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漢 書 三
高 后 紀 第 三
高 皇 后 呂 氏 ， 生 惠 帝 。 佐 高 祖 定 天 下 ， 父 兄及 高 祖 而 侯 者 三 人 。 惠 帝 即 位 ， 尊 呂 后 為 太 后 。
太 后 立 帝 姊 魯 元 公 主 女 為 皇 后 ， 無 子 ， 取 後 宮 美 人 子 名之 以 為 太 子 。 惠 帝 崩 ， 太 子 立 為 皇 帝 ， 年 幼 ， 太 后 臨 朝稱 制 ， 大 赦 天 下 。 乃 立 兄 子 呂 台 、 產 、 祿 、 台 子通 四 人 為 王 ， 封 諸 呂 六 人 為 列 侯 。 語 在 外 戚 傳 。
元 年 春 正 月 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 前 日 孝 惠 皇 帝 言 欲 除 三 族罪 、 妖 言 令 ， 議 未 決 而 崩 ， 今 除 之 。 」 二 月 ， 賜民 爵 ， 戶 一 級 。 初 置 孝 弟 力 田 二 千 石 者 一 人 。 夏五 月 丙 申 ， 趙 王 宮 叢 臺 災 。
立 孝 惠 後 宮 子 強 為 淮陽 王 ， 不 疑 為 恆 山 王 ， 弘 為 襄 城 侯 ， 朝 為軹 侯 ， 武 為 壺 關 侯 。 秋 ， 桃 李 華 。
二 年 春 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 高 皇 帝 匡 飭 天 下 ， 諸 有功 者 皆 受 分 地 為 列 侯 ， 萬 民 大 安 ， 莫 不 受 休 德 。 朕 思 念 至 於 久 遠 而 功 名 不 著 ， 亡 以 尊 大 誼 ， 施 後世 。 今 欲 差 次 列 侯 功 以 定 朝 位 ， 臧 于 高 廟 ， 世 世勿 絕 ， 嗣 子 各 襲 其 功 位 。 其 與 列 侯 議 定 奏 之 。 」
丞 相 臣平 言 ： 「 謹 與 絳 侯 臣 勃 、 曲 周 侯 臣 商 、 潁 陰 侯 臣 嬰 、 安 國 侯 臣 陵 等 議 ， 列 侯幸 得 賜 餐 錢 奉 邑 ， 陛 下 加 惠 ， 以 功 次 定 朝 位 ， 臣 請 臧 高 廟 。 」 奏 可 。
春 正 月 乙 卯 ， 地 震 ， 羌道 、 武 都 道 山 崩 。 夏 六 月 丙 戌 晦 ， 日有 蝕 之 。 秋 七 月 ， 恆 山 王 不 疑 薨 。 行 八 銖 錢 。
三 年 夏 ， 江 水 、 溢 ， 流 民 四 千 餘 家 。 秋 ， 星 晝 見 。
四 年 夏 ， 少 帝 自 知 非 皇 后 子 ， 出 怨 言 ， 皇 太 后 幽之 永 巷 。 詔 曰 ： 「 凡 有 天 下 治 萬 民 者 ， 蓋 之 如 天， 容 之 如 地 ； 上 有 驩 心 以 使 百 姓 ， 百 姓 欣 然 以 事 其 上 ，驩 欣 交 通 而 天 下 治 。 今 皇 帝 疾 久 不 已 ， 乃 失 惑 昏 亂 ， 不能 繼 嗣 奉 宗 廟 ， 守 祭 祀 ， 不 可 屬 天 下 。 其 議 代 之。 」 群 臣
皆 曰 ： 「 皇 太 后 為 天 下 計 ， 所 以 安 宗 廟 社 稷 甚深 。 頓 首 奉 詔 。 」 五 月 丙 辰 ， 立 恆 山 王 弘 為 皇 帝 。
五 年 春 ， 南 粵 王 尉 佗 自 稱 南 武 帝 。 秋 八 月， 淮 陽 王 彊 薨 。 九 月 ， 發 河 東 、 上 黨 騎 屯 北 地 。
六 年 春 ， 星 晝 見 。 夏 四 月 ， 赦 天 下 。 秩 長 陵 令 二千 石 。 六 月 ， 城 長 陵 。 匈 奴 寇 狄 道 ， 攻 阿陽 。 行 五 分 錢 。
七 年 冬 十 二 月 ， 匈 奴 寇 狄 道 ， 略 二 千 餘 人 。 春 正月 丁 丑 ， 趙 王 友 幽 死 于 邸 。 己 丑 晦 ， 日 有 蝕 之 ， 既 。
以梁 王 呂 產 為 相 國 ， 趙 王 祿 為 上 將 軍 。 立 營 陵 侯 劉 澤 為 琅邪 王 。
夏 五 月 辛 未 ， 詔 曰 ： 「 昭 靈 夫 人 ， 太 上 皇 妃 也 ；武 哀 侯 、 宣 夫 人 ， 高 皇 帝 兄 姊 也 。 號 諡 不稱 ， 其 議 尊 號 。 」 丞 相 臣 平 等 請 尊 昭 靈 夫 人 曰 昭 靈 后 ，武 哀 侯 曰 武 哀 王 ， 宣 夫 人 曰 昭 哀 后 。
六 月 ， 趙 王 恢 自 殺。 秋 九 月 ， 燕 王 建 薨 。 南 越 侵 盜 長 沙 ， 遣 隆 慮 侯 灶 將 兵擊 之 。
八 年 春 ， 封 中 謁 者 張 釋 卿 為 列 侯 。 諸 中 官、 宦 者 令 丞 皆 賜 爵 關 內 侯 ， 食 邑 。 夏 ， 江 水 、 漢水 溢 ， 流 萬 餘 家 。
秋 七 月 辛 巳 ， 皇 太 后 崩 于 未 央 宮 。 遺 詔 賜 諸 侯 王各 千 金 ， 將 相 列 侯 下 至 郎 吏 各 有 差 。 大 赦 天 下 。
上 將 軍 祿 、 相 國 產 顓 兵 秉 政 ， 自 知 背 高 皇帝 約 ， 恐 為 大 臣 諸 侯 王 所 誅 ， 因 謀 作 亂 。 時 齊 悼惠 王 子 朱 虛 侯 章 在 京 師 ， 以 祿 女 為 婦 ， 知 其 謀 ， 乃 使 人告 兄 齊 王 ， 令 發 兵 西 。 章 欲 與 太 尉 勃 、 丞 相 平 為 內 應 ，以 誅 諸 呂 。 齊 王 遂 發 兵 ， 又 詐 琅 邪 王 澤 發 其 國 兵 ， 并 將而 西 。 產 、 祿 等 遣 大 將 軍 灌 嬰 將 兵 擊 之 。 嬰 至 滎 陽 ， 使人 諭 齊 王 與 連 和 ， 待 呂 氏 變 而 共 誅 之 。
太 尉 勃 與 丞 相 平 謀 ， 以 曲 周 侯 酈 商 子 寄 與 祿 善 ，使 人 劫 商 令 寄 紿 說 祿 曰 ： 「 高 帝 與 呂 后 共 定 天 下， 劉 氏 所 立 九 王 ， 呂 氏 所 立 三 王 ， 皆 大 臣 之 議 。 事 （ 以） 〔 已 〕 布 告 諸 侯 王 ， 諸 侯 王 以 為 宜 。 今 太 后 崩 ， 帝 少， 足 下 不 急 之 國 守 藩 ， 乃 為 上 將 將 兵 留 此 ， 為 大臣 諸 侯 所 疑 。 何 不 速 歸 將 軍 印 ， 以 兵 屬 太 尉 ， 請梁 王 亦 歸 相 國 印 ， 與 大 臣 盟 而 之 國 ？ 齊 兵 必 罷 ， 大 臣 得安 ， 足 下 高 枕 而 王 千 里 ， 此 萬 世 之 利 也 。 」
祿 然 其 計 ，使 人 報 產 及 諸 呂 老 人 。 或 以 為 不 便 ， 計 猶 豫 未 有所 決 。 祿 信 寄 ， 與 俱 出 遊 ， 過 其 姑 呂 嬃 。 嬃 怒 曰： 「 奴 為 將 而 棄 軍 ， 呂 氏 今 無 處 矣 ！ 」 乃 悉 出 珠玉 寶 器 散 堂 下 ， 曰 ： 「 無 為 它 人 守 也 ！ 」
八 月 庚 申 ， 平 陽 侯 窋 行 御 史 大 夫 事 ， 見 相國 產 計 事 。 郎 中 令 賈 壽 使 從 齊 來 ， 因 數 產 曰 ： 「王 不 早 之 國 ， 今 雖 欲 行 ， 尚 可 得 邪 ？ 」 具 以 灌 嬰 與 齊 楚合 從 狀 告 產 。 平 陽 侯 窋 聞 其 語 ， 馳 告 丞 相 平 、 太尉 勃 。
勃 欲 入 北 軍 ， 不 得 入 。 襄 平 侯 紀 通 尚 符 節 ， 乃 令 持 節 矯 內 勃 北 軍 。 〔 五 〕 勃 復 令 酈 寄 、 典 客 劉 揭說 祿 ， 曰 ： 「 帝 使 太 尉 守 北 軍 ， 欲 令 足 下 之 國 ，急 歸 將 軍 印 辭 去 。 不 然 ， 禍 且 起 。 」 祿 遂 解 印 屬 典 客 ， 而 以 兵 授 太 尉 勃 。
