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漢 書 一 上
高 紀 第 一 上
高 祖沛 豐 邑 中 陽 里 人 也。
姓 劉 氏。母 媼 嘗 息 大 澤 之 陂 ，夢 與 神 遇 。 是 時 雷 電 晦 冥 ，父 太 公 往 視 ， 則 見 交 龍 於 上 。 已 而 有 娠， 遂 產 高 祖 。
高 祖 為 人 ， 隆 準 而 龍 顏 ，美 須 髯 ，左 股 有 七 十 二 黑 子 。 寬 仁 愛 人 ， 意 豁 如 也 。 常 有 大 度 ， 不 事 家 人 生 產 作 業 。 及 壯 ， 試 吏 ， 為 泗 上 亭 長 ， 廷 中 吏 無 所 不 狎 侮 。
好 酒 及色 。 常 從 王 媼 、 武 負 貰 酒 ， 時 飲 醉 臥 ， 武 負 、 王 媼 見 其 上 常 有 怪 。 高 祖 每 酤 留 飲 ， 酒 讎 數 倍 。 及 見 怪 ， 歲 竟 ， 此 兩 家 常 折 券 棄 責 。
高 祖 常 繇 咸 陽 ， 縱 觀 秦 皇 帝 ， 喟 然大 息 ， 曰 ： 「 嗟 乎 ， 大 丈 夫 當 如 此 矣 ！ 」
單 父 人 呂 公 善 沛 令 ， 辟 仇 ， 從 之 客 ， 因 家 焉 。 沛 中 豪 傑 吏 聞 令 有 重 客 ， 皆 往 賀 。 蕭 何 為 主 吏 ， 主 進 ， 令 諸 大 夫 曰 ： 「 進 不 滿千 錢 ， 坐 之 堂 下 。 」 高 祖 為 亭 長 ， 素 易 諸 吏 ， 乃 紿 為 謁 曰 「 賀 錢 萬 」 ， 實 不 持 一 錢 。
謁 入， 呂 公 大 驚 ， 起 ， 迎 之 門 。 呂 公 者 ， 好 相 人 ， 見 高 祖 狀 貌 ， 因 重 敬 之 ， 引 入 坐 上 坐 。 蕭 何 曰 ：「 劉 季 固 多 大 言 ， 少 成 事 。 」 高 祖 因 狎 侮 諸 客 ， 遂 坐 上 坐 ， 無 所 詘 。 酒 闌 ，呂 公 因 目 固 留 高祖 。 竟 酒 ， 後 。 呂 公 曰 ： 「 臣 少 好 相 人 ， 相 人 多 矣 ，無 如 季 相 ， 願 季 自 愛 。 臣 有 息 女 ， 願 為 箕 帚 妾 。 」
酒 罷 ， 呂 媼 怒 呂 公 曰 ： 「 公 始 常 欲 奇 此 女 ， 與 貴 人 。 沛 令 善 公 ， 求 之 不 與 ， 何 自 妄 許 與 劉 季 ？ 」 呂 公 曰 ： 「 此 非 兒 女 子 所 知 。 」 卒 與 高祖 。 呂 公 女 即 呂 后 也 ， 生 孝 惠 帝 、 魯 元 公 主 。
高 祖 嘗 告 歸 之 田 。 呂 后 與 兩 子 居 田 中 ， 有一 老 父 過 請 飲 ， 呂 后 因 餔 之 。 老 父 相 后 曰 ： 「 夫 人 天 下 貴 人 也 。 」 令 相 兩 子 ， 見 孝 惠 帝 ， 曰 ： 「 夫 人 所 以 貴 者 ， 乃 此 男 也 。 」 相 魯 元 公 主 ， 亦 皆 貴 。
老 父 已 去 ， 高 祖 適 從 旁 舍 來 ， 呂 后 具 言 客 有 過 ， 相 我 子 母皆 大 貴 。 高 祖 問 ， 曰 ： 「 未 遠 。 」 乃 追 及 ， 問 老 父 。 老父 曰 ： 「 鄉 者 夫 人 兒 子 皆 以 君 ， 君 相 貴 不 可 言 。」 高 祖 乃 謝 曰 ： 「 誠 如 父 言 ， 不 敢 忘 德 。 」 及 高祖 貴 ， 遂 不 知 老 父 處 。
高 祖 為 亭 長 ， 乃 竹 皮 為 冠 ， 令 求 盜 之 薛 治 ， 時 時 冠 之 ， 及 貴 常 冠 ， 所 謂 「 劉 氏 冠 」 也 。
高 祖 以 亭 長 為 縣 送 徒 驪 山 ， 徒 多 道 亡 。 自度 比 至 皆 亡 之 ， 到 豐 西 澤 中 亭 ， 止 飲 ， 夜皆 解 縱 所 送 徒 。 曰 ：「公 等 皆 去 ， 吾 亦 從 此 逝 矣 ！ 」 徒 中 壯 士 願 從 諸十 餘 人 。
高 祖 被 酒 ， 夜 徑 澤 中 ，令 一 人 行前 。 行 前 者 還 報 曰 ：「 前 有 大 蛇 當 徑 ， 願 還 。 」 高 祖 醉 ， 曰 ： 「 壯 士 行 ， 何畏 ！ 」 乃 前 ， 拔 劍 斬 蛇 。 蛇 分 為 兩 ， 道 開 。 行 數 里 ， 醉 困 臥 。 後 人 來 至 蛇 所 ， 有 一 老 嫗 夜 哭 。 人 問 嫗 何 哭 ， 嫗 曰 ： 「 人 殺 吾 子 。 」 人 曰 ： 「 嫗 子 何 為 見 殺 ？ 」 嫗 曰 ：「 吾 子 ， 白 帝 子 也 ， 化 為 蛇 ， 當 道 ， 今 者 赤 帝 子 斬 之 ， 故 哭 。 」 人 乃 以 嫗 為 不 誠 ， 欲 苦 之 ， 嫗 因 忽 不 見 。 後 人 至 ， 高 祖 覺 。 告 高 祖 ， 高 祖 乃 心 獨 喜 ， 自 負 。 諸 從 者 日 益畏 之 。
秦 始 皇 帝 嘗 曰 「 東 南 有 天 子 氣 」 ， 於 是 東 游 以 猒當 之 。 高 祖 隱 於 芒 、 碭 山 澤 間 ， 呂 后 與 人俱 求 ， 常 得 之 。 高 祖 怪 問 之 。 呂 后 曰 ： 「 季 所 居 上 常 有雲 氣 ， 故 從 往 常 得 季 。 」 高 祖 又 喜 。 沛 中 子 弟 或聞 之 ， 多 欲 附 者 矣 。
秦 二 世 元 年 秋 七 月 ， 陳 涉 起 蘄 ， 至陳 ， 自 立 為 楚 王 ， 遣 武 臣 、 張 耳 、 陳 餘 略 趙 地 。 八 月 ， 武 臣 自 立 為 趙 王 。 郡 縣 多 殺 長 吏 以 應 涉 。九 月 ， 沛 令 欲 以 沛 應 之 。 掾 、 主 吏 蕭 何 、 曹 參 曰 ： 「 君 為 秦 吏 ， 今 欲 背 之 ， 帥 沛 子 弟 ， 恐 不 聽 。 願 君 召諸 亡 在 外 者 ，可 得 數 百 人 ， 因 以 劫 眾 ， 眾不 敢 不 聽 。 」 乃 令 樊 噲 召 高 祖 。 高 祖 之 眾 已 數 百人 矣 。 於 是 樊 噲 從 高 祖 來 。
沛 令 後 悔 ， 恐 其 有 變 ， 乃 閉城 城 守 ， 欲 誅 蕭 、 曹 。 蕭 、 曹 恐 ， 踰 城 保 高 祖 。 高 祖 乃 書 帛 射 城 上 ， 與 沛 父 老 曰 ： 「 天 下 同 苦 秦久 矣 。 今 父 老 雖 為 沛 令 守 ， 諸 侯 並 起 ， 今 屠 沛 。 沛 今 共 誅 令 ， 擇 可 立 立 之 ， 以 應 諸 侯 ， 即 室 家 完 。 不 然 ， 父 子 俱 屠 ， 無 為 也 。 」 父 老 乃 帥 子 弟 共 殺 沛 令， 開 城 門 迎 高 祖 ，
欲 以 為 沛 令 。 高 祖 曰 ： 「 天 下 方 擾 ，諸 侯 並 起 ， 令 置 將 不 善 ， 一 敗 塗 地 。 吾 非 敢 自 愛 ， 恐 能 薄 ， 不 能 完 父 兄 子 弟 。 此 大 事 ， 願 吏 擇 可 者 。 」 蕭 、 曹 等 皆 文 吏 ， 自 愛 ， 恐 事 不 就 ， 後 秦 種 族 其 家 ， 盡 讓 高 祖 。 諸 父 老 皆 曰 ： 「 平 生 所 聞 劉 季 奇 怪 ，當 貴 ， 且 卜 筮 之 ， 莫 如 劉 季 最 吉 。 」 高 祖 數 讓 。 眾 莫 肯 為 ， 高 祖 乃 立 為 沛 公 。 祠 黃 帝 ， 祭 蚩尤 於 沛 廷 ， 而 釁 鼓 旗 。 幟 皆 赤 ， 由 所 殺 蛇 白 帝 子， 所 殺 者 赤 帝 子 故 也 。 於 是 少年 豪 吏 如 蕭 、 曹 、 樊 噲 等 皆 為 收 沛 子 弟 ， 得 三 千 人 。
是 月 ， 項 梁 與 兄 子 羽 起 吳 。 田 儋 與 從 弟 榮 、 橫 起齊 ， 自 立 為 齊 王 。 韓 廣 自 立 為 燕 王 。 魏 咎 自 立 為魏 王 。 陳 涉 之 將 周 章 西 入 關 ， 至 戲 ， 秦 將 章 邯 距破 之 。秦 二 年 十 月 ， 沛 公 攻 胡 陵 、 方 與 ， 還 守 豐 。 秦 泗 川 監 平 將 兵 圍 豐 。 二 日 ， 出與 戰 ， 破 之 。 令 雍 齒 守 豐 。
十 一 月 ， 沛 公 引 兵 之 薜 。 秦泗 川 守 壯 兵 敗 於 薛 ， 走 至 戚 ， 沛 公 左 司 馬得 殺 之 。 沛 公 還 軍 亢 父 ， 至 方 與 。
趙 王 武臣 為 其 將 所 殺 。 十 二 月 ， 楚 王 陳 涉 為 其 御 莊 賈 所 殺 。
魏人 周 市 略 地 豐 沛 ， 使 人 謂 雍 齒 曰 ： 「 豐 ， 故 梁 徙 也 ， 今 魏 地 已 定 者 數 十 城 。 齒 今 下 魏 ， 魏 以 齒 為 侯 守 豐； 不 下 ， 且 屠 豐 。 」 雍 齒 雅 不 欲 屬 沛 公 ， 及 魏 招 之 ， 即 反 為 魏 守 豐 。 沛 公 攻 豐 ， 不能 取 。 沛 公 還 之 沛 ， 怨 雍 齒 與 豐 子 弟 畔 之 。
正 月 ， 張 耳 等 立 趙 後 趙 歇 為 趙 王 。 東 陽 甯 君 、 秦 嘉 立 景 駒 為 楚 王 ， 在 留 。 沛 公 往 從之 ， 道 得 張 良 ， 遂 與 俱 見 景 駒 ， 請 兵 以 攻 豐 。 時 章 邯 從陳 ， 別 將 司 馬 將 兵 北 定 楚 地 ， 屠 相 ， 至 碭 。 東 陽 甯 君 、 沛 公 引 兵 西 ， 與 戰 蕭 西 ，不 利 ， 還 收 兵 聚 留 。
二 月 ， 攻 碭 ， 三 日 拔 之 。 收碭 兵 ， 得 六 千 人 ， 與 故 合 九 千 人 。 三 月 ， 攻 下 邑 ， 拔 之。 還 擊 豐 ， 不 下 。 四 月 ， 項 梁 擊 殺 景 駒 、 秦 嘉 ，止 薛 ， 沛 公 往 見 之 。 項 梁 益 沛 公 卒 五 千 人 ， 五 大 夫 將 十人 。 沛 公 還 ， 引 兵 攻 豐 ， 拔 之 。 雍 齒 奔 魏 。
五 月 ， 項 羽 拔 襄 城 還 。 項 梁 盡 召 別 將 。 六月 ， 沛 公 如 薛 ， 與 項 梁 共 立 楚 懷 王 孫 心 為 楚 懷 王。
章 邯 破 殺 魏 王 咎 、 齊 王 田 儋 於 臨 濟 。
七月 ， 大 霖 雨 。 沛 公 攻 亢 父 。 章 邯 圍 田 榮 於 東 阿 。沛 公 與 項 梁 共 救 田 榮 ， 大 破 章 邯 東 阿 。 田 榮 歸 ， 沛 公 、項 羽 追 北， 至 城 陽 ， 攻 屠 其 城 。 軍 濮 陽 東 ， 復 與章 邯 戰 ， 又 破 之 。 之 處 ， 故 謂 退 敗 奔 走 者 為 北 。 老 子 曰 『 萬 物 向 陽 而 負陰 』 。 許 慎 說 文 解 字 云 『 北 ， 乖 也 』 。 史 記 樂 書 曰 『 紂為 朝 歌 北 鄙 之 音 』 ， 『 朝 歌 者 不 時 ， 北 者 敗 也 ， 鄙 者 陋也 』 。 是 知 北 即 訓 乖 ， 訓 敗 ， 無 勞 借 音 。 韋 昭 之 徒 並 為妄 矣 。 」 章 邯 復 振 ， 守 濮 陽 ， 環 水 。 沛 公 、項 羽 去 攻 定 陶 。 八 月 ， 田 榮 立 田 儋 子 市 為 齊 王 。 定 陶 未下 ， 沛 公 與 項 羽 西 略 地 至 雍 丘 ， 與 秦 軍 戰 ， 大 敗 之 ， 斬三 川 守 李 由 。 還 攻 外 黃 ， 外 黃 未 下 。
項 梁 再 破 秦 軍 ， 有 驕 色 。 宋 義 諫 ， 不 聽 。 秦 益 章邯 兵 。 九 月 ， 章 邯 夜 銜 枚 擊 項 梁 定 陶 ， 大 破 之 ，殺 項 梁 。 時 連 雨 自 七 月 至 九 月 。 沛 公 、 項 羽 方 攻 陳 留 ，聞 梁 死 ， 士 卒 恐 ， 乃 與 將 軍 呂 臣 引 兵 而 東 ， 徙 懷 王 自 盱台 都 彭 城 。 呂 臣 軍 彭 城 東 ， 項 羽 軍 彭 城 西 ， 沛 公軍 碭 。
魏 咎 弟 豹 自 立 為 魏 王 。
後 九 月 ， 懷 王 并 呂臣 、 項 羽 軍 自 將 之 。 以 沛 公 為 碭 郡 長 ， 封 武 安 侯， 將 碭 郡 兵 。 以 羽 為 魯 公 ， 封 長 安 侯 ， 呂 臣 為 司 徒 ， 其父 呂 青 為 令 尹 。
章 邯 已 破 項 梁 ， 以 為 楚 地 兵 不 足 憂 ， 乃 渡 河 北 擊趙 王 歇 ， 大 破 之 。 歇 保 鉅 鹿 城 ， 秦 將 王 離 圍 之 。 趙 數 請救 ， 懷 王 乃 以 宋 義 為 上 將 ， 項 羽 為 次 將 ， 范 增 為 末 將 ，北 救 趙 。
初 ， 懷 王 與 諸 將 約 ， 先 入 定 關 中 者 王 之 。 當 是 時 ， 秦 兵 彊 ， 常 乘 勝 逐 北 ， 諸 將 莫 利 先 入 關 。 獨 羽 怨 秦 破 項 梁 ， 奮 勢 ， 願 與 沛 公 西 入 關 。 懷王 諸 老 將 皆 曰 ： 「 項 羽 為 人 慓 悍 禍 賊 ， 嘗 攻 襄 城， 襄 城 無 類 ， 所 過 無 不 殘 滅 。 且 楚 數 進 取 ， 前 陳 王 、 項 梁 皆 敗 ， 不 如 更 遣 長 者 扶 義 而 西， 告 諭 秦 父 兄 。 秦 父 兄 苦 其 主 久 矣 ， 今 誠 得 長 者往 ， 毋 侵 暴 ， 宜 可 下 。 項 羽 不 可 遣 ， 獨 沛 公 素 寬 大 長 者。 」 卒 不 許 羽 ， 而 遣 沛 公 西 收 陳 王 、 項 梁 散 卒 。 乃 道 碭 至 （ 陽 城 ） 〔 城 陽 〕 與 杠 里 ， 攻 秦 軍 壁， 破 其 二 軍 。
秦 三 年 十 月 ， 齊 將 田 都 畔 田 榮 ， 將 兵 助 項 羽 救 趙。 沛 公 攻 破 東 郡 尉 於 成 武 。
十 一 月 ， 項 羽 殺 宋 義， 并 其 兵 渡 河 ， 自 立 為 上 將 軍 ， 諸 將 黥 布 等 皆 屬 。
十 二月 ， 沛 公 引 兵 至 栗 ， 遇 剛 武 侯 ， 奪 其 軍 四千 餘 人 ， 并 之 ， 與 魏 將 皇 欣 、 武 滿 軍 合 ， 攻 秦 軍 ， 破 之。
故 齊 王 建 孫 田 安 下 濟 北 ， 從 項 羽 救 趙 。 羽 大 破秦 軍 鉅 鹿 下 ， 虜 王 離 ， 走 章 邯 。
二 月 ， 沛 公 從 碭 北 攻 昌 邑 ， 遇 彭 越 。 越 助 攻 昌 邑， 未 下 。 沛 公 西 過 高 陽 ， 酈 食 其 為 里 監 門 ， 曰 ： 「 諸 將 過 此 者 多 ， 吾 視 沛 公 大 度 。 」 乃 求 見 沛 公。 沛 公 方 踞 床 ， 使 兩 女 子 洗 。 酈 生 不 拜 ， 長 揖 曰： 「 足 下 必 欲 誅 無 道 秦 ， 不 宜 踞 見 長 者 。 」 於 是沛 公 起 ， 攝 衣 謝 之 ， 延 上 坐 。 食 其 說 沛 公 襲 陳 留 。 沛 公 以 為 廣 野 君 ， 以 其 弟 商 為 將 ， 將 陳 留 兵 。 三 月 ，攻 開 封 ， 未 拔 。 西 與 秦 將 楊 熊 會 戰 白 馬 ， 又 戰 曲 遇 東 ， 大 破 之 。 楊 熊 走 之 滎 陽 ， 二世 使 使 斬 之 以 徇 。 四 月 ， 南 攻 潁 川 ， 屠 之 。 因張 良 遂 略 韓 地 。
時 趙 別 將 司 馬 卬 方 欲 渡 河 入 關 ， 沛 公 乃 北攻 平 陰 ， 絕 河 津 。 南 ， 戰 雒 陽 東 ， 軍 不 利 ， 從 轘轅 至 陽 城 ， 收 軍 中 馬 騎 。 六 月 ， 與 南 陽 守 齮 戰 犨東 ， 大 破 之 。 略 南 陽 郡 ， 南 陽 守 走 ， 保 城 守宛 。 沛 公 引 兵 過 宛 西 。 張 良 諫 曰 ： 「 沛 公雖 欲 急 入 關 ， 秦 兵 尚 眾 ， 距 險 。 今 不 下 宛 ， 宛 從後 擊 ， 彊 秦 在 前 ， 此 危 道 也 。 」 於 是 沛 公 乃 夜 引 軍 從 他道 還 ， 偃 旗 幟 ， 遲 明 ， 圍 宛 城 三 匝 。 南 陽 守 欲 自剄 ， 其 舍 人 陳 恢 曰 ： 「 死 未 晚 也 。 」 乃踰 城 見 沛 公 ， 曰 ： 「 臣 聞 足 下 約 先 入 咸 陽 者 王 之 ， 今 足下 留 守 宛 。 宛 郡 縣 連 城 數 十 ， 其 吏 民 自 以 為 降 必 死 ， 故皆 堅 守 乘 城 。 今 足 下 盡 日 止 攻 ， 士 死 傷 者 必 多； 引 兵 去 宛 ， 宛 必 隨 足 下 。 足 下 前 則 失 咸 陽 之 約 ， 後 有彊 宛 之 患 。 為 足 下 計 ， 莫 若 約 降 ， 封 其 守 ， 因使 止 守 ， 引 其 甲 卒 與 之 西 。 諸 城 未 下 者 ， 聞 聲爭 開 門 而 待 足 下 ， 足 下 通 行 無 所 累 。 」 沛 公 曰： 「 善 。 」 七 月 ， 南 陽 守 齮 降 ， 封 為 殷 侯 ， 封 陳 恢 千 戶。 引 兵 西 ， 無 不 下 者 。 至 丹 水 ， 高 武 侯 鰓 、 襄 侯 王 陵 降。 還 攻 胡 陽 ， 遇 番 君 別 將 梅 鋗 ， 與 偕攻 析 、 酈 ， 皆 降 。 所 過 毋 得 鹵 掠 ， 秦民 喜 。 遣 魏 人 甯 昌 使 秦 。
是 月 章 邯 舉 軍 降 項 羽 ， 羽 以 為雍 王 。 瑕 丘 申 陽 下 河 南 。
八 月 ， 沛 公 攻 武 關 ， 入 秦 。 秦 相 趙 高 恐 ，乃 殺 二 世 ， 使 人 來 ， 欲 約 分 王 關 中 ， 沛 公 不 許 。九 月 ， 趙 高 立 二 世 兄 子 子 嬰 為 秦 王 。 子 嬰 誅 滅 趙 高 ， 遣將 將 兵 距 嶢 關 。 沛 公 欲 擊 之 ， 張 良 曰 ： 「 秦 兵 尚彊 ， 未 可 輕 。 願 先 遣 人 益 張 旗 幟 於 山 上 為 疑 兵 ， 使 酈 食 其 、 陸 賈 往 說 秦 將 ， 啗 以 利 。 」 秦 將 果 欲連 和 ， 沛 公 欲 許 之 。 張 良 曰 ： 「 此 獨 其 將 欲 叛 ， 恐 其 士卒 不 從 ， 不 如 因 其 怠 懈 擊 之 。 」 沛 公 引 兵 繞 嶢 關 ， 踰 蕢山 ， 擊 秦 軍 ， 大 破 之 藍 田 南 。 遂 至 藍 田 ， 又 戰 其北 ， 秦 兵 大 敗 。
元 年 冬 十 月 ， 五 星 聚 于 東 井 。 沛 公至 霸 上 。 秦 王 子 嬰 素 車 白 馬 ， 係 頸 以 組 ， 封 皇 帝 璽 符 節 ， 降 枳 道 旁 。
諸 將 或 言 誅 秦王 ， 沛 公 曰 ： 「 始 懷 王 遣 我 ， 固 以 能 寬 容 ， 且 人 已 服 降， 殺 之 不 祥 。 」 乃 以 屬 吏 。 遂 西 入 咸 陽 ， 欲 止 宮休 舍 ， 樊 噲 、 張 良 諫 ， 乃 封 秦 重 寶 財 物 府 庫 ， 還軍 霸 上 。 蕭 何 盡 收 秦 丞 相 府 圖 籍 文 書 。
十 一 月 ， 召 諸 縣豪 桀 曰 ： 「 父 老 苦 秦 苛 法 久 矣 ， 誹 謗 者 族 ， 耦 語者 棄 市 。 吾 與 諸 侯 約 ， 先 入 關 者 王 之 ， 吾 當 王關 中 。 與 父 老 約 ， 法 三 章 耳 ： 殺 人 者 死 ， 傷 人 及 盜 抵 罪。 餘 悉 除 去 秦 法 。 吏 民 皆 按 堵 如 故 。 凡 吾 所 以 來 ， 為 父 兄 除 害 ， 非 有 所 侵 暴 ， 毋 恐 ！ 且 吾 所以 軍 霸 上 ， 待 諸 侯 至 而 定 要 束 耳 。 」 乃 使 人 與秦 吏 行 至 縣 鄉 邑 告 諭 之 。 秦 民 大 喜 ， 爭 持 牛 羊酒 食 獻 享 軍 士 。 沛 公 讓 不 受 ， 曰 ： 「 倉 粟 多 ， 不 欲 費 民。 」 民 又 益 喜 ， 唯 恐 沛 公 不 為 秦 王 。
或 說 沛 公 曰 ： 「 秦 富 十 倍 天 下 ， 地 形 彊 。 今 聞 章邯 降 項 羽 ， 羽 號 曰 雍 王 ， 王 關 中 。 即 來 ， 沛 公 恐 不 得 有此 。 可 急 使 守 函 谷 關 ， 毋 內 諸 侯 軍 ， 稍 徵 關 中 兵以 自 益 ， 距 之 。 」 沛 公 然 其 計 ， 從 之 。
十 二 月 ， 項 羽 果帥 諸 侯 兵 欲 西 入 關 ， 關 門 閉 。 聞 沛 公 已 定 關 中 ， 羽 大 怒， 使 黥 布 等 攻 破 函 谷 關 ， 遂 至 戲 下 。
沛 公 左 司 馬 曹 毋 傷聞 羽 怒 ， 欲 攻 沛 公 ， 使 人 言 羽 曰 ： 「 沛 公 欲 王 關 中 ， 令子 嬰 相 ， 珍 寶 盡 有 之 。 」 欲 以 求 封 。 亞 父 范 增 說 羽 曰 ：「 沛 公 居 山 東 時 ， 貪 財 好 色 ， 今 聞 其 入 關 ， 珍 物無 所 取 ， 婦 女 無 所 幸 ， 此 其 志 不 小 。 吾 使 人 望 其 氣 ， 皆為 龍 ， 成 五 色 ， 此 天 子 氣 。 急 擊 之 ， 勿 失 。 」 於 是 饗 士， 旦 日 合 戰 。
是 時 ， 羽 兵 四 十 萬 ， 號 百 萬 。 沛 公兵 十 萬 ， 號 二 十 萬 ， 力 不 敵 。 會 羽 季 父 左 尹 項 伯素 善 張 良 ， 夜 馳 見 張 良 ， 具 告 其 實 ， 欲 與 俱 去 ，毋 特 俱 死 。 良 曰 ： 「 臣 為 韓 王 送 沛 公 ， 不 可 不 告， 亡 去 不 義 。 」 乃 與 項 伯 俱 見 沛 公 。 沛 公 與 伯 約 為 婚 姻， 曰 ： 「 吾 入 關 ， 秋 豪 無 所 敢 取 ， 籍 吏 民 ， 封 府庫 ， 待 將 軍 。 所 以 守 關 者 ， 備 他 盜 也 。 日 夜 望 將軍 到 ， 豈 敢 反 邪 ！ 願 伯 明 言 不 敢 背 德 。 」 項 伯 許 諾 ， 即夜 復 去 。 戒 沛 公 曰 ： 「 旦 日 不 可 不 早 自 來 謝 。 」 項 伯 還， 具 以 沛 公 言 告 羽 ， 因 曰 ： 「 沛 公 不 先 破 關 中 兵 ， 公 巨能 入 乎 ？ 且 人 有 大 功 ， 擊 之 不 祥 ， 不 如 因 善 之 。」 羽 許 諾 。
沛 公 旦 日 從 百 餘 騎 見 羽 鴻 門 ， 謝 曰 ： 「 臣與 將 軍 戮 力 攻 秦 ，將 軍 戰 河 北 ， 臣 戰 河 南 ， 不 自意 先 入 關 ， 能 破 秦 ， 與 將 軍 復 相 見 。今 者 有 小 人言 ， 令 將 軍 與 臣 有 隙 。 」 羽 曰 ： 「 此 沛 公 左 司 馬曹 毋 傷 言 之 ， 不 然 ， 籍 何 以 至 此 ？ 」 羽 因 留沛 公 飲 。
范 增 數 目 羽 擊 沛 公 ， 羽 不 應 。 范 增 起 ，出 謂 項 莊 曰 ：「 君 王 為 人 不 忍 ， 汝 入 以 劍 舞 ， 因 擊 沛 公 ， 殺 之。 不 者 ， 汝 屬 且 為 所 虜 。 」 莊 入 為 壽 。 壽 畢 ， 曰： 「 軍 中 無 以 為 樂 ， 請 以 劍 舞 。 」 因 拔 劍 舞 。 項 伯 亦 起舞 ， 常 以 身 翼 蔽 沛 公 。 樊 噲 聞 事 急 ， 直 入 ， 怒 甚 。 羽 壯之 ， 賜 以 酒 。 噲 因 譙 讓 羽 。 有 頃 ， 沛 公 起 如 廁 ，招 樊 噲 出 ， 置 車 官 屬 ， 獨 騎 ， 與 樊 噲 、 靳 彊 、 滕公 、 紀 成 步 ， 從 間 道 走 軍 ， 使 張 良 留 謝 羽 。 羽問 ： 「 沛 公 安 在 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 聞 將 軍 有 意 督 過 之，脫 身 去 ， 間 至 軍 ， 故 使 臣 獻 璧 。 」羽 受 之 。 又 獻 玉 斗 范 增 。 增 怒 ， 撞 其 斗 ， 起 曰 ： 「 吾 屬今 為 沛 公 虜 矣 ！ 」
沛 公 歸 數 日 ， 羽 引 兵 西 屠 咸 陽 ， 殺 秦 降 王 子 嬰 ，燒 秦 宮 室 ， 所 過 無 不 殘 滅 。 秦 民 大 失 望 。 」
羽 使 人 還 報 懷王 ， 懷 王 曰 ： 「 如 約 。 」 羽 怨 懷 王 不 肯 令 與 沛 公俱 西 入 關 ， 而 北 救 趙 ， 後 天 下 約 。 乃 曰 ：「 懷 王 者 ， 吾 家 所 立 耳 ， 非 有 功 伐 ， 何 以 得 專 主 約 ！ 本 定 天 下 ， 諸 將 與 籍 也 。
春 正 月 ， 陽 尊 懷王 為 義 帝 ， 實 不 用 其 命 。 二 月 ， 羽 自 立 為 西 楚 霸 王 ， 王 梁 、 楚 地 九郡 ， 都 彭 城 。 背 約 ， 更 立 沛 公 為 漢 王 ， 王 巴 、 蜀 、 漢 中四 十 一 縣 ， 都 南 鄭 。 三 分 關 中 ， 立 秦 三 將 ： 章 邯為 雍 王 ， 都 廢 丘 ； 司 馬 欣 為 塞 王 ， 都 櫟 陽； 董 翳 為 翟 王 ， 都 高 奴 。 楚 將 瑕 丘申 陽 為 河 南 王 ， 都 洛 陽 。 趙 將 司 馬 卬 為 殷 王 ， 都 朝 歌 。 當 陽 君 英 布 為 九 江 王 ， 都 六 。 懷 王 柱 國 共敖 為 臨 江 王 ， 都 江 陵 。 番 君 吳 芮 為 衡山 王 ， 都 邾 。 故 齊 王 建 孫 田 安 為 濟 北 王 。 徙 魏王 豹 為 西 魏 王 ， 都 平 陽 。 徙 燕 王 韓 廣 為 遼 東 王 。 燕 將 臧荼 為 燕 王 ， 都 薊 。 徙 齊 王 田 市 為 膠 東王 。 齊 將 田 都 為 齊 王 ， 都 臨 菑 。 徙 趙 王 歇 為 代王 。 趙 相 張 耳 為 常 山 王 。
漢 王 怨 羽 之 背 約 ， 欲 攻 之 ， 丞相 蕭 何 諫 ， 乃 止 。 夏 四 月 ， 諸 侯 罷 戲 下 ， 各 就 國 。 羽 使 卒 三萬 人 從 漢 王 ， 楚 子 、 諸 侯 人 之 慕 從 者 數 萬 人 ， 從杜 南 入 蝕 中 。 張 良 辭 歸 韓 ， 漢 王 送 至 褒 中 ， 因 說 漢 王 燒 絕 棧 道 ， 以 備 諸 侯 盜 兵 ， 亦 視 項 羽無 東 意 。
漢 王 既 至 南 鄭 ， 諸 將 及 士 卒 皆 歌 謳 思 東 歸 ， 多 道 亡 還 者 。 韓 信 為 治 粟 都 尉 ， 亦 亡 去 ， 蕭 何追 還 之 ， 因 薦 於 漢 王 ， 曰 ：「 必 欲 爭 天 下 ， 非 信 無 可 與 計 事 者 。 」 於 是 漢 王 齊 戒 設壇 場 ， 拜 信 為 大 將 軍 ， 問 以 計 策 。 信 對 曰 ： 「 項羽 背 約 而 王 君 王 於 南 鄭 ， 是 遷 也 。 吏 卒 皆山 東 之 人 ， 日 夜 企 而 望 歸 ， 及 其 鋒 而 用 之 ， 可 以有 大 功 。 天 下 已 定 ， 民 皆 自 寧 ， 不 可 復 用 。 不 如決 策 東 向 。 」 因 陳 羽 可 圖 三 秦 易 并 之 計 。漢 王 大 說 ， 遂 聽 信 策 ， 部 署 諸 將 。 留蕭 何 收 巴 蜀 租 ， 給 軍 糧 食 。
五 月 ， 漢 王 引 兵 從 故 道 出 襲 雍 。 雍 王 邯 迎擊 漢 陳 倉 ， 雍 兵 敗 ， 還 走 ； 戰 好 畤 ， 又 大 敗 ， 走廢 丘 。 漢 王 遂 定 雍 地 。 東 如 咸 陽 ， 引 兵 圍 雍 王 廢 丘 ， 而遣 諸 將 略 地 。
田 榮 聞 羽 徙 齊 王 市 於 膠 東 而 立 田 都 為 齊 王 ， 大 怒， 以 齊 兵 迎 擊 田 都 。 都 走 降 楚 。 六 月 ， 田 榮 殺 田 市 ， 自立 為 齊 王 。 時 彭 城 在 鉅 野 ， 眾 萬 餘 人 ， 無 所 屬 。榮 與 越 將 軍 印 ， 因 令 反 梁 地 。 越 擊 殺 濟 北 王 安 ， 榮 遂 并三 齊 之 地 。 燕 王 韓 廣 亦 不 肯 徙 遼 東 。 秋 八 月 ， 臧荼 殺 韓 廣 ， 并 其 地 。 塞 王 欣 、 翟 王 翳 皆 降 漢 。
