊 桓 公 設 庭 燎 ， 為 便 人 欲 造 見 者 ， 年 而 士不 至。 於 是 東 野 有 以 九 九 見 者 ， 桓 公 使 戲 之 曰 ： 「 九 九 足 以見 乎 ？ 」 鄙 人 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 君 設 庭 燎 以 待 士 ， 期 年 而 士 不至 。 夫 士 之 所 以 不 至 者 ， 君 、 天 下 之 賢 君 也 ， 四 方 之 士皆 自 以 不 及 君 ， 故 不 至 也 。 夫 九 九 、 薄 能 耳 ， 而 君 猶 禮之 ， 況 賢 於 九 九 者 乎 ！ 夫 太 山 不 讓 礫 石 ， 江 海 不 辭 小 流， 所 以 成 其 大 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 先 民 有 言 ， 詢 于 芻 蕘 。 』 博謀 也 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 」 乃 固 禮 之 。 月 ， 四 方 之 士相 導 而 至 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 自 堂 徂 基 ， 自 羊 徂 牛 。 」 以 小 成大 。
太 平 之 時 ， 民 行 役 者 不 踰 時 ， 男 女 不 失 時 以 偶 。孝 子 不 失 時 以 養 ； 外 無 曠 夫 ， 內 無 怨 女 ； 上 無 不 慈 之 父， 下 無 不 孝 之 子 ； 父 子 相 成 ， 夫 婦 相 保 ； 天 下 和 平 ， 國家 安 寧 ； 人 事 備 乎 下 ， 天 道 應 乎 上 。 故 天 不 變 經 ， 地 不易 形 ， 日 月 昭 明 ， 列 宿 有 常 ； 天 施 地 化 ， 陰 陽 和 合 ； 動以 雷 電 ， 潤 以 風 雨 ， 節 以 山 川 ， 均 其 寒 暑 ， 萬 民 育 生 ，各 得 其 所 ， 而 制 國 用 。 故 國 有 所 安 ， 地 有 所 主 ， 聖 人 刳木 為 舟 ， 剡 木 為 橶 ， 以 通 四 方 之 物 ， 使 澤 人 足 乎 水 ， 山人 足 乎 魚 ， 餘 衍 之 財 有 所 流 。 故 豐 膏 不 獨 樂 ， 磽 确 不 獨苦 ， 雖 遭 凶 年 飢 歲 ， 禹 湯 之 水 旱 ， 而 民 無 凍 餓 之 色 。 故生 不 乏 用 ， 死 不 轉 尸 ， 夫 是 之 謂 樂 。 詩 曰 ： 「 於 鑠 王 師， 遵 養 時 晦 。 」
能 制 天 下 ， 必 能 養 其 民 也 ； 能 養 其 民 者 ， 為 自 養也 。 飲 食 適 乎 藏 ， 滋 味 適 乎 氣 ， 勞 佚 適 乎 筋 骨 ， 寒 煖 適乎 肌 膚 ； 然 後 氣 藏 平 ， 心 術 治 ， 思 慮 得 ， 喜 怒 時 ， 起 居而 遊 樂 ， 事 時 而 用 足 ， 夫 是 之 謂 能 自 養 者 也 。 故 聖 人 不淫 佚 侈 靡 者 ， 非 鄙 夫 色 而 愛 財 用 也 ， 養 有 適 ， 過 則 不 樂， 故 不 為 也 。 是 以 夏 不 數 浴 ， 非 愛 水 也 ； 冬 不 頻 湯 ， 非愛 火 也 ； 不 高 臺 榭 ， 非 無 土 木 也 ； 不 大 鍾 鼎 ， 非 無 金 錫也 ； 不 沈 於 酒 ， 不 貪 於 色 ， 非 辟 醜 也 ； 直 行 情 性 之 所 安而 制 度 ， 可 以 為 天 下 法 矣 。 故 用 不 靡 財 ， 足 以 養 其生 ，而 天 下 稱 其 仁 也 ； 養 不 害 性 ， 足 以 成 教 ， 而 天 下 稱 其 義也 ； 適 情 辟 餘 ， 不 求 非 其 有 ， 而 天 下 稱 其 廉 也 ； 行 成 不可 掩 ， 息 刑 不 可 犯 ， 執 一 道 而 輕 萬 物 ， 天 下 稱 其 勇 也 。四 行 在 乎 民 ， 居 則 婉 愉 ， 怒 則 勝 敵 ； 故 審 其 所 以 養 ， 而治 道 具 矣 ； 治 道 具 ， 而 遠 近 畜 矣 。 詩 曰 ：「 於 鑠 王 師 ， 遵 養 時 晦 。 」 言 相 養 者 之 至 於 晦 也 。
公 儀 休 相 魯 而 嗜 魚 ， 一 國 人 獻 魚 而 不 受 。 其 弟 諫曰 ： 「 嗜 魚 不 受 ， 何 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 夫 欲 嗜 魚 ， 故 不 受 也。 受 魚 而 免 於 相 ， 則 不 能 自 給 魚 ； 無 受 而 不 免 於 相 ， 長自 給 於 魚 。 」 此 明 於 魚 為 己 者 也 。 故 老 子 曰 ： 「 後 其 身而 身 先 ， 外 其 身 而 身 存 。 非 以 其 無 私 乎 ？ 故 能 成 其 私 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 思 無 邪 。 」 此 之 謂 也 。
傳 曰 ： 魯 有 父 子 訟 者 、 康 子 欲 殺 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 未可 殺 也 。 夫 民 父 子 訟 之 為 不 義 久 矣 ， 是 則 上 失 其 道 ， 上有 道 ， 是 人 亡 矣 。 」 訟 者 聞 之 ， 請 無 訟 。 康 子 曰 ： 「 治民 以 孝 ， 殺 一 不 義 ， 以 僇 不 孝 ， 不 亦 可 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 否 。 不 教 而 聽 其 獄 ， 殺 不 辜 也 ； 三 軍 大 敗 ， 不 可 誅 也； 獄 讞 不 治 ， 不 可 刑 也 。 上 陳 之 教 ， 而 先 服 之 ， 則 百 姓從 風 矣 ； 邪 行 不 從 ， 然 後 俟 之 以 刑 ， 則 民 知 罪 矣 。 夫 一仞 之 墻 ， 民 不 能 踰 ， 百 仞 之 山 ， 童 子 登 遊 焉 ， 凌 遲 故 也。 今 其 仁 義 之 陵 遲 久 矣 ， 能 謂 民 無 踰 乎 ？ 詩 曰 ： 『 俾 民迷 。 』 昔 之 君 子 道 其 百 姓 不 使 迷 ， 是 以 威 厲 而 刑 措 不用 也 。 故 形 其 仁 義 ， 謹 其 教 道 ， 使 民 目 晰 焉 而 見之 ， 使民 耳 晰 焉 而 聞 之 ， 使 民 心 晰 焉 而 知 之 ， 則 道 不 迷 ， 而 民志 不 惑 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 『 示 我 顯 德 行 。 』 故 道 義 不 易 ， 民 不由 也 ； 禮 樂 不 明 ， 民 不 見 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 周 道 如 砥 ， 其 直如 矢 。 』 言 其 易 也 。 『 君 子 所 履 ， 小 人 所 視 。 』 言 其 明也 。 『 睠 言 顧 之 ， 潸 焉 出 涕 。 』 哀 其 不 聞 禮 教 而 就 刑 誅也 。 夫 散 其 本 教 ， 而 施 之 刑 辟 ， 猶 決 其 牢 ， 而 發 以 毒 矢也 ， 不 亦 哀 乎 ！ 故 曰 ： 未 可 殺 也 。 昔 者 、 先 王 使 民 以 禮， 譬 之 如 御 也 ， 刑 者 ， 鞭 策 也 ， 今 猶 無 轡 銜 而 鞭 策 以 御也 ， 欲 馬 之 進 ， 則 策 其 後 ， 欲 馬 之 退 ， 則 策 其 前 ， 御 者以 勞 ， 而 馬 亦 多 傷 矣 。 今 猶 此 也 ， 上 憂 勞 而 民 多 罹 刑 。詩 曰 ： 『 人 而 無 禮 ， 胡 不 遄 死 ！ 』 為 上 無 禮 ， 則 不 免 乎患 ； 為 下 無 禮 ， 則 不 免 乎 刑 ； 上 下 無 禮 ， 胡 不 遄 死 ！ 」康 子 避 席 再 拜 曰 ： 「 僕 雖 不 敏 ， 請 承 此 語 矣 。 」 孔 子 退朝 ， 門 人 子 路 難 曰 ： 「 父 子 訟 、 道 邪 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 非也 。 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 然 則 夫 子 胡 為 君 子 而 免 之 也 ？ 」 孔 子曰 ： 「 不 戒 責 成 ， 害 也 ， 慢 令 致 期 ， 暴 也 ， 不 教 而 誅 、賊 也 。 君 子 為 政 ， 避 此 三 者 。 且 詩 曰 ： 『 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪怒 伊 教 。 』 」
當 舜 之 時 ， 有 苗 不 服 ， 其 不 服 者 ， 衡 山 在南 ， 岐山 在 北 ， 左 洞 庭 之 波 ， 右 彭 澤 之 水 ， 由 此 險 也 。 以 其 不服 ， 禹 請 伐 之 ， 而 舜 不 許 ， 曰 ： 「 吾 喻 教 猶 未 竭 也 。 」久 喻 教 ， 而 有 苗 民 請 服 。 天 下 聞 之 ， 皆 薄 禹 之 義 ， 而 美舜 之 德 。 詩 曰 ： 「 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪 怒 伊 教 。 」 舜 之 謂 也 。問 曰 ： 「 然 則 禹 之 德 不 及 舜 乎 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 非 然 也 。 禹 之所 以 請 伐 者 ， 欲 彰 舜 之 德 也 。 故 善 則 稱 君 ， 過 則 稱 己 ，臣 下 之 義 也 。 假 使 禹 為 君 ， 舜 為 臣 ， 亦 如 此 而 已 矣 。 夫禹 可 謂 達 乎 為 人 臣 之 大 體 也 。 」
季 孫 氏 之 治 魯 也 ， 眾 殺 人 ， 而 必 當 其 罪 ； 多 罰 人， 而 必 當 其 過 。 子 貢 曰 ： 「 暴 哉 ！ 治 乎 ！ 」 季 孫 聞 之 ，曰 ： 「 吾 殺 人 ， 必 當 其 罪 ； 罰 人 ， 必 當 其 過 。 先 生 以 為暴 ， 何 也 ？ 」 子 貢 曰 ： 「 夫 奚 不 若 子 產 之 治 鄭 ， 一 年 而負 罰 之 過 省 ， 二 年 而 刑 殺 之 罪 亡 ， 三 年 而 庫 無 拘 人 。 故民 歸 之 ， 如 水 就 下 ； 愛 之 、 如 孝 子 敬 父 母 。 子 產 病 ， 將死 ， 國 人 皆 吁 嗟 ， 曰 ： 『 誰 可 使 代 子 產 死 者 乎 ？ 』 及 其不 免 死 也 ， 士 大 夫 哭 之 於 朝 ， 商 賈 哭 之 於 市 ， 農 夫 哭 之於 野 。 哭 子 產 者 皆 如 喪 父 母 。 今 竊 聞 夫 子 疾 之 時 ， 則 國人 喜 ， 活 則 國 人 皆 駭 。 以 死 相 賀 ， 以 生 相 恐 ， 非 暴 而 何哉 ！ 賜 聞 之 ： 託 法 而 治 ， 謂 之 暴 ； 不 戒 致 期 ， 謂 之 虐 ；不 教 而 誅 ， 謂 之 賊 ； 以 身 勝 人 ， 謂 之 責 。 責 者 失 身 ， 賊者 失 臣 ， 虐 者 失 政 ， 暴 者 失 民 。 且 賜 聞 ： 居 上 位 ， 行 此四 者 而 不 亡 者 ， 未 之 有 也 。 」 於 是 季 孫 稽 首 謝 曰 ： 「 謹聞 命 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 載 色 載 笑 ， 匪 怒 伊 教 。 」
問 者 曰 ： 「 夫 智 者 何 以 樂 於 水 也 ？ 」 曰 ：「 夫 水者 ， 緣 理 而 行 ， 不 遺 小 間 ， 似 有 智 者 ； 動 而 下 之 ， 似 有禮 者 ； 蹈 深 不 疑 ， 似 有 勇 者 ； 障 防 而 清 ， 似 知 命 者 ； 歷險 致 遠 ， 卒 成 不 毀 ， 似 有 德 者 。 天 地 以 成 ， 群 物 以 生 ，國 家 以 寧 ， 萬 事 以 平 ， 品 物 以 正 。 此 智 者 所 以 樂 於 水 也。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 思 樂 泮 水 ， 薄 采 其 茆 。 魯 侯 戾 止 ， 在 泮 飲酒 。 」 樂 水 之 謂 也 。
問 者 曰 ： 「 夫 仁 者 何 以 樂 於 山 也 ？ 」 曰 ：「 夫 山者 、 萬 民 之 所 瞻 仰 也 。 草 木 生 焉 ， 萬 物 植 焉 ， 飛 鳥 集 焉， 走 獸 休 焉 ， 四 方 益 取 與 焉 ， 出 雲 道 風 ， 嵷 乎 天 地 之 間。 天 地 以 成 ， 國 家 以 寧 。 此 仁 者 所 以 樂 於 山 也 。 」 詩 曰： 「 太 山 巖 巖 ， 魯 邦 所 瞻 。 」 樂 山 之 謂 也 。
傳 曰 ： 晉 文 公 嘗 出 亡 ， 反 國 ， 三 行 賞 而 不 及陶 叔狐 。 陶 叔 狐 謂 咎 犯 曰 ： 「 吾 從 而 亡 ， 十 有 一 年 ， 顏 色 黯黑 ， 手 足 胼 胝 。 今 反 國 ， 三 行 賞 ， 而 我 不 與 焉 ， 君 其 忘我 乎 ？ 其 有 大 過 乎 ？ 子 試 為 我 言 之 。 」 咎 犯 言 之 。 文 公曰 ： 「 噫 ！ 我 豈 忘 是 子 哉 ！ 高 明 至 賢 ， 志 行 全 成 ， 湛 我以 道 ， 說 我 以 仁 ， 變 化 我 行 ， 昭 明 我 ， 使 我 為 成 人 者 ，吾 以 為 上 賞 。 恭 我 以 禮 ， 防 我 以 義 ， 藩 援 我 ， 使 我 不 為非 者 ， 吾 以 為 次 。 勇 猛 強 武 ， 氣 勢 自 御 ， 難 在 前 則 處 在， 難 在 後 則 處 後 ， 免 我 危 難 之 中 ， 吾 以 為 次 。 然 勞 苦 之士 次 之 。 詩 曰 ： 『 率 履 不 越 ， 遂 視 既 發 。 』 今 不 內 自 訟過 ， 不 悅 百 姓 ， 將 何 錫 之 哉 ！ 」
夫 詐 人 者 曰 ： 「 古 今 異 情 ， 其 所 以 治 亂 異 道 。 」而 眾 人 皆 愚 而 無 知 、 陋 而 無 度 者 也 ， 於 其 所 見 ， 猶 可 欺也 ， 況 乎 千 歲 之 後 乎 ！ 彼 詐 人 者 、 門 庭 之 間 猶 挾 欺 ， 而況 乎 千 歲 之 上 乎 ！ 然 則 聖 人 何 以 不 可 欺 也 ？ 曰 ： 聖 人 以己 度 人 者 也 。 以 心 度 心 ， 以 情 度 情 ， 以 類 度 類 ， 古 今 一也 。 類 不 悖 ， 雖 久 同 理 ， 故 性 緣 理 而 不 迷 也 。 夫 五 帝 之前 無 傳 人 ， 非 無 賢 人 ， 久 故 也 ； 五 帝 之 中 無 傳 政 ， 非 無善 改 ， 久 故 也 ； 虞 夏 有 傳 政 ， 不 如 殷 周 之 察 也 ， 非 無 善政 ， 久 故 也 。 夫 傳 者 久 則 愈 略 ， 近 則 愈 詳 ， 略 則 舉 大 ，詳 則 舉 細 。 故 愚 者 聞 其 大 不 知 其 細 ， 聞 其 細 不 知 其 大 ，是 以 久 而 差 。 三 王 五 帝 ， 政 之 至 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 帝 命 不 違， 至 于 湯 齊 。 」 言 古 今 一 也 。
舜 生 於 諸 馮 ， 遷 於 負 夏 ， 卒 於 鳴 條 ， 東 夷 之 人 也。 文 王 生 於 岐 周 ， 卒 於 畢 郢 ， 西 夷 之 人 也 。 地 之 相 去 也， 千 有 餘 里 ， 世 之 相 後 也 ， 千 有 餘 歲 ， 然 得 志 行 乎 中 國， 若 合 符 節 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 先 聖 後 聖 ， 其 揆 一 也 。 」 詩 曰： 「 帝 命 不 違 ， 至 于 湯 齊 。 」