勃 入 軍 門 ， 行 令 軍 中 曰 ： 「 為呂 氏 右 袒 ， 為 劉 氏 左 袒 。 」 軍 皆 左 袒 。 勃 遂 將 北軍 。
然 尚 有 南 軍 ， 丞 相 平 召 朱 虛 侯 章 佐 勃 。 勃 令 章 監 軍門 ， 令 平 陽 侯 告 衛 尉 ， 毋 內 相 國 產 殿 門 。 產 不 知 祿 已 去北 軍 ， 入 未 央 宮 欲 為 亂 。 殿 門 弗 內 ， 徘 徊 往 來 。 平 陽 侯 馳 語 太 尉 勃 ， 勃 尚 恐 不 勝 ， 未 敢 誦 言 誅 之 ， 乃 謂 朱 虛 侯 章 曰 ： 「 急 入 宮 衛 帝 。 」 章 從 勃 請 卒 千人 ， 入 未 央 宮 掖 門 ， 見 產 廷 中 。 日 餔 時 ， 遂 擊產 。 產 走 。 天 大 風 ， 從 官 亂 ， 莫 敢 鬥 者 。 逐 產 ， 殺 之 郎中 府 吏 舍 廁 中 。
章 已 殺 產 ， 帝 令 謁 者 持 節 勞 章 。 章 欲 奪 節， 謁 者 不 肯 ， 章 乃 從 與 載 ， 因 節 信 馳 斬 長 樂 衛 尉 呂 更 始。 還 入 北 軍 ， 復 報 太 尉 勃 。 勃 起 拜 賀 章 ， 曰 ： 「所 患 獨 產 ， 今 已 誅 ， 天 下 定 矣 。 」
辛 酉 ，（ 殺 ） 〔 斬 〕 呂 祿 ， 笞 殺 呂 嬃 。 分 部 悉 捕 諸 呂 男 女 ， 無少 長 皆 斬 之 。 大 臣 相 與 陰 謀 ， 以 為 少 帝 及 三 弟 為 王 者 皆 非 孝 惠子 ， 復 共 誅 之 ， 尊 立 文 帝 。 語 在 周 勃 、 高 五 王 傳 。
贊 曰 ： 孝 惠 、 高 后 之 時 ， 海 內 得 離 戰 國 之 苦 ， 君臣 俱 欲 無 為 ， 故 惠 帝 拱 己 ， 高 后 女 主 制 政 ， 不 出房 闥 ， 而 天 下 晏 然 ， 刑 罰 罕 用 ， 民 務 稼 穡 ， 衣 食滋 殖 。
Translation and Notes
The Third [Imperial Annals]
The Annals of Empress Kao-Tsu
The Empress née Lü of [Emperor] Kao-[tsu] gave birth to Emperor Hui and assisted Kao-tsu in subjugating the empire. Her father and two older brothers 1 were enfeoffed by Kao-tsu as marquises. When Emperor Hui took the throne, he honored the Empress [née] Lü by making her Empress Dowager.
The Empress Dowager had made the daughter of the Emperor [Hui's] older sister, the Princess Yüan of Lu, the Empress, [but] she had no issue. [So the Empress Dowager] took the son of a Beauty from the [imperial] harem, pronounced him [the son of the Empress] and made him Heir-apparent. 2 When Emperor Hui died, the Heir-apparent was made Emperor. 3 He was young, [hence] the Empress Dowager appeared in court and pronounced [that she issued] the [imperial] decrees. 4 A general amnesty [was granted] to the world. Moreover she established [some] sons of her older brothers, Lü T'ai, [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu, and [Lü] T'ai's son, [Lü] T'ung, four persons [in all], as kings. She enfeoffed six persons of the Lü [clan] as marquises. 5 An account is in the "Memoir of the Relatives [of the Imperial House] by Marriage."
In the first year, in the spring, the first month, an imperial edict said, "At a previous time Emperor Hsiao-hui said that he wanted to abolish the punishment of [death together with] the three [sets of] relatives 6 and the ordinance against monstrous talking, 7 [but] his deliberations had not yet been concluded when he died. Now We abolish these [punishments]." In the second month she granted noble ranks to the common people, one step to each household. For the first time there were established Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and [Diligent] Cultivators of the Soil---[each official ranking as] two thousand piculs [recommended] one [such] person [for appointment]. 8 In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day] ping-shen, in the palace of the King of Chao, there was a visitation [of fire] in the Ts'ung-t'ai. 9
[The Empress Dowager] appointed some sons of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui by [women of] his harem: [Lü] Ch'iang as King of Huai-yang, [Lü] Pu-yi as King of Heng-shan, [Lü] Hung as Marquis of Hsiang-ch'eng, [Lü] Ch'ao as Marquis of Chih, and [Lü] Wu as Marquis of Hu-kuan. 10 In the autumn, the peach and plum [trees] blossomed.