初 ， 項 梁 立 韓 後 公 子 成 為 韓 王 ， 張 良 為 韓 司 徒 。羽 以 良 從 漢 王 ， 韓 王 成 又 無 功 ， 故 不 遣 就 國 ， 與 俱 至 彭城 ， 殺 之 。及 聞 漢 王 并 關 中 ， 而 齊 、 梁 畔 之 ， 羽 大 怒 ，乃 以 故 吳 令 鄭 昌 為 韓 王 ， 距 漢 。 令 蕭 公 角 擊 彭 越 ， 越 敗 角 兵 。 時 張 良 徇 韓 地 ， 遺 羽 書 曰 ： 「 漢 欲得 關 中 ， 如 約 即 止 ， 不 敢 復 東 。 」 羽 以 故 無 西 意 ， 而 北擊 齊 。
九 月 ， 漢 王 遣 將 軍 薛 歐 、 王 吸 出 武 關 ， 因王 陵 兵 ， 從 南 陽 迎 太 公 、 呂 后 於 沛 。 羽 聞 之 ， 發兵 距 之 陽 夏 ， 不 得 前 。
二 年 冬 十 月 ， 項 羽 使 九 江 王 布 殺 義 帝 於 郴 。
陳 餘 亦 怨 羽 獨 不 王 己 ， 從 田 榮 藉 助 兵 ， 以 擊 常山 王 張 耳 。 耳 敗 走 降 漢 ， 漢 王 厚 遇 之 。 陳 餘 迎 代 王 歇 還趙 ， 歇 立 餘 為 代 王 。
張 良 自 韓 間 行 歸 漢 ， 漢 王 以 為 成 信侯 。 漢 王 如 陝 ， 鎮 撫 關 外 父 老 。河 南 王申 陽 降 ， 置 河 南 郡 。 使 韓 太 尉 韓 信 擊 韓 ， 韓 王 鄭 昌 降 。十 一 月 ， 立 韓 太 尉 信 為 韓 王 。 漢 王 還 歸 ， 都 櫟 陽 ， 使 諸將 略 地 ， 拔 隴 西 。 以 萬 人 若 一 郡 降 者 ， 封 萬 戶 。 繕 治 河 上 塞 。 故 秦 苑 囿 園 池 ， 令 民 得 田 之 。
春 正 月 ， 羽 擊 田 榮 城 陽 ， 榮 敗 走 平 原 ， 平 原 民 殺之 。 齊 皆 降 楚 ， 楚 焚 其 城 郭 ， 齊 人 復 畔 之 。
諸 將 拔 北 地， 虜 雍 王 弟 章 平 。
赦 罪 人 。 二 月 癸 未 ， 令 民 除 秦 社 稷 ，立 漢 社 稷 。 施 恩 德 ， 賜 民 爵 。 蜀 漢 民 給 軍 事 勞 苦， 復 勿 租 稅 二 歲 。 關 中 卒 從 軍 者 ， 復 家 一 歲 。 舉民 年 五 十 以 上 ， 有 脩 行 ， 能 帥 眾 為 善 ， 置 以 為 三 老 ， 鄉一 人 。 擇 鄉 三 老 一 人 為 縣 三 老 ， 與 縣 令 丞 尉 以 事 相 教 ，復 勿 繇 戍 。 以 十 月 賜 酒 肉 。
三 月 ， 漢 王 自 臨 晉 渡 河 ， 魏 王 豹 降 ， 將 兵從 。 下 河 內 ， 虜 殷 王 卬 ， 置 河 內 郡 。 至 脩 武 ， 陳 平 亡 楚來 降 。 漢 王 與 語 ， 說 之 ， 使 參 乘 ， 監 諸 將 。
南 渡平 陰 津 ， 至 洛 陽 ， 新 城 三 老 董 公 遮 說 漢 王 曰 ： 「臣 聞 『 順 德 者 昌 ， 逆 德 者 亡 』 ， 『 兵 出 無 名 ， 事 故 不 成』 。 故 曰 ： 『 明 其 為 賊 ， 敵 乃 可 服 。 』 項羽 為 無 道 ， 放 殺 其 主 ， 天 下 之 賊 也 。 夫 仁 不 以 勇， 義 不 以 力 ， 三 軍 之 眾 為 之 素 服 ， 以 告 之 諸 侯 ，為 此 東 伐 ， 四 海 之 內 莫 不 仰 德 。 此 三 王 之 舉 也 。」 漢 王 曰 ： 「 善 ， 非 夫 子 無 所 聞 。 」 於 是 漢 王 為義 帝 發 喪 ， 袒 而 大 哭 ， 哀 臨 三 日 。 發使 告 諸 侯 曰 ：「 天 下 共 立 義 帝 ， 北 面 事 之 。 今 項 羽 放 殺 義 帝 江 南 ， 大逆 無 道 。 寡 人 親 為 發 喪 ， 兵 皆 縞 素 。 悉 發 關 中兵 ， 收 三 河 士 ， 南 浮 江 漢 以 下 ， 願 從 諸 侯 王 擊 楚 之 殺 義 帝 者 。 」
夏 四 月 ， 田 榮 弟 橫 收 得 數 萬 人 ， 立 榮 子 廣 為 齊 王。 羽 雖 聞 漢 東 ， 既 擊 齊 ， 欲 遂 破 之 而 後 擊 漢 ， 漢 王 以 故得 劫 五 諸 侯 兵 ， 東 伐 楚 。 到 外 黃 ， 彭 越 將 三 萬 人歸 漢 。 漢 王 拜 越 為 魏 相 國 ， 令 定 梁 地 。 漢 王 遂 入 彭 城 ，收 羽 美 人 貨 賂 ， 置 酒 高 會 。 羽 聞 之 ， 令 其 將 擊 齊， 而 自 以 精 兵 三 萬 人 從 魯 出 胡 陵 ， 至 蕭 ， 晨 擊 漢 軍 ， 大戰 彭 城 靈 壁 東 睢 水 上 ， 大 破 漢 軍 ， 多 殺 士 卒 ， 睢 水 為 之不 流 。 圍 漢 王 三 匝 。 大 風 從 西 北 起 ， 折 木 發 屋 ，揚 砂 石 ， 晝 晦 ， 楚 軍 大 亂 ， 而 漢 王 得 與 數 十 騎 遁去 。 過 沛 ， 使 人 求 室 家 ， 室 家 亦 已 亡 ， 不 相 得 。 漢 王 道逢 孝 惠 、 魯 元 ， 載 行 。 楚 騎 追 漢 王 ， 漢 王 急 ， 推 墮 二 子。 滕 公 下 收 載 ， 遂 得 脫 。 審 食 其 從 太 公 、 呂 后 間行 ， 反 遇 楚 軍 ， 羽 常 置 軍 中 以 為 質 。
諸 侯 見 漢 敗， 皆 亡 去 。 塞 王 欣 、 翟 王 翳 降 楚 ， 殷 王 卬 死 。 呂 后 兄 周 呂 侯 將 兵 居 下 邑 ， 漢 王 往從 之 。 稍 收 士 卒 ， 軍 碭 。漢 王 西 過 梁 地 ， 至 虞 ， 謂 謁 者 隨 何 曰 ： 「公 能 說 九 江 王 布 使 舉 兵 畔 楚 ， 項 王 必 留 擊 之 。 得 留 數 月， 吾 取 天 下 必 矣 。 」 隨 何 往 說 布 ， 果 使 畔 楚 。
五 月 ， 漢 王 屯 滎 陽 ， 蕭 何 發 關 中 老 弱 未 傅 者 悉 詣軍 。 韓 信 亦 收 兵 與 漢 王 會 ， 兵 復 大 振 。 與 楚 戰 滎陽 南 京 、 索 間 ， 破 之 。 築 甬 道 ， 屬 河 ， 以取 敖 倉 粟 。
魏 王 豹 謁 歸 視 親 疾 。 至 則 絕 河津 ， 反 為 楚 。
六 月 ， 漢 王 還 櫟 陽 。 壬 午 ， 立 太 子 ， 赦 罪 人 。 令諸 侯 子 在 關 中 者 皆 集 櫟 陽 為 衛 。
引 水 灌 廢 丘 ， 廢 丘 降 ，章 邯 自 殺 。 雍 州 地 定 ， 八 十 餘 縣 ， 置 河 上 、 渭南 、 中 地 、 隴 西 、 上 郡 。 令 祠 官 祀 天 地 四 方 上 帝山 川 ， 以 時 祠 之 。 興 關 中 卒 乘 邊 塞 。
關 中 大 飢 ，米 斛 萬 錢 ， 人 相 食 。 令 民 就 食 蜀 漢 。
秋 八 月 ， 漢 王 如 滎 陽 ， 謂 酈 食 其 曰 ： 「 緩 頰 往 說魏 王 豹 ， 能 下 之 ， 以 魏 地 萬 戶 封 生 。 」 食其 往 ， 豹 不 聽 。 漢 王 以 韓 信 為 左 丞 相 ， 與 曹 參 、 灌 嬰 俱擊 魏 。 食 其 還 ， 漢 王 問 ： 「 魏 大 將 誰 也 ？ 」 對 曰 ： 「 柏直 。 」 王 曰 ： 「 是 口 尚 乳 臭 ， 不 能 當 韓 信 。 騎 將誰 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 馮 敬 。 」 曰 ： 「 是 秦 將 馮 無 擇 子 也 ， 雖賢 ， 不 能 當 灌 嬰 。 步 卒 將 誰 也 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 項 它 。 」 曰 ： 「 是 不 能 當 曹 參 。 吾 無 患 矣 。 」 九 月 ， 信 等 虜 豹， 傳 詣 滎 陽 。 定 魏 地 ， 置 河 東 、 太 原 、 上 黨 郡 。
信 使 人請 兵 三 萬 人 ， 願 以 北 舉 燕 趙 ， 東 擊 齊 ， 南 絕 楚 糧 道 。 漢王 與 之 。
三 年 冬 十 月 ， 韓 信 、 張 耳 東 下 井 陘 擊 趙 ， 斬 陳 餘 ， 獲 趙 王 歇 。 置 常 山 、 代 郡 。
甲 戌 晦 ， 日 有 食 之。 十 一 月 癸 卯 晦 ， 日 有 食 之 。
隨 何 既 說 黥 布 ， 布 起 兵 攻 楚 。 楚 使 項 聲 、 龍 且 攻布 ， 布 戰 不 勝 。 十 二 月 ， 布 與 隨 何 間 行 歸 漢 。 漢王 分 之 兵 ， 與 俱 收 兵 至 成 皋 。
項 羽 數 侵 奪 漢 甬 道 ， 漢 軍 乏 食 ， 與 酈 食 其 謀 橈 楚權 。 食 其 欲 立 六 國 後 以 樹 黨 ， 漢 王 刻 印 ，將 遣 食 其 立 之 。 以 問 張 良 ， 良 發 八 難 。 漢 王 輟 飯 吐 哺 ， 曰 ： 「 豎 儒 幾 敗 乃 公 事 ！ 」 令 趨 銷印 。 又 問 陳 平 ， 乃 從 其 計 ， 與 平 黃 金 四 萬 斤 ， 以間 疏 楚 君 臣 。
夏 四 月 ， 項 羽 圍 漢 滎 陽 ， 漢 王 請 和 ， 割 滎 陽 以 西者 為 漢 。 亞 父 勸 項 羽 急 攻 滎 陽 ， 漢 王 患 之 。 陳 平 反 間 既行 ， 羽 果 疑 亞 父 。 亞 父 大 怒 而 去 ， 發 病 死 。 五 月 ， 將 軍 紀 信 曰 ： 「 事 急 矣 ！ 臣 請 誑 楚 ， 可 以間 出 。 」 於 是 陳 平 夜 出 女 子 東 門 二 千 餘 人 ， 楚 因 四 面 擊之 。 紀 信 乃 乘 王 車 ， 黃 屋 左 纛 ， 曰 ： 「 食 盡 ， 漢王 降 楚 。 」 楚 皆 呼 萬 歲 ， 之 城 東 觀 ， 以 故 漢 王 得 與 數 十騎 出 西 門 遁 。 令 御 史 大 夫 周 苛 、 魏 豹 、 樅 公 守 滎 陽 。
羽 見 紀 信 ， 問 ： 「 漢 王 安 在 ？ 」 曰 ： 「 已 出 去 矣 。」 羽 燒 殺 信 。
而 周 苛 、 樅 公 相 謂 曰 ： 「 反 國 之 王 ， 難 與守 城 。 」 因 殺 魏 豹 。
漢 王 出 滎 陽 ， 至 成 皋 。 自 成 皋 入 關 ， 收 兵 欲 復 東。 轅 生 說 漢 王 曰 ： 「 漢 與 楚 相 距 滎 陽 數 歲 ， 漢 常 困 。 願 君 王 出武 關 ， 項 王 必 引 兵 南 走 ， 王 深 壁 ， 令 滎 陽 成 皋 間且 得 休 息 。 使 韓 信 等 得 輯 河 北 趙 地 ， 連 燕 齊 ， 君王 乃 復 走 滎 陽 。 如 此 ， 則 楚 所 備 者 多 ， 力 分 。 漢 得 休 息， 復 與 之 戰 ， 破 之 必 矣 。 」 漢 王 從 其 計 ， 出 軍 宛 葉 間 ， 與 黥 布 行 收 兵 。 羽 聞 漢 王 在 宛 ， 果 引 兵 南 ， 漢 王 堅 壁 不 與 戰 。
是月 ， 彭 越 渡 睢 ， 與 項 聲 、 薛 公 戰 下 邳 ， 破 殺 薛 公。 羽 使 終 公 守 成 皋 ， 而 自 東 擊 彭 越 。 漢 王 引 兵 北 ， 擊 破終 公 ， 復 軍 成 皋 。 六 月 ， 羽 已 破 走 彭 越 ，
聞 漢 復軍 成 皋 ， 乃 引 兵 西 拔 滎 陽 城 ， 生 得 周 苛 。 羽 謂 苛 ： 「 為我 將 ， 以 公 為 上 將 軍 ， 封 三 萬 戶 。 」 周 苛 罵 曰 ： 「 若 不趨 降 漢 ， 今 為 虜 矣 ！ 若 非 漢 王 敵 也 。 」 羽 亨 周 苛， 并 殺 樅 公 ， 而 虜 韓 王 信 ， 遂 圍 成 皋 。 漢 王 跳 ， 獨 與 滕 公 共 車 出 成 皋 玉 門 ， 北 渡 河 ， 宿 小脩 武 。 自 稱 使 者 ， 晨 馳 入 張 耳 、 韓 信 壁 ， 而 奪 之軍 。 乃 使 張 耳 北 收 兵 趙 地 。
秋 七 月 ， 有 星 孛 于 大 角 。
漢 王 得 韓 信 軍 ，復 大 振 。 八 月 ， 臨 河 南 鄉 ， 軍 小 脩 武 ， 欲 復 戰 。郎 中 鄭 忠 說 止 漢 王 ， 高 壘 深 塹 勿 戰 。 漢 王 聽 其 計 ，
使 盧綰 、 劉 賈 將 卒 二 萬 人 ， 騎 數 百 ， 渡 白 馬 津 入 楚 地， 佐 彭 越 燒 楚 積 聚 ， 復 擊 破 楚 軍 燕 郭 西 ，攻 下 睢 陽 、 外 黃 十 七 城 。
九 月 ， 羽 謂 海 春 侯 大 司 馬 曹 咎曰 ： 「 謹 守 成 皋 。 即 漢 王 欲 挑 戰 ， 慎 勿 與 戰 ， 勿令 得 東 而 已 。 我 十 五 日 必 定 梁 地 ， 復 從 將 軍 。 」 羽 引 兵 東 擊 彭 越 。 漢 王 使 酈 食 其 說 齊 王 田 廣 ， 罷 守 兵 與 漢 和 。
四 年 冬 十 月 ， 韓 信 用 蒯 通 計 ， 襲 破 齊 。 齊 王 亨 酈生 ， 東 走 高 密 。 項 羽 聞 韓 信 破 齊 ， 且 欲 擊 楚 ， 使 龍 且 救齊 。
漢 果 數 挑 成 皋 戰 ， 楚 軍 不 出 ， 使 人 辱 之 數 日 ， 大司 馬 咎 怒 ， 渡 兵 汜 水 。 士 卒 半 渡 ， 漢 擊 之 ， 大 破楚 軍 ， 盡 得 楚 國 金 玉 貨 賂 。 大 司 馬 咎 、 長 史 欣 皆 自 剄 汜水 上 。 漢 王 引 兵 渡 河 ， 復 取 成 皋 ， 軍 廣 武 ， 就 敖倉 食 。
羽 下 梁 地 十 餘 城 ， 聞 海 春 侯 破 ， 乃 引 兵 還 。 漢 軍方 圍 鍾 離 於 滎 陽 東 ， 聞 羽 至 ， 盡 走 險 阻 。
羽 亦 軍 廣 武 ， 與 漢 相 守 。 丁 壯 苦 軍 旅 ， 老 弱 罷 轉 餉 。 漢 王 、 羽 相 與 臨 廣 武 之 間 而 語 。 羽 欲 與 漢 王 獨 身挑 戰 ， 漢 王 數 羽 曰 ： 「 吾 始 與 羽 俱 受 命 懷 王 ， 曰先 定 關 中 者 王 之 。 羽 負 約 ， 王 我 於 蜀 漢 ， 罪 一 也 。 羽 矯殺 卿 子 冠 軍 ， 自 尊 ， 罪 二 也 。 羽 當 以 救 趙 還 報 ， 而 擅 劫 諸 侯 兵 入 關 ， 罪 三 也 。 懷 王 約 入 秦 無 暴 掠， 羽 燒 秦 宮 室 ， 掘 始 皇 帝 冢 ， 收 私 其 財 ， 罪 四 也 。 又 彊 殺 秦 降 王 子 嬰 ， 罪 五 也 。 詐 阬 秦 子 弟 新 安 二 十 萬， 王 其 將 ， 罪 六 也 。 皆 王 諸 將 善 地 ， 而 徙 逐 故 主， 令 臣 下 爭 畔 逆 ， 罪 七 也 。 出 逐 義 帝 彭 城 ， 自 都 之 ， 奪韓 王 地 ， 并 王 梁 楚 ， 多 自 與 ， 罪 八 也 。 使 人 陰 殺 義 帝 江南 ， 罪 九 也 。 夫 為 人 臣 而 殺 其 主 ， 殺 其 已 降 ， 為 政 不 平， 主 約 不 信 ， 天 下 所 不 容 ， 大 逆 無 道 ， 罪 十 也 。 吾 以 義兵 從 諸 侯 誅 殘 賊 ， 使 刑 餘 罪 人 擊 公 ， 何 苦 乃 與 公挑 戰 ！ 」 羽 大 怒 ， 伏 弩 射 中 漢 王 。 漢 王 傷 胸 ， 乃 捫 足 曰： 「 虜 中 吾 指 ！ 」
漢 王 病 創 臥 ， 張 良 彊 請 漢 王起 行 勞 軍 ， 以 安 士 卒 ， 毋 令 楚 乘 勝 。 漢 王 出 行軍 ， 疾 甚 ， 因 馳 入 成 皋 。
十 一 月 ， 韓 信 與 灌 嬰 擊 破 楚 軍 ， 殺 楚 將 龍 且 ， 追至 城 陽 ， 虜 齊 王 廣 。 齊 相 田 橫 自 立 為 齊 王 ， 奔 彭 越 。 漢立 張 耳 為 趙 王 。
漢 王 疾 瘉 ， 西 入 關 ， 至 櫟 陽 ， 存 問 父 老 ，置 酒 。 梟 故 塞 王 欣 頭 櫟 陽 市 。 留 四 日 ， 復 如 軍 ，軍 廣 武 。 關 中 兵 益 出 ， 而 彭 越 、 田 橫 居 梁 地 ， 往 來 苦 楚兵 ， 絕 其 糧 食 。
韓 信 已 破 齊 ， 使 人 言 曰 ： 「 齊 邊 楚 ， 權 輕， 不 為 假 王 ， 恐 不 能 安 齊 。 」 漢 王 怒 ， 欲 攻 之 。 張 良 曰： 「 不 如 因 而 立 之 ， 使 自 為 守 。 」 春 二 月 ， 遣 張 良 操 印， 立 韓 信 為 齊 王 。
秋 七 月 ， 立 黥 布 為 淮 南 王 。 八月 ， 初 為 算 賦 。 北 貉 、 燕 人 來 致 梟 騎 助 漢 。
漢 王 下 令 ： 軍 士 不 幸 死 者 ， 吏 為 衣 衾 棺 斂 ， 轉 送 其 家 。 四 方 歸 心 焉 。
項 羽 自 知 少 助 食 盡 ， 韓 信 又 進 兵 擊 楚 ， 羽 患 之 。漢 遣 陸 賈 說 羽 ， 請 太 公 ， 羽 弗 聽 。 漢 復 使 侯 公 說 羽 ， 羽乃 與 漢 約 ， 中 分 天 下 ， 割 鴻 溝 以 西 為 漢 ， 以 東 為楚 。 九 月 ， 歸 太 公 、 呂 后 ， 軍 皆 稱 萬 歲 。 乃 封 侯 公 為 平國 君 。
羽 解 而 東 歸 。 漢 王 欲 西 歸 ， 張 良 、 陳 平 諫曰 ： 「 今 漢 有 天 下 太 半 ， 而 諸 侯 皆 附 ， 楚 兵 罷 食盡 ， 此 天 亡 之 時 ， 不 因 其 幾 而 遂 取 之 ， 所謂 養 虎 自 遺 患 也 。 」 漢 王 從 之 。
Translation and Notes: Part I
The First [Imperial Annals]
The Annals of [The Emperor] 1 Kao-[Tsu]
Kao-tsu was a man from the hamlet of Chung-yang [in the district] town of Feng, [prefecture 2 of] P'ei.
His family name was Liu. One day the old dame, his mother, was resting upon the dyke of a large pond when she dreamed that she had a meeting with a supernatural being. 3 At the time there was thunder and lighting, and it became dark. When [Kao-tsu's] father, the T'ai-kung,4 came to look for her, he saw a scaly dragon 5 above her. After that she was with child and subsequently gave birth to Kao-tsu.
Kao-tsu was a man with a prominent nose and a dragon forehead. He had a beautiful beard on his chin and cheeks. On his left thigh were seventy-two black moles. 6 He was kindly disposed to others, benevolent, and liked people. His mind was vast. He always had large ideas and so did not follow the same productive occupations [as those followed by] the members of his family. When he grew up, he took the tests for officials, and was made Chief of the Szu-shui T'ing. 7 There was none of the officials in the great hall 8 whom he did not dare to treat cavalierly.
He liked wine and women. He frequently went to an old dame Wang and an old lady Wu to buy wine on credit. While he was sleeping off the effects of the wine, the old lady Wu and the old woman Wang frequently saw wonderful sights above him. 9 Every time Kao-tsu came to buy wine, he would stay and drink, and they would sell several times [as much as usual], 10 and when they saw the wonderful sights, at the end of the year, these two shop-keepers often broke up his accounts 11 and forgave his debt.
Kao-tsu was frequently made to do fatigue duty in Hsien-yang, and had free access to see the Emperor of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Moved in spirit he would heave a deep sigh and say, "Ah! A real man should be like this."
A man of Shan-fu, the old gentleman Lü, was a good friend of the magistrate in [the city of] P'ei. In order to escape a feud, he came to [the magistrate] as his guest and consequently settled there. When the eminent and distinguished persons and officials of P'ei heard that the magistrate had an important guest, they all went to congratulate him. 12 Hsiao Ho was the superintendant of officials and took charge of the offerings. He made announcement to the prominent guests, saying, "Anyone who comes presenting less than a thousand cash will be directed to sit below the [main] hall." Although Kao-tsu was [only] Chief of a t'ing, he used to treat his fellow-officials contemptuously, so he falsely had written on his card: "I come to congratulate [with an offering of] ten thousand cash." Really he did not bring even one cash.
When his card was sent in, the old gentleman Lü was greatly surprised, arose, and welcomed him at the door. [Now] the old gentleman Lü liked to physiognomize 13 people and it was because he noticed Kao-tsu's appearance and features that he greatly honored him. He escorted him in and seated him at the seat of honor. Hsiao Ho said, "Liu Chi certainly talks very big, but he achieves little." Because Kao-tsu was contemptuous of the guests, he thereupon seated himself on the place of honor without any signs of nervousness. When the drinking drew to an end, 14 the old gentleman Lü glanced at Kao-tsu in such a way as definitely to detain him. After the drinking was over, the old gentleman Lü said, "Your servant, from his youth, has liked to physiognomize people. I have physiognomized many people. [But] none of them had [as auspicious] a physiognomy as yours, Chi. You, Chi, should take care of yourself. There is a daughter born to your servant whom I would like to make your hand-maid." 15
When the feast was over, the old lady Lü was angry with the old gentleman Lü, and said: "Previously you, sir, have always wanted to hold this girl precious in order to give her [in marriage] to some distinguished person. The magistrate of P'ei is your good friend. He has asked for her, but you would not give her to him. Why did you yourself thus senselessly promise to give her to this Liu Chi?" The old gentleman Lü replied, "This is not anything that children or women can understand." In the end he gave her to Kao-tsu. The daughter of the old gentleman Lü was [later] the Empress [née] Lü and gave birth to the Emperor Hsiao-hui and the Princess Yüan of Lu.
