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紂 作 炮 烙 之 刑 。 王 子 比 干 曰 ： 「 主 暴 不 諫 ，非 忠 也； 畏 死 不 言 ， 非 勇 也 。 見 過 即 諫 ， 不 用 即 死 ， 忠 之 至 也。 」 遂 諫 ， 三 日 不 去 朝 ， 紂 囚 殺 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 昊 天 大 憮， 予 慎 無 辜 ！ 」
桀 為 酒 池 ， 可 以 運 舟 ： 糟 丘 ， 足 以 望 十 里 ；而 牛飲 者 三 千 人 。 關 龍 逢 進 諫 曰 ： 「 古 之 人 君 ， 身 行 禮 義 ，愛 民 節 財 ， 故 國 安 而 身 壽 。 今 君 用 財 若 無 窮 ， 殺 人 若 恐弗 勝 ， 君 若 弗 革 ， 天 殃 必 降 ， 而 誅 必 至 矣 。 君 其 革 之 ！」 立 而 不 去 朝 。 桀 囚 而 殺 之 。 君 子 聞 之 曰 ： 「 天 之 命 矣！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 昊 天 太 憮 ， 予 慎 無 辜 ！ 」
有 大 忠 者 ， 有 次 忠 者 ， 有 下 忠 者 ， 有 國 賊者 。 以道 覆 君 而 化 之 ， 是 謂 大 忠 也 ； 以 德 調 君 而 輔 之 ， 是 謂 次忠 也 ； 以 諫 非 君 而 怨 之 ， 是 謂 下 忠 也 ； 不 恤 乎 公 道 之 達義 ， 偷 合 苟 同 ， 以 持 祿 養 者 ， 是 謂 國 賊 也 。 若 周 公 之 於成 王 ， 可 謂 大 忠 也 ； 管 仲 之 於 桓 公 ， 可 謂 次 忠 也 ； 子 胥之 於 夫 差 ， 可 謂 下 忠 也 ； 曹 觸 龍 之 於 紂 ， 可 謂 國 賊 也 。皆 人 臣 之 所 為 也 ， 吉 凶 賢 不 肖 之 效 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 匪 其 止共 ， 惟 王 之 邛 。 」
哀 公 問 取 人 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 無 取 健 ， 無 取 佞 ，無 取口 讒 。 健 、 驕 也 ， 佞 、 諂 也 ， 讒 、 誕 也 。 故 弓 調 然 後 求勁 焉 ， 馬 服 然 後 求 良 焉 ， 士 信 愨 然 後 求 知 焉 ， 士 不 信 焉， 又 多 知 ， 譬 之 豺 狼 ， 其 難 以 身 近 也 。 周 書 曰 ： 『 為 虎傅 翼 也 。 』 不 亦 殆 乎 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 『 匪 其 止 共 ， 惟 王 之 邛。 』 言 其 不 恭 其 職 事 ， 而 病 其 主 也 。
齊 桓 公 獨 以 管 仲 謀 伐 莒 ， 而 國 人 知 之 。 桓 公 謂 管仲 曰 ： 「 寡 人 獨 為 仲 父 言 ， 而 國 人 知 之 ， 何 也 ？ 」 管 仲曰 ： 「 意 若 國 中 有 聖 人 乎 ！ 今 東 郭 牙 安 在 ？ 」 桓 公 顧 曰： 「 在 此 。 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 子 有 言 乎 ？ 」 東 郭 牙 曰 ： 「 然。 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 子 何 以 知 之 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 君 子 有 三 色， 是 以 知 之 。 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 何 謂 三 色 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 歡 忻 愛說 ， 鐘 鼓 之 色 也 ； 愁 悴 哀 憂 ， 衰 絰 之 色 也 ； 猛 厲 充 實 ，兵 革 之 色 也 。 是 以 知 之 。 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 何 以 知 其 莒 也 ？」 對 曰 ： 「 君 東 南 面 而 指 ， 口 張 而 不 掩 ， 舌 舉 而 不下 ，是 以 知 其 莒 也 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 善 。 詩 曰 ： 『 他 人 有 心 ，予 忖 度 之 。 』 」 東 郭 先 生 曰 ： 「 目 者 、 心 之 符 也 ， 言 者、 行 之 指 也 。 夫 知 者 之 於 人 也 ， 未 嘗 求 知 而 後 能 知 也 ，觀 容 貌 ， 察 氣 志 ， 定 取 舍 ， 而 人 情 畢 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 他人 有 心 ， 予 忖 度 之 。 」
今 有 堅 甲 利 兵 ， 不 足 以 施 敵 破 虜 ； 弓 良 矢調 ， 不足 射 遠 中 微 ， 與 無 兵 等 爾 。 有 民 不 足 強 用 嚴 敵 ， 與 無 民等 爾 。 故 盤 石 千 里 ， 不 為 有 地 ； 愚 民 百 萬 ， 不 為 有 民 。詩 曰 ： 「 維 南 有 箕 ， 不 可 以 簸 揚 ； 維 北 有 斗 ， 不 可 以 挹酒 漿 。 」
傳 曰 ： 舜 彈 五 絃 之 琴 ， 以 歌 南 風 ， 而 天 下治 。 周平 公 酒 不 離 於 前 ， 鐘 石 不 解 於 懸 ， 而 宇 內 亦 治 。 匹 夫 百畝 一 室 ， 不 遑 啟 處 ， 無 所 移 之 也 。 夫 以 一 人 而 兼 聽 天 下， 其 日 有 餘 而 下 治 ， 是 使 人 為 之 也 。 夫 擅 使 人 之 權 ， 而不 能 制 眾 於 下 ， 則 在 位 者 ， 非 其 人 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 維 南 有箕 ， 不 可 以 簸 揚 ； 維 北 有 斗 ， 不 可 以 挹 酒 漿 。 」 言 有 位無 其 事 也 。
齊 桓 公 伐 山 戎 ， 其 道 過 燕 ， 燕 君 送 之 出 境 。桓 公問 管 仲 曰 ： 「 諸 侯 相 送 ， 固 出 境 乎 ？ 」 管 仲 曰 ： 「 非 天子 不 出 境 。 」 桓 公 曰 ： 「 然 畏 而 失 禮 也 。 寡 人 不 可 使 燕失 禮 。 」 乃 割 燕 君 所 至 之 地 以 與 之 。 諸 侯 聞 之 ， 皆 朝 於齊 。 詩 曰 ： 「 靜 恭 爾 位 ， 好 是 正 直 。 神 之 聽 之 ， 介 爾 景福 。 」
韶 用 干 戚 ， 非 至 樂 也 ； 舜 兼 二 女 ， 非 達 禮 也 ； 封黃 帝 之 子 十 九 人 ， 非 法 義 也 ； 往 田 號 泣 ， 未 盡 命 也 。 以人 觀 之 則 是 也 ， 以 法 量 之 則 未 也 。 禮 曰 ： 「 禮 儀 三 百 ，威 儀 三 千 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 靜 恭 爾 位 ， 正 直 是 與 ， 神 之 聽 之， 式 穀 以 女 。 」
禮 者 、 治 辯 之 極 也 ， 強 國 之 本 也 ， 威 行 之 道 也 ，功 名 之 統 也 ， 王 公 由 之 ， 所 以 一 天 下 也 ， 不 由 之 ， 所 以隕 社 稷 也 。 是 故 堅 甲 利 兵 ， 不 足 以 為 武 ； 高 城 深 池 ， 不足 以 為 固 ； 嚴 令 繁 刑 ， 不 足 以 為 威 ； 由 其 道 則 行 ， 不 由其 道 則 廢 。 昔 楚 人 蛟 革 犀 兕 以 為 甲 ， 堅 如 金 石 ， 宛 如 鉅蛇 ， 慘 若 蜂 蠆 ， 輕 利 剛 疾 ， 卒 如 飄 風 ， 然 兵 殆 於 垂 沙 ，唐 子 死 ， 莊 蹻 走 ， 楚 分 為 三 四 者 ， 此 豈 無 堅 甲 利 兵 也 哉！ 所 以 統 之 非 其 道 故 也 。 汝 淮 以 為 險 ， 江 漢 以 為 池 ， 緣之 以 方 城 ， 限 之 以 鄧 林 ， 然 秦 師 至 於 鄢 郢 舉 ， 若 振 槁 然， 是 豈 無 固 塞 限 險 也 哉 ！ 其 所 以 統 之 者 、 非 其 道 故 也 。紂 殺 比 干 ， 而 囚 箕 子 ， 為 炮 烙 之 刑 ， 殺 戮 無 時 ， 群 下 愁怨 ， 皆 莫 冀 其 命 ， 然 周 師 至 ， 令 不 行 乎 左 右 ， 而 豈 其 無嚴 令 繁 刑 也 哉 ！ 其 所 以 統 之 者 、 非 其 道 故 也 。 若 夫 明 道而 均 分 之 ， 誠 愛 而 時 使 之 ， 則 下 之 應 上 ， 如 影 響 矣 ； 有不 由 命 ， 然 後 俟 之 以 刑 ， 刑 一 人 而 天 下 服 ， 下 不 非 其 上， 知 罪 在 己 也 。 是 以 刑 罰 競 消 ， 而 威 行 如 流 者 、 無 他 ，由 是 道 故 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 自 東 自 西 ， 自 南 自 北 ， 無 思 不 服。 」 如 是 則 近 者 歌 謳 之 ， 遠 者 赴 趨 之 ， 幽 閒 僻 陋 之 國 ，莫 不 趨 使 而 安 樂 之 ， 若 赤 子 之 歸 慈 母 者 、 何 也 ？ 仁 刑 義立 ， 教 誠 愛 深 ， 禮 樂 交 通 故 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 禮 儀 卒 度 ， 笑語 卒 獲 。 」
君 人 者 、 以 禮 分 施 ， 均 遍 而 不 偏 ， 臣 以 禮 事 君 ，忠 順 而 不 解 ， 父 寬 惠 而 有 禮 ， 子 敬 愛 而 致 恭 ， 兄 慈 愛 而見 友 ， 弟 敬 詘 而 不 慢 ， 夫 照 臨 而 有 別 ， 妻 柔 順 而 聽 從 ，若 夫 行 之 而 不 中 道 ， 即 恐 懼 而 自 竦 。 此 全 道 也 ， 偏 立 則亂 ， 具 立 則 治 。 請 問 兼 能 之 奈 何 ？ 曰 審 禮 。 昔 者 、 先 王審 禮 以 惠 天 下 ， 故 德 及 天 地 。 動 無 不 當 。 夫 君 子 恭 而 不難 ， 敬 而 不 鞏 ， 貧 窮 而 不 約 ， 富 貴 而 不 驕 ， 應 變 而 不 窮， 審 之 禮 也 。 故 君 子 於 禮 也 ， 敬 而 安 之 ； 其 於 事 也 ， 經而 不 失 ； 其 於 人 也 ， 寬 裕 寡 怨 而 弗 阿 ； 其 於 儀 也 ， 脩 飾而 不 危 ； 其 應 變 也 ， 齊 給 便 捷 而 不 累 ； 其 於 百 官 伎 藝 之人 也 ， 不 與 爭 能 而 致 用 其 功 ； 其 於 天 地 萬 物 也 ， 不 拂 其所 而 謹 裁 其 盛 ； 其 待 上 也 ， 忠 順 而 不 解 ； 其 使 下 也 ， 均遍 而 不 偏 ； 其 於 交 遊 也 ， 緣 類 而 有 義 ； 其 於 鄉 曲 也 ， 容而 不 亂 。 是 故 窮 則 有 名 ， 通 則 有 功 ， 仁 義 兼 覆 天 下 而 不窮 ， 明 通 天 地 、 理 萬 變 而 不 疑 ， 血 氣 平 和 ， 志 意 廣 大 ，行 義 塞 天 地 ， 仁 知 之 極 也 ， 夫 是 謂 先 王 審 之 禮 也 。 若 是、 則 老 者 安 之 ， 少 者 懷 之 ， 朋 友 信 之 ， 如 赤 子 之 歸 慈 母也 。 曰 ： 仁 刑 義 立 ， 教 誠 愛 深 ， 禮 樂 交 通 故 也 。 詩 曰 ：「 禮 儀 卒 度 ， 笑 語 卒 獲 。 」
