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比 干 諫 而 死 。 箕 子 曰 ： 「 知 不 用 而 言 ， 愚 也 ， 殺 身以 彰 君 之 惡 ， 不 忠 也 。 二 者 不 可 ， 然 且 為 之 ， 不 祥 莫 大焉 。 」 遂 解 髮 佯 狂 而 去 。 君 子 聞 之 ， 曰 ： 「 勞 矣 ！ 箕 子！ 盡 其 精 神 ， 竭 其 忠 愛 ， 見 比 干 之 事 ， 免 其 身 ， 仁 知 之至 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 人 亦 有 言 ， 靡 哲 不 愚 。 」
齊 桓 公 見 小 臣 ， 三 往 不 得 見 。 左 右 曰 ： 「 夫 小 臣、 國 之 賤 臣 也 ， 君 三 往 而 不 得 見 ， 其 可 已 矣 ！ 」 桓 公 曰： 「 惡 ！ 是 何 言 也 ！ 吾 聞 之 ： 布 衣 之 士 不 欲 富 貴 ， 不 輕身 於 萬 乘 之 君 ； 萬 乘 之 君 不 好 仁 義 ， 不 輕 身 於 布 衣 之 士。 縱 夫 子 不 欲 富 貴 ， 可 也 ， 吾 不 好 仁 義 、 不 可 也 。 」 五往 而 得 見 也 。 天 下 諸 侯 聞 之 ， 謂 桓 公 猶 下 布 衣 之 士 ， 而況 國 君 乎 ！ 於 是 相 率 而 朝 ， 靡 有 不 至 。 桓 公 之 所 以 九 合諸 侯 ， 一 匡 天 下 者 、 此 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 有 覺 德 行 ， 四 國 順之 。 」
賞 勉 罰 偷 ， 則 民 不 怠 ； 兼 聽 齊 明 ， 則 天 下 歸 之 。然 後 明 其 分 職 ， 考 其 事 業 ， 較 其 官 能 ， 莫 不 理 法 ， 則 公道 達 而 私 門 塞 ， 公 義 立 而 私 事 息 。 如 是 、 則 持 厚 者 進 ，而 佞 諂 者 止 ， 貪 戾 者 退 ， 而 廉 潔 者 起 。 周 制 曰 ： 「 先 時者 、 死 無 赦 ； 不 及 時 者 、 死 無 赦 。 」 人 習 事 而 因 ， 人 之事 ， 使 如 耳 目 鼻 口 之 不 可 相 錯 也 。 故 曰 ： 職 分 而 民 不 慢， 次 定 而 序 不 亂 ， 兼 聽 齊 明 而 百 事 不 留 。 如 是 、 則 群 下百 吏 莫 不 脩 己 然 後 敢 安 仕 ， 成 能 然 後 敢 受 職 ， 小 人 易 心， 百 姓 易 俗 ， 奸 宄 之 屬 ， 莫 不 反 愨 ， 夫 是 之 謂 政 教 之 極， 則 不 可 加 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 訏 謨 定 命 ， 遠 猶 辰 告 。 敬 慎 威儀 ， 惟 民 之 則 。 」
子 路 治 蒲 三 年 ， 孔 子 過 之 。 入 境 而 善 之 ， 曰 ： 「由 恭 敬 以 信 矣 。 」 入 邑 ， 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 由 忠 信 以 寬 矣 。」 至 庭 ， 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 由 明 察 以 斷矣 。 」 子 貢 執 轡 而 問曰 ： 「 夫 子 未 見 由 ， 而 三 稱 善 ， 可 得 聞 乎 ？ 」 孔 子 曰 ：「 入 其 境 ， 田 疇 草 萊 甚 辟 ， 此 恭 敬 以 信 ， 故 民 盡 力 。 入其 邑 ， 墉 屋 甚 尊 ， 樹 木 甚 茂 ， 此 忠 信 以 寬 ， 其 民 不 偷 。其 庭 甚 閑 ， 此 明 察 以 斷 ， 故 民 不 擾 也 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 夙 興夜 寐 ， 灑 掃 庭 內 。 」
古 者 有 命 ： 民 之 有 能 敬 長 憐 孤 、 取 捨 好 讓 、居 事力 者 、 命 於 其 君 ， 然 後 命 得 乘 飾 車 駢 馬 ， 未 得 命 者 、 不得 乘 飾 車 駢 馬 ， 皆 有 罰 。 故 民 雖 有 餘 財 侈 物 ， 而 無 禮 義功 德 ， 則 無 所 用 。 故 皆 興 仁 義 而 賤 財 利 ， 賤 財 利 則 不 爭， 不 爭 則 強 不 陵 弱 ， 眾 不 暴 寡 ， 是 君 之 所 以 象 典 刑 而 民莫 犯 法 ， 民 莫 犯 法 ， 而 亂 斯 止 矣 。 詩 曰 ： 「 質 爾 人 民 ，謹 爾 侯 度 ， 用 戒 不 虞 。 」
天 下 之 辯 ， 有 三 至 五 勝 ， 而 辭 置 下 。 辯 者 、 別 殊類 ， 使 不 相 害 ； 序 異 端 ， 使 不 相 悖 ； 輸 公 通 意 ， 揚 其 所謂 ， 使 人 預 知 焉 ， 不 務 相 迷 也 。 是 以 辯 者 不 失 所 守 ， 不勝 者 得 其 所 求 ， 故 辯 可 觀 也 。 夫 繁 文 以 相 假 ， 飾 辭 以 相悖 ， 數 譬 以 相 移 ， 外 人 之 身 ， 使 不 得 反 其 意 ， 則 論 便 然後 害 生 也 。 夫 不 疏 其 指 而 弗 知 ， 謂 之 隱 ； 外 意 外 身 ， 謂之 諱 ； 幾 廉 倚 跌 ， 謂 之 移 ； 指 緣 謬 辭 ， 謂 之 苟 ； 四 者 所不 為 也 ， 故 理 可 同 睹 也 。 夫 隱 諱 移 苟 ， 爭 言 競 為 而 後 息， 不 能 無 害 其 為 君 子 也 ， 故 君 子 不 為 也 。 論 語 曰 ： 「 君子 於 其 言 ， 無 所 苟 而 已 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 無 易 由 言 ， 無 曰苟 矣 。 」
吾 語 子 ： 「 夫 服 人 之 心 ， 高 上 尊 貴 ， 不 以 驕 人 ；聰 明 聖 知 ， 不 以 幽 人 ； 勇 猛 強 武 不 以 侵 人 ； 齊 給 便 捷 ，不 以 欺 誣 人 。 不 能 則 學 ， 不 知 則 問 ， 雖 知 必 讓 ， 然 後 為知 。 遇 君 則 修 臣 下 之 義 ， 出 鄉 則 脩 長 幼 之 義 ， 遇 長 老 則修 弟 子 之 義 ， 遇 等 夷 則 修 朋 友 之 義 ， 遇 少 而 賤 者 則 修 告道 寬 裕 之 義 。 故 無 不 愛 也 ， 無 不 敬 也 ， 無 與 人 爭 也 ， 曠然 而 天 地 苞 萬 物 也 。 如 是 、 則 老 者 安 之 ， 少 者 懷 之 、 朋友 信 之 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 惠 于 朋 友 ， 庶 民 小 子 。 子 孫 繩 繩 ，萬 民 靡 不 承 。 」
仁 者 必 敬 其 人 。 敬 其 人 有 道 ， 遇 賢 者 則 愛 親 而 敬之 ， 遇 不 肖 者 則 畏 疏 而 敬 之 。 其 敬 一 也 ， 其 情 二 也 。 若夫 忠 信 端 愨 而 不 害 傷 ， 則 無 接 而 不 然 ， 是 仁 之 質 也 。 仁以 為 質 ， 義 以 為 理 ， 開 口 無 不 可 以 為 人 法 式 者 。 詩 曰 ：「 不 僭 不 賊 ， 鮮 不 為 則 。 」
子 曰 ： 「 不 學 而 好 思 ， 雖 知 不 廣 矣 ； 學 而 慢其 身， 雖 學 不 尊 矣 。 不 以 誠 立 ， 雖 立 不 久 矣 ； 誠 未 著 而 好 言， 雖 言 不 信 矣 。 美 材 也 ， 而 不 聞 君 子 之 道 ，隱 小 物 以 害大 物 者 ， 災 必 及 身 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 其 何 能 淑 ， 載 胥 及 溺。 」
民 勞 思 佚 ， 治 暴 思 仁 ， 刑 危 思 安 ， 國 亂 思 天 。 詩曰 ： 「 靡 有 旅 力 ， 以 念 穹 蒼 。 」
問 者 曰 ： 「 古 之 謂 知 道 者 曰 先 生 ， 何 也 ？ 」 「 猶言 先 醒 也 。 不 聞 道 術 之 人 ， 則 冥 於 得 失 ， 不 知 亂 之 所 由， 眊 眊 乎 其 猶 醉 也 。 故 世 主 有 先 生 者 ， 有 後 生 者 、 有 不生 者 。 昔 者 、 楚 莊 王 謀 事 而 居 有 憂 色 。 申 公 巫 臣 問 曰 ：『 王 何 為 有 憂 也 ？ 』 莊 王 曰 ： 『 吾 聞 諸 侯 之 德 ， 能 自 取師 者 王 ， 能 自 取 友 者 霸 ，而 與 居 不 若 其 身 者 亡 。 以 寡 人之 不 肖 也 ， 諸 大 夫 之 論 ， 莫 有 及 於 寡 人 ， 是 以 憂 也 。 』莊 王 之 德 宜 君 人 ， 威 服 諸 侯 ， 日 猶 恐 懼 ， 思 索 賢 佐 。 此其 先 生 者 也 。 昔 者 、 宋 昭 公 出 亡 ， 謂 其 御 曰 ： 『 吾 知 其所 以 亡 矣 。 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 何 哉 ？ 』 昭 公 曰 ： 『 吾 被 服 而立 ， 侍 御 者 數 十 人 ， 無 不 曰 ： 吾 君 、 麗 者 也 。 吾 發 言 動事 ， 朝 臣 數 百 人 ， 無 不 曰 ： 吾 君 、 聖 者 也 。 吾 外 內 不 見吾 過 失 ， 是 以 亡 也 。 』 於 是 改 操 易 行 ， 安 義 行 道 ， 不 出二 年 ， 而 美 聞 於 宋 ， 宋 人 迎 而 復 之 ， 諡 為 昭 。 此 其 後 生者 也 。 昔 郭 君 出 郭 ， 謂 其 御 者 曰 ： 『 吾 渴 ， 欲 飲 。 』 御者 進 清 酒 。 曰 ： 『 吾 飢 ， 欲 食 。 』 御 者 進 乾 脯 梁 糗 。 曰： 『 何 備 也 ！ 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 臣 儲 之 。 』 曰 ： 『 奚 儲 之 ？』 御 者 曰 ： 『 為 君 之 出 亡 ， 而 道 飢 渴 也 。 』 曰 ： 『 子 知吾 且 亡 乎 ？ 』 御 者 曰 ： 『 然 。 』 曰 ： 『 何 不 以 諫 也 ？ 』御 者 曰 ： 『 君 喜 道 諛 ， 而 惡 至 言 。 臣 欲 進 諫 ， 恐 先 郭 亡， 是 以 不 諫 也 。 』 郭 君 作 色 而 怒 曰 ： 『 吾 所 以 亡 者 、 誠何 哉 ？ 』 御 轉 其 辭 曰 ： 『 君 之 所 以 亡 者 、 太 賢 。 』 曰 ：『 夫 賢 者 所 以 不 為 存 而 亡 者 、 何 也 ？ 』 御 曰 ： 『 天 下 無賢 而 獨 賢 ， 是 以 亡 也 。 』 伏 軾 而 嘆 曰 ： 『 嗟 乎 ！ 失 賢 人者 如 此 乎 ？ 』 於 是 身 倦 力 解 ， 枕 御 膝 而 臥 ， 御 自 易 以 備， 疏 行 而 去 。 身 死 中 野 ， 為 虎 狼 所 食 。 此 其 不 生 者 也 。故 先 生 者 、 當 年 霸 ， 楚 莊 王 是 也 。 後 生 者 、 三 年 而 復 ，宋 昭 公 是 也 。 不 生 者 、 死 中 野 ， 為 虎 狼 所 食 ， 郭 君 是 也。 有 先 生 者 、 有 後 生 者 、 有 不 生 者 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 聽 言 則對 ， 誦 言 如 醉 。 」