孔 子 觀 於 周 廟 ， 有 欹 器 焉 。 孔 子 問 於 守 廟 者 曰 ：「 此 謂 何 器 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 此 蓋 為 宥 座 之 器 。 」 孔 子 曰： 「 聞 宥 座 器 滿 則 覆 ， 虛 則 欹 ， 中 則 正 ， 有 之 乎 ？ 」 對曰 ： 「 然 。 」 孔 子 使 子 路 取 水 試 之 ， 滿 則 覆 ， 中 則 正 ，虛 則 欹 。 孔 子 喟 然 而 嘆 曰 ： 「 嗚 呼 ！ 惡 有 滿 而 不 覆 者 哉！ 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 敢 問 持 滿 有 道 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 持 滿 之道 ， 抑 而 損 之 。 」 子 路 曰 ： 「 損 之 有 道 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 德 行 寬 裕 者 、 守 之 以 恭 ； 土 地 廣 大 者 ， 守 之 以 儉 ； 祿位 尊 盛 者 ， 守 之 以 卑 ， 人 眾 兵 強 者 ， 守 之 以 畏 ； 聰 明 睿智 者 、 守 之 以 愚 ； 博 聞 強 記 者 ， 守 之 以 淺 。 夫 是 之謂 抑而 損 之 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」
周 公 踐 天 子 之 位 ， 七 年 ， 布 衣 之 士 所 贄 而 師者 十人 ， 所 友 見 者 十 二 人 ， 窮 巷 白 屋 先 見 者 四 十 九 人 ， 時 進善 者 百 人 ， 教 士 千 人 ， 宮 朝 者 萬 人 。 成 王 封 伯 禽 於 魯 ，周 公 誡 之 曰 ： 「 往 矣 ！ 子 無 以 魯 國 驕 士 。 吾 、 文 王 之 子， 武 王 之 弟 ， 成 王 之 叔 父 也 ， 又 相 天 下 ， 吾 於 天 下 ， 亦不 輕 矣 。 然 一 沐 三 握 髮 ， 一 飯 三 吐 哺 ， 猶 恐 失 天 下 之 士。 吾 聞 德 行 寬 裕 ， 守 之 以 恭 者 榮 ； 土 地 廣 大 ， 守 之 以 儉者 安 ； 祿 位 尊 盛 ， 守 之 以 卑 者 貴 ； 人 眾 兵 強 ， 守 之 以 畏者 勝 ； 聰 明 睿 智 ， 守 之 以 愚 者 善 ； 博 聞 強 記 ， 守 之 以 淺者 智 。 夫 此 六 者 、 皆 謙 德 也 。 夫 貴 為 天 子 ， 富 有 四 海 ，由 此 德 也 ； 不 謙 而 失 天 下 ， 亡 其 身 者 ， 桀 紂 是 也 ； 可 不慎 歟 ！ 故 易 有 一 道 ， 大 足 以 守 天 下 ， 中 足 以 守 其 國 家 ，近 足 以 守 其 身 ， 謙 之 謂 也 。 夫 天 道 虧 盈 而 益 謙 ， 地 道 變盈 而 流 謙 ， 鬼 神 害 盈 而 福 謙 ， 人 道 惡 盈 而 好 謙 。 是 以 衣成 則 必 缺 ● ， 宮 成 則 必 缺 隅 ， 屋 成 則 必 加 拙 ， 示 不 成 者、 天 道 然 也 。 易 曰 ： 『 謙 、 亨 、 君 子 有 終 、 吉 。 』 詩 曰： 『 湯 降 不 遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 』 誡 之 哉 ！ 其 無 以 魯 國 驕 士也 。 」
傳 曰 ： 子 路 盛 服 以 見 孔 子 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 、 疏 疏者 何 也 ？ 昔 者 、 江 於 汶 ， 其 始 出 也 ， 不 足 以 濫 觴 ； 及 其至 乎 江 之 津 也 ， 不 方 舟 ， 不 避 風 ， 不 可 渡 也 ， 非 其 眾 川之 多 歟 ！ 今 汝 衣 服 其 盛 ， 顏 色 充 滿 ， 天 下 有 誰 加 汝 哉 ！」 子 路 趨 出 ， 改 服 而 入 ， 蓋 揖 如 也 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 由 志 之， 吾 語 女 ； 夫 慎 於 言 者 不 譁 ， 慎 於 行 者 不 伐 。 色 知 而 有長 者 、 小 人 也 。 故 君 子 知 之 為 知 之 ， 不 知 為 不 知 ， 言 之要 也 ； 能 之 為 能 之 ， 不 能 為 不 能 ， 行 之 要 也 。 言 要 則 知， 行 要 則 仁 ， 既 知 且 仁 ， 又 何 加 哉 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 湯 降 不遲 ， 聖 敬 日 躋 。 」
君 子 行 不 貴 苟 難 ， 說 不 貴 苟 察 ， 名 不 貴 苟 傳 ， 惟其 當 之 為 貴 。 夫 負 石 而 赴 河 ， 行 之 難 為 者 也 ， 而 申 徒 狄能 之 ， 君 子 不 貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也 。 山 淵 平 ， 天 地 比 ，齊 秦 襲 ， 入 乎 耳 ， 出 乎 口 ， 鉤 有 鬚 ， 卵 有 毛 ， 此 說 之 難持 者 也 ， 而 鄧 惠 施 能 之 ， 君 子 不 貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也。 盜 跖 吟 口 ， 名 聲 若 日 月 ， 與 舜 禹 俱 傳 而 不 息 ， 君 子 不貴 者 ， 非 禮 義 之 中 也 。 故 君 子 行 不 貴 苟 難 ， 說 不 貴 苟 察， 名 不 貴 苟 傳 ， 維 其 當 之 為 貴 。 詩 曰 ： 「 不 競 不 絿 ， 不剛 不 柔 。 」
伯 夷 叔 齊 目 不 視 惡 色 ， 耳 不 聽 惡 聲 ； 非 其 君 不 事， 非 其 民 不 使 ； 橫 政 之 所 出 ， 橫 民 之 所 止 ， 弗 忍 居 也 ；思 與 鄉 人 居 ， 若 朝 衣 朝 冠 坐 於 塗 炭 也 。 故 聞 伯 夷 之 風 者、 貪 夫 廉 ， 懦 夫 有 立 志 。 至 柳 下 惠 則 不 然 ， 不 羞 汙 君 ，不 辭 小 官 ； 進 不 隱 賢 ， 必 由 其 道 ； 阨 窮 而 不 憫 ， 遺 佚 而不 怨 ； 與 鄉 人 居 ， 愉 愉 然 不 去 也 ， 雖 袒 裼 裸 裎 於 我 側 ，彼 安 能 浼 我 哉 ！ 故 聞 柳 下 惠 之 風 ， 鄙 夫 寬 ， 薄 夫 厚 。 至乎 孔 子 去 魯 ， 遲 遲 乎 其 行 也 ， 可 以 去 而 去 ， 可 以 止 而 止， 去 父 母 國 之 道 也 。 伯 夷 、 聖 人 之 清 者 也 ， 柳 下 惠 、 聖人 之 和 者 也 ， 孔 子 、 聖 人 之 中 者 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 不 競 不 絿， 不 剛 不 柔 。 」 中 庸 和 通 之 謂 也 。
王 者 之 等 賦 正 事 ， 田 野 什 一 ， 關 市 譏 而 不征 ， 山林 澤 梁 ， 以 時 入 而 不 禁 。 相 地 而 正 壤 ， 理 道 而 致 貢 。 萬物 群 來 ， 無 有 流 滯 ， 以 相 通 移 。 近 者 不 隱 其 能 ， 遠 者 不疾 其 勞 。 雖 幽 間 僻 陋 之 國 ， 莫 不 趨 使 而 安 樂 之 。 夫 是 之謂 王 者 之 等 賦 正 事 。 詩 曰 ： 「 敷 政 優 優 ， 百 祿 是 遒 。 」
孫 卿 與 臨 武 君 議 兵 於 趙 孝 成 王 之 前 。 王 曰 ：「 敢問 兵 之 要 ？ 」 臨 武 君 曰 ： 「 夫 兵 之 要 ， 上 得 天 時 ， 下 得地 利 ， 後 之 發 ， 先 之 至 ， 此 兵 之 要 也 。 」 孫 卿 曰 ： 「 不然 。 夫 兵 之 要 ， 在 附 親 士 民 而 已 。 六 馬 不 和 ， 造 父 不 能以 致 遠 ； 弓 矢 不 調 ， 羿 不 能 以 中 微 ； 士 民 不 親 附 ， 湯 武不 能 以 戰 勝 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 要 在 於 附 親 士 民 而 已 矣 。 」 臨武 君 曰 ： 「 不 然 。 夫 兵 之 用 ， 變 故 也 ， 其 所 貴 ， 謀 詐 也， 善 用 之 者 ， 猶 脫 兔 莫 知 其 出 ； 孫 吳 用 之 ， 無 敵 於 天 下。 由 此 觀 之 ，豈 待 親 士 民 而 後 可 哉 ！ 」 孫 卿 曰 ： 「 不 然。 君 之 所 道 者 、 諸 侯 之 兵 、 謀 臣 之 事 也 ； 臣 之 所 道 者 、仁 人 之 兵 ， 聖 王 之 事 也 。 彼 可 詐 者 ， 必 怠 慢 者 也 ， 君 臣上 下 之 際 ， 突 然 有 離 德 者 也 。 夫 以 跖 而 詐 桀 ， 猶 有 工 拙焉 。 以 桀 詐 堯 ， 如 以 指 撓 沸 ， 以 卵 投 石 ， 抱 羽 毛 而 赴 烈火 ， 入 則 燋 也 ， 夫 何 可 詐 也 ！ 且 夫 暴 國 將 孰 與 至 哉 ？ 彼其 與 至 者 ， 必 欺 其 民 ， 民 之 親 我 也 ， 芬 若 椒 蘭 ， 歡 如 父子 ， 彼 顧 其 上 ， 如 憯 毒 蜂 蠆 之 人 ， 雖 桀 跖 豈 肯 為 其 所 至惡 ， 賊 其 所 至 愛 哉 ！ 是 猶 使 人 之 子 孫 ， 自 賊 其 父 母 也 ，彼 則 先 覺 其 失 ， 何 可 詐 哉 ！ 且 仁 人 之 兵 ， 聚 則 成 卒 ， 散則 成 列 ， 延 居 則 若 莫 邪 之 長 刃 ， 嬰 之 者 斷 ， 銳 居 則 若 莫邪 之 利 鋒 ， 當 之 者 潰 ， 圓 居 則 若 丘 山 之 不 可 移 也 ， 方 居則 若 磐 石 之 不 可 拔 也 ， 觸 之 ， 摧 角 折 節 而 退 爾 ， 夫 何 可詐 也 。 詩 曰 ：『 武 王 載 旆 ， 有 虔 秉 鉞 ； 如 火 烈 烈 ， 則 莫 我 敢 曷 。 』 此謂 湯 武 之 兵 也 。 」 孝 成 王 避 席 仰 首 曰 ： 「 寡 人 雖 不 敏 ，請 依 先 生 之 兵 也 。 」
受 命 之 士 ， 正 衣 冠 而 立 ， 儼 然 ， 人 望 而 信之 ； 其次 、 聞 其 言 而 信 之 ； 其 次 、 見 其 行 而 信 之 ； 既 見 其 行 ，而 眾 皆 不 信 ， 斯 下 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 慎 與 言 矣 ， 謂 爾 不 信 。」
昔 者 、 不 出 戶 而 知 天 下 ， 不 窺 牖 而 見 天 道 ， 非 目能 視 乎 千 里 之 前 ， 非 耳 能 聞 乎 千 里 之 外 ， 以 己 之 情 量 之也 。 己 惡 飢 寒 焉 ， 則 知 天 下 之 欲 衣 食 也 ； 己 惡 勞 苦 焉 ，則 知 天 下 之 欲 安 佚 也 ； 己 惡 衰 乏 焉 ， 則 知 天 下 之 欲 富 足也 。 知 此 三 者 、 聖 王 之 所 以 不 降 席 而 匡 天 下 。 故 君 子 之道 ， 忠 恕 而 已 矣 。 夫 處 飢 渴 ， 苦 血 氣 ， 困 寒 暑 ， 動 肌 膚， 此 四 者 ， 民 之 大 害 也 ， 害 不 除 ， 未 可 教 御 也 。 四 體 不掩 ， 則 鮮 仁 人 ； 五 藏 空 虛 ， 則 無 立 士 。 故 先 王 之 法 ， 天子 親 耕 ， 后 妃 親 蠶 ， 先 天 下 憂 衣 與 食 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 父 母何 嘗 ？ 心 之 憂 矣 ， 之 子 無 裳 。 」
Tradition tells us that, of old, because Shun's pots and pans did not smell of cooking, 2 those below him did not offend by leaving [food uneaten]. 3 Because he ate from earthen dishes 4 and drank from earthen vessels, craftsmen did not offend by exercising skill. 5 Because [he wore] deerskin garments with coarse cloth collars, 6 women did not offend by being extravagant. 11 Since his regulations for [the masses] below were easy to follow, services being few and easy to perform successfully, 12 the people did not offend by being [too much] governed. Truly the Great Way is greatly tolerant, great virtue is greatly humble, 13 and the Saintly Ruler is sparing of action. Hence things used by him always prosper.
There is the traditional saying: 14 "With the attainment of such ease and such freedom from laborious effort, the mastery is got of all principles under the sky." 15 For a sincere person it is easy to perform li; for an honest one it is easy to speak. For the sage it is easy to govern the people; for the craftsman it is easy to handle materials. The Ode says, 16
During the Yin dynasty a ku started to grow in T`ang's courtyard. 19 In three days 20 it had become as large around as a man could embrace. T`ang inquired of I-yin, "What is this thing?"
I-yin answered, "It is a ku tree."
T'ang asked, "Why does it grow here?"
I-yin said, "The ku is a wild plant that grows in marshes. 21 That it is now growing in Your Majesty's courtyard is not very auspicious."
T'ang said, "What is to be done?"
I-yin said, "I have heard that evil omens come before disaster, and auspicious signs precede good fortune. If on observing an evil omen, one practices good acts, the disaster will not materialize; if on seeing an auspicious sign, one does not perform good acts, the good fortune will not come."