Kao-tsu once asked for leave to go home to his fields. While the Empress [née] Lü and her two children were in the fields, 16 an old man went by and asked for a drink; the Empress [née] Lü therefore fed him. The old man physiognomized the Empress and said: "Madam will be the most honorable personage in the world." She [then] asked him to physiognomize her two children. When he saw the Emperor Hsiao-hui, he said, "The reason that Madam will be such an honorable personage is this boy." He physiognomized the Princess Yüan of Lu [and said] also, "Both will be honorable personages."
When the old man had gone, Kao-tsu happened to come in from a neighboring dwelling. The Empress née Lü told him everything, "A stranger has gone by who physiognomized me and the children, [and told me that] we would all be very honorable personages." When Kao-tsu questioned her, she added, "He has not yet gone far." So he went after him and caught up with him. When he questioned the old man, the old man said, "The madam and children whom I have just looked at are all like you, sir [in princely signs]. 17 Your physiognomy, sir, is honorable beyond all telling." Kao-tsu thereupon thanked him, saying, "If it should really happen as you say, I shall not dare to forget what you have done for me." When Kao-tsu became an honorable personage, no one knew where the old man was.
When Kao-tsu was the Chief of a t'ing, he constructed a hat of bamboo-skin and ordered his thief-catcher to go to Hsieh to have it perfected. 18 From time to time he wore it. When he became an honorable personage, he wore it constantly; it is called the "Hat of the House of Liu."
Kao-tsu, in his capacity as the Chief of a t'ing, had to escort convict laborers 19 to Mount Li for the prefecture. Many [of the convict laborers] escaped on the way. He thought to himself that before he arrived [at his destination] all of them would have escaped. When [the party] got to the Tse-chung T'ing, west of Feng, he stopped to drink. At night he unbound and set free all the convict laborers he was escorting, saying, "Gentlemen, all go away. From this time on I too will abscond." 20 Some ten odd of the stout fellows among the convict laborers were willing to follow him.
Kao-tsu, under the influence of liquor, was traversing the marsh [one] night. He had ordered a man to go in front. The man who was in front returned and reported, "Up ahead there is a large serpent blocking the path. We had better go back." Kao-tsu was drunk and said, "When a strong man walks along, what is there to fear?" Then he went ahead, drew his sword, and cut the serpent in two. 21 The serpent was divided into two parts and the way cleared. After walking several li, he was overpowered by drink 22 and slept. When a man [who came along] afterwards reached the place where the serpent had been, an old woman was weeping there in the night. The man asked the old woman why she wept, and the old woman replied, "A man killed my son." The man said, "How did your son come to be killed?" and the old woman replied, "My son is the son of the White God. He metamorphosed himself into a serpent and blocked the way. Just now the son of the Red God has cut him in two; hence I weep [for him]." 23 Now the man thought that the old woman was not speaking the truth, and wanted to trouble her. 24 Therefore the old woman suddenly disappeared. When the man [who came along] afterwards reached [the place where Kao-tsu was], Kao-tsu had awakened, [and so] he told Kao-tsu [about it]. Then Kao-tsu privately rejoiced in heart and took confidence in himself, while his followers daily feared him more and more.
The First Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty once 25 said, "In the southeast there is the emanation of a Son of Heaven." 26 Thereupon he travelled to the east in order to check and obstruct [his rival]. Kao-tsu was hiding among the mountains and marshes of Mang and Tang. The Empress [née] Lü sought him, together with some men, and always found him. Kao-tsu was surprised and asked her about it. The Empress [née] Lü replied, "Above the place where you, Chi, are, there is always a misty emanation. So we follow after it and always find you, Chi." 27 Kao-tsu was again glad. When some of the young men in P'ei heard of it, many wanted to attach themselves to him.
In the first year of the Second Emperor of the Ch'in dynasty, in the autumn, the seventh month, 28 Ch'en Shê arose at Chi(1) and came to Ch'en(2), setting himself up as King of Ch'u. 29 He sent Wu Ch'en, Chang Erh, and Ch'en Yü to overrun 30 the region of Chao. In the eighth month, Wu Ch'en set himself up as the King of Chao, and most of the commanderies and prefectures, in responding to [Ch'en] Shê, killed their chief officials. In the ninth month, the magistrate of P'ei wanted to have P'ei also respond to [Ch'en Shê]. The Chief [Jailor] and the Superintendent of the Officials, Hsiao Ho and Ts'ao Ts'an, said [to him], "You, sir, have been an official of the Ch'in [dynasty] and now wish to rebel against it, and lead the young men of P'ei [in rebellion]. We are afraid that they will not follow you. We wish that you, sir, will summon back all those who have fled outside [the city]. 31 You can get several hundred men. Then by using them you can coerce the people, and the people will not dare but follow you." So he ordered Fan K'uai to summon Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu's followers had at this time reached [the number of] several hundred. 32 Then Fan K'uai came in the train of Kao-tsu [to P'ei].
The magistrate of Pei had however repented [for what he had done], for he had feared that there would be trouble, and so had closed the city [gates] and defended the city wall. He wanted to execute Hsiao [Ho] and Ts'ao [Ts'an]. Hsiao [Ho] and Ts'ao [Ts'an] were afraid, escaped over the city wall, and took refuge with Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu then wrote [a message on a piece of] silk and shot it over the city wall, saying to the elders of P'ei, "The world 33 has already been filled for a long time with bitterness against the Ch'in [dynasty]. Although you are now defending the city for the magistrate of P'ei, the nobles are all rising and they will immediately slaughter [the people of] P'ei. Now if [you, people of] P'ei, together execute your magistrate, select someone who is able to lead you, make him your leader, and make common cause with the nobles, your houses and families will thereupon be safe; otherwise old and young will all be slaughtered. Do not allow [that to happen]." So the elders led the young men and together they killed the magistrate of P'ei, opened the city gates, and welcomed Kao-tsu [in].
They wanted him to be the magistrate of P'ei, [but] Kao-tsu said, "At present the world is in disorder. The nobles have all risen [in arms]. If now 34 you should set as your commander someone who is not capable, after a single defeat, you will be trampled to the ground. It is not that I am concerned about my own safety; I fear that I am not capable enough and that I shall not be able to keep you safe, elders and brothers. 35 This is an important matter. I hope that you will select again 36 a more capable person." Hsiao [Ho], Ts'ao [Ts'an], and the others were all civil officials. They were concerned about their own safety, and feared that, if things should not turn out [successfully], the Ch'in rulers would later destroy them together with their families and kindred. So they every one withdrew in favor of Kao-tsu. The elders all said, "For a long time we have heard of wonders and prodigies concerning Liu Chi, and that he was worthy to become an honorable personage, and moreover that in divination, no one's [lot was ever] nearly as auspicious as that of Kao-tsu." Kao-tsu refused several times, but no one in the crowd was willing to undertake [the office]. So Kao-tsu was set up as Lord of P'ei. 37 He worshipped 38 the Yellow Emperor, sacrificed to Ch'ih-yu in the great [prefectural] hall of P'ei, and anointed his drums with blood. 39 His standards and 40 pennons were all red, 41 because the snake which was killed was the son of the White god and the killer was the son of the Red god. Because of this [fact] all the younger braves and officials, like Hsiao [Ho], Ts'ao [Ts'an], Fan K'uai, and others, gathered together the youths of P'ei [for Kao-tsu. Thus he] secured three thousand men. 42
In this month, Hsiang Liang and his older brother's son, [Hsiang] Yü, arose in Wu; T'ien Tan, together with his cousins, [T'ien] Jung and [T'ien] Heng, arose in Ch'i, setting himself up as King of Ch'i. Han Kuang set himself up as the King of Yen. Wei Chiu set himself up as King of Wei(h). A general of Ch'en Shê, Chou Chang, [led an army] west through the Pass 43 to Hsi(4). The Ch'in general, Chang Han, repulsed and routed him. In the second year [of the Second Emperor of the] Ch'in [dynasty], the tenth month, 44 the Lord of P'ei attacked Hu-ling and Fang-yu, then he returned and guarded [the town of] Feng. P'ing, the Inspecting [Secretary] of the Szu-shui 45 [commandery] led an army to besiege Feng. On the second day, [the Lord of P'ei] made a sortie, fought with [the Inspector's army] and routed it. [Then] he ordered Yung Ch'ih to guard [the town of] Feng.
In the eleventh month, the Lord of P'ei led troops to Hsieh. The troops of the Administrator of the Szu-shui 46 [commandery] for the Ch'in [dynasty], Chuang, were defeated at Hsieh, and fled to Ch'i. 47 The Lord of P'ei's Junior Major 48 captured and killed him. Then the Lord of P'ei returned, encamped at K'ang-fu, and went to Fang-Yü.
The King of Chao, Wu Ch'en, was killed by his general. 49 In the twelfth month, the King of Ch'u, Ch'en Shê, was killed by his charioteer, Chuang Chia. 50
A man of Wei(h), Chou Fu, overran the regions of Feng and P'ei. He sent men to say to Yung Ch'ih, "Feng was formerly a colony of Liang. Already several tens of cities in the region of Wei(h) have been subjugated. If now you, [Yung] Ch'ih, come under the rule of Wei(h), then the state of Wei(h) will make you, [Yung] Ch'ih, a marquis and put you in charge of Feng. If you do not submit, then I will massacre [the people of] Feng." Yung Ch'ih had not previously wanted to be subordinate to the Lord of P'ei, so when [the state of] Wei(h) summoned him, he immediately rebelled [against the Lord of P'ei] and guarded Feng for [the state of] Wei(h). The Lord of P'ei attacked Feng, but could not take it. [Then] the Lord of P'ei returned to P'ei. 51 He held a grudge against Yung Ch'ih because he had rebelled against him together with the youths of Feng.
In the first month, Chang Erh and others set up a descendant of [the kings of] Chao, Chao Hsieh, as King of Chao. The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang and Ch'in Chia set up Ching Chü as King of Ch'u at Liu2. The Lord of P'ei went to attach himself [to Ching Chü]. On the way he got Chang Liang. Thereupon they together visited Ching Chü, and asked him for troops to attack Feng. At that time Chang Han was pursuing 52 [the army of] Ch'en. A detached general, 53 Ssu-ma Yi, brought an army north to subjugate the region of Ch'u; he massacred [the people of] Hsiang, [and then] went to Tang. The Baronet Ning of Tung-yang and the Lord of P'ei led their troops westwards and fought with [this general] west of Hsiao without success. So they returned, raised troops, and collected them at Liu(2).