田 常 弒 簡 公 ， 乃 盟 于 國 人 ， 曰 ： 「 不 盟 者 、 死 及家 。 」 石 他 曰 ： 「 古 之 事 君 者 、 死 其 君 之 事 。 舍 君 以 全親 ， 非 忠 也 ； 捨 親 以 死 君 之 事 ， 非 孝 也 ； 他 則 不 能 。 然不 盟 ， 是 殺 吾 親 也 ， 從 人 而 盟 ， 是 背 吾 君 也 。 嗚 呼 ！ 生亂 世 ， 不 得 正 行 ； 劫 乎 暴 人 ， 不 得 全 義 ， 悲 夫 ！ 」 乃 進盟 ， 以 免 父 母 ； 退 伏 劍 ， 以 死 其 君 。 聞 之 者 曰 ： 「 君 子哉 ！ 安 之 命 矣 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 人 亦 有 言 ； 進 退 維 谷 。 」 石先 生 之 謂 也 。
易 曰 ： 「 困 于 石 ， 據 于 蒺 藜 ， 入 于 其 宮 ， 不 見 其妻 ， 凶 。 」 此 言 困 而 不 見 據 賢 人 者 也 。 昔 者 、 秦 繆 公 困於 殽 ， 疾 據 五 羖 大 夫 、 蹇 叔 、 公 孫 友 而 小 霸 。 晉 文 困 於驪 氏 ， 疾 據 咎 犯 、 趙 衰 、 介 子 推 而 遂 為 君 。 越 王 勾 踐 困於 會 稽 ， 疾 據 范 蠡 、 大 夫 種 、 而 霸 南 國 。 齊 桓 公 困 於 長勺 ， 疾 據 管 仲 、 甯 戚 、 隰 朋 ， 而 匡 天 下 。 此 皆 困 而 知 疾據 賢 人 者 也 。 夫 困 而 不 知 疾 據 賢 人 ， 而 不 亡 者 、 未 嘗 有之 也 。 詩 曰 ：「 人 之 云 亡 ， 邦 國 殄 瘁 。 」 無 善 人 之 謂 也。
孟 子 說 齊 宣 王 而 不 說 。 淳 于 髡 侍 ， 孟 子 曰 ： 「 今日 說 公 之 君 ， 公 之 君 不 說 ， 意 者 、 其 未 知 善 之 為 善 乎 ？」 淳 于 髡 曰 ： 「 夫 子 亦 誠 無 善 耳 。 昔 者 瓠 巴 鼓 瑟 ， 而 潛魚 出 聽 ； 伯 牙 鼓 琴 ， 而 六 馬 仰 秣 ； 魚 馬 猶 知 善 之 為 善 ，而 況 君 人 者 也 。 」 孟 子 曰 ： 「 夫 雷 電 之 起 也 ， 破 竹 折 木， 震 驚 天 下 ， 而 不 能 使 聾 者 卒 有 聞 ； 日 月 之 明 ， 遍 照 天下 ， 而 不 能 使 盲 者 卒 有 見 。 今 公 之 君 若 此 也 。 」 淳 于 髡曰 ： 「 不 然 。 昔 者 、 揖 封 生 高 商 ， 齊 人 好 歌 ； 杞 梁 之 妻悲 哭 ， 而 人 稱 詠 。 夫 聲 無 細 而 不 聞 ， 行 無 隱 而 不 形 。 夫子 苟 賢 ， 居 魯 而 魯 國 之 削 ， 何 也 ？ 」 孟 子 曰 ： 「 不 用 賢， 削 何 有 也 ！ 吞 舟 之 魚 不 居 潛 澤 ， 度 量 之 士 不 居 汙 世 。夫 蓻 、 冬 至 必 彫 ， 吾 亦 時 矣 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「 不 自 我 先 ， 不自 我 後 。 」 非 遭 彫 世 者 歟 ！
孔 子 曰 ： 「 可 與 言 終 日 而 不 倦 者 、 其 惟 學乎 ！ 其身 體 不 足 觀 也 ， 勇 力 不 足 憚 也 ， 族 姓 不 足 稱 也 ， 宗 祖 不足 道 也 ； 而 可 以 聞 於 四 方 ， 而 昭 於 諸 侯 者 、 其 惟 學 乎 ！」 詩 曰 ： 「 不 愆 不 忘 ， 率 由 舊 章 。 」 夫 學 之 謂 也 。
子 曰 ： 「 不 知 命 ， 無 以 為 君 子 。 」 言 天 之 所 生 ，皆 有 仁 義 禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 不 知 天 之 所 以 命 生 ， 則 無 仁 義禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 無 仁 義 禮 智 順 善 之 心 ， 謂 之 小 人 。 故 曰： 「 不 知 命 ， 無 以 為 君 子 。 」 小 雅 曰 ： 「 天 保 定 爾 ， 亦孔 之 固 。 」 言 天 之 所 以 仁 義 禮 智 保 定 人 之 甚 固 也 。 大 雅曰 ： 「 天 生 蒸 民 ， 有 物 有 則 。 民 之 秉 彝 ， 好 是 懿 德 。 」言 民 之 秉 德 以 則 天 也 。 不 知 所 以 則 天 ， 又 焉 得 為 君 子 乎！
王 者 必 立 牧 ， 方 二 人 ， 使 窺 遠 牧 眾 也 。 遠 方 之 民有 飢 寒 而 不 得 衣 食 、 有 獄 訟 而 不 平 其 冤 ， 失 賢 而 不 舉 者、 入 告 乎 天 子 ， 天 子 於 其 君 之 朝 也 ， 揖 而 進 之 ， 曰 ： 「噫 ！ 朕 之 政 教 有 不 得 爾 者 邪 ？ 何 如 乃 有 飢 寒 而 不 得 衣 食， 有 獄 訟 而 不 平 其 冤 、 失 賢 而 不 舉 。 」 然 後 其 君 退 ， 而與 其 卿 大 夫 謀 之 。 遠 方 之 民 聞 之 ， 皆 曰 ： 「 誠 天 子 也 ！夫 我 居 之 僻 ， 見 我 之 近 也 ； 我 居 之 幽 ， 見 我 之 明 也 。 可欺 乎 哉 ！ 」 故 牧 者 所 以 開 四 目 、 通 四 聰 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 邦國 若 否 ， 仲 山 甫 明 之 。 」 此 之 謂 也 。
楚 莊 王 伐 鄭 ， 鄭 伯 肉 袒 ， 左 把 茅 旌 ， 右 執 鸞 刀 以進 ， 言 於 莊 王 曰 ： 「 寡 人 無 良 邊 陲 之 臣 ， 以 干 大 褐 ， 使大 國 之 君 沛 焉 ， 遠 辱 至 此 。 」 莊 王 曰 ： 「 君 子 不 令 臣 交易 為 言 ， 是 以 使 寡 人 得 見 君 之 玉 面 也 ， 而 微 至 乎 此 。 」莊 王 受 節 ， 左 右 麾 楚 軍 ， 退 舍 七 里 。 將 軍 子 重 進 諫 曰 ：「 夫 南 郢 之 與 鄭 ， 相 去 數 千 里 ， 大 夫 死 者 數 人 ， 廝 役 者數 百 人 ， 今 克 而 弗 有 ， 無 乃 失 民 臣 之 力 乎 ！ 」 莊 王 曰 ：「 吾 聞 ： 古 者 杅 不 穿 ， 皮 不 蠹 ， 不 出 於 四 方 ， 以 是 君 子之 重 禮 而 賤 財 也 ， 要 其 人 ， 不 要 其 土 ， 人 告 以 從 而 不 舍， 不 祥 也 。 吾 以 不 祥 立 於 天 下 ， 災 及 吾 身 ， 何 取 之 有 ？」 既 、 晉 之 救 鄭 者 至 ， 曰 ： 「 請 戰 。 」 莊 王 許 之 。 將 軍子 重 進 諫 曰 ：「 晉 、 強 國 也 ， 道 近 兵 銳 ， 楚 師 奄 罷 ， 君 其 勿 許 。 」 莊王 曰 ： 「 不 可 。 強 者 、 我 避 之 ， 弱 者 、 我 威 之 ， 是 寡 人無 以 立 乎 天 下 也 。 」 乃 遂 還 師 ， 以 逆 晉 寇 。 莊 王 援 桴 而鼓 之 ， 晉 師 大 敗 ， 士 卒 奔 者 爭 舟 ， 而 指 可 掬 也 。 莊 王 曰： 「 噫 ！ 吾 兩 君 不 相 好 ， 百 姓 何 罪 ？ 」 乃 退 楚 師 ， 以 佚晉 寇 。 詩 曰 ： 「 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 。 」
君 子 崇 人 之 德 ， 揚 人 之 美 ， 非 道 諛 也 ； 正 言 直 行， 指 人 之 過 ， 非 毀 疵 也 ； 詘 柔 順 從 ， 剛 強 猛 毅 ， 與 物 周流 ， 道 德 不 外 。 詩 曰 ： 「 柔 亦 不 茹 ， 剛 亦 不 吐 ； 不 侮 矜寡 ， 不 畏 強 禦 。 」