晏 子 聘 魯 ， 上 堂 則 趨 ， 授 玉 則 跪 。 子 貢 怪之 ， 問孔 子 曰 ： 「 晏 子 知 禮 乎 ？ 今 者 晏 子 來 聘 魯 ， 上 堂 則 趨 ，授 玉 則 跪 ， 何 也 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 其 有 方 矣 。 待 其 見 我 ，我 將 問 焉 。 」 俄 而 晏 子 至 ， 孔 子 問 之 。 晏 子 對 曰 ： 「 夫上 堂 之 禮 ， 君 行 一 ， 臣 行 二 。 今 君 行 疾 ， 臣 敢�� 玉 則 跪 ， 何 也 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 其 有 方 矣 。 待 其 見 我 ，我 將 問 焉 。 」 俄 而 晏 子 至 ， 孔 子 問 之 。 晏 子 對 曰 ： 「 夫上 堂 之 禮 ， 君 行 一 ， 臣 行 二 。 今 君 行 疾 ， 臣 敢 不 趨 乎 ！今 君 之 授 幣 也 卑 ， 臣 敢 不 跪 乎 ！ 」 孔 子 曰 ： 「 善 。 禮 中又 有 禮 。 賜 、 寡 使 也 ， 何 足 以 識 禮 也 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 禮 儀卒 度 ， 笑 語 卒 獲 。 」 晏 子 之 謂 也 。
古 者 八 家 而 井 田 。 方 里 為 一 井 ， 廣 三 百 步 ， 長 三百 步 ， 為 一 里 ， 其 田 九 百 畝 。 廣 一 步 、 長 百 步 ， 為 一 畝； 廣 百 步 ， 長 百 步 ， 為 百 畝 。 八 家 為 鄰 ， 家 得 百 畝 ， 餘夫 各 得 二 十 五 畝 ， 家 為 公 田 十 畝 ， 餘 二 十 畝 共 為 廬 舍 ，各 得 二 畝 半 。 八 家 相 保 ， 出 入 更 守 ， 疾 病 相 憂 ， 患 難 相救 ， 有 無 相 貸 ， 飲 食 相 召 ， 嫁 娶 相 謀 ， 漁 獵 分 得 ， 仁 恩施 行 ， 是 以 其 民 和 親 而 相 好 。 詩 曰 ： 「 中 田 有 廬 ， 疆 場有 瓜 。 」 今 或 不 然 ， 令 民 相 伍 ， 有 罪 相 伺 ， 有 刑 相 舉 ，使 構 造 怨 仇 ， 而 民 相 殘 ， 傷 和 睦 之 心 ， 賊 仁 恩 ， 害 士 化， 所 和 者 寡 ， 欲 敗 者 多 ， 於 仁 道 泯 焉 。 詩 曰 ： 「 其 何 能淑 ， 載 胥 及 溺 。 」
天 子 不 言 多 少 ， 諸 侯 不 言 利 害 ， 大 夫 不 言 得 喪 ，士 不 言 通 財 貨 ， 不 賈 於 道 。 故 駟 馬 之 家 ， 不 持 雞 豚 之 息， 伐 冰 之 家 ， 不 圖 牛 馬 之 入 ， 千 乘 之 君 ， 不 通 貨 財 ， 冢卿 不 脩 幣 施 ， 大 夫 不 為 場 圃 ， 委 積 之 臣 ， 不 貪 市 井 之 利。 是 以 貧 窮 有 所 懽 ， 而 孤 寡 有 所 措 手 足 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 彼有 遺 秉 ， 此 有 滯 穗 ， 伊 寡 婦 之 利 。 」
人 主 欲 得 善 射 及 遠 中 微 ， 則 懸 貴 爵 重 賞 以 招 致 之， 內 不 阿 子 弟 ， 外 不 隱 遠 人 ， 能 中 是 者 取 之 ， 是 豈 不 謂之 大 道 也 哉 ！ 雖 聖 人 弗 能 易 也 。 今 欲 治 國 馭 民 ， 調 一 上下 ， 將 內 以 固 城 ， 外 以 拒 難 ， 治 則 制 人 ， 人 弗 能 制 ， 亂則 危 削 滅 亡 可 立 待 也 。 然 而 求 卿 相 輔 佐 ， 獨 不 如 是 之 公， 惟 便 僻 比 己 之 是 用 ， 豈 不 謂 過 乎 ！ 故 有 社 稷 ， 莫 不 欲安 ， 俄 則 危 矣 ， 莫 不 欲 存 ， 俄 則 亡 矣 。 古 之 國 千 餘 ， 今無 數 十 ， 其 故 何 也 ？ 莫 不 失 於 是 也 。 故 明 主 有 私 人 以 百金 名 珠 玉 ， 而 無 私 以 官 職 事 業 者 ， 何 也 ？ 曰 ： 本 不 利 所私 也 。 彼 不 能 而 主 使 之 ， 是 闇 主 也 ； 臣 不 能 而 為 之 ， 是詐 臣 也 。 主 闇 於 上 ， 臣 詐 於 下 ， 滅 亡 無 日 矣 ， 俱 害 之 道也 。 故 惟 明 主 能 愛 其 所 愛 ， 闇 主 則 必 危 其 所 愛 。 夫 文 王非 無 便 辟 親 己 者 ， 超 然 乃 舉 太 公 於 舟 人 而 用 之 ， 豈 私 之哉 ！ 以 為 親 邪 ？ 則 異 族 之 人 也 ； 以 為 故 耶 ？ 則 未 嘗 相 識也 ； 以 為 姣 好 耶 ？ 則 太 公 年 七 十 二 ， ● 然 而 齒 墮 矣 ！ 然而 用 之 者 ， 文 王 欲 立 貴 道 ， 欲 白 貴 名 ， 兼 制 天 下 ， 以 惠中 國 ， 而 不 可 以 獨 ， 故 舉 是 人 而 用 之 ， 貴 道 果 立 ， 貴 名果 白 ， 兼 制 天 下 ， 立 國 七 十 一 ， 姬 姓 獨 居 五 十 二 ， 周 之子 孫 苟 不 狂 惑 ， 莫 不 為 天 下 顯 諸 侯 ， 夫 是 之 謂 能 愛 其 所愛 矣 。 故 惟 明 主 能 愛 其 所 愛 ， 闇 主 必 危 其 所 愛 ， 此 之 謂也 。 大 雅 曰 ： 「 貽 厥 孫 謀 ， 以 燕 翼 子 。 」 小 雅 曰 ： 「 死喪 無 日 ， 無 幾 相 見 。 」 危 其 所 愛 之 謂 也 。
問 者 不 告 ， 告 者 勿 問 ， 有 諍 氣 者 勿 與 論 。 必 由 其道 至 然 後 接 之 ， 非 其 道 則 避 之 。 故 禮 恭 然 後 可 與 言 道 之方 ， 辭 順 然 後 可 與 言 道 之 理 ， 色 從 然 後 可 與 言 道 之 極 。故 未 可 與 言 而 言 ， 謂 之 瞽 ， 可 與 言 而 不 與 言 ， 謂 之 隱 ，君 子 不 瞽 ， 言 謹 其 序 。 詩 曰 ： 「 彼 交 匪 紓 ， 天 子 所 予 。」 言 必 交 吾 志 然 後 予 。
子 為 親 隱 ， 義 不 得 正 ； 君 誅 不 義 ， 仁 不 得 受 。 雖違 仁 害 義 ， 法 在 其 中 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 優 哉 游 哉 ！ 亦 是 戾 矣。 」
齊 桓 公 問 於 管 仲 曰 ： 「 王 者 何 貴 ？ 」 曰 ：「 貴 天。 」 桓 公 仰 而 視 天 。 管 仲 曰 ： 「 所 謂 天 ， 非 蒼 莽 之 天 也。 王 者 以 百 姓 為 天 ， 百 姓 與 之 則 安 ， 輔 之 則 強 ， 非 之 則危 ， 倍 之 則 亡 。 詩 曰 ： 『 民 之 無 良 ， 相 怨 一 方 。 』 民 皆居 一 方 而 怨 其 上 ， 不 亡 者 、 未 之 有 也 。 」
善 御 者 不 忘 其 馬 ， 善 射 者 不 忘 其 弓 ， 善 為 上者 不忘 其 下 。 誠 愛 而 利 之 ， 四 海 之 內 ， 闔 若 一 家 ； 不 愛 而 利， 子 或 殺 父 ， 而 況 天 下 乎 ！ 詩 曰 ： 「 民 之 無 良 ， 相 怨 一方 。 」
出 則 為 宗 族 患 ， 入 則 為 鄉 里 憂 。 詩 曰 ： 「 如 蠻 如髦 ， 我 是 用 憂 。 」 小 人 之 行 也 。
有 君 不 能 事 ， 有 臣 欲 其 忠 ； 有 父 不 能 事 ， 有 子 欲其 孝 ； 有 兄 不 能 敬 ， 有 弟 欲 其 從 令 。 詩 曰 ： 「 受 爵 不 讓， 至 於 己 斯 亡 。 」 言 能 知 於 人 ， 而 不 能 自 知 也 。
夫 當 世 之 愚 ， 飾 邪 說 ， 文 姦 言 ， 以 亂 天 下 ，欺 惑眾 愚 ， 使 混 然 不 知 是 非 治 亂 之 所 存 者 、 則 是 范 睢 、 魏 牟、 田 文 、 莊 周 、 慎 到 、 田 駢 、 墨 翟 、 宋 鉼 、 鄧 、 惠 施之 徒 也 。 此 十 子 者 、 皆 順 非 而 澤 ， 聞 見 雜 博 ， 然 而 不 師上 古 ， 不 法 先 王 ， 按 往 舊 造 說 ， 務 自 為 工 ， 道 無 所 遇 ，而 人 相 從 ， 故 曰 ： 十 子 者 之 工 說 ， 說 皆 不 足 合 大 道 ， 美風 俗 ， 治 綱 紀 ， 然 其 持 之 各 有 故 ， 言 之 皆 有 理 ， 足 以 欺惑 眾 愚 ， 交 亂 樸 鄙 ， 則 是 十 子 之 罪 也 。 若 夫 總 方 略 ， 一統 類 ， 齊 言 行 ， 群 天 下 之 英 傑 ， 告 之 以 大 道 ， 教 之 以 至順 ， 隩 要 之 間 ， 衽 席 之 上 ， 簡 然 聖 王 之 文 具 ， 沛 然 平 世之 俗 趨 ， 工 說 者 不 能 入 也 ， 十 子 者 不 能 親 也 ， 無 置 錐 之地 ， 而 王 公 不 能 與 爭 名 ， 則 是 聖 人 之 未 得 志 者 也 ， 仲 尼是 也 ， 〔 一 天 下 ， 財 萬 物 ， 長 養 人 民 ， 兼 利 天 下 ， 通 達之 屬 ， 莫 不 從 服 ， 工 說 者 立 息 ， 十 子 者 遷 化 ， 則 聖 人 之得 埶 者 ， 〕 舜 禹 是 也 。 仁 人 將 何 務 哉 ？ 上 法 舜 禹 之 制 ，下 則 仲 尼 之 義 ， 以 務 息 十 子 之 說 ， 如 是 者 、 仁 人 之 事 畢矣 ， 天 下 之 害 除 矣 ， 聖 人 之 跡 著 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 雨 雪 瀌 瀌， 見 晛 曰 消 。 」
君 子 大 心 則 敬 天 而 道 ， 小 心 則 畏 義 而 節 ； 知則 明達 而 類 ， 愚 則 端 愨 而 法 ； 喜 則 和 而 治 ， 憂 則 靜 而 違 ； 達則 寧 而 容 ， 窮 則 納 而 詳 。 小 人 大 心 則 慢 而暴 ， 小 心 則 淫而 傾 ； 知 則 攫 盜 而 徼 ， 愚 則 毒 賊 而 亂 ； 喜 則 輕 易 而 快 ，憂 則 挫 而 懾 ； 達 則 驕 而 偏 ， 窮 則 棄 而 累 ； 其 肢 體 之 序 ，與 禽 獸 同 節 ， 言 語 之 暴 ， 與 蠻 夷 不 殊 ， 出 則 為 宗 族 患 ，入 則 為 鄉 里 憂 。 詩 曰 ： 「 如 蠻 如 髦 。 我 則 用 憂 。 」
傳 曰 ： 愛 由 情 出 ， 謂 之 仁 ， 節 愛 理 宜 ， 謂 之 義 ，致 愛 恭 謹 ， 謂 之 禮 ， 文 禮 謂 之 容 ， 禮 容 之 美 ， 自 足 以 為治 。 故 其 言 可 以 為 民 道 ， 民 從 是 言 也 ； 行 可 以 為 民 法 ，民 從 是 行 也 ； 書 之 於 策 ， 傳 之 於 志 ， 萬 世 子 子 孫 孫 道 而不 舍 。 由 之 則 治 ， 失 之 則 亂 ， 由 之 則 生 ， 失 之 則 死 。 今夫 肢 體 之 序 ， 與 禽 獸 同 節 ，言 語 之 暴 ， 與 蠻 夷 不 殊 ， 混然 無 道 ， 此 明 王 聖 主 之 所 罪 。 詩 曰 ： 「 如 蠻 如 髦 ， 我 是用 憂 。 」