In the second year, 11 an imperial edict said, "The Emperor Kao-[tsu] reformed and ordered the world. 12 All those who distinguished themselves received a share of its territory and were made marquises. All the people [are enjoying] great peace; not one but has received of his bountiful virtue. We have been thinking and reflecting [on this matter]. If, down to the distant future, their merits and names have not been made manifest, there will be nothing to honor their great conceptions and exhibit them [for the benefit of] later generations. Now [We] wish to classify and rank the merits of the marquises, so as to determine upon their positions in the court and preserve them in the Temple of Kao[tsu] from generation to generation without end, so that their heirs may each inherit their merits and positions. Let [this matter] be discussed with the marquises, settled, and memorialized [to Us]."
[The reply was,] "The Lieutenant Chancellor your subject [Ch'en] P'ing [says that] together with the Marquis of Chiang your subject [Chou] P'o, the Marquis of Ch'ü-chou your subject [Li] Shang, the Marquis of Ying-yin your subject [Kuan] Ying, the the Marquis of An-kuo your subject [Wang] Ling, [I have] carefully discussed [this matter]. 13 The marquises have been fortunate [enough] to obtain grants of money for food and to have been appointed to [the income of] towns. 14 Your Majesty is increas-your favors to them by fixing their positions in the 1 court in accordance with their merit. Your subjects beg that [this record] be stored in the Temple of Kao-[tsu]." The memorial was allowed.
In the spring, the first month, on ]the day] yi-mao, there was an earthquake in Ch'iang-tao. In the Wu-tu [Commandery] 15 a mountain fell down. In the summer, in the sixth month, on the [day] ping-hsü, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 16 In the autumn, the seventh month, the King of Heng-shan, [Lü] Pu-yi, died. 17 The "eight shu" cash were put into circulation. 18
In the third year, in the summer, the Yangtze River [and the Han River] 19 overflowed, carrying away more than four thousand families of common people. In the autumn, a star appeared in daytime. 20
In the fourth year, in the summer, the Young Emperor himself knew that he was not the son of the Empress, and emitted some resentful words, [so] the Empress Dowager shut him up in the Yung-hsiang. 21 The imperial edict said, 22 "Whoever possesses the world and rules all its people covers them like Heaven and supports them like Earth. When the superior has a joyous heart in employing his subjects, the subjects rejoice in serving their superior; when the joy and the rejoicing meet each other, the world is in peace and good order. Now the Emperor has been ill for a long time and has not recovered; consequently [his mind] is lost and wandering, [and he has become] demented and confused; he is not able to succeed as an heir [to his ancestors], to perform [his duty] in the ancestral temples, nor to continue its sacrifices. He is not able to be entrusted with the empire. Let it be discussed who should take his place."
The ministers all said, "The plans the Empress Dowager [has made] for the world whereby to maintain the [dynasty's] ancestral temples and the [dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains are very profound. We knock our heads on the ground [in respect] as we accept [your Majesty's] edict." 23 In the fifth month, on [the day] ping-ch'en, [the Empress Dowager] made the King of Heng-shan, [Lü] Hung, the Emperor. 24
In the fifth year, in the spring, the King of Nan-Yüeh, Commandant [Chao] T'o, called himself Emperor Wu of Nan-[Yüeh]. 25 In the autumn, the eighth month, the King of Huai-nan, [Lü] Ch'iang, died. In the ninth month, [the Empress Dowager] sent cavalry from the Ho-tung and the Shang-tang [Commanderies] to garrison the Pei-ti [Commandery].
In the sixth year, in the spring, a star was visible in daytime. In the summer, the fourth month, an amnesty was granted to the world and [the Empress Dowager] ranked the prefect of Ch'ang(2)-ling at two thousand piculs. 26 In the sixth month a wall was built [around] Ch'ang(2)-ling. The Huns pillaged Ti-tao and attacked O-yang. The "five fen" cash were put into circulation. 27
In the seventh year, in the winter, the twelfth month, the Huns pillaged Ti-tao and abducted more than two thousand people. In the spring, the first month, on [the day] ting-ch'ou, the King of Chao, [Liu] Yu, died from being imprisoned in the princes' lodgings at the capital, 28 and on [the day] chi-ch'ou, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse and it was total.
[The Empress Dowager] made the King of Liang, Lü Ch'an, the Chancellor of State, and the King of Chao, [Lü] Lu, the First [Ranking] General. She established the Marquis of Ying-ling, Liu Tse, as the King of Lang-ya.
In the summer, the fifth month, on [the day] hsin-wei, an imperial edict said, "Lady Chao-ling was the wife of the Grand Emperor. The Wu-ai Marquis, [Liu Po], and Lady Hsüan were the Emperor Kao-[tsu's] older brother and older sister. Their titles and posthumous names are not adequate [to their stations]. Let it be discussed [what] titles [they should be] honored [with." The reply was,] "The Lieutenant Chancellor, your subject, [Ch'en] P'ing, and others beg that you honor the Lady Chao-ling with the title, the Empress Chao-ling, the Wu-ai Marquis with the title King Wu-ai, and Lady Hsüan with the title Queen Chao-ai."
In the sixth month, the King of Chao, [Liu] K'uei, committed suicide. 29 In the autumn, the ninth month, the King of Yen, [Liu] Chien, died. 30 [The state of] Nan-Yüeh invaded and pillaged the [kingdom of] Ch'ang-sha. [The Empress Dowager] sent the Marquis of Lung-lu, [Chou] Tsao, with troops, to attack [the invaders].
In the eighth year, in the spring, the Palace Internuncio Chang Shih-ch'ing was appointed a marquis. The officials in the eunuch's offices in the [palace] inner [courts] who were chiefs or assistants were all granted the rank of Kuan-nei Marquis with [the income of] estates, and in the summer, the Yangtze and Han Rivers overflowed, carrying away more than ten thousand families. 31
In the autumn, the seventh month, on [the day] hsin-szu, 32 the Empress Dowager died at the Wei-yang Palace. By her testamentary edict she granted to each of the vassal kings [the equivalent of] a thousand [catties of] gold, to the generals, the chancellors, the marquises, and those of lower [rank], down to the Gentlemen and the officials, to each proportionately. A general amnesty was granted to the world.