衛 靈 公 晝 寢 而 起 ， 志 氣 益 衰 ， 使 人 馳 召 勇 士 公 孫悁 ， 道 遭 行 人 卜 商 ， 卜 商 曰 ： 「 何 驅 之 疾 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ：「 公 晝 寢 而 起 ， 使 我 召 勇 士 公 孫 悁 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 微 悁而 勇 若 悁 者 、 可 乎 ？ 」 御 者 曰 ： 「 可 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 載我 而 反 。 」 至 ， 君 曰 ： 「 使 子 召 勇 士 ， 何 為 召 儒 ？ 」 使者 曰 ： 「 行 人 曰 ： 『 微 悁 而 勇 若 悁 者 、 可 乎 ？ 』 臣 曰 ：『 可 。 』 即 載 與 來 。 」 君 曰 ： 「 諾 。 延 先 生 上 ， 趣 召 公孫 悁 。 」 至 ， 入 門 杖 劍 疾 呼 曰 ： 「 商 下 ， 我 存 若 頭 。 」子 夏 顧 咄 之 ， 曰 ： 「 咄 ！ 內 劍 ， 吾 將 與 若 言 勇 。 」 於 是、 君 令 內 劍 而 上 。 子 夏 曰 ： 「 來 、 吾 嘗 與 子 從 君 而 西 ，見 趙 簡 子 ， 簡 子 披 髮 杖 矛 而 見 我 君 ， 我 從 十 三 行 之 後 ，趨 而 進 曰 ： 『 諸 侯 相 見 ， 不 宜 不 朝 服 ， 不 朝 服 ， 行 人 卜商 將 以 頸 血 濺 君 之 服 矣 。 』 使 反 朝 服 ， 而 見 吾 君 ， 子 耶？ 我 耶 ？ 」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不 若 我一 矣 。 又 與 子 從 君 而 東 至 阿 ， 遭 齊 君 重 ● 而 坐 ， 吾 君 單 ● 而 坐 ， 我 從 十 三 行 之 後 ， 趨 而 進 曰 ： 『 禮 、 諸 侯 相 見， 不 宜 相 臨 。 』 以 庶 揄 其 一 ● 而 去 之 者 、 子 耶 ？ 我 耶 ？」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不 若 我 二 矣 。 又與 子 從 君 於 囿 中 ， 於 是 兩 寇 肩 逐 我 君 ， 拔 矛 下 格 而 還 。子 耶 ？ 我 耶 ？ 」 悁 曰 ： 「 子 也 。 」 子 夏 曰 ： 「 子 之 勇 不若 我 三 矣 。 所 貴 為 士 者 、 上 攝 萬 乘 ， 下 不 敢 敖 乎 匹 夫 ；外 立 節 矜 ， 而 敵 不 侵 擾 ； 內 禁 殘 害 ， 而 君 不 危 殆 ； 是 士之 所 長 ， 君 子 之 所 致 貴 也 。 若 夫 以 長 掩 短 ， 以 眾 暴 寡 ，凌 轢 無 罪 之 民 ， 而 成 威 於 閭 巷 之 間 者 、 是 士 之 甚 毒 ， 而君 子 之 所 致 惡 也 ， 眾 之 所 誅 鋤 也 。 詩 曰 ： 『 人 而 無 儀 ，不 死 何 為 。 』 夫 何 以 論 勇 於 人 主 之 前 哉 ！ 」 於 是 靈 公 避席 抑 手 曰 ： 「 寡 人 雖 不 敏 ， 請 從 先 生 之 勇 。 」 詩 曰 ： 「不 侮 矜 寡 ， 不 畏 強 禦 。 」 卜 先 生 也 。
孔 子 行 ， 簡 子 將 殺 陽 虎 ， 孔 子 似 之 ， 帶 甲 以 圍 孔子 舍 ， 子 路 慍 怒 ， 奮 戟 將 下 ， 孔 子 止 之 ， 曰 ： 「 由 。 何仁 義 之 寡 裕 也 ！ 夫 詩 書 之 不 習 ， 禮 樂 之 不 講 ， 是 丘 之 罪也 。 若 吾 非 陽 虎 ， 而 以 我 為 陽 虎 ， 則 非 丘 之 罪 也 ， 命 也！ 我 歌 ， 子 和 若 。 」 子 路 歌 ， 孔 子 和 之 ， 三 終 而 圍 罷 。詩 曰 ： 「 來 游 來 歌 。 」 以 陳 盛 德 之 和 而 無 為 也 。
詩 曰 ： 「 愷 悌 君 子 ， 民 之 父 母 。 」 君 子 為 民 父 母何 如 ？ 曰 ： 「 君 子 者 、 貌 恭 而 行 肆 ， 身 儉 而 施 博 ， 故 不肖 者 不 能 逮 也 。 殖 盡 於 己 ， 而 區 略 於 人 ， 故 可 盡 身 而 事也 。 篤 愛 而 不 奪 ， 厚 施 而 不 伐 ； 見 人 有 善 ， 欣 然 樂 之 ；見 人 不 善 ， 惕 然 掩 之 ； 有 其 過 而 兼 包 之 ； 授 衣 以 最 ， 授食 以 多 ； 法 下 易 由 ， 事 寡 易 為 ； 是 以 中 立 而 為 人 父 母 也。 築 城 而 居 之 ， 別 田 而 養 之 ， 立 學 以 教 之 ， 使 人 知 親 尊， 親 尊 故 為 父 服 斬 縗 三 年 ， 為 君 亦 服 斬 縗 三 年 ， 為 民 父母 之 謂 也 。 」
事 強 暴 之 國 難 ， 使 強 暴 之 國 事 我 易 。 事 之 以 貨 寶， 則 貨 單 而 交 不 結 ； 約 契 盟 誓 ， 則 約 定 而 反 無 日 ； 割 國之 強 乘 以 賂 之 ， 則 割 定 而 欲 無 厭 。 事 之 彌 順 ， 其 侵 之 愈甚 ， 必 致 寶 單 國 舉 而 後 已 ， 雖 左 堯 右 舜 ， 未 有 能 以 此 道免 者 也 。 故 非 有 聖 人 之 道 ， 持 以 巧 敏 拜 請 畏 事 之 ， 則 不足 以 持 國 安 身 矣 ， 故 明 君 不 道 也 。 必 修 禮 以 齊 朝 ， 正 法以 齊 官 ， 平 政 以 齊 下 ， 然 後 禮 義 節 奏 齊 乎 朝 ， 法 則 度 量正 乎 官 ， 忠 信 愛 利 平 乎 下 。 行 一 不 義 ， 殺 一 無 罪 ， 而 得天 下 ， 不 為 也 。 故 近 者 競 親 ， 而 遠 者 願 至 ， 上 下 一 心 ，三 軍 同 力 ； 名 聲 足 以 薰 炙 之 ， 威 強 足 以 一 齊 之 ， 則 拱 揖指 麾 ， 而 強 暴 之 國 莫 不 趨 使 ， 如 赤 子 歸 慈 母 者 、 何 也 ？仁 形 義 立 ， 教 誠 愛 深 故 。 詩 曰 ： 「 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來。 」
勇 士 一 呼 ， 三 軍 皆 避 ， 士 之 誠 也 。 昔 者 、 楚 熊 渠子 夜 行 ， 寢 石 以 為 伏 虎 ， 彎 弓 而 射 之 ， 沒 金 飲 羽 ， 下 視， 知 其 為 石 ， 石 為 之 開 ， 而 況 人 乎 ！ 夫 倡 而 不 和 ， 動 而不 僨 ， 中 心 有 不 全 者 矣 。 夫 不 降 席 而 匡 天 下 者 、 求 之 己也 。 孔 子 曰 ： 「 其 身 正 ， 不 令 而 行 ； 其 身 不 正 ， 雖 令 不從 。 」 先 王 之 所 以 拱 揖 指 麾 ， 而 四 海 來 賓 者 、 誠 德 之 至也 ， 色 以 形 于 外 也 。 詩 曰 ： 「 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來 。 」
昔 者 、 趙 簡 子 薨 而 未 葬 ， 中 牟 畔 之 ， 葬 五 日 ， 襄子 興 師 而 次 之 ， 圍 未 匝 ， 而 城 自 壞 者 十 丈 ， 襄 子 擊 金 而退 之 。 軍 吏 諫 曰 ： 「 君 誅 中 牟 之 罪 ， 而 城 自 壞 者 、 是 天助 之 也 ， 君 曷 為 而 退 之 ？ 」 襄 子 曰 ： 「 吾 聞 之 於 叔 向 曰： 『 君 子 不 乘 人 於 利 ， 不 厄 人 於 險 。 』 使 其 城 ， 然 後 攻之 。 」 中 牟 聞 其 義 而 請 降 。 曰 ： 「 善 哉 ！ 襄 子 之 謂 也 。詩 曰 ： 『 王 猷 允 塞 ， 徐 方 既 來 。 』 」
威 有 三 術 ： 有 道 德 之 威 者 、 有 暴 察 之 威 者 ，有 狂妄 之 威 者 ， 此 三 威 不 可 不 審 察 也 。 何 謂 道 德 之 威 ？ 曰 ：「 禮 樂 則 修 ， 分 義 則 明 ； 舉 措 則 時 ， 愛 利 則 刑 ； 如 是 、則 百 姓 貴 之 如 帝 王 ， 親 之 如 父 母 ， 畏 之 如 神 明 ； 故 賞 不用 而 民 勸 ， 罰 不 加 而 威 行 ， 是 道 德 之 威 也 。 」 何 謂 暴 察之 威 ？ 曰 ： 「 禮 樂 則 不 修 ， 分 義 則 不 明 ， 舉 措 則 不 時 ，愛 利 則 不 刑 ， 然 而 其 禁 非 也 暴 ， 其 誅 不 服 也 繁 審 ， 其 刑罰 而 信 ， 其 誅 殺 猛 而 必 ， 闇 如 雷 擊 之 ， 如 牆 壓 之 ； 百 姓劫 則 致 畏 ， 怠 則 傲 上 ， 執 拘 則 聚 ， 遠 聞 則 散 ， 非 劫 之 以刑 勢 ， 振 之 以 誅 殺 ， 則 無 以 有 其 下 ， 是 暴 察 之 威 也 。 」何 謂 狂 妄 之 威 ？ 曰 ： 「 無 愛 人 之 心 ， 無 利 人 之 事 ， 而日為 亂 人 之 道 ， 百 姓 讙 譁 ， 則 從 而 放 執 於 刑 灼 ； 不和 人 心， 悖 逆 天 理 ； 是 以 水 旱 為 之 不 時 ， 年 穀 以 之 不 升 ； 百 姓上 困 於 暴 亂 之 患 ， 而 下 窮 衣 食 之 用 ， 愁 哀 而 無 所 告 訴 ，比 周 憤 潰 以 離 上 ， 傾 覆 滅 亡 可 立 而 待 ， 是 狂 妄 之 威 也 。夫 道 德 之 威 成 乎 眾 強 ， 暴 察 之 威 成 乎 危 弱 ， 狂 妄 之 威 成乎 滅 亡 。 故 威 名 同 而 吉 凶 之 效 遠 矣 ， 故 不 可 不 審 察 也 。」 詩 曰 ： 「 昊 天 疾 威 ， 天 篤 降 喪 ， 瘨 我 飢 饉 ， 民 卒 流 亡。 」
晉 平 公 游 於 河 而 樂 ， 曰 ： 「 安 得 賢 士 ， 與 之樂 此也 ！ 」 船 人 盍 胥 跪 而 對 曰 ： 「 主 君 亦 不 好 士 耳 ！ 夫 珠 出於 江 海 ， 玉 出 於 崑 山 ， 無 足 而 至 者 ， 猶 主 君 之 好 也 。 士有 足 而 不 至 者 ， 蓋 主 君 無 好 士 之 意 耳 ， 無 患 乎 無 士 也 。」 平 公 曰 ： 「 吾 食 客 門 左 千 人 ， 門 右 千 人 ； 朝 食 不 足 ，夕 收 市 賦 ； 暮 食 不 足 ， 朝 收 市 賦 。 吾 可 謂 不 好 士 乎 ？ 」盍 胥 對 曰 ： 「 夫 鴻 鵠 一 舉 千 里 ， 所 恃 者 、 六 翮 爾 ； 背 上之 毛 ， 腹 下 之 毳 ， 益 一 把 ， 飛 不 為 加 高 ， 損 一 把 ， 飛 不為 加 下 。 今 君 之 食 客 ， 門 左 門 右 各 千 人 ， 亦 有 六 翮 其 中矣 ， 將 皆 背 上 之 毛 ， 腹 下 之 毳 耶 ！ 」 詩 曰 ： 「 謀 夫 孔 多， 是 用 不 集 。 」
When Pi-kan was put to death for remonstrating [with the Tyrant Chou], Chi-tzŭ said, "To speak, knowing [one's words] will not be put to use, is stupid. By sacrificing oneself to make the wickedness of one's prince apparent, is not loyal. These are two things that should not be done. If, however, they are done, there is no greater misfortune." Whereupon he let his hair down his back and, feigning madness, left.