客 有 說 春 申 君 者 曰 ： 「 湯 以 七 十 里 ， 文 王 百 里 ，皆 兼 天 下 ， 一 海 內 。 今 夫 孫 子 者 ， 天 下 之 賢 人 也 ， 君 藉之 百 里 之 勢 ， 臣 竊 以 為 不 便 於 君 。 若 何 ？ 」 春 申 君 曰 ：「 善 。 」 於 是 使 人 謝 孫 子 ， 去 而 之 趙 ， 趙 以 為 上 卿 。 客又 說 春 申 君 曰 ： 「 昔 伊 尹 去 夏 之 殷 ， 殷 王 而 夏 亡 ； 管 仲去 魯 而 入 齊 ， 魯 弱 而 齊 強 。 由 是 觀 之 ， 夫 賢 者 之 所 在 ，其 君 未 嘗 不 善 ， 其 國 未 嘗 不 安 也 。 今 孫 子 、 天 下 之 賢 人， 何 謂 辭 而 去 ？ 」 春 申 君 又 云 ： 「 善 。 」 於 是 使 請 孫 子。 孫 子 因 偽 喜 謝 之 ： 「 鄙 語 曰 ： 『 癘 憐 王 。 』 此 不 恭 之語 也 ， 雖 不 可 不 審 也 ， 非 比 為 劫 殺 死 亡 之 主 者 也 ， 夫 人主 年 少 而 放 ， 無 術 法 以 知 奸 ， 即 大 臣 以 專 斷 圖 私 ， 以 禁誅 於 己 也 ， 故 捨 賢 長 而 立 幼 弱 ， 廢 正 直 而 用 不 善 。 故 春秋 之 志 曰 ： 楚 王 之 子 圍 聘 於 鄭 ， 未 出 境 ， 聞 王 疾 ， 返 問疾 ， 遂 以 冠 纓 絞 王 而 殺 之 ， 因 自 立 。 齊 崔 杼 之 妻 美 ， 莊公 通 之 ， 〔 崔 杼 帥 其 黨 而 攻 莊 公 ， 莊 公 請 與 分 國 ， 〕 崔杼 不 許 ， 欲 自 刃 於 廟 ，〔 崔 杼 又 不 許 ， 〕 莊 公 走 出 ， 踰於 外 牆 ， 射 中 其 股 ， 遂 殺 而 立 其 弟 景 公 。 近 世 所 見 ， 李兌 用 趙 ， 餓 主 父 於 沙 丘 ， 百 日 而 殺 之 。 淖 齒 用 齊 ， 擢 閔王 之 筋 ， 而 懸 之 於 廟 ， 宿 昔 而 殺 之 。 夫 癘 雖 腫 痂疵 ，上 比 遠 世 ， 未 至 絞 頸 射 股 也 ， 下 比 近 世 ， 未 至 擢 筋 餓 死也 。 夫 劫 殺 死 亡 之 主 ， 心 之 憂 勞 ， 形 之 苦 痛 ， 必 甚 於 癘矣 。 由 此 觀 之 ， 癘 雖 憐 王 ， 可 也 。 」 因 為 賦 曰 ： 「 旋 玉瑤 珠 不 知 佩 ， 雜 布 與 錦 不 知 異 ， 閭 娵 子 都 莫 之 媒 ， 嫫 母力 父 是 之 喜 。 以 盲 為 明 ， 以 聾 為 聰 ， 以 是 為 非 ， 以 吉 為凶 。 嗚 呼 ！ 上 天 ！ 曷 維 其 同 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 上 帝 甚 蹈 ， 無自 瘵 焉 。 」
南 苗 異 獸 之 ， 猶 犬 羊 也 ， 與 之 於 人 ， 猶 死 之 藥也 ， 安 舊 侈 質 ， 習 貫 易 性 而 然 也 。 夫 狂 者 自 齕 ， 忘 其 非芻 豢 也 ， 飯 土 ， 忘 其 非 粱 飯 也 ， 然 則 楚 之 狂 者 楚 言 ， 齊之 狂 者 齊 言 ， 習 使 然 也 。 夫 習 之 於 人 ， 微 而 著 ， 深 而 固， 是 暢 於 筋 骨 ， 貞 於 膠 漆 ， 是 以 君 子 務 為 學 也 。 詩 曰 ：「 既 見 君 子 ， 德 音 孔 膠 。 」
孟 子 曰 ： 「 仁 、 人 心 也 ， 義 、 人 路 也 。 舍 其路 弗由 ， 放 其 心 而 弗 求 。 人 有 雞 犬 放 ， 則 知 求 之 ， 有 放 心 ，而 不 知 求 ， 其 於 心 為 不 若 雞 犬 哉 ！ 不 知 類 之 甚 矣 ， 悲 矣！ 終 亦 必 亡 而 已 矣 。 故 學 問 之 道 無 他 焉 ， 求 其 放 心 而 已。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 中 心 藏 之 ， 何 日 忘 之 ？ 」
道 雖 近 ， 不 行 不 至 ； 事 雖 小 ， 不 為 不 成 ； 每 自 多者 ， 出 人 不 遠 矣 。 夫 巧 弓 在 此 手 也 ， 傳 角 被 筋 ， 膠 漆 之和 ， 即 可 以 為 萬 乘 之 寶 也 。 及 其 彼 手 ， 而 賈 不 數 銖 。 人同 材 鈞 ， 而 貴 賤 相 萬 者 、 盡 心 致 志 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 中 心 藏之 ， 何 日 忘 之 ？ 」
傳 曰 ： 誠 惡 惡 ， 知 刑 之 本 ， 誠 善 善 ， 知 敬 之 本 。惟 誠 感 神 ， 達 乎 民 心 ， 知 刑 敬 之 本 ， 則 不 怒 而 威 ， 不 言而 信 ， 誠 、 德 之 主 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 鼓 鐘 于 宮 ， 聲 聞 于 外 。」
孔 子 見 客 ， 客 去 。 顏 淵 曰 ： 「 客 、 仁 也 。 」 孔 子曰 ： 「 恨 兮 其 心 ， 顙 兮 其 口 ， 仁 則 吾 不 知 也 ， 言 之 所 聚也 。 」 顏 淵 蹴 然 變 色 。 曰 ：「 良 玉 度 尺 ， 雖 有 十 仞 之 土 ， 不 能 掩 其 光 ； 良 珠 度 寸 ，雖 有 百 仞 之 水 ， 不 能 掩 其 瑩 。 夫 形 、 體 也 ， 色 、 心 也 ，閔 閔 乎 其 薄 也 。 苟 有 溫 良 在 中 ， 則 眉 睫 著 之 矣 ； 疵 瑕 在中 ， 則 眉 睫 不 能 匿 之 。 詩 曰 ： 「 鼓 鐘 于 宮 ， 聲 聞 于 外 。」
偽 詐 不 可 長 ， 空 虛 不 可 守 ， 朽 木 不 可 雕 ， 情 亡 不可 久 。 詩 曰 ：「 鐘 鼓 于 宮 ， 聲 聞 于 外 。 」 言 有 中 者 必 能 見 外 也 。
所 謂 庸 人 者 ， 口 不 能 道 乎 善 言 ， 心 不 能 知 先 王 之法 ， 動 作 而 不 知 所 務 ， 止 立 而 不 知 所 定 ， 日 選 於 物 ， 而不 知 所 貴 ， 不 知 選 賢 人 善 士 而 託 其 身 焉 ， 從 物 而 流 ， 不知 所 歸 ， 五 藏 無 政 ， 心 從 而 壞 遂 不 反 ， 是 以 動 而 形 危 ，靜 則 名 辱 。 詩 曰 ： 「 之 子 無 良 ， 二 三 其 德 。 」
客 有 見 周 公 者 ， 應 之 於 門 曰 ： 「 何 以 道 旦 也 ？ 」客 曰 ： 「 在 外 即 言 外 ， 在 內 即 言 內 ， 入 乎 ？ 將 毋 ？ 」 周公 曰 ： 「 請 入 。 」 客 曰 ： 「 立 即 言 義 ， 坐 即 言 仁 ， 坐 乎？ 將 毋 ？ 」 周 公 曰 ： 「 請 坐 。 」 客 曰 ： 「 疾 言 則 翕 翕 ，徐 言 則 不 聞 ， 言 乎 ？ 將 毋 ？ 」 周 公 唯 唯 ， 旦 也 踰 。 明 日興 師 而 誅 管 蔡 。 故 客 善 以 不 言 之 說 ， 周 公 善 聽 不 言 之 說， 若 周 公 可 謂 能 聽 微 言 矣 。 故 君 子 之 告 人 也 微 ， 其 救 人之 急 也 婉 。 詩 曰 ： 「 豈 敢 憚 行 ？ 畏 不 能 趨 。 」
[The tyrant] Chou invented the punishment of the fiery [pit] and the pillar. 2 The Prince Pi-kan said, "If, when his master is outrageous, [the minister] 3 does not remonstrate, he is not loyal. If from fear of death he does not speak, he is not brave. If he sees a fault, he objects, and if [his objections] go unheeded, he dies: this is the height of loyalty."
Whereupon he remonstrated for three days without leaving the court. Chou accordingly 4 put him to death. The Ode says, 5
Chieh made a wine lake in which a boat could move about, and the [resulting] mound of dregs was so [high] that from it one could see for a distance of ten li. There were three thousand men who drank [from the lake] like cattle. 8
Kuan Lung-fêng proffered a remonstrance: 9 "In antiquity rulers themselves practiced li and i. They loved the people and were sparing of property. As a result their states were at peace and they themselves lived out their span of life. But your Highness now is using up property as though it could not be exhausted and is putting people to death as though he were afraid he would not be able to kill them all. 10 If Your Highness does not reform, the retribution of Heaven will certainly descend on him and punishment will inevitably come to him. May Your Highness reform!"
He stood at his post without leaving the court until Chieh imprisoned him and put him to death. On hearing of this the superior man says, "It was the will of Heaven." The Ode says, 11
There is great loyalty, secondary loyalty, inferior loyalty, and there is treason to the state. 14 Enveloping a prince with the True Way so as to reform him constitutes great loyalty. Stirring up a prince with virtue so as to assist him constitutes secondary loyalty. Holding up the right to censure the wrong so as to provoke the prince 15 constitutes inferior loyalty. To be without consideration for the public or for duty (i), 16 to be weakly complaisant and grossly lax 17 so as to assure one's salary and to support one's friends 18 —this constitutes treason to the state.