The First [Ranking] General, [Lü] Lu, and the Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, had sole command of the troops and controlled the government. 33 They themselves knew [that they were acting] contrary to the covenant [made by] of Emperor Kao[tsu and his associates], 34 and were fearful that they would be executed by the great officials and the vassal kings. Hence they plotted sedition. At that time the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, the son of King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [Liu Fei(2)], 35 was at the capital. Because the daughter of [Lü] Lu was his wife, he knew of their plot, so sent people to inform his older brother, the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang], and induce him to mobilize his troops and come westwards. 36 [Liu] Chang, with the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o, and the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, intended to cooperate from within [the capital] to execute the Lü [clan]. The King of Ch'i thereupon mobilized his troops and also tricked the King of Lang-ya, [Liu] Tse, into mobilizing the troops of his kingdom; [the King of Ch'i] united the [troops of Lang-ya with his own troops] and led them westwards. 37 [Lü] Ch'an, [Lü] Lu and the others sent the General-in-chief, Kuan Ying, with troops, to attack him. When [Kuan] Ying reached Jung-yang, he sent people to inform the King of Ch'i that he was going to ally himself with him, waiting until the Lü clan made a move, and then they would all together execute them.
The Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o, together with the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, plotted, making use [of the fact that Li] Chi, the son of the Marquis of Ch'ü-chou, Li Shang, was on good terms with [Lü] Lu, and sent people who kidnapped [Li] Shang and ordered [Li] Chi to speak falsely to [Lü] Lu, saying, "Emperor Kao-[tsu] and the Empress [née] Lü together subjugated the world. The establishing of the nine kings from the Liu clan and of the three kings from the Lü clan was a matter all [done as a result of] deliberation by the great officials; when announcement and information [was made] to the vassal kings, the vassal kings considered it suitable. 38 Now the Empress Dowager is dead, and the Emperor is young. If your honor does not quickly go [away] to your kingdom and act as a feudatory, but remain here as First [Ranking] General directing your troops, you will be suspected by the great officials and the nobles. Why do you not quickly return your general's seal, turn over your troops to the Grand Commandant, ask the King of Liang, [Lü Ch'an], also to return the Chancellor of State's seal, make a solemn oath with the great officials, and then go to your kingdoms? [Then] the troops of Ch'i will certainly be disbanded, the great officials will be at rest, your honor will sleep soundly, and you will rule as king over [a region of] a thousand li. This [act] would be a benefit for ten thousand generations."
[Lü] Lu agreed to his plan and sent people to inform [Lü] Ch'an together with the elders of the Lü [clan]. Some thought it disadvantageous. While they deliberated and hesitated and had not resolved upon anything, [Lü] Lu, who had confidence in [Li] Chi, went out on a trip 39 together with him, and passed by [the house of] his paternal aunt, Lü Hsü. [Lü] Hsü became angry and said, "You have been made a general, yet you abandon your army. The Lü clan will now have no [place] to dwell." Then she took out all her pearls, jade, and precious objects, and scattered them around below the [main] hall, saying, "I will not keep them for others [to enjoy]."
In the eighth month, on [the day] keng-shen, 40 the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao] Cho, who was performing the duties of the Grandee Secretary, 41 visited the Chancellor of State, [Lü] Ch'an, concerning the [yearly] accounts. The Chief of the Gentlemen-at-the-Palace, Chia Shou, had come from Ch'i, [to which he had been sent as] an envoy, and took advantage [of the opportunity] to reprove [Lü] Ch'an, saying, "You, King, have not quickly gone to your kingdom; now even though you should want to go, would it be still possible?" [Then] he described and told [Lü] Ch'an all about Kuan Ying uniting as an accomplice with [the kingdoms of] Ch'i and Ch'u. 42 When the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao] Cho, heard his speech, he galloped 43 [off] and informed the Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, and the Grand Commandant, Chou P'o.
[Chou] P'o wanted to enter [the camp of] the Northern Army, but was not permitted to enter. The Marquis of Hsiang-p'ing, Chi T'ung-[chia], was Master of the Credentials, so [Chou P'o] ordered him to [get and] bear a credential which would fraudulently admit 44 [Chou] P'o to the Northern Army. [Chou] P'o next ordered Li Chi and the Director of Guests, Liu Chieh, to say to [Lü] Lu, "The Emperor has sent the Grand Commandant to take charge of the Northern Army. He intends to order your honor to go to your state. Hasten to return your general's seal, resign, 45 and leave. If you do not do so, misfortune will immediately come of it." [Lü] Lu thereupon took off his seal, 46 confided it to the Director of Guests, and thus handed his troops over to the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o.
[Chou] P'o entered the gate of the Army's [encampment] and issued his orders in the Army, saying, "Those who are for the Lü clan bare the right [arm]; those who are for the Liu clan bare the left [arm]." In the Army [the soldiers] all bared their left [arms]. 47 Thereupon [Chou] P'o took control of the Northern Army.
However there was still the Southern Army. 48 The Lieutenant Chancellor, [Ch'en] P'ing, summoned the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, to assist [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o ordered [Liu] Chang to superintend the gates of the army's [encampment] and ordered the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho], to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards not to admit 49 the Chancellor of State [Lü] Ch'an at the gate of the [Front] Hall. 50 [Lü] Ch'an did not know that [Lü] Lu had already given up the Northern Army, [so] entered the Wei-yang Palace, intending to create a sedition, [but the guards at] the gate of the [Front] Hall would not admit him. As he walked back and forth irresolutely, the Marquis of P'ing-yang, [Ts'ao Cho], galloped [off] and told the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o still feared that [his party] would not be victorious, [so] dared not yet make a public announcement 51 to execute him, but spoke to the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu] Chang, saying, "Hasten into the Palace to guard the Emperor." [Liu] Chang asked [Chou] P'o for a thousand soldiers, and entered the Wei-yang Palace by a side gate. He met [Lü] Ch'an in the court. It was late afternoon. 52 Thereupon he attacked [Lü] Ch'an, and [Lü] Ch'an fled. [There came] a great wind from Heaven and his retinue became panic-stricken, [so that] none of them dared to fight, [with the result that Liu Chang] pursued [Lü] Ch'an and killed him in the privy of the official's house connected with the office of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace. 53
When [Liu] Chang had killed [Lü] Ch'an, the Emperor ordered an Internuncio, bearing a credential, to congratulate [Liu] Chang. 54 [Liu] Chang wished to take his credential [from him, but] the Internuncio was unwilling [to part with it]. Then [Liu] Chang went with him in his carriage. By using his credential [as] a passport [allowing him entrance], he galloped [to the Ch`ang-lo Palace] and beheaded the Commandant of the [Palace] Guard at the Chang-lo [Palace], Lü Keng-shih. He returned, entered the Northern Army, and reported back to the Grand Commandant, [Chou] P'o. [Chou] P'o arose, bowed to [Liu] Chang in congratulation, and said, "The only one I was worried about was [Lü] Ch'an. Now that he has been executed the empire has been made stable [again]."
On [the day] hsin-yu, 55 they killed 56 Lü Lu and beat to death Lü Hsü. Dividing themselves into detachments, they arrested all the Lü clan, male and female, without [making any distinction of] youth or age, and beheaded them all. The great officials and chancellors planned together secretly; because they considered that the Young Emperor and the kings his three younger brothers 57 were all [in reality] not sons of [the Emperor] Hsiao-hui, [the great officials and chancellors] together executed them and honored and established Emperor Wen [upon the throne]. An account [of all the foregoing] is in the "Memoir of Chou P'o" and the "[Memoir of] the Five Kings [who were Sons of] Kao-[tsu]."