On hearing of this the superior man says, Chi-tzŭ was put to a hard task indeed. He exhausted his vigor and pushed to the limit his loyalty and love. When he witnessed the affair of Pi-kan, he removed himself. [He represents] the extreme of jên [combined with] understanding. The Ode says, 1
Duke Huan of Ch`i, wishing to see the Hsiao-ch`ên [Chi], 3 thrice went to him without being granted an interview. His attendants said, "The office of hsiao-ch`ên is the lowest in the state. Having thrice gone to him without being granted an interview, Your Highness may properly desist."
Duke Huan said, "Alas, what sort of talk is this? I have heard that a gentleman in cotton clothes who does not desire riches and honor will stand on his dignity toward the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots, and that the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots who does not love jên and i will stand on his dignity toward a cotton-clothed gentleman. It is all right if our master 4 does not desire riches and honor, but for me not to love jên and i is not all right." When he went for the fifth time, he was granted an interview.
On hearing of this the feudal lords of the empire said, "If Duke Huan condescends even to a cotton-clothed gentleman, how much the more can a prince of the realm expect!" And they led one another to his court; there were none who did not come. Such were the means whereby Duke Huan assembled the feudal lords and by which he united and rectified the empire. 5
The Ode says, 6
When industry is rewarded and idleness punished, the people are not lax. When judgments are impartial and uniformly perspicacious, 8 the empire submits. After that official duties 9 are made clear, occupations are examined, and abilities compared: there are none that are not controlled, 10 so that the Public Way is current and selfish authority is impeded, public duties (i) are established and selfish affairs inhibited. In this way, while those possessing good qualities are brought forward, 11 flatterers and sycophants are stopped; while the avaricious and the wicked withdraw, the scrupulous and the moderate rise up. The Regulations of Chou read, 12 "When they anticipate the time, let them be put to death without mercy; when they are behind the time, let them be put to death without mercy." 13 In practicing affairs, men are confined to human occupations (?), just as ear, eye, nose, and mouth may not be mutually interchanged. 14 Hence it is said, "Duties being apportioned, the people are not remiss; precedence being establised, ranks are not confused; judgments being impartial, perspicacity is uniform, and the various affairs are not hindered." Under these circumstances, of inferiors and petty officials, none but practice self-improvement; only thereafter do they dare rest secure in office, and only after they have perfected their abilities do they dare receive employment. Mean men reform their hearts, and the people reform their customs. Of such as rebels and traitors, none but return to a state of honesty. The perfection of such government and of such teaching cannot be added to.
The Ode says, 15
After Tzŭ-lu had been governing P`u for three years, Confucius went to see him. 19 On entering the borders [of P`u] he approved, saying, "Yu (= Tzŭ-lu) trusts those who are respectful (?)." On entering the city he said, "Excellent! Yu is generous to the loyal and trustworthy (?)." On arriving at the audience hall he said, "Excellent! Yu is enlightened in his judgments."
Grasping the reins, Tzŭ-kung asked, "Master, you have not yet seen Yu, and still have thrice praised his excellence. Might I hear [your reasons]?"
Confucius said, "On entering the borders, [I saw that] the grain fields and the hemp fields were very well attended to, and that the fallow lands were well opened up. 20 This is the result of trusting those who are respectful, so that the people put forth all their strength. On entering the city [I saw that] walls and dwellings were very high, 21 and that the trees were very flourishing. This is the result of being generous to the loyal and trustworthy, so that 22 the people are not lazy. On entering the audience hall [I found that it] was very quiet. 23 This is the result of enlightened judgments, so that the people do not make disturbances."
The Ode says, 24
In ancient times, since [rulers] had the people meant for them by their mandate, 27 the people were capable 28 of respect for the aged and pity for the orphan, and in transactions loved to yield. Only after they had received the command from their ruler, did those who were assiduous in service 29 (?) get 30 to ride in elaborate carriages with paired horses. Those who had not received his command did not get to ride, and if they did ride, 31 they were in every case punished. Thus, even if people had excess property and luxury goods, if they had not li and i, merit and virtue, there was no way they could make use [of these things]. 32 So it was that always they made jên and i flourish, but despised property and gain. Despising property and gain, they did not compete. Since they did not compete, the strong did not oppress the weak, nor were the many harsh to the few. This is how T`ang (= Yao) and Yü (= Shun) 33 gave form to 34 regulations and punishments, and none of the people went against the laws. When the people did not go against the laws, disorder first came to an end.
The Ode says, 35
In the world's debates there are three excellencies and five points of superiority, but language as such is relegated to an inferior place. 39 Disputants distinguish different categories to prevent their interfering with one another. They (arrange in succession =) keep separate incompatible doctrines to prevent their mutual contradiction. They put forth their intentions and display their meanings, 40 making plain 41 what they mean so as to let others partake in understanding. They do not devote themselves to confusing one another. Under these conditions the winner 42 does not lose what he should preserve, while the one who does not win gets what he seeks. [Conducted] in this way, debating is worthwhile. 43
But, while involved diction to falsify [the argument], decorated words to pervert it, numerous metaphors to shift it, raising the voice so that it is impossible to attain to [understanding] 44 may be convenient to the argument, still harm results from these. 45 Now not explaining one's point so that it is not known is called obscurantism, and excluding meaning and excluding yourself 46 (?) is called evasion. In approaching an honest man, to take advantage of his slips is called shiftiness. In pointing out connections, to use misleading words is called wrong. These four are not practiced [by the superior man], 47 and as a result the truth is made apparent to everybody. Now if arguments and disputes can be brought to an end only 48 by obscurantism, evasion, perversion, and wrong, they cannot but injure a person as a superior man, and so the superior man does not practice [the like]. The Lun yü says, 49 "What the superior requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."
The Ode says, 50
I tell you, 52 [the man who] attracts other people's minds is not arrogant toward others because of elevated and high rank, nor does he keep others in obscurity because of his own great intelligence and saintly knowledge. He does not use his courage and strength to encroach on others, nor does he cheat others because he is clever and quick. 53 If he is unable [to do a thing], he practices; if he does not know [something], he asks. Though he know [a thing], he is always humble, and only afterward admits that he knows it. When he encounters a ruler, he practices conduct appropriate to a subject. When he meets a villager, 54 he practices conduct appropriate to the age [of the person]. When he meets an elder he practices conduct appropriate to a disciple. When he meets one of his own status, he practices conduct appropriate to a friend. When he meets one younger and inferior [to himself], he practices conduct appropriate to instruction and generosity. Thus there are none he does not love and none he does not respect. He does not contest with others, but is as universal as 55 Heaven and Earth, which embrace all things. One who is like this gives rest to the aged, treats the young tenderly, and shows sincerity to his friends. 56
The Ode says, 57
The man characterized by jên always is respectful toward his fellows. There is a proper method in respecting one's fellows. With a sage one respects him in loving and keeping near to him. With an unworthy person one respects him while fearing and keeping him at a distance. The being respectful is the same [in both cases], but the circumstances are different. If he is loyal, sincere, upright, and guileless, and does not work harm, then none he deals with but are thus. Such is the substance of jén. Jén is the substance and i is the principle. [Such a man] never opens his mouth but that [what he says] may be taken as a model for others.
The Ode says, 60
The Master said, "As for one who does not study, but who loves to think, though he have [some] knowledge, it will not be broad. One who studies, but is remiss about his person, though studious, will not be respected. He who establishes himself without being sincere, though he be established, will not long endure. One who loves speech without showing that he is sincere will not be believed if he speak. One with fine talents who will not follow the way of the superior man, who conceals a small thing and thereby harms a great one—disaster will certainly overwhelm him."
The Ode says, 61
When the people are weary they think of ease; when the government is harsh they think of jên, when punishments are severe they think of peace, and when the state is in disorder they think of Heaven. The Ode says, 63
One asked, 65 "The ancients' designation for a person of understanding was `earlier born.' What does this mean?"
It is like saying "earlier awakened." 66 A man who has not heard of the methods of the True Way is in the dark as to success and failure, and does not know the sources of government 67 and disorder. His befuddlement is like drunkenness.
Now among the world's rulers there are those who are earlier awakened, 68 those who are later awakened, 69 and those who are not awakened 70 [at all]. Of old, when King Chuang of Ch`u was making plans, whenever one turned out well 71 he would have an anxious look. Shên-Kung Wu Ch'en asked,
"Why is Your Highness anxious?"
King Chuang said, "I have heard [it said] of the potentialities (tê) of the feudal lords that one who can himself choose his teachers will be king; one that can himself choose his friends will be hegemon; and one whose associates are not his equals will be lost. I am unworthy insofar as none of the arguments of the Great Officers come up to mine. For this reason I am anxious."
It was fitting that King Chuang, with his mortal power (tê), should rule men and subjugate the feudal lords; yet every day he was anxious and concerned to seek out sage advisers. Such is the earlier awakened.
Of old Duke Chao of Sung went into exile. He said to his charioteer, "I know how I lost [my state]."
The charioteer said, "How?"
Duke Chao said, "When I put on clothes and stood up, of the several tens of attendants, none of them but said, `Our ruler is elegant.' Whenever I spoke or did anything, of the several hundreds of court ministers, none but said, `Our ruler is a sage.' Inside [the court] and out I never saw my faults, and this is how I lost [my state]."
Whereupon he reformed his principles and changed his conduct, rested in i and practiced the True Way. He had been two years in exile before his excellence became known in Sung. The people of Sung went to meet him to restore him to his throne. His posthumous designation was Chao, "in demeanor respectful and intelligent." 72 Such is the later awakened.
Of old the Prince of Kuo was driven out of Kuo. He said to his charioteer, "I am thirsty and wish to drink." The charioteer gave him clear wine. He said, "I am hungry and wish to eat." The charioteer gave him dried meat and cooked millet. He said, "How is it that you had it ready?"