In the second month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked Tang; after three days he took it by storm. 54 Then he collected the soldiers [that had been in] Tang and secured six thousand men. He united them to his former [troops; thus] altogether [he had] nine thousand men. In the third month he attacked the city of Hsia-yi and took it by storm. Then he turned back and attacked Feng, but did not take it. In the fourth month, Hsiang Liang attacked and killed Ching Chü and Ch'in Chia and stopped at Hsieh. 55 [So] the Lord of P'ei went to interview him. Hsiang Liang added to the Lord of P'ei's troops five thousand men and ten generals who were Fifth [Rank] Grandees. [Then] the Lord of P'ei returned, led his army to attack Feng, and took it by storm. Yung Ch'ih fled to Wei(h). 56
In the fifth month, Hsiang Yü captured Hsiang-ch'engby storm, [then] returned. Hsiang Liang [next] summoned all the detached generals. In the sixth month the Lord of P'ei came to Hsieh, and, with Hsiang Liang, both together set up the grandson of King Huai of Ch'u, Hsin, as King Huai of Ch'u. 57
Chang Han 58 routed and killed the King of Wei(h), [Wei] Chiu, and the King of Ch'i, T'ien Tan, at Lin-chi.
In the seventh month there was a great prolonged rain. The Lord of P'ei attacked K'ang-fu. 59 Chang Han besieged T'ien Jung at Tung-a. The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Liang together rescued T'ien Jung and routed Chang Han's [army] completely at Tung-a. [Thereupon] T'ien Jung attached himself to the Lord of P'ei. Hsiang Yü pursued the fleeing 60 troops to Ch'eng-yang. He attacked the city and massacred its [people], then encamped his army east of P'u-yang. Again he fought a battle with Chang Han, and again routed him. Chang Han again rallied [his forces] and defended P'u-yang, encircling it with water. The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü went to attack Ting-t'ao. In the eighth month, T'ien Jung set up the son of T'ien Tan, [T'ien] Fu, as King of Ch'i. Since Ting-t'ao had not yet fallen, the Lord of P'ei together with Hsiang Yü went westward to overrun the territory as far as Yung-ch'iu. They had a battle with the Ch'in [dynasty] troops and defeated them severely. They beheaded Li Yu, the Administrator of San-ch'uan. [Then they] returned and attacked Wai-huang, [but] Wai-huang did not yet submit [to them].
Since Hsiang Liang had twice routed the Ch'in [dynasty] armies, he became arrogant. Sung Yi admonished him, but he would not listen. [The state of] Ch'in reinforced the army of Chang Han. In the ninth month, Chang Han, after having put gags 61 into the mouths of his men, attacked Hsiang Liang by night at Ting-t'ao, and routed his [army] completely, killing Hsiang Liang. At this time there had been continuous rains from the seventh month to the ninth month. The Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü were just then attacking Ch'en-liu. When they heard that [Hsiang] Liang was dead, the officers and soldiers were afraid, so [the Lord of P'ei and Hsiang Yü], together with the general Lü Ch'en, led the army [away] and went to the east, moving King Huai from Hsü-yi and establishing the capital at P'eng-ch'eng. Lü Ch'en encamped east of P'eng-ch'eng; Hsiang Yü encamped west of P'eng-ch'eng; and the Lord of P'ei encamped at Tang.
The younger brother of Wei Chiu, [Wei] Pao, set himself up as King of Wei(h). 62
In the intercalary ninth month, King Huai united the armies of Lü Ch'en and Hsiang Yü, commanding [the united army] in person. He made the Lord of P'ei the chief of the Tang Commandery, and appointed him as the Marquis of Wu-an commanding the troops of the Tang Commandery. He made [Hsiang] Yü the Duke of Lu, and appointed him as the Marquis of Ch'ang-an. Lü Ch'en was made Minister over the Masses; his father, Lü Ch'ing, was made Chief Chancellor.
When Chang Han had crushed Hsiang Liang, he thought that the troops in the region of Ch'u were not worth serious attention, so he crossed the [Yellow] River, went northward, attacked the King of Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, and routed his [army] completely. [Chao] Hsieh [then] took refuge in the city of Chü-lu. A general of the Ch'in [dynasty], Wang Li, besieged him. [The state of] Chao several times requested rescue. Then King Huai made Sung Yi First [Ranking] General, Hsiang Yü the Second General, and Fan Tseng the Lowest General, to go north and rescue [the state of] Chao.
Formerly King Huai had made a covenant with the generals [to the effect that] he who would first enter and subjugate Kuan-chung would be made its king. [But] at that time the troops of the Ch'in [dynasty] were strong and very often took advantage of their victories to pursue the fleeing, [so that] none of the [Ch'u] generals [thought it of] any advantage to be first in going thru the pass. [Hsiang] Yü alone, who held a grudge against [the forces of Ch'in] for having routed Hsiang Liang, was seething with energy and wanted to go west and enter through the pass with the Lord of P'ei. [But] the older generals of King Huai all said: "Hsiang Yü in character is fiery, violent, and very destructive. 63 When he attacked Hsiang-ch'eng, he left nothing alive; 64 wherever he passes, he destroys and exterminates. In addition, although [the state of] Ch'u has several times [attempted to] advance and conquer, both of the former [leaders], King Ch'en [Shê] and Hsiang Liang, have been defeated. It is better to send instead a person of outstanding qualities who will abide by just conduct as he goes to the west, and have him announce and proclaim [our purposes] to the elders of [the state of] Ch'in. The elders of Ch'in have already been filled with bitterness about their rulers for a long time. If now [our state] can indeed secure a person of outstanding qualities to go, and if he does not exploit or tyrannize [over the people], it is possible that [the state of Ch'in] could be conquered. Hsiang Yü should not be sent. Only the Lord of P'ei is habitually generous and an outstanding person." In the end [the King] did not permit [Hsiang] Yü [to go], but sent the Lord of P'ei to go to the west to collect the scattered soldiers of King Ch'en [Shê] and of Hsiang Liang. Then he went by way of Tang to Ch'eng-yang. 65 [Next] he went to Chiang-li and attacked the walled camp of the Ch'in armies, routing the two [Ch'in] armies. 66
In the third year of [the Second Emperor of] Ch'in, the tenth month, a general of [the state of] Ch'i, T'ien Tu, rebelled against T'ien Jung and brought his troops to aid Hsiang Yü rescue [the king of] Chao. The Lord of P'ei attacked and routed [the troops of] the Military Governor of the Tung Commandery at Ch'eng-wu.
In the eleventh month, Hsiang Yü killed Sung Yi, 67 and united his troops [with his own, then] crossed the [Chang 68 River. He set himself up as the First [Ranking] General; all the generals, Ch'ing Pu and the others, became his subordinates.
In the twelfth month, the Lord of P'ei led his troops to Li, 69 met the Marquis of Kang-wu, 70 and took away by force his army of over four thousand men, uniting them [with his own]. He joined armies with those of the Wei(h) generals, Huang Hsin and Wu Man 71 , [then] attacked the Ch'in army and routed it. 72
T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of Ch'i, [T'ien] Chien, subjugated Chi-pei and followed Hsiang Yü to rescue [the state of] Chao. [Hsiang] Yü completely routed the Ch'in army below [the city of] Chü-lu. He captured Wang Li and put Chang Han to flight.
In the second month, the Lord of P'ei, coming from Tang, went north and attacked Ch'ang-yi. He met P'eng Yüeh, and [P'eng] Yüeh assisted him in attacking Ch'ang-yi, but it did not fall. The Lord of P'ei [then] went west past Kao-yang. Li Yi-chi, who was superintendent of the gate to a hamlet, 73 said: "Many generals have passed through this place; as I see it, the Lord of P'ei has the greatest plans [of them all]." So he asked to see the Lord of P'ei. The Lord of P'ei was just then squatting on a bed, with two maids washing [his feet]. Master Li did not prostrate himself, [but] made a deep bow and said, "If your honor firmly wishes to destroy the utterly inhuman [dynasty of] Ch'in, it is not fitting that you should interview your senior squatting down." Thereupon the Lord of P'ei arose, holding up [the skirts of] his garments, begged his pardon, and conducted him to the seat of honor. 74 [Li] Yi-chi advised the Lord of P'ei to make a surprise attack upon [the city of] Ch'en-liu. 75 For that the Lord of P'ei made him the Baronet Enlarging Our Territory, and made his younger brother, [Li] Shang, the general in charge of the troops at Ch'en-liu. In the third month, [the Lord of P'ei] attacked K'ai-feng, but did not take it by storm. [Then] he went westwards, met with the Ch'in general, Yang Hsiung, fought with him at Pai-ma, also fought east of Ch'üyung, and routed his [army] completely. Yang Hsiung fled and went to Jung-yang, [so] the Second Emperor sent a messenger to behead him as an example. In the fourth month [the Lord of P'ei] went southwards, attacked Ying-yang, 76 and massacred its [inhabitants]. Because of Chang Liang, he thereupon overran the region of Han(h). 77
At that time a detached general of Chao, Szu-ma Ang, was just then wanting to cross the [Yellow] River and enter the [Han-ku] Pass, so the Lord of P'ei went north, attacked P'ing-yin, and closed the ford of the [Yellow] River [to him. 78 Then] he went southwards and fought a battle east of Lo-yang, but his army was not victorious. So he went by way of the Huan-Yüan [Pass] to Yang-ch'eng, and collected horses and cavalrymen for his army. In the sixth month, he fought a battle with the Administrator of the Nan-yang [Commandery], [Lü] Yi, [at a place] east of Ch'ou, routed him, 79 and overran the Nan-yang Commandery. The Administrator of Nan-yang fled to take refuge in his capital city, and defended [the city of] Yüan. When the Lord of P'ei led his troops past Yüan westwards, Chang Liang admonished him as follows: "Although you, Lord of P'ei, want to hurry into the Pass, the Ch'in troops are still numerous and are holding the strategic positions. If now you do not subjugate Yüan, [the forces of] Yüan will follow you and attack you from behind, while ahead of you will be the strong [forces of] Ch'in. This is a dangerous policy." Therefore the Lord of P'ei by night led his troops to return by another route with his flags and pennons rolled up, and, when it became first light, he had already surrounded the city of Yüan with three lines. The Administrator of Nan-yang wanted to cut his own throat, [but] a man of his suite, Ch'en K'uei, said [to him]: "There is still ample time to die." Then he climbed over the city wall and interviewed the Lord of P'ei, saying [to him], "Your servant has heard that your honor has entered into a covenant that he who will first enter Hsien-yang shall be king over it. [But] at present your honor is held [here] by the defenders of Yüan. The prefectures of the commandery [in which] Yüan [is located form] several tens of adjoining walled cities; its officials and people think that they will certainly die if they surrender; hence they all defend [their cities] firmly, mounting the city walls [to guard them]. If now your honor stops to attack [Yüan] for all the days [required to capture it], many of your soldiers will inevitably be killed and wounded; [on the other hand], if you lead your troops away from Yüan, [the troops of] Yüan will certainly pursue after your honor. If your honor does the former, then you will lose [the benefit] of the covenant concerning Hsien-yang; if you do the latter, you may suffer misfortune because of this strong place, Yüan. For your honor there is no plan as good as that of making a covenant regarding its surrender, enfeoffing its Administrator, thus causing him to stop here and defend it, and leading away its militia and soldiers, taking them westwards. [Then] all the cities which have not yet fallen, when they hear the news [of what has happened], will rival each other in opening their gates and awaiting your honor. [Thus] your honor will have nothing to worry about in marching straight ahead." The Lord of P'ei replied, "Good." In the seventh month the Administrator of Nan-yang, [Lü] Yi, surrendered, and [the Lord of P'ei] appointed him as Marquis of Yin; he [also] appointed Ch'en K'uei [to the income of] a thousand families. He led the troops westward and all [places] yielded [to him]. When he came to Tan-shui, 80 the Marquis of Kao-wu, Sai, and the Marquis of Jang, 81 Wang Ling, surrendered. He turned back and attacked Hu-yang. He met Mei Hsüan, a detached general of the Baronet of P'o, [Wu Jui]; with him they both attacked Hsi(5) and Chih(5), and both [places] surrendered. [The soldiers were ordered], wherever they went, not to be rude nor to pillage, [so that] the people of Ch'in were delighted. [The Lord of P'ei] sent Ning Ch'ang, a man [originally] of Wei(h), as a messenger to [the state of] Ch'in.
In this month Chang Han and his whole army surrendered to Hsiang Yü, and [Hsiang] Yü made him the King of Yung. 82 Shen Yang of Hsia-ch'iu subjugated [the region] south of the [Yellow] River.
In the eighth month, the Lord of P'ei attacked the Wu Pass, and entered [the state of] Ch'in. The Chancellor of Ch'in, Chao Kao, was afraid, so he killed the Second Emperor and sent men [to the Lord of P'ei], desiring to make an agreement to divide [with him] the kingship of Kuan-chung; [but] the Lord of P'ei would not consent to it. In the ninth month, Chao Kao set up Tzu-ying, the son of the Second Emperor's older brother, as King of Ch'in. Tzu-ying executed Chao Kao and exterminated [his family]. 83 He sent a general leading troops to resist [the Lord of P'ei] at the Yao Pass. The Lord of P'ei wanted to attack them, but Chang Liang said [to him], "The troops of Ch'in are still strong. They cannot yet be lightly esteemed. I would prefer that you would first send men to display flags and pennons on the mountain top in greater [number than before], in order to make [the enemy] suspect there are troops [with each flag], and send Li Yi-chi and Lu Chia to go and [attempt to] persuade the Ch'in generals [to surrender], luring them with [promises of] gain." 84 The Ch'in generals really wished to be in peaceable relations [with the Lord of P'ei] and the Lord of P'ei wanted to agree. [But] Chang Liang said, "This [reply means that] only the generals wish to rebel. I fear that their officers and soldiers will not follow them. It is best to take advantage of [the fact that they are] half-hearted and attack them." [So] the Lord of P'ei sent troops around the Yao Pass, crossing over Mt. K'uai, and attacked the Ch'in troops, routing them completely south of Lan-t'ien. Thereupon he reached Lan-t'ien, and again fought [at a place] north of it, [where] the Ch'in troops were severely defeated.
In the first year [of the Emperor Kao-tsu of the Han dynasty 85 ], in the winter, the tenth month, there was a conjunction of the five planets 86 in [the constellation] Tung-ching and the Lord of P'ei reached Pa-shang. The King of Ch'in, Tzu-ying, in a plain chariot with white horses, with his seal-cord tied about his neck, 87 having sealed up [for presentation to the Lord of P'ei] the imperial seals, the insignia and the credentials, 88 surrendered beside Chih-tao.
Some of the generals 89 said that the King of Ch'in should be executed, [but] the Lord of P'ei replied, "When at first King Huai sent me [on this expedition], it was certainly because I am able to be generous and indulgent. Moreover, when a man has already surrendered, it would be inauspicious to kill him." So he gave him into the charge of his officials. Thereupon [the Lord of P'ei] went west and entered Hsien-yang. He wanted to stop in the palace and rest [his soldiers] in the [palace] hostels, [but] Fan K'uai and Chang Liang 90 admonished him [not to do so], so he sealed up the depositories and treasuries for the Ch'in [dynasty's] important treasures and valuable objects, 91 returned, and encamped at Pa-shang. Hsiao Ho gathered up completely from the courts of the Lieutenant Chancellor of Ch'in the charts, the registers, the documents, and the writings. 92
In the eleventh month [the Lord of P'ei] summoned the eminent and distinguished people from the prefectures and said [to them], "Fathers and Elders, you have suffered long enough from the cruel laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]: those who spoke ill or criticized [the government] have been cruelly executed with their relatives, those who talked in private 93 have been publicly executed 94 in the marketplace. I and the nobles have made a covenant that he who first enters through the passes will be king in [the region inside the passes], [therefore] I ought to be king in Kuan-chung. I am merely going to agree with you, Fathers and Elders, upon [a code of] laws in three articles: he who kills anyone will be put to death; he who wounds anyone or robs [will be punished] according to his offence; as to the remainder, I am repealing and doing away with all the laws of the Ch'in [dynasty]. You, the officials and people, should all be quiet and undisturbed as previously. All that I have come for is to deliver you, Elders, from harm. I do not have [any intention of] exploiting or tyrannizing [over you]. Do not be afraid. Moreover, the reason that I have encamped at Pa-shang is merely that I am awaiting the arrival of the nobles in order to make an agreement [with them]." Then he sent people to go with the Ch'in officials to the prefectures and district cities to make known and proclaim this [matter]. The people of Ch'in were greatly rejoiced and vied [with each other] in bringing cattle, sheep, wine, and food, offering them for the enjoyment of the soldiers of the army. [But] the Lord of P'ei refused to accept them, saying, "In the granaries there is much grain; I do not wish to be a burden upon the people." [Then] the people were even more glad, and only feared lest the Lord of P'ei should not become king of Ch'in.
Someone advised the Lord of P'ei, saying, "[The region of] Ch'in is ten times as rich as [the rest of] the world; by its geographical configuration it is strong. Now I have heard that Chang Han has surrendered to Hsiang Yü and that [Hsiang] Yü has entitled him King of Yung, to be king over Kuan-chung. He will forthwith come [here], and I am afraid that you, O Lord of P'ei, will not succeed in keeping this [territory]. You might hasten to send [troops 95] to guard the Han-ku Pass. Do not admit the army of the nobles, and levy some soldiers from Kuan-chung in order to add to your [own army] and resist them." The Lord of P'ei assented to his plan and followed it.
Consequently, [when] in the twelfth month Hsiang Yü, leading the troops of the nobles, really wished to go westward through the Pass, the gates of the Barrier were closed, and he heard that the Lord of P'ei had already subjugated Kuan-chung. [Thereupon Hsiang] Yü was greatly enraged and sent Ch'ing Pu and others to attack and break through the Han-ku Pass. 96 Thereupon he reached Hsi(4). 97
A Junior Major of the Lord of P'ei, Ts'ao Wu-shang, upon hearing that [Hsiang] Yü was angry and wanted to attack the Lord of P'ei, sent men to speak to [Hsiang] Yü as follows: "The Lord of P'ei wants to be king of Kuan-chung. He has ordered Tzu-ying to be his chancellor. All the jewels and valuables [of Ch'in] have been taken [by him]." [Ts'ao Wu-shang, by this message,] was seeking [for a means] by which he could ask for a fief [from Hsiang Yü]. His Second Father, Fan Tseng, advised [Hsiang] Yü, saying, "When the Lord of P'ei was east of the mountains, 98 he was greedy for money and loved women. Now I have heard that since he entered the passes, he has not taken any precious things nor granted favors to any women. These [facts] show that his designs are great. I [formerly] sent men to look at his emanation, 99 and it was all that of a dragon; it is of all colors. This is the emanation of a Son of Heaven. You should hasten to attack him and not lose [this opportunity]." Thereupon [Hsiang Yü] feasted his soldiers [in preparation for] joining battle on the morrow.
At this time [Hsiang] Yü's troops [numbered] four hundred thousand and were asserted to be a million, [while] the Lord of P'ei's troops [numbered] a hundred thousand and were asserted to be two hundred thousand---his strength was not equal [to that of Hsiang Yü]. It happened that the Junior Administrator, Hsiang Po, who was the youngest brother of [Hsiang] Yü's father, had been a constant friend of Chang Liang. In the night he galloped fast [to the Lord of P'ei's camp] to see Chang Liang and told him all the facts [about the situation]. He wanted [Chang Liang] to go away with him and not merely to die with [the Lord of P'ei. But Chang] Liang replied, "I am accompanying the Lord of P'ei in the service of the King of Han(h); I must inform him [of this danger]. To abandon him and go away would be disloyal." So he, together with Hsiang Po, interviewed the Lord of P'ei. The Lord of P'ei agreed to contract a marriage [in the family of Hsiang] Po, and said [to him], "[Since] I have entered the passes, I have not dared to take the slightest hair. 100 I have made a register of the officials and people and have sealed the courts and treasuries, awaiting [the arrival] of the General. The reason I guarded the Pass was to prevent [the entrance of] bandits. Day and night I have been hoping that the General would come; how could I have dared to rebel [against him]? I wish that you, [Hsiang] Po, would make clear [to Hsiang Yü] that I would not dare to revolt against his beneficence." Hsiang Po promised to do so. The same night, as he left to return [to his camp], he warned the Lord of P'ei, saying, "Tomorrow you yourself absolutely must come early to make an apology." Hsiang Po returned [to his camp] and told [Hsiang] Yü all that the Lord of P'ei had said, taking the opportunity [to add], "If the Lord of P'ei had not first crushed the troops of Kuan-chung, how could you, sir, have been able to enter? Moreover, when a man has done you great service, it would not be auspicious to attack him. It is better to take this opportunity and make friends with him." [Hsiang] Yü promised to do so.
The next day the Lord of P'ei, followed by a hundred-odd cavalrymen, went to see [Hsiang] Yü at Hung-men, and made his apologies, saying, "Your servant has joined his efforts with yours, General, in attacking [the state of] Ch'in. You, General, have fought north of the [Yellow] River; your servant has fought south of the [Yellow] River. [Your servant] did not himself think that he could first go through the passes and be able to break [the power of] Ch'in, and meet you, General, again [at this place]. Now some evil-[minded] person has been talking [about me] and has brought about a disagreement between you, General, and your servant." [Hsiang] Yü replied, "This is what your, the Lord of P'ei's, Junior Major, Ts'ao Wu-shang, has said. Otherwise how could [I], Chi, have fallen into 101 this situation?" Thereupon [Hsiang] Yü retained the Lord of P'ei to banquet him.
Fan Tseng several times threw glances at [Hsiang] Yü [urging him] to attack the Lord of P'ei, [but Hsiang] Yü did not respond. [So] Fan Tseng arose and went out. He spoke to Hsiang Chuang, saying, "Our lord is not hard-hearted [enough] in character. Do you enter in order to dance a sword-dance, and take the opportunity to attack the Lord of P'ei and kill him. Otherwise you and yours will presently become his captives." [Hsiang] Chuang entered and drank a health [to the guest]. When the toast had been drunk, he said, "In our camp there is nothing to use [as entertainment]; I crave permission to dance a sword-dance." Thereupon he drew his sword and danced. [But] Hsiang Po also arose and danced, always protecting and covering the Lord of P'ei with his own body. When Fan K'uai heard that the situation was critical, he came right in, very angry. 102 [Hsiang] Yü admired his [strength and courage] and therefore granted him [a cup of] wine. Thereupon [Fan] K'uai reproached and reprimanded [Hsiang] Yü. After some moments, the Lord of P'ei arose and went to the toilet. He beckoned to Fan K'uai and went out. Leaving his chariot and his official retinue, he mounted alone, with Fan K'uai, Chin Ch'iang, the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying], 103 and Chi Ch'eng 104 following on foot, and fled to his army by unfrequented paths, ordering Chang Liang to stay and make apologies to [Hsiang] Yü. [Hsiang] Yü asked where the Lord of P'ei was, and [Chang Liang] replied, "He learned that you, General, had the intention of reprimanding him so he has left and gone by a short-cut to his army. Hence he has had your servant present you with [these] jade circlets." 105 [Hsiang] Yü received them. [Then Chang Liang] also offered to Fan Tseng a large jade wine ladle, [but Fan] Tseng got angry; he struck at the wine-ladle [presented to] him, arose, and said, "We and ours are now already captives of the Lord of P'ei."
Several days after the Lord of P'ei had returned [to his camp, Hsiang] Yü led his troops west, massacred [the people of] Hsien-yang, killed Tzu-ying, the king of Ch'in who had surrendered, and burnt the palaces and courts of the Ch'in [emperor]. Nothing of what he passed by was left without injury or destruction, [so that] the people of Ch'in were gravely disappointed in their hopes.
[Hsiang] Yü sent men to return and report to King Huai [that he had conquered Kuan-chung and should be allowed to do as he liked about its rule, but] King Huai replied, "[Let it be done] according to the covenant." [So Hsiang] Yü held a grudge against King Huai because he had not been willing to order [Hsiang Yü] to go west through the passes together with the Lord of P'ei, but [had sent him] north to rescue [the state of] Chao, [thus coming too] late [to reap the benefit of] the covenant [made with the generals of] the empire [concerning the kingship of Kuan-chung]. So he said, "King Huai is merely one whom my family has set up. He has not [achieved] any merit or glory. 106 How did he get sole authority over the covenant? Those who really subjugated the world were the generals and myself, Chi."