In eulogy we say: During the times of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui and the Empress of Kao-[tsu], the world had succeeded in putting behind it the sufferings [during the period of] Contending States. Both ruler and subjects sought for effortlessness. 58 Hence although Emperor Hui folded his hands 59 and the Empress of Kao-[tsu], a female lord, assumed the rule and governed without going out of the doors to her apartments, yet the world was quiet, [mutilating] punishments and [other] penalties were seldom used, the people were busy in sowing and harvesting, and clothing and food multiplied and were abundant.
1. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Her father was the old gentleman Lü, the Marquis of Lin-szu; her brothers were [Lü] Tse, the Marquis of Chou-lü, and [Lü] Shih-chih, the Chien-ch'eng Marquis." For names of persons, places, and official titles, cf. Glossary.
2. Ho Ch'uo (1661-1722) says," 名之 [means] to name him as a son born to the Empress."HS 27 A: 10b says, "The Empress had no issue, [but] a Beauty in the [imperial] harem had a male [child]. The Empress Dowager had the Empress name him [as her son] and killed his mother. After Emperor Hui had died and his heir had been established [as Emperor, he spoke] some resentful words, [so] the Empress Dowager dismissed him [cf. 3: 3b], and replaced him, establishing a scion of the Lü family, [Lü] Hung, as the Young Emperor." The similar phrasing used in recounting the killing of a son and his mother, a concubine, which happened after King Ling of Yen died (cf. 38: 3b), proves that the first Young Emperor was the son of Emperor Hui.
3. In other cases, the day of an emperor's accession is given. Ch'ien Ta-chao (1744-1813) thinks that the reason that date is not given here is because the Empress Dowager's actions were tantamount to herself ascending the throne, and because the child did not himself rule, but was soon after degraded and imprisoned.
4. Ever since, when an Empress has assumed the Emperor's power, her act has been called by this phrase, so that it has become an idiom. The SC says at this point, "In the first year all the proclamations and decrees emanated from the Empress Dowager." Yen Shih-ku says, "The words of the Son of Heaven are called (1) `decrees 制書' and (2) `edicts 詔書.' `Decrees' means that they are commands for decreeing and regulating 制度之命. [These] were not what an Empress Dowager is permitted to pronounce. Now the Empress Dowager [née] Lü appeared in court and performed the duties of the Son of Heaven, making decisions about the many [affairs of the governmental] mechanism, hence she styled [her orders imperial] decrees and edicts." An empress could issue edicts, but the issuing of decrees was the sole prerogative of the Emperor. Cf. T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 593, for a quotation from the Han Chih-tu (by Hu Kuang, 91-172) enumerating the four kinds of imperial orders. Cf. Mh II, 126, n. 2; 99 A: 4a.
5. These four appointments were not all made at the same time. Lü T'ai was enfeoffed as King in 186, Lü Ch'an in 182, Lü Lu and Lü Tung in 180. According to SC ch. 9 (Mh II, 417), in the first year the Empress Dowager appointed Lü P'ing as Marquis of Fu-liu and Lü Chung, the son of Lü Shih-chih, as the Marquis of P'ei; in the fourth year (Mh II, 418), she appointed Lü T'a as Marquis of Yü (cf. 16: 65a), Lü Keng-shih, her nephew, as Marquis of T'eng, and Lü Fen, another nephew, as Marquis of Lü-ch'eng; in the eighth year (Mh II, 425), she appointed Lü Chuang, a younger son of Lü T'ai, as Marquis of T'ung-p'ing---these are the six marquises referred to. In addition there were other marquisates in her family: Lü Lu became Marquis of Hu-ling, later succeeding Lü Shih-chih as Chien-ch'eng Marquis; in 184, Lü Hsü, the younger sister of the Dowager Empress, was ennobled as the Marquis of Lin-kuang. The HS evidently did not count women in the enumeration of the six marquises.
6. Cf. Glossary, sub Three Sets.
7. This law was probably directed against lese-majesty and libellious complaint against the government, such as charging it with tyranny or talk that would start a rebellion. This crime was again abolished in 178 B.C. Cf. 4: 10b. Yen Shih-ku says, "Outrageously erroneous talk 過誤之言 is considered `monstrous talking.' " In 78 B.C. Kuei Hung interpreted some omens as implying that a commoner, descended from some ancient prince, would take the throne. Hence he advised the Han dynasty to resign and search for a sage. Ho Kuang, who controlled the government, had Kuei Hung executed for "falsely bringing forward monstrous talk, treason, and inhuman conduct." Cf. 75: 1b, 2a.
8. Yen Shih-ku says, "She specially appointed as officials [some] Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivators of the Fields, and honored them [with an official] rank, wishing thereby to encourage the world, ordering that each one should perfect his conduct and devote himself to the fundamental, [agriculture]." Ch'ien Ta-chao points out that those ranking as two thousand piculs were Administrators of commanderies and Chancellors of kingdoms, and says that this passage means that each of these officials were to recommend one person, and that it is impossible that the position of Filially Pious, Fraternally Respectful, and Diligent Cultivator of the Soil should be ranked as two thousand piculs. The Filially Pious and the Fraternally Respectful are distinguished in 4: 14b.
9. In 27 A: 10b Liu Hsiang says that this fire occurred because King Yu of Chao, Liu Yu, was to be slandered and imprisoned to death. Cf. 3: 4b.
10. HS ch. 13: 19b notes that Ch'iang was made King of Huai-yang on June 6, 187 B.C. Chin Shao (fl. ca. 275) says, "The Han commentator [gives] his name as Chang ###." Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) tells that HS ch. 18 says, "All were sons of the Lü family and were made marquises because they were sons of Hsiao-hui," but this statement is not in the present text of that chapter. [Lü] Ch'iang was furthermore never a marquis, but was directly made a king. Possibly this latter saying is displaced, and should be after the last of these supposed sons.HS 13: 21a says of the two of these five who are recorded in the date 180 B.C., "Because he was not [the Emperor Hui's] son he was killed." The Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) thinks that all of these five were not really sons of Hsiao-hui because they are not mentioned in HS ch. 14, where are listed the vassals of the Liu surname, but are only mentioned in ch. 13, in which are listed vassals of other surnames and in ch. 18, in which are listed nobles related by marriage to the royal family. SC 9: 10b (Mh II, 432) says of two of these five: "Who had been pronounced the younger brothers of the Young Emperor" (who was a natural son of Hsiao-hui). HS 13: 19b says of Ch'iang and Pu-yi, "The Empress of Kao-[tsu] falsely set him up as a son of [Emperor] Hsiao-hui."The HS thus clearly implies that these five children were not really sons of Hsiao-hui. It records their appointment in the terms in which that appointment was made, but indicates their true descent by listing them in the appropriate tables, and by the statement on 3: 8a.HS 18: 4b also lists another supposed son of the Emperor Hsiao-hui by the name of [Lü] T'ai 大, who was made Marquis of Ch'ang-p'ing 昌平, and who in 181 became King of Lü 呂王. Cf. 13: 20b; SC 17: 12a. SC 9:10 groups him with the other spurious sons, so that he too was a scion of the Lü family. Cf. p. 209, n. 3.