T'ang thereupon fasted and lived quietly, rising early of a morning and retiring [late] at night. He mourned the dead and made polite inquiries after those who were ill. 22 He pardoned crimes and gave alms to the poor. After seven days the ku died. The predicted misfortune 23 never appeared, and the state prospered. The Ode says, 24
Of old, in the time of King Wên of Chou, when he had ruled the country for eight years, in summer, the sixth month, 26 he took to his bed with illness. After five days there was an earthquake, which, to the east, west, south, and north, did not extend beyond the outskirts of the capital. The functionaries all said, "We have heard that earthquakes occur because of the ruler. Now Your Majesty has been sick in bed for five days, and there has been an earthquake that did not extend beyond the outskirts of the capital in any direction. Your subjects are all frightened and we request that it may be averted."
King Wên said, "How are we going to avert it?"
They replied, "Undertake a [public] work and put the masses in motion so as to add to the city's walls: perhaps we can thereby avert it."
King Wên said, "It will not do. The Way of Heaven, in causing an evil omen to appear, is thereby to punish the guilty. 27 I must be guilty, and hence this is to punish me. Now to go out of my way to undertake a [public] work and to put the masses in motion so as to add to the city's walls, would be to double my guilt. It cannot be done. 28 I wish to reform my conduct and multiply good acts to avert it; I believe it can be avoided."
Thereupon he took pains with li and [rules of] precedence, 29 and with [gifts of] furs made friends with the feudal lords. 30 He made his speech elegant and presented capable officers with gifts of silk. He apportioned titles and rank; he measured out fields to confer on those who were deserving. Not long after he and his ministers had put these into practice, his illness was cured. 31 King Wên had been on the throne for eight years when the earthquake occurred. After [the earthquake] 32 he ruled for forty-three years [longer]; altogether he governed the country for fifty-one years before his death.
This was how King Wên dealt with an evil omen. The Ode says, 33
The True King, in establishing degrees of virtue 35 does not pay honor to those without merit, or give office to those who lack virtue, or punish those not guilty of crime. He has no worthless officers at court, 36 and no parasites 37 among the people. Thus it is possible for him to elevate the worthy and employ the able without over-stepping precedence, as well as to eliminate the cruel and exclude the overbearing without going to excess in punishments. The people are understanding, and all know that those who do good at home are rewarded in court, and those who do evil in secret are punished in public. Now this is what may be called establishing degrees; this [makes manifest] the inner power of the True King. The Ode says, 38
A tradition states: 40 To think conformity with the world good, to consider material wealth precious, and to take self-cultivation as the highest 41 conduct for the individual—such is the popular idea of virtue, but it is insufficient for the gentleman. His conduct is upright, his will inflexible, nor does he allow his personal desires to warp what he hears: 42 thus the correct gentleman, but it is insufficient for the superior man. His conduct is upright, his will inflexible; he likes to cultivate what he hears to stabilize his character. 43 His speech and conduct for the most part are appropriate, but still the latter is not [wholly] natural, nor is the former [wholly] lucid. 44 His intelligence for the most part is apt, but it is not perfectly subtle. If in a high position, he is able to make those whom he considers outstanding great; in a low position, he opens the true way to those inferior to himself: 45 thus the sincere and generous superior man, but it is insufficient for the saint. When he goes [to rectify] 46 the methods of the Hundred Kings, it is as easy as distinguishing black and white. He accommodates himself to his time as easily as one enumerates the Three Rules. 47Practicingli and adhering to limits is as natural to him as his having four limbs. 48 He adapts himself to change and establishes his merit 49 as [inevitably as] the four seasons succeed one another. [Through him] the empire achieves order and all things dwell at peace: thus the saint. The Ode says, 50
Marquis Wên of Wei wished to appoint a prime minister. Summoning Li K`o, he inquired saying, "I wish to appoint a prime minister, and it is to be either Chai Huang, or Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ. 52 I wish to take your advice in this matter." 53
Li K`o, withdrawing from the mat, declined, saying, "I have heard that a person of mean rank does not dispose of one who is of honorable rank, nor does a stranger come between relatives. 54 I dwell outside [the palace], and so dare not accept your command."
Marquis Wên said, "Sir, feel yourself free to manage this affair."
Li K`o said, "Now if you would investigate a man, when he is living at home, see what he loves; when he is rich, see what he gives away; when he is successful, see whom he recommends; when he is in extremity, see what he will not do; when he is poor, see what he will not take. These five situations suffice for an investigation."
Marquis Wên said, "You may go home, sir. My prime minister has been decided upon."
Li K`o went out and met Chai Huang, who said, "Today I hear the prince summoned you to advise about a prime minister. Who is it to be?"
Li K`o said, "It will be Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ."
Chai Huang, taken aback, colored up and said, "How am I inferior to Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ? The governor of Hsi-ho 55 was put forward by me. When the Prince was worried by [the district of] Yeh, I put in Hsi-mên Pao. When the Prince wished to attack Chung-shan, I brought forward Yo Yang. After Chung-shan had been captured and there was no governor [for the district], I got you the appointment. When our Prince wished to appoint a tutor for the Heir Apparent, I got the place for Chao Ts`ang[-t`ang]. 56 All of these [men] were perfectly deserving and served faithfully. How am I inferior to Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ?"
Li K`o said, "When you mentioned me to your Prince, surely it could not have been with the idea of using the connection to seek high office? Our Prince asked me about the appointment of a prime minister, [saying], `It is to be either Ch`êng or Huang, [one of] the two. How about it?' And I replied, `[If Your Highness is undecided,] it is because he has not made a careful examination [of the men]. When they are living at home, see what they love; when they are rich, see what they give away, when they are successful, see whom they recommend; when they are in extremity, see what they will not do; when they are poor, see what they will not take. These five determine it; what is the use of waiting for [advice from] me?' This is how I know that Wei Ch'êng-tzŭ is to be the prime minister. For how can you be compared with Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ? 57 He has an allowance of a thousand chung [of grain], 58 and uses [only] one tenth for himself. [The other nine tenths] he uses for gifts to attract the empire's [worthy] gentlemen. 59 In this way he got Pu Tzŭ-hsia, T`ien Tzŭ-fang, and Tuan-kan Mu. All these three men our Prince treats as teachers and friends. All those whom you brought forward he treats as subjects. How then can you be compared with Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ?"
Chai Huang drew back, bowed twice to the ground, and said, "This uncouth person is truly inferior, and has replied improperly to his master." The Ode says, 60
Marquis Ch`êng and Duke Ssŭ were princes who collected imposts and made surveys; 62 they did not get so far as to attract the people. 63 Tzŭ-ch`an was one who attracted the people, but he did not get so far as to govern them. 64 Kuan Chung governed them, but he did not get so far as to regulate li. Truly he who regulates li is a true king; he who governs is strong; he who attracts the people is at ease; he who collects imposts is lost. Hence collecting imposts is to summon bandits, 65 and accumulating property is to enrich one's enemies. This is the way to endanger one's self and lose one's state: the intelligent ruler does not follow it. If [the prince] will reform ritual (li) to regulate the court, rectify the laws to regulate the officials, and stabilize the government to regulate the lower classes, 66 then after that the rhythm [of li and i] 67 will be adjusted in the court, the rules and regulations will be rectified among the officials; while loyalty, honesty, love, and gain will appear 68 among the lower classes. In this way the people [come to] love him as their father and mother and to be in awe of him as they are of spiritual beings. 69 By these means his transforming virtue fills the world, and prosperity and happiness revert to the nobles. The Ode says, 70
King Chuang 73 of Ch`u took to his bed with illness. The oracle read, "The River is the evil influence."
The Great Officers said, "We beg you to make use of sacrificial animals."
King Chuang said, "Stop! In antiquity, according to the sacrifices instituted by the saintly kings, 74 [a ruler] did not go beyond [those within his own borders] in sacrificing to the spirits of hills and streams. The Sui, Chang, Chiang, and Han are the rivers Ch`u sacrifices to. Though I am devoid of virtue, it is not the River I have transgressed against." He never did perform the sacrifice, and in three days his disease was cured.
Confucius heard of this and said, "It was right that King Chuang of Ch`u should be overlord. He kept within limits and held to his duties, reflecting within himself 75 and acting consistently. Was it not indeed fitting he should be overlord?" The Ode says, 76
King Chuang is an example of this.
There are twelve symptoms of disease in rulers that, without a sage-physician, cannot be cured. What are the twelve symptoms? 78 Paralysis, 79 vertigo, 80 persistent cough, 81 dropsy, 82 surfeit, 83 lameness, 84 obstruction, 85 blindness, fever, 86 shortness of breath, 87 numbness, 88 and fêng:89 these are the twelve symptoms.
How is it that a sage-physician cures them? He economizes in affairs and lightens punishments, and as a result paralysis does not attack. 90 He does not cause the common people to suffer from hunger or cold, and as a result vertigo does not appear. 91 He does not order property transferred to himself, and as a result a persistent cough 92 does not appear. He does not let [grain] collected in the public granaries spoil, and as a result dropsy does not appear. 93 He does not have the treasury too full, and as a result surfeit does not appear. 94 He does not let the ministers have free license, and as a result lameness does not occur. 95 He does not prevent the lower classes from expressing their feelings to their superiors, and as a result obstruction does not occur. 96 He gives talent precedence over his sympathies, 97 and as a result blindness does not occur. 98 Laws and commands he puts into practice, and as a result fever 99 does not occur. He gives his inferiors no cause for resentment, and as a result shortness of breath does not occur. 100 He does not cause the sages to go into hiding, and as a result numbness does not occur. 101 He does not give the people an excuse to sing abusive songs, and as a result fêng does not occur. 102
Now the chief ministers and the various lesser officers are the heart and bowels, the limbs and the body of a ruler. If the heart and bowels, the limbs and body are without disease, then the ruler is without disease. Truly, [if they are diseased], unless he have a sage-physician, he cannot be cured. Whatever [ruler] 103 has [one of] these twelve ailments without making use of a sage-physician, that ruler's state is not a real state. The Ode says, 104
In the end failure is simply inevitable. Truly, if use is made of a sage-physician, the masses will be without ailment—how much the more does this apply to their ruler!
Traditionally, in a time of Great Peace there are no persons dumb, deaf, lame, one-eyed, feeble, dwarfed, or mutilated. 107 Fathers do not [have reason to] weep for their sons, nor elder brothers to weep for their younger brothers. On the roads there are no infants abandoned to be reared [by others]; and everyone ends his life in his own station—such is the result of the employment of a sage-physician. Truly there is no other way of pacifying, putting in order, and expelling disease than precisely that of employing the sages. The Ode says, 108
These were the people who survived the cruelties of [the tyrant] Chou.
Tradition tells us that, if the rites (li) of mourning and sacrificing are neglected, then subjects and sons will be lacking in gratitude. If subjects and sons are lacking in gratitude, then those who repudiate the dead and forget the living 111 will be many. The "Hsiao-ya" says, 112
If human affairs are well ordered, 113 then they are in conformity with the spirits. When they are in conformity with the spirits, then blessings sent down [by Heaven] reach elsewhere. 114 The Ode says, 115
When King Wu attacked [the tyrant] Chou, as he came to Hsing-ch`iu, the yoke [on his chariot horses] 117 broke into three pieces, and rain fell for three days without stopping. King Wu was afraid 118 and summoned T`ai-kung, to whom he said, "It seems to me that the time has not yet come when Chou can be attacked."
T`ai-kung replied, "Not so. That the carriage yoke broke into three pieces means our army should be divided into three. The three days' rain without a stop 119 was intended to wash our weapons."
King Wu said, "In that case, what shall we do?"
T`ai-kung said, "Love for a person reaches to the crows on his roof; 120 hate for a person includes the very walls of his village. 121 Let us slay all our enemies, 122 so that none will be left over."
King Wu said, "Ah, the empire is not yet established!"
The Duke of Chou hastened forward and said, "Not so. Let each regulate his own home and till his own fields. Without [regard for] old or new, [befriend only good men]. 123 If the people commit a fault, let it be my sole responsibility."
King Wu said, "Ah, the empire has been established."
Thereupon he put his troops in order 124 and checked their advance at Ning. He changed the name of Hsing-ch`iu to Huai; Ning he called Hsiu-wu. 125 He marched to defeat [the tyrant] Chou in the Plain of Mu. The Ode says, 126
After he had gone to [the capital of] Shang, 128 before descending from his chariot he enfeoffed the descendants of Huang-ti in Chi, the descendants of the Emperor Yao in Chu, and the descendants of Shun in Ch`ên. After descending from his chariot, he enfeoffed the descendants of the Hsia imperial family in Ch`i, and the descendants of Yin in Sung. He raised a mound over the grave of Pi-kan, released Chi-tzŭ from prison, and marked out the village gate of Shang-jung. 129
Crossing the River, he went to the west and released the [war]horses south of Mt. Hua to show that they would not again be mounted. The oxen he turned loose in the plain around T`ao-lin to show that they would not again be yoked to carts. War chariots and armor he had consecrated with blood and stored away in depots to show they would not again be used.
After that he disbanded his army and held archery practice in the suburbs. On the left they shot their arrows to the [song] li-shou,130 and on the right to the [song] tsou-yü.131 Thereafter the empire knew that King Wu would not again employ troops. When he sacrificed in the ancestral temple, 132 the people learned about filial piety. He held open court and from that the feudal lords learned about respect. 133 He seated the three [outstanding] old men in the Great School, 134 and he, the Son of Heaven, respectfully served them with sauce and gave them cups to rinse out their mouths. In this manner he taught the feudal lords the behavior proper to a younger brother. These four [acts] constitute the great teachings of the empire. Now was it not fitting that King Wu was long [on the throne]? The Ode says, 135
It says that when Wu attacked [the tyrant] Chou, Yin was lost. 136
Mêng, Prince of Ch`ang, wishing to study under Min-tzŭ, 138 sent his carriage to go meet him. Min-tzŭ said, "Etiquette (li) demands that [the pupil] come to study, not that [the master] go to teach. 139 If you study by having your teacher come to you, you will be unable to learn. 140 If I go to teach you, I will be unable to influence you. Where you would say you were unable to learn [if I do not go], I would say I would be unable to influence you [if I did go]."
Mêng Prince of Ch`ang then said, "I respectfully obey your command." Next day, lifting up his robe [and hastily taking a low seat], 141 he asked to receive instruction. The Ode says, 142
Though a sword may be edged, if it is not sharpened, it will not cut. A man may be able, but if he does not study, he will not excel. There may be fine wine and superior delicacies, but without tasting them their excellence will not be known. There may be an excellent Way, but without study it will not be understood. Thus after study one realizes his shortcomings, and after teaching he realizes his shallowness. Because he falls short, he is ashamed of himself and makes an effort; because he is shallow, he gives himself over to a teacher 144 (?) and becomes familiar [with his subject].
Viewed in the light of this, teaching and learning complement one another. When Tzŭ-hsia inquired about the Odes, he knew two parts from having studied one. Confucius said, "It is Shang who can bring out my meaning. Now I can begin to talk about the Odes with him." 145
When Confucius gave distinction to that noble character, his own saintly virtue was completed. When the disciple received his influence, his own 146 virtue was manifested. The Ode says, 147
Now in the conduct of studies it is making the teacher respected that is difficult. If the teacher is respected, then the Way is honored. If the Way is honored, then the people know that learning is to be revered. 149 Hence, by the ceremony (li) of the Great School, even though he address the Son of Heaven, [the teacher] does not have to face the north; this is out of honor for the teacher and esteem for the Way. Truly, "one who is given credence without having to speak, and who inspires awe without making a display of anger"—this may be said of a teacher. 150 The Ode says, 151
There is the following traditional story: In Sung there was a great flood. 154 A man from Lu condoled with [the Prince of Sung] saying, "Heaven has sent down excessive rains, injuring the millet for sacrifices and spreading over your land, to the grief of those in charge of the government. I have been sent respectfully to condole with you."