In the spring, in the first month, 107 in feigned respect, he gave King Huai [the title], the Emperor Yi; [but] in reality he did not avail himself of [the Emperor's] orders. 108 In the second month 109 [Hsiang] Yü set himself up as the King Lord Protector 110 of Western Ch'u, ruling over nine commanderies in the region of [the former feudal states,] Liang and Ch'u, 111 with his capital at P'eng-ch'eng. He went contrary to the covenant [about making the conqueror of Kuan-chung its king] and changed [the Lord of P'ei's kingdom], setting up the Lord of P'ei as the King of Han(s), to rule over forty-one prefectures of Pa, Shu, and Han-chung, with his capital at Nan-cheng. 112 Kuan-chung was divided into three parts, and [over it] were set the three generals of [the former dynasty of] Ch'in: Chang Han became King of Yong with his capital at Fei-ch'iu; Szu-ma Hsin became King of Sai with his capital at Yüeh-yang; Tung Yi became King of Ti with his capital at Kao-nu. The Ch'u general, Shen Yang, [who was formerly of] Hsia-ch'iu, became the King of Honan with his capital at Lo-yang. The general of [the state of] Chao, Szu-ma Ang, became King of Yin with his capital at Chao-ko. The Baronet of Tang-yang, Ying Pu, became King of Chiu-chiang with his capital at Liu(5). King Huai's Pillar of State, Kung Ao, became the King of Lin-chiang with his capital at Chiang-ling. The Baronet of P'o, Wu Jui, became King of Heng-shan with his capital at Chu. T'ien An, the grandson of the former King of [the feudal state of] Ch'i, [T'ien] Chien, became King of Chi-pei. The King of Wei(h), [Wei] Pao, was shifted and made the King of Western Wei(h) with his capital at P'ing-yang. The King of Yen, Han Kuang, was [also] shifted and made the King of Liao-tung. The general of [the state of] Yen, Tsang Tu, became King of Yen, with his capital at Chi(4). The King of Ch'i, T'ien Fu, was [likewise] shifted and made the King of Chiao-tung. The general of Ch'i, T'ien Tu, became King of Ch'i with his capital at Lin-tzu. The King of Chao, [Chao] Hsieh, was shifted and made the King of Tai. The Chancellor of Chao, Chang Erh, was made King of Ch'ang-shan.
The King of Han(s) held a grudge against [Hsiang] Yü because he had gone contrary to the covenant, and [so] wanted to attack him, [but] his Lieutenant Chancellor, Hsiao Ho, admonished him, so he desisted. In the summer, the fourth month, the nobles were discharged at Hsi(4), 113 and each went to his own state. [Hsiang] Yü sent thirty thousand soldiers to follow the King of Han(s). 114 Many tens of thousands of the people of Ch'u and of the followers of the nobles admired and followed him. From Tu he went south and entered [the gorge of] Li. Chang Liang [then] asked for permission to leave and return to [the state of] Han(h); the King of Han(s) accompanied him [back] to Pao-chung. Thereupon he advised the King of Han(s) to burn utterly the suspended roads 115 in order to guard against stealthy [attacks by the] troops of the nobles and also in order to show Hsiang Yü that he had no intentions of [returning] eastwards [to compete with him].
When the King of Han had arrived at Nan-cheng, his generals, together with the officers and soldiers, all sang Ch'i songs, [which showed that they were] thinking of returning to the east, 116 and many escaped on the way and returned [home]. Han Hsin, who was Commissary Chief Commandant, also escaped and went off. [But] Hsiao Ho went after him and brought him back. Thereupon he recommended him to the King of Han, saying, "If you really wish to contest [for the control of] the world [the emperorship], except for [Han] Hsin, there is no one else who can plan for you." Thereupon the King of Han fasted and purified himself, erected an altar on a level place, and installed 117 [Han] Hsin as General-in-chief. [Then] he asked him about what plans and stratagems [he would suggest]. [Han] Hsin replied, "Hsiang Yü acted contrary to the covenant and made you, sir King, king at Nancheng. This is a banishment. 118 Your officials and soldiers are all people from east of the mountains; day and night they are longing and hoping to return [home]. If you use this [weapon] when it is sharp, you can thereby achieve great results; [but] when the country has already [become] stable and the people are all themselves seeking quietude, you cannot employ it again. It is better to decide upon a plan to [press] eastwards." Thereupon he presented a plan by which [Hsiang] Yü could be outwitted and the three [states into which] Ch'in [had been divided] could easily be reunited [and taken possession of]. The King of Han was greatly delighted. Thereupon he followed [Han] Hsin's plan. He arranged and disposed his generals, leaving Hsiao Ho to collect the revenue from Pa and Shu and provision the army. 119
In the fifth month, 120 the King of Han, leading his troops by way of Ku-tao, came out [of Han(s)] and made a surprise attack on [the state of] Yung. The King of Yung, [Chang] Han, came to meet [him] and attacked [the troops of] Han(s) at Ch'ents'ang. The troops of Yung were defeated and fled back [to their base]. They fought [again] at Haochih, [where they were] again severely defeated and fled to Fei-ch'iu. Thereupon the King of Han subjugated the region of Yung; he went east to Hsien-yang; he led troops to besiege the King of Yung at Fei-ch'iu and sent his generals to seize the [neighboring] regions. 121
When T'ien Jung heard that [Hsiang] Yü had removed the King of Ch'i, [T'ien] Fu, to Chiao-tung and set up T'ien Tu as King of Ch'i, he was very angry, and, with the troops of Ch'i, he met and attacked T'ien Tu. [T'ien] Tu fled and submitted 122 himself to [the state of Western] Ch'u. In the sixth month, T'ien Jung killed T'ien Fu and set himself up as King of Ch'i. At that time, P'eng Yüeh was at Chü-yeh with a band of over ten thousand men. He had no overlord, [so T'ien] Jung gave to [P'eng] Yüeh the seal of a general, and ordered him therefore to raise a revolt in the region of Liang. [P'eng] Yüeh attacked and killed the King of Chi-pei, [T'ien] An. [T'ien] Jung then united [and took possession of] the territory comprising the three [states made out of the former state of] Ch'i. 123 The King of Yen, Han Kuang, also was unwilling to be removed to Liao-tung; in the autumn, the eighth month, Tsang Tu killed Han Kuang and took possession of his territory. The King of Sai, [Szu-ma] Hsin, and the King of Ti, [Tung] Yi, both submitted to [the King of] Han(s). 124
Hsiang Liang had previously set up a Prince [who was] a descendant of [the former kings of] Han(h), [Han] Ch'eng, as King of Han(h) and Chang Liang as the Minister of the Masses in Han(h). [Hsiang] Yü, considering that [Chang] Liang had followed the King of Han(s), and that the King of Han(h), [Han] Ch'eng, had moreover not achieved anything, therefore did not send him, [Han Ch'eng], back to his state, [but took him] with himself to P'eng-ch'eng and killed him. When he heard that the King of Han, had reunited [and taken possession of] Kuan-chung and that [the states of] Ch'i and Liang had rebelled against him, [Hsiang] Yü was very angry. He thereupon made the former prefect in Wu, Cheng Ch'ang, the King of Han(h), [with orders] to oppose [the state of] Han(s). He ordered the Lord of Hsiao, Chio, to attack P'eng Yüeh, [but P'eng] Yüeh defeated Chio's troops. At that time, Chang Liang was traveling about 125 the regions of Han(h); he sent [Hsiang] Yü a letter, saying, "[The state of] Han(s) wants to secure Kuan-chung; it will act according to the covenant, and then will stop [its conquests] and not presume to go farther eastwards." For that reason [Hsiang] Yü had no thoughts of going westwards, but went northwards to attack [the state of] Ch'i.
In the ninth month, the King of Han(s) sent his generals Hsieh Ou and Wang Hsi out [by way of] the Wu pass, using the troops of Wang Ling, and [ordering them] to go by way of Nan-yang to get the T'ai-kung and the Empress [née] Lü, [who were] at P'ei. 126 [But Hsiang] Yü heard of it and dispatched troops to oppose them at Yang-chia, [so that] they could not [go] forward.
In the second year, in the winter, the tenth month, Hsiang Yü sent the King of Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing] Pu, to kill the Emperor Yi at Ch'en1.
Ch'en Yü also held a grudge against [Hsiang] Yü, [because] he alone was not made a king; [so] he borrowed from T'ien Jung auxiliary troops to attack Chang Erh, the King of Ch'ang-shan. [Chang] Erh was defeated; he fled and submitted himself to [the King of] Han(s), [and] the King of Han(s) treated him well. Ch'en Yü welcomed the King of Tai, [Chao] Hsieh, back to Chao, [and Chao] Hsieh set up [Ch'en] Yü as King of Tai.
Chang Liang returned by unfrequented paths from Han(h) to Han(s), and the King of Han(s) made him Ch'eng-hsin Marquis. The King of Han went to Shan, pacifying and comforting the elders of the region outside the pass. 127 The King of Ho-nan, Shen Yang, submitted [to him, so] he established the commandery of Ho-nan. 128 He [then] had the Grand Commandant in Han(h), Han(w) Hsin, attack [the state of] Han(h), and the King of Han(h), Cheng Ch'ang, submitted. In the eleventh month he set up the [former] Grand Commandant in Han(h), Han(w) Hsin, as King of Han(h). [Then] the King of Han(s) turned round, returned [to Kuan-chung, and established] his capital at Yüeh-yang. He sent his generals to overrun territory and they captured the Lung-hsi [Commandery] by assault. Upon those who submitted with ten thousand persons or with one commandery, he conferred [the income of] ten thousand families. He repaired the Barrier 129 of the Ho-shang [Commandery]. Regarding the pastures, 130 enclosures, gardens, and ponds of the former Ch'in [dynasty], he ordered that the common people were permitted to [make] cultivated fields of them.
In the spring, the first month, [Hsiang] Yü attacked T'ien Jung at Ch'eng-yang. [T'ien] Jung was defeated and fled to P'ing-Yüan and the people of P'ing-Yüan killed him. All of [the state of] Ch'i [then] submitted to Ch'u, [whereupon the forces of] Ch'u burnt their outer and inner walls. [Thereupon] the people of Ch'i again rebelled against [Ch'u].
[The King of Han's] generals took the Pei-ti [Commandery] by assault, and captured Chang P'ing, the younger brother of [Chang Han], the King of Yung.
[The King of Han proclaimed] an amnesty for criminals. 131 In the second month, on [the day] kuei-wei, [the King of Han] ordered the people to do away with the Ch'in [dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains and establish the Han [dynasty's] gods of the soils and grains. He showed his virtue and bounty and granted aristocratic ranks to the people. Because the people of Shu and Han(s) had been heavily burdened in furnishing the armies with supplies, he exempted them from the land tax and from contributions in kind for [a period of] two years. For the soldiers of Kuan-chung who were with the armies he exempted their families [from taxes] for one year. Those among the people who were fifty years old and over, who had cultivated personalities, 132 and who were able to lead the multitude and do good, he elevated to the position of San-lao--- one in each district. One of the district San-lao was selected to be the prefectural San-lao, who was to serve as a consultant with the Prefect, the Assistant [Prefect], and the Chief of Police. [The San-lao] were exempted from forced labor and garrison service, and in the tenth month were to be granted wine and meat.
In the third month, the King of Han(s) crossed the [Yellow] River from Lin-chin. The King of Weib, [Wei] Pao, submitted, and, leading his troops, followed [the King of Han. The King of Han] subdued Ho-nei, captured the King of Yin, [Szu-ma] Ang, and established the Ho-nei Commandery. When he came to Hsiu-wu, Ch'en P'ing escaped from Ch'u and came to submit himself. The King of Han talked with him, liked him, and so made him his Chariot-companion [with the duty of] supervising the generals.
[Going] southwards, [the King of Han] crossed [the
Yellow River] at the ford of P'ing-yin, and came to Lo-yang. [There] the
San-lao of Hsin-ch'eng, the Great Excellency Tung, stopped the King of Han and
advised him, saying, "Your servant has heard that
In the summer, the fourth month, T'ien Jung's younger brother, [T'ien] Heng, succeeded in collecting several tens of thousands of men and set up [T'ien] Jung's son, [T'ien] Kuang, as King of Ch'i. Altho [Hsiang] Yü heard that [the army of] Han(s) was coming eastwards, since he had [already] attacked [the state of] Ch'i, he wished to complete crushing it and afterwards to attack Han(h). For this reason the King of Han(s) succeeded in compelling the troops of five nobles 141 [to follow him] and went eastwards to chastize [the state of] Ch'u. When he came to Wai-huang, P'eng Yüeh came with thirty thousand men to follow Han(s). The King of Han(s) installed him as the Chancellor of State in Wei(h), and ordered him to subjugate the region of Liang. Thereupon the King of Han entered P'eng-ch'eng, took [Hsiang] Yü's Beauties and his valuables, and held a great banquet. When [Hsiang] Yü heard of it, he ordered his general to attack [the state of] Ch'i, and himself, with thirty thousand picked soldiers, [went] by way of Lu out of Hu-ling to Hsiao. At dawn he attacked the army of Han(s) and fought a great battle 142 at P'eng-ch'eng and east of Ling-pi. 143On the Sui River he completely routed the army of Han(s) and killed so many officers and soldiers that because of it the Sui River did not flow. 144 He surrounded the King of Han with three lines [of soldiers. But] a great wind arose from the northwest, breaking trees and blowing away houses, blowing up sand and gravel, so that the day was dark. The army of Ch'u [fell into] great disorder and the King of Han succeeded in escaping with several tens of cavalrymen. He went by P'ei and sent people to seek his family, but his family 145 had also already fled and he did not meet them. On the road, the King of Han happened upon Hsiao-hui and the [Princess] Yüan of Lu, 146 and carried them along in his chariot. [But] the cavalrymen of Ch'u pursued the King of Han. The King of Han got excited and pushed the two children so that they fell out, [whereupon] the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying], got down and gathered them into the chariot. Thus they succeeded in escaping. 147 Shen Yi-chi was accompanying T'ai-kung and the Empress [née] Lü, [who were fleeing] by unfrequented paths; instead [of escaping] they met the army of Ch'u. [Hsiang] Yü constantly placed them in the midst of his army, and held them as hostages.
When the nobles saw that Han(s) had been defeated, they all fled. The [former] King of Sai, [Szu-ma] Hsin, and the [former] King of Ti, [Tung] Yi, surrendered to Ch'u. The King of Yin, [Szu-ma] Ang, died. The older brother of the Empress [née] Lü, the Marquis of Chou-lü, [Lü Tse], was in charge of troops encamped at Hsia-yi. The King of Han went to him, 148 collected a few officers and soldiers, and encamped them at Tang. The King of Han went westward, passing across the region of Liang to Yü. He said to the internuncio, Sui Ho, "If you, sir, would be able to persuade the King of Chiu-chiang, [Ch'ing] Pu, and lead him to mobilize his troops in rebellion against [the state of] Ch'u, King Hsiang [Yü] would have to be detained in attacking him; if you could succeed in detaining him for several months, I would be quite certain of obtaining the empire." [So] Sui Ho went to persuade [Ch'ing] Pu and really made him rebel against [the state of] Ch'u.
In the fifth month, the King of Han encamped at Jung-yang. Hsiao Ho sent forth from Kuan-chung to go to the army all the old and weak and those not yet enregistered. 149 Han Hsin also collected troops and joined with the King of Han. Thus [the King] of Han's] troops were renewed and greatly restored. They fought with [the troops of] Ch'u south of Jung-yang, between Ching and So, and routed them. 150 They built a walled road 151 connecting with the [Yellow] River in order to get grain from the Ao Granary.
The King of Wei(h), [Wei] Pao, asked permission to return home in order to see his sick parent; 152 when he had arrived, he closed the ford at the [Yellow] River and rebelled in favor of Ch'u.
In the sixth month, the King of Han returned to Yüeh-yang. On [the day] jen-wu, he named the Heir-apparent and proclaimed an amnesty to criminals; he ordered the members of the noble houses who were in attendance at Kuan-chung all to gather at Yüeh-yang as a guard.
He led water to flood Fei-ch'iu; 153 Fei-ch'iu surrendered, Chang Han committed suicide, and the province of Yung was subjugated, some eighty odd prefectures. He [thereupon] established the commanderies of Ho-shang, Wei-nan, Chung-ti, Lung-hsi, and Shang. 154 He ordered the officials in charge of the sacrifices to make offerings to Heaven, to Earth, to the Four Directions, to the Lords on High, to the Hills, and to the Streams---at the [proper] time to sacrifice [regularly] to them. He caused the troops in Kuan-chung to take arms and mount the Barrier at the boundary [for its defence].
In Kuan-chung there was a great famine; a hu of rice [or hulled millet cost] ten thousand cash [and] people ate each other. [The King of Han] ordered the people to go to Shu and Han(s) to eat.
In the autumn, the eighth month, the King of Han went to Jung-yang and said to Li Yi-chi, "With a kindly tongue go and persuade the King of Wei(h), [Wei] Pao; if you are able to make him submit, I will appoint you, Master [Li, with the income of] ten thousand families in Wei(h)." [Li] Yi-chi went, [but Wei] Pao did not listen to him. [So] the King of Han made Han Hsin Junior Lieutenant Chancellor [and ordered him], together with Ts'ao Ts'an and Kuan Ying, all to attack [the state of] Wei(h). When [Li] Yi-chi returned, the King of Han asked him who was the General-in-chief of Wei(h). He replied, "Po Chih." The King answered, "This [man's] mouth still smells of [mother's] milk! He cannot resist Han Hsin. Who is his general of cavalry?" He replied, "Feng Ching." [The King] answered, "This man is the son of the Ch'in general, Feng Wu-ts'ê. Although he is capable, he is not able to resist Kuan Ying. Who is his general of foot-soldiers?" He replied, "Hsiang T'o." [The King] answered, "He is not able to resist Ts'ao Ts'an. I have nothing at all to worry about." In the ninth month [Han] Hsin and the others captured [Wei] Pao; he was ordered to be sent to Jung-yang. The region of Wei(h) was subjugated and the commanderies of Ho-tung, T'ai-Yüan, and Shang-tang were established.
[Han] Hsin sent men [to the King of Han] asking for thirty thousand soldiers, wishing with them [to go] northwards to take [the states of] Yen and Chao, eastwards to attack [the state of] Ch'i, and southwards to cut the roads by which provisions were brought to the Ch'u [army]. The King of Han gave them [to him].
In the third year, in the winter, the tenth month, Han Hsin and Chang Erh went eastwards, subjugated Ching-hsing, and attacked [the state of] Chao. They beheaded Ch'en Yü and captured the King of Chao, [Chao] Hsieh. [Then] the commanderies of Ch'angshan and Tai were established.
On [the day] chia-hsü, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun. 155 In the eleventh month, on [the day] kuei-mao, the last day of the month, there was an eclipse of the sun.
Since Sui Ho had persuaded Ch'ing Pu [to rebel], [Ch'ing] Pu set his troops in motion and attacked [the state of] Ch'u. Ch'u sent Hsiang Sheng and Lung Chü to attack [Ch'ing] Pu. [Ch'ing] Pu fought [with them, but] did not defeat them. In the twelfth month, [Ch'ing] Pu, with Sui Ho, by unfrequented paths, returned to Han(s). The King of Han gave him a part of his own troops and, together with him, he collected troops and reached Ch'eng-kao.
Hsiang Yü several times invaded and captured the walled road of Han [with the result that] the army of Han lacked food. [The King of Han] schemed with Li Yi-chi to enfeeble the power of Ch'u. [Li] Yi-chi wanted to set up the descendants of the six [ancient feudal] states in order to establish factions; the King of Han had seals engraved and was going to send [Li] Yi-chi to set them up, when he asked Chang Liang about it. Chang Liang brought forward eight objections. 156 The King of Han stopped eating and spit out what he had in his mouth, saying [to Li Yi-chi], "Stupid bookworm! You've almost spoiled your daddy's business." [Then] he ordered the seals to be quickly melted down. He also asked Ch'en P'ing [what to do], and followed his plan. He gave [Ch'en] P'ing forty thousand catties of [real] gold in order in Ch'u to separate the lord from his followers.
In the summer, the fourth month, Hsiang Yü besieged the [King of 157 ] Han(s) at Jung-yang, and the King of Han(s) begged for peace, [offering] to cut off [the region] west of Jung-yang as [the country of] Han(s) [leaving the rest to Hsiang Yü. But] his Second Father, [Fan Tseng], urged Hsiang Yü to hasten and attack Jung-yang. The King of Han was worried over [that possibility, but] since Ch'en P'ing's [plan to bring about] a change and a separation [between the lord and his followers in Ch'u] had already succeeded, [Hsiang] Yü was, as a result, suspicious of his Second Father, [Fan Tseng]. His Second Father was [therefore] very angry, so went away, became ill, and died. In the fifth month, General Chi Hsin said, "The situation has become urgent. Your servant begs [for permission] to deceive [the army of] Ch'u [so that] you can thereby escape in the interval." Therefore Ch'en P'ing at night sent out more than two thousand women by the east gate. 158 [The troops of] Ch'u thereupon attacked them from all sides. Now Chi Hsin had mounted the King's chariot, with its yellow canopy and plumes on the left, 159 and said: "Our food is gone. The King of Han submits to Ch'u." [The soldiers of] Ch'u all called out, "Long live the King," and went to the east of the city to look at [the pretended King of Han]. Because of that, the King of Han succeeded in going out of the western gate with several tens of cavalrymen and fled. He had ordered the Grandee Secretary Chou Ho, Wei Pao, and his excellency Ts'ung to defend Jung-yang.
When [Hsiang] Yü saw Chi Hsin, he asked where the King of Han was. [Chi Hsin] replied, "He has already gone away." [Hsiang] Yü [thereupon] burnt [Chi] Hsin to death.
Meanwhile Chou Ho and his excellency Ts'ung said to each other, "It is difficult to defend a city together with a king who has made his state rebel." Hence they killed Wei Pao.
When the King of Han went out of Jung-yang, he went to Ch'eng-kao, [and] from Ch'eng-kao he entered the [Han-ku] pass. He collected troops, wanting to return eastwards, but Master Yüan advised the King of Han, saying, "Han(s) and Ch'u have opposed each other at Jung-yang for several years, and Han(s) has continually been exhausted. I wish that your Majesty would go out by the Wu pass. 160 [Then] King Hsiang [Yü] would have to lead [away] his troops and hasten southwards. Your Majesty would be deeply entrenched and [remain on the defensive], so you would permit [the region] between Jung-yang and Ch'eng-kao temporarily to secure a rest. You would send Han Hsin and others to take, piece by piece, [the state of] Chao in the region north of the [Yellow] River, and make an alliance with [the states of] Yen and Ch'i. Your majesty will thereupon [be able to] return to Jung-yang. If you do this, then [the state of] Ch'u must be prepared at many places, and its strength will be divided. When Han(s) has secured a rest, and fights with [Ch'u] again, the rout [of Ch'u] will be certain." The King of Han followed his plan and led out his army between Yüan and Shê; he marched and collected soldiers with Ch'ing Pu. When [Hsiang] Yü heard that the King of Han was at Yüan, he really led his troops southwards. [But] the King of Han was firmly entrenched, and did not fight with him.