The charioteer said, "I had stored it away."
"Why had you stored it?"
The charioteer said, "Against your going away into exile, when you would be hungry and thirsty on the way."
"Did you know I was about to 73 lose my state?"
The charioteer said, "I did."
"Then why did you not remonstrate with me?"
The charioteer said, "You were pleased with flattery in speech and disliked straightforward language. I wished to offer remonstrances, but feared before [I could speak] Kuo would be lost. For this reason I did not remonstrate."
The Prince of Kuo flushed in anger and said, "What was really the cause of my losing my state?"
The charioteer reversed his statement and said, "You lost it because you were too much of a sage."
He said, "How is it that a sage loses his state instead of preserving it?"
The charioteer said, "It was because you alone were the only sage in the empire that you lost your state."
The Prince of Kuo was pleased, 74 and leaning against the crossbar sighed, "Alas, so this is the way it goes with a sage!" 75 Then, his body being weary and his strength exhausted, he pillowed [his head] against the charioteer's knee and went to sleep. The charioteer put a clod in his own place, 76 and abandoned him. [The Prince of Kuo] perished in the wilderness and was eaten by tigers and wolves. Such is the one who is not awakened at all.
Now one earlier awakened, in that same year becomes hegemon —such was King Chuang of Ch`u. One later awakened is restored within three years—such was Duke Chao of Sung. One not awakened at all dies in the wilderness and is eaten by tigers and wolves—such was the Prince of Kuo. There are those earlier awakened, those later awakened, and those not awakened at all. 77
The Ode says, 78
After T`ien Ch`ang had assassinated Duke Chien, 80 he made a covenant with the people of the state, saying, "Those who do not covenant with me will be put to death with their families."
Shih T`o 81 said, "Of old those who served a ruler died in their ruler's interests. To abandon 82 one's ruler so as to preserve one's parents is not loyal. To abandon 83 one's parents so as to die in the interests of one's ruler is not filial. So I cannot do it. However, if I do not covenant, it will be to kill my parents. If I do as others do and covenant, it will be repudiating my ruler. Alas! One born in disordered times cannot achieve upright conduct, and one suffering violence at the hands of a cruel man cannot behave in complete conformity with i. Too bad!" Whereupon he went up and covenanted so as to spare his father and mother, and then withdrew and threw himself on his sword to die for his ruler.
Those who heard of it said, "A superior man indeed! What could he have done? 84 It was fate."
The Ode says, 85
This applies to Master Shih.
The I [ching] says, 86 "[The subject is] straitened before a [frowning] rock. He lays hold of thorns. He enters his palace, and does not see his wife. There will be evil." This speaks of one who in difficulty does not find a sage on whom to rely.
Of old Duke Mu of Ch`in was in difficulty in Hsiao, 87 but quickly relying on the Great Officer Wu-ku, Chien Shu, and Kung-sun Chih, he became a minor hegemon. [Duke] 88 Wên of Chin was [involved] in difficulty through Li[-chi], 89 but quickly relying on Uncle Fan, Chao Shuai, and Chieh-tzŭ T`ui, he became in the end ruler [of Chin]. Kou-chien, King of Yüeh, was in difficulty in Kuei-chi, 90 but quickly relying on Fan Li and the Great Officer [Wên] Chung, he gained the hegemony over the states of the south. Duke Huan of Ch`i was in difficulty in Ch`ang-cho, 91 but quickly relying on Kuan-chung, Ning Ch`i and Hsi P`êng, he brought the empire into order. These all were men who knew enough quickly to rely on sages when in difficulty. There have never been any who, when in difficulty, did not know enough to rely on sages that were not lost. 92
The Ode says, 93
It refers to a lack of good men.
Mencius exercised his eloquence on King Hsüan of Ch`i, who was not pleased. Ch`un-yü K`un was in attendance. 94 Mencius said, "Today I exhorted your ruler, but he was not pleased. I suppose that he does not know what good is?"
Ch`un-yü K`un said, "Master, it is only that you are really not good. Of old when Hu-pa played the cither, the fishes of the deep came out to listen; and when Po-ya played the lute, his six horses raised their heads from their feeding. 95 If even fishes and horses know what is good, how much the more must a prince 96 [know it]."
Mencius said, "Lightning and thunder occur and split bamboo, break trees, and convulse the empire, but they are not able suddenly 97 to make the deaf have hearing. The brightness of sun and moon everywhere illumines the world, but it is not able suddenly 98 to make the blind have sight. Now it is like this with your ruler."
Ch`un-yü K`un said, "Not so. Of old when I-fêng lived in Kao-shang, the people of Ch`i were fond of singing. 99 When Ch`i Liang's wife grieved and wailed, people praised her voice. 100 Truly, `There is no sound so faint as not to be heard, and no conduct so secret as not to show.' 101 If you, Master, are living as a sage in Lu, how is it that the state of Lu is being dismembered?"
Mencius said, "If the sage is not employed, [the result is ruin]; how can there be [only] dismemberment? 102 The fish [large enough] to swallow a boat does not dwell in a shallow pool, nor does the gentleman of capacity dwell in a polluted world. [Just as] plants, when winter comes, must wither, so have I too my seasons."
The Ode says, 103
Is this not [said of] one who encountered a time of withering?
Confucius said, "Is it not only the man of learning with whom one can speak all day long 105 without fatigue? His physique may not be worth looking at and his strength insufficient to inspire fear; his family may not be worth mentioning and his ancestors not worth talking about, but he can be famous everywhere and illustrious among the feudal lords. It is not only the man of learning [of whom this is possible]?"
The Ode says, 106
This refers to [a man of] learning.
The Master said, "Without recognizing the ordinances [of Heaven], it is impossible to be a superior man." 107 What he means is that everything given life by Heaven is in possession of [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, and a mind devoted to the good; but without knowing how through its ordinances Heaven gives life, one is without [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, or a mind devoted to the good. One lacking [ideas of] jên, i, li, knowledge, and a mind devoted to the good is termed a mean man. That is why he said, "Without recognizing the ordinances [of Heaven] it is impossible to a superior man."
The "Hsiao-ya" says, 108
It speaks of the great security with which 109 Heaven protects and establishes man through jên, i, li, and knowledge. The "Ta-ya" says, 110
It says that the people in possessing virtue pattern themselves after Heaven. How can the person who does not know how to pattern himself after Heaven be a superior man?
The True King must needs set up three 112 inspectors 113 whom he sends to inspect distant places and care for the masses. When the people of distant places suffer from famine and cold without being able to obtain clothing and food, when they have criminal cases and lawsuits and no one settles their complaints, 114 when sages are neglected and not brought forward, [then the inspectors] go back and report to the Son of Heaven. When the rulers of such [places] come to court, the Son of Heaven bows and has them advance to him, saying, "Alas, have my government and teachings failed to get to you? How else is it that [your people] suffer from famine and cold without being able to obtain clothing and food, that they have criminal cases and lawsuits and no one settles their complaints, 115 that sages are neglected and not brought forward?"
Thereafter such rulers return [to their own states] and discuss the matter with their ministers and Great Officers. When the people of those distant places hear of it, they all say, "He is truly Son of Heaven. Although we dwell in an out-of-the-way place, he sees us as though we were near at hand, and though we dwell in seclusion he sees us clearly. How is it possible to deceive him?"
Thus it is that inspectors were the means by which he everywhere kept his eyes open and made effective his hearing. 116
The Ode says, 117
This is illustrated above.
King Chuang of Ch`u attacked [and defeated] 119 Chêng. The Earl of Chêng advanced with bared body, holding in his left hand an ox-tail tufted banner 120 and in his right grasping a sacrificial knife with bells, 121 and said to King Chuang, "I am devoid of goodness. Because of [my behavior toward your] subjects on the frontier, I have met with a Heaven 122-sent disaster and have caused you, Prince of a great state, to have the overwhelming disgrace of coming from afar to this place."
King Chuang said, "It was the words of Your Highness' bad subjects in their intercourse with us 123 that gave me the opportunity of viewing Your Highness' jade countenance, and this is the insignificant [reason] which has brought us to this pass." 124 Taking his signal staff 125 King Chuang signaled to his attendants to remove the camp of Ch`u's army seven li.
The general Tzŭ-chung proffered an objection, "Nan-ying is several thousand li distant from Chêng. Among the Great Officers there have been several casualties, and among the camp laborers 126 several hundreds have been killed. Now to win a victory and not to have it—is this wasting the strength of the people and of your servants or not?" 127
King Chuang said, "I have heard that of old, if the cups did not leak and the leather [garments] were not worn out, it was because one had not gone outside his own borders. 128 Through this the superior man [shows that he] 129 holds li to be important but despises property; 130 that he wants the men but not their territory. 131 When a man offers submission, it is inauspicious not to desist. Should I [try to] establish myself in the empire by inauspicious means, disaster would overwhelm me. How can I take [their territory]?"
Meanwhile those Chin [had sent] to help Chêng arrived and requested [that Ch`u give] battle. King Chuang assented. The general Tzŭ-chung proffered an objection, "Chin is a powerful state. They have had [only] a short way [to come], and their troops are fresh, while Ch`u's army is long since worn out. 132 May Your Highness not consent [to fight]."
King Chuang said, "It is not possible. If I should flee before the strong but [attempt to] overawe the weak, I would have no way to establish myself in the empire." In the end he turned his troops back to meet the intruders from Chin. King Chuang took a drumstick and beat with it. 133 The army of Chin was severely defeated, so that of the officers and men who fled and struggled for boats, the fingers [cut off by those who already had taken possession of the boats] could be gathered by the double-handfuls. 134
King [Chuang] said, "Alas, we two rulers are not on good terms, but of what crime are the people guilty?" Whereupon he withdrew Chu's army to let the invaders from Chin escape.
The Ode says, 135
The superior man, in revering a man's virtue and holding up a man's excellencies is not speaking flattery; nor in correcting speech and rectifying conduct, nor in pointing out a man's faults is he picking flaws. He is pliant and docile, 137 strong and resolute. 138 Everywhere moving with events, he does not go outside the Way and virtue. The Ode says, 139
Duke Ling of Wei had been asleep in the daytime. 140 When he got up, his vitality became progressively weaker. A man was sent in haste to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan. On the way he met the Hsing-jên141 Pu Shang. Pu Shang said, "Why are you in such a hurry?"
[The man] replied, "The Duke having slept in the daytime, when he got up he sent me to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan."
Tzŭ-hsia said, "Would another person than Chüan, 142 but equal to Chüan in bravery do?"
The driver said, "He would do."
Tzŭ-hsia said, "Carry me back."
When they arrived the ruler said, "I sent you to summon a brave soldier. Why have you brought a literatus?"
The messenger said, "[This] Hsing-jên said, `Would another person than Chüan, but equal to Chüan in bravery do?' And I said, `He would do.' So I brought him with me."
The ruler said, "Very well. Invite the gentleman to come up, but in addition summon Kung-sun Chüan."
[Suddenly Chüan] arrived. 143 He came in the door grasping a sword and impetuously cried, "Shang, if you will come down I will leave you your head!"