The Prince of Sung replied, 155 "I have not practiced jên. Fasts and prohibitions have not been regulated, nor, in employing the people, has the proper time been chosen; [hence] Heaven has visited us with disaster. Having in addition caused you concern, I beg to acknowledge the condescension of your message."
Confucius heard of this and said, 156 "Sung is almost ready [for enlightened government]."
A disciple said, "What do you mean?"
Confucius said, "Of old Chieh and Chou did not admit their faults, and their destruction was swift indeed. Ch`êng-t`ang and King Wên knew enough to recognize their faults, and their rise was sudden indeed. To reform after having committed faults is not to be at fault."
After the Prince of Sung heard of this remark, he rose early and retired late. He mourned for the dead, made polite enquiries after those who were ill, 157 and greatly exerted himself inside the country. After three years the harvests were abundant and the government was tranquil. If previously the Prince of Sung had not heard of Confucius' words, the grain harvested would not have been abundant, nor would the state have been at peace. The Ode says, 158
Duke Huan of Ch`i set up torches in the courtyard 161 for the sake of gentlemen who might want to come to see him. 162 For a full year no one came. Then [a rustic] from the eastern fields 163 came to see him because of his skill in arithmetic. Duke Huan joked with him, saying, "Is arithmetic sufficient [reason] for an interview?"
The villager said, "[I had not thought arithmetic to be sufficient reason for an interview.] 164 I had heard that Your Highness set up torches in his courtyard so as to await gentlemen, and that for a full year not one came. Now the reason that no gentlemen came was that Your Highness is the sage ruler in the empire, and everywhere gentlemen feel they are not adequate to Your Highness. Therefore they do not come. Now arithmetic is but a wretched accomplishment, yet if Your Highness treats me with courtesy, how much the more could those with worthier accomplishments than arithmetic expect! Now Mt. T`ai does not decline pebbles and stones, nor do rivers and oceans refuse small streams—thus have they accomplished their magnitude. The Ode says, 165
It [speaks of] 166 a great plan."
Duke Huan approved, and the man was accordingly 167entertained formally for a full month. From all over gentlemen came leading one another to him. The Ode says, 168
[It speaks of proceeding from the inside to the outside and of] 170 achieving great things from small ones.
In an age of Great Peace the people, in supplying forced labor, do not go beyond the time [fixed]; men and women do not neglect the time [proper for] mating; filial sons do not neglect the time for nourishing [their parents]. 171 Abroad there are no unmarried men, and in the seclusion of the house there are no dissatisfied women. 172 On the one hand there are no heartless fathers, and on the other no unfilial sons. Father and son complete one another; husband and wife protect one another. The empire is at peace, the state is tranquil. Human affairs are complete here below; the Heavenly Way responds there above. Truly,
Heaven emanates and Earth produces.173Yin and yang come together in equilibrium. Their motion produces thunder and lightning, their damp [emanation] is wind and rain, their periodicity shows in hills and streams, their balance produces [alterations of] heat and cold. All people maintain life; each on getting his place is employed by the ruler of the state. Hence there is someone to keep the state at peace, and there is someone to own the land.
The sages split trees to make boats and shaped wood to make paddles;174 they used these to put products from all over into circulation, thus providing the people by the sea with plenty of wood and the people of the mountains with plenty of fish. 175 Excess materials were assigned to definite places. Therefore those with fertile fields did not enjoy them alone, and those with stony fields were not left to suffer alone. Even if there were a bad year and a time of famine, or a flood like Yü's or a drought like T`ang's, still the people showed no signs of being cold or hungry. Thus the living were not made to work to the point of fatigue, and the dead did not lie in the ditches.176 Now this is to be called happiness. The Ode says,177
To be capable of ruling the empire, one must be able to nourish its people. He who is able to nourish the people practices self-nourishment. His drinking and eating conform to [the needs of] his viscera; his use of spices conforms to [the demands of] his ch`i;178 his toil and rest conform to [the capacity of] his muscles and bones; his [adjustments to] heat and cold conform to his skin. Thereafter his ch`i and viscera are equitable, the working of his mind is controlled, his worries and cares achieve [a mean], his joy and anger are seasonable. In activity and repose he enjoys himself. By taking the opportunity he has enough for his needs. Now this is what is meant by one able to nourish himself.
Therefore, that the saints did not practice lascivious indulgence or wasteful extravagance is not because they despised sex or were miserly with their property. If in supplying one's needs, one goes to excess, the result is not pleasurable, and so they did not do so. It is for the same reason that in winter they did not bathe frequently—it was not that they grudged the water; and in summer they did not heat—it was not that they grudged the fire. 179 That they did not make their towers and pavilions high was not due to a lack of earth and timber; that they did not make their bells 181 and tripods large was not due to a lack of copper and tin. That they did not drink deeply of wine or lust after women was not because they shunned them as repulsive. When they did in a straightforward manner what was restful to their feelings and dispositions, their practice was worth taking as a model for the empire. Thus in consuming they did not waste materials and so could support [the people's] life, so that the empire praised their jên. In supplying their wants they did not injure their nature and provided thereby an example, so that the empire praised their sense of fitness (i). They conformed to their feelings, avoided excess, and did not seek what they had no right to, so that the empire praised their integrity. Their conduct was perfect and could not be concealed; . . . punishment could not make them false [to their principles]. 182 Holding fast to the One Way, they despised all material things, and as a result the empire praised their bravery. If these four are practiced among the people, when at rest they are kindly and happy; aroused they overcome their enemies. Thus when we examine the means they employed in nourishing the people, [we find] a complete method for ruling. When the method of ruling is complete, near and far get sustenance. The Ode says, 183
It says he nourished them even in the darkness.
Kung-i Hsiu, minister of Lu, 186 was fond of fish. A native of the state made him a present of fish, but he would not accept it. His younger brother objected, saying,
"You are fond of fish; why do you not accept it?"
He said, "It is [precisely] because I am so fond of fish that I do not accept it. If I accept the fish and lose my place as minister, 187 I will then be unable to supply myself with fish. By not accepting and not losing my place as minister, I will long be able to supply myself with fish. 188 In this matter I understand how to take care of myself." 189
Truly, as Lao-tzŭ said, 190 "Make yourself last and you will be first; put yourself outside, and you will be preserved. Is it not that he had no eye to personal advantage, and was just in this way able to accomplish his personal advantage?" The Ode says, 191
This is illustrated in the above.
There is the following traditional story: In Lu there was a dispute at law between father and son. K`ang-tzŭ wished to have them put to death, but Confucius said, 193 "It would not be right to put them to death. Now the people have long [been ignorant that] lawsuits between father and son are improper. 194 This case is the result of those in responsible positions neglecting true principles. If superiors were possessed of the proper principles, such people as these would not be."
The litigants, hearing of this remark, asked that the case be dropped. K`ang-tzŭ said, "The people are governed through filial piety. Surely it would be proper to put to death one who behaves thus unfittingly as a censure for the unfilial?" 195
Confucius said, "Not at all. Having left them without instruction, to judge their suits is to put to death the guiltless. Though the armies of a great state suffer a severe defeat, they should not be punished. If lawsuits and judgments are not supervised, it is not right to inflict punishments. If superiors, having made manifest their teachings, themselves submit to them first, then the people will readily fall into line. Only if they conduct themselves improperly and are not obedient are they punished, since then the people will recognize their guilt. Now take a wall eight feet high—the people cannot cross over it. But a mountain eight hundred feet high—small boys climb and play on it. It is because of the [gradual] decline. 196Jên and i have long been in a decline— can we say the people do not cross them? The Ode says, 197
The superior men of antiquity taught the people and did not lead them astray. Thus authority was strict [but not made use of], 198 and punishments were set up but not employed. In this way they embodied jên and i and took pains in teaching the True Way. They caused the people to see it clearly with their eyes and to hear it clearly with their ears and to know it clearly with their minds. As a result, since the True Way was not obscured, the aims of the people were not confused. The Ode says, 199
"Truly, unless the True Way and i are made simple, the people will not follow them; unless rites (li) and music are made clear, the people will not perceive them. The Ode says, 200
This says how simple it was.
This says how clear it was.
He is sorrowing because he did not pay attention to instruction in rites (li) and so is suffering punishment. 201 Now having dispensed with this fundamental instruction, to visit them with punishment is like breaking down the pen and shooting [at the cattle] with poisoned arrows. It is not indeed reason for grief? 202 That is why I said it would not be right to put them to death.
"The former kings' use of rites (li) in employing the people in olden times may be compared to driving a chariot. Punishments were the whip and stick. At the present day it is like driving with whip and stick, but without having reins and bit. When you wish the horse to advance, you beat him behind; when you wish him to retreat, you beat him in front. The driver has much trouble doing it, and the horse in turn suffers greatly. 203 So it is today. Superiors are anxious and put to trouble, while the people are greatly grieved and suffer punishment. The Ode says, 204
For one in a superior position who does not observe the rites (li), misfortune is inevitable. For one in an inferior position who does not observe the rites (li), punishment is inevitable. If superior and inferior [alike] do not observe the rites (li), `why do they not quickly die?' "
K`ang-tzŭ withdrew from the mat, bowed twice and said, "Although I am not intelligent, I wish to receive these words."
When Confucius withdrew from court, his disciple Tzŭ-lu objected saying, "A lawsuit between father and son, is it in accordance with the True Way?"
Confucius said, "It is not."
Tzŭ-lu said, "In that case, how could you, Master, as a superior man, excuse it?"
Confucius said, "Without warning, to hold [the people] responsible for the completion of a task is injurious. To insist on a definite period [for the execution of] offhand orders is oppressive. To inflict punishment without having instructed them is harmful. 205 A superior man in governing avoids these three [evils]. Moreover the Ode says, 206
In the time of Shun the state of Miao did not submit. They did not submit [because they had] the Hêng mountains on their southern [border], the Min mountains 208 on their northern [border], the waves 209 of Tung-t`ing [lake] to their left, and the waters of P`êng-li 210 [lake] to their right; through these they were protected. Because they would not submit, Yü asked to attack them, but Shun would not agree. He said, "I have not as yet exhausted my teachings." For a long time he gave out his teachings, 211 and the ruler of the Miao 212 [finally] asked to submit.
When the people of the empire heard of this, they all rated Yü low in i and praised Shun's transforming virtue. The Ode says, 213
This could be said of Shun. If you ask, "In that case, Yü's transforming virtue did not come up to Shun's?" I would say, "Not at all. Yü asked to attack them because of his desire to show off Shun's transforming virtue. Truly, `credit the good to your prince and take the blame on yourself'; this is the proper act (i) of a subject. Let us suppose Yü to have been the ruler and Shun his subject: it would have simply been the same as in this case. Yü may be said to be the great figure of one who succeeded in being a subject."
In his administration of Lu, Chi-sun-tzŭ had people put to death on a large scale, as their crimes strictly merited, and frequently inflicted punishments on people, as their faults strictly deserved. Tzŭ-kung said, "A cruel government!"
When he heard of this remark, Chi-sun said, "I put the people to death when their crimes strictly merit it, and I punish them when their faults strictly deserve it. How is it that you, sir, find it cruel?"
Tzŭ-kung said, "How unlike Tzŭ-ch`an's administration of Chêng! In one year [the number of] faults requiring punishment diminished; in two years crimes requiring capital punishment disappeared. In three years the prisons had no prisoners. As a result the people turned to him as water flows downhill, and loved him as a filial son respects his father and mother. When Tzŭ-ch`an was sick and on the point of death, the citizens all lamented, saying, `Is there not someone else who could die in the place of Tzŭ-ch`an?' When he finally did die, the nobles and great officers wept for him in the court, the merchants wept for him in the market, and the farmers wept for him in the fields. For all of them weeping for Tzŭ-ch`an was like mourning for father and mother. Now I heard that when you were sick, our citizens were happy, and when you recovered they all were frightened. When they take your death [as reason] for congratulation and your living [as reason] for fear, if this is not [the fruit of] cruelty, what is it? 214 I have heard that to govern by relying on laws is called cruel; that to insist on a definite period [for the completion of a task] without having given warning is called tyranny; that to punish [people] without having instructed them is called oppression; 215 that to impose oneself on others is called exaction. He who makes exactions will lose his life; the oppressor will lose his subjects; the tyrant will lose the government; the cruel ruler will lose the people. Furthermore I have heard that there has never been one who occupied the highest place and practiced these four who did not perish."
Whereupon Chi-sun bowed his head gratefully and said, "I listen with respect to your command." The Ode says, 216
Should someone ask, "Just what does a wise man find in water to give him pleasure?" I would answer, "Now water moves in accordance with principle, not losing one little moment. In this it resembles the wise man. In moving it descends, 218 and in this it resembles one who observes li. It follows along a deep gorge without any uncertainty: in this it resembles the brave man. It keeps itself pure through protective embankments, 219 and in this resembles the man who knows the mandate [of Heaven]. Passing through defiles, it goes far, and achieves its destination without diminution: 220 in this it resembles the virtuous man. Through it Heaven and Earth are completed, through it all living beings are produced and the state is at peace; through it all affairs are settled and material things are rectified. For these reasons the sage take pleasure in water."
The Ode says, 221
This speaks of taking pleasure in water. 222
Should someone ask, "Just what does the man possessed of jên find in mountains to give him pleasure?" I would answer, "It is mountains to which all people raise their eyes and look. Grass and trees grow there; all living things flourish there; the birds that fly assemble there; the beasts that walk take their repose there; and while all [alike] take from them, they show [favoritism to none]. 224 [Mountains] put forth clouds and make the wind circulate; they soar up between heaven and earth. 225 Through them heaven and earth are completed, and the state is at peace. These are the reasons why the man of jên takes pleasure in mountains." 227 The Ode says, 228
This speaks of taking pleasure in a mountain.
There is the following traditional story: When Duke Wên of Chin had returned to his state from exile, he thrice gave out rewards, but none reached T`ao Shu-hu. 232
T`ao Shu-hu said to Uncle Fan, 233 "I followed [our prince] 234 into exile for eleven years until my complexion was burnt black and my hands and feet were [covered with] calluses. Now he has returned to his state and thrice has given out rewards, but nothing to me. Is it that the prince has forgotten me? Or am I greatly to blame? Would you try speaking on my behalf?"
Uncle Fan spoke about it to Duke Wên, who said, "Eh, how could it be that I have forgotten this man? Those who were greatly enlightened and most worthy, whose minds and conduct were perfect, 235 who soothed me with the True Way and persuaded me with jên, who changed my conduct and made bright my [fame], 236 making me an accomplished person, to these I gave the highest reward. Those who treated me with respect according to the rites (li), who protected me with i, who guarded and assisted me so that I did not commit faults, to these I gave the next highest [reward]. Those who were brave, strong, and martial, who were forward and self-reliant, who, when there was trouble in front, placed themselves in front, and when the trouble was in the rear, placed themselves in the rear, rescuing me out of danger and difficulty, to these I gave the next highest [reward]. After them I put the gentlemen who [merely] endured hardship." 237 The Ode says, 238
Now if one does not internally reflect on his own faults, he will not please the people; so what reward will there be for him? 239
Those who deceive the people say, "The circumstances of ancient and modern times are different; hence methods for governing are different." Since the people are all stupid and without knowledge, mean and lacking in discrimination, they can even be deceived about that which they have seen [with their own eyes]; how much the more [may they be deceived about events] after a thousand years! Those who deceive the people foster deceit inside their very courtyards; how much the easier [to foster it] in regard to [events of] a thousand years ago! In that case how does the saint manage not to be deceived? The saint measures others by himself. He measures [men's] hearts by his heart; he measures their feelings by his feelings; he measures each kind of thing by its own kind. [To him] ancient and modern are one. Categories do not become confused; even though the time has been long, the principle [governing them] is the same. Truly human nature conforms to [the same] principle and does not go astray.