Such a relation as that of the Duke of Chou to King Ch`êng can be called one of great loyalty. That of Kuan Chung to Duke Huan can be called one of secondary loyalty. That of [Wu] Tzŭ-hsü to Fu-ch`ai can be called one of inferior loyalty. That of Ts`ao Ch`u-lung to [the tyrant] Chou 19 can be called traitorous. These all are ways of acting of ministers. Good or ill fortune comes accordingly as they are worthy or unworthy. The Ode says, 20
Duke Ai asked about choosing men. Confucius said, "Do not choose the physically strong, 23 or the eloquent, or the sharp-tongued. 24 The physically strong are proud; the eloquent flatter; the sharp-tongued 25 are unreliable. Just as you string a bow before you look to its strength, and break a horse before you look for its good points, [even so] you see that a gentleman is honest and without guile before you look to him for knowledge. For a gentleman who is not honest and yet has great knowledge may be compared with a wolf: it is difficult to approach him. The Chou shu says, 26 `To add wings to a tiger'—is this not indeed dangerous?"
341 No. 198/3.
The Ode says,
It speaks of his not attending to his duties and being dissatisfied with his master.
Duke Huan of Ch`i planned in private with Kuan Chung to attack Chü, and yet the people knew of it. Duke Huan said to Kuan Chung, "I spoke to you 29 alone, and yet the people know. Why is this?"
Kuan Chung said, "It seems to me 30 that there is a sage in the country. Where is Tung-kuo Ya?" 31
Duke Huan looked around and said, "Here he is."
Kuan Chung said, "Did you tell it?"
Tung-kuo Ya said, "I did."
Kuan Chung said, "How did you know it?"
He said, "I have heard that the superior man has three aspects. From this I knew it."
Kuan Chung said, "What do you mean by three aspects?"
He said, "Pleased and happy 33 —this is the musical 34 aspect. Anxious and grieved—this is the aspect of mourning. Fierce and replete—this is the military 35 aspect. From this I knew."
Kuan Chung said, "How did you know it was to be Chü?"
He replied, "His Highness pointed to the southeast. 36 His mouth opened and did not close. His tongue was raised and did not fall. That is how I knew it was to be Chü."
Duke Huan approved. 37 Master Tung-kuo said that the eyes are representative of the mind, and that words are the indicators of action. Now knowledge of men is not to be had for the asking. By regarding a man's demeanor, investigating his motives, and determining his choice, you will get to the bottom of his nature. The Ode says, 38
Now you may have strong armor and sharp weapons, 39 but if they are not sufficient to undertake an expedition against the enemy or to defeat the foe, 40 [it is just the same as not having weapons at all]. 41 Your bow may be good and the arrows may match, but if they are not sufficient to shoot far and to hit a small mark, [it is just the same as having no bow and arrows]. If the people are not equal to being put to hard service against a formidable enemy, it is just the same as not having the people at all. Just as a thousand li of boulders does not mean you have any [real] territory, even so a million 42 ignorant citizens does not mean you have the people. The Ode says, 43
According to tradition, Shun played on the five-string lute, singing the "Nan-fêng" to it, 45 and yet the empire was in order. Duke P`ing of Chou 46 always had wine within reach, while the bells and musical stones were not loosened from their support, and yet the world was likewise in order. But a commoner with only a hundred mou of land and a single house "has no leisure to rest," 47 nor is there any way for him to change [his condition]. Now the way in which one man keeps in touch with the whole empire and still has leisure while [the masses] below are under control, is by getting others to work for him. But when a man arrogates to himself the authority of ordering others around without being able to control the masses below, then the person on the throne is not a man worthy of his position. The Ode says, 48
It speaks of having the position but not fulfilling its duties.
When Duke Huan of Ch`i went to attack the Shan-jung, his route passed through Yen, and the Prince of Yen escorted him beyond the borders [of his own state]. 50 Duke Huan asked Kuan Chung, "When one feudal lord escorts another, is it right that he should go beyond his own borders?"
Kuan Chung said, "Unless it is the Son of Heaven [whom he is escorting], he does not go beyond his own borders."
Duke Huan said, "Then it was out of fear of me that he violated ritual usage (li). It is not right that I should be the cause of [the Prince of] Yen's violating ritual (li)."
Whereupon he cut off his territory as far as the Prince of Yen had gone and presented it to Yen. When the feudal lords heard of this, they all payed their respects in the court of Ch`i. The Ode says, 51
The music of Shun 54 in using shield and battle-axe 55 was not perfect music 56; his marriage with his two wives was not in complete accord with ritual (li)57; his enfeoffing the nineteen sons of Huang-ti 58 was not based on justice (i); his going in the fields weeping and wailing 59 was not living up to his fate. From the human point of view, he [acted] correctly, but judged from the legal point of view, he did not. The Li says, 60 ["The Way of the Sages includes] the three hundred ways of acting according to ritual (li), and the three thousand rules of demeanor." The Ode says, 61
Li is the ultimate in establishing distinctions 63 ; it is the foundation for strengthening a state; it constitutes the channel for the spread of royal prestige; it represents the basis for merit and fame. The king and nobles unify the empire by following it, or they fail to follow it, and as a result the state falls. Hence it is not enough to have strong arms and sharp weapons to engage in military operations 64 ; high walls and deep moats do not insure security; harsh commands and a multiplicity of punishments are inadequate for the establishment of majesty. Success accompanies the Way of li, while neglect of the Way of li results in ruin. Of old the people of Ch`u made shields of scaly dragon skin and rhinocerous hide that were stout as metal or stone, and lances of steel like [that from] Yüan. 65 They were cruel as [the sting of] wasp or scorpion. Light and edged, hard and sharp, they were quick as a whirlwind. Yet the army [of Ch`u] was endangered in Ch`iusha, and T`ang-tzŭ 67 perished. Chuang Ch`iao rose up, 68 and Ch`u was divided into three or four [parts]. 69 In what way was this due to a lack of stout armor and sharp weapons? It was a result of employing means in governing that were not [in accord with] the Way of li.
[Ch`u] had the Ju and Huai [Rivers] as obstacles, and the Han and Chiang [Rivers] for moats; it was encircled by the Fang-chêng [mountains], and cut off by the forests of Têng; yet Ch`in's army came to Yen and Ying and captured them as [easily as] one shakes off dry [leaves]. In what way was this due to a lack of strong defenses and barriers? It was a result of employing means in governing that were not [in accord with] the Way of li.
[The tyrant] Chou put Pi-kan to death and imprisoned the viscount of Chi, he devised the punishment of the fiery [pit] and the pillar, and executions went on continually. Subordinates were anxious and resentful, while none of them had any hope for his own life. Yet when the army of Chou arrived, his orders were not carried out by his attendants. In what way was this 70 due to any lack of harsh commands or of a multiplicity of punishments? It was the result of employing in government means that were not [in accord with] the Way of li.
If the Way is made clear, then [the people] are treated equitably and distinctions are established for them; if they are truly loved and employed in season, then inferiors will respond to superiors like shadow or echo. Only when a person fails to obey orders is he punished. One man is punished and the empire submits. The [guilty] inferior 71 does not blame his superior, but realizes that the fault lies with himself. In this way punishments and crimes 72 will both be diminished, and royal prestige will spread like water flowing. This results from nothing else than following this way. The Ode says, 73
Thus those nearby make him the subject of songs and ballads, and those far away come in haste to him, [while those from] secluded and backward states without exception rush to be in his employment, making him their refuge and their pleasure, even as an infant turns to its mother. Why is this? It is because jên is the pattern, i is established, teaching is sincere, love is deep, and li and music are everywhere prevalent. The Ode says, 75
The prince 78 is one who distributes largesse according to li; he is just to all [in his gifts] and without prejudice. The subject is one who serves his prince according to li; being loyal and obedient, he is never lax. 79 Since the father is generous and kind, he observes li. Since the son is respectful and loving, he practices respect. Since the elder brother is kind and loving, he shows fraternal affection. Since the younger brother is reverent and submissive, he is not remiss. 80 The husband, being an enlightened supervisor, 81 observes the distinction [between husband and wife]. 82 The wife, being pliant and submissive, is obedient. If her husband acts [in a manner] not in accordance with the proper way, though frightened, she herself urges him [to be good]. Such is the complete way. 83 Disorder comes with partiality; with completeness comes order. It may be asked 84 how all may be accomplished together. The answer is, pay attention to li. Of old the Former Kings, by attending to li, made the empire obedient, and hence their virtue extended to Heaven and Earth. Nothing they did but was proper.
Now the superior man is reverent but not fearful, 85 respectful but not anxious. 86 In poverty and want he is not straitened, with riches and honors he is not proud, but by responding to changing circumstances he is not reduced to extremity. This constitutes paying attention to li.87 Thus the superior man, insofar as li is concerned, being respectful is contented; being straightforward 88 in affairs he is not remiss; being generous 89 in his relations with others, he is not self-seeking. In regard to demeanor he is polished 90 without giving offence. 91 When he responds to changing circumstances, being alert and adaptable, he does not get into trouble. In his relations with officials and craftsmen he does not compete 92 with their ability, but makes use of their services. In regard to the living creatures of Heaven and Earth, he does not oppose their state, but carefully plans for their prosperity. 93 In serving 94 his superiors he is loyal and obedient, but not lax. In employing his subordinates he is just to all without prejudice. In social intercourse, having classified people, he accords to them what is proper (i). In his own village he is tolerant but not [to the point of permitting] disorder. For these reasons, though he be in straits, he will be famous; and if successful, he will perform meritorious deeds. Jên and i together will cover the empire, inexhaustible. Their brilliance will penetrate Heaven and Earth, governing without instability the ten thousand transformations. Blood and ch`i are in harmony; will and thought are projected; virtuous conduct and i fill Heaven and Earth. [Such a person is] the acme of jên and knowledge. This is what is meant by the li to which the Former Kings attended. Under these circumstances, the old are at peace, the young are cherished, and friends are sincere—[all naturally] as an infant turns to its mother. I say, this results when jên is the pattern and i prevails, when teaching is sincere and love is deep, when li and music are universal. 95 The Ode says, 96
Yen-tzŭ made a visit of state to Lu. 98 In ascending the hall he hastened. In presenting the jade he knelt. Tzŭ-kung was surprised at this and aked Confucius, "Does Yen-tzŭ know ritual (li)? He came today on a visit of state to Lu, and when he ascended the hall, he hastened; when he presented the jade he knelt. Why did he do this?"
Confucius said, "He had his reasons. Wait until he [comes to] see me, and I will ask him about it."
Soon afterward Yen-tzŭ came in, and Confucius asked him about it. Yen-tzŭ replied, "Now the ritual (li) of ascending the hall is for the minister to take two steps when the prince steps once. Today the prince went quickly—did I dare not hasten? Today the prince received my present on a low level. Did I dare not kneel?"
Confucius approved, saying, "In the [canon of] ritual there are even more rites. With the little experience you Tz`ŭ, have had in such matters, 99 how can you be up to knowing ritual?"
The Ode says, 100
Yen-tzŭ is an example of this.