11. Following the mention of the year, the present text reads, "in the spring," but the next date is also "in the spring, the first month" (3a); since the chapter proceeds chronologically, this word "spring" should be "winter," according to Su Yü (xx cent.). HS 16: 2a recounts this matter, dating it merely "in the second year of the Empress of Kao-[tsu]." We have deleted "spring," following ch. 16.
12. This sentence is a loose quotation from Analects XIV, xviii, 2.
13. According to 16: 1b, Kao-tsu had fixed the relative ranking of 18 marquises, including Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an; now the Empress Dowager ordered the relative ranking of the others. She was probably planning to win adherents and strengthen her clique thereby. These ranks are recorded in ch. 16. Ch'en P'ing was ranked by this committee as number 47; the other three had previously been ranked as numbers 4, 6, and 9 respectively in order of court precedence. Thus a committee of marquises who had previously been ranked among the first, together with the Lieutenant Chancellor, did the ranking.
14. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) says, "The nobles at the four seasons all get grants of money for food." Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "Food 飡 is the towns [from the income of which] they live. In the meantime [this phrase] was changed to be called `poll-tax money 算錢,' [cf. p. 184, n. 1], like the present chief officials' salary 食奉, which they themselves report as wine-money 媵錢. It is the land tax 租奉[perhaps this last phrase should be, "the (marquises') poll-tax"]. Yen Shih-ku says, "Foodmoney 餐錢 is grants of money for cooking and food 賜廚膳錢 ; 奉邑 was originally 食邑 `live [from the income] of towns' " Wei Chao (197-273/4) interprets differently: "Cooked food 熟食 is called 飡; wine and meat dishes are called 錢; grain and rice 粟米 are called 奉. The [marquises'] poll-tax and their [official] salary really constitute their income; at the four seasons they obtain [imperial grants at intervals---this is their food money." Shen Ch'in-han (1778-1831) adds, "In the T'ang [period], each [high] official, in addition to his monthly salary, had money for food and fodder. [This practise] probably began with the Han [period]."
15. Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that " 道 March" is superfluous and should be omitted; the former Han dynasty had only a Wu-tu Commandery and Hsien; the later Han dynasty first had a Wu-tu March.
16. For eclipses, cf. App. I.
17. The SC at this point adds the statement, "His younger brother, the Marquis of Hsiang-ch'eng, [Lü] Shan [cf. Glossary. sub voce], was made King of Ch'ang-shan and his given name was changed to Yi." Cf. Mh II, 418. Hsün Yüeh's (148-209) Han-chi says the same. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) thinks that the above sentence has dropped out of the text of the HS at this point.
18. Ying Shao says, "Originally the Ch'in [dynasty] cash were in substance like the cash of the Chou [dynasty]. Their inscription was `Half ounce,' and their weight was the same as the inscription. [These were] the `eight shu' cash. [But a shu is 1/24 of an ounce, (cf. 4: app. I), so that 8 shu is only one-third of an ounce.] Because they were too heavy, the Han [dynasty] changed and coined the `leaf' 莢 cash. Today among the people, the `elm leaf' 榆莢 cash are those. The people suffered because they were too light. [So] at this time there were again put into circulation the `eight shu' cash." The HS however mentions the `leaf' cash later. Cf. 3: 4b and p. 199, n. 2. According to the Ku-chin-chu, attributed to Ts'ui Pao and probably written about 300, "The `leaf' cash weigh three shu." But HS 24B: 3b says of cash, "Moreover each at different times may be lighter or heavier; they are not the same [in weight]," so that uniformity had not been secured in coinage. Yeh Tê-hui (d. 1927) says that of the Ch'in dynasty `half-ounce' cash that have been preserved, the lightest weigh 15/100 of a tael and the heaviest 20/100 of a tael; the `eight shu' cash would then correspond to the lightest Ch'in cash. Cf. p. 111, n. 3; p. 280.
19. The words 漢水, "the Han River," have dropped out of the present text. Ch'ien Ta-chao reports that they are in the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549), and that the Han-chi reads, "The Yangtze River and the Han River overflowed." Chou Shou-ch'ang (1818-1884) reports that Ho Ch'uo collated a small character Sung text (prob. 1178) and says that after "Yangtze River" it had "the Han River." HS 27A: 21b says, "In the third year of the Empress of Kao-tsu, in the summer, in the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies there was high water. The rivers overflowed, carrying away more than 4000 families." Corresponding to the statement on 3: 5a that in the summer of the eighth year the Yangtze and Han Rivers overflowed, 27A: 21b says, "The rivers again overflowed." Hence the earlier passage should mention the Han as well as the Yangtze River. Wang Hsien-ch'ien reports that the Wang ed. (1546) and the Official ed. (1739) have "the Han River" at this point.
20. This "star" might have been a nova, a comet, or the planet Venus, which is sometimes visible in daytime.
21. The SC at this point and HS 97A: 5a tell that the Empress Dowager's granddaughter, the Empress, had had no children, so she simulated pregnancy. A child of a concubine was passed off as her son, then the child's mother was killed---this child then was made the Heir-apparent and became the Young Emperor. When he grew up he said, "How could the Empress Dowager kill my mother and name me [as her son]? I am not yet grown; when I am grown I will do what I will do." The Empress Dowager heard of it and imprisoned him until he died. Cf. Mh II, 418 ff.
22. The SC quotes this edict (with a few verbal changes) as a speech of the Empress Dowager. Cf. Mh II, 419.
23. The Empress Dowager had dismissed the last heir of the Emperor Hui; they tell her they do not know what to do.
24. HS 27A: 21b adds that in the autumn of this year there was high water in the Yellow River basin.
25. This act constituted a rebellion against the dynasty. Chao T'o was commonly known as " 尉佗 Commandant T'o," even after he had become king and emperor. The SC uses this name as the title of his biography.The use of a title name, like Wu, by a ruler while he was living was contrary to the usual Chinese practise, although many ancient kings used a title while living. According to the SC, before Chao T'o was enfeoffed by Kao-tsu, he had called himself "King Wu of Nan-Yüeh." Now he usurped the Emperor's title and called himself "Emperor Wu of Nan-Yüeh." Wei Chao (197-273/4) understands the text in this sense. Then the word "Yüeh" has dropped out of the text at this point. The Han-chi and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084) both have that word. It has been suggested however that he changed the name of his kingdom from Nan-Yüeh to Nan-wu, since there is mentioned a Chih, the Marquis of Nan-wu (cf. 1B: 21b), but there is no evidence to support this conjecture. An emperor would hardly change the name of his state to that borne by an unimportant marquisate.