That before the Five Emperors there is no record of individuals is not because there were no sages; it is because it was so long ago. That during the [time of the] Five Emperors there is no record of government is not because there was no good government; it is because it was so long ago. That for the time of the Yü 241 and the Hsia the records of government are not so detailed as those of the Yin and the Chou is not because the government was not good; it is because it was so long ago. Now the greater the antiquity from which a record is transmitted, the more abridged it is, and the more recent the times, [relatively] the more detailed it is. If abridged, great events are mentioned; if detailed, small events are mentioned. As a result, stupid men hearing of the great events are ignorant of the small ones, and hearing of the small events are ignorant of the great ones. They are mistaken because it has been so long ago. The Three Kings and the Five Emperors represent the acme of government. The Ode says, 242
It speaks of the identity of ancient and modern.
Shun was born in Chu-fêng. He moved to Fu-hsia, and died in Ming-t`iao. He was a man [who lived near to] the Eastern Barbarians. King Wên was born in Chou by [Mount] Ch`i and died in Pi-ying. He was a man [who lived near to] the Western Barbarians. In space they were separated by more than a thousandli; in time they were more than a thousand years apart, but their success in imposing their wills on the Middle Kingdom was like the two parts of a tally that fit perfectly together.
Confucius said, 245 "In their principles the earlier saints and the later saints are the same." The Ode says, 246
Confucius paid a visit to the ancestral temple of Chou, 248 where they had a vessel that leaned at an angle. Confucius asked the caretaker of the temple, "What vessel is that?"
The caretaker replied, "Why that, I believe, is a Warning Vessel." 249
Confucius said, "I have heard that a Warning Vessel, 250 when full, turns over, when empty it leans at an angle, and when half full it stands straight. 251 Is this true?"
Confucius had Tzŭ-lu bring water to try it. Full, it turned over; half full, it stood straight; empty, it leaned at an angle. Confucius heaved a sigh and said, "Ah, does it ever happen that those who are full do not turn over!" 252
Tzŭ-lu said, "I should like to ask whether there is a method for controlling fullness?"
Confucius said, "The method of controlling fullness is to repress and diminish it."
Tzŭ-lu said, "Is there a method for diminishing it?"
Confucius said, "Let those whose virtuous conduct is ample preserve it by being reverent. Let those whose territory is extensive preserve it by economy. Let those whose pay is rich and whose rank is elevated 253 preserve them by humility. Let those whose people are many and whose weapons are strong preserve them by fear. Let those possessed of intelligence and knowledge preserve them through [an air of] stupidity. Let those with great learning and strong memories preserve them through [an air of] shallowness. 254 Now this is what I mean by repressing and diminishing." The Ode says, 255
During the seven years that the Duke of Chou occupied the place of the Son of Heaven, 257 there were ten por gentlemen to whom he gave presents and whom he treated as teachers. 258 There were thirteen men to whom he [made return presents and] 259 regarded as friends, and forty-nine from poor dwellings in mean quarters to whom he gave precedence in interviews. 260 There were a hundred good men whom he advanced at regular times; there were a thousand teachers, and ten thousand officials. 261
King Ch`êng enfeoffed Po-ch`in in Lu, [and before his departure for Lu] the Duke of Chou admonished him saying, "You are going now. Do not treat ordinary gentlemen with disrespect because of [your position in] the state of Lu. I am the son of King Wên, younger brother of King Wu, and uncle of King Ch`êng. 262 In addition I am minister of the empire. 263 Certainly my position in the empire is not to be despised. Yet in washing my hair once, I must catch it up [all wet as it is] three times; and in eating one meal I must thrice spit out [my food], and still I fear to lose [an interview with] one of the empire's gentlemen.
"I have heard that 264 one whose virtuous conduct is ample and who preserves it by reverence will prosper; that one whose territory is extensive and who preserves it by economy will find security; that one whose pay is rich and whose rank is elevated and who preserves them by humility will be honored; that one whose people are many and whose weapons are strong and who preserves them by fear will be victorious; that one who has intelligence and knowledge and who preserves them by [an air of] stupidity will excel; 265 that one whose learning is extensive and whose memory is strong and who preserves them by [an air of] shallowness will have wisdom. 266 Now these six are all of them `humbled virtues.' To have the rank of emperor and the wealth of the whole land 267 and then to lose the empire and forfeit their own lives from not humbling these virtues—such was the lot of Chieh and Chou. Can you not but take [them as a] warning?
"Truly, the I [ching] has the One Way whereby, on a large scale, one may preserve an empire, or on a medium scale, one may preserve a state, or more immediately one may preserve his person, and it is called humility. Now `it is the Way of Heaven to diminish the full and to augment the humble. It is the Way of Earth to overthrow the full and to replenish the humble. Spiritual Beings inflict calamity on the full and bless the humble. It is the Way of Man to hate the full and love the humble.' 268 By this principle the completed garment must have a gap at the lapel; the finished dwelling must have a break at a corner; the finished room must have a defect added. This shows that incompleteness is in accordance with the Way of Heaven. The I [ching] says, 269 `Chien indicates progress and success. The superior man will maintain his success to the end, and have good fortune.' The Ode says, 270
Take heed! and do not treat ordinary gentlemen with disrespect because of [your position in] the state of Lu."
There is the following traditional story: Tzŭ-lu appeared before Confucius in full dress. Confucius said, "Yu, why so dressed up? 272 Back where the Chiang comes out from under [Mt.] Min, at the beginning it is large enough [only] to fill up a beaker. 273 But by the time it reaches the river ford, except by putting boats together and going when there is no wind, 274 it is impossible to cross. Is this not because the accumulated waters are so great? 275 Now overdressed as you are 276 and with so severe an expression, 277 is there anyone in the empire to improve on you?"
Tzŭ-lu hastily went out, changed his clothes, and came back humbly. 278 Confucius said, "Yu, mark well what I am going to tell you. He who is cautious about his speech is not loud. He who is cautious about his conduct does not show off. The man who shows his knowledge and his skills in his face is a mean fellow. Truly, `when the superior man knows a thing, he holds that he knows it, and when he does not know a thing, he admits that he does not know it.' 279 This is the important thing in speech. When he can do a thing, he holds that he can do it, and when he cannot do a thing he admits that he cannot do it: this is the important thing in action. In speech the important thing is knowledge; in action it is jên. The possession of both knowledge and jên—what more can you add to that?" The Ode says, 280
The superior man does not respect foolhardiness in conduct; in explanations he does not respect sophistry; and in fame he does not respect notoriety. He respects only what is fitting. Now to carry a stone and throw yourself into the river is hard to do, but Shên-t`u Ti was capable of it. 282 The superior man does not respect him, 283 because it was not according to the mean of li and i. That mountains and streams are level, that heaven and earth are equal, 284 that Ch`i and Ch`in are contiguous, that `it goes in the ear and comes out the mouth,' 285 that a barb has whiskers, 286 and an egg has hair: 287 these theories are difficult to uphold, but Têng Hsi and Hui Shih were equal to it. The superior man does not respect them, because [such paradoxes] are not in accord with the mean of li and i. The notoriety of Tao-chih is in everyone's mouth; 288 his fame is [glaring as] the sun and moon, and is transmitted without interruption [to later generations] together with the fame of Shun and Yü. The superior man does not respect him, as [such notoriety] is not in accord with mean of li and i. Thus the superior man does not respect foolhardiness in conduct; in explanations he does not respect sophistry; and in fame he does not respect notoriety. He respects only what is fitting. The Ode says, 289
Po-i and Shu-ch`i 292 would not allow their eyes to look on a bad sight, or their ears to listen to a bad sound. They would not serve a prince of whom they did not approve, or command a people whom they did not esteem. They could not bear to dwell either in [a court] from which a lawless government emanated, or among lawless people. They considered living with commoners as equivalent to sitting in dirt and charcoal while wearing court robes and court cap. Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Po-i, the avaricious 293 become pure and the weak acquire determination.
When we come to Liu-hsia Hui, 294 it is not thus. He was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor would he refuse an inferior office. When advanced to employment he did not conceal his worth, [but] made it a point to follow 295 the True Way. When straitened by poverty he did not grieve; when dismissed and left without office he did not murmur. Living with commoners he was happy 296 and would not leave. [He would say,] "Although he stand by my side with breast and arms bare, or with his body naked, how can another person 297 defile me?" Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Liu-hsia Hui, the mean become generous and the niggardly become liberal.
When we come to Confucius' leaving Lu and delaying his departure, 298 "when it was proper to go, he went, 299 and when it was proper to stay, he stayed": this is the way to leave the country of one's father and mother. 300
Po-i among the saints was the pure one; Liu-hsia Hui was the accommodating one; and Confucius was the temperate one. 301 The Ode says, 302
This speaks of moderation and harmony.
In scaling taxes and rectifying affairs the king levies a tithe on fields; at the customs barriers and markets he has inspections, but no duties; the use of mountains and forests, of lakes and weirs is limited to certain seasons, but it is not prohibited [entirely]; 304 he inspects 305 the land, and taxes 306 [on the basis of] the quality of the soil. He has tribute sent according to [the length of] 307 the way it must come. All produce comes without interference in circulation, so that it may be freely distributed. Those near [the imperial domain] do not hide their ability, and those far away are not dissatisfied with their labor. Though a state be secluded and backward, there is none [of its inhabitants] but will hasten to serve him and rejoice [in his government]. This is what is meant by a king's scaling taxes and rectifying affairs. The Ode says, 308
Sun Ch`ing 310 and the Prince of Lin-wu 311 were discussing military affairs before King Hsiao-ch`êng of Chao. The king said, "I venture to ask what is [most] important in military operations."
The Prince of Lin-wu said, "Well, in military operations the important thing is on the one hand to take advantage of the opportunities given by Heaven and on the other to take advantage of the terrain. Mobilize last but get there first. This is what is important in military operations."
Sun Ch`ing said, "Not so. Now the one important thing in military operations consists in gaining the support of officers and people. If the six [chariot] horses are not in accord, Ts`ao-fu [himself] could not drive them far. If bow and arrow do not match, [even] Yi could not hit a small mark with them. Without the support of officers and people, T`ang or Wu would not have been able to win victories with them. Seen in this light, the important thing is simply to gain the support of officers and people."
The Prince of Lin-wu said, "Not so. What is employed in military tactics is [the element of] surprise; what is valued are stratagems and guile. Those skilled in the use [of such elements] may be compared with an escaping hare—no one knows where they are going to pop out. Sun [Wu] and Wu [Ch`i] used them, and were without opponents in the empire. Seen in this light, why is it necessary to wait for the support of officers and people before you can do anything?"
Sun Ch`ing said, "Not so. What you 312 speak of are the military operations of a feudal lord, the affairs of a scheming minister. What I am talking about are the military methods of the man characterized by jên, and the undertakings of a Saintly King. It is possible to practice guile only against those who are lazy or where there is a marked estrangement between prince and subjects, between superior and inferior. Now if a Chih [tries to] deceive a Chieh, there is still [the chance of] skill and awkwardness involved; but if a Chieh [tries to] deceive a Yao, it is like stirring up boiling water with the finger, or dashing an egg against a rock. If you run into a raging fire while carrying feathers and fur, you will be burnt. So how can you use guile? Furthermore, who is going to succeed with an oppressive state? Any who succeed with such [a state] must needs cheat the people. 313 But the people's love for me is like the pleasure they take in the chiao and the lan plants for their fragrance; it is joyous as [the love between] father and son. 314 They regard their superiors as men with poisonous beestingers. 315 Though there be a Chieh or a Chih, is [anyone] going to be willing on the behalf of those he most hates to injure those whom he most loves? This is like [trying to] make a man's sons and grandsons injure their own parents; the former will notify them in advance, 316 so how can you use guile?
"Furthermore, the troops of the man characterized by jên form companies when together, and when separated they form ranks. Extended, they are like the long sword Mo-yeh: 317 those running up against them are cut in two. In a salient they are like the sharp point of Mo-yeh: those who oppose them are destroyed. In surrounding [operations] they are immovable as hills and mountains. In square formations they are like a great boulder that cannot be disloged; those that butt against them retreat with broken horns and cracked joints. So how can you use guile? The Ode says, 318
This is said of the military tactics of T`ang and Wu."
King Hsiao-ch`êng withdrew from the mat, clasped his hands 321 and said, "Though I am not intelligent, I ask to rely on the Master's military tactics."
The ruler 322 who has received the heavenly mandate adjusts his clothes and cap and puts on a dignified attitude, and the people, regarding him from afar, trust him. 323 Next to him is the one whom they trust from having heard him speak. Next is the one whom they trust after viewing his conduct. But he is lowest of all 324 whom everyone mistrusts after seeing his conduct. The Ode says, 325
In antiquity they understood the empire without going out of doors. They perceived 326 the Way of Heaven without looking out of their windows. This was not because their eyes could see a thousand li ahead, nor because their ears could hear [sounds] a thousand 327li away, but because they measured others by their own feelings. 328 From their own dislike of hunger and cold they understood the empire's desire for food and clothing; from their own dislike of toil and suffering they understood the empire's desire for peace and ease; from their own dislike of decay and poverty they understood the empire's desire for riches and abundance. 329 Understanding these things was how the sage-kings put the empire in order without descending from the mats [on which they were sitting]. Hence the way of the superior man rests [solely] on sincereity and compassion. 330 Now, hunger and thirst troubling blood and ch`i, cold and heat acting on the skin, 331 these four are the great misfortunes of the people. It is impossible to teach or control them unless these misfortunes are removed. 332 If the four limbs are not covered, there will be few persons practicing jên. If the five viscera are empty, there will be no gentlemen established [in the way of virtue]. 333 Therefore, after the method of the former kings, the Son of Heaven personally tilled the soil, and the Empress and Imperial Concubines tended the silkworms, making themselves the first in the Empire to care for food and clothing. The Ode says, 334
1. SY 1.1a-b lacks ## and presents the paragraph as a dialogue between Yin-wên ## and King Hsüan of Ch`i. Shun is not mentioned, and the whole is condensed, though SY also has the quotation at the end. Lu shih (##) 12.26b is based on HSWC.
2. Meaning that Shun gave an example of frugality by not leaving food on his plate. CHy says ## is a vulgar form of ##, which is the reading in Ch`u-hsüeh chi 1.15a; TPYL 757.8b likewise. (Chao 71.)
3. ##: Ch`u-hsüeh chi, loc cit., has ##, wrongly, CHy thinks; see note 5. TPYL 81.3a is the same, with ## for ##. (Chao.)
4. ##: CHy quotes Lü Ching ## as cited by Pei Yin, "a vessel for food is called ##." Its usual meaning is "sacrificial vessel." HFT 3.5b applies the line to Yao.
5. ## "and farmers did not offend by being strong"; this makes no sense with the preceding. Chao thinks that the sentence ##, which in Ch`u-hsüeh chi and TPYL follows ## (see note 3 above), should be here. Lu shih has this reading.
6. ⊙ 7 ##: B, C have ⊙ 8 "vase." Chou suggests that ⊙ 9 may be an error for ##, used for ##, and so in the translation. CHy quotes the expressions ## and ## from SSTC and YTCC respectively, and accordingly would make ⊙ 10 ## or ##, giving the meaning of "crooked collars."
7. For this character see the table on p. 358.
8. For this character see the table on p. 358.
9. For this character see the table on p. 358.
10. For this character see the table on p. 358.
11. For ## I follow Chao and read ## as in Lu shih.
12. ##: CHy suspects that ## should be omitted, but Chao cites Lu shih, which has ## without ##, and so in the translation.