In antiquity eight families were [associated with] one ching-t`ien [unit]. 101 A square li comprised one ching.102 A breadth of three hundred pu and a length of three hundred pu made one [square] li. Each field [contained] nine hundred mou.103 A breadth of one pu and a length of one hundred pu104 made one mou. A breadth of one hundred pu and a length of one hundred pu made one hundred mou. The eight families made a neighborhood. One family had a hundred mou, and each extra [adult] male 105 had twenty-five mou. Each family [tilled] ten mou of the public field. The remaining twenty mou [they used] together for their [summer] huts, 106 each having two and one half mou. The eight families protected one another; they stood watch in turn over each other's movements; in sickness they shared the anxiety; in difficulty and distress they aided one another. Those who had, loaned to those who had not; they invited each other to food and drink. They planned marriages together; in fishing and hunting they divided up the catch. They put into practice jên and kindness. It was in such ways as these that the people of that time were on good terms and fond of one another. The Ode says, 107
Today, however, it is not like that. The people are made responsible in groups of five. When there is a crime they spy upon one another; when there is to be punishment they inform on one another. As a result of the resentments and enmity called into being by such practices, the people injure one another to the detriment of their [natural] feelings of friendship. Violence is done to jên and kindness, while the reforming [capacity] of superiors is vitiated. 109 Those who are on good terms are few, while those who want to destroy others are legion; by these practices the path to jên is obliterated. The Ode says, 110
The Son of Heaven should not speak in terms of quantity; the feudal lords should not speak of profit and loss; the Great Officers should not speak of success and failure; the gentleman should not speak of exchanging goods or follow the way of a merchant. 112 Just as a family that has a four-horse team does not depend 113 on the increase of fowls and pigs [for its livelihood], and a family that has ice cut 114 does not concern itself with the breeding of cattle and sheep, so the prince of [a state of] a thousand chariots does not circulate merchandise. 115 A prime minister will not repair a decrepit fence 116 ; a Great Officer will not do gardening, nor will the Minister of Storehouses 117 covet 118 the income of the markets. In this way the poor and wretched have something to rejoice in, 119 and orphans and widows have something with which to employ their hands and feet. 120 The Ode says, 121
When a ruler wants to get a good archer who can hit a small mark from a distance, he offers noble rank and generous awards to attract him. On the one hand he is not partial to his own brothers, nor on the other hand does he keep in obscurity those from afar: he selects the one who can hit the mark. Is not this the way to get him to come? 123 Not even a saint could improve on it. 124
Now if one wishes to govern the state and to control the people, he should harmonize and unify superiors and inferiors; if he would make the walls strong within and guard against difficulties [from] without, his government must consist in controlling men. If he is unable to control men, disorder is imminent, and sudden extinction awaits him. However, in seeking ministers and assistants [actually] there is none of this impartiality, but instead bias and favoritism are what are indulged in. 125 Can such conduct be called anything but wrong?126
Truly, no ruler of a state but wishes for stability, yet unexpectedly a crisis comes; none but wishes for continuity, yet unexpectedly he is lost. In ancient times there were states to the number of over a thousand; today they come to no more than a few tens. 127 Why is this? Not one but was lost through this [fault]. 128 It is a fact that the intelligent ruler will [reward] his favorites with precious metals or rare jewels, 129 but not with offices and public charges. And why? Because it would be no real advantage to them whom he favors. It is a benighted ruler who employs such persons when they are without ability, and it is a false minister who insists on filling his office when he lacks ability. When above the ruler is benighted and below the ministers are false, disaster is not far off; both are ways to injury. Hence it is only the enlightened ruler who is able to treat those whom he loves with affection. The benighted ruler always endangers those whom he loves.
Now King Wên was not free from favoritism and partiality. He took T`ai-kung, a boatman, 130 up out of the ranks and employed him. Why did he favor him? Because he was a relative?—No, he was of a different clan. Because he was an old friend?—No, he had never known him before. Because of the beauty of his appearance?—No, T`ai-kung was a toothless old man of seventy-two. So in using him King Wên wished to set up the Precious Way, to make clear the Precious Name, and with him to govern the empire to the benefit of the Middle Kingdom. All this he was unable to do alone. Therefore, raising up this man, he employed him; and in fact the Precious Way was set up, and the Precious Name was made clear. They governed the empire together, setting up dependencies to the number of seventy-two, 131 of which fifty-three132 were occupied by people of [King Wên's] own Chi clan alone. Of these descendants of Chou, not one who was not insane but became a brilliant feudal lord in the empire. Now it is this that is called being able to treat with affection those one loves. Truly, only the enlightened ruler is able to treat those he loves with affection, while the benighted ruler always endangers those he loves—this is illustrated above. The "Ta-ya" says, 133
The "Hsiao-ya" says, 135
This refers to endangering those one loves.
Do not answer one whose questions are coarse; do not ask one whose answers are coarse. 137 Do not enter into discussion with one of argumentative disposition. It is necessary that a person come following the True Way, and only then should he be engaged [in conversation]. Unless his is the True Way, he should be avoided. Thus only with one who is courteous and respectful can one discuss the methods of the Way; only with one whose words are complaisant can one discuss the principles of the Way; only with one whose demeanor is docile can one discuss the Way in its entirety. Hence one who speaks with a person that should not be spoken with should be called blind, and one who does not speak with a person that might properly be spoken with should be called secretive. 138 The superior man is not blind, but in speaking is careful about the kind [of man he addresses]. The Ode says, 139
It says that first they must accord with my intention before I approve of them.
In the case of the son who conceals the misconduct of his parents, 140 justice (i) is not being strictly observed. In the case of the prince who punishes the wicked, jên is not being adhered to. 141 But though [the one] go against jên and [the other] impair justice (i), still the right way of acting lies therein. The Ode says, 142
Duke Huan of Ch`i asked Kuan Chung, "What is it the True King should respect?"
[Kuan Chung] said, "He respects Heaven."
Duke Huan llish">Duke Huan looked up at the sky.
Kuan Chung said, "What I called Heaven is not the blue void of the sky. The True King regards the people as Heaven. When the people are with him, there is peace. When they support him, he is strong. When they disapprove of him, he is in peril. When they rebel against him, he is lost. The Ode says, 145
When the people all with one accord hate their ruler, there has never been an instance when he was not lost."
The skillful charioteer does not neglect his horses; the skillful archer does not neglect his bow; the skillful superior does not neglect his inferiors. When with true love he works for their advantage, all within the four seas is in harmony. If in a single family advantage is made the end without love, 148 it may happen that a son will kill his own father. How much the worse [the deeds to be expected] in the whole empire! The Ode says, 149
Outside to grieve the members of one's clan, and inside to sadden the inhabitants of one's village—as the Ode says, 151
A mean man's conduct!
There are those incapable of serving their ruler who expect their own servants to act loyally. There are those incapable of serving their own fathers who expect their sons to be filial. There are those incapable of respect toward their elder brothers who expect their younger brothers to obey their commands. The Ode says, 153
It says that one can be known to others without being capable of knowing himself.
Now the ignorance of the present 155 age is due to the dressing up of heretical discourses and the making of obscene speeches that throw the empire into disorder and lead the ignorant masses astray, causing them in their confusion not to know wherein lie truth or falsehood, order or anarchy. The ones responsible are those like Fan Sui, Wei Mou, T`ien Wên, Chuang Chou, Shên Tao, T`ien P`ien, Mo Ti, Sung Chien, Têng Hsi, and Hui Shih. 156 All these ten philosophers cleave to the false and spread [their pernicious teachings]. Their learning is varied and extensive, 157 but they do not follow the techings of high antiquity, nor do they model temselves on the Former Kings. They attribute to the ancient past the doctrines which they make up, and devote themslves to being clever. 158 Though they have nothing that coincides with the True Way, still people follow them. 159 So we say that all the fine talk of these ten philosophers is not enough to harmonize with the Great Way, or to improve customs, or to administer a government. 160 But what they advocate is always plausible, and what they say is always reasonable—sufficiently so to mislead the ignorant masses, and to throw into confusion the simple and the rustic: it is this the ten philosophers are guilty of.
If [a ruler] will take charge of plans for action, 161 unify the general and the specific, 162 make words correspond to conduct, and assemble the heroes of the empire, telling them of the Great Way and teaching them perfect obedience, then on the mat in the interior 163 of his palace will be collected in quantity the culture of the Saintly Kings, 164 and there will arise 165 in abundance the usages of a peaceful world. The fine talkers will be unable to enter, the ten philosophers will be unable to come near.
If he has not the slightest holding of land, 166 and yet even the nobility is unable to contest with him for fame—this is a case of a saint who does not attain his goal. It was thus with Chung-ni. [If he unites the empire, completes all things, rears and nourishes the people, and uniformly profits the empire, then of those with whom he establishes contact none but will follow him. If the clever talkers at once cease and the ten philosophers are reformed, then it is a Saint that has achieved power.] 167 It was thus with Shun and Yü.
With what should the man endowed with jên occupy himself? On the one hand he makes the government of Shun and Yü his pattern; on the other hand he models himself after the i of Chung-ni, and thereby strives to put an end to the theories of the ten philosophers. Such a course will bring to completion the task of the man endowed with jên. In the empire harmful elements will be eliminated, while the traces of the sages will become clear. The Ode says, 168
When greathearted, the superior man reveres Heaven, and follows the True Way; when timid, he respects i, and practices moderation; when intelligent, he is possessed of clear understanding and thinks logically; when ignorant, he is upright and law-abiding; when happy, he is friendly and controlled; when sad, he is quiet and withdraws; 172 when successful, he is peaceful and contained; when in straits, he is frugal 173 and careful.
When greathearted, the mean man is rude and violent; when timid, he is lecherous and perverted; when intelligent, he is a thief and a cheat; 174 when stupid, he is a killer and a rebel; when happy, he is frivolous and gay; when sad, he is crushed and subdued; 175 when successful, he is arrogant and partial; when in straits, he is despondent and harassed. The joints of his limbs are disposed like those of animals. In violence of speech he is no different from the barbarians; outside he grieves the members of his own clan, and inside he worries the inhabitants of his village. The Ode says, 176
A mean man's conduct! 177
Traditionally, the love that comes from the feelings is called jên. Love tempered by principles and fitness is called i. The humility which conveys love is called li. Proper carriage of the body is called jung.178 The excellence of correct bearing is such that itself it is an adequate pattern [for conduct]. . . . 179 Hence, since the words of such a man are worthy of serving as a guide for the people, the people will follow these words, and since such conduct is worthy of serving as a rule for the people, the people will emulate this conduct. Record it in the books and transmit it in the records; tell it to ten thousand generations of sons and grandsons, that they may follow in this path without neglecting it. From keeping to it comes order; from abandoning it, anarchy; from following it, life; from abandoning it, death. Now those whose joints are disposed like those of animals, who are no different from the barbarians in the violence of their speech, 180 who are confused and without principles, are the ones who are held guilty by enlightened kings and saintly rulers. The Ode says, 181
Among his itinerant advisors there was one who persuaded Prince Ch`un-shên saying, "T`ang with seventy li and King Wên with a hundred li both brought the empire together and unified [all] within the seas. Now Hsün-tzŭ 183 is the world's sage. I venture to suggest that in giving him control of a hundred li Your Highness will be inconveniencing yourself. What are you going to do about it?"
Prince Ch`un-shên approved of his argument and sent to dismiss Hsün-tzŭ, who 184 left and went to Chao. Chao made him prime minister. An itinerant advisor again persuaded Prince Ch`unshên saying,
"Of old I-yin left Hsia and went to Yin. Yin gained the imperial sway and Hsia perished. Kuan Chung left Lu and entered Ch`i. Lu declined and Ch`i waxed strong. Judged in the light of this, wherever there is a sage, invariably the ruler is well off, and invariably the country is at peace. Now Hsün tzŭ is the world's sage. What was the idea of sending him away?"
Prince Ch`un-shên in turn approved of this argument and sent to invite Hsün-tzŭ [to come back]. Hsün-tzŭ thereupon wrote a letter declining the offer: 185
"The proverb says, `The leper pities the king.' This is a disrespectful statement, but it is necessary to look into it. This is in reference to rulers who are robbed or assassinated or who suffer death and ruin. 186 Now with a ruler who, being young and on his own, has no method for recognizing treachery, powerful ministers will make decisions independently of him and plan for their own interests to prevent punishment from reaching themselves. Hence they will depose a worthy, adult ruler to set up a youth and weakling; they will degrade the rightful heir to set up an illegitimate one. 187
"Thus the record of a Ch`un-ch`iu tells 188 how the Prince Wei of Ch`u paid a visit of state in Chêng. Before he had crossed the border [on his way home] he heard that the king was ill, and returning [on the pretext of] asking about his illness, assassinated the king by strangling him with his cap tassel, and in the course of events put himself on the throne.
"The wife of Ts`ui Chu of Ch`i was beautiful, and Duke Chuang had an affair with her. 189 [Ts`ui Chu led his partisans to attack Duke Chuang. The duke begged to divide the state with him,] 190 but Ts`ui Chu would not consent. He wished to commit suicide in his ancestral temple, [but Ts`ui Chu again would not consent.] 191 Then when Duke Chuang fled, climbing up over the outside wall, they shot him in the thigh. Having killed him, they put his younger brother, [known as] Duke Ching, on the throne.