26. The tomb of Kao-tsu was at Ch'ang-ling; its magistrate was raised to rank with Commandery Administrators. Thus Kao-tsu was honored.
27. A fen 分 is one tenth of an inch, so that this name would imply that they were one-half inch (0.45 Eng. meas.) in diameter. Ying Shao says that these were the `leaf' cash (cf. p. 196, n. 4). Sung Ch'i (998-1061) says that some other texts write shu for fen, which is an error, for the five-shu cash were not minted until the time of the Emperor Wu. Ch'ien Ta-chao notes that the Southern Academy ed. (1528) and the Fukien ed. (1549) read thus.
28. He was the sixth son of Kao-tsu. He had married a lady of the Lü family, but loved a concubine. His wife slandered him to the Empress Dowager, accusing him of having said that he would attack that family after the death of the Empress Dowager. She sent for him and starved him to death in his lodgings, then buried him as a commoner. Cf. Glossary sub Liu Yu.
29. He was the fifth son of Kao-tsu. He had been married to a grand-niece of the Empress Dowager; his wife surrounded herself with her people, spying upon him so that he could not do what he liked. His queen poisoned the concubine whom he loved, and so, in sorrow for her, he committed suicide. The Empress Dowager thereupon punished him by taking his title from his descendants, so that his ghost could not receive princely worship. Cf. Glossary, sub Liu K'uei.
30. Liu Chien was the eighth son of Kao-tsu. He had one son, by a concubine; after his death the Empress Dowager sent men to kill this son, then disestablished his kingdom. The SC and the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien date this death in the 9th month; the Han-chi wrongly dates it in the 8th month.By this time, of the eight sons of Kao-tsu, only two were alive: Heng, who later became the Emperor Hsiao-wen, and Ch'ang, King of Huai-nan. Three had died seemingly natural deaths, one was poisoned by the Empress Dowager, one had been starved to death by her, and one was driven by her grandniece to commit suicide. Princess Yüan of Lu, Kao-tsu's daughter and oldest child, had also died.
31. HS 27A: 21b says, "In the Han-chung and Nan Commanderies the rivers again ran out [of their banks], carrying away more than 6000 families; in the Nan-yang [Commandery] the Mien River [a tributary of the Han] carried away more than ten thousand families." Evidently the population was much denser in Shensi than along the banks of the Yangtse River, or else events in the Yangtze valley received little notice from the court historians.
32. Aug. 18, 180 B.C., which P. Hoang makes the first day of the 8th month; Chavannes (Mh II, 426 and n. 3; T'oung Pao 7: 26) puts an intercalary month in the 7th year instead of in the 8th year, as Hoang does, and dates this death on the last day of the 6th month, making it July 21. We have followed P. Hoang, for his calendar (which in this month seems to be one day in error) requires a smaller number of emendations in the text of the histories.The SC states that while the Empress Dowager was out of the palace she was bit in the side by something that appeared to be like a blue dog and suddenly disappeared. When it was divined about, the diviner's reply was, "It was the King of Chao, [Liu] Ju-yi, [whom she had murdered], become an evil spirit." She fell sick of her wound and died of it four months later. Cf. Mh II, 425; HS 27 Ba: 27b.
33. According to the SC and HS 97A: 5a, the Empress Dowager, before her death, had feared a revolution, and so ordered these two nephews to be made First Ranking General and Chancellor of State, respectively, and to reside in the Northern and Southern Armies to guard the capital for her family. Cf. Mh II, 426.
34. According to the SC, Kao-tsu had made his generals and associates swear an oath made with the most solemn ceremony---a white horse was sacrificed and its blood smeared on the lips of those who took the oath---to the effect that all the empire should unite to combat those who were kings and did not belong to the Liu (the imperial) family. Cf. Mh II, 414. The Empress Dowager, by naming kings from members of her own family, that of Lü, had compelled the breaking of this oath.
35. Kao-tsu's oldest son.
36. The SC (Mh II, 429) tells that the King of Ch'i's Chancellor opposed the King. (The Chancellors were appointed by the emperor to watch the vassal kings.) On Sept. 12 the King tried to have his Chancellor assassinated; the Chancellor raised his troops and tried to take the King captive, but the King then killed the Chancellor.
37. The "trick" is expounded in SC 52: 3a, b, which reads, "He sent forth all the troops of his state and sent Chu Wu east to trick the King of Lang-ya [Liu Tse], by saying, `The Lü clan is rebelling and the King of Ch'i, [Liu Hsiang], is mobilizing his troops, wishing to go west and execute [the Lü clan]. The King of Ch'i considers that his son is young in years, and inexperienced in warlike matters, [so] prefers to entrust his kingdom to you, great King. You, great King, were yourself a general of Emperor Kao-[tsu] and are experienced in warlike matters. The King of Ch'i dares not leave his troops, [so] he sends me, your servant, to beg you, great King, to favor him by coming to Lin-tzu [his capital] to visit the King of Ch'i, plan matters, and lead the troops of Ch'i together with yours westwards to subjugate the rebellion in Kuan-chung.' The King of Lang-ya believed him, thought [his suggestion] right, and galloped west to see the King of Ch'i. The King of Ch'i with Wei P'o and others thereupon detained the King of Lang-ya and sent Chu Wu to mobilize all [the troops] of the kingdom of Lang-ya; then [the King of Ch'i] united [them with his own troops and] led its troops [together with his own]."When the King of Lang-ya, Liu Tse, saw that he had been deceived and could not return to his kingdom, he said to the King of Ch'i, `King Tao-hui of Ch'i, [your father], was the oldest son of the Emperor Kao-[tsu]; by rights then you, great King, are the heir and the first grandson of Emperor Kao-[tsu]. You ought to be seated [on the throne]. Now the great officials are hesitating in their discussions [concerning the succession] and have not yet reached a decision, while I, Tse, am the oldest of the Liu family. The great officials will of course wait for me, Tse, before coming to a decision in their deliberations. Now you, great King, are detaining me, your servant, uselessly. It would be better to send me through the Pass to deliberate on this matter.' The King of Ch'i thought he was right, so prepared for him the necessities and chariots and sent off the King of Lang-ya. When the King of Lang-ya had gone, [the kingdom of] Ch'i thereupon set in motion its troops, went westwards, and attacked the Chi-nan [Commandery] of the kingdom of Lü."
38. I.e., the government was not an absolute monarchy; the emperor acts only with the approval of his important subordinates.
39. The SC says that they went hunting; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien follows it, while the Han-chi follows the HS.
40. There was no keng-shen day in the eighth month; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien K'ao-yi, by Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1036), 1: 5b, says that the text should read, "the ninth month," for although SC 9: 11a (Mh II, 434) also reads "the eighth month keng-shen," yet previously (Mh II, 429) it reads "the eighth month ping-wu," and the days keng-shen and ping-wu cannot be in the same month here. Then this date is Sept. 26, 180 B.C. Chavannes reached the same Julian date (Mh II, 434), but by emending the previous date, not this one. The SC says in addition that it happened "in the morning." It also gives the impression that Ts'ao Cho overheard part of a conversation not intended for his ears.