13. For ## I follow CHy, B, C to read ##.
14. Yi King 349.
15. B, C, and the Yüan ed. insert the quotation from Shih 574 No. 270 here and also repeat it at the end.
16. Shih 574 No. 270.
17. B, C have ## for ##. Legge punctuates after ##, making it the name of a mountain: see his note in loc.
18. Parallel accounts occur in LSCC 6.7a-7b (Wilhelm 74); SSTC 2.15a-b; Shih chi 3.7a (Mém. hist. 1.190); SY 10.7b-8a, 1.15b-16a-b. HSWC is based directly on LSCC; see note 2.
19. There are three rulers variously associated with this incident, and Chao (72-3) has assembled the citations for each: LSCC agrees with HSWC in making it T`ang; Shih chi, Ti-wang shih-chi 29b, Shu ching (preface) 6, SY 1.16a-b, 10.7b-8a, and Chia-yü 1.27b-28a have T`ai-mou ##; SSTC, SY 1.15b-16a, Lun hêng 5.1a, 2.11a, and Hsin lun 9.5b, have Wu-ting ##. Chao remarks that such accounts as this were valued for the virtuous conduct depicted, and no effort was made to attach them always to the same sage. ## is defined by Yen Shih-ku (Han shu 25.3a) as a kind of mulberry.
20. The other versions are divided between one and seven days. (Chao 74.)
21. ##: Chao thinks ## should follow ##.
22. This description of the conscientious ruler appears again in HSWC 3/17. It is a stock formula for the accumulation of moral power (tê).
23. ##: here not "unlucky omens" as in DM 417 (24).
24. Shih 576 No. 272.
25. This passage is from LSCC 6.7b-8a (Wilhelm 74-5), following almost immediately on the section above (3/2). In each case the quotation of the Ode is Han Ying's addition.
26. For ## "in the sixth month of the year," I follow B, C and read ##.
27. Chou prefers the easier reading in LSCC: ## "Heaven lets evil omens appear to punish the guilty."
28. ##: both Chou and CHy agree that ## should be expunged. LSCC has ##, where ## looks like a contamination from a commentary. Han Ying's version certainly lacked the words, but the resulting text made the insertion of ## an attractive emendation to someone who did not recognize the following ## as King Wên's name, and wanted the line to read "We cannot prosper by such means."
29. ##: both Chou and CHy would expunge ##. CHy has ## for ##. LSCC has ##.
30. ##: likewise LSCC. I do not understand what is implied by ##. The phrase ## occurs in Mencius 176 (1B/15.1) meaning gifts of skins and silks, and presumably that is the meaning required here.
31. ##. LSCC after ## reads ##, etc. Accordingly Chou would delete ## and punctuate after ##: ". . . to confer on those who were deserving and on the several ministers. When he had put these into practice, it was not long before his illness was cured."
32. Both Chou and CHy would supply ## from LSCC before ##, which otherwise makes an awkward beginning for a sentence.
33. Shih 576 No. 272.
34. Based on Hsün-tzŭ 5.8b-9a (Dubs 131-2) with considerable rephrasing in the first part.
35. ## . . . I follow CHy and omit ##. Hsün-tzŭ has simply ## ##, where Wang Hsien-ch`ien takes ## to be the same as ## "rank, degree." HSWC, by adding ##, makes it necessary to take ## transitively.
36. ##: CHy B, C, D, Hsün-tzŭ have ## for ##. Yang Liang (Hsün-tzŭ 6.3b) defines ## as "those who draw a salary though they are worthless" ## ##.
37. ##: Yang Liang, ibid.: ## "those who eat though idle."
38. Shih 578 No. 273.
39. Adapted from Hsün-tzŭ 4.11a-12b (Dubs 102-3).
40. ## here refers to Hsün-tzŭ, where the words are lacking.
41. B, C have ## for ##.
42. I. e., from his teacher.
43. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##.
44. ## 。 ##: Hsün-tzŭ is more definite: ##. ##.
45. ##: grammatically it is interesting that Han Ying has changed the inverted form (##), normal to the style of Mencius and Hsün-tzŭ.
46. Add ## before ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. (Chou.)
47. ##: the relations between prince and minister, father and son, husband and wife. Cf. Po-hu t`ung 7.15a. Hsün-tzŭ simply has ##.
48. ##: for ## CHy, B, C have ## "move." Hsün-tzŭ has ##, a word frequently written ## in HSWC; cf. the opening sentence above.
49. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##, and the similarity of ## and ## may have caused the substitution of ## for ##. Chou also would emend to ##.
50. Shih 578 No. 273.
51. Cf. Shih chi 44.44a-5b (Mém. hist. 5. 143-7); SY 2.5b-7a. The Shih chi version is very close to HSWC, while SY, with many variants in wording, seems to represent another source, or more likely a free rewriting of the story of Liu Hsiang.
52. ##: SY has ##, and LSCC 19.19a mentions a younger brother of Marquis Wên of Wei named ##. (Chou and CHy.) Chao (76) agrees with Liu T`ai-kung (in Ching-chuan hsiao-chi 27b) in preferring ##, but Shih-chi has ##.
53. Lit., ## is "consult you as an oracle."
54. Wei Ch`êng-tzŭ is the younger brother of Marquis Wên; see note 2.
55. Namely Wu Ch`i ##, according to SY 2.8a (Mém. hist. 145, note 1).
56. CHy adds ## from HSWC 8/9, where the name occurs in that form.
57. Chao would add ## as in Shih chi and in the same sentence below.
58. CHy, B, C have ## for ##, likewise Shih chi and SY, which last two lack ##, and Chao thinks is should be omitted. The number seems high indeed for a daily allowance, a chung being approximately 280 liters in Han times. (Cf. Dubs, op. cit.)
59. ##: after ## CHy adds ## and Chao agrees that it is necessary to make the meaning clear. Shih chi has ##
60. Shih 578 No. 273.
61. Condensed from two separate passages in Hsün-tzŭ: 5.4b-5a (Dubs 126-7) and 4.5a (Dubs 95).
62. I.e., as a preliminary to taxation. ##, lit. "to enumerate, calculate"; cf. HSWC 2/27: ##, and especially Kuan-tzŭ 2.4b: ##. ## "Do not neglect the yield of the land. In reckoning the amount, the important part must be derived from [previous] estimates.
63. ##. I follow Yang Liang, who says it means "to get the people's hearts" ##. Yü Yüeh (Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 3.1b) disagrees and thinks ## "govern," but such an interpretation destroys the distinction made in the next sentence.
64. Cf. Mencius 317 (4B/2.2).
65. ##: both Chou and CHy would emend ## to ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. Several lines from Hsün-tzŭ have been omitted before this sentence.
66. For ## D has ##, and ## for ##. Hsün-tzŭ 4.5a begins with this sentence.
67. With Chao Yu-wen (109) supply ## before ## as in the similar line in HSWC 6/23.
68. Yang Liang defines ## as ## hsien "to appear."
69. Cf. Tso chuan 466 (Hsiang 14): "Then the people will maintain their ruler, love him as a parent, look up to him as the sun and moon, revere him as they do spiritual Beings, and stand in awe of him as of thunder."
70. Shih 579 No. 274/4.
71. ##: Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 15.9a) gives ## as the Han shih reading. (Chao.)
72. Tso chuan 58.3b-4a (Legge 810) has been the source for Chia-yü 9.24b-25a and SY 1.17b, though the later has also used HSWC, which deviates considerably from Tsochuan; however, the texts are connected, perhaps by a common source.
73. Tso chuan, SY, and Chia-yü all write ## King Chao.
74. ##: B, C and the Yüan ed. have ## for ##, and both Chou and CHy think the line should read ##.
75. ##: as in Mencius 303 (4A/12.1): ##: "if one, on turning his thoughts inwards, finds a want of sincerity . . . ."
76. Shih 582 No. 276.
77. Legge translates, "Ah! Ah! Ye assistants," and in a note says "the meaning of ## is quite undetermined." In the context of the Ode my version is impossible, but here we have a good example of the way Han Ying takes isolated lines out of context and puts them to use because of some fancied connection with the preceding composition. Possibly a pun ## is intended.
78. After ## Chih-yao 8.28b, TPYL 738.8a have ##, which Chao (78) would add here.
79. ##: cf. HTNCSW 12.8b-10b, sec. ##, where Wang Ping's com. says it means "weak and without the power of movement" ##.
80. ##: Chou identifies it with ##, for which cf. ibid. 11a-14b, sec. ##.
81. ##: Chou says it is ## "to cough"; cf. ibid. 21.8b, and passim.
82. ##: Chou says, "A swelling due to poison. When the belly and limbs both swell up it is shui. If only the belly is swollen, and the limbs not much so, it is chang" ## 。 ## 。 ##
83. ##: Chou says, "The inside is filled up. It is a disease of fullness produced by stored-up cold" ## 。 ##. Shih chi 105.14b: Pien-ch`iao has diagnosed an illness as ##. His explanation: ". . . the yang ch`i is exhausted and the yin ch`i enters. When the yin ch`i enters the belly, the cold ch`i rises and the hot ch`i descends; that is why his chest filled up" ## ##.
84. ##: Chou says it means "the four limbs cramped and not capable of being bent or straightened" ##.
85. ##: CHy follows TPYL, loc. cit., and writes ##. Chou says it is the same as ##, which he defines as "vomit and nausea, so that both upper and lower parts become diseased." ##. As the basic meaning is "diaphragm" or "partition" and the text below puns on it (##), I translate "obstruction."
86. ##: Wang Ping's com. on HTNCSW 1.16a defines it as "fever" ##. Chou specifies that internal heat is ## and external is ##.
87. ##: Yü Shu's com. on Nan ching 5.12b says, "Now when a disorder has its seat in the blood vessels, the lungs will be diseased. A chill will result in a cough, while heat (fever?) will give rise to ch`uan" ## ##.
88. ##: cf. HTNCSW 12.4b-8a, sec. ##. "Pi is produced from the haphazard combination of the three ch`i, [namely] fêng, han, and shih. If the fêng ch`i is in ascendancy, it produces a pi affecting the gait. If the han ch`i is in ascendancy, it produces a painful pi. If the shih ch`i is in ascendancy, the pi produced is apparent to the sight" ## 。 ## ##.
89. ##: cf. ibid. 12. 1a-4a, sec. ##. There are several varieties, and Chou says this is li fêng ##: "When the cold [principle] of fêng takes up its residence in the blood vessels and does not depart, it is termed li fêng, or `chills and fever.' " ## ## (ibid. 12.2a). Wang Ping says, "First there are chills and fever. When the fever reaches its height it is called li fêng" ## 。 ##. Further on the text says, "Hence fêng is the most lasting of all diseases. When it comes to the point of changing, it turns into another disease" ## 。 ## (2b). The term occurs in Tso chuan 581 (Chao 1): ## "An excess of fêng [produces] diseases of the extremities."
90. Preventing an excess of activity in governing.
91. The ruler suffers from the symptoms he is responsible for inducing.
92. ## also means "to receive."
93. The ruler suffers from the symptoms he is responsible for inducing.
94. The ruler suffers from the symptoms he is responsible for inducing.
95. To exercise a restraining effect; see note 13.
96. The ruler suffers from the symptoms he is responsible for inducing.
97. ##: Chao thinks it is better to read ## for ## with Chih-yao, loc. cit.: "superiors aid and commiserate inferiors."
98. The ruler suffers from the symptoms he is responsible for inducing.
99. ## also means "trouble, annoyance."
100. Anger produces analagous symptoms.
101. The connection is not immediately apparent.
102. A pun on ## "satire."
103. Chih-yao, loc. cit., has ## after ##. (Chao.)
104. Shih 501 No. 254/4.
105. ## "medicine," perhaps the associated word responsible for making this the line quoted.
106. D correctly makes this part of sec. 9; the number sequence of the Ode quoted should be 276-280. The introduction of No. 254 from Paragraph 9 spoils the sequence.
107. Cf. Li Ki 1.319: ## "The dumb, the deaf, the lame, such as had lost a member, pigmies, and mechanics, were all fed according to what work they were able to do." (Legge 1.244.) Chou equates ## and ##, as meaning "those with a limb amputated" ##, and so in the translation, but Chao (79-80) makes ## in the sense of "short," so the compound for him would mean "stunted."
108. Shih 587 No. 280.
109. ##: Legge has "blind musicians," as of course they were.
110. Li chi 50.5b-6a (Legge 2.259) and TTLC 2.1a-b both include this passage in a longer argument: "Thus if the ritual of marriage were discontinued, the path of husband and wife would be embittered, and there would be many offences of licentiousness and depravity. If the ritual of drinking ceremonies at country feasts were discontinued, the order between old and young would be neglected, and quarrelsome litigations would be numerous.... If the ritual of friendly messages and court attendances were discontinued, the positions of ruler and subject would fall into disuse, the conduct of the feudal princes would be evil, and the ruin wrought by rebellion, encroachment, and oppression would ensue." HSWC varies slightly by repeating ## Since this represents a clarification of the text, I would assume the version represented in the two Li collections to be the older.
111. Chao Yu-wen (110) would emend ## to ## "forget their ancestors," as suggested by Wang Nien-sun.
112. Shih 373 No. 209/6.
113. That this does not properly begin a new paragraph is apparent from the atypical quotation from the "Hsiao-ya," and the fact that the Ode quoted below is a non sequitur if limited to these lines. Note also the numerical sequence from § 10: 280-291. I have kept the usual number of paragraphs to facilitate reference to the various editions and to Chao.
114. Cf. Shih 586 No. 279. B, C follow Mao shih and write ## for ##.
115. Shih 588 No. 281 (382 No. 212/4, 445 No. 239/4).
116. This section is a collection of three anecdotes about King Wu's conquest of the Shang. The first, concerning inauspicious omens, is roughly paralleled in SY 13.17a-b, where first the wind breaks King Wu's flag, then a flood occurs, and finally the tortoise shell used for divination is consumed by fire. Master San-i ## objects each time, and always King Wu has a favorable interpretation. The next deals with the advice proffered King Wu by his ministers. SSTC 3.3a-4a seems to be the source here for SY 5.4a-b, which agrees in having the Duke of Shao among the advisers. HSWC varies considerably from both of them. The last account is of King Wu's acts after his conquest. It occurs in an abbreviated form in the SSTC version with some verbal identity. Li chi 39.11b-14a (Legge 2.123-5) is very close to HSWC, but contains lines lacking in the latter. Shu ching 315-6 contains a few lines of this passage, but the section in question (##) belongs to the `old text.' Shih chi 4.12a, 14b (Mém.hist. 1.239, 243-4) reproduces some of this, but the order is quite different.
117. All texts have ## "shields." With CHy I follow TPYL 776.4a to emend to ##. Lei-chü 59.5a, Shu ch`ao 141.5b, TPYL 328.4a likewise. (Chao 80.) I emend also the occurrence of ## below.
118. ##: TPYL 328.4a, Lei-chü, loc. cit., lack ##, and Chao thinks it is better omitted.
119. Lei-chü, loc. cit., TPYL 328.4a, 776.4a lack ##; the first two citations have ##. and Chao (81) prefers this as balancing ## above.
120. ##: SSTC is less terse: ##.
121. ## is a variant of ##. B, C mistakenly write ##. Chêng Hsüan's com. on SSTC explains it as ## "village walls." Sun Chih-tzŭ (quoted by Chao as from Tu-shu ts`o lu, but not in the HCCC ed.) equates it with ## as in Li Shang-yin's poem (Li I-shan shih chi 5.4b) ##, where it means "bamboo fence." He disagrees with those who (like Chu Ch`i-fêng, TT 262-3) would make this and its variants mean "servants." SY 5.4a writes ##. (Chao.)