"Recent times have seen Li Tui, when he administered Chao, starving the Father of the Ruler 192 in [the palace] Sha-ch`iu, where he died after a hundred days, 193 and Nao Ch`ih, who, when he administered Ch`i, hung King Min up [from the rafters of] the ancestral temple 194 after pulling out his tendons, so that he died 195 over night. 196
"Now although a leper [suffers from] ulcers, swelling, and scabs, it is not so bad on the one hand as being strangled or shot in the thigh, as in far-off times, nor on the other hand as having the tendons drawn or being starved to death, as in recent times. Now a ruler who is robbed or assassinated, or who suffers death and ruin, is grieved and oppressed in mind and pained in body— certainly his lot is worse than the leper's. Viewed in this light, it is appropriate that even a leper should pity a king." Whereupon [Hsün-tzŭ] wrote a fu that reads:
The Ode says, 203
The [flesh] of the strange animals of the Nan-miao is like [that of] dogs or sheep, 205 but give it to a man and it is like a fatal drug. It is thus because 206 custom changes the disposition, and habit alters the nature. Now a madman gnaws at himself, oblivious that his is not the flesh of an animal raised for food. He eats dirt, unaware that it is not millet or rice. None the less, a madman of Ch`u speaks the Ch`u language, while a madman from Ch`i speaks the Ch`i language. It is thus from habit. Now the effect of habit on a man is such that, even if slight, it appears, while if it be carried on farther, it is fixed in him. It spreads through his very bones and sinews; it is more adhesive than glue or lacquer. This is why the superior man pays careful attention to what he studies. The Ode says, 207
Mencius said, "Jên is man's mind, and i is man's path. [How lamentable] 210 it is to neglect the path and not pursue it, to lose this mind and not to seek it again! 211 When men's fowls and dogs are lost, they know enough to seek for them again, but they lose their mind, and do not know enough to seek for it. 212 Is it that their minds are not worth so much as fowls and dogs? 213 This is indeed ignorance of relative values. Alas, their end inevitably will be destruction. Truly the great end of learning is nothing else but to seek for the lost mind." The Ode says, 214
Though the road be near, there will be no arriving without walking; though the task be small, unless it be undertaken it will not be completed. If days spent in idleness be many, there will be no great superiority over others. 216 Now, in these hands 217 a fine bow, laminated with horn, covered with sinew, and joined with glue and lacquer, may be a thing of value [even in a state of] ten thousand chariots. In those hands 218 it is not worth a few shu.219 When the men are the same and their talents, equal, that one is worth ten thousand of the other is because one devotes his mind and directs his will [to the task in hand]. 220 The Ode says, 221
There is a traditional saying: Sincerely hating evil is essential to understanding punishments. Sincerely loving the good is essential to understanding reverence. 222 Only sincerity can move the spirits and penetrate into the hearts of the people. When one understands the basis for punishments and reverence, he inspires awe without [a show of] anger, and confidence without speech: 223 he is a ruler who has the virtue of sincerity. The Ode says, 224
Confucius had received a visitor. 225 After the guest's departure Yen Yüan said, "Was your visitor [a man possessed of] jên?"
Confucius said, "His heart was unyielding (?), his mouth . . . (?); 226 as for his being [possessed of] jên—that I do not know. 227 It was his words that gave you that impression." (?) 228
Yen Yüan with a start of surprise changed color and said, "Though a foot length 229 of good jade be covered with ten fathoms of earth, its brilliance cannot be concealed, and though a fine pearl an inch long be under a hundred fathoms of water, its lustre 230 cannot be hidden. Alas! the inadequacy of the body to conceal the mind! 231 If there is benignity and goodness in a person, his [very] eyebrows and lashes will show it. 232 If there is a blemish in him, his eyebrows and lashes will be unable to conceal it." The Ode says, 233
The Ode says, 238
It says that what there is inside must show on the outside.
He whom we call a commoner 240 is one whose mouth is incapable of speaking good words, and whose mind is incapable of knowing the methods of the Former Kings. He moves without knowing what to attend to; he takes a stand without knowing wherein to establish himself. Every day he chooses things without knowing what to value. He does not know enough to select sages and fine gentlemen to whom he might entrust himself. He lets himself be carried along by the world, not knowing whither to return. He is controlled by the five emotions; 241 his mind is impaired by following them, but he never turns back. Thus his actions endanger his body, and his repose brings shame to his reputation. The Ode says, 242
There was a visitor 244 who had an interview with the Duke of Chou. Meeting him at the door, the Duke of Chou said, "How are you going to instruct me?"
The man said, "Outside I would speak of externals; inside, of essentials. Shall I come in or not?"
The Duke of Chou said, "Please come in."
The guest said, "Standing, I would speak of i; sitting, of jên. Shall I sit or not?"
The Duke of Chou said, "Please take a seat."
The guest said, "Speaking distinctly will result in trouble; speaking softly, in not being heard. 245 Shall I speak or not?"
The Duke of Chou said, "Yes, yes. I understand." And next day he mobilized troops and punished [the princes of] Kuan and Ts`ai.
Truly the visitor was good at giving counsel without speech, and the Duke of Chou was good at listening to counsel without speech. A person like the Duke of Chou may be called capable of listening to subtle discourse. Truly what the superior man tells others is subtle, and the aid he offers people in difficulty is indirect. The Ode says, 246
1. Hsin hsü 7.1b-2a is nearly identical. After the quotation from the Ode it adds, "Is it not indeed pathetic that the innocent should die?" ##.
2. For ## read ## as in HFT 7.3a and 17.1b (Chao 101.) Cf. Shih chi 3.11a (Mém. hist. 1.201, note 1) for a description.
3. Hsin hsü adds ## after ##.
4. Read ## with Hsin hsü for ## "imprisoned him." As there is elsewhere no such tradition concerning Pi-kan, ## must be right. Possibly ## is a contamination from the next section.
5. Shih 340 No. 198/1.
6. ## is generally taken as ##; Legge translates, "But indeed I have committed no offence"; likewise Karlgren. Han Ying has put the line in a context requiring the more usual meaning of ##.
7. Hsin hsü 7.1b is very similar, but lacks the quotation at the end. Legge, Shih, Proleg. 91, translates this paragraph.
8. Cf. Shih chi 3.10b (Mém. hist. 1.201); HSWC 2/22.
9. ##: cf. *Shên chien 5.2a: ## "Should someone ask whether it was more difficult to offer a remonstrance than to receive one. . ." I take ## to be the equivalent of ##, and not "came to remonstrate with him" as Legge does.
10. Hsin hsü has ## "using the people as though he thought they could not die."
11. Shih 340 No. 198/1.
12. Cf. HSWC 4/1 note 6.
13. From Hsün-tzŭ 9.6a-b, with minor verbal changes and the addition of the conclusion and quotation from the Ode.
14. Ch`u-hsüeh chi 17.8b-9a begins with ## "There are three ways of loyalty." (Chao 102.)
15. B, C, D lack ##, which Chou and CHy add from Hsün-tzŭ. CHy follows TPYL 418.2a and writes ## "dies for it" for ##. Ch`u-hsüeh chi, loc. cit., has ##, and Hsün-tzŭ has ##. (Chao 103.) Yang Liang explains, "Because he gives his prince the reputation of harming sages, it constitutes inferior loyalty."
16. ##: delete ## with Chou.
17. Read ## for ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. (Chao.)
18. Chou adds ##, which is lacking in the other texts, from Hsün-tzŭ; CHy and Chao would also add it.
19. Chou quotes SY 10.16a (after Yang Liang), where a Ch`u-lung is mentioned as tso-shih ## to Chieh, and on the basis of which would emend ## to ##. Wang Hsien-ch`ien, however, points out that Hsün-tzŭ 10.10b mentions Ts`ao Ch`u-lung as belonging to the Shang, and so discredits the SY version. (Chao.)
20. Shih 341 No. 198/3.
21. For ## B, C have ## as in Mao shih. (CHy.)
22. Hsün-tzŭ 20.18a-b is the source for this paragraph. Chia-yü 1.26a modifies Hsün-tzŭ; SY 8.11b-12a shows some relation to both Hsün-tzŭ and HSWC, but is considerably amplified.
23. ##: Yang Liang glosses: ## "a covetous person." Hao I-hsing says, "## has not the meaning `to covet' . . . I do not know what character it is a mistake for, but Yang's commentary is very wrong." The usual meaning of the word makes excellent sense. SY has ## 。 ## "The physically strong will certainly wish to encroach upon others, and cannot be taken as a model."
24. With Hao I-hsing I emend ## to ## to agree with SY ## "sharp-tongued." (Chao 104.)
25. Read ## before ## as in Yang Liang's quotation of HSWC. (CHy.)
26. * I-Chou-shu 3.14a has ##. Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 48.8b quotes HSWC as the same, with ## after ## and continues: ## ##. " `Do not add wings to a tiger, lest he fly into the city, seize men and eat them.' Now putting an unworthy man in power is adding wings to a tiger." Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.1a) thinks this is the proper reading, and Chao agrees. HFT 17.1b also quotes the line from I-Chou-shu. (CHy.)
27. This should probably be ## as in 4/3.
28. This varies somewhat from both Kuan-tzŭ 16.10b-11a and LSCC 18.5a-6b (Wilhelm 295-7); SY 13.3b-5a is based on the latter.
29. ## "second father" was the title bestowed on Kuan Chung by Duke Huan; cf. Pelliot, TP 27 (1930) .71-2, note 2.
30. For ## read ## after ##. (CHy.)
31. ##: Kuan-tzŭ has ## Yu; SY has ## Ch`ui. Yü Yüeh (CYTT 17.5b) says ## is a mistake for ⊙ 32 , the old form of ##. As LSCC and Lun hêng 26.17a both agree with HSWC and write ##, Chao thinks Yü is wrong. Wang Yin-chin (Ching-i shu-wên 23.16a) says his name was ##, and ## was his tzŭ. (Chao 105.)
32. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
33. D has ## for ##. B, C have ##.
34. ##, lit., "bells and drums."
35. ##, lit., "weapons and armor."
36. For ## I follow B, C and read ## as more accurate geographically.
37. B, C here insert the Ode quoted at the end. CHy says it should either be omitted here or the paragraph should be divided into two.
38. Shih 342 No. 198/4.
39. Cf. Mencius 135 (1A/5.3): "The strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ch`in and Ch`u."
40. ## usually is applied to a specific enemy in a pejorative sense.
41. This phrase has become displaced to a position after the next sentence, the conclusion to which I have supplied in brackets.
42. For ## TPYL 499.1a has ## "a billion," or "a hundred billion," depending on the definition of ##.
43. Shih 356 No. 203/7.
44. Huai-nan tzŭ 14.10a-b seems to be derived from a common source.
45. This sentence, introduced by ##, occurs in several places: Li Ki 2.67 (17/2.1) has ## "invented" for ##; likewise Shih chi 24.16a (Mém. hist. 3.254 and note 6); both however omit ##. Hsin yü 1.96 (von Gabain 32) has ## ##. Chia yü 8.7a is the same with ## for ## and ## for ##, and follows with four lines which are attributed to the "Nan-fêng" (translated by Chavannes, op. cit.). Chêng Hsüan's com. on Li chi says he has not seen it, and the quotation in Chia-yü may be from the hand of Wang Su.
46. ##: Huai-nan tzŭ has ##, and it is certainly he who is meant.
47. Cf. Shih 260 No. 167, 248 No. 162.
48. Shih 356 No. 203/7.
49. SY 5.6a follows this closely, quoting from the same poem.
50. Shih chi 34.3a (Mém. hist. 4.136): "In the 27th year [of Duke Chuang of Yen] (B.C. 674) the Shan-jung invaded our territory. Duke Huan of Ch`i came to the aid of Yen, passing to the north to attack the Shan-jung and then returning [through Yen]. The Prince of Yen accompanied Duke Huan of Ch`i past his own borders, and Duke Huan accordingly cut off the land as far as the Prince of Yen had gone and gave it to Yen." Chou suggests that the entry in Ch`un ch`iu (Tso chuan 100, Chuang 20) refers to this incident: "In winter, (B.C. 673) a body of men from Ch`i smote the Jung."
51. Shih 366 No. 207/5.
52. ##: Mao shih and SY have ##.
53. ##: Mao shih has ##.
54. ## is so defined in Analects 164 (3/25); see note 3 below.