Tzŭ-hsia 144 looked at him and said, "What! 145 Put away your sword. I am going to speak with you about courage." Whereupon the ruler ordered him to put away his sword and come up. Tzŭ-hsia said, "Come, now. I once was with you when we followed our ruler to the west to visit Chao Chien-tzŭ. When Chien-tzŭ gave our ruler an audience, his hair was not done up and he held a lance. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, `When feudal lords meet it is not proper for them not to wear court costume. If [Your Highness] 146 does not put on court costume, this Hsing-gên, Pu Shang, is going to splash your dress with the blood from your throat.' 147 Now was it you or was it I who caused him to change to court costume to receive our ruler?"
Chüan said, "It was you."
Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is one instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler to the east of A. When we met the ruler of Ch`i, he sat on a double mat, while our ruler sat on a single mat. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, `According to etiquette (li), when feudal lords meet, it is not proper that they should face one another as befits commoners.' 148 Now was it you or was it I who took away one of his mats?"
Chüan said, "It was you."
Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is the second instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler in the hunting park and two full-grown boars pursued our ruler. 149 Now was it you or was it I who seized a lance and, striking downward, 150 turned them?"
Chüan said, "It was you."
Tzŭ-hsia said, "This is the third instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Now what is valued in a soldier is that while on the one hand he can assist [in governing a state of] ten thousand chariots, on the other hand he dares not be arrogant toward a commoner. Outside he establishes moderation and compassion, so that enemies do not attack or make disturbances; inside [the state] he forbids harmful [acts], so that the ruler is not in danger. These are the excellencies of a soldier and that to which the superior man attaches the highest value. But covering up the short with the long, ill-treating the few by the many, oppressing a guiltless people and exerting authority inside the village lanes—these are the extreme evils of which a soldier may be guilty; they are that on which the superior man visits his dislike, and what the masses punish and root out. The Ode says, 151
How is it you discuss courage in front of a ruler?"
Whereupon Duke Ling withdrew from the mat, raised his hands, and said, "Though I am not intelligent, I should like 152 to follow your [kind of] courage."
The Ode says, 153
Such was Master Pu.
Confucius had gone on a journey 155 when Chien-tzŭ was about to kill Yang Hu. Confucius resembled the latter, and [Chien-tzŭ] surrounded Confucius' dwelling with troops. 156 Tzŭ-lu was angry, and, brandishing a lance, was about to strike when Confucius stopped him, saying, "Yu, how is it you are so lacking in an abundance of jên and i? If the Shih and the Shu are not studied, if rites (li) and music are not explained, that is my fault. If when I am not Yang Hu, they take me for Yang Hu, that is not my fault; it is fate. You sing and I will accompany you." 157
Tzŭ-lu sang and Confucius accompanied him. When they had finished three strophes, the soldiers had left off surrounding them.
The Ode says, 158
This is how through a display of the harmony of flourishing virtue noninterference is practiced.
The Ode says, 159
What is meant by saying that the sovereign is the parent of the people? It means that the sovereign is reverent in aspect and strict in conduct; he is frugal toward himself, but liberal to others. Truly the unworthy cannot come up to him. In his own affairs (?) he is rigorous with himself, but is easy-going (?) with others. 160 Truly he is able to serve to the extent of his abilities (?). Being sincere in his love, he does not rob; he is generous in his gifts but not boastful. On seeing a man who is good he rejoices in him gladly, and on seeing a man who is not good he conceals [his wickedness] in alarm. When there is a fault, he wraps it up completely. In giving clothes, he gives the best; in giving food he gives much. Laws he puts in an inferior place and makes them easy to follow. He makes duties few and easy to perform. This is how by acting impartially 161 he is a parent to the people. He builds cities and has them live there. He divides up the fields and nourishes [the people with their produce]. He sets up schools to instruct them. He causes them to realize that parents are worthy of respect. Because they are worthy of respect, one wears deepest mourning 162 for three years [on the death of] a father. Likewise [on the death of] a prince one wears deepest mourning for three years. This is what is meant by his being parent to the people.
To serve a tyrannical state is difficult, but it is easy to make a tyrannical state serve oneself. If you serve it with goods and valuables, then when your valuables are exhausted, 164 friendly relations will not continue. If you make treaties and covenants, it will not be long after the agreement is fixed that [such a state] will repudiate it. Should you present [such a state] with territory cut off from your own borders, even though the amount cut off [and presented] be fixed, still their greed will not be satisfied. The more completely one gives in to them, the more serious their encroachments. The inevitable end is that your valuables are used up 165 and your [whole] state taken over; even with Yao on your left and Shun on your right you would not be able to avoid [such an end], if you follow this road. So one who, without the methods of the sages, serves in fear, putting his sole 166 reliance on glib speech and obsequious conduct will not be able to hold his state or keep his own person intact. Hence the enlightened ruler does not follow this way. It is necessary to reform ritual (li) to regulate the court, to rectify the laws to regulate the officials, and to stabilize the government to regulate the lower classes. Only after that is the rhythm of li and i adjusted in the court, are rules and regulations rectified among the officials, and loyalty and honesty, love and gain stabilized among the lower classes. He would not practice one unjust thing, or put to death one innocent man to get the empire, and so those in his vicinity contest for his affection, while those far away desire to go to him. Superiors and inferiors are of one mind; the three armies make common effort. When his renown in sufficient to consume [his opponents] and his power sufficient to bring them under his control, he bows and grasps his signal flag, and not one of the tyrannical states but makes haste to send envoys, like infants turning to their mother. Why is this? It is because jên is put into practice, 167i is established, instruction is sincere, and love deep. Truly, as the Ode says, 168
With one shout the brave officer puts to flight all the three armies: it is because of his sincerity. 170 Of old Hsiung Ch`ü-tzŭ of Ch`u was traveling at night. [He saw] 171 a stone lying [in his path] which he took to be a reclining tiger. Bending his bow, he shot it, so that the head [of the arrow] was buried up to the feathers. 172 When he looked down and realized it was a stone, [he then again shot it, but the arrow bounced off without leaving a mark. When Hsiung Ch`ü-tzŭ showed a sincere mind, metal and stone] opened up for him; 173 how much the more will men!
Now if a person initiates a thing and others do not join in with him, or if when he acts others do not agree, it is certainly 174 because he is not complete within. The man who rules the empire without descending from his mat has sought in himself [for sincerity].
Confucius said, 175 "When a prince's personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed." That the Former Kings were able to attract to themselves as guests everyone in the world by bowing and grasping a signal flag 176 was because of the acme of sincere virtue which showed in their external aspect. 177
The Ode says, 178
Of old Chao Chien-tzŭ had died and before he was buried [the district of] Chung-mou revolted. When he had been buried five days, 180 Hsiang-tzŭ raised troops and attacked [Chung-mou]. 181 Before he had finished surrounding [the city], ten ch`ang of its walls fell down of their own accord. Hsiang-tzŭ beat the signal for retreat, 182 and [his forces] withdrew. An officer objected, "When Your Highness is punishing the crime of Chung-mou and their walls break down of themselves, it is Heaven aiding you. Why have you withdrawn [your forces]?"
Hsiang-tzŭ said, "I have heard Shu-hsiang say that the superior man does not take advantage of another in distress, 183 nor does he make trouble for a man who is in straits. Have them repair their walls; 184 after that we will launch an attack."
When [the people of] Chung-mou heard how just (i) he had been, they asked to surrender. [. . . .] would say, "Good. [. . . .] Hsiang-tzŭ is meant by this." 185
The Ode says, 186
There are three methods of [acquiring] prestige. There is the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue, there is the prestige from harsh supervision, and there is the prestige from demented wantonness. It is absolutely necessary to examine into these three [sources of] prestige. What do we mean by the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue? Rites (li) and music are in order; distinctions and obligations (i) are clear; promotions and employment are seasonable; love and profit are impartial. 188 Under such circumstances as these, the people honor [the ruler] as emperor. They love him as their parent, and fear him as [they do] spiritual beings. Truly, when rewards are not used and still the people are persuaded [to do good], when punishments are not applied, and yet [the ruler's] prestige is effective, his is the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue.
What do we mean by the prestige from harsh supervision? Rites (li) and music are not in order; distinctions and obligations are not clear; promotions and employment are not seasonable; love and profit are not impartial. But restrictions on wrong-doers are harsh, and the punishment of those who do not submit is invariable; 189 penalties are numerous 190 and extensive; executions are cruel and inevitable. With a crash 191 like thunder [people] are struck down, oppressed as by a [falling] wall. [Under such conditions, when] 192 the people are under pressure they are afraid; when it is relaxed they are disrespectful toward their superiors. When seized by force, they assemble; when from afar they hear [of him], they scatter. If they are not pressed by punishments and force and stirred up by executions and death, [the ruler] has no way of keeping them under him. Such is the prestige from harsh supervision.
What do we mean by the prestige from demented wantonness? No disposition for loving others, no undertakings to benefit others, and daily throwing into disorder the Way of man. When the people murmur, [the ruler] following them up, seizes and binds them, punishes and tortures them. 193 He does not conform to human feelings and goes against Heaven's principles. Under these conditions flood and drought are unseasonable; the yearly grain crops do not ripen. The people on the one hand suffer distress from the troubles of harsh [government] and disorder, and on the other hand are in straits in the matters of food and clothing. They are anxious and grieved, with no way of making complaint. Forming cliques, they run off and are estranged from their superiors. Overthrow and destruction can be expected at any moment: such is the prestige from demented wantonness.
Now the prestige [derived] from the Way and virtue culminates in numbers and strength; the prestige from harsh supervision culminates in danger and weakness; and the prestige from demented wantonness culminates in destruction. Now though the term "prestige" is the same [in all these cases], the good or bad results are far apart. Hence it is absolutely necessary to examine into them.
The Ode says, 194
Duke P`ing of Chin 197 was happily drifting along the River and said, "Where am I to get worthy gentlemen to enjoy this with me?"
His boatman Ho Hsü 198 knelt and replied, "It is simply because Your Highness does not care for [worthy] gentlemen [that he has none]. Now pearls from river and ocean, and jade from the K`un mountains, come to you without having feet, because of Your Highness' liking for them. 199 If [worthy] gentlemen, possessed of feet, do not come, it means nothing else than that Your Highness does not care for gentlemen. Do not worry about there being no gentlemen."
Duke P`ing said, "As for the guests I support, to the left of the gate there are a thousand men, and to the right of the gate [another] thousand. If in the morning there is not enough for their support, in the evening I give them the market revenues; if in the evening there is not enough for their support, in the morning I give them the market revenues. Can it be said of me that I do not care for gentlemen?"
Ho Hsü replied, "Now the heron in going a thousand li at a single flight relies on only six quills. As for the feathers on his back and the down under his belly, should you add a handful he would not fly any higher, and should you take away a handful he would not fly any lower. Now these two thousand men Your Highness is supporting to the right and to the left of his gate— are there really six quills among them? Or are they all feathers on the back and down under the belly?"