122. Cf. Shu ching 482 (5/16.15).
123. ##: SSTC has ##, and SY ## ##. Ssŭ-k`u ch`üan-shu k`ao-chêng suggests ## for ##, and Chao agrees, as the meaning would then be near to that of SSTC. CHy thinks the text is defective, and I have added the phrase ## from SSTC and SY to complete the sentence.
124. ##: hence the new name (Hsiu-wu) for Ning below.
125. ##: hence the new name (Hsiu-wu) for Ning below.
126. Shih 436 No. 236/8.
127. All texts have ## as in Mao shih, but Ching-tien shih-wên (## B. 2a) gives ## as the Han shih reading, and Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 11.9b-10a) agrees. (Chao 82.) Karlgren, BMFEA 17.66 seems to have followed the Han shih reading.
128. For ## "return to" read ## with Chêng Hsüan's com. on Li chi, loc. cit. (Chou.)
129. For Shang Jung cf. HSWC 2/19.
130. According to Chêng Hsüan's com., loc. cit., a lost song.
131. Shih 36 No. 25.
132. ##: only the central part of the Ming-t`ang, called the ##, was used for sacrifices. Cf. Legge, Li Ki 1.29 for a note on it, and Couvreur, Li Ki 1.332 for a diagram.
133. For ## CHy, following Li chi, writes ## "learned to be subjects," and continues from Li chi, "He plowed in the field set apart for that purpose and thereafter the feudal lords learned about respect."
134. For ## cf. TTLC 3.8b and § 16 below. The ceremony referred to here is mentioned in Li Ki 1.313 (3/5.2): "Those of 50 years received their nourishment in the [schools of the] districts; those of 60, theirs in the [smaller school of the] state, and those of 70, theirs in the college." (Legge 1.240.)
135. Shih 594 No. 285.
136. ##: I follow Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.5a) and emend to ## ##. (Chao 82.)
137. This paragraph is translated from an inferior text by Legge, Shih, Proleg. 89.
138. Shên Hsiang (in Ch'un-shu tsa-i 1.1a) remarks that they were not contemporaries, and that Han Ying must have been ignorant of the fact. Chao (82) suggests that there may have been another Min-tzŭ.
139. Cf. Li Ki 1.4: "I have heard in accordance with etiquette of [scholars] coming to learn; I have not heard of [the master] going to teach." (Legge 1.63.)
140. For ## D has ##; so Legge, who punctuates before ##.
141. ##: Chou says ## should be read like ## as in ## (Li Ki 1.17): "holding up your robe, go quickly to a corner [of the mat]."
142. Shih 599 No. 288.
143. Cf. Li chi 36.2a-b (Legge 2.82-3), where the first two sentences and the conclusion, beginning with ## are lacking. Legge, Shih, Proleg. 89-90 translates this passage.
145. Analects 157 (3/8.3).
146. I. e., Tzŭ-hsia.
147. Shih 599 No. 288.
148. Cf. Li chi 36.14a (Legge 2.88).
149. Li chi follows this with "Thus it is that there are two among his subjects whom the ruler does not treat as subjects. When one is personating [his ancestor], he does not treat him as such, nor does he treat his master as such."
150. This sentence does not occur in Li chi.
151. Shih 599 No. 288.
152. I have used Karlgren's translation of this line (BMFEA 17.92).
153. Cf. Tso chuan 9.3a-b (Legge 88, Chuang 11), where occasional identity of phrase betrays a connection with the present text; however the variations are too considerable for either to be considered the direct source of the other. SY 1.16b-17a seems to be taken from HSWC; it includes the Ode quoted at the end.
154. The Tso chuan dates it in the 11th year of Duke Chuang of Lu (B.C. 682).
155. ##: through an intermediary, who speaks for the prince in the first person.
156. CHy says, "This event appears in the Ch`un-ch`iu under the 11th year of [Duke] Chuang, at which time Confucius was not yet born. Tso chuan writes Tsang Wên-chung and below attributes a speech to his father Tsang Sun-ta. It seems that Wên-chung is also a mistaken entry. Most appropriate is SY's `A superior man heard of it.' " Chou makes substantially the same comment. It is noteworthy that Han Ying has not dated the event, so that as the story occurs in HSWC there is no apparant anachronism, yet Liu Hsiang has changed his text—but not to the Tso chuan reading.
157. This expression occurs in HSWC 3/2.
158. Shih 599 No. 288.
159. B. C follow Mao shih to write ## for ##.
160. SY 8.12b-13a is identical, with a few minor variants.
161. ## is the title of Shih No. 182.
162. ## "to make people want to come and see him." B, C have ## for ##. CHy follows the quotation in Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 47.3b-4a, ## ##, which is also the reading of SY. Because of the repeated occurrence of ## in the text below, I have followed CHy.
163. After ## CHy adds ## from SY. The Wên hsüan com. has ##, and Chao (82) agrees with CHy. There is still a difficulty with the ## . . . ## in the following phrase, which I should take as "there was one who," etc.
164. ##: CHy adds this sentence from the Wên hsüan com., loc. cit., and SY.
165. Shih 501 No. 254/3.
166. CHy prefixes ## from SY.
167. I follow CHy and SY to read ## for ##. Chao Yu-wen maintains that ## can mean ## "richly," and would retain that reading.
168. Shih 605 No. 292.
169. For ## B, C have ## as in Mao shih. I have followed Karlgren, (BMFEA 17.93) in translating ##.
170. CHy would add ## from SY. It requires another interpretation of ## than the traditional "foot of the stairs."
171. Cf. HSWC 7/7: "Though the filial son may wish to support them [indefinitely], his parents cannot tarry [forever]."
172. Cf. Mencius 164 (1B/5.5), where the order of the phrases is reversed.
173. ##: the expression ## has sexual connotations; cf. HSWC 1/20. The following deals with cosmogony.
174. Cf. Yi King 384, which continues, "Thus arose the benefit of canoes and oars for the help of those who had no means of intercourse with others. They could now reach the most distant parts, and all under heaven were benefited."
175. This sentence occurs in Hsün-tzŭ 5.11a. (Chou.)
176. Cf. Mencius 217 (2B/4.2): "the old and feeble lying in the ditches and water channels." CHy, B, C have ## for ##: "the corpses of the dead are not cast away."
177. Shih 606 No. 293. Legge translates ## as "Oh! Powerful was the king's army"; likewise Karlgren (BMFEA 17.93). I suspect that Han Ying's text read ## for Mao's ##, so that the quotation aptly follows his last sentence, ##. See note 6, § 20 below for my version of the second line.
178. ## "breath," but used technically here as in HSWC 3/9, note 11.
179. ## CHy interchanges ## and ## from TPYL 59.1b; likewise D. Chao also cites Po-t`ich 2.37a and TPYL 26.8b, which are the same, though the latter has ##, a contamination from LSCC. Certainly the passage makes sense only by the interchange. Chou quotes LSCC 25.5a: ## ⊙, ## ⊙180 ## "In summer they did not wear furs; not that they grudged the furs, but there was [already] warmth enough. In winter they did not use fans; not that they grudged the fans, but there was [already] enough of freshness." (Wilhelm 437.)
180. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
181. ##: D has ##. The words are also confused in HSWC 7/7.
182. ##: I do not know what ## means here. PWYF lists only this passage.
183. 606 No. 293. Cf. HSWC 3/19, note 7.
184. ##. No dictionary meaning of ## fits the present context. I suppose some extention of meaning—dark times = bad times—might answer, but the grammar of the line remains peculiar; cf. HSWC 5/23.
185. HFT 14.4b is the oldest extant parallel to this anecdote, which HSWC has adapted with some modifications. Huai-nan tzŭ 12.11b follows HSWC, including the quotation from Lao-tzŭ, which is lacking in HFT. Shih chi 119.3a has the same story, but entirely rewriten. Hsin hsü 7.8a likewise shows no direct filiation with the other accounts.
186. Hsin hsü has ## "a minister of Chêng."
187. HFT has, "To receive the fish would certainly give the appearance of condescending to others. With the appearance of condescending to others, I would be misusing the law, and by misusing the law, I would lose my place as minister" ## ##.
188. ##: Chao (85) would precede this with ## to balance the sentence before (##), and also would expunge the ##. Huai-nan tzŭ has ## ##.
189. ##: "From this it is clear that, in so far as fish is concerned, [it is best to be] independent." I follow CHy and omit the ##. Huai-nan tzŭ has ## ## "This shows clearly what is done for others and what is done for oneself." HFT has ## ##: "This shows clearly that it is better to depend on oneself than to depend on others, that it is better to act for oneself than to have others act on one's behalf."
190. Cf. Tao tê ching 1.3b-4a.
191. Shih 613 No. 297/4.
192. Hsün-tzŭ 20.2a-3b furnishes the basis of this story, and is followed by Chia-yü 1.5b-7a practically verbatim. HSWC makes considerable changes in the wording and order of the sentences, which for the most part are followed by SY 7.6a-b.
193. According to Hsün-tzŭ this was at the time when he was in charge of punishments in Lu. (Chou.)
194. ##. This might be forced to mean "Among the people the impropriety of lawsuits between fathers and sons has been going on for a long time," but I prefer the SY reading, which adds ## after ##.
195. CHy emends to the SY reading: ## (SY has ##) ## "put to death one man as a censure for the unfilial." As Hsün-tzŭ also has ##, Chao (86) agrees. I regard the HSWC reading as a deliberate modification.
196. ##: B, C, D mistakenly write ## for ##. Yang Liang explains it as a "gentle slope" ##, which fits here, but is hard to reconcile with ## ## in the next line. Lu Wên-ch`ao quotes Huai-nan tzŭ 20.7b ## "A mountain is able to achieve its height through successive ridges," and says ## means "successive ridges" ##. The usual meaning of "degeneration" makes the best sense, if it is understood to mean something like "erosion" when applied to the mountain.
197. Shih 311 No. 191/3.
198. Hsün-tzŭ and Chia-yü have ## after ##; likewise SY, but with ## for ##. Hsün-tzŭ 10.14b repeats the line, introducing it with ## "the traditional saying." I have followed Hsün-tzŭ. Yang Liang says ## means "hold up" ##, and paraphrases, ## "He merely holds up his authority without making use of it." Wang Nien-sun objects to Yang's equating ## with ## as unsupported and prefers the usual meaning of "severe."
199. Shih 599 No. 288.
200. Shih 353 No. 203/1.
201. B begins a new section here.
202. ##: I follow CHy to read ##. The parallel texts all stop with this line.
203. Chou quotes KTT 2.1b-2a: "Confucius said, `If you compare controlling the people through rites (li) with driving a chariot, they are the reins. By the same metaphor punishments are the whip. Grasping the reins here and allowing movement there is good driving. But if you apply a stick without using the reins, your horses will go off the road.' " ## ## 。 ## 。 ## ##.
204. Shih 85 No. 52/3.
205. Cf. Analects 353 (23/3.3): "To put the people to death without having instructed them;—this is called cruelty. To require from them, [suddenly], the full tale of work, without having given them warning,—this is called oppression. To issue orders as if without urgency, [at first], and, when the time comes, [to insist on them with severity]; —this is called injury." Hsün-tzŭ has ## 。 ##, ## 。 ## 。 "To punish with rigor [the neglect of] offhand orders is injurious. Now when living things have their seasons, to make unseasonable exactions is oppressive. Without instruction to hold [the people] to the completion of a task is cruel." Chia-yü, ## 。 ## 。 ## is clearly derived from Hsün-tzŭ. The saying was a traditional one, and HSWC has probably not taken it directly from either Analects or Hsün-tzŭ; cf. also HSWC 3/24: ##.
206. Shih 617 No. 299/2.
207. SY 1.4a-b includes this story, minus the moral (from ##), in a paragraph beginning with the praise of Yao by Prince Hsien of Ho-chien.
208. ##: I follow CHy and emend to ##. CKT 7.4a has ##. CHy says ##, ##, and ## are variants.
209. Read ## for ## with CHy, B, C.
210. ##: Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 1331) says that ## should be ##, since P`êng-tsê is the name of a district, not of a lake. SY and CKT have ##.
211. For ## Chou would follow SY, ## "He completed his teachings."
212. Read ## for ## with Chou.
213. Shih 617 No. 299/2.
214. Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 76.6a-b attributes the following to Hsin hsü: "When Tzŭ-ch`an died the people of the state all beat their breasts and wept. For three months the sound of organ and lute was not heard. Alive he was loved, and dead it was fitting he should be mourned. Truly it is said, `There is no greater virtue than jên and no greater evil than severity.' Now when you, Sir, are ill, people congratulate [one another], and when you recover they are afraid and say, `Alas! How evil is our fate!' Tsang-sun was ashamed and resigned his place, not going out [to take office] again for the rest of his life." D: ## ## 。 ## 。 ## 。 ## ##.
215. Analects 353 (20/2.3); cf. HSWC 3/22, note 14.
216. Shih 617 No. 299/2.
217. This section and the next (§ 26) seem to be inspired by an enigmatic statement in Analects 192 (6/21): "The Master said, `The wise find pleasure in water; the virtuous (##) find pleasure in hills.' " Mencius 324 (4B/18) elucidates: "The disciple Hsü said, `Chung-ni often praised water, saying, "O water! O water!" What did he find in water [to praise]?' Mencius replied, `There is a spring of water, how it gushes out! It rests not day nor night. It fills up every hole, and then advances, flowing on to the four seas. Such is water having a spring! It was this which he found in it to praise.' " No trace of this appears in the HSWC account, nor in SY 17.22b-23a, except the phrase ##. While SY is not closely parallel with HSWC, it must be directly based on it, for it ends by quoting the same lines from the Shih and makes the succeeding section (HSWC 3/26) part of the same paragraph. Ch`unch`iu fan-lu 16.2b is similar and ends by quoting Analects 222 (9/16): "The Master standing by a stream, said, `It passes on just like this, not ceasing day or night!' "
218. For ## read ## with CHy after TPYL 59.1a; likewise SY.
219. ##: with CHy, B, C, SY and TPYL, loc. cit., read ##.
220. ##: this phrase is omitted in TPYL, loc. cit., and Lei chü 8.10b; likewise SY.
221. Shih 617 No. 299/3.
222. Read ## before ## with all other texts; cf. the parallel phrase at the end of § 26 below.
223. Cf. SY 17.23a-b and HSWC 3/25, note 1. KTT 1.14b-15a and SSTC 5.11b-12a are very close and seem to represent another version. Ch`un-ch`iu fan-lu 16.2a-b (## ##) expresses the same idea in different language.
224. ##: SY has ##. Lei-chü 7.2b has ## ##. KTT: ##. SSTC: ##. Chao (88) thinks the HSWC text is defective. As it stands it might mean "from all over there flourishes taking and giving—i. e., exchange." I suggest it be emended to read ## ## on the basis of SY, the Lei-chü citation, and SSTC.
225. I follow CHy, B, C to read ⊙ 226 for ##. Lei-chü has ## 。 ## ##. SY: ##. KTT: ## SSTC likewise, with ## for ##. I follow Chao and take ## as a graphic error for ##.
226. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
227. TPYL 38.2b varies considerably, and is close enough to SY to have been taken from it: ## ## "Useful materials grow there, precious things which men treasure up are planted there, the birds that fly assemble there, the beasts that walk hide there. [Mountains] nourish all living things untiringly; they resemble the man characterized by jên, and this is why those characterized by jên take pleasure in mountains." With the exception of the first phrase and the one next to last, this is the same as SY. Cf. also DM 421 (26/9): "The mountain now before us appears only a stone; but when contemplated in all the vastness of its size, we see how the grass and trees are produced on it, and birds and beasts dwell on it, and precious things which men treasure up are found on it."