55. Cf. Li Ki 2.46 (17/1.1): "The combination of those modulated sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the [direction in harmony with them of the] shields and axes, and of the plumes and ox-tails, constitutes what we call music." (Legge 2.92.) The shields and axes were used in mimes of war; the plumes and ox-tails in those of peace. Cf. ibid. 1.469 (6/1.7): "The Grand director of Music taught how to brandish the shield and axe." (Legge 1.347.)
56. Cf. Li Ki 2.62 (17/1.26): "The dances with shields and axes did not belong to the most excellent music." (Legge 2.102.) But Analects 164 (3/25): "The Master said of the Shao that it was perfectly beautiful and also perfectly good."
57. Mencius 345 (5A/2.1): "Wang Chang asked [Mencius],
saying, `The Ode says,
If the rule be indeed as here expressed, no man ought to have illustrated it so well as Shun. How was it that Shun's marriage took place without his informing [his parents]?' "
58. Cf. Lu shih (##) 11.15a: ## "[Shun] enfeoffed nineteen grandsons of Huang Ti as marquises and earls."
59. Cf. Mencius 342 (5A/1.1): "When Shun went into the fields, he cried out and wept towards the pitying heavens," whence probably Shu ching 65-6 (2B/3.21): "In the early time of the emperor, when he was living by mount Li, he went into the fields, and daily cried out and wept toward the pitying heavens." (This belongs to the "old text.")
60. DM 422 (27/3); Li Ki 2.467 (28/2.38).
61. Shih 366 No. 207/4.
62. This is taken from Hsün-tzŭ 10.12a-14b. It occurs also in Shih chi 23.6a-8a (Mém. hist. 3.216-20).
63. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##, defined by Yang Liang as ## "distinguish."
64. Cf. HSWC 4/6.
65. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Shih chi: ## ⊙ . 66 Yang Liang says ## Yüan is a place name. Hsü Kuang says steel is called ##. ## is a variant of ##, a lance ##; cf. *Fang yen 9.1b.
66. For this character, see the table on p. 358.
67. Shih chi writes ##; Hsün-tzŭ has ##. He was Ch`u's general.
68. ##: B, C incorrectly have ##.
69. For the dismemberment of Ch`u, cf. Mém. hist. loc. cit. (note 6).
70. For ## read ## with Shih chi and Hsün-tzŭ.
71. For ## Hsün-tzŭ has ##; Shih chi, ##.
72. For ## D has ## "rewards."
73. Shih 463 No. 244/6.
74. Mao shih interchanges ## and ##.
75. Shih 371 No. 209/3.
76. Shih k`ao 17b has ## for ## (I-shuo k`ao 9.13b).
77. This is based on Hsün-tzŭ 8.2b-4a, where the whole is cast in the form of a supposititious dialogue.
78. ##: I follow CHy, B, C and read ## for ##. Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Chou would omit ##.
79. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##.
80. ##: I follow B, C and read ##. (Chao.)
81. ##: B, C have ##; cf. Shih 44 No. 29/1: ## "enlighten this lower earth." Chêng Hsüan's commentary: ## "It is a metaphor for the ruler overseeing the affairs of the empire."
82. ##: Hao I-hsing says ##.
83. ##. B, C, D have ## for ##, and so in my translation. CHy follows Hsün-tzŭ: ##, and says, "The text above speaks of prince and minister, father and son, elder and younger brother, husband and wife, all together; so this should not be connected with the way of a wife alone." He takes the reading ## in the ## edition to be an editor's emendation and restores the Hsün-tzŭ reading.
84. In Hsün-tzŭ ## has introduced each of the foregoing statements.
85. Wang Yin-chin reads ## as ## in ## (Shih 642 No. 304/5) "Unterrified, unscared."
86. ##: Wang Yin-chih says it should ## in the sense of "frightened." This sentence is reminiscent of Analects 253 (12/5): ##.
87. ##: likewise Hsün-tzŭ. I suspect that the ## comes from the identical phrase at the end of this passage.
88. ##. Hsün-tzŭ has ##, and CHy says ## also has this meaning.
89. ##: Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 1781-2) says, "The two characters ## are redundant. ## stands for ## by a mistake in form, and ## is the same as ## by a mistake in sound. One edition would write ## and one would have ##, and a later editor, unable to choose between them, kept them both." Chao thinks this is correct, as two characters balance with the other phrases. But Hsün-tzŭ has ## ##, and it is not easy to confuse phonetically ## *iwan and ## *giug.
90. Cf. Analects 278 (14/9): "Tzu-yü polished the style."
91. ##: Wang Nien-sun says ## should be taken as ## in the sense of "oppose" ##, and paraphrases: ## "The superior man corrects and adorns his person without offending against what is proper."
92. ##: CHy, B, C have ##, likewise Hsün-tzŭ, and Chou would follow that reading; however, the two are interchangeable. (Chao 109.)
93. ##. For ## B, C have ##. CHy and D write ## ## probably under the influence of Hsün-tzŭ: ## ## "He does not bother about explaining how they got to be as they are, but makes the best possible use of their properties." ## and ## are interchangeable; cf. Yi King 281 (11 hsiang): ##, where ## is a variant.
94. ##: Hao I-hsing above has argued that Hsün-tzŭ ## should be ## as in HSWC, and Wang Hsien-ch`ien thinks his argument is also valid here.
95. Cf. HSWC 4/10 at the end. This does not occur in Hsün-tzŭ.
96. Shih 371 No. 209/3.
97. This is from YTCC 5.17a-b, where it is told in a way less to the credit of Confucius.
98. Chou remarks, "There is no further mention in the Ch`un-ch`iu of envoys sent on friendly visits to Lu by Ch`i, after Ch`ing Fêng in the 27th year of [Duke] Hsiang (B.C. 545). This is just an invention of the philosophers."
99. Shih. 371 No. 209/3.
100. Shih. 371 No. 209/3.
101. For a description of this system cf. Maspero, La Chine Antique 109-17.
102. ##: CHy and C write ##.
103. Cf. Ku-liang chuan 12.16a: "Of old 300 pu made up one li. It was called a chingt`ien [unit]. One ching-t`ien unit contained 900 mou. The public field occupied one [section]."
104. CHy and D have — for ##.
105. Ho Hsiu's com. on Kung-yang chuan 16.15b: "Those in excess of five persons [per family] were called ##. By rule these people received field of 25 mou"; likewise Mencius 245 (3A/3.17).
106. Ho Hsiu, ibid., says "Dwellings in the fields were called ##; those in the city were called ##."
107. Shih 375 No. 210/4.
108. ##: Shih k`ao 17b says the Han shih reading was ##. (Chao 109.)
109. I follow Chou and emend ## to ##.
110. Shih 522 No. 257/5.
111. This is derived from Hsün-tzŭ 19.11a-b, where it is introduced by the line, "When superiors lay emphasis on i, then i triumphs over [motives of] profit. When they lay emphasis on profit, then profit triumphs over i." ## 。 ## ##
112. B, C write ## "nor be merchants in the streets." The phrase is lacking in Hsün-tzŭ.
113. CHy and D incorrectly write ## for ##.
114. Chêng Hsüan's com. on Li chi 60.5b says, " `A family that has ice cut'—that is, one with [the rank of] minister or Great Officer, or above, that used ice in mourning or sacrifices." ## 。 ## 。 ##.
115. Cf. GL 379-80: "He who keeps horses and a carriage does not look after fowls and pigs. The family which keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep. [So], the house which possesses a hundred chariots should not keep a minister to look out for imposts that he may lay them on the people."
116. ##: Hsün-tzŭ lacks ##, and Yü Yüeh (Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 15.14a-b) thinks it should be added there. He explains ## as a mistake for ##; for ## he would read ##, as a phonetic borrowing. ## he says is "bamboo fence." Actually only the variant ## is so defined, but as Yü points out, this emendation makes sense with the next phrase, ##, both expressing the idea of not competing with the people for gain.
117. Cf. Chou li 1.25b.
118. For ## Li Hsien's quotation in his com. on Hou-Han shu 58B.3a writes ## "seize." (Chao 110.)
119. ##: Li Hsien, ibid., has ## "encourage." (Chao.)
120. Cf. Analects 264 (13/3.6): "The people do not know how to move hand or foot."
121. Shih 381 No. 212/3.
122. Abridged from Hsün-tzŭ 8.9a-11a, which frequently has an easier reading.
123. Chou would add ## after ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. CHy has ## for ##. B, C have ## "Can such be called anything but the Great Way?"
124. ##: lit., "alter it." After this sentence, Hsün-tzŭ has an identical passage about getting a good driver.
125. I follow CHy, who adds ## after ## from Hsün-tzŭ, and with B, C reverses ##.
126. Read ## with CHy, B, C for ##.
127. ##: likewise Huün-tzŭ. Wang Nien-sun would transpose to ## "10-odd," since in Hsün-tzŭ's time there were no more states than that.
128. I. e., favoritism.
129. ##. I follow CHy, who emends to the Hsün-tzŭ reading: ##. The ## probably was introduced by attraction of the cliché ##.
130. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Yü Yüeh (Chu-tzŭ p`ing-i 13.11a) prefers ## as referring to the legend that T`ai-kung was in a boat fishing when King Wên found him. Later (CYTT 17.5b-6a) he argues for ## *tiôg, the name of a state, and for which ## *tiôg would be a phonetic borrowing. That ## does occur as a place name is substantiated by texts (cf. Kuo yü 16.3b, and Kao Yu's com. on LSCC 20.2a), but the point here is the lowly origin of the man, not his nationality.
131. I follow D and Hsün-tzŭ; the other texts have 71.
132. After Hsün-tzŭ. CHy, B, C, D have 52.
133. Shih 463 No. 244/8.
134. CHy would add ## "This refers to treating with affection those one loves."
135. Shih 391 No. 217/3. It is this quotation which accords with the sequence of paragraphs.
136. Cf. Hsün-tzŭ 1.11b-12a (Dubs 39-40).
137. ##, ## "If the enquirer does not tell [what his question is], let the one who is to answer not ask [for it]" (?) This is forced, and I follow CHy, who has ##, ##, after Hsün-tzŭ. Yang Liang equates ## with ##, which he explains as "bad" ##. Hsün-tzŭ continues ## "Do not listen to one whose speech is coarse."
138. Cf. Analects 297 (15/7): "When a man may be spoken with, not to speak to him is to err in reference to the man. When a man may not be spoken with, to speak to him is to err in reference to our words. The wise err neither in regard to their man nor to their words."
139. Shih 403 No. 222/3.
140. Cf. Analects 270 (13/18.2): "The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Uprightness is to be found in this."
141. For ## read ## with B, C. I have rendered ## as "wicked."
142. Shih 404 No. 222/5.
143. HSWC 8/25 quotes this line with ## for ##. (Chao 114.) The Mao shih reading ## "joyous" makes no sense in the present context.
144. SY 3.14a-b copies this verbatim.
145. Shih 405 No. 223/4.
146. Translated after the Han School commentary preserved in a Hou-Han shucommentary and quoted by Schên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 10.4a): ## ## "It says those thought to be evil by the king all hate him with one accord."
147. Huai-nan tzŭ 10.13b is quite similar.
148. The punctuation of this passage is debatable. I take ## as beginning a new sentence, since the conclusion emphasizes a contrast between ## and ##. Huai-nan tzŭ is clearer: ##.
149. Shih 405 No. 223/4.
150. D makes this part of the last section; cf. HSWC 4/23, note 7.
151. Shih 407 No. 223/8.
152. This is a paraphrase of Hsün-tzŭ 20.12b-13a. Chia-yü 2.11b-12a follows Hsün-tzŭ.
153. Shih 405 No. 223/4.
154. From Hsün-tzŭ 3.12b-17b (Dubs 77-79 leaves out half of this passage), but much condensed and with changes in the names mentioned.
155. I. e., the 3rd century B.C., Hsün-tzŭ's own time.
156. Hsün-tzŭ lists twelve: T`o Hsiao ## Wei Mou, Ch`ên Chung ##, Shih Ch`iu ##, Mo Ti, Sung Chien, Shên Tao, T`ien P`ien, Hui Shih, Têng Hsi, Tzŭ-ssŭ ##, Mêng K`o ##. On the omission of these last two names Chou says, "This is the penetrating understanding of a Great Confucian." ##.