The Ode says, 200
1. Shih 510 No. 256/1.
2. HFT 15.5a records this incident without developing it. LSCC 15.9a-b seems to be the immediate source for HSWC, but is more closely followed by Hsin hsü 5.4a-b, which however copies the conclusion (beginning with "On hearing of this the feudal lords . . .") from HSWC, including the quotation from the Shih. The same idea is expressed in HSWC 9/21.
3. After ## the parallel texts all have ##. (Chou, CHy.)
4. ##: i.e., Chi.
5. Cf. Analects 282 (14/17.2), "Duke Huan assembled all the princes together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots."
6. Shih 511 No. 256/2.
7. From Hsün-tzŭ 8.7a-8a, where the paragraph is introduced by "When the perfect Way achieves its greatest manifestation, rites (li) are exalted and laws perfected, and as a result the state is stable. When sages are honored and the able are employed, the people know what is right. When discussions are made continuous and investigations impartial, the people have no doubts" ## ##. (I follow Wang Hsien-chien's commentary in the above translation.)
8. ##, not the ## (chai) ## of DM 397 (16/3): "to fast and purify oneself."
10. Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 1202) thinks ## should be ## as in Hsün-tzŭ, since ⊙ , the li ## form of ##, is easily confused with ##. (Chao 147.) He does not explain how the phrase might have been inverted.
11. For ## Hsün-tzŭ has ##, parallel with ## and the two following phrases.
12. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##. As Chou says, it is rather the "Governmental statutes" ## quoted in the "Hsia-shu" ## section of the Shu ching. The section in question ("Yin-chêng" ##) is however from the ku-wên text, and of course was unknown to Han Ying as well as to the compiler of Hsün-tzŭ.
13. Shu ching 166 (3/4.2.4), which has ## for ##; likewise Hsün-tzŭ, but with ## for ##.
14. ##. Hsün-tzŭ has an easier reading: ## ## 。 ## "The various occupations of man are fixed from each man's practicing his own occupation. It is like ear, eye, nose, and mouth in that they cannot borrow the functions of one another."
15. Shih 511 No. 256/2.
16. For ## read ## with CHy after Shih k`ao 21a. The two characters are variants.
17. For ## Mao shih has ##. (Chiao-chu shih-i 5a.)
18. Chia-yü 3.22a-23a is almost identical, the divergencies there consisting for the most part of extra particles that clarify one or two obscure places in the text; see note 6. I supect that HSWC is the older version. The citation in TPYL 267.1b, while attributed to HSWC, is closer to Chia-yü. (Chao 148.)
19. For ## cf. HSWC 9/25.
20. Add ## after ## from Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan 7.20a. (CHy.) Chia-yü is the same, with ## for ##. Cf. Mencius 462 (7A/23.1): ##; also ibid. 305-6 4A/14.3): ##, where ##.
21. ## as in Yi King 348 (hsi-tz`ŭ A.1): ## "Heaven is lofty, earth is low." Chia-yü has the easier reading ## "firm"; also ## for ##.
22. Add ## from Chia-yü to parallel the other phrases. (Chao.) D also has ##.
23. ##: B, C lack ## and with D have ## for ##. Chia-yü expands to ##.
24. Shih 512 No. 256/4.
25. The word ## provides the link with the preceding paragraph.
26. SSTC 1B.7b-8a has a similar passage. SY 19.9a-b copies HSWC, including the Ode quoted at the end.
27. SSTC has ##; SY, TPYL 637.1a, Chih-yao 8.24b also have ## before ##. (Chao 148.)
28. For ## read ## with TPYL and Chih-yao. (Chao 149.) SY has ## ##. CHy prefixes ## before ##.
29. ##: a SSTC variant is ## for ##.
30. Omit ## with TPYL, Chih-yao; likewise SSTC and SY. B, C lack ##. (Chao.)
31. Delete ## and add ## as in Chih-yao and SY. By adding ## after ##, CHy makes the sentence intolerably prolix. Chao suggests that the phrase which I have deleted has crept into the text from a commentary. TPYL is the same with ## after each ##
32. TPYL, Chih-yao add ## (Chao.); likewise SY with ## for ##.
33. For ## read ## with CHy after TPYL. Chao (150) thinks the text should read ##.
34. For ## Chou Tsung-yüan (Chiao-chu shih-i 5b) follows SY to write ##, but the TPYL and Chih-yao citations are both the same as the present text. (Chao.)
35. Shih 513 No. 256/5. I have used Karlgren's translation (BMFEA 17.78).
36. With CHy read ## for ## after Shih-k`ao and the quotation by SY. Karlgren seems to have followed Han shih.
37. This line is extremely ambiguous; cf. the versions of Legge and Waley (Songs 301).
38. Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.1b-2b) thinks the HSWC text is corrupt and cites a quotation from Liu Hsiang's Pieh-lu by Pei Yin in his com. on Shih-chi 76.5b which is very similar and which frequently has better readings. (Chao 151.)
39. ##. Sun I-jang prefers the Pieh-lu reading, ##.
40. ##. Perhaps ## means something like "fair [arguments]," but Sun I-jang would emend to ##, citing Têng-hsi tzŭ 4a: ##.
41. I follow Sun and emend ## to ##.
42. For ## read ## with Sun after Pieh-lu.
43. ##, lit., "is all right to witness."
44. ##. I emend ## to ## to ##, and ## to ##, to agree with Pieh-lu. Chao paraphrases, "By raising your voice trouble his train of thought so that he is not able to apply his mind to the matter." ## ##.
45. Têng-hsi tzŭ is similar: ## 。 ## 。 ## "Hence speakers distinguish different categories to prevent their interfering with one another. They arrange incompatible doctrines in succession to prevent their mutual confusion. They proclaim their intent and display their ideas without devoting themselves to contradicting one another. Using decorated words to confuse [the argument], and obscure words to obfuscate and shift it is not discussion in the ancient way." *Yen-t`ieh lun 5.14a-b has another variant passage: ## ## "To delude with falsity, confuse with verbiage, stop only after boasting, with the hope of victory by any means, is not what is estimable in debate."
46. ##: I do not understand this phrase.
47. I follow Sun and supply ##.
48. For ## read ## with Sun after Pieh-lu.
49. Analects 264 (13/4.7).
50. Shih 514 No. 256/6.
51. From Hsün-tzŭ 3.19a-b. SY 10.13b-14a has some phrases in common, but is not directly connected with either Hsün-tzŭ or HSWC.
52. ##, lacking here in Hsün-tzŭ, but cf. ibid. 20.26b: ##. The Ssŭ-k`u editors picked this phrase as being out of context; Ssŭ-k`u ch`üan-shu t`i-yao 16.11a.
53. ##; cf. HSWC 2/31, note 5.
54. ## Read ## for ## as in Hsün-tzŭ. (Chou.)
55. ##: Hsün-tzŭ has ##; the two are interchangeable. (Chou.)
56. Analects 183 (5/25.4), where the last two phrases are interchanged.
57. Shih 514 No. 256/6.
58. For ## read ## with CHy after Shih-k`ao.
59. This is based on Hsün-tzŭ 9.7a-b with many variants. The same Ode is quoted by Hsün-tzŭ.
60. Shih 515 No. 256/8.
61. Shih 522 No. 257/5. I have followed Karlgren, BMFEA 17.80.
62. Shih 523 No. 257/7.
63. Shih 523 No. 257/7.
64. Hsin shu 7.17a-20a has a longer version of this story, but with many variants. Hsin hsü 5.10a-11a has a series of similar anecdotes, some close to HSWC. LSCC 20.18a-b records the example of King Chuang of Ch'u.
65. According to Hsin shu it was Prince Huai ## who inquired of Master Chia ##, i. e., Chia I.
66. CHy prefixes ## from Hsin shu. The latter has ## ## "Now the proper term is not `earlier born,' but `earlier awakened.' "
67. Add ## from Hsin shu with Chou.
68. In each case for ## read ## with Hsin shu. (Chou, CHy.)
69. In each case for ## read ## with Hsin shu. (Chou, CHy.)
70. In each case for ## read ## with Hsin shu. (Chou, CHy.)
71. For ## read ## with Chou and CHy. LSCC has ##. (Chao 152.)
72. Chou would prefix ## "at his death." For ## in posthumous titles cf. Legge, Tso chuan 575.
73. For ## B, C have ## "suddenly."
74. ##. Chou adds this from Hsin shu. CHy supplies only ##.
75. ##. B, C, D have ## for ##. (CHy.)
76. For B, C, D ## read ## with Chou, following Hsin shu.
77. CHy omits this last sentence as superfluous.
78. Shih 526 No. 257/13. I have followed Karlgren's translation (op. cit. 80-1).
79. Hsin hsü 8.1a is a modification of this paragraph.
80. Tso chuan 840 (Ai 14), "On chia-wu Ch`ên Hêng of Ch`i ## murdered his ruler Jên in Shu-chou." (B.C. 481.) The details of the event are told in Shih chi 32 (Mém. hist. 4.83-6), where his name is written ##. Hsin hsü has ##. and ## are often interchanged, likewise ## and ##.
81. ##. Hsin hsü adds ##: Shih T`o-jên.
82. For ## read ## with B, C, D.
83. For ## read ## with B, C, D.
84. Chou punctuates after ##.
85. Shih 524 No. 257/9.
86. Cf. Yi King 162 (47 ##).
87. For this episode cf. Tso chuan 224-5 (Hsi 33); Mém. hist. 2.39-40.
88. Add ## to parallel ## and ##. (CHy.)
89. For details cf. Kuo yü 7, passim, and Mém. hist. 4.264-7.
90. Cf. Mém. hist. 4.423-4.
91. Cf. Tso chuan 86 (Chuang 10).
92. Cf. Mencius 433-4 (6B/6.4): "Ruin is the consequence of not employing sages."
93. Shih 563 No. 264/5.
94. For other debates between Mencius and this man, cf. Mencius 307 (4A/17), 432-5 (6B/6).
95. This line occurs in Hsün-tzŭ 1.11a, Shên-tzŭ 22b, Lun hêng 2.16a. It is quoted three times in Li Shan's com. on Wên hsüan (16.37a, 31.13a, 18.13b) and twice in Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu (80B.16b, 60.13a) with minor variants. (Chao 153.) For Po-ya's lute playing, cf. HSWC 9/5.
96. For ## read ## with B, C, D. (Chao 154.)
97. ##. (Chou.)
98. ##. (Chou.)
99. Mencius 434 (6B/6) has Mien Ch`ü ## for ##, which latter Chu Ch`i-fêng (TT 325) thinks is a misreading of the cursive forms of ##. For ## Mencius has ## T`ang.
100. Mencius, loc. cit., has "The wives of Hua Chou and Ch`i Liang bewailed their husbands so skilfully, that they changed the manners of the state."
101. This line occurs in Hsün-tzŭ, loc. cit. (Chou.)
102. ##. Punctuating after ## the text reads, "Not at all. If sages are employed, what dismemberment could there be?" But cf. Mencius, loc. cit.: ## ## "How can it rest with dismemberment [merely]?" I suggest that ## must understood in the HSWC text.