In that month, P'eng Yüeh crossed the Sui [River], fought with Hsiang Sheng and the Lord of Hsieh at Hsia-p'ei, routed [their armies], and killed the Lord of Hsieh. [Hsiang] Yü had the old gentleman Chung defend Ch'eng-kao and himself went east to attack P'eng Yüeh. The King of Han led his troops north, attacked and routed the old gentleman Chung, and again encamped at Ch'eng-kao. By the sixth month, [Hsiang] Yü had already routed P'eng Yüeh and made him flee.
When he heard that [the King of] Han had again encamped at Ch'eng-kao, he thereupon led his troops west, took the city of Jung-yang by storm, and captured Chou Ho alive. [Hsiang] Yü said to [Chou] Ho: "Be my general and I will make your honor First [Ranking] General and will appoint you [with the income of] thirty thousand families." [But] Chou Ho reviled him and said: "If you do not forthwith submit to Han(s), you may now [consider yourself] its captive. You are not a match for the King of Han." [Hsiang] Yü boiled Chou Ho [alive] and also killed his excellency Ts'ung. Moreover he captured the King of Han(h), [Han(w)] Hsin. Thereupon he besieged Ch'eng-kao. The King of Han(s) fled; alone, with the Lord of T'eng, [Hsia-hou Ying], sharing his chariot, he came out of Ch'eng-kao by the Jade Gate, went northwards, crossed the [Yellow] River, and spent the night at Hsiao-hsiu-wu. By calling himself a messenger, at dawn he [managed to] gallop into the entrenchments of Chang Erh and Han Hsin and took from them [the command of] their army. Then he sent Chang Erh northwards to collect troops in the region of Chao.
In the seventh month, there was a bushy comet in the [constellation] Ta-chio. 161
When the King of Han(s) got the army of Han Hsin, he became powerful again. In the eighth month he approached the [Yellow] River, and, going southwards, he encamped at Hsiao-hsiu-wu, intending to engage in battle again. [But] the Gentleman-of-the-Palace Cheng Chung advised him to stop, that he, the King of Han, should build high his ramparts, deepen his moats, and not fight [any battles]. The King of Han followed this strategy.
He sent [out] Lu Wan and Liu Chia, leading twenty thousand soldiers and several hundred cavalry. They crossed [the Yellow River] at the Pai-ma ford, entered the territory of Ch'u, assisted P'eng Yüeh to burn the accumulated stores of Ch'u, again attacked and routed the army of Ch'u west of the suburb of Yen, and attacked and captured Sui-yang and Wai-huang, seventeen cities [in all].
In the ninth month, [Hsiang] Yü said to his Commander-in-chief, Ts'ao Chiu, the Marquis of Hai-ch'un, "Cautiously defend Ch'eng-kao. If the King of Han wishes to provoke a battle, be careful not to engage in a battle with him. Only do not allow him to go eastwards. In fifteen days I shall certainly have subjugated the region of Liang and will again come to you, general." [Hsiang] Yü led his troops eastwards and attacked P'eng Yüeh. The King of Han sent Li Yi-chi to advise the King of Ch'i, T'ien Kuang, to cease defending himself with his troops and make peace with Han.
In the fourth year, in the winter, the tenth month, Han Hsin, following the plan of K'uai T'ung, made a surprise attack upon and routed [the army of] Ch'i. The King of Ch'i [thereupon] boiled Master Li [Yi-chi alive] and fled east to Kao-mi. When Hsiang Yü heard that Han Hsin had routed [the army of] Ch'i and moreover wanted to attack Ch'u, he sent Lung Chü to save Ch'i.
[As Hsiang Yü had] predicted, [the army of] Han(s) [tried] several times to provoke a battle at Ch'eng-kao, but the army of Ch'u would not come out. [Then the King of Han(s)] sent people to insult [the army and its generals. After] several days, the Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao] Chiu, was angry and crossed the Szu River with his troops. When the officers and soldiers were half-way across, [the army of] Han(s) attacked them and severely routed the army of Ch'u. [The King of Han then] took all that the state of Ch'u had of gold, jewels, goods, and riches. The Commander-in-chief, [Ts'ao] Chiu and his Chief Official, 162 [Szu-ma] Hsin, both cut their own throats on the Szu River. The King of Han(s) led his troops across the [Yellow] River and again took Ch'eng-kao, encamping at Kuang-wu and going to the Ao Granary for food.
[Hsiang] Yü had subjugated some ten odd cities of the region of Liang when he heard that the Marquis of Hai-ch'un, [Ts'ao Chiu's, army] had been routed. Thereupon he led his troops back. The army of Han(s) was just then besieging Chung-li Mo [at a place] east of Jung-yang; when it heard that [Hsiang] Yü had arrived, it all fled to the precipitous and difficult [terrain at Kuang-wu.]
[Hsiang] Yü also encamped at Kuang-wu; [his army] and [that of] Han(s) watched each other; the strong men were suffering from [constant] military service, the old and weak were exhausted in transporting food. The King of Han and [Hsiang] Yü had an interview on the border of the stream in the gully 163 [between the two cities of] Kuang-wu, and talked [together. Hsiang] Yü wanted to fight a duel single-handed with the King of Han. [But] the King of Han rebuked [Hsiang] Yü by enumerating his faults, saying, "When at first I received orders together with you, Yü, King Huai said, `Whoever first subjugates Kuan-chung will be made its king. You, Yü, outraged this covenant and made me king of Shu and Han(s)---this was your first crime. You, Yü, murdered by a false authorization the high minister 164 who had command of the army, and exalted yourself---this was your second crime. After you, Yü, had rescued [the state of] Chao, you ought to have returned to report [to King Huai]; on the contrary, without authorization, you seized the troops of the nobles and went through the [Han-ku] Pass---this was your third crime. King Huai had engaged his word that when [the troops] entered [the region of] Ch'in there would be no violence or plundering; [but] you, Yü, burnt the palaces and courts of Ch'in, dug up the tomb of the First Emperor, 165 and took for your own his riches 166 ---this was your fourth crime. In violence you also murdered the King of Ch'in, Tzu-ying, who had surrendered---this was your fifth crime. By treachery you buried in a trench at Hsin-an two hundred thousand young men of Ch'in and gave kingdoms to their generals 167 ---this was your sixth crime. You have everywhere made the generals kings of good regions and removed and expelled their former lords, 168 making ministers and subjects to strive, rebel, and commit treason---this was your seventh crime. You drove out and expelled the Emperor Yi from P'eng-ch'eng, making it your own capital. You took by force the territory of the King of Han(h), 169 and reigned over Liang and Ch'u at the same time, giving too much [of the conquered territory] to yourself---this was your eighth crime. You sent men to assassinate the Emperor Yi secretly in Chiang-nan---this was your ninth crime. Verily, in your own character as a subject, you have murdered your lord, murdered those who had 170 already surrendered, in your government you have been unjust, and as administrator of the covenant you have been faithless. [Such deeds are what] the world cannot endure; [they constitute] treason and inhuman conduct 171 ---this is your tenth crime. I, with my righteous soldiers, 172 am an associate of the nobles in punishing a merciless brigand. I should send an ex-convict to fight with you, sir---why should I then suffer the trouble of [fighting] a duel with you, sir?" [Hsiang] Yü was very angry, shot a hidden crossbow, and hit the King of Han. The King of Han was wounded in the breast, but he grasped his foot and said, "This caitiff has hit me in the toe." 173
The King of Han suffered from his wound and lay on his bed, [but] Chang Liang strongly begged the King of Han to arise, go about among the army and allay [their disquietude] in order to quiet the officers and soldiers and not permit [the army of] Ch'u to take advantage of it to gain a victory. The King of Han went out and visited the army, [but] he suffered greatly, and consequently rode into Ch'eng-kao.
In the eleventh month, Han Hsin and Kuan Ying attacked and routed the army of Ch'u and killed the Ch'u general, Lung Chü. They pursued it to Ch'eng-yang and captured the King of Ch'i, [T'ien] Kuang. The minister of Ch'i, T'ien Heng, set himself up as King of Ch'i and fled to P'eng Yüeh. Han(s) set up Chang Erh as King of Chao.
When the King of Han's illness was abated, he went west through the [Han-ku] Pass [and came] to Yüeh-yang, [where he] visited and conversed with the elders, and gave them a feast. He exposed on a post in the market-place of Yüeh-yang the head of the former King of Sai, [Szu-ma] Hsin. 174 He stayed [there] four days [and then] went back to his army. It remained encamped at Kuang-wu, [so that] soldiers more and more came out from Kuan-chung, while, [on the other hand] P'eng Yüeh and T'ien Heng 175 were in the region of Liang, going back and forth and harassing the troops of Ch'u, cutting off their food supplies.
When Han Hsin had routed [the forces of] Ch'i, he sent men to say [to the King of Han], "[The state of] Ch'i is a neighbor of [the state of] Ch'u. My authority is slight; if you do not make me king temporarily, I fear that I may not be able to tranquillize Ch'i." The King of Han was angry and wished to attack him, [but] Chang Liang said, "It is better to accede to [his request] and to set him up [as king,] thus causing him to defend [Ch'i] for his own sake." In the spring, the second month, [the King of Han] sent Chang Liang with a seal to establish Han Hsin as King of Ch'i.
In the autumn, the seventh month, he set up Ch'ing Pu as King of Huai-nan. In the eighth month the poll-tax (suan) was levied for the first time. 176
People of the northern Mo and of Yen come, bringing intrepid cavalry 177 to assist Han(s).
The King of Han issued an order that the officials should provide shrouds, coverlets, coffins, and encoffining for all the soldiers in the army who were so unfortunate as to die, and send them back to their homes. In all directions, [people's] hearts turned to him.
Hsiang Yü himself knew that he had little support and that his food supply was at an end. Han Hsin was again advancing his troops to attack Ch'u, 178 and [Hsiang] Yü was worried about him. Han(s) sent Lu Chia to talk to [Hsiang] Yü and beg for the T'ai-kung, 179 but [Hsiang] Yü did not listen [to him]. Han(s) again sent his excellency Hou to talk to [Hsiang] Yü. [Hsiang] Yü then made a treaty [with Han(s)] to divide the world 180 in half, making the boundary at the Hung-kou,---[the territory] west of it to be Han(s)'s and that east of it to be Ch'u's. In the ninth month [Hsiang Yü] sent back the T'ai-kung and the Empress [née] Lü. The army all shouted, "Long life." Thereupon [the King of Han] appointed his excellency Hou as the P'ing-kuo General. 181
[Hsiang] Yü withdrew [his army] and returned to the east. The King of Han wanted to return to the west, [but] Chang Liang and Ch'en P'ing admonished him, saying, "Now Han(s) has the larger half of the world and the nobles are all its adherents, [whereas] the troops of Ch'u are exhausted and their food is gone. This is the time when Heaven will destroy it. If you do not profit by this opportunity and take [the kingdom of Ch'u], [you will be in the situation when] it is said: `By rearing a tiger one brings misfortune upon himself.' " The King of Han followed [their counsel]. 182
1. Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832) shows that the word ti 帝 was not originally in the title of the first twelve chapters, and that these chapters were merely called "Annals." The Ching-yu ed. (1034-5), prepared in the Imperial Academy, has not this character in the title of the first twelve chapters. Ch. 100B, in summarizing each chapter, likewise does not use ti. In HS 31: 22a, a cross reference is made to ch. 1, and ti is not used. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) in a comment in ch. 2 refers to ch. 1 without using ti. Elsewhere references in the text and by Yen Shih-ku similarly do not use this word. Wang Hsien-ch'ien (1842-1918) adds that the Ch'ien-tao ed. (1171) likewise does not use ti or divide the chapters into parts, and that Yen Shih-ku divided the chapters into parts. The words that have been supplied in the heading of this chapter are in the present text or in the Chinese table of contents.The first part of this chapter is copied, almost verbatim, from SC ch. 7 and 8, with very few significant variations. Not until the second part of the chapter is much new material added. This practise of copying verbatim from earlier sources is the common practise in writing Chinese history; the SC does it constantly. It does not constitute plagiarism in China, it was merely the commonly accepted practise and is considered the surest method of securing dependable records. In ancient times no credit needed to be given to works from which passages were copied, for no credit was expected, and educated persons (who knew the books and whose opinion was alone worth while) would know whence statements were taken. The HS says in its introduction (100B: 1a) "Hence I have scrutinized and have taken from the previous records, and have put together and compiled what I have heard."
2. In the Ch'ing period a hsien 縣 was a sub-division of a prefecture 府; in Han times, however, as Chavannes remarks (cf. Mh, II, 531), there was no administrative division between a hsien and a commandery, hence I have followed him in translating hsien for Han times as "prefecture." The Han dynasty's commandery 郡 corresponded roughly to the modern province in that it was the primary subdivision of the country, although the ancient term 州, which I have translated "province," was later also put into use. Under the Ch'in dynasty, there were 36 commanderies; under the Han the number kept increasing until there were 108.A "district town" 鄉邑 was a walled city which was the administrative center for a subdivision of a prefecture. In ancient times the 都 was a large walled city and the 邑 was a small walled town; under the influence of the Lord of Shang, Kung-sun Yang, the Ch'in dynasty had organized towns into districts, which districts were often given the name of their walled towns. The districts were subdivided into t'ing (cf. p. 29, n. 3), and the t'ing were further subdivided into hamlets.It is an interesting fact that quite a few of Kao-tsu's early followers came from the same district as he: Hsiao Ho, Ts'ao Ts'an, WanHSg Ling, Chou P'o, Fan K'uai, Hsia-hou Ying, Chou Hsieh (cf. ch. 41), Chou Ho, Chou Ch'ang, and Jen Ao (cf. HS ch. 42); while his general Lu Wan came from the same hamlet as Kao-tsu.
3. A supposed ancestor of Kao-tsu, Liu Lui, is said to have tamed dragons---thus the story about Kao-tsu's conception would appear natural. The reliable commentators do not even give the surname of his mother. Huang-fu Mi (215-282), a decidedly unreliable source, says, "The old dame was probably surnamed Wang 王." She died before Kao-tsu came to the throne, so that her surname was not preserved.Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) notes that the T'ai-p'ing Huan-Yü Chi (written by Yo Shih, 930-1007) tells that 6 li north of the city of Feng there was a large marsh. The Book of Odes, I, xii, x, 1 (Legge, p. 213) has a similar passage, "By the dyke of that marsh. . . . There is the beautiful lady."The word Yü 遇 is said by Yen Shih-ku to mean "a meeting; to meet without having an appointment is called Yü." Wang Min-sheng (1720-1798) adds that sexual intercourse is implied. Shen Ch'in-han (1775-1831) adds that the conception here is similar to that in the stele of 175 A.D. to the Emperor Yao, which says, "Ch'ing-tu had intercourse with a red dragon, and gave birth to Yi Yao," [Yi was the surname of Yao], and the Ling-t'ai stele at Ch'eng-yang, which says, "She wandered and glanced around on the shore of the [Yellow] River, and, affected by intercourse with a red dragon, she then gave birth to Yao." This account thus likens Kao-tsu to his supposed ancestor, Yao.
4. T'ai-kung 太公 is a term of respectful address for an aged and respected grandfather. It merely means, "the aged and respected head of the family." Huang-fu Mi (215-282), who is not reliable, says that his name was Chih-chia 執嘉. Wang Fu (i and ii cent.) said that his name was T'uan 煓. Chang Shou-chieh (fl. 737) quotes the Ch'un-ch'iu Wu-ch'eng (now lost, written before 386), as saying, "The old dame Liu [Kao-tsu's grandmother]dreamed [about] a red bird like a dragon playing [with her]. After that she gave birth to Chih-chia." None of these sources is reliable; perhaps Kao-tsu's father, like his sons, had no given name.
5. The HS writes 交; the SC (8: 2a) writes chiao 蛟; so does Hsün Yüeh (148-209) in his Han-chi, and the Wen-hsüan (ca. 530). Wang Hsien-ch'ien says that HS ch. 51 reads as HS ch. 1 does, but we have not been able to find this passage. He also says that these two characters were interchanged. Hence we have followed the SC, for the HS is copying it here. The Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) says, "When it has scales it is called a chiao dragon." The Shuo-wen (ca. 100) defines chiao as follows: "A sort of dragon. When in a pool there are 3600 fish, the chiao comes and is made their leader. He is able to lead the fish and to fly. If a basket fish trap is put in the water, he thereupon leaves." Couvreur (Dict. Classique) says that the chiao is a crocodile. Cf. 6: 29a and note 29.2.
6. Seventy-two was a mystic number, being the number of the days of each year attributed to each of the five elements, the number of ancient sovereigns who had performed the feng and shan sacrifices, the number of the metals, etc. Cf. Mh II, 325, n. 6. It was also the number of the Ch'ih-yu brotherhood, cf. Granet, Chinese Civilization, p. 197.
7. The t'ing 亭 was an administrative division usually composed of ten hamlets 里, each of 25 to 50 families. Stein (Serindia, II, 748) found that, at the boundary, a t'ing was expected to maintain a tui 隊 or company (whose average effective strength was 150 men), both as to personnel and supplies. Probably something of the same sort was required in China proper in times of war. Ten t'ing usually made a district 鄉. Cf. Mh II, 236, n. 1.The chief of a t'ing had charge of both a military and civil affairs of the t'ing. Ying Shao (ca. 140-206) writes, "In ancient times he was called `The Bearer of the Crossbow.' " In Han times he used all five weapons: crossbow, lance, sword, bow, and cuirass.Instead of "the Szu-shang T'ing", the SC (Mh II, 336) reads "the Szu-shui T'ing", which reading is confirmed by HHS, Tr. 20: 13b. Shang is an error for shui.The Kua-ti-chih 5: 5b (vii cent.) said, "The Szu-shui T'ing is in Hsü-chou, 100 paces east of P'ei Hsien, and has a temple to Kao-tsu."
8. Yen Shih-ku writes, " `In the great hall' [means] in the great hall of the commandery headquarters."
9. The SC reads differently: these women "often saw a dragon above him and wondered at it." HS 100A: 11a reads, "He had prodigies of dragons and snakes."
10. Chao Yi (1727-1814) suggests an interpretation for this sentence similiar to the story in HS 8: 3a, that when Emperor Hsüan, as a young man, bought cakes, he made them popular, so that the seller made great sales.
11. Accounts were kept on pieces of bamboo or wood.
12. Such congratulations necessitate the bringing of gifts, in this case, of money, and a feast in return.
13. It is still a common practice in China to tell a person's fortune by `reading his face.' This is the practise referred to. Hsün-tzu (ca. 320-235 B.C.) attacks this practise (cf. his ch. V). Wang Ch'ung (29-97) defends it in the Lun-heng, ch. ii (Forke p. 305), and quotes this passage.
14. So that some of the guests were leaving. Guests do not necessarily stay through a feast. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says, "It says that of those who drank wine half had left and half were [still] present."
15. He uses a set expression for "wife," which is literally, "the concubine of the dust-pan and broom." The word "concubine" gives it a depreciatory turn. Cf. Mh II, 328, n. 3.
16. The SC says that they were weeding. At the time, the Empress Lü was merely a peasant woman; the historian respectfully uses the title later bestowed upon her. So with the children.
17. The SC reads 似 for the HS 以. Ju Shun (fl. dur. 189-265) and Ch'ien Tao-chao (1744-1813) think that the SC's reading should be adopted. The Han-chi 1: 3a however reads, "The [princely signs of] the madam and children are due to your power, sir," and Yen Shih-ku wishes to read this passage similarly. The Lun-heng (by Wang Ch'ung, 29-97) reads like the SC. We have adopted its reading.
18. Ying Shao writes that anciently there were two subordinates to the Chief of a t'ing: one, called the T'ing-fu 亭父, whose duty it was to open and shut the gates, sweep and clean [streets]; the other, called the Thief-catcher ch'iu-tao 求盜, pursued and caught robbers and thieves. Chavannes (Mh II 330) did not understand that ch'iu-tao was the name of an officer, so mistranslated this sentence.For an account of this ceremonial article, cf. Glossary sub Hat of the House of Liu.
19. Enslavement or convict labor was a common punishment; a criminal could be sentenced to enslavement for a number of years. The First Emperor used these convicts on his works. As a guard, Kao-tsu was personally responsible for each prisoner, and would be punished if one was lost.
20. Since he had lost his prisoners, Kao-tsu could not return home, and also became a fugitive.
21. The San-fu Huang-t'u (quoted in iii cent.; prob. completed by 587) 6:2a, b sub Ling-chin Nei-fu, says, "When the Grand Emperor [Kao-tsu's father] was an humble person, he wore a sword that was three feet long. On it there were unintelligible words engraved. Tradition says it was made just at the time when `Kao-tsung of the Yin [dynasty, i.e., the Emperor Wu-ting, reigned 1324-1266 B.C.] attacked the Demon region.' [A quotation from the Book of Changes, hexagram 63, Legge, p. 205. The `Demon region' was among the Western Jung.] When the Grand Emperor was travelling around Feng and P'ei, in the middle of the mountains, at a temporary lodge in an obstructed valley there was a man casting metal. The Grand Emperor stopped beside him and asked him, `What implement are you casting?' The workman laughingly said, `I am casting swords for the Son of Heaven. Be careful and do not speak.' He [later] said, `If I could secure the sword which you, sir, are wearing, mix it [with the metal], and cast it, then it would make a marvellous implement, which could conquer and subjugate the world. The essence of the Pleiades is helping, the [element] wood is decreasing and [the element] fire is increasing [water was the element by which the Ch'in dynasty is said to have ruled, and fire the element of the Han dynasty]---this is an unusual omen.' The Grand Emperor loosened his pi-shou [a sword with its point in the form of a spoon], and threw it into the furnace. When the sword was completed, he killed three victims in order to anoint [the sword] with the blood of the sacrifice. The workman asked him where he had gotten this [sword which had been melted], and the Grand Emperor replied, `At the time of King Chao-hsiang of Ch'in [306-251 B.C.], I was going along a path in the fields and a rustic gave it to me, saying, "This is a supernatural thing from the time of the Yin [dynasty]." ' The workman thereupon took the sword and gave it to the Grand Emperor. The Grand Emperor therefore gave it to Kao-tsu. Kao-tsu wore it, and this it was which cut in two the white snake. When he had subjugated the world, he stored it in the treasury for valuables. The guardian of the storehouse saw a white vapor like a cloud coming out of the door, in shape like a dragon or snake. The Empress [née] Lü changed the treasury's [name] and called it, `The Storehouse for Supernatural Metallic [Objects].' When the Emperor Hui came to the throne, he used this treasury to store the [imperial] reserved military equipment, and its name was called, `The Palace Office for Supernatural Metallic [Objects, i.e., ling-chin nei-fu]." The Chin Dynastic History, in the Treatise on Carriages and Clothes, says, "In the time of the Emperor Hui, the military treasury was burnt by fire." The Shih-chi Cheng-yi (pub. 737) quotes the Kua-ti-chih, (vii cent.) as saying, "The Ditch [Where] the Snake Was Cut in Two 斬蛇溝 has its source in the territory of Chung-p'ing, P'ei Hsien, Hsü-chou, [in present Kiangsu]. Hence old people say, `It is the place where Kao-tsu cut in two the snake.' [It flows] to [a place] 15 li west of the hsien, where it flows into the P'ao 泡 River."
22. The SC, the Official ed. of the HS (1739) the Academy ed. (prob. 1124), and Lin Chih-lung's ed. (1581) read 因; Chou Shou-ch'ang (1814-1884) points out that 困 gives a much better sense. We have followed him.