157. ## 。 ## is peculiar, but enough of this occurs in Hsün-tzŭ to fix the punctuation: ## 。 ## . . .
158. ##: I follow B, C, ##, likewise CHy, with ## for ##.
159. ##: "On a road without traffic, two persons stick together." CHy, B, C have ## for ##, and so in my translation. Chou defends ## on the ground that in Hsün-tzŭ the twelve philosophers are discussed in pairs. However the expression ## does not once occur there. It makes no sense here, and HSWC has not followed Hsün-tzŭ's arrangement.
160. CHy, B, C, D and Hsün-tzŭ reverse ##. Cf. Shih 444 No. 238/5.
161. Yang Liang defines ## as ##.
162. ##: Yang Liang says, "## means rules. ## means to compare. Treating on a large scale is called ##; when distinctions are made it is called ##."
163. ##: CHy, D have ## for ##. B, C have ##. Chou has followed Hsün-tzŭ. Yang Liang says, "The southwest corner is called ##; the southeast corner ## It means he does not go outside his dwelling."
164. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##, and I take ## as a verb parallel to ## in the next sentence: ##.
165. For ## B, C have ##.
166. ##: lit., "without [so much as] an awl's point of land." This is a common cliché which occurs also in HSWC 5/5, 5/14, and Hsün-tzŭ 4.16b.
167. ## 。 ## ##. CHy adds this form Hsün-tzŭ changing ## to ## and ## to ## to agree with the rest of the HSWC passage. Chou also remarks that the text is defective. Wang Nien-sun says ## means ##. Of ## Yang Liang quotes, "Wherever ships and carriages reach; wherever the strength of man penetrates." (DM 429, 31/4).
168. Shih 406 No. 223/7.
169. ##. CHy emends to the Shih k`ao reading: ##. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 10.7a) thinks present texts of HSWC are here corrupted by Mao shih.
170. ##. For ## B, C, D have ## as in Mao shih. Ch`ên (ibid.) quotes the gloss from Ching-i shih-wên to show that ## should be ##, the binom being there defined as ##.
171. Modified from Hsün-tzŭ 2.4b-5b, which begins, "The superior man is the opposite of the mean man." ##.
172. Cf. Yi King 409 (1 ##), "Rejoicing, he carries his principles into action; sorrowing, he keeps with them in retirement."
173. ##: Chou has emended from Hsün-tzŭ; all other texts have ##.
174. ##: B, C write ## "devious." Wang Yin-chih defines ## as ##.
175. For ## B, C, D have ##, likewise Hsün-tzŭ. (Chao 116.)
176. Shih 407 No. 223/8.
177. ##. Chou adds this line from HSWC 4/20; likewise Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo k`ao 10.8b) Chou would expunge the rest of ¶ 20.
178. ## For ## read ##; cf. Li Ki 2.636 (40/1): ##.
179. ##. The text is corrupt, and there would seem to be words missing after this sentence. I follow CHy, B, C: ##, emending ## to ## as above.
180. Cf. HSWC 4/23.
181. Shih 407 No. 223/8.
182. CKT 5.38b-40a is the same as HSWC, and is translated by J. J. L. Duyvendak, "The Chronology of Hsün tzŭ," TP 26 (1929) .86-90. HFT 4.12b-13a (Liao 131-3) contains the part beginning "The proverb says," but omits the fu, which is in Hsün-tzŭ 18.18a-19a. On this passage cf. Wang Chung (Shu-hsüeh pu-i 7b), and Wang Hsiench`ien's refutation (Hsün-tzŭ k`ao-chêng ## 47b.-48b). (Chao 117.)
183. ##; cf. HSWC 3/36, note 2.
184. CHy repeats ##; Chou agrees.
185. CHy has ## for ##. Both he and Chou have followed CKT. Other editions have ## "with feigned pleasure."
186. B, C have ## for ##. CHy, following HFT, omits ## and writes ## for ##. CKT is the same, and so in my translation.
187. D has ## for ##. I follow CHy (after CKT): ##.
188. ##. Cf. Tso chuan 581 (Chao 1), where the story is told in more detail but with some identity in phrasing. "Ch`un-ch`iu," if it refers to a specific work, must mean the annals of Chêng or Ch`u, as the Ch`un-ch`iu of Lu has no mention of the incident.
189. Cf. Tso chuan 514 (Hsiang 25) for details.
190. ## 。 ##. CHy adds this from CKT.
191. ##: also added by CHy, after ## in HFT.
192. ##: title taken by King Wu-ling of Chao on his abdication (B.C. 299) in favor of his son Ho ##, who became King Hui-wên.
193. ## "killed him after 100 days," but cf. Mém. hist. 5.94-5.
194. CHy adds ## from CKT and HFT.
195. ##. CKT and HFT have ##.
196. ## in the meaning of ##, as in CKT 13.1a (translated in Mém. hist. 5.273-4, note 2). q.v. for the background of this deed.
197. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##, explained by Hao I-hsing as ##, by Yang Liang as ##.
198. Following Yang Liang. Wang Nien-sun reads ## as a verb and paraphrases, "Cloth and brocade spread out in front of him" ##.
199. Famous for their beauty; cf. Yang Liang's com. for the former and Shih 137 No. 84/1, Mencius 406 (6A/7.7) for the later.
200. ##: and ugly woman; cf. Ch`u tz`ŭ 13.10b.
201. ##: not identified. (Yang Liang.)
202. Hsün-tzŭ writes ## "He takes instability for peace."
203. Shih 408 No. 224/2.
204. For ## CHy, D have ## , which seems to have been the Han shih reading. Ch`ên Ch`iao-ts`ung (I-shuo-k`ao 10.9b-10b) regards them as variants (with ##) of the same word. ## is generally accepted as here referring to the ruler.
205. ## D has ## for ##. CHy, B, C have ## for ## ##. The passage has perhaps been contaminated from Analects 255 (12/8.3): ## ##. "Hide from which the hair has been removed" makes no sense here. From the context it seems likely that the flesh of some animal is referred to that is eaten with impunity by the natives who are used to it, but to an outsider is fatal. My translation is only a conjecture.
206. For ## read ## with CHy, B, C.
207. Shih 415 No. 228/3.
208. I have taken ## as in the text above. Variant translations occur in Legge and Karlgren, Book of Odes 16.255.
209. This is modified slightly from Mencius 414 (6A/11). I follow Legge's translation with a few changes.
210. HSWC lacks ##.
211. For ## Mencius has ##.
212. The following lines, from "Is it" "Truly" are lacking in Mencius.
213. ##. I follow CHy, B, C and omit ##.
214. Shih 415 No. 228/4.
215. Cf. Hsün-tzŭ 1.21b (Dubs 51) for the first three sentences. The whole passage is corrupt. Though I have been able to make some sort of sense out of it by following the easier readings, I suspect that the argument originally may have been quite different.
216. ##. B, C have ## for ##. D has ## for ##. CHy has ##, and ## for ##, emending on the basis of Hsün-tzŭ: ## ##. As Hao I-hsing and Wang Nien-sun both prefer ## for ##, I accept CHy's emendation but retain ##.
217. I follow B, C: ## for ##.
218. ##. I follow B, C and read ## for ## , balancing ## above.
219. A ## was about .6 g. in Han times. (Dubs, HFHD 1, loc. cit.)
220. ##. I follow CHy, B, C and read ## for ##. Cf. Mencius 410 (6A/9.3): ##.
221. Shih 415 No. 228/4.
222. I follow CHy, B, C to read ## for ## before ## and ##.
223. Cf. DM 432 (33/3).
224. Shih 417 No. 229/5.
225. KTCY A.4a has ## 。 ## "Confucius went to Wei, and Wei had him receive guests." (Chao 120.) This paragraph is omitted by D.
226. ##. Chou suggests ## for ## , but the phrase remains enigmatical. For ## PWYF cites only this example.
227. Cf. Analects 276 (14/2.2).
228. ##. This is not clear.
229. ##: the foot measure based on the length of 100 millet seeds placed lengthwise.
230. Lei-chü 83.6b, Po-t`ieh 7.45a, Ch`u-hsüeh chi 27.6a have ## for ##; TPYL 802.8a has ##. (Chao.)
231. ## "Form is the body and appearance is the mind." I follow KTCY, loc. cit.: ##. Chao (121) assumes that after ## was corrupted into ## was changed to ##.
232. ##. I follow CHy, B, C and read ##. KTCY has ##. (Chao.)
233. Shih 417 No. 229/5.
234. KTCY follows with ## "It says what there is inside must appear without." (Chao.)
235. Note the rhyme: ##.
236. Cf. Analects 176 (5/9.1).
237. Note the rhyme: ##.
238. Shih 417 No. 229/5.
239. This is abridged from Hsün-tzŭ 20.14a-b. TTLC 1.5b is closer to Hsün-tzŭ, while Chia-yü 1.23a-b diverges considerably from all the others.
240. Hsün-tzŭ, TTLC, and Chia-yü introduce this with "Duke Ai said, `I venture to ask what are the characteristics of one who is called a commoner?' " ## ##. The reply is attributed to Confucius.
241. ## B, C have ## for ##. Hsün-tzŭ and TTLC have ## for ##, and Chou prefers that reading. The "five viscera"—heart, liver, spleen, lungs, and kidneys, require the reading ##: "His five viscera are not controlled." ## is variously defined by Yang Liang as the five apertures: ear, eye, nose, mouth, and heart, or the five emotions: joy, anger, grief, pleasure, and resentment. Hao I-hsing and Wang Nien-sun prefer the latter, and so in the translation.
242. Shih 418 No. 229/7.
of this story occur in LSCC 18.6b and SY 15.15b-16a. As the latter resolves some of the
ambiguities of HSWC, I append a translation:
"Master Wang Man of Ch`i had an interview
with the Duke of Chou. The Duke of Chou came out to see him and said, `You,
sir, have had the trouble of coming a long way. What is it you have to teach
Master Wang Man said, "One speaks of
essentials inside, and of external outside. Now shall I speak of essentials or
The Duke of Chou led him inside. Master Wang
Man (delete ##) respectfully followed him and spread out his mat, but the Duke
of Chou did not lead him to a seat. Master Wang Man said, `One speaks of
important affairs sitting, and of minor affairs standing. Now shall I speak of
important affairs or of minor ones?'
The Duke of Chou led him to a seat. When
Master Wang Man had sat down, the Duke of Chou said, "What is it, sir, you have
to teach me?'
Master Wang Man said, `I have heard that the
saint knows without being told, and that one who is not a saint does not know
even with telling. Now do you want me to speak or not?'
The Duke of Chou lowered his head for some
time in thought without answering. Master Wang Man took brush and tablet and
wrote, `The state is in danger, take it to heart.' The Duke of Chou looked up.
Seeing what was written he said, `Yes, yes. I respectfully attend your
command.' Next day he punished [the princes of] Kuan and Ts`ai."
Master Wang Man said, "One speaks of essentials inside, and of external outside. Now shall I speak of essentials or of externals?'
The Duke of Chou led him inside. Master Wang Man (delete ##) respectfully followed him and spread out his mat, but the Duke of Chou did not lead him to a seat. Master Wang Man said, `One speaks of important affairs sitting, and of minor affairs standing. Now shall I speak of important affairs or of minor ones?'
The Duke of Chou led him to a seat. When Master Wang Man had sat down, the Duke of Chou said, "What is it, sir, you have to teach me?'
Master Wang Man said, `I have heard that the saint knows without being told, and that one who is not a saint does not know even with telling. Now do you want me to speak or not?'
The Duke of Chou lowered his head for some time in thought without answering. Master Wang Man took brush and tablet and wrote, `The state is in danger, take it to heart.' The Duke of Chou looked up. Seeing what was written he said, `Yes, yes. I respectfully attend your command.' Next day he punished [the princes of] Kuan and Ts`ai."
244. Shêng Shu ## according to LSCC; SY has ##.
245. ## LSCC has ## ##. "The court is small and people are many. If I speak softly you will not hear; if I speak distinctly people will know what I say." The context fixes the meanings of ## and ##. For ## cf. Shih 331 No. 195/2: ##, where Han Ying understood ##. (Legge's note.)
246. Shih 419 No. 230/2.
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