103. Shih 315 No. 192/2; 563 No. 264/7.
104. SY 3.10a follows HSWC and quotes the same Ode at the end. Chia-yü 2.7a-8a is a development of the same idea.
105. ##. KTCY 1.5b has ## "who can be with others all day long"; likewise Chia-yü and SY. Chao (154) thinks the original reading was ## "who can speak with others."
106. Shih 482 No. 249/2.
107. Analects 354 (20/3.1).
108. Shih 255 No. 166/1.
109. Delete ## with Chou.
110. Shih 541 No. 260/1.
111. SY 1.4b-5a is in more detail and may represent a different version.
112. For ## read ## with CHy after the quotation in Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 28.3a.
113. ##: not "governor" as in Li Ki 1.90.
114. Li Hsien's com. has ## for ##; (CHy); also below. This is probably a contamination from SY: ##.
115. Li Hsien's com. has ## for ##; (CHy); also below. This is probably a contamination from SY: ##.
116. ## Cf. Shu ching 41: ##. "to throw open all the doors of communication between the court and the empire, and to see with the eyes and hear with the ears of all."
117. Shih 543 No. 260/4.
118. Kung-yang chuan 16.6a-9a varies slightly in wording. Hsin hsü 4.4b-5b follows Kung-yang chuan, but may also have used HSWC, as it quotes from the same Ode at the end. CKCS 1.6a-b is abridged from Kung-yang chuan. Tso chuan 316-21 (Hsüan 12) gives an elaborate account of the events leading up to and following the engagements with Chêng and Chin, but shows little verbal identity with the other versions. Shih chi 40.9a-b (Mém. hist. 4.355-6) abridges the Tso chuan account.
119. Hsin hsü adds ##.
120. ##. Wang Yin-chin (Ching-i shu-wên ## 17b-18a) shows that ## is a phonetic borrowing for ## "a standard with an ox-tail ornament," as in Hsin hsü. (Chao 156-7.)
121. For ## cf. Shih 376 No. 210/5.
122. Other texts have ## for ##. Chou and CHy have emended from Kung-yang chuan. Hsin hsü also has ##. (Chao.)
123. ##. This is not clear. I have translated in accordance with Ho Hsiu's com. on Kung-yang chuan.
124. ##. Again I follow Ho Hsiu: "It was the accumulation of petty words that brought us to this." ##.
125. ##; cf. Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 1.10a: "## is used as a sign of trust. It has a handle made of bamboo eight ch`ih long and for its tuft (?) an ox-tail thrice folded (?)." ## 。 ## 。 ## 。 ## ##.
126. ##. Ho Hsiu says, "Those who cut bushes for a barricade are called ##; those who draw water are called ##." ## 。 ##.
127. Ho Hsiu says ##.
128. Ho Hsiu explains, "It says that if drinking cups are leaky and furs worm-eaten, it is from having gone outside the borders. Of old on going outside the borders on a court visit or to undertake a punitive expedition, one always first counted on losses proportional to the scale [of the undertaking] before doing it. It speaks figuratively, meaning that having already gone out on the expedition, it is inevitable that there should have been losses among his troops, but that they should not for that reason destroy Chêng." ## 。 ## ## 。 ## 。 ## ##. Takei Ki (Hsin hsü tsuan chu 4.10a) quotes Okai Hyo ##: "The phrases are inverted. If one does not go ouside one's borders, there will be no leaky cups or worm-eaten garments." ## 。 ## ##.
129. Add ## after ## from Hsin hsü. (CHy.)
130. Ho Hsiu says, "He does not grudge the loss of cups and garments, but respects the court's request to undertake a punitive expedition." ## ##.
131. Ibid: "The real reason for attacking Chêng was only the desire [to secure] the submission of the people for their faults; he did not want to take their territory." ## 。 ##.
132. ## as in Kung-yang, where Ho Hsiu glosses it as ##. (Chou.)
133. I. e., personally took part in the battle.
134. ##. This is elliptical. Kung-yang has ## ##; Tso chuan: ##. Most explicit is Hsin hsü: ## 。 ## 。 ## 。 ## ## 。 ## "When the people of Chin had come [to attack], they crossed the river and went south. Now that they fled in defeat, they wished to cross to the north. The soldiers struggled for boats, striking with knives at those who pulled [from the outside] until the fingers [cut off] within the boat could be gathered by the double-hundfuls."
135. Shih 544 No. 260/5.
136. Abridged from Hsün-tzŭ 2.3b-4b.
137. Hsün-tzŭ has "That he bends and straightens with the times and is yielding as a reed is not due to cowardice." ##.
138. Ibid: "That there is no place into which he does not extend his strength and resolution is not due to arrogance." ##.
139. Shih 544 No. 260/5.
140. ## occurs in Analects 176 (5/9.1) and elsewhere (cf. PWYF) with no stronger implications than mere laziness.
141. ##: an officer in charge of official visits.
142. ##. For this use of ## cf. Analects 282 (14/18.2).
143. TPYL 436.7b-8a has ## before ##. (Chao 157.)
144. Pu Shang.
145. Omit the first ## with TPYL. (CHy.)
146. Add ## from TPYL. (CHy.)
147. Cf. Shih chi 81.4b: ##, where Lin Hsiang-ju is threatening the king of Ch`in.
148. ##. No dictionary meaning of ## makes sense here. The character ## may have dropped out: "from several mats."
149. ## Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.2b) refers ## to Shih 151 No 97/1: ## ## "We pursued together two boars of three years." There Mao's com. (5A.7b) says ## is a beast three years old ## is the simple form of ##; YTCC 2.21a: ## "I once took a boar and twice a nursing tigress in the hunt." ## has as a variant ##, explaining the TPYL reading ##. (Chao.) Sun would emend ## to ##, but as it is omitted in the TPYL citation Chao thinks it was originally a gloss on ## that has crept into the text. (Chao 158.)
150. For the construction ## cf. SY 17.13b: ##.
151. Shih 84 No. 52/1.
152. For this common formula of thanks for instruction received cf. Analects 250 (12/1.2).
153. Shih 544 No. 260/5.
154. SY 17.13b-14a follows HSWC with some variants. Chia-yü 5.22b differs slightly from each of them. Traditionally this is the incident referred to in Analects 217 (9/5.1).
155. To Sung, according to SY and Chia-yü.
156. ##, lit., "shield bearers."
157. ##. Other texts have ##. Chou has emended from SY: ##, which CHy follows: ##.
158. Shih 491 No. 252/1.
159. Shih 489 No 251/1.
160. ##: the force of ## and ## is not clear.
161. ##, cf. Li Ki 2.433.
162. ##. garments of unhemmed sackcloth worn in mourning for parents. Cf. Li Ki 1.742 and passim.
163. From Hsün-tzŭ 6.17b-19a.
166. Read ## with CHy for ##, here a contamination from the ## in the next line. Hsün-tzŭ has ##. Wang Nien-sun defines ## as ##.
167. For ## CHy, B, C, D have ## "is made apparent."
168. Shih 559 No. 263/6.
169. This is reproduced in Hsin hsü 4.12b. Wên-tzŭ 2.9a and Huai-nan tzŭ 10.2b-3a are to the same effect, but omit the anecdote of Hsiung Ch`ü-tzŭ.
170. ##. Wên-tzŭ and Huai-nan tzŭ have ## for ##, and Chao (159) thinks that is correct: "it is because of the sincerity with which he utters [his cry]." Hsin hsü has ##.
171. Supply ## with CHy after Hsin hsü. Lei-chü 74.1a, Ch`u-hsüch chi 5.25b, TPYL 51.6b, 744.5b, Li Hsien's com. on Hou-Han shu 42.28b all write ##; likewise Lun hêng 8.3a. Po-t`ieh 2.32a is the same as the present text. (Chao 160.)
172. Cf. LSCC 9.16b: ##, where Kao Yu explains ## as ## "engulfed the arrow up to the feathers."
173. Supply ## 。 ## 。 ## [##] with CHy after Li Hsien's quotation in Hou-Han shu; likewise Lei-chü, with ## for ##, and TPYL, loc. cit. Po-t`ieh has ## 。 ##. (Chao.)
174. Read ## with Hsin hsü and Wên-tzŭ for ##. (Chao.) Huai-nan tzŭ has ##.
175. Analects 266 (13/6).
176. Cf. HSWC 6/23.
177. For ## Hsin hsü has ##, and CHy thinks there are superfluous words in the HSWC text.
178. Shih 559 No. 263/6.
179. Huai-nan tzŭ 12.8b and Hsin hsü 4.4a-b are quite close to HSWC.
180. CHy prefixes ## from TPYL 192.5b. Huai-nan tzŭ has ##. TPYL 279.9b lacks ##. (Chao 161.)
181. For ## read ## with CHy after TPYL 192.5b; or read ## with Chou as in Hsin hsü. Huai-nan tzŭ has ##.
182. ##: a gong was used to signal a retreat.
183. For ## CHy, B, C, D incorrectly have ## (Chou); likewise Hsin hsü and Huai-nan tzŭ, and TPYL, loc. cit. (Chao 162.)
184. ##. TPYL 192.5b adds ## (CHy); ibid. 279.9b has ## before ##. Huai-nan tzŭ writes ##. (Chao.) Any of these yields the necessary sense.
185. ## 。 ##. As CHy remarks, the text is defective. There seem to be lacunae before ## and after ##, perhaps the usual formula ## ## 。 。 ##.
186. Shih 559 No. 263/6.
187. From Hsün-tzŭ 11.1b-3a.
188. ##. Hsün-tzŭ has ##, glossed by Yang Liang as "apparent" ##. Hao I-hsing quotes HSWC and says "What is ## is according to rule. Loving others and profiting others are both by rule and there is no favoritism or petty kindnesses. [Yang's] commentary is wrong in explaining ## as `apparent.' " ## 。 ## ## 。 ##.
189. Omit ## with CHy after Hsün-tzŭ. Chou would transfer ## after ## below; see note 4.
190. With CHy supply ## after ## as in Hsün-tzŭ, or read ## with Chou.
191. For ## read ## with CHy, who emends on the basis of ## "suddenly" in Hsün-tzŭ. ## "darkly" makes no sense.
192. Hsün-tzŭ has ##.
193. ## is not clear. I have translated from Hsün-tzŭ: ## ##. (Chou, CHy.)
194. Shih 564 No. 265/1.
195. For ## Mao shih has ##. (CHy.)
196. SY 8.13b-14a and Hsin hsü 1.8b-9a differ between themselves and from HSWC enough that it is unlikely Liu Hsiang has used HSWC for the immediate source of either. See notes 2 and 3.
197. ##. SY writes ## Chao Chien-tzŭ. (Chou, CHy.)
198. ##. Hsin hsü has ## Ku Sang; SY ## Ku Ch`êng. These are probably only graphic and phonetic variants of the same name; cf. Chao 163.
199. For ## CHy, D have ##. They are interchangeable (Chou); cf. Mencius 183 (2A/1.8): ##, and Legge's note.
200. Shih 331 No. 195/3.
201. For ## read ## with Chih-yao 8,26b. (CHy.) Shih-k`ao gives ## for the Han shih reading. Chih-yao adds ## "This refers to the above." (Chao 164.)
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