23. Ying Shao comments, "Duke Hsiang of Ch'in [777-766 BC], from the time that he dwelt in the west [771 B.C., cf. Mh II, 14f], took as his lord the spirit of Shao-hao [supposed to have reigned 2598-2515 B.C.], made the Western Sacred Place [120 li southwest of Ch'in 秦 Hsien, Kansu] and sacrificed to the White God [the SC says that he sacrificed to a Lord on High 上帝, cf. Mh II, 59]. In the time of Duke Hsien [384-362 B.C.] at Yo-yang it rained metal, which was considered an auspicious [omen]. He also made the Ch'i Sacred Place [in Yo-yang] and sacrificed to the White God, Shao-hao, who has the virtue of metal. The Red God is a descendant of Yao, and refers to the Han [dynasty]. The killing makes plain that the Han [dynasty] must destroy the Ch'in [dynasty]."This incident was applied by Liu Hsiang to the theory of the five elements. The relationship of the elements to each other was differently conceived by different theorists. One theory was that metal overcame wood, wood overcame earth, earth overcame water, water overcame fire, fire overcame metal, and so on. Another theory was that wood gave birth to fire, fire gave birth to earth, earth gave birth to metal, metal gave birth to water, water gave birth to wood, and so on (cf. Forke, Lun-heng, vol. II, App. I). Chang Ts'ang (d. 152 B.C.) held that the Han dynasty ruled by virtue of the element water; Chia Yi (200-168 B.C.), followed by Szu-ma Ch'ien, held that the Ch'in dynasty ruled by virtue of water, and was overcome by the Han dynasty because the latter ruled by virtue of earth. Liu Hsiang (76-6 B.C.) and his son, Liu Hsin, however argued from the passage in the text that the Han dynasty ruled by virtue of the element fire, whose color is red, and that the Ch'in dynasty ruled by virtue of wood, which gave birth to fire (cf. HS 25 B: 23b). Wang Mang adopted this latter theory and argued that since he was descended from the Yellow Emperor, whose virtue is earth, and since earth is born of fire, he must succeed the Han dynasty. Ying Shao's interpretation is still different: the Ch'in dynasty reigned by virtue of metal, which was overcome by fire, the virtue of the Han dynasty. Thus history was interpreted to yield a philosophical theory of the elements and that was used to prognosticate events and legitimize usurpation.
24. The SC has 笞 "beat," instead of the HS's k'u 苦 "trouble." Hsü Kuang (ca. 352-425) says that one text of the SC writes k'u, and Shen Ch'in-han quotes a similar passage from the Lü-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (possibly ii cent.) Bk. XXII, ch. iii, also using k'u.
25. The SC has 常 "continually," instead of the HS 嘗 "once."
26. Wang Ch'i-Yüan (xix cent.) notes that the Chin Dynastic History, in the Treatise on Astronomy, says, "The emanation of the Son of Heaven is red within and yellow without on all sides. In the place where it appears there must be either a king or the Son of Heaven. If there is a place to which he is going to travel, that place also beforehand produces this emanation. Sometimes there are the gates of a city indistinctly in the midst of the vapor or emanation. . . . Sometimes the emanation is like a person clothed in black clothes without hands to the west of the sun. Sometimes it is like a dragon-horse [an auspicious kind of horse]. Sometimes there is a mixed emanation rising towards heaven. These are all the emanations of an emperor or king."
27. Wang Hsien-shen (1859-1922) says that the Shih-chi Cheng-yi (737) quotes Yen Shih-ku as saying that Ching Fang (i cent. B.C.) in his Yi-chao-hou says, "How can a sage who is hiding be known? In all directions there always is a great cloud with all five colors, yet it does not rain. Below it there is then a sage hiding himself. Thus the Empress [née] Lü looked at the cloudy emanation and found him." This comment is lacking in the present text.
28. P'ei Yin (fl. 465-472) quotes Hsü Kuang (ca. 352-425) as saying "Kao-tsu was at this time in his 48th year." Dates will be given in accordance with the calendar in "Variétés Sinologiques," vol. 29, Père P. Hoang, Concordance des Chronologies Néoméniques, Shanghai 1910. But its Gregorian dates will be changed to Julian dates, in accordance with the common usage of historians and astronomers.
29. Li Chi (fl. ca 200) explains, "The [state of] Ch'in had destroyed [the state of] Ch'u, [hence] the people of Ch'u hated Ch'in. Hence [Ch'en] Shê, because of the people's desire, called himself the King of Ch'u, according with the people's hopes."
30. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Whenever it says 略地, it always means to take it as one goes along with little labor or force."
31. Yen Shih-ku writes, "At that time they suffered from the oppressive government of the Ch'in [dynasty]. Taxes were heavy and corvée labor much. Hence there were those who fled and escaped to avoid the officials."
32. The SC says, "Almost a hundred."
33. Lit. "All under heaven." The ancient Chinese, like the Romans, thought of their country as being the [known] world, or all of it that counted.
34. Reading 今 with the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739), and the SC instead of the present 令.
35. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) says, "Of the people in a village or town, those who are aged and older [than the speaker] are the group of `fathers and older brothers' [we have translated this binomial `elders']; those who are young and younger [than the speaker] are the group of `sons and younger brothers' [we have translated `brothers'], hence he addressed them all."
36. Reading 更 with the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the Fukien ed. (1549), the Official ed. (1739) and the SC, instead of 吏.
37. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) says, "[The rulers of] Ch'u had formerly usurped the title of King, and their rulers in the prefectures were made kung 公. Ch'en Shê was made the King of Ch'u; P'ei kung [i.e., Kao-tsu] arose in response to [Ch'en] Shê, hence he conformed to the regulations of [the state of] Ch'u and called [himself] kung." In the time of the Chou dynasty, the kung were the highest of the noble ranks, and the word is accordingly to be translated `Duke.' In Ch'u however somewhat different practices had prevailed. At this time the feudal ranks had broken up; the Han dynasty preserved only the titles, Kings, Marquises, and Baronets. In Ch'u the kung were members of the official hierarchy rather than nobles; hence we have translated kung in this and similar titles as `Lord'. kung was also commonly used to denote a father or aged person. Cf. p. 28, n. 2. From this time until he was made King of Han(s), Kao-tsu is regularly styled `the Lord of P'ei.' Cf. Mh II, 335, n. 1.
38. The distinction between the two words used for the worship of these two gods is not exact. Chi 祭 (here translated "sacrificed to") seems to have been the general term for sacrifices. The Li-chi, ch. XX, uses chi as the title of its chapter on the various kinds of sacrifices. The Shuo-wen says, "Chi is to worship. [It comes] from `worship' and a hand holding meat." Of tz'u 祠 (here translated "worshipped"), the Shuo-wen says, "The spring sacrifice (chi) is called tz'u. Few objects and many words [are used. It comes] from `to worship' and the sound szu. In the second month of spring, in the tz'u, sacrificial animals are not used. Jade tablets and circlets together with leather (furs) and silk are used." But this sacrifice of Kao-tsu was made in October. The Chou-li ch. XIX (Biot's trans. p. 454) says, The Szu-szu [an official] "establishes the great sacrifices, which use jade, silk, and pure victims. He establishes the second class sacrifices, which use victims and silk. He establishes the inferior sacrifices, which use victims." Then tz'u is a sacrifice of the first rank.The difference between these two words then seems to have been that chi was a general term for sacrifice, whereas tz'u denoted a worship mainly verbal and of the first rank.
39. Yen Shih-ku says, "Anciently people, when they had newly completed a bell or a three-legged cauldron, had to anoint it with blood." This procedure was an aspersion of the blood of the sacrificed animal upon an object. The aspersing of the newly-made war-drums made them efficacious. Cf. Mh II, 336, n. 1.
40. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien think that "standards" should be read with the preceding sentence and "pennons" with the next. Yang Shu-ta (1885-present) shows that these two words are generally read together and that there is no reason to separate them. The correctness of his view is shown by the similar phrase in 1B: 26a.
41. Chu Tzu-wen (lived before 1195) remarked that the last part of this sentence, beginning with "because," is an interpolation, since it repeats what had previously been said. But the story referred to was one of the important justifications of Kao-tsu's claim to the throne (cf. 100A: 8a), hence it is deservedly emphasized.
42. Some sentences in the SC are omitted here.
43. When 關 is used alone, it usually refers to Han-ku Pass. The Ch'in dynasty's capital was beyond the pass.
44. This was the first month of the official year. Cf. App. II. The HS differs in its order of events here from the SC ch. 7 and 8, because the HS attempts to follow a strictly chronological order of events, following SC ch. 16.
45. We have emended the 川 of the text to 水. HS ch. 28 and 20 speak of a Szu-shui Commandery, but there was no place by the name of Szu-ch'uan. These two characters are alike in the seal script and were easily confused. Chavannes (Mh II, 337) has failed to note this necessary emendation.
46. We have emended the of the 川 text to 水. HS ch. 28 and 20 speak of a Szu-shui Commandery, but there was no place by the name of Szu-ch'uan. These two characters are alike in the seal script and were easily confused. Chavannes (Mh II, 337) has failed to note this necessary emendation.
47. The location of this place is not certain; HS 28Aiii: 10a mentions a town 70 li south of the present T'eng Hsien, Shantung by this name, which might have been the place. Wang Hsien-ch'ien points out that 39:10b tells that Ts'ao Ts'an attacked Yüan-ch'i and K'ang-fu. Ch'i might then be Yüan-ch'i, q. v. in Glossary.
48. His Junior Majors at that time were K'ung Chü, Ch'en Ho, and T'ang Li, according to Chou Shou-chang. They are named in ch. 16.
49. SC 16: 4a names his murderer as Li Liang .
50. SC 48: 7b says that the murder was committed "in order to surrender to Ch'in." Chuang Chia was killed by Lü Ch'en. Cf. 31: 7a.
51. The SC adds that Kao-tsu (the Lord of P'ei) was sick. In this section, the HS is not copying the SC literally; it adds and omits phrases and sentences.
52. Yen Shih-ku says that 徙 means "to pursue" and quotes in substantiation the Preface to the Book of History, verse 14, (Legge, p. 5).
53. Liu Pin (1022-1088) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien suggest reading "general" with the succeeding proper name.
54. Yen Shih-ku writes, "拔 is to break into a walled city or town and take it. It is like pulling up a tree and getting both its trunk and roots."
55. Hsiang Liang wanted to do some king-making on his own account. Since Ching Chü had not done much for him, Kao-tsu felt quite free to go over to Ching Chü's successor.
56. Wei(h) was the state to which Yung Ch'ih had given his allegiance. Kao-tsu's steadfast purpose to recapture Feng and punish a traitor deserves attention.
57. The SC does not mention Kao-tsu as being prominent in setting up this king.
58. This paragraph is taken from SC ch. 6 (Mh II, 206) or its source.
59. At this point the HS resumes copying SC ch. 8.
60. Wei Chao (197-273/4) says that 北 is the ancient word for pei 背 "turn the back upon." Wang Nien-sun shows from the Shuo-wen and the Kuang-ya (by Chang Yi, fl. 227-233) that these two words were interchanged. He quotes a passage from the Kuan-tzu (iii cent. B.C.) ch. 31: 3b saying that the first word above "means to turn the back upon one's lord." He says that this word takes the meaning of turn the back upon, hence to be defeated and to flee is also denoted by this word. He also quotes the Tso-chuan, Dk. Huan, yr. IX (Legge, p. 53) where the word has the same meaning. Anciently these two words had the same pronunciation, hence were interchanged.
61. 銜枚. Cf. Mh II, 341, n. 2. Chinese generals, in a night attack, had their men hold sticks of wood, like chop-sticks, in their mouths, to prevent talking.
62. In this and the next paragraph, the HS departs from the SC ch. 8. This paragraph is taken from SC 16:6b (Mh III, 63) or its source (it is contradicted in SC 90:1b). The next paragraph is taken from SC ch. 7 (Mh II 260, 261).
63. The SC has 猾 "treacherous," instead of the HS's 禍 "causing destruction"; these two words are however written almost alike in the seal character, so that the HS's reading is probably the original one, for Hsiang Yü was not particularly treacherous.
64. Lit. "no creature was left to chew," seemingly a vigorous local expression. For the massacre at Hsiang-ch'eng, cf. 31: 11b; Mh II, 255.
65. The HS writes Yang-ch'eng 陽城, but the SC writes Ch'eng-yang 城陽, inverting the words. HS 39:8a reads, "He attacked the army of Wang Li south of Ch'eng-yang, and also attacked Chiang-li, routing its [troops] completely." Hence the reading of the SC should be followed.
66. The SC has a quite different reading. A commentator on the SC says that this passage refers to the battle at Wu-ch'eng, with which Chavannes agrees. Cf. Mh II, 344, n. 2. The HS dates this battle before the tenth month, in which the SC says that the battle at Wu-ch'eng occurred. The HS also mentions this battle before it mentions the rebellion of T'ien Tu (which happened, according to the SC, on the fourth day of the month, whereas the battle at Wu-ch'eng happened on the fifteenth day). Cf. Mh III, 64. Hence the battle at Chiang-li and the one at Wu-ch'eng must have been two different events.
67. Sung Yi was cautious and would not advance to raise the siege of Chü-lu even though his soldiers were cold and hungry; hence Hsiang Yü killed him. Cf. 31: 14a.
68. Wang Hsien-ch'ien, in a note to 31: 14b, says that this was the Chang 漳 River.
69. The HS omits a sentence in the SC which tells that Kao-tsu fought an unsuccessful battle with the Ch'in armies and was forced back to Li.
70. Ying Shao says, "He was a general of King Huai of Ch'u. HS 16: [19b] has a Marquis Kang of Chih-p'u, Ch'en Wu 棘蒲， 剛侯， 陳武 [cf. p. 227, n. 3.]. Wu was also surnamed Ch'ai 柴. 剛武侯 [as the present text reads] should properly be 剛侯武. He was a general of Wei(h)." Meng K'ang (iii cent.) objects, "According to HS chap. 16, Ch'ai Wu arose as a general at Hsieh, went to Pa-shang, and entered Han [-chung]. He was not a general of King Huai, and also not a general of Wei(h). According to custom, he should not be called by his posthumous name." Yen Shih-ku also objects to Ying Shao's statement and declares that he has no evidence for it. Wu Jen-chieh (ca. 1137-1199) says, "This man is Kang-wu Hou and [the text] certainly cannot be changed to make him Ch'en Wu." He however proceeds to attempt to identify Ch'en Wu with the General of P'u or General P'u 蒲將軍, who is said in 31: 11a to have been a subordinate of Hsiang Liang and who consequently became a general of King Huai after the death of Hsiang Liang. But there seems to be no evidence for this identification and Wei Chao says that P'u was a surname. Ying Shao seems to have identified the Marquis of Kang-wu with General P'u and with Ch'en Wu. In all probability the surname and given name of the Marquis of Kang-wu have merely been lost.
71. The SC, the Fukien ed. (1549) and the Wang Wenshen ed. (1546) of the HS write Wu Man's given name as 蒲. The SC adds the title 申徒 of Wei(h). The Ch'ien-tao ed. (1167) writes as in the text.
72. This event and the next few events, down to the attack upon Ch'ang-yi, are taken from SC 16: 7a, b (Mh III, 65; which is not a complete translation).
73. The commentary of Ho Hsiu on Kung-yang's Commentary, written by the end of the later Han dynasty, sub Duke Hsüan, 15th year, says: "In a district there are [subdivisions] called li 里 [the word we have here translated "hamlet"]. A li [consists of] eighty houses. Eight families together [compose] a lane . In a li there is an assembly house. [The li] selects some members from those who are over sixty years of age and have very good character, and calls them the Elders. One person, who is eloquent, can protect the people, and is robust, is made the Head of the li. . . . In the spring, when [the people] go to work in the fields, at dawn the Elders and Head of the li open the gate, sitting in the rooms beside the gate [to keep watch]. Those who are late in going out, coming after the [appointed] time, are not allowed to go out. In the evening those who do not return bearing firewood are not allowed to come in." The superintendent of the gate to a li was thus not an underling, but the most respected member of the hamlet (he had the privilege of riding a horse), and had underlings subordinate to him to sprinkle and sweep the streets and watch the gates.
74. This incident has become famous.
75. The SC adds, "So he took possession of the grain which the Ch'in [emperor] had accumulated there." Cf. Mh II, 346. Kao-tsu followed Li Yi-chi's advice.
76. The HS has 穎川, but the second word of this name is written 陽 in the SC, which is correct. Ying-ch'uan was the name of a commandery in Ch'in and Han times (cf. glossary), in which the city of Ying-yang was located.
77. Chang Liang's ancestors had been for five generations the Chancellors of Han(h), hence Kao-tsu seized that region for him.
78. 絕河津, which Yen Shih-ku wishes to interpret, "traversed the ford." Liu T'ai-kung (1751-1805) justifies our translation, saying it implies that Kao-tsu closed the ford in order to prevent Szu-ma Ang from getting ahead of him into the pass.
79. The present text adds the word 大, meaning that Lü Yi suffered a severe defeat; the Ching yu edition (1034/5) and the SC are without this word---it is probably an interpolation.
80. Kao-tsu was marching southwestward to avoid the Han-ku Pass.
81. The present text has Hsiang 襄; Wei Chao (197-273/4) says that in Nan-yang there was a hsien by the name of Jang 穰, whereas Hsiang Hsien is far from Nan-yang, where Kao-tsu met the Marquis of this place; hence the name should be written Jang.
82. For this incident cf. 31: 16; Mh II, 271-2.
83. For this event, cf. Mh II, 216 f.
84. In the SC, Chang Liang is made to give this advice before Kao-tsu captures the Wu Pass, not the Yao Pass, cf. Mh II, 351.
85. Kao-tsu later claimed to have begun his reign when he entered Kuan-chung and overthrew the Ch'in dynasty, although at that time he was merely the Lord of P'ei and was not actually enthroned as Emperor until the fifth year afterwards. The HS is following this later numbering of the years.
86. For the real date of this conjunction, cf. Appendix I.
87. The Chan-kuo-ts'e (iii cent. B.C.) ch. V, sub Ch'u, King Ching-hsiang, says, "Marquis Ling of Ts'ai [542-529 B.C.] ... did not pay attention to his state, not knowing that his son, Fa, was just then receiving orders from the spiritual kings [i.e., the ancestors] that he [the Marquis] must tie himself up with vermillion silk and present himself [to the ancestors]." Shen Ch'in-han remarks, "After this event, a captive was always presented in this manner." The biography of Liu Shou-kuang in the History of the Five Dynasties says, "The King of Chin came to T'ai-yuan dragging Liu Jen-kung by his seal-cord, and offered him in the ancestral temple." The cord around King Tzu-ying's neck was thus a sign of surrender. Today on the Chinese stage a prisoner is indicated by a cord around his neck.
88. Wei Chao (197-273/4) writes, "The `insignia' 符 are for generals to lead out troops. The `credentials' 節 are for internuncios to hold." The Shuo-wen (100) says that the former character means "a witness 信". Szu-ma Cheng (fl. 713-742) says, "According to the Han [dynastic] regulations, [the insignia] were made of bamboo, six inches long. They were divided and matched together."The Han-Chiu Yi, ch. I, p. 1b (written by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57; the same passage is found in the Han-kuan Yi, II, 13a, b), says: "The Emperor's six seals are all of white jade with a knob [made in the shape of] a hornless dragon or tiger. Their inscriptions read: `The Seal of the Emperor's Command,' The Emperor's [Own] Seal,' `The Emperor's Witnessing Seal,' `The Seal of the Son of Heaven's Command,' `The Son of Heaven's [Own] Seal,' `The Son of Heaven's Witnessing Seal,' six seals in all 皇帝行璽皇帝之 璽皇帝信璽天子行璽天子之璽天子信璽凡六璽. The `Seal of the Emperor's Command was used for all miscellaneous matters. `The Emperor's [Own] Seal' was used for correspondence with the vassal kings. The `Emperor's Witnessing Seal' was used in mobilizing troops. In summoning the great officials, there was used the `Seal of the Emperor's Command.' In tablets for installing [officials or kings] and for matters [concerning] foreign states, the `Son of Heaven's [Own] Seal' was used. In serving Heaven, Earth, and the spirits, the `Son of Heaven's Witnessing Seal' was used. All [documents] are sealed with Wu-tu brown mortar and a blue cloth bag with plain white lining [covers them]. The two ends are without a crack [and are] a tablet one foot [long, (a phrase denoting an imperial edict, according to Li Hsien, 651-684, in HHS, Mem. 47: 10b)]. In the middle it was tied and inscribed. The Emperor's girdle and seal cord have a yellow ground [and are adorned in] six colors." This passage seems to refer to the same sort of ancient stationery as that described by Stein in Serindia, vol. IV, pl. XXI.
89. The SC So-yin (by Szu-ma Cheng, fl. 713-742) quotes the Ch'u-Han Ch'un-ch'iu (197 B.C.) as saying, "Fan K'uai begged for permission to kill him."
90. HS 40: 4a says that Fan K'uai admonished him but he would not listen; then Chang Liang added his arguments and he acceded.
91. The Hsi-ching Tsa-chi (vi cent.) ch. 3, says, "When Kao-tsu first entered the palace at Hsien-yang, he went all around the storehouses and treasuries, and the gold, jade, rarities, and treasures could not be enumerated. It is said that [among] its extraordinary and strange rarities there was a blue jade five-branched lamp, seven feet and five inches [ca. 6 ft. Eng. measure] high, made [in the shape of] coiled hornless dragons holding lamps in their mouths. When the lamps are lighted, the scales all move [(turned by the heat?). Its light] is bright and luminous like the assembled stars and fills the room. "Also there were twelve seated men cast in bronze, all of them three feet [27 in. Eng. meas.] high, arranged on a mat. Each one held a lute or a reed organ. All had sewed on them variegated colored silk [clothes] exactly like live men. Below the mat there were two bronze tubes. The upper end was several feet high and protruded behind the mat. One of these pipes was empty; in one of the pipes there was a rope as large as a finger. One man was made to blow the empty pipe and one man to make a knot with the rope. Then the group all made music just like real musicians."There was a lute six feet [54 in. Eng. meas.] long with 13 strings and 26 marks for the cords, each adorned with seven jewels. It was engraved with the words, `The music of [the precious stone] Fan and Yü.' [Cf. Tso-chuan, Dk. Ting, yr. V, Legge, p. 760.]"[There was] a jade flute with two tubes two feet and three inches long, with six holes. When it is blown, one sees numerous carriages, with horses, mountains, and forests in succession. It was engraved with the words, `The flute of bright flowers.' ..."There was a square mirror four feet [3 ft. Eng. meas.] wide and five feet nine inches tall, with the recto and verso sides both shining. When a man [standing] upright comes and reflects himself in it, then his image appears upside down. When he comes with his hand covering his heart, then he sees his bowels, his stomach, and his five viscera one by one without hindrance. If a person has a sickness within himself, and he covers his heart and reflects himself in it, then he can tell where his sickness is. Moreover, if a woman has evil intentions, then her gall is enlarged and her heart moves. The First Emperor of Ch'in used to use it to reflect the women of his harem. If [anyone's] gall was enlarged or her heart moved, he killed her. Kao-tsu sealed and closed them all up in order to await Hsiang Yü. [Hsiang] Yü took them all [away] to the east; it is unknown where they were after that."
92. This very important sentence is not in the SC ch. 8, but is in SC 53: 2a. These maps seem to have been preserved in Later Han times; they are mentioned in 28Aiii: 7a, sub Ch'ang-kuang.
93. Lit. "talk in pairs," i.e., plot against the government. Ying Shao says, "The laws of Ch'in forbade any gatherings of the people."
94. 棄市 was a regular punishment---it was "public execution"; quartering of the body after execution was called 磔, and was considered a still more severe punishment. Cf., ch. 5, n. 6.4 and Han-lü K'ao, ch. II, 17b.