228. Shih 627 No. 300/6.
229. For ## Mao shih has ##.
230. ##: Mao shih has ##.
231. This section seems to have been adapted from LSCC 24.6b-7a (Wilhelm 424-5), where "Uncle Fan" however is not mentioned. SY 6.2b-3b follows HSWC closely, but unless HSWC is defective, has also used LSCC; see note 7. Shih chi 39.20b-21a (Mém. hist. 4.296-7) applies the anecdote to a Hu-shu ##, with slight similarity in wording.
232. LSCC omits the ## which indicates that he was a second son.
233. Yang Liang (Hsün-tzŭ 9.2b) says ## is the same as ##.
234. CHy adds ## after ## as in SY.
235. SY has ## for ## and ## for ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 2134) says, "The old script form of ## was ##, which in form is similar to ##; hence Han mistakenly wrote ##." (Chao 89.) To change ## requires recasting the sentence and reading also ## with SY: "who were virtuous in conduct and completely sincere."
236. I add ## with CHy from SY.
237. LSCC and SY continue with minor variants, " `When it comes to those who endured hardship, this gentleman will certainly be the first. How would I dare forget him?' Shu-hsing, the Chou Historiographer of the Interior, said on hearing of this, `Duke Wên will be hegemon! Of old the saintly kings put virtue to the fore and kept back force. Duke Wên has conducted himself in such a manner.' " SY goes on to quote from the same Ode as HSWC, and it may be that HSWC originally had something corresponding to these lines.
238. Shih 639 No. 304/2. I have followed Karlgren (BMFEA 17.98).
239. ##: this is not clear.
240. From Hsün-tzŭ 3.7a-8b (Dubs 73-75) with considerable variation in wording.
241. I. e., of the Emperor Shun.
242. Shih 640 No. 304/3. I have used Karlgren's translation, ibid.
243. Legge translates, "And in T`ang was found the subject for its display." Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 18.5a) says, "HSWC quotes the ode ## and says `ancient and modern are identical,' so it is quoting it to witness that `the early saints and the later saints are to be reckoned as one.' This shows that ## is to be taken as meaning `on the same level.' "
244. This is taken verbatim from Mencius 316 (4B/1).
245. ## is lacking in Mencius.
246. Shih 640 No. 304/3; cf. HSWC 3/28, notes 3 and 4.
247. Hsün-tzŭ 20.1a-b is the source for HSWC, which is followed by SY 10.3b-4a with variants not due to any of the other versions. Chia-yü 2.13a-b has copied from Hsün-tzŭ with only minor variants. Huai-nan tzŭ 12.19a-b and Wên-tzŭ 3.13b are very similar, but where the former is related to the Hsün-tzŭ series by making Confucius the chief figure, the latter does not mention him but begins, "Hence the Three August Ones and the Five Emperors had warning vessels." Legge, Shih, Proleg. 90 translates this passage.
248. ##: likewise SY. Hsün-tzŭ, Chia-yü, and Huai-nan tzŭ all write ## ## also KTCY 1.7a, quoting HSWC. (Chao 91.)
249. Yang Liang says, "## is the same as ## `right.' It means a ruler should put it to the right of his seat as a warning. . . . Some say it is the same as ##, meaning `to urge.' Wên-tzŭ . . . has ##." Legge's "a vessel of the festive board" is not very exact. For ## CHy writes ## as in Hsün-tzŭ, likewise below.
250. KTCY A.4b has ## before ## and ## before ##. Likewise SY. (Chao 91.)
251. KTCY, loc. cit., has changed the order to agree with Hsün-tzŭ and Chia-yü, adding ## (for ##) "The enlightened prince considers it as conveying a warning," presumably from the latter.
252. KTCY, loc. cit., adds ## "When things reach fullness they decline; when joy reaches its extreme it becomes grief; when the sun reaches the center [of the sky] it begins to descend; when the moon is full it begins to wane." Huai-nan tzŭ seems to have been the source for this. Wên-tzŭ is similar. (Chao 92.)
253. ##: HSWC 8/31 has ## and Chao would change this to agree; but 3/31 is the same as the present passage.
254. This list varies in each of the other versions. It is repeated in nearly the same form in HSWC 3/31, 8/31.
255. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
256. This section falls into two parts, both of which appear to be a development of Hsün-tzŭ 20.20b-22b, though the parallel is not close. In Hsün-tzŭ the whole is presented in the form of admonitions to the tutor of Po-ch`in, son of the Duke of Chou, on his being given the fief of Lu. In HSWC the first part describes the Duke of Chou's career; it occurs also in HSWC 8/32, and is followed by SY 8.12a-b, where some material is added, reminiscent of one line in SSTC 4.9a-b, which parallels Hsün-tzŭ. The second part, beginning "King Ch`êng enfeoffed Po-ch`in in Lu," is closely paralleled by SY 10.1a-2b, even to the Ode quoted at the end; the first few lines appear in Shih chi 33.3a (Mém. hist. 4.92-3).
257. ##: SY has ## "assisted." TPYL 474.8a has ##, but Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 27.24a writes ## (Chao 93), and Shih chi has ##. HSWC 8/31 has ##. That ## does not necessarily imply a temporary succession is apparent from Mencius 357 (5A/5.7), where the above phrase is used of Shun; likewise Lu shih (##) 11.13b.
258. ##: TPYL, loc. cit., has ## (CHy), likewise SY and HSWC 8/31. SSTC is the same, with ## for ##; Hsün-tzŭ omits ##. Chao would emend to the TPYL reading.
259. For ## CHy, B, C, D have ##. Chou has followed HSWC 8/32 in writing ##, but thinks it should be turned around to ## to agree with Hsün-tzŭ and SSTC. The sentence is lacking in SY. Hsün-tzŭ has ##; SSTC: ## ##; HSWC 8/31: ##. Chao would add ## here.
260. CHy follows TPYL, loc. cit., and puts ## before ##. HSWC 8/31 has ## after ##. LSCC 15.9a (Wilhelm 215) makes the number 70.
261. TPYL, loc. cit., writes ## for ## as in SY. (CHy.) From TPYL CHy here adds ## "At this time had the Duke of Chou been proud and miserly, there would have been few worthy gentlemen of the empire who came to see him." This sentence occurs also in SY (with ## for ##), where it is followed by ## ## "If there had been any who did come, they would necessarily have been avaricious or not worth their pay. Ministers not worth their pay are not able to preserve a prince."
262. Yang Liang points out that, having died before King Ch`êng, the Duke of Chou could hardly have known his posthumous title.
263. CHy follows SY and writes ## for ##.
264. For the following cf. HSWC 3/29, 8/31.
265. ##: HSWC 8/31 has ##.
266. ##: TPYL, loc. cit., has ## "breadth." (CHy.)
267. Cf. DM 399.
268. Cf. Yi King 226 (15. t`uan).
269. Yi King 89 (15) lacks the final ##, possibly introduced from the ##, which has ##.
270. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
271. This is based on Hsün-tzŭ 20.9a-10a. SY 17.16b-17a shows traces of influence by both HSWC and the original Hsün-tzŭ version, while Chia-yü 2.16a-b follows only Hsün-tzŭ.
272. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##; Chia-yü: ##; SY: ##. Chu Ch`i-fêng is probably right in making ## (anc. siwo) a phonetic borrowing for ## (anc. kiwo) Yang Liang defines the latter as "descriptive of richness in clothing" ##.
273. ##: C has ## for ##. SY has ## ##. Huai-nan tzŭ 18.14a: ## ##. Kuo P`u's "Chiang fu" (Wên hsüan 12.11b) has the line ## ##. Chou would bring the ## up after ##, and omit ## to agree with Hsün-tzŭ, Chia-yü, and SY. I follow SY and read ## for ##.
274. ##: lit., "avoiding the wind."
275. Yang Liang says, "Is it not because the water flowing down is in such great quantity that people are in awe of it? It means that it is the same with full dress and a severe expression."
276. With Chou, CHy emend ## to ## as in SY. (Chao.)
277. For ## Hsün-tzŭ has ##, which Yang Liang defines as "severe" ##.
278. For ## B, C have ## "bowing," which Chou says is wrong.
279. From Analects 151 (2/17).
280. Shih 640 No. 304/3.
281. This is copied almost verbatim from Hsün-tzŭ 2.1a-2b.
282. Cf. HSWC 1/26.
283. This sentence, from ## to ## occurs in SY 16.15a.
284. Yang Liang says ## means "on the same level" ##. Chuang-tzŭ 10.38b has ##.
285. ##: Yang Liang says this has not been satisfactorily explained and gives two possibilities: "[The mouth] is the pass through a mountain, meaning a mountain has ears and mouth. `When you shout at one mountain, the whole range answers.' (Chuang-tzŭ 10.41a, Ssŭ-ma Piao's com.) This is [the idea of] a mountain hearing a man's voice and answering it, and so [the text] says `it goes in the ear and comes out the mouth.' Some say that what is meant by a mountain's having a mouth is that it spits out and draws in clouds and mist."
286. Yü Yüeh (Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 12.6b) says, "I suspect ## is a phonetic borrowing for ##, which is defined in Shuo wên as `an old woman' ##. To say that old women have beards when they have not is characterized as a hard theory to uphold."
287. For ## cf. Chuang-tzŭ 10.40a.
288. ##: Yang Liang says, "His praises have long been sung in the mouths of men." As SY, loc. cit., has ##, Hao I-hsing would here emend to ##. Yü Yüeh (op. cit. 2.9a-b) makes ## a phonetic borrowing for ##, and says the expression is like "black-mouthed" ## beasts of prey, which comes to the same general meaning as in SY. Wang Hsien-ch`ien rejects these explanations and makes ## mean something like "stammer," but does not specify how it is to be fitted into the context. I follow Yang.
289. Shih 641 No. 304/4. Hsün-tzŭ quotes 240 No. 170/6.
290. CHy adds "It says what is fitting is to be valued."
291. This is taken from Mêng-tzŭ 10A.1a-b (Mencius 369-72) with omissions and slight changes in wording. I have followed Legge's translation.
292. Mencius does not mention ##.
293. For ## Mencius has ## "the corrupt." Chao (95-6) quotes evidence showing that ## was probably also the original reading in Mencius.
294. Mencius has only the name. HSWC has omitted a paragraph on I-yin.
295. For ## Mencius has ##.
296. For ## ibid. has ##.
297. For ## ibid. has ##.
298. The words are ascribed to Confucius, ibid., which has ## for ##.
299. For ## Mencius has ## "go quickly."
300. Mencius transposes this phrase before ##. . . .
301. For ## Mencius has ##.
302. Shih 641 No. 304/4.
303. Condensed from Hsün-tzŭ 5.9a-10a (Dubs 132-3).
304. Cf. Mencius 162 (1B/5.3), "The husbandmen [cultivated for the government] one-ninth of the land; . . . at the passes and in the markets, [strangers] were inspected, but [goods] were not taxed; there were no prohibitions respecting the ponds and weirs." Also Li Ki 1.293 (3/3.11), "Anciently the public fields were cultivated by the united labors of the farmers around them, from the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied. A rent was charged for the stances in the market-places, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were examined at the different passes, but no duties were levied from them. Into the forests and plains at the foot of mountains the people went without hindrance at the proper seasons." (Legge 1.227.)
305. Yang Liang says ## means "look at" ##.
306. For ## read ##. (Chou.)
307. Hsün-tzŭ has ## after ## is "to measure the distance." (Wang Nien-sun.)
308. Shih 641 No. 304/4.
309. From Hsün-tzŭ 10.1a-4a (Dubs 157-161.) Hsin hsü 3.2a-4a is much closer to Hsün-tzŭ.
310. All texts have ##; Hsün-tzŭ adds ##. That Hsün-tzŭ's name was written with ## to avoid the taboo name ## of the Emperor Hsüan of the Han has been generally accepted since Ssŭ-ma Chên and Yen Shih-ku. However, Wang Hsiench`ien (in Hsün-tzŭ k`ao-chêng 14b) demonstrates that this could not be true, and explains the use of the two characters by their similarity in sound.
311. ##: CHy, D write ##.
312. ##: CHy, D write ##.
313. Hsün-tzŭ has ## "Then with whom is the prince of an oppressive state going to achieve his success? Those with whom he achieves his success must be the people of that state."
314. Hsün-tzŭ has ## "The people's love for me is comparable to that felt for their fathers and mothers as regards the pleasure it affords them. Their liking for me is comparable to their liking chiao and lan plants for their fragrance." This sentence appears toward the end in the Hsün-tzŭ and Hsin hsü versions.
315. Chou thinks there should be ## before ## and ## before ##: "Their resentful glances at their superiors are like poisonous bee-stings."
316. ##: "They (the people) will realize in advance their mistake" (??) This is evidently a corruption of Hsün-tzŭ, ##. . . . I suspect that ## was miswritten ##, necessitating the emendation of ## to ##.
317. Wu ti chi 4b-5a says that Kan-chiang ## had been commissioned by King Ho-lü of Wu to cast a sword. When the finest materials had been assembled, despite sacrifices to the God of the Furnace ## by three hundred women, the gold and silver failed to fuse with the iron. Kan-chiang told his wife, Mo-yeh, that according to his machiang ## had been commissioned by King Ho-lü of Wu to cast a sword. When the finest materials had been assembled, despite sacrifices to the God of the Furnace ## by three hundred women, the gold and silver failed to fuse with the iron. Kan-chiang told his wife, Mo-yeh, that according to his master, in such cases a visit to the God of the Furnace by a woman would be efficacious. Mo-yeh cast herself into the furnace and the molten metals at once flowed out. Kan-chiang then made two swords, calling the male blade Kan-chiang and the female one Mo-yeh. From the remaining metal he fashioned 3000 swords. He presented the sword Kan-chiang to King Ho-lü and hid the female sword, which continually cried and sobbed for her mate. Another version of this legend appears in Wu-Yüeh ch`unch`iu (followed by Giles, BD 934), whereby Mo-yeh merely cuts off her hair and finger nails to cast them in the furnace.
318. Shih 642 No. 304/6.
319. ##: CHy follows Hsün-tzŭ and Shih k`ao 2.46a to write ##. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 18.10a) also has ##. (Chao.)
320. ##: Hsün-tzŭ writes ##, and Ch`ên (loc. cit.) thinks that was the Han shih reading. (Chao.)
321. ##: "raised his head." CHy thinks it should be ##, "bent his head." Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.5a-b) compares HSWC 6/20 ##, and thinks this also should be ##. (Chao 98.)
322. Chao (98) correctly prefers TPYL 430.1a ## to ##.
323. Cf. Analects 353 (20/2.2): "The ruler adjusts his clothes and cap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe."
324. TPYL, loc. cit., has ##. Cf. HSWC 2/28 for a similar paragraph.
325. Shih 347 No. 200/3.
326. Chih-yao 8.23b-24a has ## for ## and ## after ##. (Chao 98.)
327. ##: Chih-yao, loc. cit., has ##. (Chao 99.)
328. Chih-yao adds ## "By their own capacity they measured it." (Chao.)
329. Chih-yao reads ## ## "Desiring clothing and food themselves, they understood the empire's desire for clothing and food. Desiring peace and ease themselves, they understood the empire's desire for peace and ease. Having likes and dislikes themselves, they understood the likes and dislikes of the empire." (Chao.)
330. Cf. Analects 170 (4/15.2), with ## "the master" for ##.
331. ##. The text is corrupt; I have followed Chih-yao, which omits ## and ##.
332. ##: Chih-yao has ## before ##, and Chao (100) would add it here to recapitulate the ## just above.
333. Chao would follow Chih-yao and add ## ## "When within the people do not lack food, and without they do not suffer from cold, then they can be controlled by li."
334. Shih 184 No. 121/3; 106 No. 63.
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