41. According to 19B: 5b, Ts'ao Cho became Grandee Secretary in 184 B.C. and was dismissed in 180 B.C. In that year an edict commanded the Lieutenant Chancellor of Huai-nan, Chang Ts'ang, to take his place; probably at this time Ts'ao Cho was merely acting for his successor who had been appointed, but had not yet taken up his duties. HS 42: 4b says that he was dismissed after the killing of the Lü clan, which Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks is an erroneous statement, because at the time of Liu Heng's arrival in the capital on Nov. 14, Chang Ts'ang is already mentioned as Grandee Secretary (cf. 4: 3a).
42. The SC (Mh II, 434) adds at this point, "He urged [Lü] Ch'an to hasten into the palace."
43. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) reads 以 for 馳.
44. Reading 納 for 内 , as in the passages on p. 7b, at the suggestion of Ch'ien Ta-chao.
45. The Sung Ch'i ed. says that the Southern ed. (ca. x-xii cent.) reads 綬 for the present 辭 and omits the words for "general".
46. The SC (Mh II, 435) adds that Lü Lu did not think that Li Chi would deceive him.
47. This phrase "bare the left arm" has become an idiom.
48. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) writes, "According to ch. 23, [at] the capital there were the encampments of the Southern and Northern Armies. Although the Southern and Northern Armies of Han [times] were called two comparable armies, really the Southern Army was not the equal of the Northern Army. Emperor Kao-[tsu] sent forth 30,000 troops of the Palace Military Commander. When Wang Wen-shu was Palace Military Commander, he begged permission to replace the soldiers who had been lost, and secured several tens of thousands of men. The roster of the Northern Army then must be said to have been large. But when Kai K'uan-jao was Major of the Guard, the soldiers of the guard [the patrol inside the capital, cf. 19 A: 22b; 77: 1a] numbered not more than several thousand men. Hence the military policy of the Han [dynasty] always stressed the Northern Army. When Chou P'o had once entered the Northern Army, Lü Ch'an and his confederates could only fold their hands and meet death. When the Heir-apparent Li [of Emperor Wu] did not secure help from the Northern Army, he was finally defeated by the Lieutenant Chancellor's troops. [Cf. Glossary sub Liu Chü]. The general nature of the power of the two armies can thus be seen."Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) adds, "Hu [San-hsing, 1230-1287], in his comment on the [Tzu-chih] T'ung-chien, [says that] according to Pan [Ku's] Table [19A: 22b] the Colonel of the Capital Encampment [cf. Mh II, 521, XVIII, 1°] takes charge of [everything] inside the gates of the encampment of the Northern Army. There was also a Palace Military Commander who took charge of patrolling the capital. His subordinates were [the Colonel] of the Capital Encampment, the Pretors of the Waters, and others, both chiefs and assistants. At the time of the Later Han [dynasty], there were first established the Palace Captains at the Northern Army, having charge of the five encampments. The commentator Liu [Chao, (fl. dur. 502-556), in a note to HHS, Tr. 27: 7b] says that formerly there was the Colonel of the Capital Encampment commanding affairs within the encampment of the Northern Army. After the Revival [23-25], the [Colonel of] the Capital Encampment was abolished, [but] there were however established Palace Captains to superintend the five encampments. [Each palace had its encampment]. In addition, according to Pan [K'u's] Table [19 A: 23a], after [the discussion of the Colonel of] the Capital Encampment there [are mentioned] eight Colonels, all of whom were first established by the Emperor Wu. According to my notion, before [the time of] the Emperor Wu, the Northern Army was under the Palace Military Commander, hence he commanded the Chief of the Capital Encampment, his assistants and other officers."The Southern Army was probably governed by the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards [cf. Glossary. sub voce]. According to Pan [Ku's] Table, the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards had charge of the soldiers encamped as a guard to the palace gates. When Chou P'o had entered the Northern Army, `there was still the Southern Army.' So he first sent Ts'ao Cho to inform the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards not to admit Lü Ch'an at the gate of the [Front] Hall [in the Wei-yang Palace], and afterwards sent the Marquis of Chu-hsü, [Liu Chang], to pursue [Lü] Ch'an and kill him in the official's privy of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace's quarters in the Wei-yang Palace. According to this [account], we know that the Southern Army was under the Commandant of the [Palace] Guards."
49. Cf. p. 205, n. 4.
50. This Front Hall was the hall of audience in the Wei-yang Palace; the imperial apartments were there.
51. The SC writes 訟言; the HS reads the first word as 誦, which Wei Chao (197-273/4) and Teng Chan (fl. ca. 208) interpret as 公. Cf. Mh II, 436, n. 1.
52. The Sung Ch'i ed. reports that the Yüeh ed. (prob. xi or xii cent.) and the Shao ed. (xi or xii cent.) omit 日. The fact that the sun was declining was probably taken as an approval by Heaven of this destruction.
53. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 221-265) says that according to 19 A: 8a the Chief of the Gentleman-at-the-Palace controlled the gates and doors to the Palace in general and the Hall, hence his office was inside the Palace. HS 50: 5b speaks of a "chief in the office 署 of the Gentlemen-of-the-Palace," which Wang Hsien-ch'ien thinks was this place. The Han dynasty's palace as a whole was called a 宮; within it was the Front Hall 前殿, the Forbidden Apartments 禁中, the Tung-ko 東閣 (p. 132, n. 2), the Harem 后宮, etc.
54. Yen Shih-ku says that he wanted to make kind inquiries.
55. The day after the one in which the preceding events, including the murder of Lü Ch'an, happened. According to p. 204 n. 2, this was Sept. 27, 180 B.C.
56. The Official ed. (1739) writes "beheaded 斬" for the 殺 in the text.
57. This was the second "Young Emperor"; the first one was Hsiao-hui's natural child and had been imprisoned to death by the Empress Dowager in 184 B.C.; the second Young Emperor was Lü Hung. His three supposed younger brothers were (1) the Marquis of Chih, Lü Chao, who had succeeded Lü Heng as King of Heng-shan, (2) the Marquis of Hu-kuan, Lü Wu, who had become the King of Huai-yang, and (3) the Marquis of Chang-p'ing, Lü T'ai, who had become King of Lü. (The SC [cf. Mh II, 441] speaks of the King of Liang, but Liang is a mistake for Lü. At that time the King of Liang had been Lü Ch'an.) The name of the place, Lü, was changed to Chi-ch'uan 濟川, so that Lü T'ai is also called the King of Chi-ch'uan.
58. Cf. p. 186 n. 1, ad fin.
59. Possibly alluding to Ts'ao Ts'an's phrase, "Your Majesty sits with unruffled garments and folded hands." Cf. p. 186 n. 1, ad fin. Much of this eulogy is taken from the corresponding passage in SCHC 9:37f; cf. Mh II, 442.
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