95. The Southern ed. (possibly x-xii cent.) and the SC add 兵 at this point.
96. The Yi-wen Lei-chi (by Ou-Yi-wen Lei-chiyang Hsün, 557-641) quotes the Ch'u-Han Ch'un-ch'iu (197 B.C.) as follows: "The Lord of P'ei went west thru the Wu Pass and stopped at Pa. Master Chieh 解 advised him to send a general to defend the Han-ku Pass and not admit King Hsiang. His General-in-chief, the Second Father [Fan Tseng], came to the Barrier, [but] was not permitted to enter. He was enraged, and said, `Does the Lord of P'ei intend to rebel?' Then he ordered [each] person to bring a bundle of firewood, wishing to burn the gates of the Barrier. Then the gates of the Barrier were opened."
97. The Sung Ch'i ed. (xi or xii cent.) reports that the Southern ed. omits the 下.
98. 山東. There was no commandery by this name; here and later (1A: 29a) it is used as a common noun, not a proper name.
99. This word 氣 refers to the emanation supposed to rise from a person who will become distinguished, presaging his future. The "dragon" is the emblem of the emperor; "five colors," instead of only one, presages an especially brilliant future, because they are identified with the five points of the compass.
100. Referring to his action regarding the palace. Cf. 1A: 20a.
101. The Ching-yu ed. (1034), the Ch'ien-tao ed. (1171), the Wang ed. (1546) all read 生; we have emended it to 至 with the Southern Academy ed. (1530), the Fukien ed. (1549), the SC ch. 7 and 8, the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien (1084), and the Ch'ienHan-chi (ii cent.)
102. The SC (Mh, II, 279) states that he resolved to share the fate of Kao-tsu and forced his way in, striking down the guards in doing so.
103. The Lord of T'eng was with Kao-tsu in two other narrow escapes: after the battle of P'eng-ch'eng and in his escape from Ch'eng-kao.
104. The SC names Chi Hsin 紀信 instead. The SC So-yin (by Szu-ma Cheng) says that the HS reads Chi T'ung (the son of the Chi Ch'eng).
105. A pi 璧 was a circular piece of flat jade with a hole in the center, considered at the time as a very precious gift. They were made in pairs. Cf. B. Laufer, Jade, pp. 86f, 157f. The K'ang-hsi Dictionary says that the pi was circular outside (to represent heaven) and square inside (to represent earth), but Laufer mentions only those with circular holes.
106. Cf. Mh 356, n. 1.
107. Cf. Appendix II to this chapter.
108. In issuing orders he did not even pretend to legitimize them by using the Emperor's name; he issued orders in his own name.
109. The SC reads "in the first month"; the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien adopts the reading of the HS. The Official ed. (1739) omits this date and notes that in the Academy ed. (1124) the words "second month" are interpolated; following the Sung Ch'i edition (ca. xii cent.) they are excised.
110. Pa 霸 was the title taken by or given to the outstanding feudal chiefs in the time of the later Chou dynasty. The Pa or Lord Protector was the dictator over or the leader of the nobles, often really taking the authority of the Chou dynasty's kings. Hsiang Yü thus chose for himself a title signifying that he was the leader or dictator of the kings.
111. The ancient feudal state of Ch'u was, in the latter part of the Chou dynasty, roughly the region of the Yangtze valley below the gorges and the eastern seaboard as far north as Shantung. In the SC, chap. 129, we find a description of the various regions of China in terms of the popular divisions of the feudal states. "North of the Huai [river], the P'ei, the Ch'en, the Ju-nan, and the Nan Commanderies---these are Western Ch'u . . . East of P'eng-ch'eng, the Tung-hai, Wu, and Kuang-ling---these are Eastern Ch'u . . . Heng-shan, Chiu-chiang, Chiang-nan, Yü-chang, and Ch'ang-sha--- these are Southern Ch'u." (SC 129: 10a, b.) Meng K'ang (pro. ca. 180-260) says that Southern Ch'u centered around Chiang-ling 江陵 (where was the capital of ancient Ch'u); Eastern Ch'u centered around Wu 吳 (a former feudal state with its capital at the modern Soochow, Kiangsu); and Western Ch'u centered around P'eng-ch'eng in northern Kiangsu. Hsiang Yü wanted to make P'eng-ch'eng his capital, hence he called himself the King of Western Ch'u.The nine commanderies taken by Hsiang Yü have been identified by Wang Hsien-ch'ien as being nine of the thirty-six commanderies into which the Ch'in dynasty had divided the country. Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) previously reached the same conclusions. They are as follows: (1) the Ch'u Commandery (the Ch'in dynasty, after its conquest of Ch'u, separated off from this very large state five commanderies, viz., Chiu-chiang, Ch'ang-sha, Tung-hai, the Szu River Commandery, and Hsieh, retaining the rest as the commandery of Ch'u. Cf. Mh IV, 416). Hsiang Yü's capital, P'eng-ch'eng, was in this commandery, according to HS ch. 28; it also included the Han kingdom of Huai-yang. (2) The Szu-shui 泗水 Commandery (it was later called the P'ei Commandery), (3) the Hsieh 薛 Commandery, in Shantung; in 187 B.C. it was called the kingdom of Lu 魯, (4) the Tung-hai 東海 Commandery, which was also called the T'an 郯 Commandery; the Lin-huai 臨海Commandery of Han times, was included in this and the Szu-shui Commanderies; the kingdom of Kuang-ling 廣陵was also included in this commandery, (5) the Ch'ien-chung 黔中 Commandery; this region was organized by Ch'in out of the Wu 巫, and the Chiang-nan 江南 Commanderies of Ch'u; cf. Mh II, 87 for this event, also Mh, 133, n. 1, 34°; but Ch'ang-sha was evidently not included in it at the time, since Hsiang Yü had made the Emperor Yi its suzerain with his capital at Ch'en1 (cf. 1A: 30a). After his assassination, Ch'ang-sha probably reverted to Hsiang Yü, altho nothing is said about it in the histories; perhaps that was the motive for the assassination, (6) the K'uai-chi 會稽 Commandery; the Tan-yang 丹陽 Commandery belonged to it; the commanderies of Chang 鄣 and Wu 吳 were divided from it in Ch'u and Han times; (7) the Nan-yang 南陽 Commandery; this was the region where the ancient states of Han(h), Liang, and Ch'u met; it included the cities, Yuan, Shê, Sui and Teng 鄧, (8) the Tang 碭 Commandery, which later became the kingdom of Liang 梁 in modern Honan; it included also the later Chi-yin 濟陰, Ch'eng-liu and Shan-yang commanderies, and (9) the Tung 東 Commandery; this commandery had been organized by Ch'in out of twenty cities of the state of Wei(h) in modern Kiangsu, cf. Mh IV, 212.
112. Kao-tsu was thus practically banished to southwestern Shensi and Szechuan, outside of central China.
113. Chavannes, following Yen Shih-ku, translates this sentence as "they left the colors." Cf. Mh II, 358, and n. 1. Here he is very probably wrong. Ku Yen-wu (1613-1682) the founder of modern Chinese philology, says that this interpretation "does not make sense" of the phrase. It is true that Hsi is sometimes used with the meaning, "flag," but Suz-ma Cheng in a note to SC 7: 19b says that it was the name of a river, and that Hsi-hsia 戲下 was quite the same sort of expression as Hsü-hsia 許下 and Lo-hsia 洛下. Cf. p. 310, n. 3.3. As to Yen Shih-ku's remark (which Chavannes quotes) that Hsiang Yü had already left Hsi(4), it is true that Hsiang Yü had come west of the Hsi River to Hung-men, where he met Kao-tsu, and then to Hsien-yang, where he burnt the palaces, but the nobles probably returned to the place where they had first encamped in order to take formal leave of each other. Formal announcement was made that their warfare was completed and each went to his kingdom. Our translation of this phrase is not however certain; Takigawa Kame-ta-ro, in his recent edition of the SC, agrees with Yen Shih-ku. Chang Mou-ch'ung (prob. xx cent.) quotes the Shuo-wen, "A hsi is a section of the army."
114. Contrast Kao-tsu's former army of a hundred thousand. He evidently had to swallow much.
115. They were called "Cloud-bridges 連雲棧." Cf. Mh II, 358, n. 3.
116. The Shuo-wen 3A: 8a says an Ou 謳 is a
song of Ch'i, and Yen Shih-ku explains, "It means that they sing together
(ch'i). Or it is said that it is a song of the region of Ch'i." The
SC does not have the word ou. In the Sung dynastic
history (section on music) there is a famous Han song (with the direction: to
be sung with cymbals), which interestingly illustrates this passage:
117. Cf. HS 100A: 2b and n. 2.9, which fixes the meaning of this word.
118. Ju Shun says that the Ch'in rulers had banished criminals to Szechuan and Han(s). SC 93: 1b and HS 33: 6b puts this speech into the mouth of Han(w) Hsin, an entirely different person.
119. After 軍 the Southern Academy ed. (1528), the Fukien ed. (1549), and the Official ed. (1739) have 糧.
120. The SC (Mh II, 360) says the "eighth" month, but that date does not correspond with Han Hsin's advice to Kao-tsu to take advantage of his soldiers' homesickness.
121. The SC mentions definitely the two commanderies of Lung-hsi and Pei-ti as being overrun (cf. Mh II, 361; in the SC text, instead of the "Shang" commandery we should probably read "two" , a common copyist's error).
122. At this point SC ch. 8 says that T'ien Tu was killed (cf. Mh II, 360); but the HS 31: 3b and 31: 18b both say that he submitted to Ch'u; in chap. 16 his submission is likewise implied---here the HS has corrected the SC.
123. I.e., Ch'i, Chi-pei, and Chiao-tung.
124. In the SC 16: 16b and in the HS 13: 5a this event is said to have happened in the eighth month (cf. Mh III, 75, n. b and c), and in the next month commanderies were made out of these kingdoms; but in SC chap. 8 the event is dated in the next year (Mh II, 362).
125. Su Lin (fl. 196-227) says that he was travelling about to pacify his people. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) says he was "overrunning" the territory and Yen Shih-ku approves this explanation.
126. At that time, Wang Ling had several thousand men at Nan-yang and surrendered to Kao-tsu. Cf. 40:17b.
127. Kuan-wai 關外, the region east and outside of the Han-ku Pass, i.e., in the present Honan.
128. Cf. Mh II, 535, no. 10. SC 16: 17b says that this event happened in the eleventh (the next) month.
129. Ch'i Shao-nan (1703-1768) says that this was the portion of the former barrier at the northern border of the Ho-shang 河上 Commandery (the same as the later Tso-p'ing-yi 左馮翊 cf. Glossary), between the territory of the Huns and that of the Chinese. Previously this region had belonged to the King of Sai; when his territory was taken, the barrier was repaired. Cf. 94A: 5b. Upon the appearance of disorder in China, the Huns had probably invaded, hence this barrier was needed.
130. Yen Shih-ku says, "[A place where] fowl or animals are reared is called a pasture 苑. When a pasture has a wall it is called an enclosure 囿. [Places] where [things] are planted are called gardens 園. 田 means to cultivate."
131. A general amnesty, together with temporary exemptions from taxes, was usually ordered at the accession of a new emperor---it is now done with that connotation. The change in the gods of the land and grains was only made at the beginning of a new dynasty (not always then). Cf. Mh II, 363 for this custom.
132. Shen Ch'in-han remarks that "[people of] cultivated personalities" later became a technical term denoting certain persons who had been recommended to the central government (as possessing this quality), just as did the terms, "filially pious and incorrupt" and "accomplished talent."
133. The six lines above are each of four characters and rime in couplets.
134. Mourning clothes.
135. Liu Pin (1022-1088) says that the 之 is a gloss.
136. I. e., no one in the world.
137. The "three kings" have been variously identified: Yen Shih-ku says they are the great rulers of the three dynasties, Hsia, Yin, and Chou; the phrase plainly means that this practise was followed by the model rulers of ancient times. This speech and Kao-tsu's action indicates that Kao-tsu was reversing the First Emperor's anti-Confucian policy; hence it is very significant.
138. The emperor, on his throne, faces south; hence his subjects face north.
139. The SC says instead, "The nobles all wore plain garments," which makes Chavannes end the proclamation here.
140. No campaign along these rivers is recorded in the SC or HS. Probably this phrase merely records his hopes---these rivers led into the state of Ch'u. The Comment to the Shui-ching (by Li Tao-Yüan, d. 527) 17:22a however tells of the establishment of the Ch'ang-sha and Ch'ien-chung Commanderies in this year, implying a campaign along these rivers.
141. The commentators have discussed variously who these five were. Chavannes's list, which is that of Yen Shih-ku (Mh II, 297, n. 3) is probably wrong. Chang Erh had fled from his kingdom; nowhere is he said to have had troops. Shen Yang had surrendered and his domain had been made into a commandery; hence he could not have been considered a noble. Cheng Ch'ang had also surrendered, and his kingdom had been given to Han Hsin, hence he was not among these nobles. Thus there are left only two of Chavannes's list.The best discussion is probably that of Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755). He writes that Han(s) had by this time already completely subjugated the three states of Kuan-chung, viz., Yung, Ti, and Sai, and had made commanderies out of them, so that none of their former kings could be counted among the nobles, even tho in the succeeding passage these kings are still given their former titles. Cf. p. 81, n. 5. HS 13: 5a also states that these commanderies were established in the eighth month of Kao-tsu's first year. HS 16: 26a implies the same. The biography of King Pao of Wei(h) (SC 90: 2a, HS 33: 1b) testifies that he was one of these five. HS 13: 7b testifies that another was Han(w) Hsin, the King of Han(h). HS 32: 7a and SC 92: 10b inform us that Ch'en Yü, the minister of the state of Chao, was a third (he had sent troops). The two others were the state of Ch'i (whose troops are said in SC 92: 4b to have joined in the attack) and Yin. On 1A: 31a it is said that Yin had also been made into a commandery, but that is an anticipation of what happened a month later. HS 16: 23b says, "Yen Tse-ch'ih ... was sent as the chancellor of Yin to attack Hsiang Chi," hence the state of Yin, with Szu-ma Ang as King, was not ended until his death in battle this month (cf. 1A: 33b). Or, instead of Ch'i, it might less probably have been the state of Heng-shan. Wu Jui, the King of Heng-shan, had been demoted from Po to Heng-shan, which was a worse position, hence he bore a grudge against Hsiang Yü.Tung Chiao-tseng (1750-1822) however suggests that "five nobles" is here merely a way of referring to "all China," just as the similar phrase in HS 31: 29a.
142. The Academy ed. (1124) reads "was severely defeated" 大敗 instead of "fought a great battle" 大戰. The Official ed. follows the Sung Ch'i ed. (ca. xii cent.) in correcting to read the latter.
143. HS 31: 11a-12a makes plain what happened: "[Hsiang] Yü came by way of Hsiao and at dawn attacked the army of Han(s) and drove it eastwards to P'eng-ch'eng. By noon he had severely crushed the army of Han(s). The army of Han(s) all fled and were forced to the Ku and Szu Rivers; [then] the army of Han(s) all fled south to the mountains. [The army of] Ch'u still pursued and attacked it to the east of Ling-pi on the bank of the Sui River."
144. Because it was blocked with corpses as the troops tried to cross it. They were fleeing northwestward.
145. Chu Tzu-wen (before 1198) suggested that the repetition of "his family" 室家 and of "the King of Han(s)" 漢王 is due to dittography.
146. His two children by the Empress née Lü, here called by their later titles. He had also had other children by concubines.
147. The SC says that the children fell out three times and the Lord of T'eng, Hsia-hou Ying, picked them up, until at last he remonstrated with Kao-tsu. Cf. Mh II, 300. The HS version, that they fell out only once, seems far more probable, for they were being pursued. For a further detail of that escape, cf. Glossary, sub Ting Ku.
148. Wang Nien-sun says that the word 往, which is in the present text, is an interpolation; the Ching-yu ed. (1035) and the SC ch. 8 are without it. It has been omitted in the translation.
149. Meng K'ang (ca. 180-260) tells that in ancient times (before the Han period) a youth was enrolled in his 20th year and tilled for three years, when he would have stores for one year and was hence conscripted into the army in his 23rd year. Ju Shu says that by law a youth was enrolled in his 23rd year as a person following his hereditary occupation 疇官 and each one followed his father in learning his hereditary occupation. If he was less than six feet two inches tall, [4 ft. 8 in. Eng. meas.], he was excused on account of his defect. The Han-chiu-yi (written by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57), pt. II, 5b, says that people in their 23rd year serve first as regular soldiers 正卒, after a year they serve as guards 衛士, and after another year as skilled soldiers 材官 or cavalrymen. They were trained in archery, driving, riding, galloping, fighting, and tactics. In his 56th year a soldier was superannuated on account of age, excused from service, relegated to the ranks of the ordinary people, and went back to his farm and village. Hsiao Ho, in sending the "old" and "unregistered," was sending those over 56 and under 23 to Kao-tsu. Cf. also 5: 3b.
150. The SC ch. 8 (Mh II, 367) puts this battle in the sixth month, after the naming of the heir apparent; the HS however is in this section following SC ch. 7 (Mh II, 301f), in which no monthly datings are given; this order is preferable.
151. SC 6: 14a (Mh II, 139 and n. 4) tells that the First Emperor built a similar walled road 甬道 from Hsien-yang (his capital) to the Kan-ch'üan Palace, and Ying Shao comments, "It says that on the outside of a road for galloping he built walls [so that when] the Son of Heaven rode in between them, people outside would not see him." Kao-tsu thus guarded the road to the granary by building walls on each side of it. Ying Shao comments on the present passage, "He feared that the enemy would seize his baggage-train, so he built walls like a street or narrow lane."
152. His mother, according to Yen Shih-ku. Cf. 33: 1b.
153. Where Chang Han, the King of Yung, was being besieged. Cf. 1A: 29a.
154. The SC records the establishment of these commanderies at the beginning of Kao-tsu's second year; he had captured the territory before the end of the siege of Fei-ch'iu. The HS mentions them all together at this place for convenience's sake.
155. For eclipses, cf. App. IV.
156. They are enumerated in ch. 40: 6a-7a.
157. Wang Nien-sun says that the word 王 has dropped out of this sentence; without it, the meaning is not clear. Li Shan (649-689), in the Wen-hsüan 14: 18b, quotes this sentence without this word. But in the Wen-hsüan 47: 11b, he quotes it with this word, so that in the other quotation this word must have later been deleted. Where this passage is quoted in the Han-chi 3: 14a and in the Tzu-chih T'ung-chien 10: 7b, the word is used.
158. In the SC it is said that they were armed.
159. According to Li Fei (prob. iii cent.) and Ts'ai Yung (133192), the emperor's chariot had a yellow silk lining to its roof, and the "plumes" 纛 were a bunch of feathers or of yak tail hair attached to the left end of the yoke at the end of the chariot tongue or attached to the left outer horse of the quadriga. Ying Shao says that the "plumes" were made of pheasant feathers and put onto the bit of the left outside horse, but Yen Shih-ku says he is wrong. This passage, together with the foregoing comments, is the locus classicus for the description of the ancient imperial chariot.
160. This route would carry him to the south of Kuan-chung; he had been east of it.
161. This comet was supposed to be an inauspicious sign. It is listed as no. 15 in John Williams, Observations of Comets, London, 1871.
162. The text here is 長史; the second word should probably be 吏 to conform to usage elsewhere in the HS.
163. Reading 澗 for 間 at the suggestion of Ho Ch'uo (16611722) and Chou Shou-ch'ang. The T'ai-p'ing Yü-lan, ch. 69, quoting this line from HS ch. 31, writes the former character. Cf. Glossary sub "Kuang-wu".
164. Wen Ying (fl. ca. 196-220) says that 卿子 was at that time an honorable appellation, analogous to 公-tzu. Yen Shih-ku (581-645) approves. Kao-tsu is here referring to the murder of Sung Yi, who was the first ranking general in King Hsiang's army. Cf. 13a, 14b.
165. As a severe punishment to the First Emperor.
166. Those sealed up by Kao-tsu in the palaces and courts as well as those in the tomb. Cf. 1A: 20b.
167. For this incident cf. Mh II, 272-3. Hsiang Yü had treacherously murdered a Ch'in army which had surrendered, numbering more than 200,000 men, saving only its three generals, Chang Han, Szu-ma Hsin, and Tung Yi, alive, who were made Kings of Yung, Sai, and Ti, respectively.
168. Such as Tsang Tu, the general of Yen, T'ien Tu, the general of Ch'i, Chang Erh, the minister of Chao, and others who were made kings of their states, displacing the former kings. Cf. 1A: 27a and b.
169. Cf. HS 1A: 29b. Chavannes forgot the incident noted in that passage (which is in the SC, cf. Mh II, 293), so wrongly suggests emending Han(h) to Weiw. Cf. Mh II, 376, n. 1. Chang Liang, Kao-tsu's follower, had been a minister of King Ch'eng of Han(h), hence Hsiang Yü's mistreatment and murder of King Ch'eng would touch Kao-tsu closely.
170. Wang Hsien-ch'ien notes that 其 is here a superfluous interpolation and dittography; SC 8: 25a has this sentence without this character.
171. The name of the most serious crime in the Chinese code.
172. Cf. Mh II, 376, n. 2.
173. He had the presence of mind to dissimulate the seriousness of his wound in order to avoid frightening his troops.
174. He had committed suicide at the Szu River; his head was exposed at Yüeh-yang because it was his former capital and he had traitorously gone over to Hsiang Yü after surrendering to Kao-tsu.
175. The name of T'ien Heng is also in the SC; after being driven out by Han(s) he would hardly be helping Han(s) by harassing Ch'u, yet on the page before he is said to have fled to P'eng Yüeh, who was only an ally, not a subject of Han(s). Ch'üan Tsu-wang (1705-1755) and Wang Hsien-ch'ien hence think that "T'ien Heng" is an interpolation. It may however be genuine.
176. Ju Shun writes that the comment in the Han-Chiu-yi (written supposedly by Wei Hung, fl. 25-57) says, "People from their fifteenth to their fifty-sixth year were required to pay the capitation tax. Each person [paid] 120 cash as one poll-tax, for the care of the arsenal, the soldiers, the chariots, and the horses." Cf. Mh III, 541 n. 6. But cf. Glossary, sub Poll-tax.
177. Lit. "owl cavalry."
178. For details of the situation, cf. SC chap. 95 or HS chap. 41; the Glossary, sub Han Hsin.
179. Kao-tsu's father, whom Hsiang Yü was holding as a hostage, together with his wife. The HS says nothing about his mother, although the SC mentions her (but this mention is probably a mistake. Cf. p. 124 n. 1; Mh II, 313).
180. The Chinese thought of their country as comprising the (known) world and the Emperor regularly spoke of his territory as "the world" 天下.
181. Lit. "The general who brings peace to the country." The Official ed. (1739), the SC 7: 28b and the Han-chi (ii cent.) write "baronet" 君; Wang Hsien-ch'ien and the old texts write instead "general" 將. For Kao-tsu's tribute to his excellency Hou, which is taken from the Chu-Han Ch'un-ch'iu (197 B.C.), cf. Mh II, 313.
182. Kao-tsu's action in attacking Hsiang Yü just after he had made a treaty of peace with him does, of course, involve a breach of that treaty. But in ancient China, as in modern Europe, treaties were little respected unless keeping them was plainly to the advantage of both parties. Hsiang Yü had showed himself as little scrupulous in keeping his word as any of the leaders in his time. Cf. p. 64. In his refusal to abide by the covenant requiring him to award Kuan-chung to Kao-tsu (cf. p. 66), and in his slaughter of a surrendered army (cf. p. 90, n. 3), he had shown himself quite unscrupulous, so that he had no real claim upon Kao-tsu that might require him to keep his agreement. Kao-tsu was merely requiting Hsiang Yü with the sort of treatment he had received from him.
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